THE NATION'S GREAT EXPANDERS.
 
 PICTORIAL HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 America s New Possessions 
 
 THE ISTHMIAN CANALS AND THE 
 PROBLEM OF EXPANSION 
 
 COMPRISING SIX BOOKS IN ONE VOLUME 
 
 Being a History and Description of Each of Porto Rico, Cuba, Hawaii, 
 
 The Philippines, Isthmian Canals, and a Discussion of 
 
 THE Problem of Expansion. 
 
 Giving the Story of the Policy of the Farmer Fathers, JVho, zcith the Rifle, and the /4xe, and the Plow, 
 Moved IVest the Center of Population, and Made Necessary 
 
 MORE LAND FOR THE PEOPLE 
 
 with Chapters on the Policy of American Expansion, Contributed by 
 
 Ppeside?;t William McKinley Senator Cushman K. Davis Representative J. P. Dolliver 
 
 Ex-PRES. Grover Cleveland Senator William E.Mason Representative Henry R. Gibson 
 
 Ex-Pres. Benjamin Harrison Senator Henry C. Lodge Representative James R. Mann 
 
 Col. William J. Bryan Senator George F. Hoar Andrew Carnegie 
 
 Carl Schurz Henry Waterson 
 
 BY 
 
 MURAT HALSTEAD 
 
 ■luthor of " The Story of the Philippines,'' " Full Official History of the War With Spain," etc. etc. 
 
 EACH OF THE SIX BOOKS IN THE VOLUME SPLENDIDLY ILLUSTRATED 
 WITH .MANY BEAUTIFUL HALF-TONE ENGRAVINGS. 
 
 FOUR OFFICIALLY ACCURATE MAPS IN COLORS 
 
 SOLD BY SUBSCRIPTION ONLY 
 
 1899: 
 
 W. S. REEVE PUBLISHING CO. 
 
 CHICAGO. 
 
 J 3 J, J 
 
 , 3 J J ' ' ' a » > 
 
 « » a ^ ^^
 
 Copyrighted, 1899, by 
 
 H. L. BARBER, 
 
 Chicago,ill., u. S. A. 
 
 The 
 
 engravings in this volume were 
 made from original photographs, and are 
 
 no- 
 y person or 
 
 specally protected by copyright; and 
 tice IS hereby given, that any nerso; 
 persons guilty of reproducing. 
 ing upon the copyright in an 
 
 be dealt with according to law
 
 H 1 ^ j^ 
 
 Co tijc farmer ^at^ers of t^e 
 
 J^epublic of tlje Hniteb States, 
 
 CI?e Cxpanbcrs of our Dominions 
 
 tr)tt{? Kigljt an6 ZHigl^t, 
 
 Compelling Cipilization tuitf^ 
 
 CI?e Clxe, tlje Kific anb tlje piou>, 
 
 IHoping IPest tlje Center of population 
 
 ©f tlje (glorious Xtation 
 
 3n ttje Course tlje poet^PropIjets 
 
 2Ttarkeb on tlje Soil anb in tlje Sky 
 
 ^or tl)e Stars of (Empire, 
 
 ^ (piping Oceans for Bounbaries 
 
 (Df tlje €anb Propibeb for 
 
 Ct?eir Cljilbren, 
 
 IDitfj tlje Policy of Hen? Possessions 
 
 Beyonb tl^e Seas, 
 
 3nclubing tf)e Creasure 3slanbs 
 
 Of all tf?e ^ones of t^e 
 
 Hortfjern ^emispfjere 
 
 ^or ail tlje People of ail tlje Staks 
 
 accorbing to tf;e Cogic of 
 
 ^istory anb tt?e Duty of Destiny. 

 
 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 This Pictorial History of Our New Possessions is a growth of current history. 
 We were rushed into the war with Spain by the irrational obstinacy of the Spaniards, 
 who were embarrassed by a Dynasty and a Tradition. The Dynasty was repre- 
 sented by an Austrian woman, the Queen Eegent, a good mother with a strong 
 sense of personal dignity and public duty, and her baby boy, the son of the Spanish 
 King who lost the girl wife of his youth and married a Grand Duchess of Austria 
 for reasons of state. This youth, the child king, with the good woman his mother, 
 appealed to Spanish chivalry and the pride of the race, the widowed mother and 
 infant king being in their weakness stronger as the representatives of royalty than 
 any strong man could have been. Spain has been unhappy in her revolutionary 
 elements, and the constant threat of the pretender Don Carlos, and his adherents 
 who hold him to be the legitimate and only constitutional monarch of the penin- 
 sula. The Spanish dynasty in evidence has, therefore, been menaced on one 
 side by a desperate body of murderous anarchists in the cities on the Mediter- 
 ranean and the Atlantic, with just grievances enough to sustain a cause of rebel- 
 lion, but whose remedies for wrongs have been the greater wrong of the dissolu- 
 tion of the kingdom and the assassination of the organizers of order; and on the 
 other side the agricultural districts of the Biseayan provinces and on the borders 
 of the Pyrenees, the sturdy peasants whose ancient loyalty to the royal house 
 commands them to be Carlists have been as a dark cloud. Thus there has been 
 peril to the dynasty in the seaboard cities and the mountain gorges. The general 
 sense of the heads of the Spanish Government, and the common instinct of the 
 masses of the population, could not deal unencumbered with the devouring ques- 
 tions evolved for the Peninsula by the insurrections in Cuba; and the impending 
 close of the Spanish career in that island could not be permitted to appear in the 
 light and be reckoned with on its merits, for the Carlists and other disorderlies 
 were ready to take advantage of every misfortune — the inflammation of any pique 
 of the people or prejudice vehement as shifty to overthrow the dynasty. The 
 Tradition, holding on with all the force of an inveterate superstition, of Spain, 
 was the vanity of dominion, and the political inability of the country to under- 
 stand that the logic of the story of the independence of Mexico, Central and 
 
 9
 
 10 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 Southern America, applied with irresistible force to the islands Lclonging to Spain 
 in the East and the West Indies; and that the attraction of gravitation of the United 
 States would soon determine the destiny of Porto Rico and Cuba at least. The 
 stern old Spanish style had its latest embodiment in Cuba in Captain-General 
 Weyler; and the plausible proclamations of benevolent policy of General Blanco 
 were too late. In the midst of an extensive assortment of explosions came the 
 blowing up of the Maine, and war flamed forth suddenly, though the cause had 
 existed, flagrant, for two generations; and the consequence could have been fore- 
 seen with glasses taking into account the elemental disturbances of the forward 
 march of mankind, for many years, as certainly as the oscillating mercury visible 
 in glass tubes, tells of the coming cyclone. Blanco's Cuban experiences, instead of 
 being that of pacificator and conquerer was confined to the evacuation of boasted 
 fortifications, and his only success were his embarkation for Spain without being 
 personally involved in the official ceremonies of inevitable surrender. "We, the 
 people of the United States," won by force of arms and the magnetism of our 
 national prestige, the Spanish possessions in the West Atlantic and the West 
 Pacific Oceans, on the American and Asiatic borders, and the momentum of the 
 transfer carried with it the complications of the obstinately lingering obstacles to 
 the final official occupation and possession of the Hawaiian Islands, pleasantly and 
 properly termed in a popular way "The Paradise of the Pacific." The current 
 of our conquests was overwhelming, and the nations of the earth, the great powers 
 of Europe especially included, gave the great Republic all the recognition possible 
 by monarchial form and imperial deference, to a position grand as that of England, 
 Germany or Russia. We took our jjlace among the highest and foremost. Neither 
 during the war in the waters and on the shores of the two Indies, one of which 
 Columbus discovered while dreaming of the other, nor while peace making was 
 going on in Paris between the American and Spanish commissioners, could Spain 
 find help to aid her in the successive stages of her downfall. It was a war between 
 one o'f the quick nations and one of the dead. Our vital forces controlled the 
 essential situations, and the consummation was the cession of Porto Rico, the 
 relinquishment of sovereignty over Cuba, and the consent that we had conquered 
 and should dispose of the Philippines. 
 
 This Volume of Six Books In One gives the story ancient and recent of the 
 rich, beautiful and wholesome Island of Porto Rico, a possession amply worth 
 all the war has cost us, leaving the rest clear gain. We find in this island, where 
 the people were assured of the directness and permanence of the establishment of 
 the sovereignty of the United States, contentment and peace, the good will of -
 
 AUTHOE'S PEEFACE. 11 
 
 the people in many ways manifested. It would have heen a large advantage if 
 our titles to Cuba and Luzon had been equally clear and perfected in the course 
 of possession. Then we should not have been compelled to employ the varied 
 process of preparing by predominating force, stable forms of Government for the 
 mixed and difficult populations of our conquests. "We have been at fault in a 
 tenderness about the word "conquest/' as if we had a square mile of land that 
 we obtained with the "consent of the natives," with, perhaps, the esception of 
 the tract for which that subtle statesman, William Penn, signed a treaty with the 
 Indians. Here the exception beautifully and formidably emphasizes the rule. We 
 have to overcome the demonstrations of disaffection by the factions and the tribes, 
 the soldiers of fortune and the adventurers in conspiracy, of Cuba and Luzon. 
 In both were prepared elaborate pretenses of Government constructed for specula- 
 tive purposes or experiments in local and native tyranny, by those who as insur- 
 gents were enabled to hide their public character in the swamps and thickets 
 of tropical forests until liberated by our triumphant arms. The people, so far as 
 the inhabitants are worthy to be called by the name that distinguishes our own 
 pre-eminent and sovereign power, the true people of Cuba and Luzon, are turning 
 to us for protection from the petty despots who desire to succeed to the privileges 
 and emoluments and persecuting cruelties that distinguished the domination of 
 the discomforted Spaniards. It is our business, having driven off one swarm of 
 bloodsuckers, to dispose of — using all necessary force to make the disposition 
 final — those whose greedy and shameless ferocity appears in claiming on grounds 
 not merely insufficient but outlandish, profligate and barbaric, the Spanish suc- 
 cession to be continued and executed with reckless selfishness. That the Amer- 
 icans may make way for the liberty of the inhabitants of our new possessions, they 
 must do as was done in Manila when that city was stormed, the American forces 
 driving the Spanish army into the walled city to be prisoners, with one hand, and 
 wiping the Filipino horde, that were rabid for plunder and slaughter, into the 
 jungles, with the other hand. We had a larger duty of this sort to accomplish, 
 and, unfortunately, it has cost blood. Every drop of the blood of our country- 
 men so shed seals an everlasting covenant of our dominion over the soil that it 
 sanctifies. Hawaii and Porto Eico are absolutely and forever the property of the 
 United States as much as Massachusetts, Florida, New Mexico, California, Oregon 
 and Alaska. There are peculiarities about the Philippines that approve more and 
 more as we get better acquainted with them the conservative wisdom of the Presi- 
 dent, when he declined to take upon himself the responsibility of their final fate, 
 referring the whole matter to the people, and, of course, the Congress, of the United
 
 12 AUTHOR'S PEEFACE. 
 
 States, calling for testimony at the ends of the earth to inform the American com- 
 mission in Paris, sending proclamations and orders, going to the extreme of con- 
 cession to the Filipinos for the preservation of peace, even sending a civil com- 
 mission to Manila to avert the conflict apprehended — the commissioners arriv- 
 ing to find a state of war forced by the petty imitative tyrants of the large island. 
 
 A hook in this volume contains the attractive and enlightening matter of the 
 Great Discussion that has taken place in both houses of Congress, on the platforms, 
 and in the Press, of the engrossing and momentous question of Expansion — that 
 is, the extension of the policy of the farmer fathers of the greater republic of 
 moro land for the people, to the islands of the great oceans, and from the Arctic 
 and north temperate zones far into the tropics, going far beyond American waters, 
 to hold in our hands the treasure islands of Asia — that we confront across the 
 Pacific — the choicest archipelago of the East Indies, richer in natural resources and 
 less incumbered by racial miscegenation, than the West Indies. 
 
 The Philippine problem is one of the puzzles of civilization. "We have selected 
 that which fills the space devoted to the Discussion of Expansion, with conscien- 
 tious impartiality, guided by the desire to give each side its strongest expression, 
 and that the whole should be one of the most important and attractive chapters 
 ever made up of the history of our country. The list of contributors includes the 
 President, and both the living ex-Presidents of the United States, some of the 
 most distinguished and brilliant members of the Senate and House of Repre- 
 sentatives, Andrew Carnegie, Carl Schurz, Henry Watterson and many others 
 prominent and influential in public life. There has been no such illustration and 
 exhibit as this volume comprises, in its books of the stories of the islands, over 
 which half round the world our flag is flying in beauty and victory, resplendent 
 under the southern constellations fluttering in the trade winds, the colors more 
 radiant and the stars brighter than ever before. 
 
 The books of our new possessions are as comprehensive as the expanded 
 vision that sweeps the whole of the American horizon. 
 
 If this grand Republicanism is Imperialism, make the most of it, for the word 
 signifies the expression and consolidation of national power — the potentiality of 
 the American People. We have so broadened the field of American achievement 
 and ambition, that we send our regiments and ships of war both east and west to 
 our New Possessions. We have dispatched five thousand of the regular troops 
 that our anarchists and sickly sentimentalists go a-weeping about, through the 
 Isthmus of Suez by the canal and down the Red Sea, and the transports that took 
 them return across the Pacific. Leaving one side of our continent they come back
 
 AUTHOR'S PEEFACE. 13 
 
 to the other. What a tremendous object lesson, and how full of encouragement 
 for the great and greater hereafter of the nation — the proud imperial Eepublic of 
 the people! We are as Caesar was once imagined — bestriding this world like a 
 Colossus/' and the pigmies may play around our gigantic legs, if they please to 
 behave themselves. We are interested alike in the Isthmus of Suez and the 
 Isthmus of Darien, in the tawny deserts of one and the blue peaks of the other. 
 We must in the interest of self-defense promote the completion of the essential 
 waterways of the world, the demand for which becomes obvious when one glances 
 at a globe. It is needful to America that the earth may be circumnavigated in 
 tropical waters. There is no longer a necessity for ships bound for Asia from 
 Europe to go around the Cape of Good Hope. A map of the American Hemi- 
 sphere shows where the one slim streak of earth is to be severed, so that we of 
 the nation that fronts on the Atlantic and Pacific may send our navies of peace 
 and war from one side of our continental land to the other without the circum- 
 navigation of South America. Hence the immediate interest in our book on the 
 Isthmian Canals. We do not care whether the Panama or the Nicaraguan Canal 
 is first finished. We want one or both. Either would do. 
 
 The Hon. James E. Mann, representative in Congress of a Chicago district, 
 has written a history of the Expansion of the United States, the most compre- 
 hensive, thoroughly particular as to records and specific in all that is of national 
 interest to the people at large, that has appeared. He prefaces it with these words, 
 when reverting to the history of the consecutive and triumphal extension of our 
 boundaries: 
 
 "We have claimed the independence of our country for less than a century 
 and a quarter. When Thomas Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence 
 the extent of the territory claiming freedom under it was but little more than 
 400,000 square miles in area. Now our national sovereignty extends over nearly 
 4,000,000 square miles. Whence has come this increase? How have we acquired 
 this territory? What is the history of this wonderful acquisition of national 
 domain? 
 
 "The school children of our land are taught with careful exactness the history 
 of the discovery by Columbus; of the voyages of the Cabots; of the landing 
 of De Soto; of the charter granted by Queen Elizabeth to Sir Walter Ealeigh; of 
 the story of the Pilgrim Fathers and their landing at Plymouth Eock; of James- 
 town and the early settlements in Virginia; of the discovery and exploration of the 
 Hudson Eiver; of the patent of Maryland granted by Charles I. to Lord Baltimore; 
 of the founding of the city of Providence, in Ehode Island, by Eoger Williams,
 
 14 
 
 AUTHOK'S PREFACE. 
 
 and the settlement of Pennsylvania by the Quakers under the lead of William 
 Penn, and their gentle amity with the Indians. 
 
 "Every school history is full of information concerning the settlement and 
 growth of the colonies which became the thirteen original States. We are all 
 familiar with the story of the war of the Revolution. We have all recited the 
 speech of Patrick Henry. We talk glibly about the principles declared by the 
 Declaration of Independence and the provisions of the National Constitution. But 
 what about the history of the growth of our country from an area of 400,000 
 to 4,000,000 square miles? And yet there is no more fascinating story in the 
 worlcPs history. 
 
 . "The little strip of territory along the Atlantic Ocean, with its sparse settle- 
 ments, nowhere reaching the Gulf of Mexico, only touching the system of the 
 Great Lakes, and barely crossing the Allegheny Mountains, has now expanded 
 until it reaches from ocean to ocean, from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico; 
 until it has added to its charmed domain the great coast line of the Northern 
 Pacific Ocean and the Islands of Hawaii." 
 
 We commend this book of the glorious growth of our country, as one that 
 should be in all the libraries and all the schools. It is the true and full story 
 of the expansion of the nation and fitly crowns the Majestic Edifice of American 
 History.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 AUTHOR'S PREFACE : , . . .9-14 
 
 BOOK I. -PORTO RICO, 
 
 INTRODUCTION 35-37 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE CONQUEST OF PORTO RICO. 
 
 The Island Is Ours Without the Annoyance of the Wolves and Wildcats 
 of Philippine Politics — Porto Rico Determined Upon as a Second 
 Objective Point in the War with Spain in the Western Hemisphere 
 — Correspondence Between General Miles and the War Department 
 Relative to the Porto Rican Campaign — Long to Sampson — The 
 President Interposes, and Sampson and Miles Are Satisfied — Miles 
 Leads the Campaign, and It Progresses Smoothly, with Little Loss. . . .38-50 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 PORTO RICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 
 
 Size of Island in Comparison and in Figures — Comparison of the Island 
 with Cuba — Porto Ricans a Better Class of People than Are the 
 Cubans — Island Has Not Suffered from Spanish Rule as Much as 
 Has Cuba — One of the Fairest Gems of the Ocean — American Flag 
 Raised Over the Island Amid the Cheering of the People — Revenue 
 and Expenses of the Island Government — Island Rich in Costly 
 Native Woods — Home of the Tropical Fruits — Scarcity of Wild 
 Animal Life, but Pestiferous Insects Are Plentiful — Rich in 
 Minerals — Extensive Commerce with the Great Nations — Coffee, 
 Sugar and Tobacco Leading Products and Exports — Healthiest 
 Climate in the Antilles — In Density of Population Ranks First 
 " in the West Indies — Extracts from United States Military Notes — 
 Soil and Climate — Wet and Dry Seasons — Breezes, Winds and 
 Hurricanes — Principal Mountain, River and Harbor — Cities and 
 Towns — Highways and Railroads — Interesting Features of San 
 
 Juan, the Capital and Principal City Sl-Si 
 
 15
 
 16 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 EAELY DESCRIPTIONS OF PORTO RICO. 
 
 Instructive Description of the Island Sixty-four Years Ago by Colonel 
 Flinter of the British Army and Spanish Service — More from the 
 Same Writer Quoted by the London Review — Valuable Statistics 
 from the Edinburgh Review — Rev. Wm. Moister Adds Interesting 
 Information — Natural Resources, Commercial Advantages and 
 Physical Conditions Clearly Described — Social and Moral Standing 
 of the People Fully Considered — Testimony That Reveals the 
 Value of Our Insular Gem 85-102 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 RECENT DESCRIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 
 
 Interesting Letter from a Scientist and Business Man, Giving an Account 
 of the Island's Flora — Valuable Information About the Products 
 and Exports, Gathered by C. W. Eves — Scientific American Quoted 
 — Interesting Account of the Hurricanes, by Frederick D. Ober — 
 Value of the Island's Imports — Establishment of Electric Tram- 
 ways — Possibilities for Coffee and Sugar Production — A Glowing 
 Tribute to the Island, by James Rodway 103-123 
 
 BOOK II.-CUBA. 
 
 INTRODUCTION 127-129 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 The Changes of Three Years in Cuba — Recollection of the Weyler 
 Period — The Fiery Invasion of Western Cuba by Gomez — The Fall 
 of Maceo and Decline of the Flood of Rebellion — American Inter- 
 vention and Spanish Retirement — The Stars and Stripes Over 
 " Morro Castle and the Governor's Palace — The Spaniards' Farewell 
 to Havana — Wild Cuban Rejoicing — Spanish and Cuban Combina- 
 tion Against American Rule — Gomez Meets a Special Commissioner 
 and Listens to Reason — His Triumphant Journey to Havana and 
 Ovation in the City — He Does Not Speak at the Banquet of Cuban 
 Celebration — Spectacular Scenes in the Old Spanish Capital — The 
 Prestige of Gomez Challenged by the Hysterical Cuban Assembly 
 — He is Removed from His Command of the Army for Opposing
 
 CONTENTS. 1? 
 
 the Creation of a Great Public Debt "Without Yalue Eeceived 
 for the People — The Splendid Letter with "\ATiich He Thanked 
 the Assembly for Relieving Him of Eesponsibility — The People 
 Are -with Him — As a Pacificator He Is a Statesman — The Catas- 
 trophe to Spain of the Loss of Cuba — Her Golden Island in the 
 Summer Seas — The Land of Promise for the Favorites of a 
 Corrupt Government in the Details of Administration — The 
 Harvest Field for the Degenerate of a Nation Fallen from the First 
 Place — Did Not Occur Without Abundant Admonition, and Yet 
 Seemed to the Spectators a Surprise in Suddenness 130-161 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 
 
 Official Information About the Island That Is of the Greatest Importance 
 to Public Intelligence — Some Historical Facts — The Insurrections 
 and Rebellions That Have Prevented the Development of the 
 Island's Resources — The Military and Civil Governments — Climate, 
 Soil and Productions — Sanitary Conditions and Prevailing 
 Diseases — Abundance of Pestiferous Insects — Extensive Mineral 
 Resources — Island Abounds in Valuable Woods — Classification of 
 the Inhabitants 162-186 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE CITIES OF THE QUEEN OF THE ANTILLES. 
 
 Santiago de Cuba the Ancient City of the Island — Location and Com- 
 mercial Importance — Its Strategic Position and Defenses as Set 
 Forth in the United States Military Notes — Havana the Capital 
 and Largest City in Cuba — Its Defenses, Water Supply and 
 Sanitary Condition — The Density of Population — Matanzas the 
 Third City in Population 187-198 
 
 BOOK III.-HAWAII. 
 
 INTRODUCTION 203-206 
 
 CHAPTER L 
 
 HAWAII AS ANNEXED. 
 
 The Star-Spangled Banner Up Again in Hawaii, and to Stay — ^Dimensions 
 of the Island — What the Missionaries Have Done — Religious 
 Belief by Nationality — Trade Statistics — Latest Census — Sugar 
 Plantation Laborers — Coinage of Silver — Schools — Coffee Growing. ,207-219
 
 18 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 THE TERRITORY OF HAWAII. 
 
 Report of the Hawaiian Commission — Description of the Islands — Their 
 Resources — Commerce — Character of Their People — Detail of the 
 Territorial Government — Recommended and Most Valuable Official 
 Reports of the Features of Civilization and Material Resources of 
 the Islands 220-276 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 
 
 Captain James Cook's Great Discoveries and His Martyrdom — Character 
 and Traditions of the Hawaiian Islands — Charges Against the 
 Famous Navigator, and Effort to Array the Christian World 
 Against Him — The True Story of His Life and Death — How 
 Charges Against Cook Came to Be Made — Testimony of Van- 
 couver, King and Dixon, and Last Words of Cook's Journal — Light 
 Turned on History That Has Become Obscure — Savagery of the 
 Natives — Their Written Language Took Up Their High Colored 
 Traditions and Preserved Phantoms — Scenes in Aboriginal The- 
 atricals — Problem of Government in an Archipelago Where Race 
 Questions Are Predominant — Now Americans Should Remember 
 Captain Cook as an Illustrious Pioneer 277-306 
 
 BOOK IV.-THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 INTRODUCTION 311-314 
 
 CHAPTER L 
 
 OUR INTEREST IN THE PHILIPPINE ARCHIPELAGO. 
 
 Character of Filipinos and Their Oppression by the Spaniards — The 
 Furtive Leader Aguinaldo — His Professions and Proceedings — 
 Cash for Peace and a Bribe for Banishment — Early Indications 
 of Impertinence — Deception of Our Consuls 315-325 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE IMPORTANT STATEMENT OF THE BELGIAN CONSUL AT 
 
 MANILA. 
 
 The True Inwardness of the Philippine Situation by a Friend of Admiral 
 Dewey, Mr. Andre, Belgian Consul at Manila — A Letter from
 
 CONTENTS. 19 
 
 Andrew Carnegie That Is One of His Mistakes — General Merritt's 
 Opinions at Paris — Mr. Andre's Memorandum in Full — Leading 
 People of Manila Wish to Become Citizens of the United States — 
 How General Merritt Drew the Line on Aguinaldo and Foretold 
 the Way Trouble Would Come 326-337 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE MOST NOTABLE OF THE STATEMENTS BEFOEE OUR 
 
 COMMISSION IN PARIS. 
 
 The Remarkable Utterance of Mr. John Foreman, the Historian of the 
 Philippines — His Exposures of Spanish Tyranny and the Persecu- 
 tion of the Poor — He Credits Stories About the Immorality of 
 Spanish Priests and Gives Them — The Grievances of the Philip- 
 pine Peasants — ^Extent of Spanish Occupation — Resources of the 
 Islands — Habits of the People — Their Weakness and Strength — 
 Vast Amount of Information and Suggestion — General Whittier's 
 Personal Observation — His Interview with Aguinaldo and Judg- 
 ment as to the Philippine Riches and Possibilities 338-365 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 RESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 Memorandum of the Mineral Resources of the Islands by Dr. Becker 
 of the United States Geological Survey, Gathered for the 
 American Treaty Commission — Coal, Petroleum, Gold, Copper, 
 Lead, Silver, Iron, Quicksilver, Sulphur, Marble, Kolin, Pearl 
 Fisheries — Strategic Importance — Cebu and Negros Islands — 
 Naval Stations — Harbors 366-406 
 
 BOOK V.-ISTHMIAN CANALS. 
 
 INTRODUCTION 409-410 
 
 CHAPTER L 
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 The Two Mediterraneans — The Era of Enterprise in the World's Water- 
 ways — The New Panama Company — Immense Work Done — 
 Steady Prosecution of the Task — More than Three Thousand Men 
 Employed in Excavating — The Curiously Interesting Story of the 
 Canal — The Misfortune of the De Lesseps Failure Not Final — 
 Facts and Figures That Should Restore the Faded Interest of the 
 American People 413-471
 
 20 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE SUEZ CANAL. 
 
 The Monument of Disraeli and De Lesseps That, Though of Shifting 
 Nature in Shifting Sand, Is More Imperishable than Marble or 
 Brass or Any Towering Structure Reared by Human Hands — What 
 the Great Engineer, De Lesseps, Who, Though He Subsequently 
 Made a Failure, Did Enough for Immortality, Had to Say — The 
 Suez Canal the Grandest Work of Public Improvement in the 
 Most Progressive Century — The Dramatic History Without a 
 Parallel as a Scheme of Daring Scientific Fancy or Realization 
 of Golden Dividends 472-492 
 
 CHAPTER IIL 
 THE NICARAGUA CANAL. 
 
 Senator Morgan's Strong Plea for an American Canal — The Claim that 
 the Nicaragua Route, Though Longer than the Panama, Is More 
 Practicable — Estimates of Enormous Special Advantages to 
 America, Both Military and Commercial — Some Interesting State- 
 ments of the Costs and Profits of the Suez Canal and Their 
 Bearing Upon the Nicaragua Canal — The Shares That the British 
 Bought in the Suez Canal for £4,000,000 Are Worth £20,000,000— 
 The Opposition to the Nicaragua Line in Congress Is Rather 
 Against the Maritime Company than Opposed to the Enterprise 
 Itself— The Views of Senators Pettigrew, Caffery and Teller 493-499 
 
 BOOK VI.-PROBLEM OF EXPANSION. 
 
 INTRODUCTION 505-509 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 PRESIDENT M'KINLEY FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 The Weighty Unexpected Problems Before the Country — Not Our Fault 
 that They Impose High Obligation — He Opposed War — No Nation 
 Insisting Upon War Can Foretell the Story of It — The President 
 Cannot Fix the Boundaries of Events — We Could Not Give Up 
 Our Conquests to Spain — The Philippines Had to Go to Spain 
 or Be Held by Us — We Did Not Need the Consent of the Filipinos 
 to a Work of Humanity — The Future of the Philippines Is in the 
 Hands of the American People — No Imperial Designs Lurk in the
 
 CONTENTS. 21 
 
 American Mind — The Free Can Conquer But to Save — The 
 Bloody Trenches Bring Anguish to His Heart — The Filipinos 
 Will Be Grateful for American Civilization 510-514 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 ANDREW CARNEGIE OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 
 
 Mr. Carnegie Assails the President and the Secretary of the Treasury 
 for Changing Their Opinions as to Expansion — Doubts the 
 President's Convictions, and Says Gage Is Not a Manufacturer — 
 Carnegie Desires Commercial Expansion — He Wants the President 
 to Listen to the London Times — The Open Door Will Antagonize 
 American Labor — Predicts Death Blow to "Imperialism" — Says 
 No Citizen Can Be Deprived of the Right to Send His Products 
 to Any Territory Under Our Flag Free of All Tariffs Within the 
 Republic's Domain — Trade of Philippines Cannot Be American — 
 Spain Gets $20,000,000 for a Great Relief— Tribute to the Personal 
 Virtues of the President — A Reply to Mr. Murat Halstead's 
 Address at Homestead 515-530 
 
 CHAPTEE III. 
 
 SENATOR CUSHMAN K. DAVIS FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 The Distinguished Chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign 
 Relations and Member of the Peace Commission Declares His 
 Position — The American People.- Have Made an Immeasurable 
 Advance Within a Year — The President's Good Work — The 
 Story of the Making of the Treaty of Peace — No Warning 
 that Americans Claimed Too Much — Filipinos Not Ready for 
 Sovereignty Over Civilized People — Historical Antecedents oi 
 Expansion — The Question What We Shall Do with the Philippine 
 Archipelago Not Yet Upon Us — It Will Be Fair and Honorable 531-539 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 COLONEL W. J. BRYAN. 
 
 Astonished that Any American Citizen Would Uphold the Doctrine of 
 Gaining Land by Conquest — He Could Have Told McKinley to 
 Take Care Not to Confide in Public Opinion Formed at the Rear 
 of a Car — Imperialism Wanted to Exercise Sovereignty Over an 
 Alien Race — Self-Government Was Gained in the School of 
 Government — No Excuse for a Colonial Policy — Mr. Gage the 
 Keyhole of the Administration — The Colonial Policy Rested on 
 Vicarious Enjoyment — A Call for the Ancient Law-Giver on
 
 22 CONTENTS. 
 
 Sinai — Against a Larger Army — Imperialists Confuse Their Beati- 
 tudes — Not Profitable to Buy a Lawsuit — Muffle the Liberty Bell 
 — Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death 540-545 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 HENRY WATTERSON FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 The Drift of the Country — The United American People — Always the 
 Same, Though Divided — The Labels on the Bottles — An Anti- 
 Expansion Party Would Be a Foredoomed Failure — William 
 McKinley and Joseph Wheeler — Tropical Vegetation in the White 
 House — Eighty Millions of People Cannot Be Passive — How Stands 
 the Debate Between the Friends and Foes of Expansion? 546-551 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 CARL SCHURZ OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 
 
 Is It Our Policy that the Filipinos Shall Be Subjects or Citizens? — 
 The Specifications of the New Departure We Are Taking — We 
 Are Cultivating a Passion for Conquest — The Friendship of 
 England Is Good to Have, Not to Need — The New Policy Demands 
 a Great Standing Army — If We Have Rescued the Unhappy 
 Daughters of Spain from Tyranny We Need Not Marry the Girls. . !552-557 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 MURAT HALSTEAD FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 Expansion Is the Doctrine of the Fathers — There Was Not a Tenth of the 
 Territory We Now Possess in the Thirteen Colonies When Jefferson 
 Wrote the Declaration of Independence — Andrew Jackson Was an 
 Expansionist — So Was William H. Seward — Admiral Dewey Is the 
 Author of Our Philippine Policy — Andrew Carnegie and British 
 India — Should England Give Up Gibraltar, Egypt and India? — 
 If So, Why Not Ireland, Scotland and Wales?— Aguinaldo's Exile 
 with a Certified Check — Senator Hoar's Forgetfulness of the 
 Essential Facts in the Philippine Situation — The American Army 
 Have Fought in Self-Defense, and in the Vindication of the Faith 
 and Honor Pledged in the Final Article of the Capitulation of 
 the Spaniards in Manila 558-564 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 MR. DOLLIVER OF IOWA FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 Room for All Sorts of Speeches, but Only One Course of Action — The 
 President Did Not Take Initial ResponsibiHty of Disturbing the
 
 CONTENTS. 23 
 
 Peace — Dr. Parkhurst's Boomerang Criticism — Cheap Newspapers 
 Full of Malice — Americans on Blanco's Platform — Our Experience 
 with Acquired Territory — Andrew Jackson's Territorial Policy 
 — Two Mourners in a Palace Over the Collapse of the Eepublic — 
 Bryan's Pitched Battle with American History — Not Canned 
 Freedom, but Liberty on the Half Shell — A Tribute to General 
 Wheeler — In "The Fear of God and Nothing Else/' as Bismarck 
 Said, Take Up Duty 565-572 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 HON. HENEY GIBSON FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 Porto Rico Is a Conquest; Are We to Give It Up on Moral Grounds? — 
 There Were Croakers About Our Having Any Pacific Coast — It 
 Was Six Months Away — "The Ashy Lips of Cowards and Traitors" 
 — There Would Be Objections to Annexing Paradise — Do the 
 Black Men Consent to Be Governed in All the States? — Wliy Say 
 "Turkev" to the Yellow Heathen and "Buzzard" to the Black 
 Christian? — When Did We Get the Consent of the Indians to 
 Govern Them? — The Pilgrim Fathers Exterminated the Natives 
 of Massachusetts — God Commanded the Killing of the Canaanites. .575-581 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 SENATOR HOAR AGAINST EXPANSION. 
 
 This Is the Greatest Question Ever Discussed by the United States 
 Senate — Almost the Greatest Since the Beginning of Mankind — 
 Putting the Flag Up and Down — Wanted Messages Sent to the 
 Philippines— What Are We to Do with 10,000,000 Souls?— Poor 
 People, Who Took Their Bows and Arrows — Aguinaldo's Master- 
 pieces — Dr. Johnson on Taxation — Trampling on Foreign People 
 — Filipinos in Arms for Liberty 582-587 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 SENATOR MASON OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 
 
 "We Are Attacking People Without Arms" — "How Is the War to Be 
 Concluded Without the Extermination of Those Poor People?" — 
 "We Refuse to Permit the Rebel Party Men to Speak to Us"— "By 
 What Authority Was Iloilo Fired Upon?"— "I Say We Made the 
 Cause for War"— "We Shoot Them Down and Burn Their 
 Buildings a la Weyler" — "How Long Shall Our Flag Remain 
 Above an Unwilling People?" — The Whelp of a Lion and Caesar's 
 Ghost — England Never Guilty of More Cruelty — All Tyrants 
 Charge Cutting Off Heads to the Lord — The Whole Archipelago 
 Not Worth One American Boy— We Have Tasted Blood 588-59-1
 
 24 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 EX-PELSIDENT CLEVELAND AND OTHERS NOT FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 Mr. Cleveland Thinks the Best Statesmanship Should Adhere to 
 Conscience in Storm as Well as Sunshine — He Suggests We Should 
 Not Kill People Who Would Lose Their Souls — Hon. Bourke 
 Cochran Oners Ohjectlons to Expansion — Senator Money Takes 
 a Favorable View of Aguinaldo — Mr. Bland Thinks Expansion 
 Means to Enslave Americans to Plutocracy — Senator Caffery Says 
 There Is No Opportunity for an Industrious White Man in the 
 Philippines — Senator Tillman Quotes Kipling — Is Aguinaldo a 
 Usurper Without Consulting Anybody? — Senator Turner on Grave 
 State Reasons for Overriding the Opinion of Senator Foraker 595-605 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 PROMOTION AND ADVOCACY OF EXPANSION. 
 
 Ex-Presldent Harrison's Policy of Territorial Permanency and Message 
 on the Annexation of Hawaii — Senator Lodge Says We Succeeded 
 to the Sovereignty of Spain in Manila, and Philippine Patriots 
 Have Never Been Oppressed by Any American Act — Senator 
 Stewart Says Filipinos Can Never Come Here to Interfere with 
 Labor — Senator Piatt of Connecticut Says the Doctrine of Senator 
 Hoar Would Have Prevented Our Possession of the Pacific Coast 
 States — General Grosvenor Vindicates General Otis — Senator Piatt 
 of New York Says We Are Not Forcing Our Government Upon 
 an L^nwilling People — Senator Foraker Says Opposition Senators 
 Talk About Theory — Mr. Brosius of Pennsylvania Quotes a Pearl 
 of Poetry — Governor Oglesby Expands — Two of Kipling's Poems 
 Much Quoted in Congress 606-619 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 Area of Our Territory When Jefferson Wrote the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence — The Westward Course of Acquisition — The Northwest 
 Territory Added — Acquiring All Territory East of the Mississippi 
 River — Exploring Expeditions Into Western Territory — The 
 Louisiana Purchase — Views of Jefferson and Congress in 1803 — 
 Annexation of Texas — Acquiring California and New Mexico 
 — The Alaska Purchase — Expansion Opinions of Law Writers — 
 Decisions of the Supreme Court on the Subject of Acquiring 
 Territory — Beneficial Effects of Expansion — We Need Not Fear 
 the Future, and We Dare Not Step Backward — The Dream of 
 Columbus Will Soon Be Realized 620-681
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 1. Frontispiece — The Nation's Great Expanders. 
 
 2. George Washington. 
 
 3. Thomas Jefferson. 
 
 4. Andrew Jackson. 
 
 5. Daniel Webster. 
 
 6. John C. Fremont. 
 
 7. Henry Clay. 
 
 8. U. S. Grant. 
 
 9. Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 10. Jas. G. Blaine. 
 
 11. Wm. McKinley. 
 
 13. City of San Juan, Porto Rico. 
 
 13. Street of the Cross, San Juan, Porto Eico. 
 
 14. A Porto Rico Poultry A'endor. 
 
 15. Market Women of Porto Rico. 
 
 16. A Porto Rico Country House. 
 
 17. Sea Wall of San Juan, Porto Rico. 
 
 18. The Princess Promenade, San Juan, Porto Rico. 
 
 19. A Porto Rico Belle. 
 
 20. Horses Laden with Maloja, in Matanzas, Cuba. 
 
 21. The Yumuri River at Matanzas, Cuba. 
 
 22. The Way Milk Is Sold and Delivered in Havana. 
 
 23. A Fruit Vendor in Havana. 
 
 24. A Cuban Ploughman. 
 
 25. Crushing Mill on a Sugar Plantation in Cuba. 
 
 26. Waianae Coffee Nursery, Showing Young Coffee Plants, in Oahu, Hawaiian 
 
 Islands. 
 
 27. Famous Walk Between the Royal Palms in Honolulu. 
 
 28. Nuuanu Valley Pass, Pali Peak, 1,207 Feet High. Near Honolulu. 
 
 29. Entrance Through Grove of Tropical Trees to Queen's Hospital, Honolulu. 
 
 30. Section of Flume for Conveying Water to Sugar Mills, Hawaii. 
 
 31. Lava Formation at Kilauea Crater, 4,040 Feet High, Island of Hawaii, 
 
 32. Pineapple Ranch Near Pearl City, Island of Oahu, Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 33. Flume for Conveying Water to Sugar Mills, Hawaii. 
 
 34. Surf Boat of the Natives, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, 
 
 35. Travelers' Tree, Honolulu, A Plant Curiosity. 
 
 36. Banana Plant, Hawaii, Showing Fruit on Tree. 
 
 37. Statue of Kamehameha I, Honolulu. 
 
 38. Princess Kaiulani at Ainahau, Honolulu. 
 
 25
 
 26 LIST OF ILLUSTEATIONS. 
 
 39. Hawaiian Hula Dancers in Native Costume. 
 
 40. Hawaiian School Girl in Native Decorations. 
 
 41. A Country Marriage, Philippines, Marriage Maker and Bridal Couple in Car- 
 
 riage, Followed by Band, on Way to Church. 
 
 42. Ravine of Halang. A Scene on the Eoad from Silang to Indang, Cavite. 
 
 43. View Near Indang, Cavite Province, Along Tibogan River. 
 
 44. View of the Bugasong River in the Philippines, Noted for its Auriferous 
 
 Sand. 
 
 45. A Bathing Place in the Falls of the Uliau y Tagbacan River, in the Philip- 
 
 pines. 
 
 46. Views from the Philippines. 
 
 47. Group of Native Dancers in Ati-Ati. 
 
 48. Bridge Over the Lagune in Santa Cruz. 
 
 49. Types of the Masses of the Filipinos. 
 
 50. Grinding Native Rice. 
 
 51. Native Wood Choppers. 
 
 52. Women of Balagas Washing Clothes. 
 
 53. A Sugar Cart in Batangas Province. 
 
 54. A Shepherd of Carabaos. 
 
 55. The Road to the Cemetery in Tansa, Province of Iloilo. 
 
 56. View^s from the Philippines. 
 
 57. Royal Street in Lipa, Batangas Province. 
 
 58. School of Arts and Commerce in Iloilo. 
 
 59. Molo Church in Iloilo. 
 
 60. A Filipino Funeral Party in Iloilo, Grouped Around the Tomb. 
 
 61. A View of the San Sebastian Highway, Manila. 
 
 62. Romblon — Capital of the Island of Su Nombre. 
 
 63. View of the Paseo de Aguadas, Manila. 
 
 64. Filipino Carpenters of Iloilo at Work. 
 
 65. Landscape View, Showing Beauty and Luxuriance of Vegetation in the Phil- 
 
 ippines. 
 
 66. Views in the Philippines, Mostly in and Around Manila. 
 
 67. In the Valleys of Carabao. 
 
 68. A Street in the District of Paco, Manila. 
 
 69. Aristocratic Residences in the Suburbs of San Juan del Monte. 
 
 70. Square of Santa Ana, in the District of San Sebastian, Manila. 
 
 71. View of the Royal Highway of La Concepcion. 
 
 72. The King's Wharf, Manila. 
 
 73. The Aguilar Barrier in Tondo, Manila. 
 
 74. The Cathedral of Jaro, in Iloilo. 
 
 75. Native Method of Plowing. Scene in the Province of Batangas, Philippines. 
 
 76. Views in and Around Manila. 
 
 77. Street in the Suburb La Ermita.
 
 A PORTO RICO POULTRY VENDOR. (Copyrighted by J. 31. Jordan.)
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 29 
 
 78. Eosario Street in La Erinita. 
 
 79. Limeta Square in Manila, 
 
 80. Hospital of San Juan de Dios. 
 
 81. Manila Cathedral. 
 
 82. Eoyal Street in Malate. 
 
 83. Eoyal Street in Santa Ana, 
 
 84. Monument of Don Simon de Anda y Salazar in the Malecon Square. 
 
 85. Type of the Mestezo Women, Upper Class, Province of Cavite. 
 
 86. Views from the Philippines. 
 
 87. Wives of Chief Datto Pian of Jolo. 
 
 88. House of Chief Datto Pian of Jolo. 
 
 89. Barracks of the Civil Guard in La Ermita, Manila. 
 
 90. View of Chief Datto Plan's Wagebon Eanche in Jolo. 
 
 91. Church of the Conception in Jolo, 
 
 92. The Weisic Barracks, Manila, 
 
 93. Entrance to the Military Hospital, Manila. 
 
 94. Front View of the Church of the Conception, Jolo. 
 
 95. Eift in the Jungles That Line the Coast of the Philippines. 
 
 96. Eoadway in Botanical Gardens, Manila. 
 
 97. View of La Escolta Street, Manila. 
 
 98. Bathing Pool on Eoad to Das Marinas, at Imus, Province of Cavite. 
 
 99. Map Showing Natural Waterways and Canal Eoutes, Now and Future, to 
 
 Our New Possessions, East and West. 
 
 100. Monument at San Jose, Costa Eica, Commemorating Valor of Central Amer- 
 
 ican Amazons in Defeating Soldiers of Walker's Filibustering Expedition. 
 
 101. Official Eesidence of De Lesseps at Colon, Colombia. 
 
 102. Coffee-curing Establishment, San Jose, Costa Eica. 
 
 103. Banana Train on Line from Port Limon to San Jose, Costa Eica. 
 
 104. Theatre at San Jose, Costa Eica, 
 
 105. School House in San Jose, Costa Eica. 
 
 106. View of San Juan Eiver, Costa Eica. 
 
 107. Pier at Greytown, Nicaragua. 
 
 108. Coffee-curing Establishment, San Jose, Costa Eica. 
 
 109. Native House, Showing Kitchen, in Masaya, Nicaragua. 
 
 110. A Barber Shop in Masaya, Nicaragua. 
 
 111. Panama Canal, Cut at San Pablo. 
 lis. Panama Canal, 14 Miles from Atlantic. 
 
 113. Panama Canal, Culebra Cut, 
 
 114. Panama Canal, 3S Miles from Atlantic, 
 
 115. Banana Depot, Near Blue Fields, Nicaragua. 
 
 116. Birdseye View of Lake Managua, from Managua, the Capital of Nicaragua. 
 
 117. Landing at Lake Managua, Eeceiving Passengers from Train at Corinto, Nic- 
 
 aragua. 
 
 118. End of La Boca Pier at Beginning of Panama Canal.
 
 30 LIST OF ILLUSTEATIONS. 
 
 119. Panama Canal, 3 Miles from the Atlantic. 
 
 120. Panama Canal, 9 Miles from Colon. 
 
 121. Panama Canal, End of Culebra Cut. 
 
 122. Panama Canal, 27 Miles from the Atlantic. 
 
 123. Panama Canal, 33 Miles from the Atlantic. 
 
 124. Panama Canal, 34 Miles from Atlantic. 
 
 125. Map Showing Territory Ceded and Annexed at Different Times to the United 
 
 States. 
 
 126. Benjamin Harrison. 
 
 127. Grover Cleveland. 
 
 128. Senator Ciishman K. Davis of Minnesota. 
 
 129. Senator George F. Hoar of Massachusetts. 
 
 130. Senator Henry C. Lodge of Massachusetts. 
 
 131. Senator William E. Mason of Illinois. 
 
 132. William J. Bryan. 
 
 133. Carl Schurz. 
 
 134. Andrew Carnegie. 
 
 135. Henry Watterson. 
 
 136. Map of Porto Eico, in Colors, Prepared from Latest Official Surveys. 
 
 137. Map of Cuba, in Colors, Prepared from Latest Official Surveys. 
 
 138. Map of Hawaii, in Colors, Prepared from Latest Official Surveys. 
 
 139. Map of the Philippines, in Colors, Prepared from Latest Official Surveys. 
 
 140. Coffee-curing Establishment at San Jose, Costa Rica. 
 
 141. The Arena, Constructed of Bamboo, in Which the Bull Fights Are Given at 
 
 Manila. 
 
 142. A Malay Chief of Magibon, Jolo Province, with His Family and Servitors. 
 
 143. Native Woman's Dress, Manila. 
 
 144. Types of Filipino Women. 
 
 145. Panama Canal, Pier at La Boca. 
 
 146. Panama Canal, Great Culebra Cut. 
 
 147. Panama Canal, Culebra Cut. 
 
 148. Panama Canal, 32 Miles from Atlantic. 
 
 149. Steamship Passing a Dredge at Kautara, Suez Canal. 
 
 150. Harbor at Port Said, Beginning of Suez Canal. 
 
 151. Views Along the Suez Canal. 
 
 152. Stone Quarry at Timsah Lake. 
 
 153. Dam at Ismailia. 
 
 154. View of Suez. 
 
 155. Entrance to Suez Canal. 
 
 156. View of Landing at Port Said. 
 
 157. View of Port Said Harbor. 
 
 158. Steamers Waiting at Kautara. 
 
 159. S. A. Tewfik Pacha. 
 
 160. F. De Lesseps.
 
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 BOOK I. 
 
 PORTO RICO.
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 During the progress of our war with Spain, the people of the United States, 
 studying the military and naval situations, and giving critical attention to the 
 movements of our fleets and armies, were well informed of the advantages of 
 Porto Eico, If Spain had not been an incapable country, if her battleships and 
 squadrons of gunboats and torpedo destroyers had been what they were believed 
 in Europe to be, a match for our own warships and boats, Porto Eico was placed 
 so as to have been an advantageous basis of operations for the Spanish fleet; 
 and if the Spaniards had been in condition to cross the Atlantic in force, this 
 eastward island would have served the purpose of defending the West India 
 waters and possessions of Spain, at the same time threatening our shores. It 
 turned out that the degeneracy of Spanish administration had been as disastrously 
 operative in the navy as the army, that the battleships were. not ready in machinery 
 or armament; though held to be superior to our own of the same class, were 
 deficient. Spain never seriously disputed with us the mastery of the seas. This 
 was a weakness that allowed the Spaniards no chance for successful defense of her 
 islands. Porto Eico and Cuba were lost, unless our extemporized army could be 
 used up by the rains and the fevers, and the acclimated Spaniards enabled to hold 
 out in their intrenchments, fed out of the marvelously fertile soil, until the con- 
 tinental monarchies should call for a suspension of hostilities on our part under 
 the menace of coalition against us. We were influenced by consideration for inter- 
 national opinion and regard for our own contracted conservatism as to interference 
 abroad, and the philanthropic eloquence so exuberant in our public life, to promise 
 a miracle of unselfishness in our purposes so far as Cuba was concerned. The 
 Cuban annexationists were complacent under the proclamations to which they 
 did not entirely subscribe, because they had confidence in the attraction of our 
 bulk, the interest of Cuba to be under our wing, as a protected province if in 
 no other relation, and the geographical proprieties, so that if the Spanish yoke 
 was removed the island gifted alike with natural riches and beauties, would be 
 ours by the irrepressible genius of Americanism. Still we agreed the Cubans, 
 not the New York Junta in particular exclusively, but the Cuban people at large, 
 
 should have the option of independence; and we must make our promise good. 
 
 35
 
 36 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Senator Hoar says there is no necessity that we should marry any of the unfortu- 
 nate daughters of Spain that have been abused by their mother, but it is quite 
 certain if any of the girls come to our house as Naomi to that of Boaz and say 
 they are going with us and be of our people and mean to stay and be of our 
 household, we will not drive them away, but allow them to find places of repose 
 and take for their own use reasonable measures of barley. We shall also instruct 
 the reapers in our harvest fields to leave heads of grain for them to glean and 
 deny them not the comforts of hospitality, even apples, as well as barley, as we 
 understand the obligations of friendship in the north temperate zone. 
 
 Before coming into possession of Porto Eico, ceded to us by Spain, v/e made 
 no promises to her people and consented to no conditions of limitation of our 
 sovereign rights. The island is as much ours as the Louisiana purchase was when 
 we paid for it, or as Alaska and Arizona are ours. And it is gratifying to note 
 that very few congressmen have wept in public over the imperialism of our 
 acceptance of the ripe fruit that fell in our way as we walked under the tree. It 
 is settled even if there are statesmen who feel that we have again fractured the 
 Constitution of the United States, and fatally fastened ourselves to an island out 
 of sight of our continental shore that Porto Rico is and shall remain our very 
 own. We have got her and we will keep her. The island is the best in many 
 . Avays in the West Indies, though not as large as Cuba or as high as Hayti. It 
 is wholesome and of good report, and, with a naval station there worthy of our 
 Sea-Power, we shall have an advanced post beyond Bermuda that hostile fleets, 
 if any should ever move this way meaning to do us harm, will not venture to 
 pass by. As to contiguity, those pleasant Danish islands, always for sale, are in 
 the neighborhood. The fact is suggestive that ten cents apiece paid by the Amer- 
 ican people would capture those gems of the ocean. The people of Porto Eico 
 are of mixed races, and it is probable it will take them some time to assimilate 
 Americanism even under the weighty expression of military authority. The deal- 
 ings of the people of Porto Rico have been rather with Europeans than with 
 ourselves. They will, we hope, and we base expectation founded upon ordinary 
 human experience, trust, they will grow fonder of us as they find us out. It is an 
 important point in our duty to make them feel at home under our flag and to 
 soothe them if we observe restlessness in their manner when the novelty of being 
 free Americans ceases to have an impressive fascination. Some of them may 
 think reading certain interpretations by eloquent men of our Constitution, that it 
 is a part of the contract implied when we took them in charge that they are to 
 soon have a call to be heard in our general government. We have firmly but kindly
 
 INTKODUCTION. 37 
 
 to make known to tliem that they are mistaken. However, we have confidence 
 they will be reasonable and "consent" to be governed without seeking trouble along 
 lines of theory, promulgated in a spirit of benevolence by some of our eminent 
 men in behalf of the Filipinos when they assaulted the American lines at Manila. 
 We would advise friends in the colonies not to place a great deal of reliance upon 
 the emotional element of patriotic gentlemen whose information is deficient, being 
 radically erroneous. The people of Porto Eico, we are sure, will contentedly remain 
 with us, partake of the bounty of our good will, consent to the investment of 
 our capital in the improvement of the island, and be taught by us that they have 
 not alienated but gained by our expansion including them in a liberal sense in the 
 rights of man and an excellent opportunity of generous guidance in the better 
 ways and means, in the language of the Declaration of Independence, for "the 
 pursuit of happiness." 
 
 ^S94.
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 
 THE CONQUEST OF PORTO EICO. 
 
 The Island Is Ours Without the Annoyance of the Wolves and Wildcats of Philip- 
 pine Politics — Porto Eico Determined Upon as a Second Objective Point 
 in the War with Spain in the Western Hemisphere — Correspondence Be- 
 tween General Miles and the War Department Eelative to the Porto Eican 
 Campaign — Long to Sampson — The President Interposes, and Sampson and 
 Miles Are Satisfied — Miles Leads the Campaign, and It Progresses Smoothly 
 with Little Loss. 
 
 Porto Eico has the advantage of being a part of the United States without 
 terms or conditions of any sort. It is emphatically our New Possession, for the 
 Hawaiian Islands have practically been ours for a long time, our commerce being 
 dominant and our influence paramount. They are indebted for civilization to our 
 merchants and missionaries, and European vices to our whalers and other traders 
 and explorers, Porto Eico has long been the example of the colonial system of 
 Spain best bearing scrutiny of impartial inquiry, and the critical assaults of the 
 hostile. The island is too small and too well provided with roads to be the chosen 
 field of such insurgents as the Spanish government produces; and in the absence of 
 the warfare of ambuscade, massacre and desolation by fire, fashionable in the 
 struggles of the children of Spain for freedom from the deadly embrace of their 
 mother country, its history has been comparatively tame, and the people in a 
 modest way exceptionally prosperous. 
 
 The second article of our treaty of peace with Spain opens with the line 
 "Spain cedes to the United States the Island of Porto Eico." It is plainly, 
 simply and satisfactorily ours by conquest, and the people have no bands of firebugs, 
 or shadowy armies of haunting phantoms in the shrubbery, attempting or threaten- 
 ing the assassination of American soldiers in the name of liberty and savage pride 
 of self-government. There is no army of professed patriots who have been organ- 
 izing famine with firebrand and chopping-knife, to appear in the field when the 
 war is over with a pay-roll and refuse to disband until with imported money 
 they are paid for their sufferings in securing home rule by burning houses and 
 cane and tobacco. The_ Porto Eicans have no leader of rebellion, who has been 
 exiled with a check-book and bank account, and returned after the Spanish power 
 
 has been broken by Americans, to assume authority over the liberators and shoot 
 
 38
 
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 M 
 
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 THE CONQUEST OF POETO EICO. 41 
 
 at them from jungles, because tliey landed to emancipate an enslaved people, with- 
 out formally asking the slaves if the sacred soil could be used to overpower their 
 merciless masters. The wolves and wildcats of Philippine politics have not ap- 
 peared in the underbrush of Porto Eico. 
 
 Contrary to the teaching and the examples of the Cubans and the Filipinos, 
 the Porto Eicans do not ask to be paid for heroism in destroying the industries 
 of their native soil, before permitting themselves to make a beginning of restor- 
 ing sugar and tobacco culture. In Cuba the Spaniards had no objection to sugar- 
 making and to growing and curing the tobacco of the golden leaves. But grind- 
 ing cane was an abomination in the sight of Gomez of Hayti, who sought freedom 
 by the San Domingo method. The fashion is hardly fixed in regard to the culti- 
 vation of the land in Cuba as the excitement of a people, just freed from Spanish 
 supervision, has not subsided. The Cuban armies will no doubt tolerate occa- 
 sional manifestations of manhood at work on the rich soil and under the radiant 
 gky of their island. In the Philippines they have a leadership that forbids toil 
 in the fields while there are trenches to dig from which to fire upon the victors 
 over the Spaniards. The next time we put forth our hands, and find in them 
 an archipelago, we will know from experience that the way to establish peace is to 
 allow no room for doubt that we are going to stay and be the ruling race. It makes 
 the people of Spanish association and mixed blood uneasy to confront uncertainty. 
 However, we have kept the faith both in Cuba and Luzon in a military occupation 
 with a view to redeem the promise of the establishment of a "stable government;" 
 and we are in honor bound to keep the peace if we have to fight for it, and to 
 provide for the liberty of the people on the lands we have won by the sword, if 
 we have to dust insurgents out of the way and apply the stern medicine of 
 shrapnel. 
 
 The Cuban republic under a New York Junta is one fake, and the Luzon 
 government of Aguinaldo is another. The latter is no doubt held by the ignorant 
 people, he calls "his," and we have a school of statesmen who regard them as 
 his belongings and the only people, and that he is the hero who conquered the 
 Spaniards at Manila to be dispossessed of the fruits of his valor and conduct 
 by the Americans intruding themselves upon a free people and preventing their 
 development in the science and arts of self-government, where one man rules six 
 millions, using a dainty, dandy cane as a scepter and keeping out of danger, 
 because his life is too valuable to risk where bullets fly. 
 
 As Porto Eico was the most eastern of the West Indian possessions of Spain 
 and of fair sanitary reputation and a thousand miles nearer the Spanish peninsula
 
 42 THE CONQUEST OF PORTO RICO. 
 
 than Havana, there was much specnlation as to the propriety of the United States 
 army and navy striking there first; and as our superiority in sea power developed 
 from day to day, the consideration of a campaign in the eastern island became more 
 serious, but there was encountered the fine fury of the Cuban Libre crusaders, 
 who thought war could not exist unless Havana was bombarded. The marble 
 walls of Congress rang with cries of contempt for persons afraid of a rainy 
 season; and as for yellow fever — no one need fear it who had been acclimated 
 in our camps and heard the furious eloquence of our champions of freedom. The 
 Major-General commanding had regard for tropical rains and fevers and wanted 
 to spend the summer in working up a great army with which Havana was to 
 be taken after the rains had passed and the fever was over, but the public impa- 
 tience and the presidential Judgment were not in agreement. 
 
 It was resolved to strike a blow as soon as the sea was cleared of Spaniards 
 and the regular army ready to lead the attack. The first serious thought was 
 to land in Cuba on the northwestern coast, about as far west of Havana as the 
 English landing in 1762 was eas't of that capital. The proposed Mariel landing 
 meant that we should attack the Spaniards where they were strongest and the 
 deadly climate was at its worst; that we should be pitted against tropical rains, 
 the yellow fever, scarcity of water, and committed to force roads easily defended, 
 while Blanco got together an army of eighty thousand effectives and more than 
 a hundred and fifty field pieces. It was resolved to shift the scene of the first 
 aggressive activity to the southern coast of Cuba, but not so far east as Santiago. 
 It fell to General Shafter to be designated for this command. The Major-General 
 commanding the army was fertile in plans of campaign, and had perfected one 
 for each of three of the cardinal points of Cuba — North-west, South-west and 
 North-east, and Porto Rico. The necessity of Admiral Cervera to obtain coal 
 and his fear of American fleets took him to Santiago, where, if he had realized 
 how widespread were the squadrons active in the blockade, and that the South 
 coast was tolerably clear he would have made for Cienfuegos and been there 
 in touch with Havana by rail. 
 
 Commodore Schley did not understand that Cervera could be so short of 
 coal and so shy of combat that he had to go to the prison of the Santiago harbor 
 to give himself a lease of life, and, as he was approved at the time by Sampson, 
 the Commodore discredited for a few days the story of the Spanish fleet at 
 Santiago, believing it was unreasonable and was disposed to act as if Cervera had 
 coal and was equipped for disturbing our calculations of movement, Cervera
 
 THE CONQUEST OF PORTO RICO. 43 
 
 at Santiago carried the American army and fleet there, and the first stroke turned 
 out the decisive blow. 
 
 At Washington there were two campaigns in view — the one on the south coast 
 shifted to Santiago by Cervera, called No. 1, and the one for Porto Rico, known 
 as No. 2. The Major-General commanding of course anticipated taking charge 
 of our most considerable army and there was a natural idea that the objective 
 point of the principal force would be Havana. He was told by friends when 
 he did not go promptly to the front with the southern shore movement that he 
 was making the mistake of his life, and urged to go. 
 
 This warning happened to begin at the house of the Secreta"^y of War, and 
 was given by the Adjutant-General. General Miles thought it would not be 
 according to the correct estimate of the dignity of his commanding position to 
 leave direct contact with the mighty army gathered, and go with a detachment 
 not exceeding seven per cent of the whole; and he made the error of not heading 
 the Santiago expedition in person. 
 
 On the 26th of April General Miles wrote the Secretary of War that it was 
 of "the highest importance" that the troops called for by the President might 
 be disciplined for field service with the least delay, and he said they "ought to be 
 in camp approximately sixty days in their States, as so many of the States have 
 made no provision for their State militia, and not one is fully equipped for field 
 service. * * * This preliminary work should be done before the troops leave 
 their States. While this is being done, the general ofiicers and staff officers can 
 be appointed and properly instructed, large camps of instruction can be judiciously 
 selected, ground rented, and stores collected. At the end of sixty days the regi- 
 ments, batteries and troops can be brigaded and formed into divisions and corps, 
 and proper commanding generals assigned, and this great force may be properly 
 equipped, molded and organized into an effective army, with the least possible 
 delay." 
 
 Thus it appears the earliest purpose at military headquarters was to fight it 
 out on this line, taking all summer. On the 18th of April General Miles wrote: 
 
 "It is extremely hazardous, and I think it would be injudicious to put an 
 army on that island at this season of the year, as it would undoubtedly be deci- 
 mated by the deadly disease, to say nothing of having to cope with some 80,000 
 troops, the remnant of 214,000, that have become acclimated, and that are equipped 
 with 183 guns." He added: "There is still time, if this is favorably considered, to 
 put a small force of regular troops, numbering approximately 18,000 men, in
 
 44 THE CONQUEST OF PORTO EICO. 
 
 healthful camps until such time as they can be used on the Island of Cuba with 
 safety." 
 
 But it was not within the contemplation of the Major-General commanding 
 to put himself at the head of this "small force." 
 
 The following letter shows that General Miles desired to be in the first expedi- 
 tion off for the fateful adventure: 
 
 Headquarters of the Army, 
 
 Tampa, Fla., June 5, 1898. 
 The Secretary of War, Washington, D. C: 
 
 This expedition has been delayed through no fault of any one connected 
 with it. It contains the principal part of the army, which, for intelligence and 
 efficiency, is not excelled by any body of troops on earth. It contains fourteen 
 of the best conditioned regiments of volunteers, the last of which arrived this 
 morning. Yet these have never been under fire. Between 30 and 40 per cent are 
 undrilled, and in one regiment over 300 men had never fired a gun. I request 
 amnle protection at all times for this command by the navy, [This was changed 
 by inserting the words "at sea."] This enterprise is so important that I desire 
 to go with this army corps, or to immediately organize another and go with it 
 to join this and capture position No. 2. Now that the military is about to be 
 used, I believe that it should be continued with every energy, making the most 
 judicious disposition of it to accomplish the desired result. MILES, 
 
 Major-General Commanding Army. 
 
 Washington, D. C, June 6, 1898, 2:35 P. M. 
 Major-General Miles, Tampa, Fla. : 
 
 The President wants to know the earliest moment you can have an expedi- 
 tionary force ready to go to Porto Rico large enough to take and hold island 
 without the force under General Sliafter. 
 
 R. A. ALGER, Secretary of War. 
 
 Tampa, Fla., June 6, 1898. 
 
 (Received 8:27 P. M.) 
 Secretary of War, Washington, D. C: 
 
 Believe such a force can be ready as soon as sufficient transports could be 
 
 gathered for (undutiful)* 23,000 volunteers. Will inform you definitely as soon 
 
 as reports can be received as to exact condition of regiments and batteries. Thia 
 
 corps has been organized and equipped in part for that puri^ose, and I believe 
 
 *Cipher word "undutiful," interpreted 23,000, should have been 30,000. See telegram 
 June 11 from General Miles.
 
 WHBJifc 
 
 
 a 
 
 ^*\ 
 
 ■' ^??*9ss: 
 
 A PORTO RICO BELLE. (Copyrighted by J. M. Jordan.)
 
 THE CONQUEST OF PORTO EICO. 47 
 
 it sufficient. I offer the following merely as a suggestion: To leave No. 1 safely 
 guarded. This corps, with the combined assistance of the Navy, to take No. 2 
 first before it can be re-enforced. In order to make sure of this, have it followed 
 by (unbearable)t 22,0C0 additional volunteers as quickly as transportation can 
 be secured, utilizing what transports are now engaged, any prize steamers now 
 at Key West, and any Atlantic auxiliary criiisers that can be spared by the Navy, 
 Such a force ought to sail in ten days. Leaving sufficient force to hold No. 2, the 
 capture of No. 1 can then be easily accomplished and the troops then landed at 
 any point that might be thought advisable. MILES, 
 
 Major-General Commanding Army. 
 
 War Department, June 6, 1898. 
 Major-General Miles, Tampa, Fla.: 
 
 The President says no. He urges the utmost haste in departure of No. 1, 
 
 and also of No. 2, as indicated by you, but that No. 1 must be taken first. 
 
 R. A. ALGER, Secretary of War. 
 
 Adjutant-General's Office, 
 Washington, June 7, 1898, 10 P. M. 
 Major-General Miles, Tampa, Fla.: 
 
 As you report that an expedition to Porto Rico (with 23,000 troops) can be 
 ready in ten days, you are directed to assemble such troops at once for the purpose. 
 The transports will be ready for you in ten days or sooner, if you can be ready. 
 Acknowledge receipt. 
 
 By order of the Secretary of War: 
 
 H. C. CORBIN, Adjutant-General. 
 
 It was understood at the war office that General Miles cared especially to 
 handle the Porto Rican expedition. June 26th the Secretary of War wrote the 
 Major-General commanding: 
 
 "By direction of the President an expedition will be organized with the least 
 possible delay, under the immediate command of Major-General Brooke, United 
 States Army, consisting of three divisions taken from the troops best equipped in 
 the First and Third Army Corps and two divisions from the Fourth Army Corps, 
 for movement and operation against the enemy in Cuba and Porto Rico. The 
 command under Major-General Shatter, or such part thereof as can be spared from 
 the work now in hand, will join the foregoing expedition, and you will com- 
 mand the forces thus united in person." 
 
 tCipher word "unbearable," interpreted 22,000, should have been 10,000. 
 No. 1 is Santiago; No. 2, Porto Rico.
 
 48 THE CONQUEST OF PORTO RICO. 
 
 This answers a great many questions and clears the scene of foggy imputa- 
 tions. Whether it was the fault of General Miles that he was not at the head in 
 person of the "small force" that was before Santiago, it was not his fortune to 
 have that distinction. He was conducting a carefully planned and highly suc- 
 cessful campaign in Porto Eico when the war closed and the energies of military 
 commanders were directed to other forms of combativeness. 
 
 May 3d Secretary Long telegraphed Admiral Sampson: 
 
 Washington, May 3, 1898. 
 Sampson, Key West, Fla.: 
 
 No large army movement can take place for a fortnight, and no small one 
 will until after we know the whereabouts of the four Spanish armored cruisers 
 and destroyers. If their objective is Porto Eico they should arrive about May 8, 
 and immediately action against them and San Juan is then authorized. In such 
 case the Flying Squadron would re-enforce you. LONG. 
 
 Washington, May 5, 1898. 
 Sampson (care United States Consul), 
 Cape Haitien, Haiti: 
 Do not risk so crippling your vessels against fortifications as to prevent from 
 soon afterward successfully fighting the Spanish fleet, composed of Pelayo, 
 Carlos v., Yizcaya, Oquendo, Colon, Teresa, and four torpedo-boat destroyers if 
 they should appear on this side.' LONG. 
 
 May 6th this "confidential" dispatch was sent Sampson by Long: 
 
 "Sir: Eeferring to the Department's confidential instruction of the 6th of 
 April, and (others) you are informed that the Department has not intended to 
 restrict your operations in the West Indies, except in regard to the blockade of 
 certain portions of Cuba and in the exposure of your vessels to the fire of heavy 
 guns mounted on shore which are not protecting or assisting formidable Spanish 
 ships. 
 
 "The Department is perfectly willing that you should expose your ships to 
 the heaviest guns of land batteries if, in your opinion, there are Spanish vessels of 
 sufficient military importance protected by these guns to make an attack advisable, 
 your chief aim being for the present the destruction of the enemy's principal 
 vessels. 
 
 "The Department writes this letter because it has been intimated by civilians, 
 and it is believed by officers of rank serving under you, that you are not per- 
 mitted to take the offensive even against small land batteries, and that you must 
 wait to be fired upon before making an aggressive movement against any port, 
 no matter how poorly fortified." 
 
 Admiral Sampson found there were no Spanish warships at San Juan, Porto
 
 THE CONQUEST OF POETO RICO. 49 
 
 Eico, and April ISth "determined to attack the batteries defending the port, in 
 order to develop their positions and strength, and then, without waiting to reduce 
 the city or subject it to a regular bombardment — which would require due notice — 
 turn to the westward. 
 
 "Our progress had been so much slower than I had reason to anticipate, from 
 Key "West to Porto Eico, owing to the frequent breakdowns of the two monitors, 
 which made it necessary to tow them both the whole distance, and also to the 
 disabled condition of the Indiana, that eight days had been consumed instead 
 of five, as I had estimated. 
 
 "I commenced the attack as soon as it was good daylight. This lasted about 
 three hours, when the signal was made to discontinue the firing. At Cape Haytien 
 I received word from the Department that the Spanish vessels had been sighted 
 off Curacao on the 14th instant and directed me to return with all dispatch to 
 Key West." 
 
 Captain Evans of the Iowa reported injuries to his ship, one by a shot from 
 the enemy and one by the shock of his own firing: 
 
 "One shell, 6-inch or 8-inch, exploded in the skid frames, port side, abreast 
 the after 8-inch turret. The fragments of this shell wounded three men, passed 
 through the sailing launch, and made several holes in the stanchions, ventilators, 
 galley funnels, and other deck fittings. One of the fragments probably struck the 
 6-pounder cage mount on the starboard after side of the forward bridge, break- 
 ing and jamming the training securing bolt and also jamming the gun pivot. 
 
 "Other fragments of this shell did considerable injury to the joiner work 
 on the bridge. 
 
 "Another shell or shrapnel exploded above the boat skids on the starboard 
 side and inflicted trifling wounds upon the escape pipes, smokestacks, etc. 
 
 "The injuries above summ.arized are indicated in detail on an accompanying 
 sheet, appended and marked A. 
 
 "In firing the last round from the after 12-inch turret, at about 15° on the 
 starboard quarter, the following injury to the hull was inflicted by the blast of 
 the discharge: 
 
 "Tho deck planking on the starboard quarter is badly pitted by the uncon- 
 sumed powder prisms. Some of these pits are two inches deep, an" evidence that 
 the gun does not properly consume its powder charge. 
 
 "The hatch plate, newly fitted at the New York Navy- Yard in December 
 last, was torn from its bolts and thrown back toward the gun, clear of the hatch. 
 Two of the holding-down bolts were broken and several of the lugs on the plate 
 cracked. The plate is very slightly twisted. 
 
 "The deck beams, frames 82 and 83, abreast the cabin skylight hatch, star- 
 board side, have been sprung and are out of line in the transverse sense.
 
 50 THE CONQUEST OF PORTO RICO. 
 
 "The bulkhead about the cabin doors between frames 79 and 83, starboard 
 side, is torn from its hangers on the beams, the rivets being sheared. 
 
 "The deck over the after torpedo room is not sufficiently strong, and the 
 blast of the 12-inch gun, when trained forward, made sufficient play to the deck 
 to break the hangers hanging the training-trolley circle of the starboard torpedo 
 tube. This is the second occasion upon which this accident has occurred. 
 
 "The blast of the forward 12-inch gun smashed the partition forming the 
 captain's sleeping room in the pilot house." 
 
 Admiral Sampson did not furnish the aid General Miles wanted in his Porto 
 Rico movement, and Miles requested "positive orders be given to the navy to 
 cover the landing of ten thousand troops on the Island of Porto Rico without 
 delay." Here the President interposed with this conclusive dispatch: 
 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, July 20, 1898. 
 Hon. John D. Long, Secretary of the Navy. 
 
 Sir: I hand you a dispatch just received from General Miles. It is evident 
 to me from this dispatch that Admiral Sampson is not proposing to furnish such 
 assistance as I have heretofore directed. He should send enough ships, and strong 
 enough, as will enable General Miles to land his troops in safety at Point Fajardo, 
 Cape San Juan, and to remain so long as their assistance is needed. 
 
 General "Wilson has already sailed from Charleston, with orders to proceed 
 to Point Fajardo. If your convoy is delayed he will reach Point Fajardo without 
 any protection whatever, which must not be permitted. Wilson cannot be 
 reached by wire. He has no guns on his ships. The Secretary of War says 
 that General Wilson is due to arrive at Point Fajardo in three or four days. 
 Prompt action should be taken to give General Wilson protection on his arrival 
 there. It seems to me a cruiser or battle ship, or both, should be detailed for 
 this duty. 
 
 Please see that the necessary orders are issued at once. 
 
 WILLIAM M'KINLEY. 
 
 12 M., Wednesday, July 20, 1898. 
 
 This is in many ways a dispatch to be commended. The snarl was straightened 
 out swiftly — Sampson and Miles satisfied. 
 
 The conquest of Porto Rico progressed smoothly with little loss, though the 
 Spaniards were in considerable force. The Peace Protocol came just in time 
 to prevent a severe struggle, and our troops were charmed to see the welcome 
 the people gave the Flag of the United States and delighted with the opening 
 of numerous schools in the towns and many evidences of cultivation and good 
 will. Porto Rico is one of the gems of the sea.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 PORTO RICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 
 
 Size of Island in Comparison and in Figures — Comparison of the Island with 
 Cuba — Porto Ricans a Better Class of People than Are the Cubans — Island 
 Has Not Suffered from Spanish Rule as Much as Has Cuba — One of the 
 Fairest Gems of the Ocean — American Flag Raised Over the Island Amid 
 the Cheering of the People — Revenue and Expenses of the Island Govern- 
 ment — Island Rich in Costly Native Woods — Home of the Tropical Fruits — 
 Scarcity of Wild Animal Life, but Pestiferous Insects are Plentiful — Rich 
 in Minerals — Extensive Commerce with the Great Nations — Coffee, Sugar 
 and Tobacco Leading Products and Exports — Healthiest Climate in the 
 Antilles — In Density of Population Ranks First in the West Indies — Ex- 
 tracts from United States Military Notes — Soil and Climate — Wet and Dry 
 Seasons — Breezes, Winds and Hurricanes — Principal Mountain, River and 
 Harbor — Cities and Towns — Highways and Railroads — Interesting Features 
 of San Juan, the Capital and Principal City. 
 
 Porto Rico is not quite as large as Connecticut, but larger than the States of Del- 
 aware and Rhode Island. The climate of the island is delightful, and its soil exceed- 
 ingly rich. In natural resources it is of surpassing opulence. The length of the 
 island is about one hundred miles, and its breadth thirty-five, the general figure of 
 it being like the head of a sperm whale. The range of mountains is from east to 
 west, and nearly central. The prevalent winds are from the northwest, and the 
 rainfall is much heavier on the northern shores and mountain slopes than on the 
 southern. The height of the ridge is on the average close to 1,500 feet, one bold 
 peak, the Anvil, being 3,600 feet high. The rainy north and the droughty south, 
 with the lift of the land from the low shores to the central slopes and rugged eleva- 
 tions, under the tropical sun, with the influence of the great oceans east, south and 
 north, and the multitude of western and southern islands, give unusual and charm- 
 ing variety in temperature. Porto Rico is, by the American people, even more than 
 the Spaniards, associated with Cuba. But it is less than a tenth of Cuban propor- 
 tions. Porto Rico has 3,600 square miles to Cuba's 43,000, but a much greater 
 proportion of Porto Rico than of Cuba is cultivated. Less than one-sixteenth of 
 the area of Cuba has been improved, and while her population is but 1,600,000, ac- 
 cording to the latest census, and is not so much now, Porto Rico, with less than a 
 tenth of the land of Cuba, has half the number of inhabitants. Largely Porto 
 Rico is peopled by a better class than the mass of the Cubans. Cuba is wretchedly 
 provided with roads, one of the reasons why the Spaniards were incapable of putting 
 
 51
 
 53 POETO EICO, OUE ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 
 
 down insurrections. If they had expended a fair proportion of the revenues de- 
 rived from the flourishing plantations and the monopolies of Spanish favoritisms 
 that built up Barcelona and enriched Captain-Generals, and in less degree other public 
 servants, the rebellions would have been put down. The Spanish armies in Cuba, 
 however, were rather managed for official speculation and peculation, were more 
 promenaders than in military enterprise and the stern business of war. With 
 Weyler for an opponent, Gomez, as a guerilla, could have dragged on a series of 
 skirmishes indefinitely. The story of the alleged war in Cuba between the Span- 
 iards and the Cubans was on both sides falsified, and the American people deceived. 
 Porto Eico does not seem to have appealed so strongly to the cupidity of the Span- 
 iards as Cuba did, and to have been governed with less brutality. The consequence 
 is there has not been a serious insurrection in the smaller island for seventy years, 
 and it falls into our possession without the impoverishment and demoralization of 
 the devastation of war — one of the fairest gems of the ocean. 
 
 It was October 18th that the American flag was raised over San Juan. The fol- 
 lowing dispatch is the official record: 
 
 "San Juan, Porto Eico, Oct. 18. — Secretary of War, Washington, D. C: Flags 
 have been raised on public buildings and forts in this city and saluted with national 
 salutes. The occupation of the island is now complete. 
 
 "BEOOKE, Chairman." 
 
 On the morning of the 18th, the 11th regular infantry with two batteries of the 
 5th artillery landed. The latter proceeded to the forts, while the infantry lined 
 up on the docks. It was a holiday for San Juan and there were many people in the 
 streets. Eear-Admiral Schley and General Gordon, accompanied by their staffs, 
 proceeded to the palace in carriages. The 11th infantry regiment and band with 
 Troop H, of the 6th United States cavalry then marched through the streets and 
 formed in the square opposite the palace. 
 
 At 11:40 a. m., General Brooke, Admiral Schley and General Gordon, the United 
 States evacuation commissioners, came out of the palace with many naval officers 
 and formed on the right side of the square. The streets behind the soldiers were 
 thronged with townspeople, who stood waiting in dead silence. 
 
 At last the city clock struck 12, and the crowds, almost breathless and with eyes 
 fixed upon the flagpole, watched for developments. At the sound of the first gun 
 from Fort Morro, Major Dean and Lieutenant Castle, of General Brooke's staff, 
 hoisted the stars and stripes, while the band played "The Star Spangled Banner." 
 All heads were bared and the crowds cheered. Fort Mono, Fort San Cristobal and
 
 POETO EICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 53 
 
 the United States revenue cutter Manning, lying in the harbor, fired twenty-one 
 guns eacli. 
 
 Senor Munoz Eivera, who was president of the recent autonomist council of sec- 
 retaries, and other officials of the late insular government were present at the pro- 
 ceedings. Many American flags were displayed. 
 
 Acknowledgment has been made of the better condition of Porto Eico than ot 
 Cuba, but the trail of the serpent of colonial Spanish government appears. Mr. 
 Alfred Solomon writes in the Independent: 
 
 "The internal administration of the island disposes of a budget of about $3,300,- 
 000, and is a woeful example of corrupt officialism. Of this sum only about $650,000 
 is expended in the island, the remainder being applied to payment of interest on 
 public debt, salaries of Spanish officials, army, navy, and other extra-insular ex- 
 penditures. But the whole of the revenue is collected in the island." 
 
 An article of great value by Eugene Belaud, appeared in the Chatauquan of 
 September, on the characteristics of Porto Eico, and we present an extract, showing 
 its admirable distinction of accurate information well set forth: 
 
 "The mountain slopes are covered with valuable timbers, cabinet and dye-woods, 
 including mahogany, walnut, lignum vitae, ebony, and logwood, and various medic- 
 inal plants. Here, too, is the favorite zone of the coffee tree, which thrives best one 
 thousand feet above sea level. The valleys and plains produce rich harvests of sugar- 
 cane and tobacco. The amount of sugar yielded by a given area is said to be greater 
 than in any other West Indian island. Eice, of the mountain variety and grown 
 without flooding, flourishes almost any place and is a staple food of the laboring 
 classes. In addition to these products cotton and maize are commonly cultivated, 
 and yams, plantains, oranges, bananas, cocoanuts, pineapples, and almost every other 
 tropical fruit are grown in abundance. Among indigenous plants are several noted 
 for their beautiful blossoms. Among these are the coccoloba, which grows mainly 
 along the coasts and is distinguished by its large, yard-long purple spikes, and a 
 talauma, with magnificent, ororous, white flowers. 
 
 "Of wild animal life Porto Eico has little. No poisonous serpents are found, 
 but pestiferous insects, such as tarantulas, centipedes, scorpions, ticks, fleas, and 
 mosquitos, supply this deficiency in a measure. All sorts of domestic animals are 
 ra:sed, and the excellent pasture-lands support large herds of cattle for export and 
 home consumption, and ponies, whose superiority is recognized throughout the West 
 Indies. 
 
 "The mineral wealth of the island is undeveloped, but traces of gold, copper, iron,
 
 54 PORTO EICO, OUE ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 
 
 lead; and coal arc found. Salt is procured in considerable quantities from the lakes. 
 "Porto Elco carries on an extensive commerce, chiefly with Spain, the United 
 States, Cuba, Germany, Great Britain, and France. In 1895 the volume of its trade 
 was one-half greater than that of the larger British colony — Jamaica. The United. 
 States ranks second in amount of trade with the island. During the four years from 
 1893-9G Spain's trade with the colony averaged $11,402,888 annually, and the United 
 States, $5,028,544. The total value of Porto'Pican exports for 1896 was $18,341,- 
 430, and of imports, $18,282,090, making a total of $3G,G24,120, which was an 
 excess over any previous year. The exports consist almost entirely of agricultural 
 products. In 1895 coffee comprised about sixty per cent, and sugar about twenty- 
 eight per cent, of their value; leaf tobacco, molasses, and honey came next. Maize, 
 hides, fruits, nuts, and distilled spirits are also sent out in considerable quantities. 
 Over one-half of the coffee exported goes to Spain and Cuba, as does most of the to- 
 bacco, which is said to be used in making the tinest Havana cigars; the sugar and 
 molasses are, for the most part, sent to the United States. Among imports, manu- 
 factured articles do not greatly exceed agricultural. Rice, fish, meat and lard, 
 flour, and manufactured tobacco are the principal ones. Customs duties furnish 
 about two-thirds of the Porto Rican revenue, which has for several years yielded 
 greater returns to Spain than that of Cuba. 
 
 "The climate of Porto Rico is considered the healthiest in the Antilles. The 
 heat is considerably less than at Santiago de Cuba, a degree and a half farther north. 
 The thermometer seldom goes above 90 degrees. Pure water is readily obtained in 
 most of the island. Yellow fever seldom occurs, and never away from the coast. The 
 rainy season begins the first of June and ends the last of December, but the heavy 
 downpours do not come on until about August 1st. 
 
 "In density of population also this island ranks first among the "West Indies, 
 having half as many inhabitants as Cuba, more than eleven times as large. Of its 
 807,000 people, 32G,000 are colored and many of the others of mixed blood. They 
 differ little from other Spanish-Americans, being fond of ease, courteous, and hos- 
 pitable, and, as in other Spanish countries, the common people are illiterate, public 
 education having been grievously neglected. The natives are the agriculturists of 
 the country, and are a majority in the interior, while the Spaniards, who control 
 business and commerce, are found mainly in the towns and cities. 
 
 "The numerous good harbors have naturally dotted the seaboard with cities 
 and towns of greater or less commercial importance. San Juan, Ponce, Mayaguez, 
 Aguadilla, Arecibo and Fajardo all carry on extensive trade. Intercourse between
 
 POETO RICO, OUR AXTILLEAN POSSESSION 65 
 
 coast towns is readily had by water, but is to be facilitated by a railroad around 
 the island, of which 137 miles have been built and 170 miles more projected. The 
 public highways of the island are in better condition than one might expect. Ac- 
 cording to a recent report of United States Consul Stewart, of San Juan, there are 
 about one hundred and fifty miles of good road. The best of this is the military high- 
 way connecting Ponce on the southern coast with San Juan on the northern. This is 
 a macadamized road, so excellently built and so well kept up that a recent traveler 
 in the island says a bicycle corps could go over it without dismounting. Whether 
 it is solid enough to stand the transportation of artillery and heavy army trains we 
 shall soon know. Of telegraph lines Porto Rico has four hundred and seventy 
 miles, and two cables connect it with the outside world, one running from Ponce and 
 the other from San Juan." 
 
 Mr. Alfred Solomon^ already quoted as an instructive contributor to the Inde- 
 pendent, writes; 
 
 "The population of Porto Rico, some 800,000, is essentially agricultural. A 
 varied chmate, sultry in the lowlands, refreshing and invigorating in the mountain 
 ranges, makes possible the cultivation of almost every variety of known crop — sugar, 
 tobacco, coffee, annatto, maze, cotton and ginger are extensively grown; but there are 
 still thousands of acres of virgin lands awaiting the capitalist. Tropical fruits 
 flourish in abundance, and the sugar-pine is well known in our market, where it 
 brings a higher price than any other pine imported. Hardwood and fancy cabinet 
 wood trees fill the forests, and await the woodman's ax. Among these are some 
 specimens of unexampled beauty, notably a tree, the wood of which, when polished, 
 resembles veined marble, and another, rivaling in beauty the feathers in a peacock's 
 tail. Precious metals abound, although systematic effort has never been directed 
 to the locating of paying veins. Rivers and rivulets are plenty, and water-power 
 is abundant; and the regime should see the installation of power plants and electric 
 lighting all over the island, within a short time after occupation. On the lowlands, 
 large tracts of pasturage under guinea grass and malojilla feed thousands of sleek 
 cattle, but, as an article of food, mutton is almost unknown. The native pony, 
 small, wiry and untirable, has a world-wide reputation, and for long journeys is 
 unequaled, possessing a gait, as they say in the island, like an arm-chair. 
 
 "Perhaps a third of the population of the island is of African descent; but, 
 strangely enough, the colored people are only to be found on the coast, and are 
 the fishermen, boatmen and laborers of the seaports. The cultivation of the crops 
 is entirely in the hands of the jibaro, or peasant, who is seldom of direct Spanish
 
 56 PORTO RICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 
 
 descent, while the financiering and exportation is conducted almost entirely by 
 peninsulares, or Spanish-born colonists, who monopolize every branch of commerce 
 to the exclusion of the colonian-born subject. 
 
 "Coffee planting is largely engaged in, returning from ten to fifteen per cent, on 
 capital. Improved transportat'on facilities, abolition of export dues and the con- 
 solidation of small estates would, doubtless, help toward better results. This crop is 
 marketed in Europe — London, Havre and Barcelona — where better prices are ob- 
 tainable than in New York. With the exception of a few plantations in strong 
 hands, most of this property could be purchased at a fair valuation, and would prove 
 to be a very profitable investment. 
 
 "Cocoa grows wild on the lowlands, but has not been cultivated to any apprecia- 
 ble extent. Small consignments sent to Europe have been pronounced superior to the 
 Caracas bean. The tree takes a longer period than coffee to come to maturity and 
 bear fruit; but once in bearing the current expenses are less and the yield far 
 greater. The same remarks apply to the cultivation of rubber, which, although a 
 most profitable staple with an ever-increasing market, has received no attention 
 whatever. 
 
 "Corn is raised in quantities insufficient for home consumption. Of this cereal 
 three crops can be obtained in two years; sometimes two a year. The demand is 
 constant, and the price always remunerative. 
 
 "In Porto Rico, as in most other West Indian islands, sugar is king. In the 
 treatment of this product the lack of capital has been sadly felt. Planters possess 
 only the most primitive machinery, and in the extraction of the juice from the cane 
 the proportion of saccharine matter has been exceedingly small. Great outlay is 
 necessary for the installation of a complete modern crushing and centrifugal plant." 
 
 A flattering picture of our new possessions is drawn in McClure's Magazine, by 
 Mr. George B. Waldron. 
 
 "Here, then, are Cuba and Porto Rico in the Atlantic, and the Hawaiian and 
 Philippine groups in the Pacific, whose destiny has become intertwined with our own. 
 Their combined area is 168,000 square miles, equaling New England, New York, 
 Pennsylvania, and New Jersey. Their population is about 10,000,000, or perhaps 
 one-half of that of these nine home States. The Philippines, with three-quarters 
 of the entire population, and Porto Rico, with 800,000 people, alone approach our 
 own Eastern States in density. Cuba, prior to the war, was about as well populated 
 as Virginia, and the Hawaiian group is as well peopled as Kansas. What, then, can 
 these islands do for us?
 
 PORTO EICO, OUE ANTILLEAN POSSESSTOK 57 
 
 "Americans use more sugar in proportion to population than any other nation of 
 the world. The total consumption last year was not less than 2,500,000 tons. This 
 is enough to make a pyramid that would overtop the tallest pyramid of Egyptian 
 fame. Of this total, 2,200,000 tons came from foreign countries, the Spanish pos- 
 sessions and Hawaii sending about twenty-five per cent. Five years earlier, when 
 our imports were less by half a million tons, these islands supplied double this 
 quantity, or nearly two-thirds of the nation's entire sugar import. But that was 
 before Cuba had been devastated by war and when she was exporting 1,100,000 tons 
 of sugar to other countries. Restore Cuba to her former fertility, and the total sugar 
 crop of these islands will reach 1,500,000 tons, or two-thirds our present foreign 
 demand." 
 
 There is much more in Mr. Waldron's summary of the vast addition that has 
 been made to our resources by the occupation and possession of the islands that 
 have recently been gathered under our wings by the force of our arms. It is enough 
 to know that with the tropical islands we have gained, we have in our hands the 
 potentialities, the luxuries, the boundless resources including, as we may, and must, 
 Alaska, of all the zones of the great globe that we inhabit in such ample measure. 
 
 The following notes were compiled for the information of the army, and embody 
 all reliable information available. 
 
 The notes were intended to supplement the military map of Porto Rico. The 
 following books and works were consulted and matter from them freely used in 
 the preparation of the notes: Guia Geografico Militar de Espana y Provincias 
 Ultramarinas, 1879; Espana, sus Monumentos y Artes, su Nat'uraleza e Historia, 
 1887; Compendio de Geografia Militar de Espana y Portugal, 1882; Anuario deComer- 
 cio de Espana, 1896; Anuario Militar de Espana, 1898; Reclus, Nouvelle Geographic 
 Universelle, 1891; Advance Sheets American Consular Reports, 1898; An Account 
 of the Present State of the Island of Porto Rico, 1834; The Statesman's Year Book, 
 1898. 
 
 Situation. — Porto Rico is situated in the Torrid Zone, in the easternmost part of 
 the Antilles, between latitude 17 deg. 54 min. and 18 deg. 30 min. 40 sec. K and 
 longitude 61 deg. 54 min. 26 see. and 63 deg. 32 min. 32 sec, W. of Madrid. It is 
 bounded on the north by the Atlantic, on the east and south by the sea of the 
 Antilles, and on the west by the Mona Channel. 
 
 Size. — The island of Porto Rico, the fourth in size of the Antilles, has, ac- 
 cording to a recent report of the British consul (1897), an extent of about 3,668
 
 58 POETO RICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION". 
 
 square miles — 35 miles broad and 95 miles long. It is of an oMong form, extending 
 from east to west. 
 
 Population. — Porto Rico is the first among the Antilles in density of population 
 and in prosperity. The Statesman's Year Book, 1898, gives the population (1887) 
 at 813,937, of which over 300,000 are negroes, this being one of the few countries 
 of tropical America where the number of whites exceeds that of other races. The 
 whites and colored, however, are all striving in the same movement of civilization, 
 and are gradually becoming more alike in ideas and manners. Among the white 
 population the number of males exceeds the number of females, which is the con- 
 trary of all European countries. This is partly explained by the fact that the 
 immigrants are mostly males. On an average the births exceed the deaths by double. 
 The eastern portion of the island is less populous than the western. 
 
 Soil. — The ground is very fertile, being suitable for the cultivation of cane, coffee, 
 rice, and other products raised in Cuba, which island Porto Rico resembles in rich- 
 ness and fertility. 
 
 Climate. — The climate is hot and moist, the medium temperature reaching 104 
 degs. F. Constant rains and winds from the east cool the heavy atmosphere of 
 the low regions. On the heights of the Central Cordillera the temperature is healthy 
 and agreeable. 
 
 Iron rusts and becomes consumed, so that nothing can be constructed of this 
 metal. Even bronze artillery has to be covered with a strong varnish to protect it 
 from the damp winds. 
 
 Although one would suppose that all the large islands in the Tropics enjoyed 
 the same climate, yet from the greater mortality observed in Jamaica, St. Domingo, 
 and Cuba, as compared with Porto Rico, one is inclined t-o believe that this latter 
 island is much more congenial than any of the former to the health of Europeans. 
 The heat, the rains, and the seasons are, with very trifling variations, the same in all. 
 But the number of mountains and running streams, which are everywhere in view 
 in Porto Rico, and the general cultivation of the land, may powerfully contribute 
 to purify the atmosphere and render it salubrious to man. The only difference of 
 temperature to be observed throughout the island is due to altitude, a change which 
 is common to every country under the influence of the Tropics. 
 
 In the mountains the inhabitants enjoy the coolness of spring, while the valleys 
 would be uninhabitable were it not for the daily breeze which blows generally from 
 the northeast and east. For example, in Ponce the noonday sun is felt in all its rigor, 
 while at the village of Adjuntas, 4 leagues distant in the interior of the mountains.
 
 PORTO RICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 
 
 59 
 
 the traveler feels invigorated by the refreshing breezes of a temperate clime. At one 
 place the thermometer is as high as 90 deg,, while in another it is sometimes under 
 GO deg. Although the seasons are not so distinctly marked in this climate as they 
 are in Europe (the trees being always green), yet there is a distinction to be made 
 between them. The division into wet and dry seasons (winter and summer) does not 
 give a proper idea of the seasons in this island; for on the north coast it sometimes 
 rains almost the whole year, while sometimes for twelve or fourteen months not a 
 drop of rain falls on the south coast. However, in the mountains at the south there 
 are daily showers. Last year, for example, in the months of November, December, 
 and January the north winds blew with violence, accompanied by heavy showers of 
 rain, while this year (1832) in the same months, it has scarcely blown a whole day 
 from that point of the compass, nor has it rained for a whole month. Therefore, 
 the climate of the north and south coasts of this island, although under the same 
 tropical influence, are essentially different. 
 
 As in all tropical countries, the year is divided into two seasons — the dry and 
 the rainy. In general, the rainy season commences in August and ends the last 
 of December, southerly and westerly winds prevailing during this period. The rain- 
 fall is excessive, often inundating fields and forming extensive lagoons. The exhala- 
 tions from these lagoons give rise to a number of diseases, but, nevertheless, Porto 
 Rico is one of the healthiest islands of the archipelago. 
 
 In the month of May the rains commence, not with the fury of a deluge, as 
 in the months of August and September, but heavier than any rain experienced in 
 Europe. Peals of thunder reverberating through the mountains give a warning of 
 their approach, and the sun breaking through the clouds promotes the prolific vegeta- 
 tion of the fields j^ith its vivifying heat. The heat at this season is equal to the sum- 
 mer of Europe, and the nights are cool and pleasant; but the dews are heavy and 
 pernicious to health. The following meteorological observations, carefully made by 
 Don Jose Ma. Vertez, a Captain of the Spanish navy, will exhibit the average range 
 of temperature: 
 
 Degrees of heat observed in the capital of Porto Rico, taking a medium of five 
 years. 
 
 Degrees of Heat Observed in the CAPrrAL op Porto Rico, taking a Medium of 
 
 Five Years. 
 
 Hours of the Day. 
 
 i 
 
 t-3 
 
 
 ^ 
 ^ 
 
 < 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 be 
 
 
 < 
 
 -1^ 
 
 O 
 O 
 
 77 
 85 
 83 
 
 > 
 o 
 
 75 
 
 84 
 80 
 
 t5 
 
 Q 
 
 Seven in the morning 
 
 72 
 83 
 78 
 
 72 J 
 81 
 
 74 
 
 74 
 83 
 78 
 
 78 
 83 
 80 
 
 78 
 85 
 81 
 
 82 
 86 
 84 
 
 85 
 90 
 
 87 
 
 86 
 93 
 90 
 
 80 i 
 88" 
 83 
 
 75 
 
 Noon 
 
 80 
 
 Five in the evening 
 
 79
 
 60 PORTO RICO, OUR AN"TILLEAN" POSSESSION". 
 
 The weather, after a fifteen or twenty days' rain, clears up and the sun, whose 
 heat has been hitherto moderated by partial clouds and showers of rain, seems, as 
 it were, set in a cloudless sky. The cattle in the pastures look for the shade of 
 the trees, and a perfect calm pervades the whole face of nature from sunrise till be- 
 tween 10 and 11 o'clock in the morning, when the sea breeze sets in. The leaves 
 of the trees seem as if afraid to move, and the sea, without a wave or ruffle on its 
 vast expanse, appears like an immense mirror. Man partakes in the general lan- 
 gour as well as the vegetable and brute creation. 
 
 The nights, although warm, are delightfully clear and serene at this season. 
 Objects may be clearly distinguished at the distance of several hundred yards, so 
 that one may even shoot by moonlight. The months of June and July offer very 
 little variation in the weather or temperature. In August a suffocating heat reigns 
 throughout the day, and at night it is useless to seek for coolness; a faint zephyr is 
 succeeded by a calm of several hours. The atmosphere is heavy and oppressive, 
 and the body, weakened by perspiration, becomes languid; the appetite fails, and 
 the mosquitos, buzzing about the ears by day and night, perplex and annoy by their 
 stings, while the fevers of the tropics attack Europeans with sudden and irresistible 
 violence. This is the most sickly season for the European. The thermometer fre- 
 quently exceeds 90 deg. The clouds exhibit a menacing appearance, portending 
 the approach of the heavy autumnal rains, which pour down like a deluge. About 
 the middle of September it appears as if all the vapors of the ocean had accumu- 
 lated in one point of the heavens. The rain comes down like an immense quantity 
 of water poured through a sieve; it excludes from the view every surrounding 
 object, and in half an hour the whole surface of the earth becomes an immense 
 sheet of water. The rivers are swollen and overflow their banks, the low lands are 
 completely inundated, and the smallest brooks become deep and rapid torrents. 
 
 In the month of October the weather becomes sensibly cooler than during the 
 preceding months, and in November the north and northeast winds generally set 
 in, diffusing an agreeable coolness through the surrounding atmosphere. The body 
 becomes braced and active, and the convalescent feels its genial influence. The 
 north wind is accompanied (with few exceptions) by heavy showers of rain on 
 the north coast; and the sea rolls on that coast with tempestuous violence, while 
 the south coast remains perfectly calm. 
 
 "When the fury of the north wind abates, it is succeeded by fine weather and a 
 clear sky. Nothing can exceed the climate of Porto Rico at this season; one can only 
 compare it to the month of May in the delightful Province of Andalusia, where the
 
 PORTO RICO, OUR ANTILLEAN" POSSESSION. 61 
 
 cold of winter and the burning heat of summer are tempered by the cool freshness 
 of spring. This is considered to be the healthiest season of the year, when a Euro- 
 pean may visit the tropics without fear. 
 
 The small islands, destitute of wood and high mountains, which have a powerful 
 effect in attracting the clouds, suffer much from drought. It sometimes happens that 
 in Curacao, St. Bartholomews, and other islands there are whole years without a 
 drop of rain, and after exhausting their cisterns the inhabitants are compelled to 
 import water from the rivers of other islands. 
 
 "The land breeze" is an advantage which the large islands derive from the in- 
 equality of their surface; for as soon as the sea breeze dies away, the hot air of the 
 valleys being rarified, ascends toward the tops of the mountains, and is there con- 
 densed by cold, which makes it specifically heavier than it was before; it then de- 
 scends back to the valleys on both sides of the ridge. Hence a night wind (blowing 
 on all sides from the land toward the shore) is felt in all the mountainous countries 
 under the torrid zone. On the north shore the wind comes from the south, and on 
 the south shore from the north. 
 
 Storms. — The hurricanes which visit the island, and which obey the general laws 
 of tropical cyclones, are one of the worst scourges of the country. For hours before 
 the appearance of this terrible phenomenon the sea appears calm; the waves come 
 from a long distance very gently until near the shore, when they suddenly rise 
 as if impelled by a superior force, dashing against the land with extraordinary 
 violence and fearful noise. Together with this sign, the air is noticed to be disturbed, 
 the sun red, and the stars obscured by vapor which seems to magnify them. A 
 strong odor is perceived in the sea, which is sulphureous in the waters of rivers, and 
 there are sudden changes in the wind. These omens, together with the signs of un- 
 easiness manifested by various animals, foretell the proximity of a hurricane. 
 
 This is a sort of Avhirlwind, accompanied by rain, thunder and light- 
 ning, sometimes by earthquake shocks, and always by the most terri- 
 ble and devastating circumstances that can possibly combine to ruin a 
 country in a few hours._A clear, serene day is followed by the darkest night; the 
 delightful view offered by woods and prairies is diverted into the deary waste of a 
 cruel winter; the tallest and most robust cedar trees are uprooted, broken off bodily, 
 and hurled into a heap; roofs, balconies, and windows of houses are carried through 
 the air like dry leaves, and in all directions are seen houses and estates laid waste and 
 thrown into confusion. 
 
 The fierce roar of the water and of the trees being destroyed by the winds,
 
 63 POETO RICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION 
 
 the cries and moans of persons, the bellowing of cattle and neighing of horses, 
 which are being carried from place to place by the whirlwinds, the torrents of water 
 inundating the fields, and a deluge of fire being let loose in flashes and streaks of 
 lightning, seem to announce the last convulsions of the universe and the death 
 agonies of nature itself. 
 
 Sometimes these hurricanes are felt only on the north coast, at others on the 
 south coast, although generally their influence extends throughout the island. 
 
 In 1825 a hurricane destroyed the towns of Patillas, Maunabo, Yabucoa, Hu- 
 macao, Gurabo, and Caguas, causing much damage in other towns in the east, north, 
 and center of the island. The island was also visited by a terrible hurricane in 1773. 
 
 Earthquakes. — Earthquakes are somewhat frequent, but not violent or of great 
 consequence. The natives foretell them by noticing clouds settle near the ground 
 for some time in the open places among the mountains. The water of the springs 
 emits a sulphurous odor or leaves a strange taste in the mouth; birds gather in 
 large flocks and fly about uttering shriller cries than usual; cattle bellow and 
 horses neigh, etc. A few hours beforehand the air becomes calm and dimmed 
 by vapors which arise from the ground, and a few moments before there is a slight 
 breeze, followed at intervals of two or three minutes by a deep rumbling noise, 
 accompanied by a sudden gust of wind, which are the forerunners of the vibration, 
 the latter following immediately. These shocks are sometimes violent and are usually 
 repeated, but owing to the special construction of the houses, they cause no damage. 
 
 Tides. — For seven hours the tide runs rapidly in a northwest direction, return- 
 ing in the opposite direction with equal rapidity for five hours. 
 
 Orography. — The general relief of Porto Rico is much inferior in altitude to that 
 of the rest of the Great Antilles, and even some of the Lesser Antilles have mountain 
 summits which rival it. 
 
 A great chain of mountains divides the islands into two parts, northern and 
 southern, which are called by the natives Banda del Norte and Banda del Sur. 
 This chain sends out long ramifications toward the coasts, the interstices of which 
 form beautiful and fertile valleys, composed in the high parts of white and red 
 earths, on the spurs of black and weaker earths, and near the coasts of sand. 
 
 To the northwest and following a direction almost parallel with the northern 
 coast, the Sierra of Lares extends from Aguadilla to the town of Lares, where it 
 divides into two branches, one going north nearly to the coast, near Arecibo harbor, 
 and the other extending to the spurs of the Sierra Grande de Banos; this
 
 POETO RICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 65 
 
 latter starting from Point Guaniquilla, crosses the island in its entire 
 length, its last third forming the Sierra of Cayey. 
 
 The whole island may be said to form a continuous network of sierras, hills, and 
 heights. Of these the Sierra del Loquillo is distinguished for its great altitude 
 (the highest peak being Yunque, in the northeast corner of the island and visible 
 from the sea, a distance of 120 kilometers), as is also Laivonito Mountain, near the 
 south coast. 
 
 The following are the four highest mountains, with their heights above the 
 sea level: Yunque, in Luquillo, 1,290 yards; Guilarte, in Adjuntas, 1,180 yards; 
 La Somanta, in Aybonito, 1,077 yards; Las Tetas de Cerro Gordo, in San German, 
 8G0 yards. All are easily ascended on foot or horseback, and there are coffee plan- 
 tations near all of them. 
 
 Approximate Height of Towns Above the Sea Level. — Aybonito, with its accli- 
 matization station, 970 yards; Adjuntas, an almost exclusively Spanish town, 810 
 yards; Cayey, with a very agreeable climate, 750 yards; Lares, with a very agree- 
 able climate, 540 yards; Utuado, with a very agreeable climate, 480 yards; Muricao, 
 an exclusively Spanish town, 480 yards. "To ascend to all these towns there are 
 very good wagon roads. There are no fortifications of any kind in them, but they 
 are surrounded on all sides by mountains. 
 
 Hydrography. — Few countries of the extent of Porto Rico are watered by so 
 many streams. Seventeen rivers, taking their rise in the mountains, cross the val- 
 leys of the north coast and empty into the sea. Some of these are navigable 2 or 3 
 leagues from their mouths for schooners and small coasting vessels. Those of 
 Manati, Loisa, Trabajo, and Arecibo are very deep and broad, and it is difficult to 
 imagine how such large bodies of water can be collected in so short a Course. Owing 
 to the heavy surf which continually breaks on the north coast, these rivers have bars 
 across their embouchures which do not allow large vessels to enter. The rivers of 
 Bayamo and Rio Piedras flow into the harbor of the capital, and are also navigable 
 for boats. At high water small brigs may enter the river of Arecibo with perfect 
 safety and discharge their cargoes, notwithstanding the bar which crosses its mouth. 
 
 The rivers of the north coast have a decided advantage over those of the south 
 coast, where the climate is drier and the rains less frequent. Nevertheless, the 
 south, west, and east coasts are well supplied with water; and, although in some 
 seasons it does not rain for ten, and sometimes twelve months on the south coast, 
 the livers are never entirely dried up.
 
 66 PORTO EICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 
 
 From the Cabeza de San Juan, which is the northeast extremity of the island, 
 to the cape of Mala Pascua, which hes to the southeast, 9 rivers fall into the sea. 
 
 From Cape Mala Pascua to Point Aguila, which forms the southwest angle of 
 the island, 16 rivers discharge their waters on the south coast. 
 
 On the west coast 3 rivers, 5 rivulets, and several fresh-water lakes commumcate 
 with the sea. In the small extent of 330 leagues of area there are 46 rivers, besides a 
 countless number of rivulets and branches of navigable water. 
 
 The rivers of the north coast are stocked with delicious fish, some of them large 
 enough to weigh two quintals. 
 
 From the river of Arecibo to that of Manati, a distance of 5 leagues, a fresh-water 
 lagoon, perfectly navigable for small vessels through the whole of its extent, runs 
 parallel to the sea at about a mile from the shore. 
 
 In the fertile valley of Anasco, on the western coast, there is a canal formed 
 by nature, deep and navigable. None of the rivers are of real military importance; 
 for, though considering the shortness of their course, they attain quite a volume, 
 still it IS not sufficient for good-sized vessels. 
 
 The rivers emptying on the north coast are Loisa, Aguas Prietas, Arecibo, Baya- 
 mon, Camuy, Cedros, Grande, Guajataca de la Tuna, Lesayas, Loquillo, Manati, 
 Rio Piedras, Sabana, San Martin, Sibuco, Toa, and Vega. 
 
 Those emptying on the east coast are Candelero, Dagua, Fajardo, Guayanes, 
 Majogua, and Maonabo. 
 
 On the south coast: Aquamanil, Caballon, Cana, Coamo, Descalabrado, Guanica, 
 Guayama, Guayanilla, Jacagua, Manglar, Penuela, Ponce and Vigia. 
 
 On the west coast: Aguada, Boqueron, Cajas, Culebrina, Chico, Guana jibo, 
 Mayagiiez, and Rincon. 
 
 The limits of the Loisa river are: On the east, the sierra of Luquillo (situated 
 near the northeast corner of the island); on the south, the sierra of Cayey, and 
 on the west, ramifications of the latter. It rises in the northern slopes of the sierra 
 of Cayey, and, running in a northwest direction for the first half of its course and 
 turning to northeast in the second half, it arrives at Loisa, a port on the northern 
 coast, where it discharges its waters into the Atlantic. During the first part of its 
 course it is known by the name of Cayagua. 
 
 The Sabana river has, to the east and south, the western and southern limits 
 of the preceding river, and on the west the Sierra Grande, or De Barros, which is 
 situated in the center of the general divide, or watershed. It rises in the sierra of 
 Cayey, and, with the name of Pinones river, it flows northwest, passing through Ai-
 
 PORTO RICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 67 
 
 bonito, Toa Alta, Toa Baja, and Dorado, where it discharges into the Atlantic to 
 the west of the preceding river. 
 
 The Manati river is bounded on the east and south by the Sierra Grande and 
 on the west by the Siales ridge. It rises in the Sierra Grande, and parallel with 
 the preceding river, it flows through Siales and Manati, to the north of which latter 
 town it empties into the Atlantic. 
 
 The Arecibo river is bounded on the east by the Siales mountain ridge, on the 
 south by the western extremity of the Sierra Grande, and on the west by the liares 
 ridge. It rises in the general divide, near Adjuntas, and flows north through the 
 town of Arecibo to the Atlantic, shortly before emptying into which it receives the 
 Tanama river from the left, which proceeds from the Lares Mountains. 
 
 The Culebrina river is bounded on the south and east by the Lares mountain 
 ridge, and on the north by small hills of little interest. From the Lares Mountains 
 it flows from east to west and empties on the west coast north of San Francisco de la 
 Aguada, in the center of the bay formed between Point Penas Blancas and Point 
 San Francisco. 
 
 The Anasco river is formed by the Lares mountain ridge. It rises in the eastern 
 extremity of the mountains called Tetas de Cerro Gordo, flowing first northwest 
 and then west, through the town of its name and thence to the sea. 
 
 The Guanajivo river has to its north the ramifications of the Lares ridge, to 
 the east the Tetas de Cerro Gordo Mountains, and on the south Torre Hill. In 
 the interior of its basin is the mountain called Cerro Montuoso, which separates 
 its waters from those of tis affluent from the right, the Rosaria river. It rises in the 
 general divide, flowing from east to west to Nuestra Senora de Montserrat, where 
 it receives the affluent mentioned, the two together then emptying south of Port 
 Mayaguez. 
 
 The Coamo river is bounded on the west and north by the Sierra Grande, 
 and on the west by the Coamo ridge. It rises in the former of these sierras, and 
 flowing from north to south it empties east of Coamo Point, after having watered the 
 town of its name. 
 
 The Salinas river is bounded on the west by the Coamo ridge, on the north by 
 the general divide, and on the east by the Caj^ey ridge. It rises in the southern 
 slopes of the Sierra Grande and flowing from north to south through Salinas de 
 Coamo, empties into the sea. 
 
 Coasts, Harbors, Bays, and Coves.— The northern coast extends in an almost 
 straight line from east to west, and is high and rugged. The only harbors it has
 
 68 PORTO RICO, OUE ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 
 
 are the following: San Juan de Porto Rico, surrounded by mangrove swamps and 
 protected by the Cabras and the Cabritas islands and some very dangerous banks; 
 the anchoring ground of Arecibo, somewhat unprotected; and the coves of Cangrejos 
 and Condado. During the months of November, December, and January, when 
 the wind blows with violence from the east and northeast, the anchorage is danger- 
 ous in all the bays and harbors of this coast, except in the port of San Juan, Ves- 
 sels are often obliged to put to sea on the menacing aspect of the heavens at this sea- 
 son, to avoid being driven on shore by the heavy squalls and the rolling waves of a 
 boisterous sea, which propel them to destruction. During the remaining months 
 the ports on this coast are safe and commodious, unless when visited by a hurricane, 
 against whose fury no port can offer a shelter, nor any vessel be secure. The ex- 
 cellent port of San Juan is perfectly sheltered from the effects of the north wind. 
 The hill, upon which the town of that name and the fortifications which defend it 
 are built, protects the vessels anchored in the harbor. The entrance of this port 
 is narrow, and requires a pilot; for the canal which leads to the anchorage, although 
 deep enough for vessels of any dimensions, is very narrow, which exposes them to 
 run aground. This port is several miles in extent, and has the advantage of having 
 deep canals to the east, among a wood of mangrove trees, where vessels are perfectly 
 secure during the hurricane months. Vessels of 250 tons can at present unload 
 and take in their cargoes at the wharf. Harbor improvements have been recently 
 made here. 
 
 On the northwest and west are the coves of Aguadilla, the town of this name 
 being some 4 kilometers inland. There are the small coves of Rincon, Anasco, and 
 Mayaguez, the latter being protected and of sufficient depth to anchor vessels of mod- 
 erate draft; the harbor of Real de Cabo Rojo, nearly round, and entered by a narrow 
 channel; and the cove of Boqueron. The spacious bay of Aguadilla is formed by 
 Cape Borrigua and Cape San Francisco. When the north-northwest and southwest 
 winds prevail it is not a safe anchorage for ships, A heavy surf rolling on the shore 
 obliges vessels to seek safety by putting to sea on the appearance of a north wind. 
 Mayaguez is also an open roadstead formed by two projecting capes. It has good 
 anchorage for vessels of a large size and is well sheltered from the north winds. 
 The port of Cabo Rojo has also good anchorage. It is situated S. one-fourth N. 
 of the point of Guanajico, at a distance of 5^ miles. Its shape is nearly circular, 
 and it extends from east to west 3 to 4 miles. At the entrance it has 3 fathoms of 
 water, and 16 feet in the middle of the harbor. The entrance is a narrow canal. 
 
 The south coast abounds in bays and harbors, but is covered with mangroves
 
 PORTO EICO. OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 69 
 
 and reeis, the only harbor where vessels of regular draft can enter being Guanica 
 and Ponce. The former of these is the westernmost harbor on the southern 
 coast, being at the same time the best, though the least visited, owing to the swamps 
 and low tracts difficult to cross leading from it to the interior. The nearest towns, 
 San German, Sabana Grande, and Yauco, carry on a small trade through this port. 
 
 In the port of Guanica, vessels drawing 21 feet of water may enter with perfect 
 safety." Its entrance is about 100 yards wide, and it forms a spacious basin, com- 
 pletely landlocked. The vessels may anchor close to the shore. It has, in the whole 
 extent, from 6^ to 3 fathoms, the latter depth being formed in the exterior of the 
 port. The entrance is commanded by two small hills on either side, which if mounted 
 with a few pieces of artillery would defy a squadron to force it. This port would be 
 of immense advantage in time of war. The national vessels and coasters would thus 
 have a secure retreat from an enemy's cruiser on the south coast. There are no 
 wharves, but vessels could disembark troops by running alongside the land and run- 
 ning out a plank. Coamo Cove and Aguirre and Guayama are also harbors. The 
 port of Jovos, near Guayama, is a haven of considerable importance. It is a large 
 and healthy place, and the most Spanish of any city on the island after San Juan. 
 There are good roads to the capital. Vessels of the largest kind may anchor and 
 ride in safety from the winds, and the whole British navy would find room in its 
 spacious bosom. It has 4 fathoms of water in the shallowest part of the entrance. 
 However, it is difficult to enter this port from June to November, as the sea breaks 
 with violence at the entrance, on account of the southerly winds which reign at that 
 season. It has every convenience of situation and locality for forming docks for the 
 repair of shipping. The large bay of Anasco, on the south coast, affords anchorage 
 to vessels of all sizes. It is also safe from the north winds. Althoudi on the eastern 
 coast there are many places for vessels to anchor, yet none of them are exempt 
 from danger during the north winds except Fajardo, where a safe anchorage is to 
 be found to leeward of two little islands close to the bay, where vessels are completely 
 sheltered. 
 
 The island of Vieques has also several commodious ports and harbors, where 
 vessels of the largest size may ride at anchor. 
 
 On the east coast is Cape Cabeza de San Juan, Points Lima, Candeleros, and Nar- 
 anjo, and Cape Mala Pascua; on the south coast. Point Viento, Tigueras, Corchones, 
 Arenas, Fama or Maria, Cucharas, Guayanilla, Guanica, and Morillos de Cabo Rojo; 
 on the west coast, points San Francisco, Cadena, Guanijito, Guaniquilla, and Palo 
 Seco.
 
 70 POETO RICO, OUE ANTILLEAK POSSESSION. 
 
 Highways. — There are few roads or ways of communication which are worthy of 
 mention, with the exception of the broad pike which starts from the capital and 
 runs along the coast;, passing through the following towns: Aguadilla, Bayamon, 
 Cabo Rojo, Humacao, Juana Diaz, Mayaguez, Ponce, and San German. It has no 
 bridges; is good in dry weather, but in the rainy season is impassible for wagons and 
 even at times for horsemen. 
 
 For interior communication there are only a few local roads or paths. They 
 are usually 2 yards in width, made by the various owners, and can not be well trav- 
 eled in rainy weather. They are more properly horse and mule trails, and oblige 
 people to go in single file. In late years much has been attempted to improve 
 the highways connecting the principal cities, and more has been accomplished 
 than in Spanish colonies. There is a good made road connecting Ponce on the 
 southern coast with San Juan the capital. Other good roads also extend for a short 
 distance along the north coast and along the south coast. The road from Guayama 
 is also said to be a passably good one. 
 
 There are in the island about 150 miles of excellent road, and this is all that re- 
 ceives any attention, transportation being effected elsewhere on horse back. Ini the 
 construction of a road level foundation is sought, and on this is put a heavy layer 
 of crushed rock and brick, which, after having been well packed and rounded, is cov- 
 ered with a layer of earth. This is well packed also, and upon the whole is spread a 
 layer of ground limestone, which is pressed and rolled until it forms almost a glossy 
 surface. This makes an excellent road here where the climate is such that it does 
 not affect it, and when there is no heavy traffic, but these conditions being changed, 
 the road, it is thought, would not stand so well. 
 
 From Palo Seco, situated about a mile and a half from the capital, on the op- 
 posite side of the bay, a carriage road, perfectly level, has been constructed for a 
 distance of 22 leagues to the town of Aguadilla on the west coast, passing through 
 the towns of Yegabaja, Manati, Arecibo, Hatillo, Camuy, and Isabella. This road 
 has been carried for several leagues over swampy lands, which are intersected by 
 deep drains to carry off the water. 
 
 The road from Aguadilla to Mayaguez is in some parts very good, in other parts 
 only fair. From Aguadilla to Aguada, a distance of a league, the road is excellent 
 and level. From thence to Mayaguez, through the village of Eincon and the town of 
 Anasco, the road is generally good, but on the seashore it is sometimes interrupted 
 by shelving rocks. Across the valley of Anasco the road is carried through a boggy 
 tract, with bridges over several deep creeks of fresh water. From thence to the
 
 POETO EICO, OUE ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 71 
 
 large commercial town of Majaguez the road is uneven and requires some improve- 
 ment. But the roads from Mayaguez and Ponce to their respective ports on the 
 seashore can not be surpassed by any in Europe. They are made in a most sub- 
 stantial manner, and their convex form is well adapted to preserve them from the 
 destruction caused by the heavy rains of the climate. These roads have been made 
 over tracts of swampy ground to the seacoast, but with little and timely repair 
 they will last forever. 
 
 A road, which may be called a carriage road, has been made from Ponce to the 
 village of xVdjuntas, situated 5 leagues in the interior of the aiountains. The road 
 along the coast, from Ponce to Guayama, is fairly good; from thence to Patillas 
 there is an excellent carriage road for a distance of 3 leagues; from the latter place 
 to the coast is a high road well constructed. From Patillas to Fajardo, on the eastern 
 coast, passing through the towns of Maimavo, Yubacao, Humacao, and Naguabo, the 
 roads are not calculated for wheel vehicles, in consequence of being obliged to ascend 
 and descend several steep hills. That which crosses the mountain of Mala Pascua, 
 dividing the north and east coasts, is a good 'and solid road, upon which a person 
 on horseback may travel with great ease and safety. The road crossing the valley of 
 Yubacao, which consists of a soft and humid soil, requires more attention than that 
 crossmg the mountain of Mala Pascua, which has a fine, sandy soil. 
 
 From Fajardo to the capital, through the towns of Luquillo, Loisa, and E'o 
 Piedras, the road is tolerably good for persons on horseback as far as Eio Pie- 
 dras, and from thence to the city of San Juan, a distance of 2 leagues, is an ex- 
 cellent carriage road, made by the order and under the inspection of the Captain- 
 General, part of it through a mangrove swamp. Over the river Loisa is a handsome 
 wooden bridge, and on the road near Eio Piedras is a handsome stone one over a 
 deep rivulet. 
 
 One of the best roads in the island extends from the town of Papino, situated in 
 the mountains, to the town of Aguadilla on the coast, distant 5| leagues, through the 
 village of La Moca; in the distance of 3 leagues from the latter place, it is crossed 
 by 10 deep mountain rivulets, formerly impassable, but over which solid bridges 
 have now been built, with side railings. In the mountainous district within the cir- 
 cumference of a few leagues no less than 47 bridges have been built to facilitate 
 the communication between one place and the other. 
 
 The following are the roads of 6 meters width, 4^ in center of pounded stone. 
 They have iron bridges and are in good shape for travel dll the year. 
 
 (1) San Juan to the Shore near Ponce. — Irom San Juan Co Ponce the central
 
 72 PORTO RICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 
 
 road is exactly 134 kilometers. Distances along the line are: Rio Piedras, 11; 
 Caguas, 25; to Cayei, 24; Aybonito, 20; Coanio, 18; Juana Diaz, 20; to Ponce, 
 13; and to the shore, 3. Exact. 
 
 (2) San Juan to Bayamon. — By ferry fifteen minutes to Catano, and from there 
 by road to Bayamon 10 kilometers. This passes alongside the railway. 
 
 (3) Rio Piedras to Mameyes, 36 kilometers; from Rio Piedras to Carolina, 12; 
 to Rio Grande, 19; to Mameyes, 5. 
 
 (4) Cayei to Arroyo, 35 kilometers; from Cayei to Guayama, 25; to Arroyo, 8; 
 from San Juan to Arroyo, via Cayei, is 95 kilometers. 
 
 (5 Ponce to Adjuntas, 32 kilometers. 
 
 (6) San German to Anasco, 33 kilometers; from San German to Mayaguez, 21 
 kilometers; Mayaguez to Anasco, 12; Mayaguez to Mormigueros, 11; Mayaguez to 
 Cabo Rojo, 18; Mayaguez to Las Marias, 23; Mayaguez to Maricao, 35; Ilor- 
 migueras to San German, 14. Near Mayaguez the roads are best. There are go-ad 
 roads in all directions. 
 
 (7) Aguadilla to San Sebastian, 18. 
 
 (8) Arecibo to Utuado, 33. 
 
 Highways of first class in the island, 335 kilometers. 
 
 Along these roads are, at a distance of 8 to 10 kilometers, a fort, stone, and 
 brick barracks, or large buildings, where the Spanish troops stop and rest when 
 on the march. 
 
 Railroads. — In 1878 a report was presented to the minister of the colonies on a 
 study made by the engineer and head of public works of the island in view of con- 
 structing a railroad which should start from the capital and, passing through all 
 the chief towns and through the whole island, return to the point of departure. 
 
 Of this railroad the following parts have been completed: San Juan, along 
 the coast through Rio Piedras, Bayamon, Dorado, Arecibo, and Hatillo, to Camuy; 
 Aguadilla, through Aguado, Rincon, Anasco, and Mayaguez, to Hornigueros. A 
 branch of this railroad from Anasco, through San Sebastian, to Lares. Ponce, 
 through Guayanilla, to Yauco. This latter railroad follows the southern coast line 
 and is followed by a wagon road throughout its course. In one place the railroad and 
 road run within a few hundred yards of the coast line. According to the Statesman'^ 
 Year Book for 1898 there are in operation 137 miles of railroad, besides over 170 
 miles under construction. 
 
 All the railroads are single track, and the gauge is 1 meter ^0 centimeters, or 3 
 feet 11^ inches.
 
 PORTO EICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION; 73 
 
 The following are the railways of l-meter gauge: 
 
 (1) San Juan to Rio Piedras, 11 kilometers. 
 
 (3) Catano to Bayamon, 10 kilometers. 
 
 (3) Anasco to San Sebastian and Lares, 35 kilometers. 
 
 Total of three lines, 56 Idlometers. 
 
 The lines are all in good shape, have plenty of engines and cars; speed, 20 kil- 
 ometers per hour; use coal for fuel imported from the United States; supply usually 
 large, may he small now; hard coal; fine stations; plenty of water, and everything 
 in shape for business. 
 
 Telegraphs. — The capital communicates with the principal towns of the coast and 
 interior by means of a well-connected telegraph system. There are in all some 470 
 miles of telegraph. 
 
 Telephones. — The British Consular Report saj's that the telephone system of San 
 Juan, Ponce, and Mayaguez have recently been contracted for by local syndicates. 
 In Ponce a United States company obtained the contract for the material. There 
 are 100 stations already connected, and it is expected that 200 more will be in opera- 
 tion shortly. 
 
 Administration. — From an administrative standpoint, Porto Eico is not con- 
 sidered as a colony, but as a province of Spain, assimilated to the remaining prov- 
 inces. The Governor-General, representing the monarchy, is at the same time Cap- 
 tain-General of the armed forces. In each chief town resides a military commander, 
 and each town has its alcalde, or mayor, appointed by the central power. The prov- 
 incial deputation is elected by popular suffrage under the same conditions as in 
 Spain. The regular peace garrison is composed of about 3,000 men, and the annual 
 budget amounts to some 20,000,000 pesos. 
 
 Education. — In 1887 only one-seventh of the population could read and write, 
 but of late years progress in public instruction has been rapid. 
 
 Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce. — In 1878 there arrived in the harbors of 
 
 the island 1,591 vessels of different nationalities and 1,531 departed. The value of 
 
 products imported was 14,787,551 pesos, and that of articles exported was 13,070,- 
 
 020 pesos. The following are the relative percentages of values: 
 
 Flags. Relation. 
 
 Per Cent. 
 
 Spanish 49.91 
 
 American 13.47 
 
 English 21.43 
 
 Various Nations 15.19 
 
 Total 100.00
 
 74 PORTO RICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 
 
 Navigation is very active, but the part the inhabitants take in the commercial 
 fleet is small. The Porto Ricans are not seagoing people. The eastern part of the 
 island offers less advantage to commerce than the western, being to the windward 
 and affording less shelter to vessels. 
 
 Porto Rico has more than seventy towns and cities, of which Ponce is the most 
 important. Ponce has 22,000 inhabitants, with a jurisdiction numbering 47,000. It 
 is situated on the south coast of the island, on a plain, about 2 miles from the sea- 
 board. It is the chief town of the judicial district of its name, and is 70 miles from 
 San Juan. It is regularly built, the central part almost exclusively of brick houses, 
 and the suburbs of wood. It is the residence of the military commander, and the seat 
 of an official chamber of commerce. There is an appellate criminal court, besides other 
 courts; 2 churches, one Protestant, said to be the only one in the Spanish West 
 Indies; 2 hospitals besides the military hospital, a home of refuge for old and poor, 
 2 cemeteries, 3 asylums, several casinos, 3 theaters, a market, a municipal public 
 library, 3 first-class hotels, 3 barracks, a park, gas works, a perfectly equipped fire de- 
 partment, a bank, thermal and natural baths, etc. Commercially, Ponce is the second 
 city of importance on the island. A fine road leads to the port (Playa), where all 
 the import and export trade is transacted, Playa has about 5,000 inhabitants, and 
 here are situated the custom house, the office of the captain of the port, and all the 
 consular offices. The port is spacious and will hold vessels of 25 feet draft. The 
 climate, on account of the sea breezes during the day and land breezes at night, is not 
 oppressive, but very hot and dry; and, as water for all purposes, including the fire 
 department, is amply supplied by an aqueduct 4,442 yards long, it is said that the 
 city of Ponce is perhaps the healthiest place in the whole island. There is a stage 
 coach to San Juan, Mayaguez, Guayama^ etc. There is a railroad to Yauco, a post 
 office, and a telegraph station. 
 
 It is believed that Ponce was founded in 1600; it was given the title of villa in 
 1848, and in 1877 that of city. Of its 34 streets the best are Mayor, Salud, Villa, 
 Vivos, Marina, and Comercio, The best squares are Principal and Las Delicias, which 
 are separated by the church of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe, The church, as old as 
 the town itself, began to be reconstructed in 1838 and was finished in 1847. It is 
 86 yards long by 43 broad, and has two steeples, rich altars, and fine ornaments. 
 
 The theater is called the Pearl, and it deserves this name, for it is the finest 
 on the island. It has a sculptured porch, on the Byzantine order, with very graceful 
 columns. It is mostly built of iron and marble and cost over 70,000 pesos. It is 53 
 yards deep by 29 wide. The inside is beautiful, the boxes and seats roomy and
 
 PORTO RICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 75 
 
 nicely decorated. It may, by a mechanical arrangement, be converted into a danc- 
 ing hall. 
 
 About 1^ miles northeast of the town are the Quintana thermal baths, in a build- 
 ing surrounded by pretty gardens. They are visited by sufferers from rheumatism 
 and various other diseases. 
 
 San Juan is a perfect specimen of a walled town, with portcullis, moat, gates, 
 and battlements. The wall surrounding this town is defended by several batteries. 
 Facing the harbor are those of San Fernando, Santa Catalina, and Santa Toribio. 
 Looking toward the land side is Fort Abanico, and toward the ocean the batteries of 
 San Antonio, San Jose, and Santa Teresa, and Fort Princesa. The land part has 
 two ditches, or cuts, which are easy to inundate. The fort and bridge of San Antonio 
 that of San Geronimo, and the Escambron battery situated on a tongue of land 
 which enters the sea. Built over two hundred and fifty years ago, the city is still 
 in good condition and repair. The walls are picturesque, and represent a stupendous 
 work and cost in themselves. Inside the walls the city is laid off in regular squares, 
 six parallel streets running in the direction of the length of the island and seven at 
 right angles. 
 
 The peninsula on which San Juan is situated is connected with the mainland by 
 three bridges. The oldest, that of San Antonio, carries the highway across the 
 shallow San Antonio Channel. It is a stone-arched bridge about 350 yards long 
 including the approaches. By the side of this bridge is one for the railroad and 
 one for the tramway which follows the main military highway to Rio Piedras. 
 
 Among the buildings the following are notable: The palace of the Captain- 
 General, the palace of the intendencia, the town hall, military hospital, jail, Ballaja 
 barracks, theater, custom house, cathedral. Episcopal palace, and seminary. There 
 is no university or provincial institute of second grade instruction, and only one 
 college, which is under the direction of Jesuit priests. The houses are closely and 
 compactly built of brick, usually of two stories, stuccoed on the outside and painted 
 in a variety of colors. The upper floors are occupied by the more respectable people, 
 while the ground floors, almost without exception, are given up to the negroes and 
 the poorer class, who crowd one upon another in the most appalling manner. 
 
 The population within the walls is estimated at 20,000 and most of it lives on 
 the ground floor. In one small room, with a flimsy partition, a whole family will 
 reside. The ground floor of the whole town reeks with filth, and- conditions are 
 most unsanitary. In a tropical country, where disease readily prevails, the conse- 
 quences of such herding may be easily inferred. There is no running water in the
 
 76 PORTO EICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 
 
 town. The entire population depend upon rain water, caught upon the flat roofs 
 of the buildings and conducted to the cistern, which occupies the greater part of 
 the inner court-yard that is an essential part of Spanish houses the world over, 
 but that here, on account of the crowded conditions, is very small. There is no 
 sewerage, except for surface water and sinks, while vaults are in every house and 
 occupy whatever remaining space there may be in the patios not taken up by the 
 cisterns. The risk of contaminating the water is very great, and in dry seasons 
 the supply is entirely exhausted. Epidemics are frequent, and the town is alive 
 with vermin, fleas, cockroaches, mosquitoes, and dogs. 
 
 The streets are wider than in the older part of Havana, and will admit two car- 
 riages abreast. The sidewalks are narrow, and in places will accommodate but 
 one person. The pavements are of a composition manufactured in England from 
 slag, pleasant and even, and durable when no heavy strain is brought to bear upon 
 them, but easily broken, and unfit for heavy trafflc. The streets are swept once a 
 day by hand, and, strange to say, are kept very clean. 
 
 From its topographical situation the town should be healthy, but it is not. The 
 soil under the city is clay mixed with lime, so hard as to be almost like rock. It is 
 consequently impervious to Avater and furnishes a good natural drainage. 
 
 The trade wind blows strong and fresh, and through the harbor runs a stream 
 of sea water at a speed of not less than three miles an hour. With these conditions 
 no contagious diseases, if properly taken care of, could exist; without them the place 
 would be a veritable plague spot. 
 
 Besides the town within the walls there are small portions just outside, called 
 the Marina and Puerta de Tierra, containing two or three thousand inhabitants 
 each. There are also two suburbs, one, San Turce, approached by the only road 
 leading out of the city, and the other, Catano, across the bay, reached by ferry. 
 The Marina and the two suburbs are situated on sandy points or spits, and the 
 latter are surrounded by mangrove swamps. 
 
 The entire population of the city and suburbs, according to the census of 1887, 
 was 27,000. It is now (1896) estimated at 30,000. One-half of the population con- 
 sists of negroes and mixed races. 
 
 There is but little manufacturing, and it is of small importance. The Standard 
 Oil Company has a small refinery across the bay, in which cx'ude petroleum brought 
 from the United States is refined. Matches are made, some brooms, a little soap, 
 and a cheap class of trunks. There are also ice, gas, and electric light works. 
 
 The Island of Porto Rico in 1509 was invaded by Spaniards from Haiti, 
 and has since that time been a Spanish colony.
 
 POETO RICO, OUE ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 71 
 
 A range of lofty mountains called Liiqiiillo, covered with wood and inter- 
 sected by numerous deep ravines, runs through the center of the island, begin- 
 ning near the northeast point and terminating south of Arecibo in a hill called 
 the Silla de Caballo. The highest peak of this chain (3,714 feet high) is visible 
 in clear weather from a distance of sixty-eight miles. It forms an excellent land- 
 mark. It is called El Yunque, or Anvil Peak. In the interior are extensive 
 savannahs, on which large herds of cattle are pastured, and along the coasts are 
 tracts of level, fertile land. 
 
 The principal ports of export are San Juan and Arecibo on the north coast, 
 Aguadilla and Mayagliez on the west, Guanica, Guayanilla, Ponce, and Arrayo 
 on the south, and Humacao and Naguabo on the east coast. 
 
 The coasts of the island are by no means well known, and urgently need to 
 be resurveyed. 
 
 On the eastern coast of Porto Pico there are nine small rivers emptying 
 into the sea, and several ports frequented by small vessels to load with sugar and 
 molasses. The instructions which can be given for this coast are so deficient that 
 it would be by no means safe for a stranger to cruise here without a pilot, who 
 may be obtained at San Juan, St. Thomas, or sometimes at Port Mula, on Crab 
 Island. 
 
 The population in 1800 was 6G6,000. 
 
 Hurricanes. — Although the island is south of the usual track of hurricanes, 
 it has been severely visited by them. The cyclones of 1782 and 1825 were espe- 
 cially destructive. 
 
 The summit of Mona Island is nearly flat, with a few bushes and trees, and 
 it may be seen from a distance of eighteen miles. It is of volcanic formation; its 
 north, east, and northwest sides, consisting of high perpendicular bluffs, afford 
 no landing place. On the west and southeast sides are a number of caves form- 
 ing entrances to extensive subterraneous galleries which run in every direction. 
 The surface of the island is composed of calcareous slate-colored rock, full of holes 
 containing soil in which the trees and brushwood grow. 
 
 There are numbers of wild goats and hogs on the island, and turtles during 
 the season. 
 
 A ridge of rocks runs off the southwest point, and a vessel should not come 
 inside the depth of eight fathoms of water, which will be found at the distance 
 of one-quarter of a mile. 
 
 The eastern and northern parts of the island are said to be clear of danger 
 and steep. The northwest end terminates in a promontory, and its extremity
 
 78 POETO EICO, OUE ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 
 
 rises to a lofty perpendicular rock, which when on a hearing N. 6° E. (N. 6° 
 E. mag.) or S. 6° W. (S. 6° W. mag.), has the appearance of a sail, with Monito 
 open westward of it. From this end, named Cape Barrionuevo, round by south 
 to the east end, the island is bordered by a bank of white sand and rocks with 
 eighteen to three and one-half fathoms water on it. It extends off one and 
 one-half miles between Capes Barrionuevo and Julia, also called Caigo 6 no Caigo 
 Point (I fall, or I don't fall). It takes the latter name from an enormous rock 
 on its summit which is very curiously balanced and threatens every moment 
 to fall. 
 
 The tides on the eastern coast of Porto Eico run with great strength to the 
 northeast seven hours and to the southeast five hours. 
 
 The north coast of Porto Eico is rugged and uneven; it runs in a nearly 
 straight line east and west, and between San Juan Head and Port San Juan 
 presents no shelter whatever. San Juan Head slopes gradually from the summit 
 of the hills to the sea and terminates in a low, but clearly defined point; for about 
 fourteen miles westward from the head the coast is composed of dark, rugged 
 looking cliffs, breaking down from the mountain side, but as the hills turn inward 
 the land becomes low and undulating and appears to be well cultivated, many 
 chimneys of steam sugar mills being seen above the trees. From off the west 
 end of this high and cliffy portion of the coast, the fortifications and part of 
 the city of San Juan will be seen. 
 
 The south coast of Porto Eico is generally foul, and should be very guardedly 
 approached, for there is very little correct information respecting it. It appears, 
 however, that in some parts soundings extend to a considerable distance from the 
 shore, and the lead should, therefore, be well attended. In running down, it is 
 advisable not to come within four or five miles of the land. From the offing 
 this side of the island appears lofty, but the shore is generally low and bounded 
 by mangroves. Sixteen small rivers empty into the sea from this shore, but few 
 are capable of admitting even boats. 
 
 The Bay of Ponce is nearly three miles across between Carenero, the eastern, 
 and Cucharros, the western point; the port is in the northeast corner of the 
 bay, and on its shore is the village of Port Ponce, containing 1,500 inhabitants. 
 The custom-house, a long, white, two-storied building, with flat roof and flagstaff, 
 is the most prominent object in the village, and is very conspicuous from sea- 
 ward. The shores are low and bounded by mangrove and cocoanut trees, but 
 two or three miles westward of Cucharros Point the land rises and becomes 
 hilly.
 
 POETO EICO, OUE ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 79 
 
 The winds around Porto Eico appear to be of the same character as those 
 met with at the Virgin Islands. There is no regular land breeze to take advantage 
 of, although the usual trade wind generally slackens during the night in the 
 immediate vicinity of the shore. Under the west end the wind in the daytime 
 will incline inward. In the winter months north and northwest winds some- 
 times occur, and blow hard, and in the summer long calms and light southeast 
 airs prevail, with terrific squalls and heavy rains, especially on the south side. 
 
 Vieques was temporarily occupied during the two centuries preceding the 
 present by the English and French, but is now entirely under Spanish dominion. 
 Its riches and population are developing from day to day in an admirable man- 
 ner. Its government is politico-military, exercised by a colonel. It has a well- 
 built church of masonry at the town of Isabel Segunda. 
 
 On the southern coast, opposite the harbor of Ponce, and apparently joined 
 to Porto Eico by a reef, is the Caja de Muerto Island, in which there is a good 
 anchoring ground. Its coasts abound in fish and are surrounded by keys. 
 
 To the west of Cape Eojo is the Island of Mona, of volcanic origin. Its 
 coasts rise perpendicularly to a great height above the sea level. It is inhabited 
 by a few fishermen and abounds in goats, bulls, and swine in a wild state. 
 
 To the north-northeast of the foregoing and opposite Cape Barrionuevo is 
 Monito Island. It is a small and elevated rock, inhabited by innumerable water 
 fowl. 
 
 Guanica. — A small town of 1,000 inhabitants, on southern coast, about six 
 miles south of Yauco, of which city it formes the port, and with which it is con- 
 nected by a good road practicable in dry weather. It is situated on the Bay of 
 Guanica, which is one of the best ports in the whole island. The banks to the 
 right are steep and form a good natural wharf. Three vessels can lie alongside 
 and unload by means of gang plank. Vessels of thirty feet draft can easily enter 
 the bay and proceed close inshore. No fortifications or mines. 
 
 Guayama. — A village of 4,500 inhabitants, with a jurisdiction numbering 
 12,884. It is the chief town of the judicial district of its name, and is situated 
 on the south coast forty-nine miles from San Juan. It has a telephone, a rail- 
 road station, a postoffice, and a telegraph station. It was founded in 1736. 
 
 Its church is one of the finest on the island, being rich in altars and orna- 
 ments. It was constructed in 1873, with twenty yards front by forty-four deep. 
 
 San Juan, the capital, is situated on the northern coast, on a long and narrow 
 island, separated from the main island, at one end, by a shallow arm of the sea, 
 over which is the bridge of San Antonio, connecting it with the mainland, which
 
 80 PORTO RICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION. 
 
 runs out at this point in a long sand spit, some nine miles in length, apparently 
 to meet the smaller islands. At the other end the island ends in a rugged bluff or 
 promontory some hundred feet high and three-fourths of a mile distant from the 
 main island. 
 
 This promontory is crowned by Morro Castle, the principal fortification of 
 the town. The form of the castle is that of an obtuse angle, with three tiers 
 of batteries, placed one above the other, toward the sea, their fires crossing each 
 other. Toward the city it has a wall, flanked by two bastions of heavy artillery, 
 which dominates all of the intermediate space, which has the name of Morro, 
 and also part of the city and the north shore of the sea. It has the usual bar- 
 racks, large water tanks, warehouses, chapel, and the necessary offices — all bomb- 
 proof. A mine descends from it to the seashore, through the entrance of the 
 port, its issue being defended by a battery, 
 
 Mayagiiez is the second port for coffee, the average annual export being 170,- 
 000 hundredweights. The quality is of the best, ranging in price with Java 
 and other first-rate brands. The lower grades are sent to Cuba. About 50,000 
 bags of flour are imported into this port every year from the United States 
 out of the 180,000 bags that are consumed in the whole island. The climate is 
 excellent, the temperature never exceeding 90° F. The city is connected by 
 tramway with the neighboring towns of Aguadilla, and a railroad is being con- 
 structed to Lares, one of the largest interior towns. It has a civil and military 
 hospital, two asylums, a public library, three bridges, a handsome market, con- 
 structed of iron, a slaughter-house recently constructed, a theater, etc., and a 
 number of societies of instruction, recreation and commerce. It has a postofnce 
 and telegraph station. It was founded in 1760, was given the title of villa (village) 
 in 1836, and that of city in 1877. 
 
 On the east and south it is bounded by the Hormigueros Mountains, on 
 the north by those of Aiiasco, and on the west by the sea. The part comprised 
 by the vega (plain) is very fertile, and here are grown all fruits of the island. 
 
 Aguadilla. — A city of 5,325 inhabitants, of whom 4,200 are white and 1,125 
 colored. The municipal jurisdiction has 16,085 inhabitants — 11,100 white and 
 4,985 colored. It is the capital and port of the judicial district of its name, and 
 is situated eighty-one miles from San Juan. The climate is hot but healthy, 
 and there yellow fever seldom appears. It has a postoffice and telegraph station. 
 
 It has one of the most picturesque aspects of any town in the country. It 
 is situated on the shore between Cape Borinquen and Culebrinas River, at the foot 
 of Jaicoa Mountain, stretching along in a narrow strip between the sea and the
 
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 PORTO RICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSION". 88 
 
 latter. The mountain is very steep, crowned with leafy trees, and on its slopes 
 are many orange and lemon trees, palms, etc. A stream of crystalline water 
 flows from a spring about half way up its side, and passing through Fuente, 
 Mirador, and Comercio streets of the town, empties into the sea. 
 
 To add to the scenic beauty of the town and mountain a church rises from 
 the mountain side near the source of the stream mentioned. It is of antique 
 construction and has two steeples, and, although old, is in good repair; there is 
 a bell in one steeple and a clock in the other. 
 
 Father Thomas Ewing Sherman : — "Father Tom," as his friends call him, 
 the son of General William Tecumseh Sherman, has made a report to General 
 Brooke of recent tours through the Island of Porto Rico, and they have been 
 made public by Assistant Secretary Meiklejohn through the division of customs 
 and insular affairs. Father Sherman says that as far as he observed the people 
 of Porto Rico are gentle, docile and kindly and that the Spaniards living there 
 rejoice with their Porto Rican friends in the change of sovereignty. The dis- 
 orderly element is a very small fraction in the teeming population of the island. 
 There is some timidity expressed on the part of property-holders, but this is largely 
 due to the paternal system to which they have become accustomed. He says that 
 a liberal public outlay on the roads would add immensely to the commerce and 
 security of the island. 
 
 Father Sherman says it is common talk that the disorders of the last few 
 months have been caused by bands composed partly of prisoners released by the 
 Spaniards and of Spanish soldiers discharged and remaining in the island. Having, 
 he says, ridden about the island alone and as a rule unarmed for the last three 
 months, having visited many priests and alcaldes and prominent merchants, he 
 is strongly impressed by the fact that profound respect is felt for American 
 authority and utmost confidence in the courage of any and all of our men. 
 
 At the same time. Father Sherman says, we cannot too strongly emphasize 
 the needs of an island at once tropical and mountainous, where the bandit finds 
 myriad nooks for hiding and easy sustenance even on the mountain tops; where 
 passions are easily heated and an overcrowded population leaves large numbers out 
 of employment. 
 
 Father Sherman says the state of religion on the island is very unsatisfactory. 
 Though in every town of any size there is found a large and handsome edifice, 
 the services are very poorly attended. All the inhabitants of the island, with few 
 exceptions, are nominally at least Roman Catholics. Very few of the men are 
 more than Catholic in name. They are baptized, married and buried by the
 
 g4 PORTO RICO, OUR ANTILLEAN POSSESSIOIlT. 
 
 priest; that is the extent of their Catholicism. Now that the priests are deprived 
 of governmental aid many are leaving the country and more intend to depart 
 before the winter is over. 
 
 Rehgion is dead on the island. Whether it can be revived as a living influ- 
 ence is highly problematical. There is little or no observance of the sanctity 
 of Sunday. 
 
 With regard to education Father Sherman says he is not prepared to make 
 anjihing like a full report, and the system of burial in Porto Rico has been bar- 
 barous. In places corpses are thrown into shallow graves, sometimes without 
 boxes or casket. The cemeteries are too small and frequently crowded. 
 
 The state of morality can be inferred from the fact that the number of 
 illegitimate children exceeds that of the legitimate. Concubinage is said to be 
 common and is not sufficiently discountenanced, either legally or socially. The 
 eradication of this great evil presents one of the most difficult problems in Porto 
 Rico, owing to the mixture of races there. It is often asserted that the Catholic 
 clergy are partly to blame for this deplorable state of affairs, because marriage is 
 said to be expensive.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 EAELY DESCEIPTIOXS OF POETO EICO. 
 
 Instructive Description of tlie Island Sixty-four Years Ago by Colonel Flinter of 
 the British Army and Spanish Service — More from the Same Writer Quoted 
 by the London Eeview — Valuable Statistics from the Edinburgh Eeview — ■ 
 Eev. Wm. Moister Adds Interesting Information — Natural Eesources, Com- 
 mercial Advantages and Phj'sical Conditions Clearly Described — Social and 
 Moral Standing of the People Fully Considered — Testimony that Reveals 
 the Value of Our Insular Gem. 
 
 The Edinburgh Eeview of 1835, page 329, gives a most interesting account of 
 the Island of Porto Eico, sixty-four years ago, by Colonel Flinter of the British 
 army and Spanish service. This article in the famous Eeview has the recom- 
 mendation of presenting us with a full and interesting account of this valuable 
 island, less known to this country than even Japan or Madagascar. It possesses 
 the additional value of being the production of a writer who evidently formed 
 his opinions on his own account. His sentiments do not savor of any class or 
 school; on the contrary, he frequently advances in the same breath positions 
 which are usually maintained by persons of opposite principles in political mat- 
 ters. Being an officer in the service of Spain, he had a high respect for the admin- 
 istration of the late King Ferdinand and a thorough contempt for all the various 
 liberal sects which overturned his absolute throne and took his daughter under 
 their protection. He, moreover, holds ;n abhorrence all the promoters of South 
 American revolutions. 
 
 "Colonel Flinter appears to have commanded, for several years, the regiment 
 of Spanish troops which was in permanent garrison at Porto Eico and must have 
 had ample opportunities of becoming fully acquainted with its internal condition. 
 It will be perceived, no doubt, that his local partialities sometimes lead him into 
 apparent overstatements and manifest contradictions; but every candid reader will 
 make allowance for the spirit of exaggeration that appears occasionally, to dictate 
 his eulogies on his favorite colony. 
 
 "The early history of Porto Eico affords few features of interest. Although 
 
 one of the oldest colonies of the Spanish crown, it served for three centuries 
 
 only as a convict station; and its free population presented until a few years ago 
 
 a marked specimen of the besotted indolence which characterized a Spanish settle- 
 
 85
 
 86 
 
 EAELY DESCRIPTIONS OF PORTO RICO. 
 
 ment of the old times. The military and civil expenses were defrayed by remit- 
 tances from Mexico; and it was not nntil the revolution caused these remittances 
 to cease in 1810 that the island, owing to the extreme embarrassment of its financial 
 condition began to attract the notice of the mother country. In 1815 a decree was 
 published in its behalf, distinguished like many of the early acts of the restored 
 government by its enlightened sagacity. But this decree, whilst it greatly 
 encouraged free industry, unfortunately at the same time gave an impulse to the 
 employment of slave labor, which had hitherto been unused, rather from indolence 
 and want of capital than from motives of humanity. Colonists were invited 
 to the island on the most liberal terms — lands were allotted gratis, the settlers 
 were free from direct taxes, and for a certain number of years from the tithes 
 and alcabala, as well as from the exportation duties which formed one of the 
 most impolitic features of the old Spanish system. From the period of this 
 decree the advance of Porto Rico in wealth and population has been unexampled, 
 even in the virgin regions of America. A great additional impulse was given by 
 the arrival of capitalists driven by civil war from the Spanish main: — men dis- 
 tinguished in the more prosperous times of South America for their steady regu- 
 larity and probity in the transaction of business. 
 
 "The island appears to be one of the most lovely of all those regions of love- 
 liness which are washed by the Caribbean Sea. Even in that archipelago it is 
 distinguished by the luxuriance of its vegetation, and the soft variety of its scenery. 
 It comprises every kind of tropical landscape in a space not much exceeding the 
 area of one of the larger English counties. Like Jamaica, it is divided from 
 east to west by a range of forest-covered mountains, which do not appear to 
 exceed 3,000 or 4,000 feet in height, but which are sufficient to create a very 
 marked difference of climate between their opposite declivities. The northern dis- 
 trict is moist, subject not only to the periodical rains of the "West Indies, but 
 visited also by occasional showers. Hence its undulating surface is adapted for 
 pasture and the more ordinary kinds of cultivation and is intersected by numerous 
 perennial rivers, whilst the southern part of the island is frequently without 
 rain for many months together, although even here water, according to our author, 
 is always found at half a yard below the surface. The sugar cane, notwithstanding 
 the drought, thrives abundantly and most of the chief plantations of the island 
 are formed on this coast. This inestimable benefit of moisture Porto Rico 
 derives from its forests, which as yet clothe a large portion of the interior, the 
 thick cover at once attracting the rain and preventing evaporation. By the laws 
 of the colony every person who cuts down a tree is bound to plant three in its
 
 EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF PORTO RICO. 87 
 
 place. But it is to be feared that a law so difficult of enforcement is habitually 
 violated and that it will come, like some other islands, which formerly exhibited 
 a similar feature, to present a naked surface to the ineffectual vapors of the 
 Atlantic; its fertility will then diminish and its perennial rivers waste away, even 
 as the clearing of the forests from various parts of the Mediterranean coast — in 
 peninsular Greece and Sicily for example — which were well wooded within the 
 historical era, has diminished the classical rivers of antiquity into mere historical 
 torrents. 
 
 "Although the climate of Porto Rico does not appear to differ materially, as 
 far as its effects can be measured by instruments, from that of the other islands of 
 the Gulf of Mexico, yet its inhabitants certainly seem to enjoy a more than 
 ordinary exemption from the evils which afflict humanity in these sickly regions. 
 The mortality, according to our author's tables, does not exceed that which prevails 
 in some of the healthier countries of Europe. A still more singular characteristic 
 appears to distinguish this island from its neighbors, namely, the great deficiency 
 of native animals of every sort and especially the entire absence (if our author can 
 be credited) of those noxious reptiles and insects which seem to inherit the rest 
 of the "West Indies as their peculiar possession. Colonel Flinter says: 
 
 " 'Like the peasantry of Ireland, the Porto Ricans are proverbial for their 
 hospitality, and, like them, they are ever ready to fight on the slightest provocation. 
 They swing themselves to and fro in their hammocks all day long, smoking their 
 cigars and scraping a guitar. The plantain groves which surround their houses 
 and the coffee-tree which grows almost without cultivation afford them a frugal 
 sustenance. The cabins are thatched with the leaves of the palm tree; the sides 
 are often open, or merely constructed of the same sort of leaves as the roof — 
 such is the mildness of the climate. Some cabins have doors, others have none. 
 A few calabash shells and earthen pots — one or two hammocks made of the bark 
 of the palm tree — two or three game cocks and a machete form the extent of 
 their movable property. A few coffee-trees and plantains, a cow or a horse, an 
 acre of land in corn or sweet potatoes, constitute the property of what would be 
 denominated a comfortable Xaviro — who, mounted on his meager and hard-worked 
 horse, sallies forth from his cabin to mass, to a cockfight — or to a dance, thinking 
 himself the most independent and happy being in existence. 
 
 " 'Riding out one afternoon in the country, I was overtaken by one of those 
 sudden showers common in tropical climates. I fled for shelter to the nearest 
 cottage of a poor Xaviro. I placed my horse without ceremony under the pro- 
 jecting roof. I entered the humble dwelling with the usual salute, which is the
 
 88 EAELY DESCRIPTIONS OF PORTO RICO. 
 
 same as in Ireland, "God save all here/' which, was courteously answered by the 
 man of the house. He was coiled up in a hammock. One foot rested on the 
 ground, with which he propelled the hammock to and fro, and at intervals with 
 his great toe he turned a large sweet potato which was roasting on a few embers 
 placed on a flag on the ground close to him. He had a guitar in his hand. On 
 my entrance he offered me the hammock, which I, of course, refused. Two small 
 children, perfectly naked, were swinging to and fro in another small hammock. 
 The woman of the house was squatted on the floor, feeding four game cocks which 
 were lodged in the best part of the house, while the husband every now and 
 then would warn her not to give them too much corn or too much water. The 
 people received me with an urbanity unknown to the peasantry of Northern 
 Europe. They placed a large leaf of the palm tree over my saddle to protect 
 it from the rain, and pressed me to sit down in the kindest manner. The host 
 was very communicative and enumerated the battles his game cocks had won. 
 He pointed out to me one which he said was "a most delicate one," an expression 
 made use of by the Xaviros to denote its great value, and he concluded by offering 
 it to me as a present. Indeed a Xaviro would form a very poor opinion of a 
 person who could not discuss the merits of a game cock. In going away they 
 offered me their cabin with as much politeness as if had been a palace, and hoped 
 to see me again. I was forcibly struck with the native courtesy of these people, 
 and it gratified me to observe the content and happiness they enjoy without a 
 thought for the present or care for the future — without wants, without wishes, 
 without ambition.' " 
 
 The Monthly Review, London, 1834, gave an account of the state of the Island 
 of Porto Rico in that year, taking Colonel Flinter's book as a basis, and saying: 
 
 "The author in his leisure hours from his first landing as a British officer 
 in the West Indies, twenty-one years ago, to a late period when he has been 
 doing duty on the staff of the Spanish army which garrisons the colonies of Her 
 Most Catholic Majesty, have been dedicated to the acquisition of every informa- 
 tion that could throw light on the colonial policy of Spain. His principal object 
 is to make known the great and growing importance of the colonies that remain 
 to Spain in the western hemisphere, and especially of the valuable and fertile 
 Island of Porto Rico. There is doubtless about Colonel Flinter a strong admira- 
 tion of what is Spanish, and yet the author recommends to the Government 
 of Her Catholic Majesty immediately to drive back from the ports of Cuba to the 
 coast of Africa every slave ship with its cargo that might be captured by the
 
 EAELY DESCEIPTIONS OF POETO EICO. 89 
 
 cruisers of France or England. At first, and for the space of three centuries after 
 its discovery, notwithstanding all the advantages of soil and situation, Porto 
 Eico was considered only as a place of banishment for the malefactors of the 
 mother country. But in 1815 a royal decree was passed fraught with beneficent 
 and enlightened views. Flourishing towns and smiling villages have risen. Colonel 
 Flinter says: 
 
 " 'The person who carries into foreign countries national habits and preju- 
 dices will always find abundant room for ridicule and criticism, A stranger who 
 had never visited Spain or her colonies, on reading the prejudiced and false 
 descriptions given of them by many modern writers, would dread to sleep a single 
 night among the inhabitants. But the writer who honestly aims at furnishing 
 the public with sound and accurate information, should divest himself of all 
 illiberal and narrow propositions. He should look on the whole world as his 
 country and on all mankind as his countrymen. 
 
 " 'Eome, the greatest empire of the world, was first peopled by robbers and 
 assassins. It need not, therefore, appear strange that this island should have 
 received a part of her white inhabitants from the dregs of society as well as 
 some from the higher classes. This, perhaps, has happened at the first coloniza- 
 tion of almost all countries. Porto Eico was formerly only a military post; and 
 the troops that garrisoned it were stationary. The officers, despairing of returning 
 to Europe, married with the Creole ladies, many of whom, proud of descending 
 from the first conquerors, were considered noble. In this manner the officers, 
 becoming at once soldiers and agriculturists, looked on Porto Eico as their home, 
 and they and their children form a considerable part of the white population 
 that is this day found here. Many of the most opulent and respectable families 
 descend from them. They look back with pride to their origin, and they form 
 an indissoluble link of connection with the mother country. These and the 
 descendants from the conquerors form what may be called the Porto Eico aristoc- 
 racy, and some of them support their pretensions with as much pride as if they 
 were grandees of Spain. Even in the midst of poverty they are inexorable in 
 exacting from their inferiors the homage paid to superior rank. Merchants, shop- 
 keepers, and all the inferior branches of traders and mechanics, have more or less 
 contributed to the white population. 
 
 " 'The merchants of this island import and retail foreign goods. They are 
 generally composed of the active and industrious Catallans, persevering and eco- 
 nomical, are much attached to their native customs and native land. They seldom 
 marry or establish themselves permanently in the colonies. When they have
 
 90 EARLY DESCEIPTIONS OF POETO EICO. 
 
 realized a competency, they retire to Europe to enjoy the friiits of their industry, 
 while their place is generally supplied by their young relations, who follow the 
 same occupation and the same line of conduct. They may therefore be con- 
 sidered rather as transient visitors than as a permanent part of the population. 
 
 " 'Tradesmen and artisans generally marry and establish themselves perma- 
 nently. This class of people, if they conduct themselves with propriety, are sure 
 of doing well. I know two blacksmiths who have made fortunes, and I know 
 an Irish carpenter, who a few years ago came to this island with only twenty 
 dollars, and who in the space of five years has become possessed of property to 
 the value of twenty thousand dollars, which he acquired by a sedulous attention to 
 his business: such is the rapid accumulation of capital by industry in these 
 countries. The acquisition raises the blacksmith and the carpenter to a higher 
 rank in society; they become land proprietors and associate with the aristocracy.' 
 
 "The Colonel goes on to say that the island swarms with what might be 
 called 'bunco-steerers,' gaudily dressed foreigners announcing themselves to be of 
 the European nobility, who go about seeking whom they may devour. And there 
 are also swarms of French barbers, pretending to be great physicians and doing 
 incalculable harm and feeling no responsibility for the many lives lost through 
 their inability. The author also speaks of a 'very mischievous set of men,' foreign 
 lawyers who often defend both parties at the same time and 'how many unfortu- 
 nate men have been condemned to drag a chain who have deserved it a thousand 
 times less than these men, who, like a swarm of locusts, desolate the land where 
 they alight.' Continuing, the Colonel says: 
 
 " 'The last class of whites which I have to describe require a separate and 
 particular consideration, as they form no inconsiderable portion of those who have 
 colonized this island. These are men who, for political or civil crimes, have been 
 sent to the galleys of this fortress. They are condemned for different periods, 
 according to the nature of their offenses; at the expiration of their term of punish- 
 ment they are set at liberty, and few of them have any inducement to return to 
 their native country. If their conduct is good, their former faults are soon 
 forgotten: if active and industrious, they soon find employment. They are looked 
 on with pity rather than with detestation. To be white is a species of title of 
 nobility in a country where the slaves and people of color form the lower ranks of 
 society, and where every grade of color ascending from the jet-black negro to 
 the pure white carries with it a certain feeling of superiority. You might naturally 
 expect to find society and manners in some degree tinctured with the vices and 
 propensities of these convicts. It is something novel and extraordinary to see
 
 EARLY DESCEIPTIONS OF POETO EICO. 91 
 
 men who have been dragging a criminal's chain, on a sudden becoming peaceable 
 and orderly citizens. Eemoved far from the scene of their former offenses, far 
 from the vigilant and persecuting eye of the laws they had outraged, and the 
 persons they had offended, removed far beyond the view of the relatives and 
 friends they had dishonored, they feel desirous of returning to the bosom of society 
 in a country where their persons and their crimes are unknown. The Creoles 
 of Porto Eico, ever ready to extend their arms to the unfortunate, ever generous 
 and hospitable, have their sympathy doubly awakened at seeing a white man 
 reduced to a state of misery greater than that of the African slave. The moment 
 that the banished criminal sets his foot on the land of Porto Eico, a prospect of 
 hope opens to his view. He sees many of those who have preceded him in crime 
 restored to society, possessing property, and living in the bosom of their families: 
 this example, this hope, is a strong inducement to good conduct. To return to 
 Spain his record would be like a millstone around his neck. It is not so in Porto 
 Eico. 
 
 " *The native of Porto Eico is passionately fond of horses. The Xivaro 
 must be very poor, indeed, who has not one or two horses, which serve to carry 
 both his person and the produce of his land to market; for the Xaviro, be his 
 horse ever so lean, or the burden ever so heavy, seats himself on the top of it and 
 thus guides the animal. He will sooner steal a horse for a day and ride him 
 than walk a league. The rich have always several saddle horses which are solely 
 reserved for riding. A large pillion made of strong linen and stuffed with straw 
 is girded on the horse's back; two square wicker baskets, very neatly made, about 
 a foot long and eight inches wide, united by a leather strap, are thrown over the 
 pillion on either side, close to the horse's neck. They are firmly girded on. A 
 cushion is placed on the pillion, which is covered with a cloak or carpet to protect 
 from the rain. Every man in the country, rich and poor, carries an immense 
 basket-hilted sword a yard and a quarter long, which is placed in the basket or 
 under the cushion-panel with the point sticking out behind and waving to and 
 fro in the air. There are no stirrups. The horseman, or horsewoman, sits on 
 the cushion with the face towards the horse's head, the feet gently hanging on 
 either side of his neck; and the baskets which have handles to them serve to hold 
 by in case of emergency. A person mounted on horseback in this way has a very 
 curious appearance, but it is a commodious and easy way of traveling. Two per- 
 sons can ride on the same horse, and the man travels in this way with his wife 
 or daughters. If the horse happens to stumble on a bad road, the rider seldom
 
 92 EARLY DESCEIPTIONS OF PORTO RICO. 
 
 sustains an injury from a fall. In crossing streams the feet are kept dry, which 
 is so important to health in warm climates. 
 
 " 'The women of Porto Rico are generally of the middle size. They are 
 elegantly and delicately formed; their waists are tapering and slender. Their 
 pale complexion creates interest, which is heightened by the brilliancy of their 
 fine black eyes. Their hair is black as jet; their eyebrows arched. They have, 
 in a high degree, that seductive and elegant air which distinguishes the ladies 
 of Cadiz. They walk with the grace which is peculiar to the fair of Andalusia. 
 Their manners are not only pleasing but fascinating. Without having the advan- 
 tage of the brilliant education of the ladies of London or Paris, they are pos- 
 sessed of great natural vivacity, and an ease of manners which in England is 
 only to be found in the best society. They converse with fluency, and their natural 
 talent and wit supply the artificial aids of education. They are, on the whole, 
 more interesting than beautiful, more amiable than accomplished. They dress 
 with an elegance of taste that I have seldom seen surpassed; the Parisian fashions 
 being invariably followed and imitated. The public balls are splendid. A stranger 
 who should walk through the city in daytime or in the evening, meeting with not 
 a single female, except persons of color, would be surprised at night to attend 
 a public ball. His eyes would be dazzled by an assemblage of Porto Rico ladies; 
 he would scarcely believe that he was in the same capital where he could not find, 
 during the whole day, the trace of a fair one. This admiration is expressed by 
 all strangers, for most certainly the ladies of this island, in a ballroom, would 
 do honor to any country in the world. Although too little attention is paid to 
 cultivating their natural abilities, yet there are many of them who, by the force 
 merely of talent and application, have made great proficiency in French and paint- 
 ing. "Without being taught by a dancing master, they dance with grace and ele- 
 gance, and, like all the ladies of America, they are fond to excess of dancing. 
 They are passionately fond of their own country, but they have the politeness 
 and good breeding in conversation not to make odious comparison of it with 
 others. In domestic circles they are afifectionate wives, tender mothers, and attached 
 and faithful friends. 
 
 " 'They criticise dresses, speak of marriages, discuss love affairs, and pry into 
 their neighbors' concerns, precisely as happens in almost all small places in all 
 countries. Why should this island be an exception to the general rule? We 
 speak of mortals, not of angels. I have heard it asserted before I visited the island 
 that the ladies were much addicted to smoking cigars. I have never seen them 
 smoke, I must confess; and if many of them do indulge they must do it very
 
 EARLY DESCEIPTIONS OF POETO RICO. 93 
 
 privately. However, I should prefer to see a lady smoking than drinking gin, 
 as some are said to do in Germany and Holland. The women soon come to 
 maturity in this climate; they marry very young, are exceedingly prolific, and 
 consequently their charms decay at an early age, when in Europe they would be 
 in the full bloom of beauty. It is not an uncommon thing to see a grandmother 
 and her grandchildren in the same dance. All the ladies, whether rich or poor, 
 if white are on visiting terms. Visits are made and received with the most 
 punctilious exactness. The ladies seldom go out of doors, unless to the shops 
 at night, or the country on horseback. In the evenings they take the air on 
 the flat roofs of their houses. They bathe frequently, and are very attentive 
 to the cleanliness of their persons and their houses.' 
 
 )> 
 
 The Edinburgh Review of 1835, page 334:, says: 
 
 "Porto Rico produced in 1830 414 quintals of sugar, 250,000 of coffee, and 
 35,000 of cured tobacco, besides other colonial produce, and it possessed in addi- 
 tion very numerous herds of cattle, divided among numerous proprietors — from 
 the three or four who owned upwards of a thousand each to the poorest of the 
 peasantry who possessed a cow or two for the supply of their family. The revenue 
 is stated at 800,000 Spanish dollars; its whole expense, civil and military, at 
 630,000. 
 
 "The free colored inhabitants of Porto Rico are by far more numerous than 
 in any other West India island, and this fact alone — when we consider the inerad- 
 icable prejudice attaching to color which has brought such infinite misery and 
 social discomfort over a great part of the world — speaks more than any eulogy 
 in favor of its people and their government. The whole British "West Indies 
 contained before 1834 not more than 80,000 free colored inhabitants, and a 
 population of ten times that amount. Of these 16,000 were to be found in 
 Trinidad alone, — an island which had long been governed by Spanish laws. 
 Although white blood is in Porto Rico, as everywhere else beyond the Atlantic, 
 a patent of nobility, yet the Xaviro no more treats with contempt and contumely 
 his inferior in caste, than the grandee of Old Spain his inferior in station. 
 * * * (Colonel Flinter quoted:) *N"o national character, perhaps, is so deeply 
 engrained with the opposite hues of excellence and evil as that of the Spaniard. 
 The same natural and fundamental goodness of disposition — paradoxical as it may 
 seem to speak thus of a people whose evil deeds are blazoned in the worst pages 
 of European history, — prevails wherever the Castilian standard has been raised, and 
 the industrious Catalan and Biscayan have assembled around it. The Spaniard
 
 94 EAELY DESCRIPTIONS OF PORTO RICO. 
 
 is, above all mankind, subject to strong and overpowering passion. His good- 
 ness of disposition, although radical, is but a passive quality, easily subdued by 
 the prevalence of strong emotions. His reasoning powers are of the same char- 
 acter as his moral — fundamentally good, yet swayed and distorted by every impulse 
 of prejudice. Thirst for gold in former times, then zeal for religion, and, lastly, 
 the spirit of party, have roused up in him all the savage ferocity of which nature 
 is capable. Yet in the worst crisis of the passions, when the evil spirit was silenced 
 even for a moment in the bosom which it swayed, a natural and grateful kindness 
 of heart has often shone forth in full brightness. It was while the mania of 
 avarice ruled the early conquerors of America and seduced them into practices 
 revolting to human nature, that the foundations were laid for a code of laws 
 both for slaves and the native Indians, the spirit of which has ever since pre- 
 vailed among the Spanish Creoles, and which puts to shame the nations which 
 arrogate to themselves exclusively the title of enlightened. Shallow thinkers have 
 often entertained the paradox that free states show less humanity in their colonies 
 than is shown those under absolute monarchies. Of all West Indian annals, those 
 of the French islands, before the Revolution, were, perhaps, the most darkly 
 stained with cruelty. And the free states of South America, on the other hand, 
 have not only followed, but have still further extended, in the midst of their 
 anarchy and factions, those principles of Christian mercy and jvistice which Spain 
 alone, until recently, knew and practiced.' 
 
 "In 1823 Jamaica, with 340,000 slaves, exported 1,400,000 quintals of sugar. 
 Porto Rico, with 45,000 slaves, produces about 410,000. The French colony of 
 Guadaloupe, with twice as many slaves as Porto Rico, produces an equal crop of 
 sugar. The soil of the latter is far more fertile than that of the other islands, 
 already in a great measure exhausted. But, on the other hand, capital and industry 
 form essential elements of the manufacture, in the British and French isles, while 
 the Spaniards are far behind in the pursuits requiring either. From these premises 
 our author concludes, not unreasonably, that a large proportion (which elsewhere, 
 however, he calculates at one-fifth only) of this crop of sugar is raised by free 
 labor. 
 
 "But it must be remembered that, besides the greater estates, there are in 
 Porto Rico some 1,200 to 1,300 small sugar plantations, the property of the 
 Xaviros of the interior, who live cheaply and work lazily, but who contrive to 
 raise a small quantity of this valuable article, together with provisions and cattle. 
 If such rough cultivation as this succeeds at all, it can only be in consequence 
 of the vast productiveness of the soil, cleared of its forests only within the last
 
 EAELY DESCEIPTIOXS OF POETO EICO. 95 
 
 twenty years, which gives the planter the same advantage over his brethren to 
 windward and leeward as the settler of Illinois has over the cultivator of the 
 worn-out ^old fields' of the Atlantic coast. Such production can in the nature 
 of things be only temporary. On the other hand, the great sugar estates, which 
 must form the main sources of this commodity, are evidently cultivated here as 
 elsewhere — by slaves; and, although at present the cultivation of sugar on a 
 large scale is extremely unprofitable, a rise in its price would undoubtedly cause 
 at once an increased importation of slaves, and the application of more capital 
 and ingenuity to the business, until the small farmers would be driven from the 
 market by the slave-owning capitalists. Many contingent events might occasion 
 such a rise; — as a temporary diminution of the produce of the British Islands; or 
 an increased consumption in Great Britain in consequence of a reduction of the 
 duty. Upon the whole, therefore, notwithstanding the flattering anticipations 
 of the author, we cannot see, in the present state of Porto Eico, much to justify his 
 prophecy that slave labor will be permanently dispensed with merely from the 
 preference which free labor will find in the market. 
 
 "At present the question of the future destiny of this beautiful and happy 
 island may be said to remain undecided." 
 
 The decision of destiny came when Spain ceded the island to the United 
 States. 
 
 Naturally, as England has been for centuries deeply interested in the West 
 Indies, we derive the most valuable accounts of the islands, the character of their 
 people, and their history from Englishmen, and we quote the ""West Indies," 
 by the Eev. Wm. Moister, a London publication by T. "Woolmer: 
 
 "The Island of Porto Eico is situated about sixty miles to the east of San 
 Domingo, from which it is separated by the Mona Passage. It is of an oblong 
 shape, about 140 miles in length and forty in breadth, and its climate, soil and 
 scenery resemble most of the other West Indian islands, and therefore need not be 
 very minutely described. It is rugged and mountainous in the interior regions 
 and the country is generally diversified by woods, valleys and plains and watered 
 by numerous springs and rivers, which impart a remarkable freshness to the scenery 
 throughout the year. Four of the rivers which flow from the mountains to the 
 sea are navigable for boats and small vessels for a few miles up into the country 
 and are utilized for the transit of goods and produce; and thus compensate in 
 a measure the lack of good roads, which is so notorious. The north coast is gen- 
 erally lined by a coral reef under water at a little distance from shore, which pre-
 
 96 EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF PORTO RICO. 
 
 vents the approach of ships except at certain openings. The east coast is indented 
 witli many bays formed by the continued action of the waves of the sea, which 
 roll in with considerable force in that direction. A chain of about fifty small 
 islands, extending more than twenty miles in length, lie off the northeast coast, 
 which were the favorite rendezvous of smugglers and pirates in the times of the 
 buccaneers, the water which surrounds them being so shallow that they cannot 
 be approached by large vessels. The principal harbor is large and commodious, 
 affording ample accommodation for 300 vessels at one time. It is approached 
 from the sea by a winding, rocky channel, the navigation of which is somewhat 
 intricate; a circumstance which gives security to the place in times of war and 
 commotion. 
 
 "Porto Rico was discovered by Columbus in l-i93, but, like many other islands, 
 it received little attention for several years in consequence of the claims of more 
 important places. In 1509, however, the extermination of the natives and the 
 exhaustion of the gold mines of Hispaniola had so far advanced that the avaricious 
 Spaniards began to look about for other fields of enterprise. They accordingly 
 fixed upon Porto Rico, and an expedition vras fitted out under the direction of 
 a man named Ponce de Leon with a view to make a conquest of the island, which 
 was at that time said to contain a population of about 600,000 aborigines. 
 
 "The simple-minded Indians had heard of the calamities which had befallen 
 their countrymen in Hispaniola since the arrival of the pale-faced strangers, and 
 when they saw big ships in the distance they trembled at the prospect of their 
 approaching fate. But so superstitious were they that the preposterous notions 
 which they had associated with their ideas of the Spaniards entirely overpowered 
 their reason and bereft them of hope. They considered them a superior race 
 of beings, and even doubted whether they were mortal. Instead, therefore, of 
 attempting to oppose the landing of their enemies, their chief consideration seems 
 to have been how they might most gracefully submit themselves to their yoke. 
 The invaders consequently landed on the shores of Porto Rico without meeting 
 with any resistance whatever, and made an easy conquest of the place without 
 the loss of a man. The Spaniards proceeded at once to intrench and fortify them- 
 selves and to search for gold, which was the highest object of their ambition. 
 They were conducted to the mountains, where shining particles of the precious 
 metal had often been collected in the sandy beds of the rivulets which flowed from 
 them. Mining operations were commenced, and the natives, who were regarded 
 as a conquered people and a race of slaves, were subjected to the same enforced
 
 EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF PORTO RICO. 97 
 
 labor and cruel treatment which had ground down and wasted the natives of 
 Hispaniola. 
 
 ''The Indians were soon convinced that they had gained nothing by their 
 ready submission to the Spaniards, and, writhing under the miseries to which they 
 were subjected, they began to consider whether it were not still possible to resist 
 the tyranny of their oppressors. For some time they hesitated to take any action 
 in the matter under the superstitious notion that, if the Spaniards should prove 
 immortal and incapable of death, their resistance would be vain and only tend 
 to aggravate their sufferings. At length a plan was arranged for the settlement 
 of this moot point. A cacique named Broyo was charged with the important 
 business of ascertaining by some means 'whether a Spaniard could possibly die.' 
 Broyo, attentive to his charge, suffered no promising moment to pass unnoticed, 
 although to elude suspicion and escape detection required no small dexterity on 
 his part. It was not long, however, before a favorable opportunity presented itself. 
 Salzedo, a young Spaniard, was traveling one day in a direction in which Broyo 
 wished to intercept him. The chief, having entertained the lonely white man 
 in his hut for awhile very agreeably, offered the services of two or three of his 
 men to act as escorts, or guides, on his departure. The proposal was agreed to 
 with expressions of gratitude. The Indian guides well understood their business. 
 On coming to a small river one of them offered to convey the Spaniard across on 
 his shotdders, and when in the midst of the stream, staggering under his precious 
 burden, he managed to stumble, and in his fall he plunged on one side into deep 
 water. His companions hastened forvv-ard, pretending to render assistance, but 
 instead of doing so they held the traveler's head under water until he was drowned. 
 They then dragged the body to the bank of the river and having watched it 
 attentively all that day and the next, without observing any motion or signs 
 of life, they came to the conclusion that 'a Spaniard could die.' 
 
 ''Encouraged by this strange experiment, the Indians now resolved to make 
 a vigorous attempt to cast off the yoke of the invaders, which had become 
 intolerable. They rose en masse and armed themselves with such weapons as 
 they could command. These were chiefly clubs and bows and arrows. Their 
 arrows they dipped in virulent poison prepared from the sap of the Manchineel 
 tree, which abounds in Porto Rico, a wound from which issues almost invariably 
 a speedy death. The Indians fell upon the Spaniards at a moment when they little 
 expected such an attack, and they suffered considerably, one hundred of their 
 number falling on the field. The unequal contest was of short duration, how- 
 ever, for the glittering deadly weapons of the Spaniards with the smoke and roar
 
 98 EAELY DESCEIPTIONS OF POETO EICO. 
 
 of their guns soon dispersed the Indians with great loss and caused the survivors 
 to flee precipitately to the woods and mountain fastnesses to escape the fury of 
 the invaders. 
 
 "The Spaniards now sent for re-enforcements to Hispaniola, effectually to 
 put down what they called the ^rebellion' of the natives of Porto Eico. They 
 soon received an accession of colonists, soldiers, and bloodhounds, and a war of 
 extermination was forthwith commenced, the details of which are too sickening 
 to record in these pages. Suffice it to say that the scenes of cruelty and of blood 
 which followed were similar in every respect to those which had been wit- 
 nessed in Hispaniola and Cuba, and were literally disgraceful to any people bearing 
 the Christian name and calling themselves civilized, 
 
 "In proportion as the number of colonists increased, the want of laborers to 
 work the mines, till the ground, tend the cattle, and perform other necessary duties 
 on the plantations was felt, and the attention of the Spaniards was at once turned 
 to Africa, from whence negro slaves were being constantly imported into the other 
 colonies, with such satisfactory results, according to the ideas which were prevalent 
 at that early period. The impulse given to the horrid traffic in human beings by 
 the establishment of another Spanish colony in the West Indies may be readily 
 imagined from what we have said in reference to Hisj^aniola and Cuba under sim- 
 ilar circumstances, for the sufferings and sorrows of the poor negro slaves were 
 almost identical in all the islands. 
 
 "The colony of Porto Eico progressed rapidly under the new regime, large 
 tracts of land being brought under cultivation, plantations laid out, and additional 
 houses erected both in town and country. But a time of general war came, and 
 this, in common with other dependencies of the crown of Spain, was exposed to 
 hostile attacks, which were so common in those days. As early as 1580, England 
 being involved in war with Spain, an important expedition was fitted out partly 
 by Queen Elizabeth and partly by private enterprise, the avowed object of which 
 was to attack and seize upon some of the most valuable colonies of America and 
 the West Indies. The entire squadron consisted of twenty-six ships of different 
 dimensions, on board of which were embarked 2,500 troops under the leadership of 
 Sir Thomas Baskerville. The command of the entire expedition was committed 
 to Sir John Hawkins and Sir Erancis Drake. On reaching the West Indies they 
 heard that a richly laden Spanish treasure ship was at anchor in the harbor of 
 Porto Eico, and an attack upon the place was promptly resolved upon. The squad- 
 ron reached the island on November 13th, and a vigorous attack was made upon 
 the shipping in the port. But the Spaniards, having heard of the intended attack.
 
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 EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF PORTO RICO. 101 
 
 had made every possible preparation to resist it. They had brought in all their 
 available troops and strengthened the fortifications at the entrance of the harbor, 
 from which they poured such a destructive fire upon the English ships that they 
 were obliged to retire, after inflicting considerable damage, without accomplishing 
 the object of their visit. 
 
 "In the year 1589 another expedition was fitted out in England for the express 
 purpose of subduing the island of Porto Rico. The command of this armament, 
 which consisted of nineteen ships and two barges, was given to Sir George Clifford, 
 Earl of Cumberland, who, authorized by Her Majesty's letters patent for raising 
 forces to serve in the expedition, soon levied twelve companies of eighty men each; 
 and with these and a proportionate number of seamen he sailed from Plymouth 
 on March 5th. In the month of May they reached the West Indies. On one of the 
 Virginia Islands, which he found without inhabitants, the earl landed his troops 
 to examine their condition; and after the review he informed the men of the 
 object of the expedition, giving them suitable exhortation before going into action. 
 From thence he proceeded direct to Porto Rico and landed about 1,000 soldiers on 
 June 6th without meeting with any immediate opposition. The English lost a 
 large number of men, however, from the desolating influences of the climate, whilst 
 they gained but little advantage; and at the restoration of peace the island was 
 restored to its original owners. 
 
 "From that time to the present Porto Rico has belonged to the Spanish; but 
 for many years after the departure of the British the colony continued in a very 
 languishing state, San Domingo, Mexico, Peru and other places commanding more 
 attention. It was not till the Spaniards had lost their hold of some of these val- 
 uable possessions that Porto Rico, in common with Cuba, received due consider- 
 ation and became a place of refuge and shelter for colonists fleeing from insurrec- 
 tion and turmoil. Towards the close of the last century the population of the 
 island was considerably increased by the influx of Spanish colonists and the intro- 
 duction of thousands of negro slaves brought from the coast of Africa to cultivate 
 the rich virgin ground, which was laid out for plantations in various parts of the 
 country by the newcomers. In subsequent years the colony progressed rapidly and 
 the imports and exports were greatly increased. 
 
 "The principal articles cultivated for exportation are sugar, cotton, coffee and 
 tobacco; and an ample supply of Indian corn and various kinds of ground pro- 
 visions are grown for home consumption. The soil in the valleys and plains is gen- 
 erally very fertile, and it is capable of much improvement by the application of 
 modern methods of agriculture. The uplands and mountain slopes afford fine pas-
 
 103 EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF PORTO RICO. 
 
 turage for countless numbers of cattle, horses, and mules, wliicli are reared and 
 exported in large quantities to the neighboring colonies. The climate, in common 
 with that of most of the larger islands of the West Indies, is very unhealthy at 
 certain seasons of the year, especially in localities which are low and swampy; but 
 it might bo greatly improved by clearing and draining the land in the neighborhood 
 of the towns, villages and plantations, which are the chief centers of population. 
 
 "San Juan, the capital of the colony, has risen to the position of a consid- 
 erable city, with a population of about 30,000. It is situated on the west point 
 of an islet joined to the mainland by a bridge. It contains six straight streets, 
 running from north to south, crossed by six others, which intersect them at right 
 angles. The houses of the first class are built of stone and are large and commo- 
 dious, but many others are wooden buildings and of a very inferior description, 
 whilst the huts of the slaves in the suburbs are miserable hovels. The principal 
 public buildings are the cathedral and other churches, two convents and a general 
 hospital. There are several other small towns and villages in different parts of 
 the island, and the negro huts on the respective plantations foi*m small villages, the 
 same as in other islands. Near the village of Caomo, on a considerable river of 
 the same name, on the south coast, there is a warm sulphurous spring whose tem- 
 perature is 95 degrees and which is said to be very useful in certain diseases of 
 the skin. Other villages and settlements are situated on the banks of the Rio 
 Lovisa, a river which is navigiable for small vessels to a considerable distance from 
 its mouth. 
 
 "The gTcatest drawbacks to our pleasure in contemplating Porto Rico are 
 the prevalence of slavery, the low type of Roman Catholicism which pre- 
 vails, and the immoral and degraded character of a great part of the popula- 
 tion of all classes and conditions. Nor has anything been done by the missionary 
 and philanthropic societies of Europe or America to promote the social and moral 
 elevation of the people. Indeed, it is generally understood that the intolerance 
 of the Romish priesthood will not admit of any form of protestant missionary 
 labor. If slavery were abolished and religious liberty allowed, Porto Rico might 
 become a fine field for philanthropic and evangelistic effort. Genuine Christians 
 of every name will do well to watch and wait and pray for openings for the intro- 
 duction of the gospel to this and other countries which are similarly circumstanced, 
 and where the inhabitants are sitting in the regions of the Shadow of Death."
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 EECENT DESCRIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 
 
 Interesting Letter from a Scientist and Business Man, Giving an Account of the 
 Island's Flora — A'aluable Information about the Products and Exports, 
 Gathered by C. W. Eves — Scientific American Quoted — Interesting Account 
 of the Hurricanes, by Frederick D. Ober — Value of the Island's Imports — 
 Establishment of Electric Tramways — Possibilities for Coffee and Sugar 
 Production — A Glowing Tribute to the Island, by James Eodway. 
 
 'We quote from the familiar publication, "Nature," Vol. 29, published by The 
 Macmillan Company: 
 
 "Through the courtesy of Sir Joseph Hooker, we are able to publish the fol- 
 lowing interesting communication from Baron Eggers on the Island of Porto Rico: 
 
 " 'St. Thomas, October 22, 1883. 
 
 " 'Dear Sir Joseph Hooker: — It is a long time since I wrote you last. I have 
 meantime, at least, accomplished my long-cherished design, partly at least, of ex- 
 ploring the Luguillo mountains in Porto Rico, which island I visited during April 
 and Jlay this year. I spent about five weeks there, living for some time in the hut 
 of a "Xibaro," or native laborer, on the Sierra at an altitude of about 2,300 feet, 
 on the edge of the primeval forests that still cover all the higher parts of the 
 mountain range. Since my return I have been busy arranging my collection, the 
 greater part of which appears in the ninth and tenth century of my "Flora IndijB 
 Occidentalis Exsicceata." 
 
 " 'As for the general character of the Sierra forests, they of course resemble 
 in their main outlines those of the other "West India islands. There is, ho^yever, 
 especially one feature which strikes me as being peculiar to this mountain ridge 
 compared with the woods of other islands, for example, of Dominica. ^VIlilst the 
 climate is just as moist in the Sierra of Porto Rico as in that of Dominica, the 
 forests of Porto Rico seem nearly entirely destitute of etiphytes with the exception 
 of some few Bromeliades and a very rarely occurring stray orchid. But orchids in 
 general and epiphytical ferns, such as Trichomanes and Hymenophyllum, etc., 
 are conspicuous by their absence. Of palms I found but one species, which I have 
 distributed in my "Flora." I believe it a Euterpe, grows gregariously at an altitude 
 of 1,500 to 2,000 feet. No cycads were to be seen at all. On the other hand, I found 
 several interesting trees, especially a beautiful Talama, with immense white odorous 
 flowers and silvery leaves which would be very ornamental. The wood is used for 
 timber, and called Sabino, A Hirtella with crimson flowers I also found rather 
 
 103
 
 104 EECENT DESCEIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 
 
 common; it is not described in any of Grisebach's publications. An unknown tree 
 with beautiful, orange-like foliage, and large, purple flowers, very similar in shape 
 to those of ScffiYola Plumieri, split along one side, a tall Lobeliacea, a large Heli- 
 conia, nearly allied, it seems, to H. caribbosa. Lam., and several other as yet unde- 
 termined trees and shrubs are among the most remarkable things found. 
 
 " 'On the whole, I was somewhat disappointed with regard to the result of the 
 voyage, as I had expected a greater number of novelties, as well as a richer vegeta- 
 tion in general, at least something like the Caribbean islands. But these partly 
 negative results may no doubt be of some value also in forming an idea of the 
 West Indian flora in general. Of tree ferns, Cyathea Serra and an Alsophila were 
 not uncommon. One of the most conspicuous trees in some parts is the Coccoloba 
 macrophylla, which I found on my first visit to Porto Eico. This tree is found 
 up to an altitude of 2,000 feet, but chiefly near the coast, where it forms extensive 
 woods in some places, which at the time of flowering, with immense, purple spikes 
 more than a yard long, are very striking. The tree is named Ortegon by the inhab- 
 itants; it does not seem to occur on any of the British Islands, but to be confined 
 to Hayti and Porto Eico; at least I do not see it mentioned in Grisebach's "Cat. 
 Plant, cubensium." The people cultivate sugar-cane in the plains, which are very 
 fertile, yielding three hogsheads on an average per acre without any kind of ma- 
 nure. Besides this stajDle produce, a very good coffee is produced; it does not 
 appear that any blight has as yet perceptibly affected the shrubs here. Rice is 
 very commonly cultivated on the hills and the Sierra. I suppose it must be a kind 
 of mountain variety, as no inundation or other kind of watering is used. Eice is, 
 in fact, the staple food of the laborers, together with plantain and yaudia, i. e. Cala- 
 dium esculentum. Immense pastures of H3'menachne striatum (Malahojilla) oc- 
 cupy a part of the lowland, and feed large herds of cattle of an excellent quality. 
 St. Thomas and the French Islands all obtain their butcher's meat from Porto 
 Eico; I believe even Barbados comes to Porto Eico for cattle. 
 
 " 'The island is very richly endowed by nature, but miserably governed, and 
 the people themselves not worth a much better government, being given to gam- 
 bling in the extreme throughout, from the rich planter and priest down to the 
 lowest laborer and beggar. Yet they are hospitable and very polite to strangers, 
 with that remarkable, unchanging, inbred Spanish politeness. 
 
 " 'It may finally interest you to hear, from the fact that you take a prominent 
 part in the advancement of the material progress of the English West India islands, 
 how we are working in that respect here in St. Thomas. I have on my estate now 
 about 4,000 Divi-Divi trees growing and doing well, except for the deer, which do 
 much damage. On the coasts I have over 2,000 cocoanut trees planted; cultivation 
 of the Sanseviera guineensis is going on for making fibres; a large tract of land 
 stocked with Hoematoxylon I have now preserved, and try to make it a regular 
 forest to be cut down gradually. In company with an engineer here I have now 
 ordered a machine from England, Smith's fibre machine, which is being used in 
 the Mauritius, in order to work up our immense quantity of Agave and Fourcroya,
 
 EECENT DESCEIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 105 
 
 the raw material being close at hand in unlimited quantity near the sea. I am also 
 going to try experiments with the manufacture of tannin extracts from bark of 
 Coccoloba, Ehizophora, and the pods of the various Acacias, which are a great 
 nuisance here on account of their rapid gro-wth. The Aloe sempervirens will also 
 be made useful in a similar manner as in Barbados and Curacoa, it growing here 
 spontaneously on barren rocks. H. EGGEES.' 
 
 J 7j 
 
 "The West Indies," of C. Washington Eves, published by Sampson Low, Mars- 
 ton, Searle & Eivington, London, says of Porto Eico: 
 
 *Tt is very hot, but relieved by a breeze during the day. Hurricanes have 
 Tisited the island. It is extremely fertile, possessing woods, hills, valleys and 
 meadows. It is known for its herds of wild cattle. Through the middle of the 
 island from east to west there runs a chain of mountains, from which rivers and 
 streams descend to water the plains below. The hills are generally covered with 
 trees. Sugar, ginger, cotton, flax, coffee, cassia, incense and hides were among 
 its early productions. Mules were also exported. It produced also rice, maize, plan- 
 tains, pines, oranges, citrons, lemons, calabashes, potatoes, melons and fine salt. 
 At first the Spaniards made little use of it except as a port of call. The capital of 
 Porto Eico has the dedicatory title of San Juan. It is situated on a small island on 
 the north side, united by means of a causeway to the main island. The port is large, 
 convenient and safe. The city was founded by Juan Ponce de Leon in 1510. Sir 
 Francis Drake once burnt all the vessels in the port. In 1598 the English obtained 
 the mastery over the island, and then abandoned it with much spoil. In 1615 
 there was an attack by the Dutch, and another attempt was made in 1742 by the 
 English, but these attempts led to no practical results for the invaders. 
 
 "In 1886 the export trade of Porto Eico was in a very unsatisfactory condition. 
 There was a falling ofif, owing to bad seasons, of more than 25 per cent. The 
 sugar exported was 65,189 tons, or 25 per cent less than in 1885, when 63,489 
 tons were exported to the United States and 17,379 tons to Great Britain and 
 British provinces, a further 8,000 tons going to other countries. The total produc- 
 tion of sugar has sometimes reached a hundred thousand tons. In 1887 it was 
 80,792 tons. The coffee export had also declined. A considerable trade is still 
 done in the export of cattle. The imports amount to £2,000,000 in round numbers, 
 and the exports to about the same, a very considerable proportion of the imports 
 consisting of British goods. Cottons, woolens, jute for sugar and coffee bags, 
 metals and rice, are the main items of the British trade. The British colonies 
 supply the codfish, the value of which is estimated at £95,000. Flour is imported 
 from the United States and Spain, estimated in value between £200,000 and £300,-
 
 106 RECENT DESCRIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 
 
 000. other provisions are also sent by the United States and Spain to a consider- 
 able amount. Coal is almost exclusively supplied by Great Britain. A large 
 amount of English and Spanish capital is invested in business, collecting and work- 
 ing up the produce of a number of cane plantations. The population is 784,700. 
 Slavery was abolished in 1873." 
 
 In the opinion of Rojas (Scientific American — "Porto Rico: Its Natural His- 
 tory and Products") the island is outside of the seismic currents which extend under 
 the ocean from the Old World to the new, and consequently it alone of the Antilles 
 group has thus far been free from the great seismic movements which have ruined 
 many American towns. Nevertheless, and doubtless on account of the proximity 
 of the volcanic origin of the islands of San Vicente, Santa Lucia, and Guadalupe 
 slight earthquakes are apt to be felt,, and on two occasions they were worthy of 
 being called severe, these at the end of April, 1786, and in 1843, v/hen the city 
 of Martinique was ruined. Slight quakes were also felt in 1867 and in March of 
 the following year. In the beginning of 1882 it was noticed that the waters of the 
 bays of Mayagiiez and Ponce retreated two or three times to a level of more than 
 thirty feet below the ordinary water line of the coasts, and this phenomenon coin- 
 cided with earthquakes at Colon and Panama. 
 
 The commonest minerals are gold, copper, carbonate and sulphate and mag- 
 netic iron, which are found in great masses in the neighborhood of Juncos; galena 
 is also found, as well as traces of mercury, manganese, bismuth, and some other 
 minerals. The fuels are represented by the lignites of Utuado and Moca, although 
 they occur in thin layers and are generally charged with pyrites; at the latter place 
 amber is also found. There is an abundance of varieties of marble and compact 
 limestone, and in general materials for construction and ornamentation. In the 
 Historical American Exposition at Madrid, in 1893, were exhibited remarkable ex- 
 amples of magnetic iron, oxide of iron, and carbonate of copper, all from Juncos; 
 also ferruginous white quartz from the auriferous zone of Sierra Luquillo, and 
 calcareous spar, pearl spar, fibrous gypsum, malachite, and pure blue copper from 
 Naguabo. 
 
 Native gold is found principally in the alluvial deposits and in the rivers in 
 the vicinity of Luquillo. When auriferous sand is washed, it is found that in some 
 places there is a deposit of magnetic iron with the grains of gold. 
 
 There are natural salt marshes at Guanica and Salinas on the south and at 
 Cape Rojo on the west. Hot springs are found at Juana Diaz, San Sebastian, San 
 Lorenzo, and Ponce, but the most famous are the baths at Caomo on the south and 
 near the city of Santa Isabel.
 
 EECENT DESCRIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 107 
 
 Observations carried on for years show that 81° is the average temperature. 
 From 1878 to 1880 the thermometer in the shade ranged from 62-96° to 72-8° F. 
 The monthly average varied from 72-32° to 86.07° F., the former being for the 
 month of February, 1880, and the second for June, 1878. The mean height of the 
 barometrical column was about 30 inches. 
 
 The "mountain dog," a reversion of the domestic species that haunts the more 
 inaccessible forests and is dangerous only to calves, poultry and young swine, is the 
 only creature that can be termed "wild." Eats exist in abundance, but have a bitter 
 foe in the otherwise harmless "hunter snake," a species of boa that grows from 
 six to nine feet in length. Ants and beetles are numerous, and one of the latter, 
 known as the "comegen," bores into wooden structures, and is sometimes danger- 
 ous to buildings. Bees are comparatively plentiful in the forests, but are smaller 
 than the domestic forms, and produce an amber colored honey, very rich, but that 
 speedily ferments and sours, and the wax is of a violet hue. "Lucernas" or fire- 
 flies abound; they are like small butterflies with phosphorescent rings about the 
 eyes, and when masses fly at night they produce sufficient light to illuminate the 
 fields and plantations. There are also "cucuj'os" similar to the cricket, which are 
 phosphorescent under the wings. Some of the bats seek sleeping animals at night 
 to suck their blood. The chigoe bites through the shoes and stockings, or enters 
 between the nail and the skin; and copper worms, ticks, cockroaches, mosquitoes, 
 chinches, etc., are most vexatious. 
 
 Plans have been made for five first class roads, viz.: from the capital to Ponce 
 by Caguas and Coamo, a distance of 84 miles; from the capital (the suburb Catano) 
 to Mayaguez by Arecibo and Aguadilla, 101 miles; Mayaguez to Ponce, 60 miles; 
 from the first named road to Arroyo by Guayama, 21 miles; Cagual to the city of 
 Baguabo by Humaco, 30 miles; making a total of 286 miles. A few miles of in- 
 ferior roads have been constructed, viz.: from Arecibo to Ponce by Uruado and 
 Adjuntas, 24 miles; Rio Piedras to the Port of Fajardo, 31 miles; from Lares to 
 Aguadilla, 16 miles; a branch connecting the two first named roads through Guay- 
 nabo, 8 miles; making a total of 89 miles. The general plan of railroads consists of 
 a line around the island divided into four sections: one from San Juan to Maya- 
 guez by Arecibo and Aguadilla; from Rio Piedras or Humacao by Fajardo; from 
 Ponce to Mayaguez by San German; from Ponce to Humacao by Arroyo, a total 
 of 341 miles, of which, however, only 17 miles have been built. There are tram- 
 ways from the capital to Rio Piedras, 7| miles, from Ponce to the shore, from 
 Mayaguez to the shore and from Catano to Bayamon, 5 miles. 
 
 The telegraph system is divided into the Western Line, from the capital to
 
 108 KECENT DESCRIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 
 
 Eio Piedras, Bayamo, Dorado^ Vega Baja, Manati, Arecibo, Aguadilla, Anasco, 
 Managuez, Hormacao, Yabucoa, Maimabo, Patillas, Arryo, Guayama, Salinas, and 
 Ponce. The Central Line extends from the capital to Cayey, Aibonita, Caoma, 
 Juan Diaz, Ponce and its bay, and the eastern branch from the capital to Carolina, 
 Lnquillo, Fajardo, Nagnado, and Ilumasao. This system has also been extended 
 from Arecibo to Ponce, with stations at Adjnntas and Utuado. The total length 
 of the lines amounts to 486 miles and that of the wires to 676 miles, and 152,786 
 dispatches were sent in 1892. There are cables from the capital to St. Thomas, 
 in communication with the Lesser Antilles and South America; from the capital 
 to Jamaica, in communication with Cuba, the United States and Europe; and from 
 the bay of Ponce to Jamaica and Santa Cruz, connected with St. Thomas. 
 
 "Puerto Eico and Its Resources," by Frederick D. Ober (D. Appleton & Co., 
 publishers), is a work full of instruction as to the island that is suddenly one of 
 our new possessions. We find here accounts full and particular of the mountains 
 and the hurricanes, two of the features of Porto Rico: 
 
 "In the mountains the inhabitants enjoy the coolness of spring, while the 
 valleys would be uninhabitable were it not for the daily breeze which blows gen- 
 erally from the northeast and east. For example, in Ponce the noonday sun is 
 felt in all its rigor, while at the village of Ad juntas, four leagues distant in the 
 interior of the mountains, the traveller feels invigorated by the refreshing breezes 
 and temperate climate. At one place the thermometer is as high as 90°, while in 
 another it is sometimes under 60°. Although the seasons are not so distinctly 
 marked in this climate as they are in Europe (the trees being always green), yet 
 there is a distinction to be made between them. The division into wet and dry sea- 
 sons (winter and summer) does not give a proper idea of the seasons in this island; 
 for on the north coast it sometimes rains almost the whole year, while sometimes 
 for twelve or fourteen months not a drop of rain falls on the south coast. How- 
 ever, in the mountains at the south there are daily showers. 
 
 "As in all tropical countries, the year is divided into two seasons — the dry 
 and the rainy. In general, the rainy season commences in August and ends the last 
 of December, southerly and westerly winds prevailing during this period. The 
 rainfall is excessive, often inundating fields and forming extensive lagoons. The 
 exhalations from these lagoons give rise to a number of diseases, but, nevertheless, 
 Porto Rico is one of the healthiest islands in the archipelago. 
 
 "The hurricanes which visit the island, and which obey the general laws of 
 tropical cyclones, are the worst scourges of the country. For hours before the ap- 
 pearance of this terrible phenomenon the sea appears calm; the waves come from
 
 EECENT DESCRIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 109 
 
 a long distance very gently until near the sliore^, when they suddenly rise as if im- 
 pelled by a superior force, dashing against the land with extraordinary violence and 
 fearful noise. Together with this sign, the air is noticed to be disturbed, the sun 
 red and the stars obscured by a vapor, which seems to magnify them. A strong 
 odor is perceived in the sea, which is sulphurous in the waters of rivers, and there 
 are sudden changes in the wind. These omens, together with the signs of uneasi- 
 ness manifested by various animals, foretell the proximity of a hurricane. 
 
 "This is a sort of whirlwind, accompanied by rain, thunder and lightning, 
 sometimes by earthquake shocks, and always by the most terrible and devastating 
 circumstances that can possibly combine to ruin a country in a few hours. A 
 clear, serene day is followed by the darkest night; the delightful view offered by 
 woods and prairies is diverted into the dreary waste of a cruel winter; the tallest 
 and most robust cedar trees are uprooted, broken off bodily, and hurled into a heap; 
 roofs, balconies, and windows of houses are carried through the air like dry leaves, 
 and in all directions are seen houses and estates laid waste and thrown into con- 
 fusion. 
 
 "The fierce roar of the water and of the trees being destroyed by the winds, 
 the cries and moans of people, the bellowing of cattle and neighing of horses, which 
 are being carried from place to place by the whirlwinds, the torrents of water inun- 
 dating the fields, and a deluge of fire being let loose in flashes and streaks of light- 
 ning, seem to announce the last convulsions of the universe and the death agonies 
 of nature itself. ' " 
 
 "Sometimes these hurricanes are felt only on the north coast, at others on the 
 south, although generally their influence extends throughout the island. 
 
 "Earthquakes are somewhat frequent, but not violent or of great consequence. 
 The natives foretell them by noticing clouds settle near the ground for some time 
 in the open places among the mountains. The water of the springs emits a sul- 
 phurous odor or leaves a strange taste in the mouth; birds gather in large flocks 
 and fly about, uttering shriller cries than usual; cattle bellow and horses neigh, 
 etc. A few hours beforehand the air becomes calm and dimmed by vapors which 
 arise from the ground, and a few moments before there is a slight breeze, followed 
 at intervals of two or three minutes by a deep rumbling noise, accompanied by sud- 
 den gusts of wind, which are the forerunners of the vibration, the latter following 
 immediately. These shocks are sometimes violent, and are usually repeated, but, 
 owing to the special construction of the houses, they cause no damage. 
 
 "The West Indians guard as much as possible from the hurricanes by building 
 their houses of stone, in the main, with massive walls, and providing strong bars
 
 110 EECENT DESCRIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 
 
 for doors and windows. When the barometer gives notice of the approach of a 
 storm these bars are brought out and everything is at once made fast. Doors and 
 window shutters are closed, barred and double-locked, and the town looks as if it 
 were deserted by all human beings. The state of suspense, while the hurricane 
 rages, is simply awful, for no one knows when the house may fall and bury all be- 
 neath its ruins. Add to this the howling of the blast, the crash of falling trees, the 
 piercing cries for help from wounded and dying, and one may faintly picture the 
 terrible scene. To venture out is almost certain death, the air is so filled with fly- 
 ing missiles, such as boards, branches of trees, tiles, bricks and stones. 
 
 "One of the most destructive hurricanes occurred so recently as 1891, when 
 the island of Martinique was prostrated by a terrible tornado, from the effects of 
 which it may never recover. 
 
 " 'Early on the morning of the 18th of August,' says the United States Consul 
 in his report, 'the sky presented a leaden appearance, decidedly threatening, with 
 occasional gusts of variable winds, mostly from east-northeast. The temperature 
 was very oppressive during the day. The barometer varied only slightly, when it 
 commenced to fall, at first gradually, then very rapidly. It is stated by fishermen 
 who were in the vicinity of Carvael Eock (in the sea channel) that an immense 
 wave, about a hundred feet high, passed from the direction of St. Lucia, closely fol- 
 lowed by another smaller one, although the sea in the vicinity was quite calm at 
 the time. The storm struck the east side of the island at about 6 p. m., rushing 
 through the ravines and destroying everything in its path. On the elevated plains 
 the ruin was complete. One very peculiar feature of the hurricane was the deafness 
 experienced by everyone during the storm — possibly the result of the reduced 
 barometic pressure. During the cyclone the wind veered from east-northeast to 
 south-southeast, from the latter point being the most destructive; there were in- 
 cessant flashes of sheet lightning unaccompanied by thunder, and immediately 
 after the storm two distinct shocks of earthquake at intervals of about five seconds. 
 
 " 'Early in the September following I visited La Trinite and noted that all the 
 way the destruction was most complete, the trees and all vegetation looking as 
 though there had been a forest fire, although without the charred appearance. The 
 sugar-cane suffered least, and the loss, with favorable weather, did not amount to 
 more than one-fifth its normal value. The factories and distilleries seem to have 
 been more completely destroyed than any other property. The thermometer ranged 
 from 90° to 100° during the storm, and there was a deluge of rain, one account 
 stating that over four inches fell in a few hours that evening. 
 
 " 'My own residence was unroofed and flooded with water, as was the case of
 
 EECENT DESCEIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. Ill 
 
 nine-tenths of the buildings in St. Pierre, and throughout the island. The loss 
 of life was comparatively small in the capital, but larger in the interior towns, 
 notably in Morne Eogue (a mountain resort above St. Pierre), where eight in one 
 family lost their lives. The total loss of life, so far as reliable information can be 
 obtained, was seven hundred, and the loss of property was enormous. All the 
 fruit, the main reliance of the laboring classes, was destroyed, and prices of pro- 
 visions at once advanced three hundred per cent. Every vessel along the coast was 
 either wrecked or badly damaged, about fifty sail in all. The scene the island pre- 
 sents would be difficult to describe, and the inhabitants are sorely stricken and 
 demoralized. Such a night of terror the imagination can scarcely picture.' '' 
 
 MEAN MONTHLY TEMPERATURE AT SAN JUAN DE PORTO RICO DUR- 
 ING FIVE YEARS' OBSERVATION. 
 
 . >; I ^' ^ 
 
 Hours of the day. ^3.0 . m B % B ^ 
 
 Seven in the morning 72 12^2 74 78 78 82 85 86 SQi^ 77 75 75 
 
 Noon 82 81 82 83 85 86 90 92 88 85 84 80 
 
 Five in the evening 78 74 78 80 81 84 87 90 83 82 80 79 
 
 Two of the places in Porto Pico made conspicuous in the campaign of Gen- 
 eral Miles are Yauco and Guanica. Albert Gardner Robinson writes of a street 
 scene in Yauco: 
 
 "My attention was attracted by repeated shouts from the streets. Upon going 
 to investigate the occasion of the disturbance, I found that it was caused by a 
 semi-intoxicated jackey from one of the monitors lying in Guanica Bay. Jackey 
 was celebrating a day of shore-leave by experimenting with the sailing qualities 
 of a Porto Rican pony. He was cruising up and down the principal street at a six- 
 knot gait, and shouting at the top of his voice, ''Viva Porto Rica!' This was an- 
 swered by the vigorous yells of some two hundred natives who were assembled, 
 'Viva los Americanos!' '^Viva Puerto Rico Americano!' There was no question of 
 their sincerity. No man would yell as they did without meaning it. Jackey would 
 howl his 'Viva Porto Rico!' and the crowd would come back at him with its vocifer- 
 ous response. All hands were having a good time, A little squad of the provost 
 guard marched up to see what was going on. It grinned and marched back again. 
 
 "The road from Yauco to Guanica takes one immediately past the scene of the 
 first ^battle' on Porto Ricari soil. The Spanish army, consisting of a small company 
 of soldiers, occupied the spacious yard which surrounds the large house and exten-
 
 112 EECENT DESCRIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 
 
 sive out-buildings of M. Mariani, a French sugar-planter of great wealth and of long 
 residence on the island. A high brick wall along the southern side of the yard 
 formed the Spanish defense, from which point of vantage they exchanged a few 
 leaden compliments with the American soldiery of General Henry's command, 
 which was posted on the hill beyond. After a few hours of no very energetic war- 
 fare, during which a small casualty list was made upon both sides, the Spaniards 
 withdrew to make room for a deputation of the prominent citizens of Yauco, who 
 extended a warm hand of welcome to the invaders." 
 
 Mr. Eobinson writes of Guanica, where General Miles made his first landing: 
 
 "This is a pretty little harbor with a narrow entrance flanked by high hills 
 which descend sharply to the water's edge. It presents possibilities as a sea-side 
 resort. Its surroundings are charming. A pleasant and refreshing breeze blows 
 from the water. Pleasant drives could easily be laid out, which would take one 
 either among the mountains or along the coast. There is still-water bathing inside 
 the headlands and surf-bathing beyond them. There is said to be duck-shooting 
 on a near-by lake, and there is dove-shooting in the forest for those who like pot 
 hunting. 
 
 "Yauco is the principal place and is quite a little city. Guanica is a straggling 
 village on the coast, some six miles to the southward of Yauco, for which place 
 it serves as a port and as a summer resort for the well-to-do citizens of its larger 
 neighbor. Yauco is the present terminus of the Ponce and Yauco division of the 
 Compania de los Ferrocarriles de Puerto Pico. The drainage of Yauco is admir- 
 able. The town stands on a hill-side which is about as steep as the roof of a house. 
 The business portion of the town, and its better buildings, are upon the lower 
 slopes, while cottages and cabins straggle away to the higher and steeper regions. 
 The town has a considerable French population, though I am told that the majority 
 are Corsicans, rather than French. 
 
 "The place is the commercial center of a considerable district of productive 
 back country, and one of the outlets through its port city of Guanica for the coffee 
 district. 
 
 "American trade with Porto Rico in the forties was quite extensive, and not- 
 withstanding Spanish laws that put American merchants at a decided disadvantage 
 the American commerce with the land rivalled that with the mother country, Spain, 
 The following tables for the year 1842 are valuable as suggestive of what the fig- 
 ures will be in American Porto Rico. The total importations for that year 
 amounted to $5,757,403.84.
 
 RECENT DESCRIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 113 
 
 "Of wliich were imported in Spanish bottoms $3,410,577.57 
 
 In American bottoms 1,456,998.05 
 
 In French bottoms 151,371.12 
 
 In English bottoms 139,503.57 
 
 In all other foreign bottoms 598,954.53 
 
 $5,757,403.84 
 
 Ci\ 
 
 That the total exportations for that year amounted to $6,429,257.35 
 
 Of which were exported in Spanish bottoms 1,563,109.19 
 
 In American bottoms 2,453,299.32 
 
 In French bottoms 911,138.31 
 
 In English bottoms 554,126.88 
 
 In all other foreign bottoms 947,583.65 
 
 $6,429,257.35 
 
 "That the number of vessels 'arriving' and 'departing' are: 
 
 Arrivals. Departures. 
 Spanish vessels 594 509 
 
 American vessels 438 399 
 
 French vessels 143 137 
 
 English vessels 88 91 
 
 All other foreign vessels 85 81 
 
 1,348 1,217 
 
 "That the commercial revenue is this: 
 
 Amount duties collected on imports $1,026,266.95 
 
 Amount duties collected on exports 313,301.25 
 
 Amount duties collected on tonnage and anchorage dues. . . . 98,882.98 
 
 $1,438,351.18 
 
 ar 
 
 'The value of merchandise imported and exported by Porto Rico during each 
 calendar year from 1887 to 1896 inclusive showed an annual average for the years 
 1887 to 1891 of an excess in imports of $6,734,508, and the annual average from 
 1892 to 1896 showed an excess of $1,090,453." 
 
 The Engineering Magazine, Januar}', 1899, editorially says: 
 
 "The world will probably see, in Porto Rico, the opening of a new territory 
 
 that is old, and the most perfected resources of engineering applied to pioneering 
 
 work. The seizure of the island by the United States during the recent war with 
 
 Spain will result in the exploitation of one of the richest regions in the world, and
 
 114 EECENT DESCRIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 
 
 it is altogether likely that it will be done in a most original and characteristic 
 fashion. 
 
 "The island is almost rectangular in shape, 95 miles long and 35 miles wide. 
 There is the usual strip of flat coast lands extending throughout the circumfer- 
 ence, while the interior is a mountainous plateau having elevations of about 3,800 
 feet above the sea level. Almost the whole area is under cultivation, sugar-cane 
 and tobacco growing luxuriantly on the lowlands. Coffee and tobacco, as well as 
 many fruits and vegetables, are cultivated on the central plateau. There is one 
 road, the magnificent Spanish military road across the island from San Juan on the 
 north to Ponce on the south coast, and in all about 35 miles of railway in three 
 disconnected sections. The population is about one million, and there are several 
 large and well built towns, those in the interior being generally at elevations of 
 from 1,000 to 2,000 feet above the sea. The climate is genial, and there is no yellow 
 fever, the interior being reported as extremely salubrious. In many ways the island 
 bears a strong resemblance to Ceylon. 
 
 "While there is already much wealth in Porto Rico, two causes have contrib- 
 uted to hamper the development of its very great resources — the total absence of 
 means of transportation, and the almost incredible dishonesty of the Spanish reg- 
 ime, now happily superseded. In addition to these considerable obstacles there has 
 long existed an organized system of brigandage, taking toll of all merchandise 
 going to or out of the interior. The percentage required by these highwaymen is 
 reported at from 10 to 50 per cent. 
 
 "On the few miles of railroad the charges have been most exorbitant. Be- 
 tween Yauco and Ponce, a distance of 18 miles, the passenger rate was $1.00 and 
 the freight rate $20 per ton. Even under these conditions the island has flourished 
 because of its surpassing fertility. Its mineral resources are almost absolutely unde- 
 veloped and for the most part unknown. 
 
 "There is an abundance of water power, no less than 1,200 small streams and 
 twenty-one large rivers flowing into the sea along the coast. The flow is not inter- 
 mittent, for even in the dry season these streams are full. In the rainy season many 
 of them are raging torrents. 
 
 "Almost the first proposition, that has been made public for the complete 
 exploitation of Porto Rico, is the construction of electric tramways through the 
 interior. It has not been proposed to build roads, for it is now well recognized that 
 the most costly of ordinary means of transportation is that of vehicles drawn by 
 animals over ordinary roads — especially in a hilly region. This project seems so 
 eminently sensible, especially in view of the large undeveloped water powers of the
 
 EECENT DESCRIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 115 
 
 island, and the fact that its whole area is so small that electric power transmission 
 from any part of it to any other is feasible, that it ought to be put into execution 
 at the earliest possible moment. With the immunity from the exaction of brigands, 
 swift and inexpensive transportation from the interior to the coast, and relief from 
 the various forms of legalized robbery that have existed, there is no reason why 
 Porto Eico should not soon be one of the richest islands in the world. 
 
 ''The spectacle of electric tramways building in advance of ordinary roads is 
 one that would have been even more startling five years ago than it is now; but 
 even to-day it is an indication of the wonderful progress that has been made in 
 the utilization of electricity and the readiness with which this agency lends itself 
 to varied and useful purposes." 
 
 We quote the Engineering Magazine on "The Exploitation of Electric Tram- 
 ways in Porto Rico," by Antonio Mattel Lluveras: 
 
 "The establishment of electric tramways throughout the island of Porto Rico, 
 from east to west along the central range of mountains, would be desirable, easy, 
 and relatively inexpensive. An electric line, starting from Naguabo at Humaco at 
 the east end, touching the interior towns of Juncos, Barros, Jayuya, Utuado, Ad- 
 juntas, and Matiao, and terminating at Mayaguez, with branches from the main 
 line to the villages at the coast, would serve, better than any other system, to move 
 the rich products of those districts and to accommodate the greater number of pas- 
 sengers who now have no means of convenient travel, 
 
 "The coal problem, and many other expensive items of railroad building, would 
 not be a consideration in the operation and construction of such a tramway system, 
 as there exists throughout the whole mountain range natural water powers available 
 for any class of machinery. The many and powerful waterfalls having their sources 
 in the mountainous inland region, and the rivers which run through this territory 
 in various directions, seem to have been created by nature especially to aid man 
 in the cultivation of the rich soil and the marketing of its products, which, because 
 of the high altitudes and necessarily heavy grades of high-roads, if these should be 
 built, would otherwise be very costly. The interior of the island is extremely moun- 
 tainous. Around the entire extent of its coast, however, is a flat belt of rich low- 
 land, suitable for the cultivation of sugar and tobacco. The highest village in 
 Porto Rico, Aybonito, situated at an altitude of 2,300 feet above the sea level, is 
 on the line of the central highway, which runs from Ponce to San Juan. This fine 
 highway, built originally by the Spanish Government for military purposes, has no
 
 116 RECENT DESCRIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 
 
 grade greater than 14 per cent., which would be the maximum also to be met with 
 
 in the construction of the tramway along the mountain range. 
 
 "Official statistics for the calendar year, 1897, which was certainly one of the 
 
 least productive of the last decade, show that the exports of the island were as 
 
 follows: 
 
 Cwt. Value, 
 
 Cane sugar 125,333,589 $ 4,007,999 
 
 Molasses 25,085,069 403,519 
 
 Coffee 51,097,823 12,222,598 
 
 Tobacco 6,181,771 1,194,318 
 
 Hides ■ 822,108 71,852 
 
 "There was produced, of course, a considerably greater quantity of each of 
 these products, the difference going to the home consumption of nearly a million 
 inhabitants. The total exports for 1897 are given in the Spanish 'Estadistica Gen- 
 eral' as $18,574,678.45. Besides, there is a large production of minor fruits which 
 do not figure in exports, although they are of considerable importance in interior 
 transportation. If these fruits could be quickly and cheaply moved to the coast 
 for shipment to American markets there is no doubt that a large and profitable 
 trade in them could be quickly established. 
 
 "The territory which produces the most coffee is in the high and mountainous 
 parts of the island, along the central range, and here it is that the greatest need 
 is felt for transportation facilities, the only existing means of communication being 
 by horse-roads or mule-paths built by the residents. From the plantations where 
 the coffee is gathered to the nearest towns on the coasts, whence the berries may 
 be carried in ox-carts to the markets, carriage is effected at the present time on the 
 backs of horses and mules, which can take only 200 pounds a trip. These same 
 horses bring back an equal quantity of provisions and merchandise for the sub- 
 sistence and necessities of the laborers and other inhabitants of the interior. For 
 this transportation on horses and mules one dollar a hundred pounds each way is 
 paid from the points most distant, and fifty cents from the nearer points. Among 
 these rich coffee plantations are some of considerable importance, such as the Es- 
 peranza of Pietri Brothers in the jurisdiction of Adjuntas, near the Guilarte range, 
 which produces 3,000 to 4,000 cwt. This plantation employs a daily personnel of 
 350 laborers, and pays $1.00 per hundred pounds for transportation to the town of 
 Yauco. In the jurisdiction of Yauco the plantation Candelaria of Pedro Olivari 
 produces 2,000 cwt., and pays a dollar per cwt. for transportation. The plantation 
 Mogotes, the property of Messrs. Pieraldi, also produces 2,000 cwt. of coffee of the 
 very best quality, and pays 50 cents per cwt. for transportation. The plantation
 
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 EECENT DESCEIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 119 
 
 Tres Hermanos of P. Cardie gathers and sends out 2,500 cwt., at an expense of 75 
 cents for transportation. The Santa Clara plantation of Mariani's Sons gathers 
 7,000 cwt., employing a thousand men daily during the gathering of the fruit, and 
 pays from $1.00 to $1.50 for transportation. The plantation of Sr. Viella, in the 
 Jurisdiction of Lares, gathers some 4,000 cwt., paying $2.00 per cwt. for its trans- 
 portation to Mahayiiez. There are at least three hundred plantations along the 
 same range, side by side, in the short distance between Marico, Yauco and Ad- 
 juntas." 
 
 McClure's Magazine, on the commercial promise of Porto Eico, Cuba and the 
 Philippines, refers to the enormous consumption of sugar by the Americans and 
 estimates the sugar product of Cuba under American auspices would be 1,500,000 
 tons per annum. The writer, Mr. Geo. B. Waldean, adds: 
 
 "Cuba, in the height of her former prosperity, had but a fraction of the sugar 
 land under cultivation. Were all the land in use on that island that is suited to 
 raising sugar, it is estimated that Cuba alone could supply the demand of the entire 
 western hemisphere. Add to this the possibilities in the other islands now only at 
 the beginning of their development, and no American need fear a lack of sugar to 
 supply his sweet tooth. 
 
 "With sugar Americans rank their coffee. The annual consumption of this 
 berry reaches 700,000,000 pounds. Yet, until Hawaii became ours, not a pound 
 could be grown for commerce within our borders. Of the coffee imported scarcely 
 a half million pounds comes from these islands east and west. Still the coffee 
 product of Porto Eico reaches 5,000,000 pounds a year. Once Cuba far outstripped 
 her sister islands in this group, raising in a single year 90,000,000 pounds. But that 
 was early in the century, before the island had been devastated by frequent wars. 
 
 "The Philippines produce a coffee not equal to the best Mocha to be sure, but 
 with a flavor peculiarly its own, and so well appreciated by the Spaniards that most 
 of the 600,000 pounds annually raised go to that country. The Hawaiian islands 
 are but at the beginning of their coffee raising. Within five years their exports have 
 increased nearly forty fold. It may be many years before these island groups will 
 be able to produce coffee enough for the entire nation, but in five years they will be 
 sending us a quarter of our imports of this favorite berry, and in a decade that 
 total can easily be doubled." 
 
 A charming descriptive account of the West Indies is found in Mr. James Eod- 
 way's work, published by G. P. Putnam & Sons, and we quote a vivid picture and 
 a condensed volume of history in a few paragraphs:
 
 120 EECENT DESCEIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 
 
 ''Wlien we think of these beautiful islands and shores they recall those of 
 that other 'Great Sea' which was such a mighty factor in the development of 
 Greece and Eome, Phenicia and Carthage, Venice and Genoa. As Ulyssys and 
 ^neas wandered about the Mediterranean, so the early voyagers sailed along the 
 coasts of the Caribbean sea and Gulf of Mexico in the fear of anthropophagoi, ama- 
 zons, giants and fiery dragons. As the Indies were the scene of struggles between 
 great nations and the raids of buccaneers, so also was the Mediterranean a battle- 
 field for Christian and Turk and a center for piracy. 
 
 "The seaports of golden cities, pearls and emeralds in profusion and wealth 
 that passed all description, led the Spaniards to explore every island and river until 
 the cannibals became less alarming. Yet their sufferings were terrible. Hurri- 
 canes sunk their frail craft on the sea, and earthquakes wrung their very souls on 
 land. Starvation, with its consequent sickness and death, destroyed one party after 
 another, but they still went on. The discovery of the riches of Mexico and Peru 
 led them to look for other rich nations, and to travel thousands of miles on the 
 mainland, guided by the reports of the Indians. Undaunted by suffering and fail- 
 ure they would often try again and again, perhaps only to perish in the attempt 
 at last. 
 
 "Tlije treasures of the Indies made Spain the greatest nation in Europe. With 
 her riches she could do almost anything. Other nations bowed down before her, 
 and she became sovereign of the seas and mistress of the world, No matter how it 
 was obtained, gold and silver flowed into her coffers. What did she care that it 
 was obtained by the bloody sweat of the poor Indians? Then came envy and 
 jealousy. Why should Spain claim the whole of the New World? England, Hol- 
 land and France began to dispute her supremacy and determined to get a share of 
 the good things. The 'invincible domination' of Spain led her to declare war 
 against England, with the result that the hardy sea-dogs of that time began to 
 worry the fat galleons at sea and to pillage the treasure depots on the main. 
 
 "And here we must mention that there were two important places in the Indies 
 where Spain was most vulnerable — the Mona Passage between Hispaniola and 
 Porto Eico and the isthmus of Darien. Through the first came the outward fleets 
 with supplies, and on their return with gold and silver, while on the Isthmus was 
 the depot for merchandise and the great treasure-store. At these two points the 
 enemy congregated, either as ships of war, buccaneers, corsairs, or pirates, and in 
 their neighborhood some of the most bitter struggles took place. There was no 
 peace in the Indies, whatever might nominally be the peace in Europe. English- 
 men's blood boiled at the atrocities of the Spaniards, but we are afraid it was not
 
 EECENT DESCRIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 121 
 
 loye for tlie oppressed alone that made them massacre the Spaniards whenever they 
 got an opportunity. The poor Indian received but a scant measure of justice from 
 these very people, when, as a matter of convenience, they required possession of 
 the Caribbee Islands. 
 
 "Other nations took possession of smaller islands unoccupied by Spain, and 
 from these centers continued their raids, as privateers in war, and as pirates at 
 other times. Sometimes they were united among themselves against the common 
 enemy, sometimes at war with each other. France and Holland against England, 
 England and Holland against France — nothing but quarrels and fighting. Now an 
 island changed hands, and again it was restored, or recaptured. The planters were 
 never sure of being able to reap their crops, and often had literally to superintend 
 the estate work, armed with sword and arquebuse, while their black and white 
 slaves cultivated the soil. 
 
 "Now the West Indies became the great training ground for three maritime 
 nations, England, France and Holland. Spain lost her prestige, and the struggle 
 lay among her enemies for over a century. At first the three disputants for her 
 place were equally matched; then Holland dropped behind, leaving England and 
 France to fight it out. The struggle was a very close one, which only ended with 
 the fall of Napoleon, and it was in the Caribbean Sea where the great check to 
 France took place. Here Eodney defeated Degrasse, and here Nelson and many 
 another naval officer gained that experience v/hich served them so well in other 
 parts of the world. Here, also, was the scene of that great labor experiment, the 
 African slave-trade. The atrocities of the Spaniards caused the depopulation of 
 the Greater Antilles and led to the importation of negroes. "Whatever may be said 
 against slavery, there can hardly be any question that the African has been im- 
 proved by his removal to another part of the world to the extent that was expected 
 by his friends when they paid such an enormous sum for his enfranchisement; 
 still, there are undoubtedly signs of progress. 
 
 "The white colonists in the West Indies never settled down to form the nucleus 
 of a distinct people. Since the emancipation the islands have been more and more 
 abandoned to the negroes and colored people, with the result that although the gov- 
 ernment is mostly in the hands of the whites, they are in such a minority as to be 
 almost lost. In Cuba there appears to be such a feeling of patriotism towards their 
 own island that probably we shall soon hear of a new republic, but elsewhere in 
 the islands our hopes for the future must lie in the negroes and colored people. 
 
 "On the mainland the original inhabitants were not exterminated as in the 
 large islands, and consequently we have there a most interesting process in course
 
 122 RECENT DESCRIPTIONS OF THE ISLAND. 
 
 of accoinplisliinent — the development of one or more nations. Here are the true 
 Americans, and as the Gaul was merged in the Frank and the Briton in the Saxon, 
 so the Spaniard has been, or will be ultimately, lost in the American. At the 
 present the so-called Spanish republics are in their birth-throes — they are feeling 
 their way. Through trouble and difficulty — revolution and tyranny — they have 
 to march on, until they become stronger and more fitted to take their places among 
 nations. Out of the struggle they must ultimately come, and it will be a most inter- 
 esting study for those who see the result. 
 
 "In Hispaniola we have also a nation in the course of development — an alien 
 race from the old world. More backv/ard than the Americans, the Africans of Hayti 
 are struggling to gain a position among other nations, apparently without any good 
 result. The nation is not yet born and its birth-throes are distressing. We look on 
 that beautiful island and feel sorry that such a paradise should have fallen so low. 
 As a race the negro has little of that internal power that makes for progress — he 
 must be compelled to move on. Some are inclined to believe that he is in process 
 of degenerating into the savage, but we, on the contrary, believe him to be pro- 
 gressing slowly. 
 
 "In the islands belonging to European nations the influence of the dominating 
 power is visible in the negro, though he has no trace of white blood. The French, 
 English or Dutch negro may be recognized by his manners and even by his features. 
 In some places East Indians and Chinese have been imported, but these stand 
 alone and make little progress. They are aliens yet, and take little part in the 
 development of the colonies. 
 
 "Latterly the West Indians have sunk into neglect by Europe. Except for the 
 difficulties of the planters their history is a blank sheet. Few know anything about 
 the beautiful islands or the grand forests of the mainland." 
 
 It is of the common information of the transition period following the Spanish- 
 American war and its revolutionary consequences that General Maximo Gomez, 
 the commander-in-chief of the Cuban forces, long cherished a dream that he is to be 
 the founder of a confederacy of the Antilles, and that his use for the independence 
 of Cuba is to forward his ambition to unite and rule the West Indies. But it is 
 only a dream within a dream. The political power of the Great Republic of the 
 North will attract, command and absorb the tropical islands adjacent to our south- 
 ern shores.
 
 129 
 
 '-(? 
 
 BOOK II 
 
 CUBA.
 
 122 EECENT 
 
 of accomplishment— '
 
 129 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 It is well that Cuba holds the name the poor savages gave the island before 
 Columbus saw the mountains that reminded him of Sicily, and the rivers over- 
 hung with trees from which trailed vines gorgeous with flowers, while the water 
 was full of glistening fishes, sparkling with shifting colors, and the air radiant 
 with birds of exquisite plumage, so musical that it seemed, as they gave concerts 
 in the blooming groves, the angels were singing, and one could but wish, as the 
 discoverer wrote to the Queen of Spain, the songs to last forever. All Americans 
 should be glad and proud that this island of surpassing endowment is at last 
 free, and hope that in the centuries to come there will be erased the stains of 
 bloody crime and tearful sorrows that have pervaded the atmosphere and all the 
 stories of this country of beauty and fragrance, of fertility and every charm of 
 nature, yet a land bereft of happiness because authority has been identical with 
 injustice and oppression. The mountains with their forests, the bright rivers and 
 broad valleys uplifted in creation's morning, arose from seas of crystal so translu- 
 cent that sailors looking over the sides of ships selected smooth sand upon which 
 to drop the anchors, avoiding the coral rocks that would have been perilous if 
 hidden. The woods and the waters were full of food fruits and fishes — there 
 were many varieties of oranges, nutritious roots and nuts, and the wilderness 
 was as a wonderful and boundless orchard, in which the royal palms shed their 
 stately leaves for the habitations of the amiable tribes, that as children in an 
 Eden of their own, needing no raiment, gathering food from the trees and the soil, 
 were unconscious that the world was not all their garden of bliss, until the 
 destroying strangers came. The kindly race whose simple wants were satisfied 
 without tilling or spinning or any semblance of toil, soon perished when their 
 paradise was invaded. African slavery was introduced to save the children of 
 Cuba from sinking under the tasks beyond their strength imposed by the invaders, 
 but the remorseless Spaniards persevered in their career of grasping tyranny and 
 desperate adventure, devoted to gathering treasure to be transferred to the 
 Peninsula 'without a thought of compensating the labor of the sinless and the 
 helpless, for whom there was no longer rest or promise of escape from dreadful 
 
 servitude, and for whose loving good will implanted in their tender hearts, there 
 
 127
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 >as no response save in the bosom of the good priest, the memory of whose 
 benevolent concern has given him a beautiful immortality. 
 
 The Cuban experience of Spanish domination was longer by nearly a century 
 than that of the South and Central American States, and the effect of the full 
 force of the evils confirmed and perpetuated, are marked as with firebrands upon 
 the island, a bitter inheritance that under the best conditions will not soon be worn 
 away. San Domingo became a synonym of a decline from civilization into bar- 
 barism a century ago. The freedom of lofty and opulent Hayti from the rule of 
 foreigners, the transfer of power from the masters to the slaves, did not secure 
 the contentment and prosperity of the survivors of the slaughters of the revolu- 
 tion, for the blood unshed was so mixed, and the traditions that pierced the dark 
 gloom of ignorance were so discouraging, that there was propagation of the unfit, 
 a rank production of the deplorable that laid the land desolate and largely kept 
 it so. In Cuba the Spanish decadence set in earlier by many years than in 
 Mexico and Peru — there was half a century more of it to be endured, and the 
 leading question is as of old: "What shall the harvest be?" The fortune of Cuba 
 has been harder than that of the Philippines because in the latter the interposi- 
 tion of Mexico as New Spain made a modification that was a betterment of the 
 Government. The appointments by the Mexican Supreme Court of the highest 
 Phihppine authorities were with some regard to character and capacity. Indeed 
 there was much that was judicious, and the pioneer priests in the Philippines 
 devoted themselves to a great extent to teaching the people industries that developed 
 the riches of the natural resources of the islands. 
 
 The Spanish colonial system as interpreted at Manila was for two hundred 
 years an improvement upon that at Havana. The plague and ruin of the unmiti- 
 gated Spanish methods were in the unappeasable hunger and strife for spoil, the 
 eager appropriation by the master class of the earnings of the subjugated masses, 
 and the vindictive spirit in which was cultivated the idea that the Peninsular 
 Spaniards were the exclusive rightful rulers, and that even the American-born 
 Spaniards must be inferior to the favorites of the Spanish crown who came upon 
 the colonies in successive, unfailing hordes of parasites, their vocation the oppres- 
 sion of the people, that they might unchecked prey upon all productive industry, 
 whether in the fields, the forests or the mines. There is a melancholy monotony 
 in the stories of all the Spanish-American states. There is always the presence 
 of injustice, rankling and consuming, and a characteristic horror in the wars for 
 the suppressions of rebellions that burst forth when the invariable despotism 
 became intolerable. Disordered Cuba Libre is the logical result of Spanish mis-
 
 INTRODUCTION. 129 
 
 government that neglected every duty and improved all chances to go wrong. The 
 government of the island by and for a crown on the other side of the Atlantic 
 for four centuries could not — though it has been often found that there were 
 teachings of wisdom in schools of sorrow — prove an ideal preparation of a people 
 for the establishment of a stable government. The Cubans now freed from all 
 disabilities save their own, are a generation stamped with habits of thought, indoc- 
 trinated with certain forms of public business, and so encumbered with a mis- 
 leading education, that our advanced American principles are not immediately 
 comprehended, but often received with resentment. The misconduct of the Cuban 
 Assembly that has warned our country it is charged with very difficult responsi- 
 bilities and that the Cubans as a people have much to learn that is essential, 
 could not have been possible but for the long procession of precedents to be 
 avoided if the future is to redeem the past. We may think of it with dawning 
 confidence, however, that the evolution of one military and popular hero like 
 General Gomez is proof that instruments will be found in the Cuban crisis for the 
 vindication of the doctrine that the safest preparation for self-government is to be 
 free, and that, though redemption from oppression is by the sword, the sword shall 
 not devour forever.
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 The Changes of Three Years in Cuba — Recollection of the Weyler Period — The 
 Fiery Invasion of Western Cuba by Gomez — The Fall of Maceo and Decline 
 of the Flood of Rebellion — American Intervention and Spanish Retire- 
 ment — The Stars and Stripes Over Morro Castle and the Governor's Pal- 
 ace — The Spaniards' Farewell to Havana — Wild Cuban Rejoicing — Spanish 
 and Cuban Combination Against American Rule — Gomez Meets a Special 
 Commissioner and Listens to Reason — His Triumphant Journey to Havana 
 and Ovation in the City — He Does Not Speak at the Banquet of Cuban 
 Celebration — Spectacular Scenes in the Old Spanish Capital — The Prestige 
 of Gomez Challenged by the Hysterical Cuban Assembly — He Is Removed 
 from His Command of the Army for Opposing the Creation of a Great 
 Public Debt Without Value Received for the People — The Splendid Letter 
 with Which He Thanked the Assembly for Relieving Him of Responsibility 
 — The People Are with Him — As a Pacificator He Is a Statesman — The 
 Catastrophe to Spain of the Loss of Cuba — Her Golden Island in the 
 Summer Seas — The Land of Promise for the Favorites of a Corrupt Gov- 
 ernment in the Details of Administration — The Harvest Field for the 
 Degenerate of a Nation Fallen from the First Place — Did Not Occur With- 
 out Abundant Admonition, and Yet Seemed to the Spectators a Surprise 
 in Suddenness. 
 
 Three years ago Captain-General Weyler had just developed his policy oi 
 severity, and was, as he said, "Orienting" his enemies. "See how I am driving 
 them eastward," he cried. "Wlien I came they were here, and now they are there." 
 His words were accompanied by a sweeping gesture from west to east, on a great 
 map of Cuba, from the rugged country of Pinar del Rio to the south-eastern 
 swamps and forests of Matanzas. The enemy, he said, "might get away," but 
 would have to make their escape through the impassable marshes, dense with under- 
 brush, including thorns and vines; and they might as well be retired in that way 
 as to .be prisoners. '\l\Tien General Weyler arrived at Havana, General Gomez, 
 with his right arm Antonio Maceo, were so near the city that they could, from 
 the hill where they were resting close to the sea, west of the Yacht Club's House, 
 see the Morro Castle light and count the guns of salutes from the prison fortress 
 of Cabanas. The march of the torch bearers and cane burners moving west, mak- 
 ing the heavens glow by night with the flaming fields, had been halted. The 
 istrength of this w^ld raid ordered by Gomez and fought to a finish at last by 
 
 Maceo, had been spent in the incendiary adventure, and, while the general result 
 
 130
 
 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 131 
 
 was disastrous to tlie prosperous industries, and destructive of the resources of 
 both Cubans and Spaniards, it had not been practicable to muster an army 
 seriously to assail the Spanish fortified lines. It was the theory of Gomez that, 
 once the cane fields and sugar mills were burned, the tobacco plants neglected or 
 trampled, and the sheds for the precious leaves fired, the labor employed would 
 be diverted in full force to the insurgent ranks; and there was assembled a throng of 
 combatants poorly equipped and incapable of discipline. The invasion of the 
 Cuban west was like the rush of a torrent that bursts its channel and sweeps on 
 with the rapidity of a mountain stream and the destructiveness of lava, until 
 the energy of the irruption declined, its movement slackened, the flood receded, 
 and the vivid fires were buried in ashes. Then the retreat commenced, and the 
 disheartening experience of retiring in the midst of blackened fields and monu- 
 mental chimneys, demoralized the boasted army that was jaunty under fiery skies. 
 It disappeared in the chaos from which it came, and the best that high military 
 capacity, such as Gomez undeniably possessed could do, was to conduct stratagems 
 of evasion and encourage popular delusions as to the strength and activity of the 
 immediate command of the chief. The policy of destruction was ingeniously ap- 
 plied to the disturbance of the American people, and as Gomez was far away, and 
 kept the field with only scattered bands, each too small to attract the attention of 
 the Spanish army, the telegrams dated at Havana, but wired from Key West 
 to the American newspapers, placed the old General, whose consummate game was 
 to be quiet, in the attitude of a perpetual thunderer at the gates of Havana. 
 Maceo was a daring and brilliant chieftain, whose persevering stand west of 
 Havana was the dread and shame of the Spaniards, and the trocha, designed to 
 fence him away from the central provinces, was as ineffectual as the concentration 
 of columns of Spanish regulars to surround the insurgents were inadequate to 
 execute the commonplace plan of all the campaigns. Weyler was a typical Spanish 
 chieftain. His strategy was in two parts, one to construct a line of fortified 
 posts, string barbed wire from blockhouse to blockhouse, and provide 
 a road for the exclusive use of the Spaniards. The other was to "surround" the 
 enemy and crush him with converging columns! Against a man like Maceo 
 this was futile, but it seemed necessary after some time that the insurgents 
 west of Weyler's fence should cross it and agitate the province of Havana. In 
 this movement, after demonstrating the failure of the Spanish military system, 
 Maceo fell a victim to his habitually fierce impatience to seek the hot places 
 in all the combats. 
 
 The answer of Weyler to the campaign of desolation by Gomez, was the
 
 132 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 camps of concentration, the imprisonment and starvation of the peasantry. The 
 burning of canefields, mills and plantation palaces by insurgents was answered 
 by the annihilation of the villages. The killing of domestic animals by both sides 
 followed, and there was famine. The young white men of Cuba who took the 
 field failed fast through physical inability to endure the exposure and hardships 
 of swampy camps, exhausting tramps and uncertain rations. The insurgents in 
 the ranks were, therefore, in constantly increasing proportions black men. The 
 people at large of Cuba perished rapidly, and whenever, if ever, there is a reliable 
 census, the development will be shocking. During the last year of Weyler the insur- 
 gents gained no ground, and their fighting men, adhering in a vague way to 
 military organization and enterprise, had little left of the dashing enthusiasm 
 of their predecessors in the earlier conditions of warfare. There were manufac- 
 tured at Key West, for American consumption, endless stories of '^battles," many 
 wholly fanciful, while others were stuffed with exaggerations until distorted into 
 falsifications. The war would have dragged on to a weary length, for there seemed 
 to be as slender ability to quit pretended fighting as to perform actions of serious 
 war. The Spanish oflicers did not appear to have an interest in closing the war. 
 There was still money of a passable sort to find and spend, and the feeding of 
 Spanish troops was a business that kept up the garrison towns. Cubans were to 
 a considerable extent inclined to look to the United States for their reward, and 
 waited for intervention. Those most in evidence were personages of the "Govern- 
 ment," as they styled a few committees whose professions that they were repre- 
 sentatives of the people were of high temperature and intensity, but without cor- 
 roborating testimony. The Cuban government was principally financial in its 
 occupations, and toward the last their armies, with the exception of that of Garcia, 
 were like the fever and ague in new countries — always in the next counties. The 
 fifty thousand armed Cubans did not put in an appearance until after the Spanish 
 surrendered, with the exception of the detachment that checked the Spanish 
 re-enforcements going to aid in the defense of Santiago, until the battle of El 
 Caney was fought and the city so beset that further fighting was fruitless. The 
 Cubans did good service in this case, contributing largely and positively to the 
 fall of Santiago. It was in that part of Cuba that rebellions always originated 
 and that the insurgents were most stanch in sentiment and steady in the field. 
 
 There was a transformation scene in Cuba after the Protocol of Peace that 
 was of profound political interest, full of dramatic situations, and rich with historic 
 spectacles. The evacuation of the Cuban cities by the Spaniards was after all the 
 tragedies of four centuries, a series of pictures worthy of the pens and pencils
 
 CUBA AFTER THE WAE. 133 
 
 of artists, on pages touched with the light of truth and within golden frames 
 where ideals that inform rude fact with the glow of imagination, invest the com- 
 monplace with associations of immortality. Three years ago Morro Castle stood 
 stained and scarred, grim and forbidding, frowning across the harbor at the white 
 city of Havana, the Spanish colors, red and yellow, not drooping or faded, but 
 flaunting over the weather-beaten walls; and Captain-General Weyler stood in a 
 hall whose walls glittered with a hundred Captain-Generals gorgeous in uniforms 
 designed to symbolize power with pomp, and, with iron jaw protruded, he was 
 pleased to prefer in business hours a simple suit of black alpaca, a belt of Spanish 
 colors two inches wide, his only distinction of dress disclosing authority — and there 
 came into his presence the wives, children and friends of massacred neighbors, to 
 plead without result for protection against assassins that called murder combat. 
 Now the flags of the United States and Cuba float on palace and castle and soldiers 
 of the United States stand guard in the streets, and there is liberty and peace, 
 no political prisoners, the ceremonies of tyranny discarded, the custom-houses 
 free of bribe-takers, the streets clean, the music in the parks the national airs 
 of the American nation, the mighty overshadowing Republic of the Xorth, a 
 majestical and healing presence, the actual people of Cuba seeking to be American 
 citizens, for as they look up to the Stars and Stripes they see and know and say 
 it was under this shining sign the vampire clutch of Spain was loosened — that 
 there came as if by the stroke of an enchanter's wand, peace and liberty; and 
 one breathes American air, while dazzling starry eyes look from the skies of tropic 
 blue upon dungeons empty of prisoners whose offense was a brave fondness for 
 freedom. 
 
 One heroic figure arose from the Cuban confusion, and Maximo Gomez, no 
 longer a destroyer, is vindicated as a constructive statesman. We find him, instead 
 of the enemy of the armed Americans, the defenders of Cuba, the one man com- 
 petent to guide and command the people he fought for to put aside the vain- 
 glorious frenzy of the demagogues asserting themselves and following in Cuba 
 the madness of the followers of the Tagalo tyrants in Luzon. Gomez, accepting 
 America as a friend, asks them to prove themselves fit for friendship. 
 
 The first Cuban demonstrations after the close of the war were not encour- 
 aging to those responsible for order and engaged in works of pacification and 
 restoration. It was natural that those of the native population of all colors and 
 conditions, hasty to take the field of public observation, should be in part on the 
 surface as agitators in the cities and re-enforced by the bands of guerrillas that 
 found an occupation in ambushing the Spaniards and skirmishing with them, but
 
 134 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 doing little for themselves. The novelty of appearing anywhere within reach 
 of the cheap transportation of common walking, and going on parade as the 
 gallant soldiers of an always invincible and at last victorious Eepnblic, was power- 
 ful, and the grand army that had flourished in the speeches of warlike congressmen, 
 and the lurid columns of leading newspapers, and the official reports of confiding 
 enthusiasts bearing commissions as generals more or less i"i com.mand, came out 
 of the retiring places from which they had complacently cr.rried en aggressive war 
 by the attrition of inertia, and were ready to be rewarded for personal sacrifices 
 of valuable time, and valor displayed in combats by telegraph. The fiction of a 
 great Cuban army had been received as fact for some years, chiefly by the inquiry: 
 What were two hundred thousand Spaniards doing in Cuba if they were not 
 antagonized by an army at once vast and valorous? The contact of our army at 
 Santiago with the Cuban soldiers should have produced a most favorable impres- 
 sion upon the Americans, whose experience made their evidence competent, espe- 
 cially for the reason that Garcia's forces were in all points superior to other armed 
 Cubans alleged to be organized, yet the Santiago insurgents were a disappoint- 
 ment, and the enlisted men of our regiments, seeing in the Cuban soldiers the 
 "cause of humanity" incarnate, were not as passionate humanitarians as they had 
 been. Still, with the exception of the body guard of Gomez, with his best, and, 
 apparently, only regiment, the bands under the direction of Garcia were the elite 
 of the grand army, that in one of the well-planned campaigns, Major-General 
 Miles commanding, put on official paper as an "auxiliary force" of fifty thousand 
 men! However, the Cuban army, battling for the rising republic, was rapidly 
 recruited when by force of American arms, assisted by the division of Garcia's 
 troops that held up Escario's column of Spaniards, marching from Holguin by 
 way of Bayamo, so that they did not get in until the evening of the memorable 
 day, July 3d, after Cervera's fleet had departed from the busy scene of active 
 service. The Cubans came out of the bushes in great shape, and were unanimous 
 in the assertion of a great principle, which was that they would not disband until 
 they had been paid by somebody, and, as the island was devastated and impover- 
 ished, and so far as possible in the regions the insurgents held ruined, and there 
 had been afflictions of massacre, incendiarism, famine and pestilence; and as the 
 "United States had spent vast sums in ministrations of beneficence as well as in 
 militfary and naval expeditions, and was imselfish in the intervention by force, it 
 was logical to the minds of Cubans of the assembly that the armed legions rising 
 fresh from the fertile soil when the soft footsteps o«f the angel messengers of 
 peace signaled that all was well, should expect to gathex a harvest of American
 
 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 135 
 
 gold. There were found Cuban soldiers ready to go on the pay-rolls in great 
 numbers, and they clung to the garrison towns, not as Gomez had "thundered" 
 for twelve long months at the gates of Havana — distant four hundred miles from 
 the waterworks — they actually arrived, entered into the strong places and reported 
 for hard cash, putting themselves in evidence as the vanquishers of Spain. Not 
 a shot was fired as they took possession, and then there were occasional hard 
 rubs between the Spanish garrisons, about to retire because Spain had relinquished 
 her rights, and the Cubans who enjoyed exceedingly the festival of peace. In 
 Havana, General F. V. Greene occupied at the Hotel Ingletara the apartments 
 that were the home of General Fitzhugh Lee when he wrestled with so much 
 energy, courage and discretion with the Cuban-American citizens of Florida 
 naturalization who had heaps of claims and a supply of grievances never quite 
 adjusted to the satisfaction of anybody. Several Cuban gentlemen who had not 
 done quite all that might have been expected from their antecedents when leading 
 Cuban columns on the battlefields, populated chiefly by big coons and blacksnakes, 
 found their way to Havana with an advance guard, and played star engagements 
 before the curtains in the theaters, so that the proud Spanish heart was filled 
 with wrath well nigh to bursting, and at last there was a sensational incident. 
 General Greene heard firing in the park across the street in front of the hotel, 
 and, stepping upon the marble balcony so often adorned with Spanish colors, the 
 tower of Morro Castle visible on the left, the statue of the modern Isabella in 
 the pajk presiding over the music stand, a strange and not unfamiliar spectacle 
 was before his eyes. A Spanish skirmish line was advancing in good order and 
 rapidly, firing in crossing the pavement, carrying everything before them, the 
 spectators rushing to get out of the fire. In a moment the ring of the Mausers 
 was heard under the projecting secomd story over the sidewalk of the house, and 
 then the same ominous sounds and screams of wounded mingled on the stairs. 
 The General threw open his door, and in a few steps met a squad of Cuban fugi- 
 tives running to gain protection in his room. One was bleeding — all were justified 
 in the keenest apprehension as they rushed quickly behind the General and 
 through his door, availing themselves of such facilities of fortification as the 
 furniture afforded. The Spaniards were close at hand, one officer with drawn 
 sword, in the midst of a dozen men with rifles. The General was in full uniform 
 and stood firmly holding up his right hand with a gesture of command, saying 
 in Spanish, "Stand back. What do you want here?" "We want the Cubans." 
 "You cannot have them. They are unarmed and under my protection." The 
 Spanish officer recognized an American General, regained his self-possession,
 
 136 CUBA AFTER THE WAE. 
 
 saluted and ordered his men to retire, which they did promptly. It was the Amer- 
 ican uniform that had saved the Cubans, who had been celebrating the victories 
 of the Grand Army of the Cuban Eepublic, not so wisely as too much. The 
 time was not quite propitious for a Cuban carnival. There were many affairs of 
 friction that struck fire, but presently under American influence there was a toler- 
 able degree of forbearance on both sides — that is, between the Spaniards of the 
 Island and those of the Peninsula. The actual government of the island would 
 be about the same in the hands of these islanders as of the peninsulars. The 
 true people of Cuba are not of either party, as we use the word, of Spaniards. It 
 is possible that the Dominican origin of Maximo Gomez may have advantages 
 unexpected. He was an absolute despot and incendiary during the war. His 
 bulletins reduced boastfulness to a moderation not characteristic of other com- 
 manders on either side engaged in the field. He was a remarkably frequent and 
 forcible letter-writer, but was not the author of the novelettes wired for American 
 consumption as news. Gomez did order the burning of cane fields, under the 
 force of a mistaken policy that corresponded, in some particulars — it being a 
 strategic error for one thing — with the burning of cotton in the South during the 
 War of our States, divided as National and Confederate. Wlien we consider how 
 slender the military resources of the Cuban Commander-in-Chief were, he made 
 a brave show, and kept the field with surprising skill and unflinching courage 
 and hopefulness. He was accused constantly by the Spaniards with having been 
 bribed by Martinez Campos at the close of the ten years' war, but the ladies of 
 his family, his wife and daughters, during his long absence as the military head 
 of the Cuban rebellion, were self-supporting at their Dominican home as teachers 
 and dressmakers. They are women of intelligence and education, and have the 
 merit of honorable and uncomplaining poverty. His son, on the staff of Maceo, 
 though' wounded, chivalrously refused to leave the body of his fallen leader, and 
 was chopped to death with machetes. It has been accepted as a true story that 
 Maximo Gomez has been from his youth — a long time, as he has entered his seventy- 
 fifth year — in favor of a West Indian Confederacy, hoping and believing the Euro- 
 pean possessions would not be difficult if the policy of relinquishment was per- 
 isuasively and forcibly presented, but he thought the real obstacle to the accom- 
 plishment of comprehensive ambition was our country, and that, therefore, he was, 
 in matters of state, our enemy. He has had a right to infer from the public 
 official records and the public press that "We, the People of the United States," 
 want Cuba, and to oppose us as the champion of leadership in the Confederate 
 Independence of the Great Antilles. It does not become us to complain of his
 
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 FAMOUS WALK BETWEEN THE ROYAL PALMS IN HONOLULU. 
 
 NUUANU YALLEY PASS AND PALI PEAK, 1,207 FEET HIGH, NEAR HONOLULU,
 
 CUBA AFTEE THE WAR. 139 
 
 sentiments so long as they are respectful and not an expression of ingi-atitude 
 and ill will, "We had not anticipated, so ruthless has he been in war and relentless 
 in his orders and proclamations and sanguinary and incendiary in his marches, 
 that we were not prepared to find him in his dealings with us since the war ended, 
 not the implacable warrior who used fire and sword, and by the ruin of planta- 
 tions placing "the San Domingo brand" on the Cuban struggle, but a conservative 
 citizen, whose ideas were those not of a bushwhacker but a statesman. We had 
 expected him to be our most troublesome adversary, and find him our best friend, 
 and with the light thrown upon his character, we are able to offer a satisfactory 
 solution of the Cuban problem. There may be some mistake about it after all, but 
 as the case stands it is a duty to give a verdict that he is an honest man. Being 
 the military Commander-in-Chief of the Cuban insurgents, he has had experience 
 of the fraud in the civil organization called the Cuban Eepublic, and does not 
 countenance the struggles of those who have padded that government and stuffed 
 the pretended army rolls with the names of alleged officers to raise money to support 
 their pretensions. Those who find it consists with their duty to give helpful 
 consideration to the fraudulency that has palpably discredited the Cuban cause, 
 have made war upon General Gomez because he has been honorably Just in his 
 judicial attitude. He never served Cuba so well, no matter how high his mili- 
 tary service may be rated, as in preventing the Cuban people and the people of 
 the United States falling into irreconcilable controversy over impossible demands, 
 for many millions from us on account of an army that came to the front power- 
 fully with peace, though they were not in such array significant in war. The 
 claims were largely based on padded pay-rolls, and it is fortunate for Cuba that 
 the military leader whose only weakness was in his slender array of forces, does 
 not enter into the scheme of paying off an army organized for revenue only. 
 It is fortunate for the United States that the falsity that has damaged the standing 
 of the Cuban people is repudiated by the man known to the world to have been 
 the Commander-in-Chief of the men who fought for freedom, who proves his in- 
 tegrity by hardihood for the right, and opens the way for the Cuban people to aid 
 the United States in the establishment of a stable Government, for there must be 
 truth and honor to depend upon or the structure of authority will be on a founda- 
 tion of sand and totter to a speedy fall. 
 
 The American forces in Cuba, since the Spaniards got in the way of getting 
 out of the island, have been handled by military men who were intolerant of false 
 pretenders and conducted affairs, great and small and of all kinds on straight lines. 
 In Santiago a group of business men in the first days of resumption of ordinary
 
 140 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 avocations, tliouglit it well, as the same class of men did in Manila, to propose a 
 complimentary "concession." The sum in Santiago tendered for special privileges 
 was several thousand dollars, and abruptly refused, while the permission desired 
 was granted at once on the ground that it was perfectly legitimate, requiring 
 neither license nor fee. The difficulties have been with the class of Cubans 
 who were loud and lavish in demands for American protection, on various excuses, 
 a fabulous citizenship among others, before the war. These persistent persons 
 were ready and more than willing to take charge of all the functions of govern- 
 ment, and whenever they were not accepted at their own estimate they showed 
 signs of feeling that they were wronged men and felt that bloodshed was neces- 
 sary. There was one man not in a hurry to go into the midst of the commotion, who 
 bided his time, was secluded in his camp, neither obtrusive for others nor impor- 
 tunate for himself. He was really an old soldier who had done enough to cause 
 extensive differences of opinion as to his character, and his policy. His name 
 was llaximo Gomez. It was the prevailing impression that he was a veteran 
 revolutionist, and a man of positive ability, who would be the master mind among 
 the mischief makers. It turns out that he has pursued a course that rallies to his 
 support the people of Cuba who are capable of making the competency of Cubans 
 to govern themselves evident, and that if the island is some day to be a responsible 
 nation or an acceptable State in the great republic of States, he will be the architect 
 of the good fortune of the people. 
 
 January 1st, 1899, at noon, the Spanish standard of gold and red descended 
 the flagstaffs on the palace and Morro Castle, saluted by American guns. General 
 Castellanos, the last of the Captain-Generals, then surrendered the island to the 
 American commissioners of evacuation. General Wade and General Butler. The 
 sovereignty of Cuba renounced, as the American flag flashed on high, there 
 was a thundering roar from the fleet of the conquerors, and the band of the 
 Sixteenth United States Infantry played "The Star Spangled Banner" in the Plaza 
 de Armos, before the palace, near the Ceba tree that stands where its predecessor 
 with like splendor stood, under which the first mass was celebrated in the island — 
 at least a tradition says so — and near at hand^ half a block down the street, is 
 the wharf from which sailed the expeditions whose voyages are wonders of history — 
 of Cortez, Pizarro and Hernando de Soto. The Cuban Junta had the accustomed 
 intensity of anxie'-'es to flourish on this occasion and the insurgent chiefs, after 
 they had been for awhile in torment because they were not to be the chief actors 
 that day, were consoled by invitations to attend the function at the palace. The 
 master of ceremonies was General Clous, who issued instructions to the officers
 
 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 141 
 
 who were to take charge of the various departments of the government. Colonel 
 Dudley was assigned to the Department of Justice, office of the secretary of the 
 Captain-General; Major L. W. Y. Kennon, Adjutant-General of the Department, 
 to the Department of Commerce and Agriculture; Colonel T. U. Bliss, of the Com- 
 missary Department, to the Treasury; Captain Frank B. Hanna, Assistant Adjutant- 
 General, to the Department of Public Instruction, and Colonel Dunwoody, of the 
 Signal Corps, to the Public Works Department. Each of these officers was in- 
 structed thus: 
 
 "On the firing of the last gun of the first twenty-one at noon, you are to 
 go the place assigned you and demand possession of the office in the name of the 
 United States." 
 
 These orders were given under the arcade of the palace. 
 
 On entering the palace the American generals went to the salon facing the 
 plaza, which is on the second floor. It is a lofty chamber, decorated with mirrors 
 oi deep gilt frames, white satin draperies and the scarlet arms of Spain over each 
 door and window. Here were gathered the members of the Captain-General's 
 staff. 
 
 After shaking hands General Brooke sat upon a sofa, while General Cas- 
 tellanos moved toward the group of Cuban generals, British Vice-Consul Jerome 
 introduced him to General Mayia Rodriguez. Shaking both the hands of the 
 Cuban officer, in the usual Spanish fashion. General Castellanos said: 
 
 *'We have been enemies, but I respect you for your correct attitudes and 
 opinions. I have pleasure in shaking your hands." 
 
 General Rodriguez replied: 
 
 ''I thank you, General. I feel sorrow for the Spanish army, which has 
 defended the banner it was sworn to defend. I also have pleasure in shaking 
 your hands." 
 
 The hour long waited, when the Spanish were to give up their greatest and 
 last possession in America, was announced by the striking of twelve o'clock, and, 
 pale-faced, with a broken voice. General Castellanos said: 
 
 "In accordance with the treaty of Paris, it devolves upon me to declare on 
 behalf of my country and my king that from this moment Spanish sovereignty 
 in Cuba is ended, and to deliver the island to the American commission of evacua- 
 tion. I obey and respect the order which my country has laid it upon me to 
 fulfill, and I declare most solemnly that I shall be the first one to render obedience
 
 143 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 to the new government. I speak as well for my soldiers. I trust our future 
 relations will be friendly and helpful. The consideration with which we treated 
 the American army while it was our guest will, we hope, be given to us until the 
 evacuation of the island is completed." 
 
 General "Wade, the son of brave old Senator "Ben" Wade of Ohio, uttered 
 two words, "I accept," and the command was turned over to General Brooke, who 
 said: 
 
 "I accept this great trust in behalf of the Government and the President 
 of the United States, and (addressing General Castellanos) I wish you and the 
 gallant gentlemen with you a pleasant return to your native land. May prosperity 
 attend you and all who are with you." 
 
 The Cubans who watched the Spanish flag come down are described as "a 
 hysterical mob of men and women cheering and weeping." The Spaniards stripped 
 the walls of the palace of their glittering paintings of Spanish uniforms for 
 viceroys. In going out of the palace General Castellanos, said, losing composure: 
 
 "I have been in as many battles as there are hairs on my head, but these forces 
 overcome me." 
 
 Eight regiments of American volunteers marched through the city, up the 
 Piado, the route the Spanish regiments landed at Havana always took for their 
 first parade on the fatal soil of Cuba. The Americans present at the surrender 
 were Brooke, Wade, Butler, Ludlow, Chaffee, Davis, Clous and Humphreys, with 
 Commodore Cromwell and Captains Cook, Sigsbee, Chester, Cowles, Eaton and 
 Merry of the six warships in the bay. 
 
 General Lee, after riding at the head of the parade, appeared on the balcony 
 of the palace, where a tedious series of Captain-Generals had been presented under 
 their white-plumed hats, to hear the shouts of the populace, who made fair weather 
 with rulers. The reception of General Lee was everywhere a hearty greeting. 
 There were wild cheers always as he was recognized, and there was no figure 
 more famous. During the last moments of the farewell of the Spaniards it is 
 related a Spanish girl on a balcony of one of the houses along this street displayed 
 a Spanish flag and cried, ''Viva Espana, viva el Capitan-General." In an instant 
 Castellanos and his staff were sobbing. It was an extraordinary scene. Their grief 
 was respected, and a small throng of Spaniards at the wharf embraced them, with 
 cries of 'T/ong live Spain" and "Long live Castellanos." His staff officers tried 
 to respond, but their emotions made their replies inaudible.
 
 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 143 
 
 Just at this time an American flag was raised over the wreck of the Maine, 
 close to the spot where the last footsteps of the Spanish authorities fell as they 
 turned away from Cuba and boarded their boats! The incident has a pathos like 
 that of "the last sigh of the Moor" when, at a turn of the road, he looked for the 
 last time on the towers of Granada, surrendered to Ferdinand and Isabella, upon 
 whom Christopher Columbus was waiting to obtain their help to find a new 
 world, of which Cuba was the gem that remained longest in the crown of Spain. 
 General Brooke, when the insurgent officers paid him their formal respects in a 
 body, said: 
 
 ''You know the circumstances in which American troops have come to your 
 shores. Extraordinary efforts may be necessary on jovlt part. I expect your fullest 
 co-operation." 
 
 The official cable report runs: 
 
 "Havana, January 1. — To the President, Washington: The government for- 
 mally surrendered by General Castellanos to American commission at 12 o'clock 
 and by latter transferred to General Brooke. Ceremonies successfully carried out. 
 The American flag flies from Morro Castle, Cabanas, the palace and other build- 
 ings. City orderly. 
 
 "WADE, Chairman; 
 
 "CLOUS, Secretary." 
 
 The progress of the American troops through Cuba was attended with gratify- 
 ing expressions of the kindly feelings of the people and their gratitude for value 
 received. Mr. James Lacey, of the Second Illinois Volunteers, wrote of the journey 
 by rail, 170 miles from Havana to Cienfuegos, beginning December 30th, that 
 at all stops the soldiers received ovations. He wrote: 
 
 "Thousands of Cubans met us, threw flowers at us and gave us sweetmeats. 
 In some instances the beautiful Cuban girls could not restrain their joy at seeing 
 their benefactors and kissed the boys. 
 
 "At Matanzas the streets were thronged, the houses decorated and the citizens 
 dressed in holiday attire, awaiting us. Around the cars when the engine came 
 to a halt the residents crowded so near that it was almost impossible to disembark. 
 Wlien we did it was to meet a reception the like of which we had never experi- 
 enced before. 
 
 "The Cuban girls gave us relics, cheered us until their throats were sore and 
 then marched us to a hall, where a magnificent dinner was served. The boys 
 were not allowed to spend a cent. In the cafes and cigar stores the waiters refused 
 to take our money. Merchants stood on the pavements and invited the soldiers
 
 144 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 inside to take anything their eyesight fancied. Of course, none of these generous 
 invitations were accepted. 
 
 "During the stop at Matanzas some of the boys entertained the Cubans by 
 giving an exhibition of an American cake walk. Frank Weaver, William J. 
 Enderle, Peter Erickson and Corporal Peter Nelson, of Company G, led a grand 
 parade through the principal streets, followed by 10,000 men, women and children. 
 Bands were playing everywhere, the streets were strewn with flowers and from 
 nearly every throat came the exultant cry of 'Vive Americano!' 
 
 "Our next stopping place was at Santa Clara, where our reception was no less 
 enthusiastic than at Matanzas. From Santa Clara to this city the natives shouted 
 'welcome' to us from every quarter. 
 
 "The day following our arrival here the Spanish flags were hauled down from 
 all public buildings and the Stars and Stripes run up. Major Dusenberry had 
 charge of these formalities. After Old Glory had been placed on the custom-house 
 the citizens went into a delirium of joy. Men hugged each other and the women 
 kissed the soldiers until some of the latter complained of being tired." 
 
 There were 22,000 Spanish soldiers still in the province where this reception 
 of American soldiers took place. 
 
 One of the first things that came in view after the military Spanish evacu- 
 ated Cuba was the combination understanding reached by the Spanish civilians, 
 whose home was in Cuba, and the Cubans. An article appeared in the Diairo de la 
 Marina, the principal journal of Havana, and pro-Spanish, January 12, in which 
 it "could not see much further need of American troops in Havana or Cuba." 
 It said "the Spanish understand the Cuban leaders." The latter, it claimed, had 
 demonstrated their ability to preserve order, as they had been in undisputed control 
 of 96 per cent of the Cuban towns. The situation, it was argued, annihilated 
 annexation. There was a good deal of this for a few days. The true intent was 
 to make arrangements to minimize the American influences and provide for the sub- 
 stantial continuance of the old Spanish system. 
 
 Bishop Santander, the head of the Catholic church in Cuba since the resigna- 
 tion of the archbishop of Santiago, accepted the honorary presidency of the 
 Spanish Association of Loyal Peninsulares, whose devotion to their mother coun- 
 try does not make them love Cuba less. The bishop's acceptance raised a storm 
 of protest in the rank and file of the Cuban church, who believe the prelate should 
 keep entirely out of politics. Through his secretary he declared that he would 
 not take the oath of allegiance to the United States, saying: 
 
 "I have always believed that Cuba's interests were best fostered by Spanish 
 rule," he told me, "and I see no reason why I should change my conviction." He
 
 CUBA AFTEE THE WAE. 145 
 
 declined to talk about the financial status of the church or the plan it \dll adopt 
 to support the clergy without state aid. 
 
 General Gomez made a speech at Carilia Rien, urging unity, and his order to 
 keep the Cuban army under organized discipline to prevent the troops from scat- 
 tering into brigandage was believed to have had much to do with bringing the 
 Spanish element to look with favor upon free Cuba. Cuban soldiers were unpaid, 
 poorly fed and dissatisfied, of course. If turned loose they would take to the 
 woods and resume guerrilla warfare. 
 
 It does not seem to them or to their advisers that they had a possible resource 
 in going to work and assisting to get in a sugar crop, compensating for the waste 
 of fields with fire. 
 
 December 29th Gomez issued from his camp a proclamation advising the Cuban 
 army against disbanding until the proceedings at Washington regarding the pay 
 of the insurgent troops have been completed. It is dated December 29 and says: 
 
 "The moment has arrived to give a public explanation of my conduct and my 
 purposes, w^hich are always in accord with my sense of duty to the country I serve. 
 The Americans, tacitly our allies, have terminated the war with Spain and signed 
 a treaty of peace. But Cuba is not yet free or independent. Self-government is 
 not yet constituted. For that reason we must dedicate ourselves to bringing about 
 the disappearance of the cause for American intervention. 
 
 "But, above everything else, in the spirit of justice to the Cuban army, it is 
 necessary that before the liberators of the people can dissolve, as a guaranty of 
 order, that the debt which the country owes to its soldiers should be satisfied. 
 Awaiting this result, I remain in my present position, always ready to help the 
 Cubans finish the work to which I have dedicated my life." 
 
 During a masquerade at the Havana Club House on the night of January 
 20th in honor of the Cuban Assembly Major-General Ludlow, Military Governor 
 of the Department of Havana, sent a staff officer to stop the discharge of fire- 
 works in front of the clubhouse. The Cubans were at first disposed to be resentful, 
 but, after some boisterous talk, gave up the display. 
 
 The Cubans of the sort of the alleged "Assembly" had from the first had the 
 Junta characteristic of acute emotions about financial transactions. There was in 
 January a muddle over the Spanish bank tax collection. The Cuban Assembly 
 party were swift to ally themselves with Spaniards in sympathy as against Amer- 
 icans, but were stricken with horror regarding the Spanish Bank. There was 
 some reason for agitation before the correct solution was reached, that the United 
 States should have a fiscal system not transmitted from the Spaniards. 
 
 The privilege which the bank held from the Spanish Government of selling
 
 146 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 Btamped paper was not involved in the controversy, because under American control 
 stamped paper was abolished. The tax collection had nothing to do with the 
 legal proceedings which were commenced to test the responsibility of the Spanish 
 bank for the billets or paper currency which was issued by direction of the Spanish 
 Government during the insurrection. This action was foreseen, and when the issue 
 was ordered the bank sought to protect itself from liability, and was thought to 
 have done so successfully. Twenty million dollars of this money, called "writers' 
 scrip," was known to have been issued, and a larger amount was suspected. Origi- 
 nally $3,000,000 in gold was held in the bank as a redemption fund. Afterward 
 $6,000,000 in silver was substituted and 10 per cent of the customs duties was 
 exacted in billets. This was said to have been canceled when paid in. During 
 the blockade Blanco took all the silver reserve away from the bank. The billets 
 reached a nominal quotation of 5 cents on a dollar. Speculators bought bushels 
 of them, and they demanded that the bank be compelled to repay the alleged 
 misappropriation of municipal and school funds during Weyler's time. 
 
 A dispatch from London February 2d says: 
 
 "A former captain of the Cuban army, Juan Fernandez, the London repre- 
 sentative of General Maximo Gomez, issued, by order of the latter, to-day, previous 
 to the receipt here of the Eemedios dispatch showing the settlement of the Cuban 
 difficulty, a long, bombastic statement purporting to explain the situation in Cuba. 
 He said: 
 
 "'The proffered $3,000,000 for the payment of the Cuban troops has been 
 refused as totally inadequate to meet the expenses and losses of the troops, many 
 of whom have lost all proofs that they are owners of property, which is now being 
 monopolized by American capitalists and railroad magnates. Even twice the 
 $6,000,000 demanded by General Gomez would not properly recoup the Cubans. 
 We all respect President McKinley and the American Government, but we have 
 no respect for the petty officials employed by the United States Government, who 
 are exercising as bad tyranny toward the Cubans as did the Spaniards. This 
 tyranny and lack of money is driving the Cubans headlong to rebellion. If the 
 demands are not satisfied they will follow in the footsteps of the Filipinos and 
 resist to the death the authority of the United States in Cuba. God knows how 
 it will result, but carnage and the annihilation of the Cubans is inevitable. God 
 forbid that it should come to that. I will even add "Vive la RepubJ^ca de Ameri- 
 
 canos." * 
 
 "Fernandez recounts, in the course of his statement, as an example of the 
 alleged tyranny of minor officials, the story of the alleged employment of himself 
 by a United States naval attache in London to proceed to Spain on secret service
 
 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 147 
 
 during the war. He relates tlie dangers he recounted and the success he achieved, 
 and says that when he returned here the United States embassy refused to make 
 him any further payments, although he was $250 out of pocket, above the travel- 
 ing expenses given- him. He further asserts that the United States Ambassador 
 refused to see him, although he says he had a letter from the Department of State, 
 in reply to his complaint, telling him to see the Ambassador." 
 
 How far the name of General Gomez was used without authority in this case 
 the General alone can tell, but the sickening and bombastic style of Fernandez, 
 willing to accept the money of the United States to pay for the fires kindled for 
 Cuba Libre, making the fat land lean, is perceptible in every line. 
 
 President McKinley, after watching intently the course of the Cubans, whose 
 conduct by the time the Spanish troops had left the island was threatening, while 
 these demands were preposterous, sent Mr. Robert P. Porter to find Gomez and 
 ascertain what his feeling was regarding the dissatisfaction among the Cubans 
 which had developed dangers. In the last days of January the Special Commis- 
 sioner met General Gomez at Remedies, Province of Santa Clara. When Mr. 
 Porter arrived at the General's camp he was accompanied by Seuor Gonzales 
 Quesada, the special commissioner of the Cuban Junta at Washington; Captain 
 Campbell of General Brooke's staff; Lieutenant Hanna of General Wood's staff, 
 and a correspondent of the Associated Press. 
 
 General Gomez had gone to his camp this morning, but he returned accom- 
 panied by his staff and fifty horsemen on various kinds of mounts. They rode past 
 the hotel where Mr. Porter was stopping, around the Plaza and to a side street 
 to the Cuban headquarters. General Gomez was seen by Senor Quesada this after- 
 noon, and after an hour's conference Mr. Porter, accompanied by Senor Quesada, 
 Captain Campbell and Lieutenant Hanna, was received by General Gomez in his 
 parlor, up one flight of stairs, and in the presence of his staff. 
 
 The old general wore no insignia of his rank. He was dressed in a linen 
 coat and dark trousers, and had a silk handkerchief over his coat collar. He also 
 wore a black tie, and showed a heavy silver watch and chain, with a silver cross 
 attached to it. 
 
 The Cuban commander was cordial in greeting Mr. Porter and opened the 
 interview by referring to the change for the better which had taken place in Cuba 
 since he was last here in September. He also laid stress on the fact that some 
 people were asking where was Cuba's promised liberty. 
 
 "The answer to this," said Mr. Porter, "is that Cuba now has commercial 
 and industrial liberty, and that President McKinley has directed me in framing
 
 148 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 the Cuban tariff to make no discriminations in favor of the United States in the 
 manner that Spain favored herself. Cuba is free to-day to buy in the cheapest 
 market. People are returning to the pursuits of peace, and our military govern- 
 ment will give way to the civil government as fast as possible." 
 
 Mr. Porter also said that the purpose of the American Government was to 
 lay a firm foundation for a stable government for Cuba, to give the Cubans all 
 the liberty they had fought for, and that General Gomez must remember that, and 
 more still. For instance, there were 25,000 or 30,000 Spanish soldiers at Cien- 
 fuegos who had not left Cuba; we had only been a month on the island, and 
 President McKinley needed and was entitled to the co-operation of all interested 
 in the welfare and future of Cuba, and he needed the co-operation of General 
 Gomez above all others. 
 
 The first problem, Mr. Porter then pointed out, was the disbandment of the 
 Cuban army and the return of the Cuban soldiers to work. This was the specific 
 mission which had brought Mr. Porter to Remedies and in which President Mc- 
 Kinley expected General Gomez' aid. 
 
 The Cuban Commander-in-Chief replied that he was ready and willing to give 
 the aid required^ but asked how he could do so. 
 
 To this Mr. Porter replied that President McKinley would be glad to have 
 him go to Havana and co-operate with General Brooke in disbanding the Cubans 
 and in paying over the $3,000,000 appropriated for that purpose. 
 
 General Gomez said the amount was too small, but that was not his fault, 
 and he would make it go as far as possible, likening it to the miracle of the loaves 
 and fishes. 
 
 "No man in history," said Mr. Porter, "has done so much with such small 
 resources as you have done. Hence your co-operation with General Brooke will 
 bring good results." 
 
 General Gomez especially requested the money, for which Mr. Porter had 
 orders in his pocket, should be paid over to General Brooke and not to himself, 
 as he did not want the personal responsibility of keeping it. 
 
 The Cuban general then assured Captain Campbell of his good feeling toward 
 General Brooke, and the formal compact was presented by Mr. Porter and assented 
 to by General Gomez. This compact was in these terms: 
 
 "1. The Cuban officers in each province shall assist the American officers 
 in distributing the funds. 
 
 "2. These officers shall at once meet at some convenient point and devise 
 when and where the settlements are to be made and arrange any other details.
 
 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 149 
 
 "3. The Slim paid to each man shall not be regarded as part payment of salary 
 or wages due for service rendered, but to facilitate the disbandment of the army, 
 as a relief of suffering and as an aid in getting the people to work. 
 
 "4. The Cubans shall surrender their arms to the Cuban Assembly or to its 
 representatives. 
 
 "5. The committee on distribution shall use its best endeavors to distribute 
 it among the population so that all may secure work. 
 
 "6. The $3,000,000 shall be placed subject to the order of General Brooke 
 and action in the matter shall be immediate." 
 
 Mr. Porter declined to be interviewed February 1st except to say that he 
 had received orders from President McKinley one week ago to-day to bring General 
 Gomez and General Brooke together, and, having accomplished this, he was now 
 returning home. 
 
 Immediately after conference General Gomez wrote the following letter to 
 President McKinley in Spanish: 
 
 "Republic of Cuba, Headquarters of the Army, Remedios, February 1, 1899. — 
 President McKinley, Washington: It has been a great pleasure to me to confer 
 with your commissioner, Mr. Porter, introduced by my friend, Quesada, and I am 
 now aware of and pleased with your wishes. In a short time I shall go to Havana 
 and confer with General Brooke, so that everything will go well. Following 
 your advice, I willingly co-operate in the work of reconstructing Cuba. 
 
 *T\IAXIMO GOMEZ, General." 
 
 A dispatch from Remedios, Santa Clara Province, February 2nd stated: 
 
 "General Maximo Gomez, Commander-in-Chief of the Cuban army, placed 
 himself squarely in position to-day as an active ally of the United States Govern- 
 ment in the work of the reconstruction of Cuba. 
 
 "As a result of the conference which Robert P. Porter, the special commis- 
 sioner of President McKinley, has had with General Gomez, the latter cabled to 
 President McElinley this afternoon assuring him of his co-operation in disbanding 
 the Cuban army and in distributing among the Cuban soldiers the $3,000,000 
 appropriated for the purpose of enabling them to return to their homes. General 
 Gomez also telegraphed to Major-General Brooke, saying he would accept the 
 latter's invitation to go to Havana. 
 
 "The success of Mr. Porter's mission greatly simplifies the returning of the 
 military Cubans to the pursuits of peace. In view of General Gomez' supposed 
 attitude of hostility toward the United States Mr. Porter came here clothed with 
 absolute authority, and the tender of the $3,000,000 was practically a verbal ulti- 
 matum. 
 
 "Mr. Porter made plain the purpose of the Government and was gratified
 
 150 CUBA AFTEE THE WAK. 
 
 at the ready response of General Gomez. The conference took place at the house 
 here occupied by the Cuban general as his headquarters since coming to town. 
 
 "Gomez at once began to prepare for his trip to Havana, and his attitude was 
 more cordial than Mr. Porter expected. He told the latter he was proud to meet 
 the special commissioner of the President, and he is evidently much gratified at 
 the prospect of the early solution of the disbandment problem. The money will 
 be sent on Commissioner Porter's order to General Brooke and will be paid out 
 as called for by distribution through sub-committees of Cuban and American 
 officers in the various provinces. As agreed upon at the conference, the entire 
 amount will be paid in silver. Mr. Porter met General Wood on his return from 
 Eemedios, at Colon, and Wood' was delighted to hear of the outcome of the con- 
 ference. Cuban officers who boarded Mr. Porter's special car in the province of 
 Santa Clara expressed their satisfaction at the attitude Gomez had taken. 
 
 "General Monteagudo, commander of the Cubans in Santa Clara province, who 
 went on board the train, outlined a plan for policing Santa Clara with Cuban troops 
 after the disbandment. He told Mr. Porter he had 3,000 men in the province 
 now doing police duty and even guarding American supplies." 
 
 February 24th, nearly two months after the Spanish flags disappeared at 
 Havana, General Gomez arrived at her doors — the beautiful suburb of Mariano 
 being the gate. All the way from Matanzas his journey was a veritable triumphal 
 procession. His train was the best that Cuba affords, the engine and cars being 
 festooned with laurels and decorated with the Cuban coat of arms. The car in 
 which Gomez and his staff rode is the one formerly placed at the disposal of the 
 Spanish Governor-General. In it Weyler was wont to travel aboi'-t the island as 
 far as railroads went. 
 
 At Guines a battalion of American troops was drawn up under orders of 
 General Douglass. Gomez answered their salute with much grace, but was soon 
 compelled to pay attention to the Cubans. He stood on the rear platform of the 
 train, where he was mobbed by women, young and old, who demanded the privi- 
 lege of throwing their arms about the old chief's neck and kissing each of his 
 cheeks. To this he submitted so willingly that the onlookers were compelled 
 to believe that he liked it. 
 
 The train stopped only long enough to permit the party to take a light lunch. 
 Between that village and Cienaga, just outside of Havana, half a dozen stops were 
 made to give the people a chance to see their hero. At each stop Gomez appeared 
 on the platform and made a short address, promising under Cuba libre full liberty 
 and protection for all classes. 
 
 He declared the Cubans who carried the animosities of the war into civil 
 life to be traitors to the country, and promised speedy punishment for outlawry
 
 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 151 
 
 of any sort. He studiously avoided mentioning the United States or American 
 troops. 
 
 At Cienaga several thousand had gathered, and as the train came into sight 
 one long cry, "Viva Maximo Gomez!" went up, and for fifteen minutes that was 
 all that could be heard. Again at this village hundreds of women boarded the train, 
 and the old man was hugged and kissed by fair adorers. 
 
 At Buena Yista the train stopped long enough for Gomez and Lee to shake 
 hands. As it started the American soldiers were cheering Gomez, while from the 
 ears hundreds were shouting "vivas" for Lee. 
 
 As Gomez stepped from the train at Mariano he was pelted with roses and 
 laurel wreaths until he cried for mercy. It required half an hour for the insurgent 
 troops to extricate their chief from the crowd, which was mad with enthusiasm. 
 Then he was escorted by the Cuban and American troops to the residence which 
 had been prepared for him, and where he dined with General Lee. The procession 
 which escorted Gomez to the hidalgo's house was made up as follows: The One 
 Hundred and Sixty-first Indiana Regiment, Major Russell Harrison, Provost Mar- 
 shal of the Province of Havana, a mounted detail, a company of Cuban cavalry, 
 General Gomez in a carriage with General Mayia Rodriguez, members of the Cuban 
 Military Assembly and other prominent Cubans in carriages, the Cuban generals 
 and their staffs, a long line of Cuban cavalry and infantry, and finally a company 
 of the First Maine Artillery. 
 
 General Gomez reached Havana February 2-lth, escorted by General Ludlow 
 and his staff and Troop A of the Seventh United States Cavalry. He was at 
 the head of 2,000 armed Cuban horsemen and footmen. The people of the city 
 were wild with enthusiasm, throwing themselves in front of the General's horse, 
 impeding its progress, and pelting him with flowers. 
 
 General Gomez arrived on the edge of the town from Marianao at 12:30 P. M., 
 escorted by the Second Illinois band and three battalions. These battalions then 
 returned to their camp and did not enter the city. 
 
 It was the fourth anniversary of beginning the successful insurrection. 
 
 At 12:30 o'clock in the afternoon General Gomez left Cerro, the suburb from 
 which the march was to be made, with a procession in the following order of 
 formation: 
 
 The band of the Seventh Regiment, mounted, playing the Cuban hymn and 
 national airs; Company L of the Seventh United States Cavalry; the staff of 
 General Gomez, with escort; General Mayia Rodriguez and staff, General Maximo 
 Gomez, upon whose right was Major-General Ludlow; the members of Major-
 
 153 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 General Ludlow's staff, then a great number of Cuban generals and officers^ some 
 mounted and some in carriages, and, finally, 2,000 Cuban cavalry and infantry. 
 
 As General Gomez passed the crowd went wild with vivas, hats were flung in 
 the air and women showered flowers on all sides. He bowed and raised his hat 
 incessantly as the crowds struggled to get near his horse and clung to the animal's 
 sides as long as possible. 
 
 The procession stopped frequently, eventually filing into the main street of 
 the city, passing Central park and arriving at the palace at 2:30 o'clock. The Prado 
 and other avenues were lined with patriotic clubs, taking up various positions of 
 vantage and then joining the procession as it passed on from the palace, from 
 a balcony of which it was reviewed by General Gomez. 
 
 Once at the palace, the Cuban Commander-in-Chief was welcomed by Federico 
 Mora, the Civil Governor; Mayor Perfecto Lacoste, the members of the city 
 council, the Junta Patriotica, the members of the Assembly, the officials of all 
 classes and numerous patriotic clubs. The palace was beautifully decorated, 
 all previous efforts in the display of banners and bunting surpassed by the showing 
 of silk embroidered standards and flags, hundreds of which were carried by Havana's 
 daughters. 
 
 Following the procession were many private carriages, filled with women 
 representing the best society, some allegorically dressed and others waving flags. 
 The Cuban bands played the Cuban national hymn, varying this with "Dixie," 
 "The Star-Spangled Banner," "The Stars and Stripes Forever," and popular 
 American marches. 
 
 There were many allegorical floats expressing the friendship between Cuba and 
 the United States. Two attracted particular attention, each drawn by three yoke 
 of cattle. One represented the Cuba of yesterday, a woman standing with manacled 
 hands — a broken wheelbarrow and other signs of desolation at her feet; the other, 
 the Cuba of to-day, a woman under a palm^ smiling and surrounded by evidences 
 of prosperity. The contrast was very effective and everywhere applauded. There 
 was one representative float in honor of the country of Gomez. Several figures 
 dressed as North American Indians were conspicuous. No fewer than 25,000 
 people were in line, requiring three hours to pass a given point. 
 
 After the review at the palace General Gomez, accompanied by his staff, pro- 
 ceeded to El Vedado to visit Governor-General Brooke. In the evening he attended 
 the charity ball at the Tacon theater, where the best Havana society was present. 
 Boxes for the function sold at a high premium. 
 
 As the darkness approached the streets were still crowded, fireworks exploding
 
 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 153 
 
 and the returning bands playing over and over again tlie national hymn. The 
 theaters gave patriotic performances and there were fireworks and mnsic in Cen- 
 tral park. 
 
 A dispatch from Havana February 28th said: 
 
 "This afternoon the Prado and park were crowded with merrymakers, it being 
 th<3 last carnival Sunday. People wearing masks and throwing flour were every- 
 where. General Gomez, in a four-horse drag, with Miss Herrara seated on his 
 right, dro's-e up and down the Prado thrice and around the park, followed by 
 crowds on foot and horseback, and was greeted with vivas and loud cheers. The 
 drag was covered with bright-colored paper streamers, and the carnival license 
 allowed the merrymakers to throw flour upon the General. 
 
 "The presence of General Gomez in Havana and his participation in the 
 carnival demonstrations has increased the feeling and the open talk in favor of 
 independence and of a brief continuance of the military occupation. Cuban 
 opinion, however, is so inconsistent that not much importance can be attached to 
 this. 
 
 "The banquet at the Tacon theater proved a brilliantly successful affair. 
 Governor-General Brooke and Major-General Lee spoke. Cubans generally regard 
 the occurrences at the function as the most promising auguries of Cuban inde- 
 pendence since the peace protocol was signed. The theater was crowded to over- 
 flowing with spectators and more than 200 covers were laid for the banqueters. 
 Besides the Governor-General and General Lee the company included Major- 
 General Ludlow, General Chaffee, the Governor-General's chief of staff, the staffs 
 of Generals Lee and Ludlow and other army and navy officers, together with 
 many prominent citizens and Havana offfcials. General Andrade sat on the right 
 of General Gomez and Mayor Lacoste on his left. 
 
 "The boxes were filled with people representing Havana's best society. As 
 the American generals entered a trumpeter at the door blew once, whereupon a con- 
 cealed band played the "Star Spangled Banner." Wlien the Cuban commanders 
 entered the trumpet was sounded twice and the band played the Cuban hymn. 
 Among the speakers were Senor Pedro Llorento, Colonel Carlos Garcia, Cualberto 
 Gomez and Dr. Lanuza, Secretary of the Department of Justice. The tendency of 
 all the speeches was toward independence for Cuba, with eulogy of General Gomez 
 and assertions that he must never more leave the island. The spectators called 
 vociferously for a speech from Major-General Lee. His remarks and those of 
 General Brooke were translated for the benefit of the Assembly by Senor Pablo 
 Desvernines, Secretary of the Department of Finance,
 
 154 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 "Both the American generals repeated former statements of the military ad- 
 ministration, chiefly along the lines of assurance that the United States intended 
 to establish a stable government in the island and then to deliver it to the Cubans 
 themselves. These assurances were vociferously applauded. 
 
 "Colonel Garcia explained the disinterested position of American military 
 officers in Cuba. General Gomez himself did not speak, owing to the hoarseness 
 from which he was suffering. General Andrade expressed thanks on his behalf, 
 adding in his name that the banquet had done much to bring the Cuban and 
 American elements to a clear understanding and to define the position, work and 
 aims of the United States military administration in Cuba. General Gomez 
 withdrew from the theater about midnight, crowds in the street applauding him 
 wildly as he emerged and following his carriage for blocks. 
 
 "General Gomez, much in need of rest, said to a friend: 'This popularity 
 is killing me.' " 
 
 Of the scenes on the 24th of February in Havana a cable from that city ran 
 as follows: 
 
 "Cuban patriotism is satisfied. The insurgent soldiers have marched through 
 Havana streets bearing their arms, and General Gomez has been received with 
 military honors by the American military commanders. Surrounded by them, 
 he watched 2,500 of his soldiers defile in the Plaza of Arms past the palace. 
 
 "At the Cuban celebration expressions of good-will toward Americans were 
 universal. The events of the day were creditable to the Cubans, and were also 
 significant in the lack of resentment toward the Spanish classes. It was not a day 
 of rejoicing for Spaniards, yet they could not fail to be gratified at the care taken 
 to avoid wounding their susceptibilities. 
 
 "The fiestas were not solely in honor of Gomez, as this was the fourth anni- 
 versary of the beginning of the revolution, but Gomez was the hero. There could 
 be no doubt of his popularity. It seemed to partake more of gratitude than of 
 personal affection, but the acknowledgment of his leadership was universal. Some 
 scenes were tropical in their emotional effusiveness. The climax was reached 
 when Gomez arrived at the palace, and was received by General Ludlow and other 
 American commanders. 
 
 "The parade itself gave a good opportunity to judge of the sentiments of the 
 people. The Americans remarked with satisfaction that the Stars and Stripes 
 were seen everywhere. They floated over buildings along with the Cuban emblem, 
 were interwoven in the triumphal arches, and araong some of the patriotic and
 
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 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 157 
 
 workingmen's societies appeared to be more numerous than the Cuban flags. When 
 the band played 'The Hymn of Bayamo' the people were delirious, but they also 
 went wild over 'The Star Spangled Banner* and 'Dixie,' Boys from an orphan 
 asylum were paraded by an instructor, and at regular intervals cried 'Long live the 
 Americans/ A banner carried by little girls bore the mottoes, 'Gratitude to the 
 Americans' and 'Cuba for the Cubans.' 
 
 "Several Dominican flags were carried out of compliment to General Gomez. 
 Three Cuban flags, soiled and torn, were carried by Cuban soldiers, and one, which 
 was said to have been Maceo's, stirred the deepest emotions. The Cuban troops 
 themselves received fewer evidences of popular feeling than might have been 
 anticipated. 
 
 "The incident which attracted the most attention in the celebration was the 
 blending of the American, Cuban, and Spanish flags. These three flags were sur- 
 mounted by an emblematic banner, with the motto, 'Peace, Harmony and Union.' 
 No unfriendly demonstration met this suggestion. It was received in respectful 
 silence at some places, and at others was cheered. Spanish ribbons were also dis- 
 played, and one squad of men marching among the civilian societies was pointed 
 out as composed of peninsulars, or Spaniards. Many of the banners bore titles 
 such as 'Peace and Concord' and 'Now We Struggle for Peaceful Industry.' 
 
 "The celebration has left a pleasing impression. No disorder occurred, and 
 the absence of rancor toward the Spanish classes is causing favorable comment. 
 These, while quiet, are not as sullen as on January 1, when the American occu- 
 pation began. They are pleased at the consideration shown to their feelings. 
 
 "The Spanish newspapers tell Gomez that they can not greet him as either 
 victor or liberator because the Americans are the real conquerors and Cuba is 
 not liberated, but they are grateful for his influence in establishing peace and 
 concord, and promise their adhesion in helping him to get rid of the conquerors." 
 
 The fact that the President of the United States sent a special commissioner 
 to meet Gomez and promise that his army should be fairly paid modified his views 
 as to the Americans. As late as February 4th he authorized the publication of a 
 letter that praised his soldiers and continued: 
 
 "It is wonderful that any are left alive after such a horrible struggle and 
 pains. We warn you that we may not yet have finished the strange destiny that 
 presents this last trial and humiliation. We are strangers in our own country, 
 still wet with our blood. 
 
 "Forced guidance is hateful to us. It appears that the Americans are reim- 
 bursing themselves for their spontaneous intervention in our war for independ-
 
 158 CUBA AFTER THE WAR 
 
 ence. Their delay in that intervention is still a shame upon them. The Amer- 
 icans, instead of aiding, are obstructing the establishment of a free and inde- 
 pendent republic. 
 
 "This is our house. "We are to live in it. We should furnish it to our own 
 liking. I say to you there cannot be peace in Cuba while there lasts that transi- 
 tory government, imposed by force, and which is hateful in the eyes of our people. 
 
 "I had hoped to bid farewell to Spain's heroic soldiers, inviting them to 
 return and join us as brothers in upbuilding Cuba, but the Americans embittered 
 the joy of conquerors by the guidance they impose upon us. Embittering us, they 
 have also added grief to the conquered. 
 
 "In order to put an end to this abnormal and unjust situation every one of 
 us must render his aid, tendering anew all his energies to his country, I, first of 
 all, offer myself without restriction for the accomplishment of the great under- 
 taking of the revolution — the erection of a republic in Cuba." 
 
 The Spaniards did not rejoice to see Gomez triumphant in Havana, for they 
 believed the rebellion would, if it had not been for him, have been abandoned 
 before American intervention happened. The most graphic account of the Cuban 
 troops in the celebration in the capital is this by Dr. Charles Eisher: 
 
 "The insurgents were, perhaps, the most interesting characters in the parade. 
 They were mostly negroes, though occasionally a fair sprinkling of lighter-faced 
 Cubans was to be seen. They showed hard usage. Their garments were old, 
 ragged, dirty and torn. Their guns were of most ancient style, most of them 
 the discarded Springfields of our Civil War. Their feet were for the most part 
 shoeless, their hats of the pattern made for the bush, a heavy braided straw, 
 turned back over the head in front and coming down over the neck; they had 
 almost no camp equipage, carried no commissary stores; their ponies were half- 
 starved, undersized, equipped mostly with rope bridles and with all styles and ages 
 of saddles, and but few of them shod, many only on one, two or three feet. Some 
 of the insurgents were mere boys. Others were stalwart fellows who had seen 
 many a guerrilla raid and skirmish with the Spanish. They looked like fighters, 
 like men who would do as they were told if they died in the attempt. Their 
 march was utterly without formation or step, their curiosity at the sights around 
 them was unbounded. It was but a remnant of an army which had seen the 
 hardest kind of service, the poorest kind of equipment, the meanest kind of sub- 
 sistence and nothing whatever in the nature of army comforts or pay." 
 
 On the last day of February General Gomez visited the graves of General 
 Antonio Maceo and of Lieutenant Gomez, the son of the Cuban commander, who
 
 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 159 
 
 was killed at the time Maceo was drawn into an ambush and slain. The graves 
 are situated at Punta Brava, twelve miles from Havana. 
 
 The Cubans have not, as a rule, been allowed by the Spaniards to do much 
 business in Cuban cities. It has been Spanish policy to reserve the best things 
 for themselves, but the Cuban organizers of their government, and their self- 
 constituted Assembly have been mad to turn their situations into ready money. 
 They wanted to borrow $-10,000,000 to pay off the troops, and the transaction, if 
 they could have raised the cash, would have been one of the most corrupt ever 
 entered into through conspiracy. The wretched soldiers would not have gained 
 riches out of the pool, but there would have been a Spanish festival of finance. 
 The fact that General Gomez was not to be included in this deal, and he had 
 been pleased to accept the well-considered and entirely reasonable offer of three 
 million dollars from the United States, filled the fiery soul of the organized Cuban — 
 prepared to mortgage the island to turn the Government over to themselves — with 
 a horrible fury. Of course Gomez, in cutting down the impossible forty millions 
 to three actual millions in hand, Avas and is discussed as a traitor, and so on 
 through the vocabulary of denunciation inherited, along with other valuables, by 
 the islands from the Peninsulars; and the Assembly, in one of the sessions in 
 which pecuniary passions were torn to tatters, removed General Gomez from com- 
 mand — to such an extent as they had power, but they have little of it in contrast 
 with and opposed to the gigantic prestige of Gomez, who philosophically said he 
 "enjoyed the situation." Whether the Cuban Assembly can prevent the payment 
 of the real Cuban troops is the question. There has been a rush of Americans to 
 the island with capital, and this movement, enormously advantageous to 
 Cuba, will wither like a green thing cut down if the island is to be governed in 
 the Junta and Assembly style. The coveted concessions, if the American rule is 
 to be continued, will be wanted, but unless it is assumed Americans are to rule 
 the land until the "stable government" of Cuba is realized there will be no 
 capital to invest. The President of the United States has marked out a plain 
 way for the establishment of Cuban order and liberty, and the full expression when 
 that is possible of a free people to determine the form of government, its powers 
 and limitations will be respected. However, there must be a people, not a Junta, 
 for a faction — a Government founded on solid public opinion wrought into law, 
 not a group of self-constituted law-givers and providers of bonds to be handled 
 on large margins by financiers just now, to be redeemed after awhile, if at all, 
 by the industry of those not yet consulted. It is not a matter of capricious will
 
 IGO CUBA AFTER THE WAE. 
 
 to put an end to this "feenance," but of definite duty to perform an obligation 
 to tlie people by one trusted by them. 
 
 That Maximo Gomez is, since the death of Maceo and Garcia, the hero of the 
 Cuban war with Spain, and that the people of the island know it and hold him 
 in esteem beyond all others is the most important fact in the present Cuban 
 situation. It is a happy circumstance that the military chieftain who in the 
 Cuban story is first and has no second, under the most trying circumstances shows 
 qualities not discovered in any other man of his race and generation. He received 
 with dignity and serenity becoming a sure position, in his convictions and deter- 
 mination of conduct, the information that the Assembly had attempted to degrade 
 him, and placed himself in the letter following on an elevation unattainable 
 by those who sought in vain to cover their futile iniquities with his glory. The 
 old general issued the following manifesto to the country and tlie army: 
 
 "Using its extraordinary powers, the Assembly of Representatives, which repre- 
 sents the army, not the people, has deposed me from my rank of Commander- 
 in-Chief of the Cuban arm}^, a place to which I was appointed by the revolution, 
 and in which I always did my duty. 
 
 "The Assembly considers it a breach of discipline and as showing lack of 
 respect that I should refuse to support its efforts to raise loans and enlarge the 
 debt of the country. I think that the great financial and political interests of 
 Cuba would be compromised by such loans. 
 
 "The country ought to begin to exercise its sovereignty in the new republic 
 inspired by the concord proclaimed in the manifesto issued at Monte Cristo, free 
 from all financial burdens, and with its national honor safe. Because I think so 
 the Assembly has deposed me. 
 
 "I thank the Assembly, because it frees me of great duties. ISTow I can with- 
 draw to my home, which I abandoned, this being my only ambition after a thirty 
 years' struggle for the good of this country I love so much. 
 
 "Foreigner I am, but I did not come hired or with mercenary purposes to 
 defend Cuba. After Spain withdrew I sheathed my sword because my mission 
 was ended. You owe me nothing. I withdraw satisfied that I did all I could 
 for my brothers, and wherever it is my fate to plant my tent, Cubans will have a 
 friend." 
 
 This is a noble letter. It has the merit of striking the mark with precision 
 and crushing force. The Cuban Assembly, in assailing Gomez, represented the 
 war government of debt makers, whose sole policy is to snatch customs revenues 
 and put out bonds, helping themselves and associates to load the island with
 
 CUBA AFTER THE WAR. 161 
 
 a debt, five-sixths without value received, and thus put fetters upon the industry of 
 the people and work up a system of profligate financiering for the benefit of the few 
 against the many. The people of Cuba are with Gomez. The popular demonstra- 
 tions in his favor as against the Assembly in Havana were overwhelming, and 
 those who would place the liberated people again in bondage to a Junta Assembly 
 are powerless, while the old hero of the war, still leading in a righteous cause, is 
 again a conqueror.
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 
 
 Official Information About the Island That Is of the Greatest Importance to Public 
 Intelligence — Some Historical Facts — The Insurrections and Eebellions 
 That Have Prevented the Development of the Island's Eesources — The 
 Military and Civil Governments — Climate, Soil and Productions — Sanitary- 
 Conditions and Prevailing Diseases — Abundance of Pestiferous Insects — 
 Extensive Mineral Eesources — Island Abounds in Valuable Woods — Classi- 
 fication of the Inhabitants. 
 
 The military notes on Cuba issued from the office of the Adjutant-General of 
 the Army of the United States, published in June, 1898, though containing 
 a great deal of important information, were found imperfect and have been care- 
 fully enlarged and perfected. The intention of the compilers and producers of 
 the book is that it shall be used in connection with the Official Atlas of Cuba. 
 This work is an example of the thoroughness of the Adjutant-General's office 
 that would be held in high esteem even by the painstaking German^^ wh© make 
 preparation for war the most serious business of the country. 
 
 In proportion as our army is small, compared to its duties, is the necessity 
 that the material shall be of the best and that there shall be minute and 
 intimate knowledge of countries where our armies may be required by the 
 national honor and the material necessities of the powers that are influential 
 on the earth. We quote liberally from the historical introduction of the matter 
 that is military in character: 
 
 "The Island of Cuba was discovered October 28, 1492, by Christopher Colum- 
 bus, who took possession of it in the name of Spain. The first attempt at a per- 
 manent settlement was made in 1511 by Don Diego Columbus, a son of Christo- 
 pher Columbus, and Diego Velasquez, who landed at Baracoa with 300 men. The 
 first settlement, at Santiago de Cuba, was made in 1514, and the following year 
 a settlement was made at Trinidad. 
 
 "The island was first called Juana, then Fernandina, and later Ave Maria. 
 It received its present name from the natives of the island, whom Columbus 
 described as a peaceful, (Contented, and progressive race. Habana was founded 
 
 162
 
 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 163 
 
 on its present site in 1519. It was totally destroyed in 1538 by Frencli privateers, 
 but was immediately rebuilt. The capital of the island was located at Santiago 
 de Cuba until 1550, when it was moved to the city of Habana. The first governor 
 of the island was Fernando de Soto, afterwards famous as an explorer. In 1554 
 the city of Habana was again destroyed by the French. 
 
 "The early settlers devoted themselves principally to raising cattle, but in 
 1580 the cultivation of tobacco and sugar cane was commenced, and this led 
 to the introduction of negro slavery. 
 
 "During the seventeenth century the island was kept in a state of per- 
 petual fear of invasions by the French, Dutch, English, and the pirates who 
 infested the seas. 
 
 "In 1762 the English, under Lord Albemarle, attacked the city of Habana, and 
 on August 14, after a siege of two months, the city and island capitulated. By 
 the treaty of Paris, February, 1763, Cuba was returned to Spain. 
 
 "In 1790 Las Casas was appointed Captain-General, and during his regime 
 the island passed through an epoch of prosperity and advancement. He inaugu- 
 rated a system of public improvements, built macadamized roads, laid out parks, 
 erected many public buildings, and constructed fortifications, many of which are 
 standing to-day. 
 
 "In 1796 the Count of Santa Clara succeeded Las Casas, and he also took a 
 great interest in the welfare of Cuba. 
 
 "A royal decree was issued in 1825 giving the Captain-General of Cuba 
 absolute control, making him subject only to the reigning power of Spain. The 
 consequence has been that since that time Cuba has been ruled by a succession 
 of autocrats, sent from the Peninsula, with no interest whatever in the welfare 
 of the island or its people, save to raise a revenue for the crown greater than 
 that of his predecessor, pay the expenses of his regime, enrich his own purse, and 
 then return to Spain to be the envy of the grandees. 
 
 "During the latter part of the eighteenth and the early part of the nineteenth 
 century a number of insurrections and revolts were instituted, but were successfully 
 put down by the Spaniards. The most important of these occurred in 1827-29, 
 when Cuban refugees in Mexico and the United States planned an invasion of Cuba. 
 They organized throughout Mexico, the United States, and Colombia branches 
 of a secret society known as the "Black Eagle." On account of the anti-slavery 
 sentiment, which was beginning to show itself in these countries, the scheme 
 proved a failure. 
 
 "A more serious insurrection occurred in 1844, when the slaves on the sugar
 
 164 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 
 
 plantations, especially in the Province of Matanzas, revolted. They were finally 
 subdued, and over 1,300 persons convicted and punished. 
 
 "President Polk made a proposition in 1848 for the purchase of the island 
 by this Government for $100,000,000, but the proposition was withdrawn on 
 account of the anti-slavery sentiment of the North and West. 
 
 "In 1851 preparation was made in Cuba and the United States for another 
 attempt at insurrection, but before the plans of the revolutionists were fully matured 
 the leaders were betrayed, arrested, and executed. 
 
 "During the next fourteen years the island enjoyed a period of comparative 
 quiet and prosperity. 
 
 "In 1868 a revolution broke out in Spain, and in October the natives of Cuba 
 took up arms and declared their independence. During this period many of the 
 nations of the Western Hemisphere recognized the Cubans as belligerents. Spain 
 did not succeed in putting down this rebellion until 1878. 
 
 "About this time Spain was engaged in wars with Morocco, Chili, Mexico, 
 Peru, and Cochin China, and for the purpose of keeping up these wars Cuba was 
 called on to furnish the larger portion of the means. Kevenues were raised, and 
 the poor Cubans taxed to the utmost, each paying from three to six dollars per 
 capita. At one time the Cuban debt reached nearly a billion and a quarter of 
 dollars, and for the past twenty years the island has been paying an annual 
 revenue to the Crown of from $25,000,000 to $10,000,000. It was during this 
 war that the American ship Yirginius was captured by the Spaniards, her cargo 
 confiscated, and many of her passengers executed as revolutionists. This act 
 nearly brought on a war between Spain and the United States. 
 
 'In 1880 slavery was totally abolished in the island. 
 
 "During the latter part of the year 1894 another revolution broke out on 
 the island. At first the Spaniards considered it nothing more serious than a riot, 
 but they soon found the revolution to be general throughout the island and 
 backed by the most influential of its citizens. It was a down-trodden people 
 fighting for independence. 
 
 "On February 15, 1898, the United States battleship Maine was blown up 
 in the harbor of Habana. 
 
 "So much sympathy had been shown by the citizens of this country for the 
 Cubans and their cause that the Administration soon took a decisive step in the 
 matter. By an Act of Congress, approved April 25, 1898, it was declared that war 
 did exist, and had existed since April 21, 1898, between the United States and 
 the Kingdom of Spain, wheTeupten the President, in a pro'claniatioti dated April
 
 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 165 
 
 26, 1898, declared and proclaimed the existence of war. After an unprecedented 
 campaign by the United States, Spain asked for terms of peace, and on August 
 12 an agreement was signed by representatives of the two countries for a suspension 
 of hostilities, and a committee appointed from each country to arrange the terms 
 of peace. 
 
 "Cuba is larger than all the rest of the Antilles put together. Its length, 
 following a curved line through its center, is 730 miles, and its average breadth 
 is 80 miles. Its area is 43,319 square miles. It is irregular, shaped somewhat like 
 a half moon, long and narrow, extending from east to west, its convex part facing 
 the north. It has a coast line of about 2,200 miles, or, including all indentations, 
 nearly 7,000 miles. 
 
 "It lies between 74° and 85° west longitude and 19° and 23° north latitude. 
 It is situated at the entrance to the Gulf of Mexico and divides that entrance into 
 two passages, that to the northwest being 130 English miles wide at the narrowest 
 part, between the points of Ycacos, in Cuba, and Sable, on the Florida coast, and 
 the southwest passage of nearly the same width, between the Cabo de San Antonio 
 of Cuba, and the Cabo de Catoche, on the most salient extremity of the Peninsula 
 of Yucatan. It is bounded on the north by the Florida, Ocampo, and Old Bahama 
 channels; on the east by the Strait of Maisi; on the south by the Strait of 
 Colon and the sea of the Antilles; and on the west by the Strait of 
 Yucatan. The neighboring countries are: On the north, Florida, 100 miles dis- 
 tant; on the east, Haiti or San Domingo, 48 miles distant; on the south, Jamaica, 
 87 miles distant, and on the west, the Peninsula of Yucatan, 134 miles distant. 
 
 "Cuba and her adjacent islands are of the utmost strategic importance. Situ- 
 ated as the islands are, where the Caribbean Sea and Gulf of Mexico join, they 
 are the keys which control that vast body of water between the two Americas. 
 And when the great canal of Nicaragua is completed, the occupancy and possession 
 of Cuba will not only give us the control of the western Atlantic, but make us 
 sovereigns over the eastern Pacific, as far as situation is concerned. 
 
 "In case of war, during the invasion of our country by a foreign foe, our 
 control of these islands would become almost a necessity for the protection of 
 our southern coast. 
 
 "The extent of the Cuban coast line, its numerous harbors, and the many 
 directions from which it can be approached, are especially advantageous, for they 
 convey power. They decrease the danger of a total blockade, to which all islands 
 are subject, to a minimum. 
 
 "Regarded as a naval base, Cuba renders itself self-supporting 'by its own
 
 166 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 
 
 products, and by tlie accumulation of foreign imports. Its peculiar shape is such 
 that supplies can be conveyed from one point to another according to the needs 
 of the fleet, on short notice, and its many magnificent bays and harbors could be 
 used as a refuge for vessels where they could make repairs, obtain supplies, and 
 concentrate their forces, safe from the scrutinizing gaze of the enemy, and at the 
 same time protect the American ports along the gulf. On account of the close 
 proximity of the island to the United States, its possession by a foreign power 
 would be advantageous to its fleet in sustaining a blockade of our southern coast. 
 On the other hand, our possession of the island would render such a blockade 
 very difficult. 
 
 "The island being situated midway between North and South America, and 
 being within easy sailing distance of the most important Atlantic ports of both 
 Europe and America, as shown by the table of distances given below, makes it 
 a good rendezvous for the mobilization of our naval forces, should it ever become 
 necessary to establish a patrol of the Atlantic. 
 
 TABLE OF DISTANCES FROM HABANA. 
 
 Miles. 
 
 Key West 100 
 
 New Orleans 690 
 
 Mobile 640 
 
 Tampa 350 
 
 Savannah 613 
 
 Charleston 662 
 
 Philadelphia 1,137 
 
 New York 1,215 
 
 Boston 1,848 
 
 Quebec 2,421 
 
 Vera Cruz 809 
 
 Rio de Ja-neiro 3,536 
 
 Buenos Ayres 4,653 
 
 Montevideo 4,553 
 
 Port of Spain 1,521 
 
 Bermuda 1,150 
 
 Gibraltar 4,030 
 
 Plymouth (Eng.) 3,702 
 
 "Cuba has enjoyed representation in the Spanish Cortes since the passage of 
 the act of January 9, 1879. The Province of Habana sends three senators to 
 Madrid, and each of the other five provinces two. The archbishopric of Santiago 
 Bends one, the University of Habana sends one, and the Society of the Friends of 
 the Country one. Thirty deputies, allotted according to population, are sent 
 to the House of Deputies. These are elected by popular ballot, in the ratio of one
 
 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 167 
 
 representative for every 50,000 inhabitants. It is said that out of 30 deputies 
 elected in 1896, 26 were natives of Spain, and therefore the natives were in a 
 hopeless minority, worse than the Irisli members in the British Parliament. The 
 divisions of provinces and their parliamentary representation are regulated by the 
 decree of June 9, 1878. 
 
 "The military government has at its head a captain-general (ipso facto gov- 
 ernor-general) with a Spanish army of 13,000 troops, paid out of the Cuban 
 budget. 
 
 "The captain-general is appointed by the Crown, usually for three or five 
 years, with rank of lieutenant-general and full title of governor and captain- 
 general. He is the supreme head of the civil, ecclesiastical, military, and naval 
 organizations in the island. He has a council of administration of 30 members, 
 15 appointed by the Crown and 15 elected by the provinces, according to popula- 
 tion. These elections, however, are so controlled as to give the Spanish Govern- 
 ment a safe majority of 25 to 5. To make this majority still more safe, the 
 governor-general may suspend from one to fourteen at will, or all upon consulting 
 a peculiar body called the "Council of Authorities." The members of this council 
 serve without pay. Its duties are to prepare the budget and pass resolutions (quasi 
 acts) on all necessary public matters. If the governor-general likes these resolu- 
 tions he gives effect to them. 
 
 "The council of authorities is composed of the archbishop of Santiago (when 
 present), the bishop of Habana, the commanding officers of the army and navy, 
 the chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Habana, the attorney-general, the head 
 of the department of finance, and the director of the local administration. The 
 heads of executive departments are not members of this council, but the heads 
 of departments are. They do not hold regular sessions, but are called together 
 as occasion may require, but their conclusions have no binding effect. 
 
 "The administration in each province is conducted by a governor, appointed 
 by the Crown, who is an officer of the army of the rank of major-general or briga- 
 dier-general, and is directly responsible to the governor-general. There is also 
 in each province an elective assembly of not less than twelve nor more than twenty 
 members, according to population. They are elected for four years, and one-half 
 the number are replaced every second year. The elections are held in the first half 
 of September, and sessions twice a year. On meeting, the first business is to ballot 
 for three candidates, from which list the captain-general appoints one as speaker. 
 He may, however, disregard the names presented and appoint any other member. 
 Moreover, the governor of the province may, at his pleasure, preside and vote; and
 
 168 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 
 
 if, in his judgment, the public interest demands it, he may prorogue the assembly 
 and report his action to the governor-general. The latter has the authority to 
 suspend any of the provincial assemblies and report the 'fact to the Government 
 at Madrid. 
 
 "The provincial governor nominates five members of the assembly, to be ap- 
 pointed by the governor-general as a local council or cabinet. As, however, the 
 powers and duties of the provincial governments are only equal to those of county 
 boards in the United States, it is easily seen that the home rule accorded to Cuba 
 has its limits. 
 
 "City governments are formed on the same general plan as the provincial. 
 The board of aldermen may consist of any number, from five to thirty inclusive, 
 according to population. They elect one of their number as mayor, but the 
 governor-general may substitute any other member. 
 
 "The judicial system of Cuba includes two superior courts (audiencias), one 
 sitting at Puerto Principe, for the two eastern provinces, and the other at Habana 
 for the four western provinces. Inferior to these is a network of judicial districts 
 and local magistracies. The judicial system is less important, because under the 
 decree of June 9, 1878, the governor-general has authority to overrule any decision 
 of any court, and even to suspend any law or order emanating from the Govern- 
 ment at Madrid. 
 
 "Cuba is generally low and swampy along its coast. Especially is this true 
 of the southern coast, while the interior of the island is high table-land. 
 
 "There are many mountain ranges in the interior, some reaching an elevation 
 of over 6,000 feet above sea level. There are also a few ranges close to the coast 
 in the provinces of Santiago de Cuba and Pinar del Eio. While the mountain 
 ranges as a rule run east and west, there are numerous short spurs at either 
 extremity of the island which take a northeasterly and southwesterly direction, 
 and a few run north and south. There are no known volcanoes in Cuba or in 
 the Isle of Pines. 
 
 "The various ranges will be described under the provinces in which they 
 are located. 
 
 "On account of the peculiar shape of the island, being long and narrow, with 
 its highlands in the interior, nearly all of the rivers flow to the north or south, and 
 are therefore necessarily short. The majority of them are mere streams and 
 creeks, rising in the mountains of the interior, and emptying into the sea on the 
 north or south coast. There are few navigable rivers, and these for but a short 
 distance from their mouths, and only for small coasters and canoes. The longest
 
 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 169 
 
 and most important river of Cuba is the Canto, in the province of Santiago de 
 Cuba. 
 
 "In the interior there are many pretty lakes and bayous, and, while some of 
 them are very picturesque, like the rivers, they are of little importance commer- 
 cially. Many of these lakes and bayous are salt-water bodies. 
 
 "Situated within and near the border of the northern tropical zone, the climate 
 of the low coast lands of Cuba is that of the torrid zone, but the higher interior of 
 the island enjoys a more temperate atmosphere. As in other lands on the border of 
 the tropics, the year is divided between a hot, wet season, corresponding to the 
 northern declination of the sun, and a cool, dry period. From May to October 
 is called the wet season, though rain falls in every month of the year. "With 
 May spring begins, rain and thunder are of almost daily occurrence, and the 
 temperature rises high, with little variation. The period from November to April 
 is called the dry season. For seven years the mean annual rainfall at Habana 
 in the wet season has been observed to be 27.8 inches, and of the dry months 12.7, 
 or 40.4 inches for the year. The eastern part of the island receives more rain 
 than the western. There are seldom over twenty rainy days in any one month, 
 the average being from eight to ten. The rainfall is generally in the afternoon, 
 and on an average there are only seventeen days in the year in which it rains 
 in both forenoon and afternoon. At Habana, in the warmest months, those of 
 July and August, the average temperature is 82° F., the maximum being 88° 
 and the minimum 76°; in the cooler months, December and January, the ther- 
 mometer averages 72°, the maximum being 78° and the minimum 58°. The 
 average temperature of the year at Habana, on a mean of seven years, is 77°; 
 but in the interior, at elevations of over 300 feet above the sea, the thermometer 
 occasionally falls to the freezing point in winter. Hoar frost is not uncommon, 
 and during north winds thin ice may form, though snow is unknown in any part 
 of the island. It hails frequently. The prevailing wind is the easterly trade 
 breeze, but from November to February cool north winds, rarely lasting more than 
 forty-eight hours, are experienced in the western portion of the island, by which 
 is added a third seasonal change. From 10 to 12 o'clock are the hottest hours of 
 the day; after noon a refreshing breeze sets in from the sea. Hurricanes may 
 occur from August to October, but sometimes five or six years pass without such 
 a storm.
 
 170 
 
 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 
 
 "The following table shows the meteorological conditions at Habana: 
 
 Condition of 
 sky. 
 
 Tern- Rainv 
 
 Months. pera- Humidity. ^„yg Rainfall. Cloudy Clear 
 
 ture. ^ ■ days. days. 
 
 ° P. Per cent. Inches. 
 
 January 71 82 8 2.5 5 26 
 
 February 74 84 7 2.1 8 20 
 
 March 74 82.8 6 2.4 7 24 
 
 April 76 82.4 4 1.2 5 25 
 
 May 78 85.4 8 3.6 8 23 
 
 June 81 85 10 5.1 6 24 
 
 July 82 87.6 12 5.6 6 25 
 
 August 82 88.2 12 4.8 6 25 
 
 September 80 88.2 14 6 7 23 
 
 October 79 85.2 9 3.2 7 24 
 
 November 75 86.2 8 3.3 8 22 
 
 December 73 84.8 6 1.2 7 24 
 
 Means or totals 77 85.15 104 41.0 80 285 
 
 "The worst place for foreigners on their arrival in Cuba is the coast, and the 
 important cities are generally located along the worst part of the coast. It is 
 better to arrive in a cool season, and even then the heat will necessitate the 
 changing of all woolen garments for those of linen or cotton. The sickly or 
 indolent appearance of the whites of the country is soon acquired, activity and 
 spirits diminish, the body becomes heavy, and the skin becomes covered with 
 abundant perspiration, due to anaemia, all of which shows that the person is becom- 
 ing acclimated. This period will not usually exceed a year, during which time one 
 should guard against any excess of work or pleasure, late evenings, bodily or 
 mental fatigue, exposure to the sun, or rapid cooling off, or any cause that might 
 produce illness. Exposure to the sun in an unhealthy country may bring on 
 fever, which generally assumes the character of yellow fever; sudden cooling 
 off is also the cause of many diseases. When the skin is covered with perspiration 
 it should not be exposed to a draft of cold air, nor should clothes saturated with 
 water or perspiration be left on, but should be changed, if possible, the body being 
 first wiped dry and rubbed with cane brandy or rum. 
 
 "Exercise on foot, horseback, or in a carriage is necessary for one who is 
 visiting this land for the first time, but only in the morning and evening; wash- 
 ing and bathing are also very good, first in tempered and after a few days in 
 cold water; baths should not be taken after hard work, and the best time is the 
 morning or at noon, after the body has been at rest.
 
 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 171 
 
 "While ready perspiration is one of the essentials to the preservation of health, 
 danger also lurks in it, for when in such a condition, a few moments in the shade, 
 exposed to a breeze, will bring on a cold more quickly here than in any other 
 place outside the tropics. If it is noticed that the perspiration is stopping on a 
 warm day, a physician should be consulted immediately, and also in the case of 
 giddiness, headache, etc, 
 
 "Cotton garments are much better than those of linen, for they absorb less 
 perspiration and render the skin less susceptible to chills. The soldiers of the 
 French and English armies in the Antilles use flannel waistcoats to guard the 
 body as much as possible, and prevent evaporation, by keeping it always at an even 
 temperature; this article of clothing is very suitable for those who are predisposed 
 to chest ailments. 
 
 "The best field outfit is a light-weight poncho of such proportions that it can 
 be used for an external blanket, or, when spread over a hammock, forms a pro- 
 tection from dew at night. This hammock cover should be a very light blanket, 
 preferably of some other material than woolen, in order to discourage vermin. 
 
 "As to food, the visitor should neither imitate the sober habits of the Creole, 
 nor continue the diet observed at home, but he should adopt a medium, and use 
 wholesome and nutritious meats, and the salt and fresh water fish that abound in 
 these regions. He should not disdain the vegetables and plants wlych the Creoles 
 do not like. It is also well to use certain condiments, such as pepper, cloves, 
 allspice, cinnamon, and others that heighten and flavor food and aid digestion; 
 though used, they should not be abused. The moderate use of certain tropical 
 fruits to which northerners are accustomed, such as oranges, lemons, limes, and 
 pineapples, is advantageous without question, but there are hosts of others, mostly 
 of a soft, squashy nature, and a sweet, sickish taste, such as the mango, sapote, 
 alligator pear, etc., that it is wise to avoid. The combination of alcohol with 
 them is almost deadly, and here, on its native heath, it is well to let the banana 
 alone. 
 
 "Persons from the north are always anxious to taste Cassava bread. It is 
 wise, therefore, to warn those not fully acquainted with the poisonous character 
 of the root from which it is made not to try experiments in this direction unless 
 satisfied that the product is made by some loyal Cuban who is familiar with the 
 substance that is being dealt with. 
 
 "Excess in eating and drinking should be avoided, as it produces intestinal 
 disorders which result in grave diseases. The slow and continuous use of alcohol 
 causes a marked deterioration in the constitution, being one of the greatest
 
 172 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 
 
 obstacles to acclimatization; it diminishes the appetite and retards acclimatiza- 
 tion. However, a little rum mixed with water is a stimulating and wholesome 
 drink, especially on hot days. Soft drinks and lemonade are not good, as they 
 cause a kind of plethora which turns into diarrhoea. Fruits produce the same 
 effect, and it is necessary to be careful of the least indisposition which tends 
 toward diarrhoea. 
 
 "In Cuba the slightest wounds on the legs or feet quickly ulcerate. A scratch, 
 which might be cured by two or three days' rest, turns into an ulcer from con- 
 tinual marching and friction, and a soldier is soon unfitted for service. 
 
 "The following suggestions regarding health will be found useful: 
 
 "Never start out early in the morning without having taken at least a cup 
 of coffee, but do not eat heartily at that time. 
 
 "Breakfast should be taken before the troops are called upon for marching, 
 work, or exercise of any kind. Meals should be taken at regular hours, and should 
 be warm. No raw food of any kind should ever be eaten. Hot coffee and a biscuit 
 should be eaten by each man before going on guard at night. 
 
 "Only boiled water should be used for drinking; if one must march during 
 the day, he should fill his canteen with coffee or tea before starting out; this 
 will insure the water having been boiled. No intoxicating liquor of any kind 
 should be drunk. Drink cocoanut milk in preference to anything else. 
 
 "Do the hardest work of the day between 6 and 11 in the morning, then 
 eat breakfast, take a siesta, and remain quiet until 3 P. M. Avoid the midday 
 sun as much as possible, but if exposed to it, be careful in cooling off. All 
 marching should, if possible, be avoided during the heat of the day. 
 
 "Dress lightly, avoiding woolen, medical statements to the contrary notwith- 
 standing. Protect the legs, preferably with canvas leggings. 
 
 "Always examine your bed and blankets before retiring. If possible, bedding 
 should be aired daily. 
 
 "Always have quinine and antiseptics with you. The former should be taken 
 every morning before breakfast. 
 
 "Men should not be allowed to sleep on the ground, if it can possibly be 
 avoided; a hammock should be used, on which a poncho should be placed beneath 
 the other bedding. 
 
 "If occupying a house, the windows and doors should be closed at dusk. 
 
 "Avoid getting wet, and change wet clothes as soon as possible; never put 
 on damp clothing. Alternate with two suits of underclothing, allowing the under- 
 suit worn one day to hang and dry during the next.
 
 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 175 
 
 "Straw hats slioiikT be worn during the day, but at night the men should wear 
 some sort of cap which they can keep on their heads while sleeping. 
 
 "When in camp all refuse from the kitchen should be burned; latrines should 
 be inspected daily, and disinfected as far as possible. 
 
 "The gravest as well as the most common of the diseases in Cuba are the 
 following: 
 
 "Yellow fever^ diarrhoea, dysentery, and paludism (swamp or malarial fever), 
 to which must be added liver complaints, which often accompany them, and 
 diseases produced by certain insects and worms. Traumatic and infantile tetanus, 
 convulsions, intermittent fevers, smallpox, and phthisis are frequent, as well as 
 cardiac affections. Cases of pneumonia, strangles, and hydrophobia are rare. 
 
 "Every foreigner, upon arriving in Cuba, should observe a severe regime in 
 his manner of living until he has become acclimated. He must impoverish his 
 blood to an extent which in other climates might cripple his health, but rich blood, 
 so enviable in northern countries, is injurious in Cuba. He wi}l inevitably have 
 to suffer the "vomito" or acclimating fever; in order to prevent this from turning 
 into yellow fever (vomito negro), he must purge himself thoroughly upon his 
 arrival, preferring for the purpose acid purgatives. He must drink no cofifee or 
 alcoholic drinks. At his meals, which ought to be as plain as possible, he should 
 drink water mixed with a little wine. Orangeade or lemonade are very good if 
 taken before breakfast or between meals, but they are very injurious if taken 
 during the process of digestion. He should bathe frequently in lukewarm water; 
 cold water may be more agreeable, but it is very injurious. 
 
 "Fear and apprehension are fatal to this disease. One should remember that, 
 if hygiene be observed, "the vomito" is not always dangerous, and that many 
 have passed through it wdthout realizing serious effects, 
 
 "The symptoms of this disease are always alike. The first day there is a 
 great headache and sometimes dizziness. On the second day all the bones of the 
 body ache as in the grip, and when the pain fixes itself in the hips and about the 
 waist the pulse becomes altered. Upon feeling the first headache, one should 
 refrain from eating. If it is three hours since the last meal, there should be taken 
 immediately, even before the doctor's arrival, a strong purgative of oil, although 
 a purgative of lemonade or citrate of magnesia may have been taken the day before. 
 One or the other of the above remedies should be taken once a week after an-iving 
 in Cuba. The day on which the weekly purgative is taken a strict diet should be 
 observed. Until acclimated it is well not to dance or become overheated in any 
 way.
 
 176 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 
 
 "It may be stated of yellow fever that, if properly treated, less than 8 per 
 cent of the patients die. The remedies ordinarily used are citrate of magnesia or 
 castor oil and lime juice. In general, the yellow fever epidemic appears every 
 ten years. It is well, if possible, to leave the coast regions and go to the moun- 
 tainous ones, as the fever seldom goes beyond certain altitudes. 
 
 "Tetanus, or lock jaw, is the most fatal of the diseases which attack unaccli- 
 mated persons, especially those whose work involves much exposure to the weather. 
 Injuries to the feet are exceedingly prone to result in tetanus. Any injury to 
 the foot should be very carefully looked after, and open sores should be guarded 
 from the wet. 
 
 "Intermittent fever is usually contracted in the swampy districts. There is 
 little use in keeping the patient on the island after the fever has been contracted; 
 he should be gotten away as soon as possible. This is also true of all the forms 
 of malaria. 
 
 "Leprosy is a disease that prevails to a considerable extent, and it is said 
 there are more lepers in Cuba than in the Sandwich Islands. In the opinion 
 of a physician from Toledo, Ohio, no white man is liable to its attacks, though 
 he advised avoiding too close contact with those afflicted, especially with the 
 Chinese, who frequently have it, but who conceal the fact as long as possible. That 
 form of it known as elephantiasis, producing abnormal swelling of the lower 
 extremities, is frequently seen in the streets of Habana, and is in no sense con- 
 sidered contagious. 
 
 "While much that has been written concerning Cuba would seem to indicate 
 that it is a veritable pest hole, such descriptions actually cover only the worst 
 conditions, and comparatively a small portion of the island, for probably at least 
 two-thirds of it is as healthy, even in the summer, as any country in the world. 
 
 "Cases of longevity are not wanting; there are numerous instances where 
 natives have attained 100 years, some 130 years, and there is even one known to have 
 lived to the age of 150. Longevity is most frequent among the colored population. 
 
 "The sickly season, according to the latest edition of 'The Navigation of the 
 Caribbean Sea and Gulf of Mexico,' is as follows: 
 
 "Fevers, more or less malignant, prevail from May to November. 
 
 "Baracoa. — Kemittent fever is at times prevalent at Baracoa, but the place is 
 generally healthy, owing to the exposed position. 
 
 "Nuevitas del Principe. — The health of the city is good, the sickly season 
 being from April to September. 
 
 "Habana. — Yellow fever is endemic. The sickly season is from June to Octo-
 
 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 17? 
 
 ber. As there is little ebb and flow of the tide in the harbor, the water is filthy 
 and foul smelling. The water should not be used for washing decks or clothing, 
 
 "Bahia Honda. — The health of the place is good, except in the sickly season, 
 which commences in April and lasts through the summer. 
 
 "Port Mariel. — It is generally healthy, the sickly season being from April 
 to September. 
 
 "Santiago de Cuba. — The place is healthy, but in summer yellow fever occurs. 
 The mornings and afternoons are pleasant. Liberty to go ashore should not be 
 given here. 
 
 "Cienfuegos. — The sanitary condition is good, the city being clean. 
 
 "Yellow fever has appeared in the island at various times and points as 
 follows: 
 
 <(-t 
 
 '1. Habana. — Annual prevalence since 1761, the chief center of infection, 
 and most dangerous to shipping. 
 
 "2. Matanzas. — Annual prevalence since 1828, and probably much longer; 
 an important center of infection, but less dangerous to shipping than Habana, 
 
 "3. Cardenas. — Annual prevalence certainly since 1836, and it was not 
 founded until 1828. It is an important center of infection, but not specially 
 dangerous to shipping, because of the distance at which vessels anchor from shore. 
 
 "4. Cienfuegos. — Annual prevalence since at least 1839, and it was not 
 founded until 1819-1825. It is a dangerous center of infection, but, like Ma- 
 tanzas, has a very large harbor, and is less dangerous than Habana to shipping. 
 
 "5. Sagua. — Some cases of yellow fever occur annually, but vessels are very 
 rarely infected, as these anchor several miles distant from the coast, and Sagua is 
 ten miles inland. 
 
 "6. Baracoa. — Yellow fever occurs occasionally, but not annually as an 
 epidemic. 
 
 "7. Caibarien. — Cases of yellow fever occur frequently, but not every year. 
 Very little danger to vessels, as these anchor many miles distant. 
 
 "8. Trinidad. — Annual prevalence certainly since 1838, and probably longer. 
 The harbor is not believed to be specially dangerous to vessels. 
 
 "9. Santiago de Cuba. — Annual prevalence certainly since 1851, and prob- 
 ably very much longer. It is a noted center of infection, and its small harbor is 
 more dangerous to the shipping than any other port in the whole island. 
 
 "10. Manzanillo. — Annual prevalence. It is in constant communication with 
 Santiago de Cuba, Trinidad, and Cienfuegos. As vessels anchor in the open sea sev- 
 eral miles from shore, they probably suffer little.
 
 178 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 
 
 "11. Las Nuevitas del Principe. — Annual prevalence. Vessels anchor a mile 
 or more distant, and are in but little danger. 
 
 "12. Guantanamo. — Annual prevalence. The town is about seven miles from 
 the harbor, and vessels are probably little exposed to infection. 
 
 "13. Gibara. — Cases of yellow fever do not occur every year. Vessels anchor 
 distant from the shore, and are in little danger. 
 
 "IC Zaza. — Cases of yellow fever do not occur every year. Vessels are 
 probably in very little danger. 
 
 "15. Santa Cruz. — Cases of yellow fever occur in the majority of years. Ves- 
 sels anchor far from shore, and are in little danger. 
 
 "16. Bahia Honda. — Yellow fever is not endemic; it is even said to be 
 'unknown,' and to present no cases 'either indigenous or imported.' 
 
 "17. Batabano. — Very few cases occur. 
 
 "18. Cabanos. — Cases occur very rarely, and the disease is not endemic. 
 
 "19. Isla de Pinos. — Cases occur very seldom, and it is as remarkably free 
 as Bahia Honda from the disease. 
 
 "20. Mariel. — Yellow fever is not endemic here. 
 
 "21. Puerto Padre. — The disease is not endemic. 
 
 "22. Bayamo. — Occasionally epidemic, but not annually endemic. 
 
 "23. Bejucal. — Suffers little from yellow fever. 
 
 "24. Ciego de Avila. — Not endemic. 
 
 "25. Cobre. — Yellow fever is not endemic. 
 
 "26. Colon. — Yellow fever is not endemic. 
 
 "27. Guanabacoa. — Cases occur annually. 
 
 "28. Guanajay. — Cases occur in the majority of years. 
 
 "29. Guines. — Yellow fever is not endemic. 
 
 "30. Holguin. — Several epidemics since 1851, but cases do not occur every 
 year. 
 
 "31. Jucaro. — ^Endemic. 
 
 "32. Marianao. — Endemic. 
 
 "33. Mayari.— Not endemic. 
 
 "34. Palma Soriano. — Not endemic. 
 
 "35. Pinar del Eio. — Not endemic. 
 
 "36. Puerto Principe. — Endemic. 
 
 "37. Eemedios. — Endemic. 
 
 "38. San Antonio. — Endemic. 
 
 "39. Sancti Spiritus. — Endemic.
 
 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. IVJ 
 
 "40. San Jose de las Lajas. — Endemic. 
 
 "41. Santa Clara. — Cases occur in the majority of years. 
 
 "43. Santiago. — Endemic. 
 
 "43. Victoria de las Tnnas. — Cases occur in the majority of years. 
 
 "The above forty-three places are all those from which trustworthy informa- 
 tion was secured, and it appears that of twenty-one seaports, yellow fever occurs 
 annually in ten of them and does not occur annually in the remaining eleven, 
 while in the twenty-two inland towns its prevalence varies in proportion to the 
 extent of their commerce with permanently infected centers and with the number 
 of immigrants, so that the above list tends very strongly to prove that seaports in 
 Cuba are no more liable to yellow fever, solely because located on the sea, than 
 are inland towns. Yet the contrary has long been taught. 
 
 "The Isle of Pines, Bahia Honda, Cabanas, Mariel, Zaza, and other pre- 
 eminently maritime places in Cuba suffer little, if at all, with yellow fever. 
 
 "Among the poisonous insects are centipedes, tarantulas, scorpions, mosqui- 
 toes, and sand flies. 
 
 "Of flies alone over 300 species are known. The one most to be dreaded 
 is called rodador (the roller), thought by the people to be a mosquito, which fills 
 itself with blood like a leech and when satiated drops off and rolls away. Still 
 worse is the jejen (another supposed mosquito), so small as not to be visible to 
 the naked eye, but its sting is felt. Neither nets, smoke nor any other defenses 
 are of any avail against it. The only recourse is flight. 
 
 "An annoying and dangerous pest is found in the chigoe or jigger, a small 
 insect closely resembling the common flea. The female burrows under the skin 
 of the foot or under the finger or toe nails, and soon acquires the size of a pea, its 
 body being distended with eggs. If these eggs be allowed to hatch underneath the 
 skin, irritating and dangerous sores result. The insect must be extracted entire 
 and with great care as soon as its presence is discovered. Similar precautions 
 must be taken in regard to common ticks, which abound especially in fields where 
 hogs have been allowed to run at large. The wound made by extracting a chigoe 
 or a tick should be carefully washed, coal oil applied, and outside moisture excluded 
 for at least forty-eight hours. 
 
 "The only peculiar animal in the island is the jutia, shaped like a rat and 
 from twelve to eighteen inches long, exclusive of the tail. A few deer are found 
 about the swamps, but they are supposed to have been introduced from Europe. 
 The woods abound in wild dogs and cats, sprung from those animals in a domestic
 
 180 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 
 
 state and differing from them only in form and size. Of domestic animals, the 
 ox, the horse, and the hog are the most valuable and form a large proportion of 
 the wealth of the island; sheep, goats, and mules are less numerous. There are 
 some 4,000,000 head of the domestic animals just mentioned. The manati (sea-cow) 
 frequents the shore. The domestic fowls include geese, turkeys, peacocks, and 
 pigeons. There are over 200 species of indigenous birds, and more than 700 kinds 
 of fish in the rivers, bays and inlets. Numerous insects and nonvenomous reptiles 
 inhabit the woods and mountains. Oysters and other shellfish are numerous, but 
 of inferior quality. Turtles abound, and the cayman (crocodile) and iguana (a 
 kind of lizard) are common. Snakes are not numerous. The maja, twelve or 
 fourteen feet in length, and eighteen or twenty inches in circumference, is the 
 largest, but is harmless; the juba, which is about six feet long, is venomous. 
 
 "The domestic animals let loose in the island from the earliest period of its 
 occupation have found a place favorable for their reproduction; but, while in- 
 creasing, they have also undergone certain modifications. Cuban horses of the 
 Andalusian race have lost in stature and breadth of chest, but they have gained 
 in sobriety, endurance, and vitality. Before the great insurrection of 1868 they 
 were so numerous throughout the island, and especially in the central and western 
 regions, that nobody traveled afoot. To-day the number of saddle animals has 
 greatly diminished in proportion to the inhabitants, and nowhere are wild horses 
 found, as they formerly were in Komano Cay, in the Nipe savannas, and other 
 isolated regions. Asses are not numerous, being kept mainly for breeding pur- 
 poses. Mules are used for transportation in the mountainous regions. The camel 
 of the Canaries, which was introduced at one time, did not succeed, owing to 
 the niguas, a species of insect which wounded its feet. In certain parts of the 
 island, especially in the district of Baracoa, the ox is used both as a beast of 
 burden and in driving. Goats and sheep have not thrived so well in Cuba as 
 hogs and cattle; the goat has lost its vivacity, while the sheep, being poorly cared 
 for, has replaced its fleece by a coat of hair. 
 
 "The larger portion of the following description is taken from Humboldt's 
 Narrative, Vol. VII. Although the work is old, yet it is still the best authority 
 on the above subjects obtainable: 
 
 "The Island of Cuba, for more than four-fifths of its extent, is composed of 
 low lands. The soil is covered with secondary and tertiary formations, formed 
 by rocks of gneiss, granite, syenite, and euphotide. The island is crossed from 
 east-southeast to west-northwest by a chain of hills, which approach the southern 
 coast between the meridians of the cities of Puerto Principe and Villa Clara;
 
 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 181 
 
 while more to the west, near Alvarez and Matanzas, they stretch toward the 
 northern coast, going from the month of the Eio Grande to Villa de la Trinidad. 
 The hills of San Juan on the northwest form needles or horns more than 900 feet 
 high, from which declivities go regularly toward the south. This calcareous group 
 has a majestic aspect, seen from the anchorage near Cayo de Piedras. Sagua and 
 Batahano are low coasts, and west of the meridian of Matanzas there is no hill 
 more than 1,200 feet high, with the exception of Pan de Guaixahon. The land of 
 the interior is generally undulating, and rises from 250 to 325 feet above sea-level. 
 
 "The decreasing level of the limestone formations of the Island of Cuba toward 
 the north and west indicates a submarine connection of those rocks with the 
 lands equally low of the Bahama Islands of Florida and of Yucatan. 
 
 "It is probable that the alluvial deposits of auriferous sand, which were 
 explored with so much ardor at the beginning of the Spanish conquest, came from 
 the granite formations in the western part of the island. Traces of the sand are 
 still to be found in the Holguin and Escambray rivers. 
 
 "The central and western portions of the island contain two formations of 
 compact limestone, one of clayey sandstone, and another of gypsum. The former 
 is white, or of a clear ochre yellow, with dull fractures, sometimes conchoidal, 
 and sometimes smooth, and furnishes petrifications of pecten cardites, terebellidae 
 and madrepores. No oolitic beds are found, but porous beds almost bulbous are 
 seen near Batabano. Yellowish, cavernous strata, with cavities from three to 
 four inches in diameter, alternate with strata altogether compact and poorer in 
 petrifications. 
 
 "The chain of hills that borders the plain of Giiines towards the north belongs 
 to the latter variety, which is reddish-white and almost lithographic. The com- 
 pact and cavernous beds contain pockets of brown ochraceous iron. Perhaps the 
 red earth so much sought after by the planters of coffee is produced by the decom- 
 position of some superficial beds of oxidized iron mixed with silica and clay, or, 
 perhaps, by reddish sandstone superposed on limestone. The whole of this forma- 
 tion might be designated as the limestone of Giiines, to distinguish it from another 
 much more recent. It forms, in the hills of San Juan, steep declivities, resem- 
 bling the mountains of limestone of Coripe in the vicinity of Curnana. They 
 contain great caverns, the most prominent being near Matanzas and Jaruco. There 
 are numerous caverns, and where the pluvial waters accumulate and disappear in 
 small rivers, they sometimes cause a sinking of the earth. 
 
 "To the secondary soil belongs the gypsum of the island. It is worked in 
 several places. We must not confound this limestone of Giiines, sometimes
 
 182 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 
 
 porous, sometimes compact, with another formation so recent that it seems to have 
 augmented in our days, i. e., the calcareous agglomerates, on the islands that 
 border the coast between Batabano and the Bay of Xagua. 
 
 "At the foot of Castillo de la Punta are shelves of cavernous rocks, which 
 are covered with verdant alvse and living polypiers. Enormous masses of madre- 
 pores and other lithophyte corals are set in the texture of those shelves. This 
 would lead one to the conclusion that the whole of this limestone rock, which 
 constitutes the greater part of the island, is due to the uninterrupted action of 
 productive organic forces, an action which is still in operation in the depths of 
 the ocean; but these limestone formations soon vanish when the shore is quitted, 
 and series of coral rocks are seen, containing formations of different ages — the 
 muschelkalk, the Jura limestone, and the coarse limestone. The same coral rocks 
 as those of Castillo and La Punta are found in the lofty inland mountains, accom- 
 panied by petrifications of bivalve shells, very different from those which are 
 actually seen on the coasts of the Antilles. There is no doubt as to the relative 
 antiquity of that rock, with respect to the calcareous agglomerates of the Cayos. 
 The globe has undergone great revolutions between the periods when those two 
 soils were formed, one containing the great caverns, the other daily augmenting 
 by the agglomeration of fragments of coral and quartzous sand. 
 
 "On the south of the Island of Cuba the latter of these soils seems to be 
 superposed, sometimes on the Jura limestone of Giiines, and sometimes imme- 
 diately on the primitive rocks. 
 
 "The secondary formations on the east of Habana are pierced in a singular 
 manner by syenitic and euphotide rocks, united in groups. The southern bottom 
 of the bay, as well as the mouth, are of Jura limestone, but on the eastern bank of 
 the Ensenadas de Regla and Guanabacoa the whole is transition soil. In going 
 from north to south we find syenite, composed of a great quantity of amphibole, 
 partly decomposed, a little quartz, and a reddish-white feldspar, seldom crystal- 
 lized. Farther south, toward the small bays of Regla and Guanabacoa, the syenite 
 disappears, and the whole soil is covered with serpentine, rising in hills from 190 
 to 255 feet high, and running from east to west. 
 
 "This rock is much fissured, externally of a bluish brown, covered with detritus 
 of manganese, and internally of a leek and asparagus green, crossed by small veins 
 of asbestos. It contains neither granite nor hornblende, but metalloide diallage 
 is disseminated throughout the mass. Many of the pieces of serpentine have 
 magnetic poles. In approaching Guanabacoa, the serpentine is crossed by veins
 
 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 183 
 
 from twelve to fourteen inches thick, filled with fibrous quartz, amethyst, fine 
 mammelones and stalactiform chalcedonies. 
 
 "Some copper pyrites appear among these veins, accompanied, it is said, by 
 silvery gray copper. In some places petroleum runs out from rents in the ser- 
 pentine. Springs of water are frequent, containing sulphureted hydrogen, and a 
 deposit of oxide of iron. 
 
 "Volcanic rock of a more recent period, as trachyte, dolerite, and basalt, has 
 not been discovered on the island. 
 
 "The Island of Cuba has a great variety of minerals, gold, silver, iron, copper, 
 lead, asphaltum, antimony, platinum, petroleum, marble, jasper, etc., being found 
 in a greater or less quantity. As yet, no coal has been found, although a substance 
 resembling it is much used as fuel, and generally called coal by the natives. Gold 
 and silver have not been found in paying quantities, although the early settlers 
 mined a considerable amount of each. 
 
 "Lead. — So little seems to be produced that it is unnecessary to consider the 
 output. 
 
 "Iron. — Large deposits are found in the province of Santiago de Cuba and 
 Pinar del Eio. Its output to the United States is very large. 
 
 "Copper. — Large deposits are founded in Santiago de Cuba, but have not 
 been much mined, on account of the revolution and heavy taxes. 
 
 "Asphaltum. — Deposits of asphaltum are of frequent occurrence in various 
 parts of the island, and have been mined and exported to some extent. 
 
 "Antimony. — Antimony, with lead, is said to exist near Holguin. 
 
 "Petroleum. — Crude oil is found, but the mineral oil in use comes from the 
 United States in the crude state. There are several refineries near Habana. 
 
 "Sulphur. — Deposits of pure sulphur probably do not exist, but the presence of 
 sulphur is shown in the various mineral springs. 
 
 "Salt. — Salt is deposited in great quantities in various parts of the island. 
 
 "Quicksilver. — It is said that in former times some quicksilver was found 
 near Remedios. 
 
 "Clays. — Valuable deposits of clays are found, especially in the Isle of Pines. 
 
 'Tjime. — Most of the soft limestones make excellent lime, and about Habana 
 are many limestone quarries and amongst them kilns for burning. 
 
 "Building Stone. — A soft carbonate of calcium is very common, and is much 
 used for building material on the island. 
 
 "Ochre. — Some ochre is found in Manzanillo, Santiago de Cuba, Santa Maria 
 del Eosario, and Guanabacoa.
 
 184 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 
 
 "Chrome. — Deposits of this pigment have been worked near Holguin. 
 
 "Chalk. — Chalk is found near Manzanillo and Moron, 
 
 "Marble. — This is found in great abundance in many places. 
 
 "Loadstone. — Large quantities of loadstone also exist. 
 
 "Molding Sand. — Near Nueva Filipina a fine quality of molding sand is 
 found. 
 
 "Talc. — Talc is also found in the island. 
 
 "It is estimated that there are about 20,000,000 acres of wild and uncultivated 
 land in the Island of Cuba, 12,000,000 acres of which are virgin forest. These 
 forests are to a great extent dense and almost impenetrable in some sections, espe- 
 cially the eastern portion of Santa Clara Province, Puerto Principe, and some 
 parts of Santiago de Cuba. The Isle of Pines is also heavily wooded. The forests 
 preserve their verdure throughout all seasons of the year. 
 
 "The palm is the most common of all the Cuban trees, and, perhaps, the 
 most valuable. There are a great many varieties. Of these the Palma Keal 
 (Eoyal Palm) is the most common, and, like the maguey of Mexico, is the main- 
 stay of the natives. The other woods of importance are the mahogany; ebony; 
 cedar; acana, a tree with a hard reddish wood; ginebrahacha, a kind of fir; guaya- 
 can; jigui; maranon, a tree which yields a gum resembling gum arable; oak; pino 
 de tea, a torch pine; evergreen oak; sabicu; ocuje, a wood much used for con- 
 struction purposes; sabina; nogal; walnut; majagua, a tree from which very durable 
 cordage is made; Brazilian wood; capeche wood; fustic; cocoa; banana, and the 
 magnificent cieba. 
 
 "The lands most celebrated for their fertility are the districts of Sagua, Cien- 
 fuegos, Trinidad, Matanzas, and Mariel. The Valley of Giiines owes its reputa- 
 tion to artificial irrigation. Notwithstanding the want of great rivers, and the 
 unequal fertility of the soil, the Island of Cuba, due to its undulating surface, 
 its continually renewing verdure, and the distribution of its vegetable forms, 
 presents at every step the most varied and beautiful landscape. 
 
 "The agriculturists of the island distinguish two kinds of earth, often mixed 
 together like the squares of a draft board, black earth, clayey and full of moisture, 
 and red earth, more silicious and mixed with oxide of iron. 
 
 "The black earth is generally preferred for the cultivation of the sugar cane, 
 because it conserves humidity better, and the red earth for coffee; nevertheless, 
 many sugar plantations are established in red soil. 
 
 "The section around Habana is not the most fertile, and the few sugar plan- 
 tations that existed in the vicinity of the capital are now replaced by cattle farms
 
 THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 185 
 
 and fields of maize and forage, on wliich the profits are considerable, on account 
 of the demand from the city. 
 
 "The principal agricultural products of Cuba are sugar cane, coffee, tobacco, 
 cocoa, cotton, sarsaparilla, vanilla, copal, China root. Cassia, Palma Christi, mustard, 
 pepper, ginger, licorice, balsam de Guatemala, india rubber, etc. The three most 
 important are sugar, tobacco, and coffee. 
 
 "The fruits of Cuba are numerous and delicious. Among them are the 
 pineapple, custard apple, cocoanut, plum, guava, banana, orange (the Cuban 
 orange is not particularly fine), citron, lemon, mango, etc. 
 
 "While the area of Cuba and its dependent islands is nearly as great as that 
 of the State of Pennsylvania,* it has less than one-third as many inhabitants. Yet, 
 when it is borne in mind that the desert sand-keys that skirt the island, the 
 impassable swamps that line its south coast, and the rugged and unexplored 
 uplands of its eastern extremity, altogether occupy fully one-fifth of its area, 
 it is seen that Cuba is fairly well inhabited. Estimating its habitable area at 
 32,500 square miles, it is seen to be twice as densely populated as the State of 
 Missouri,! or in about the same ratio as Virginia. :|: 
 
 "Of the aboriginal inhabitants of Cuba, none survived to see the seventeenth 
 century. The present population may be divided into five classes: 
 
 "1. Natives of Spain — Teninsulars.' 
 
 "2. Cubans of Spanish descent — 'Insulars.* 
 
 "3, Other white persons, 
 
 "4. Persons wholly, or in part, of the African race. 
 
 "5. Eastern Asiatics. 
 
 "By reckoning the first three classes together and excluding the fifth entirely 
 the usual division of whites and negroes is obtained. It has been customary to 
 reckon among negroes persons having one-fourth, one-half, or three-fourths white 
 blood, and there is no end to the subdivision. This is philosophically unjust and 
 makes the negro element appear larger than it really is. It is also to be remem- 
 bered that the blood of the Latin nations mingles with that of ather races more 
 readily than does the Saxon. The following statistics of the two main races at 
 different dates show the percentage of negroes: 
 
 *Area of Pennsylvania, 45,215 square miles; estimated population 1894, 5,550,550. 
 Area of Cuba, 43,124 square miles; estimated population in 1894, 1,723,000. 
 
 t State of Missouri: Area, 69,415 square miles; population, 1,875,900. 
 
 $ State of Virginia: Area, 42,450 square miles; population, 1,705,198.
 
 186 • THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 
 
 Year. 
 
 White. 
 
 Negro. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 1804 
 
 234,000 
 
 198,000 
 
 45.8 
 
 1819 
 
 239,830 
 
 213,203 
 
 47 
 
 1830 
 
 332,352 
 
 423,343 
 
 56 
 
 1841 
 
 418,291 
 
 589,333 
 
 58.4 
 
 1850 
 
 479,490 
 
 494,252 
 
 50.75 
 
 1860 
 
 632,797 
 
 566,632 
 
 47 
 
 1869 
 
 797,596 
 
 602,215 
 
 43 
 
 1877 
 
 985,325 
 
 492,249 
 
 33 
 
 1887 
 
 1,102,689 
 
 485,187 
 
 30.55 
 
 "It is especially worthy of note that for thirty or forty years the negro 
 element has been both relatively and absolutely decreasing, and probably at the 
 present time it composes a little more than one-fourth of the whole population. 
 
 "The number of white persons of other blood than Spanish is trifling, and 
 has been estimated at 10,500. 
 
 "There is yet another class of population — the coolies, or Asiatic laborers 
 imported from the Philippines. The statements of their numbers are so con- 
 flicting as to be a mere guess; but that guess would put them at 30,000 to 40,000. 
 
 "The most recent official census is that of December, 1887. The figures in 
 the following table are taken from it, and give the population by provinces, as well 
 as the density of population (number of inhabitants per square kilometer) in each: 
 
 Provinces. Inhabitants. k lometers Density. 
 
 Pinar del Rio 
 
 Habana 
 
 Matanzas 
 
 Santa Clara 
 
 Puerto Principe 
 
 Santiago de Cuba 
 
 Totals 1,631,687 122,606 13.31 
 
 "The only language spoken in the island is Spanish. 
 
 "The Eoman Catholic has been the only religion tolerated. There are no 
 Jewish or Protestant places of worship, while a person complying with all the 
 requirements might be permitted to remain on the island, he would not be allowed 
 to promulgate doctrines at variance with those of the established church. Catholi- 
 cism is supported by the general revenues of the island, and all the items of 
 expense are determined at Madrid. The amount estimated in the Cuban budget 
 of 1893-94 is $385,588. 
 
 "The educational system of Cuba, under Spanish rule, is under the direction 
 of the governor-general and rector of the University of Habana, both being natives 
 of Spain and appointed by the Crown." 
 
 225,891 
 
 14,967 
 
 15.09 
 
 451,928 
 
 8,610 
 
 52.49 
 
 259,578 
 
 8,486 
 
 30.59 
 
 354,122 
 
 23,083 
 
 15.34 
 
 67,789 
 
 32,341 
 
 2.10 
 
 272,379 
 
 35,119 
 
 7.76
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE CITIES OF THE QUEE^ OF THE ANTILLES. 
 
 Santiago de Cuba, the Ancient City of the Island — Location and Commercial Im- 
 portance — Its Strategic Position and Defenses as Set Forth in the United 
 States Military Notes — Havana, the Capital and Largest City in Cuba — Its 
 Defenses, Water Supply and Sanitary Condition — Density of Population. 
 
 There was the fortune of good judgment in attacking the Spaniards in Cuba 
 at Santiago and Porto Rico, the points of Spanish possession in the West Indies 
 farthest south and east, instead of striking at the west, landing at Pinar del Rio, 
 the western province, and moving upon the fortifications of Havana, where the diffi- 
 culties and dangers that proved so formidable at Santiago would have been quad- 
 rupled, and our losses in the field and hospital excessive. The unpreparedness of this 
 country for war has not even up to this time been appreciated except by military 
 experts and the most intelligent and intent students of current history. The mili- 
 tary notes prepared in the War Department of the United States at the beginning 
 of the war with Spain, contain the following of Santiago de Cuba: 
 
 This city was founded in 1514, and the famous Hernando was its first mayor. It 
 is the most southern place of any note on the island, being on the twentieth degree 
 of latitude, while Havana, the most northern point of note, is 23 degrees 9 minutes 
 26 seconds north latitude. The surrounding country is very mountainous, and the 
 city is built upon a steep slope; the public square, or Campo de Marte, is 140 to 
 160 feet above the sea, and some of the houses are located 200 feet high. The charac- 
 ter of the soil is reported to be more volcanic than calcareous; it has suffered re- 
 peatedly from earthquakes. It is the second city in the island with regard to popu- 
 lation, slightly exceeding that of Matanzas and Puerto Principe. So far as Ameri- 
 can commerce is concerned, it ranks only ninth among the fifteen Cuban ports of 
 entry. It is located on the extreme northern bank of the harbor of Santiago de Cuba, 
 a harbor of the first class and one of the smallest; hence, as is believed, the great lia- 
 bility of its shipping to infection. According to the chart of the Madrid hydro- 
 graphic bureau, 1863, this harbor is, from its sea entrance to its extreme northern 
 limit, 5 miles long, the city being located 4 miles from its entrance, on the north- 
 eastern side of the harbor. The entrance is for some little distance very narrow — 
 
 187
 
 188 CITIES OF THE QUEEN OF THE ANTILLES. 
 
 not more than 220 yards wide — and may be considered about 2 miles long, with 
 a width varying from one-eighth to five-eighths of a mile. For the remaining 3 
 miles the harbor gradually widens, until at its northern extremity it is about 2 miles 
 wide. The city is so situated in a cove of the harbor that the opposite shore is 
 only about one-half mile distant. At the wharves from 10 to 15 feet of water is 
 found, and within 300 to 500 yards of the shore from 20 to 30 feet. This, therefore, 
 is probably the anchorage ground. Three or more so-called rivers, besides other 
 streams, empty into this harbor, and one of these, the Caney River, empties into the 
 harbor at the northern limit of the city, so that its water flows from one island ex- 
 tremity through the whole harbor into the sea. The difference here, as elsewhere 
 in Cuba, between low and high tide is about 2 feet. Population in 1877 was 40,835, 
 and 5,100 houses. This city is one of the most noted yellow-fever districts in the 
 island. The population in 1896 was 42,000. 
 The following has been reported: 
 
 Preparations for mounting new and heavy ordnance is now going on at the en- 
 trance of the bay (March 5, 1898). 
 
 New and heavier guns are also ordered for Punta Blanca, on the right of the bay 
 near Santiago City. 
 
 Plans have been made for constructing two batteries in the city of Santiago, 
 one about 25 yards in front of the American consulate and the other about two 
 blocks in rear. 
 
 Cayo Rolones, or Rat Island, located near the middle of the bay, is the Govern- 
 ment depository for powder, dynamite, and other explosives. 
 
 The elevation on the right of the entrance, where stands Castle Morro, is 40 
 yards above the sea level, while the hill on the left is 20 yards. 
 
 "La Bateria Nueva de la Estrella" is mounted with four revolving cannons. 
 
 The fortifications of Havana were carefully covered in the military notes, and 
 thus enumerated: 
 
 There are fifteen fortifications in and about the city of Havana, more or less 
 armed and garrisoned, besides a work partly constructed and not armed, called Las 
 Animas, and the old bastions along the sea wall of the harbor. These works are as 
 follows: 
 
 Nos. 1 and 2 are earthen redans on the sea coast, east of Havana. 
 
 Velazo Battery, just east of, and a part of, El Morro. 
 
 El Morro, a sea coast fort, with flanking barbette batteries, east of harbor entrance.
 
 CITIES OF THE QUEEN OF THE ANTILLES. 189 
 
 The Twelve Apostles, a water battery lying at the foot of Morro, with a field 
 of fire across the harbor's mouth. It is a part of Morro, 
 
 La Cabana, a stone-bastioned work with both land and water front, in rear of El 
 Morro, and directly opposite the city of Havana. 
 
 San Diego, a stone-bastioned work with only land fronts, east of Cabana. 
 
 Atares, a stone-bastioned work on hill at southwestern extremity of Havana Bay, 
 near the old shipyard called the arsenal. 
 
 San Salvador de la Punta, a stone-bastioned work west of harbor entrance, with 
 small advanced and detached work, built on a rock near harbor mouth. 
 
 La Keina, a stone work, in shape the segment of a circle, placed on the seacoast, 
 at western limits of city, on an inlet called San Lazardo. 
 
 Santa Clara, a small but powerful seacoast battery of stone and earth, placed 
 about 1^ miles west of harbor. 
 
 El Principe, a stone-bastioned redoubt west of Havana. 
 
 Nos. 3 A, 3 B, and 4 are earthen redans on the seacoast west of Havana. 
 
 There are, in addition, several works built for defense, but now used for other 
 purposes or abandoned. These are: 
 
 The Torreon de Vigia, a martello tower placed on the inlet of San Lazaro opposite 
 La Keina. 
 
 The old fort called La Fuerza, built three hundred and fifty years ago, near the 
 present Plaza de Armas, and now used for barracks and pubhc offices. 
 
 The work called San Nazario, situated north of El Principe, but now used in 
 connection with the present cartridge factory, abandoned for defensive purposes. 
 
 The partially constructed fort called Las Animas, southeast of Principe, lying 
 on a low hill, partly built but useless and unarmed. 
 
 The old sea wall extending from near La Punta to the Plaza de Armas, unarmed, 
 and useless except as a parapet for musketry. 
 
 The old arsenal, on the west of the inner bay, now used as repair works for 
 ships, useless for defense. 
 
 The old artillery and engineer storehouses near La Punta, probably once used as 
 strongholds, now mere storehouses for munitions of war. 
 
 There are, besides, in the vicinity of Havana, three old and now useless stone 
 works — one at Chorrera, the mouth of the Aimendarez Eiver, about 4 miles from 
 Havana harbor; another at Cojimar, on the coast, about 3 miles eastward of Cabana, 
 and the third at the inlet called La Playa de Mariano, about 7 miles west of Havana.
 
 190 CITIES OF THE QUEEN OF THE ANTILLES. 
 
 Batteries Nos. 1 and 2 were equipped with, No. 1, four Hontoria 6-incli guns; 
 two Nordenfeldt 6-pounders; No. 2, two Krupp 12-ineli guns; four Hontoria 
 3-inch mortars. The 12-inch Krupps were to stand off battleships attempting to 
 force the harbor, or to bombard the Morro. The Valago battery, a part of the Morro, 
 an out-work on the edge of the cliff, mounting four 11-inch Krupp guns separated by 
 earth traverses. 
 
 The Morro, commenced in 1589 and finished in 1597, is important for historical 
 associations. It is a most picturesque structure, and is useful as a lighthouse and 
 prison, and is mounted with twelve old 10-inch, eight old 8-inch, and fourteen 
 old 4-inch guns. 
 
 Cabana, finished in 1774 at a cost of $14,000,000, lies some 500 yards southeast 
 of El Morro, on the east side of Havana Bay. Toward the city it exposes a vertical 
 stone wall of irregular trace, with salients at intervals. "Toward the Morro is a 
 bastioned face protected by a deep ditch, sally port, and drawbridge. Eastward and 
 southward a beautifully constructed land front incloses the work. This front is 
 protected by ditches 40 or more feet deep, well constructed glacis, stone scarp, and 
 counterscarp. Cabana is a magnificent example of the permanent fortifications 
 constructed a century ago. Probably 10,000 men could be quartered in it. 
 
 The entrance to Cabana is by the sally port that opens upon the bridge across the 
 moat lying between Cabana and El Morro. Upon entering, the enormous extent of 
 the work begins to be perceived, parapet within parapet, galleries, casemates, and 
 terrepleins almost innumerable, all of stone and useless. There are no earth covers 
 or traverses, and no protection against modern artillery. 
 
 Cabana is the prison for offenders against the State, and the scene of innumer- 
 able executions. From an exterior or salient corner of the secretary's office of the 
 headquarters there leads a subterranean passage 326 meters long, 2.5 meters wide, 
 and 1.86 high, excavated in the rock. It conducts to the sea, debouching at the 
 mouth of a sewer, 87 meters from the Morro wharf. At exactly 132 meters along 
 the road rising from the Morro pier or wharf to the Cabana, there will be found 
 by excavating the rock on the left of the road, at a depth of 3 meters, a grating, on 
 opening wliich passage will be made into a road 107 meters long, 1,6 high, and 1.42 
 wide, leading to the same exit as the Cabana secret way. These passages are most 
 secret, as all believe that the grating of the sewer, seen from the sea, is a drain. 
 
 The battery of Santa Clara is the most interesting of the fortifications of Havana, 
 and one of the most important. It lies about 100 yards from the shore of the gulf, 
 at a point where the line of hills to the westward runs back (either naturally or
 
 SECTION OF FLUME TO CONVEY WATER TO SUGAR MILLS IN HAWAII. 
 
 LAVA FORMATION AT KILAUEA CRATER, 4,040 FEET HIGH, ISLAND OF HAWAII.
 
 CITIES OF THE QUEE>T OF THE ANTILLES. 193 
 
 artificially) into quarries, thus occupying a low salient backed by a hill. Here are 
 three new Krupp 11-inch guns, designed to protect El Principe, the land side of 
 Havana. It is 187 feet above sea level and completely dominates Havana, the bay, 
 Morro, Cabana, the coast northward, Atares, and from east around to south, the ap- 
 proaches of the Marianao Koad, Cristina, and the Western Eailroad for about 3 kilo- 
 meters, i. e., between Cristina and a cut at that distance from the station. Principe 
 gives fire upon Tulipan, the Cerro, the Hill of the Jesuits, and the valley through 
 which passes the Havana Eailroad, sweeping completely with its guns the railroad 
 as far as the cut at Cienaga, 2^ to 3 miles away. It dominates also the hills south- 
 ward and westward toward Puentes Grandes and the Almendarez River, and country 
 extending toward Marianao, also the Calzada leading to the cemetery and 
 toward Chorrera; thence the entire sea line (the railroad to Chorrera is 
 partly sheltered by the slope leading to Principe). This is by all means the strongest 
 position about Havana which is occupied. Lying between it and the hill of the Cerro 
 is the hill of the Catalan Club, right under the guns of the work and about one-half 
 mile away. The Marianao Road is more sheltered than the Havana, as it runs near 
 the trees and hill near the Cerro. The only points which dominate the hill of the 
 Principe lie to the south and southeast in the direction of Jesus del Monte and be- 
 yond Regla. On its southern, southeastern, and southwestern faces the hill of Prin- 
 cipe is a steep descent to the calzada and streets below. The slope is gradual west- 
 ward and around by the north. From this hill is one of the best views of Havana 
 and the valley south. El Principe Hes about one-half mile from the north coast, 
 from which hills rise in gradual slopes toward the work. It is Havana gossip that 
 El Principe is always held by the Spanish regiment in which the Captain-General 
 has most confidence. The military notes pronounce El Principe undoubtedly the 
 strongest natural position about Havana now occupied by defensive works. Its 
 gnns sweep the heights of the Almendares, extending from the north coast south- 
 ward by the hills of Puentes Grandes to the valley of Cienaga, thence eastward across 
 the Hill of the Jesuits and the long line of trees and houses leading to the Cerro. 
 The country beyond the Cerro is partly sheltered by trees and hills, but eastward El 
 Principe commands in places the country and the bay shore, and gives fire across 
 Havana seaward. 
 
 The most vulnerable spot in the defenses of Havana is the aqueduct of Isabella 
 II, or the Vento. The water is from the Vento Springs, pure and inexhaustable, nine 
 miles out of Havana. 
 
 All three of the water supplies to Havana, the Zanja and the two aqueducts of
 
 194 CITIES OF THE QUEEN OF THE ANTILLES. 
 
 Ferdinand VII and of the Vento, proceed from the Almendares and run their course 
 near to each other, the farthest to the west being the Zanja and to the east the Vento. 
 
 At Vento Springs is constructed a large stone basin, open at the bottom, through 
 which springs bubble. From this reservoir the new aqueduct leads. It is an ellip- 
 tical tunnel of brick, placed under ground, and marked by turrets of brick and 
 stone placed along its course. 
 
 From the Vento Eeservoir the new aqueduct crosses the low valley south of 
 Havana, following generally the Calzada de Vento, which becomes, near the Cerro, 
 the Calzada de Palatino, to a point on the Western Eailway marked 5 kilometers 
 (about); hence the calzada and the aqueduct closely follows the railway for about a 
 mile, terminating at a new reservoir. 
 
 The Vento water is the best thing Havana has, and indispensable. The old 
 sources of supply are intolerable. The main water supply is the Zanja. Through- 
 out the most of its course this river flows through unprotected mud banks; the fluids 
 of many houses, especially in the Cerro ward which it skirts, drain into them; men, 
 horses, and dogs bathe in it; dead bodies have been seen floating in it, and in the 
 rainy season the water becomes very muddy. In fine, the Zanja in its course receives 
 all which a little brook traversing a village and having houses and back yards on its 
 banks would receive. The water can not be pure, and to those who know the facts 
 the idea of drinking it is repulsive. This supply had long been insufficient to the 
 growing city, and in 1835 the well-protected and excellent aqueduct of Ferdinand 
 VII was completed. It taps the Almendares River a few hundred yards above filters 
 mentioned, hence carried by arches to the east El Cerro, and for some distance 
 nearly parallel to the Calzada del Cerro, but finally intersecting this. These works 
 are succeeded by the Famous Vento. When Havana is fought for hereafter the 
 fight will be at the Vento Springs. This remark is not made in the military notes, 
 but the mihtary men know it well. When General Miles expected to attack Havana 
 he procured all the accessible surveys and detail of information, official and through 
 special observation and personal knowledge obtainable of the water works. Life 
 could not be sustained many days in the city of Havana without the water of the 
 adorable Vento. 
 
 A special interest attaches to Havana, as it is to be a city under the control of 
 the United States. The surface soil consists for the most part of a thin layer of 
 red, yellow, or black earths. At varying depths beneath this, often not exceeding 
 1 or 2 feet, lie the solid rocks. These foundation rocks are, especially in the north- 
 ern and more modern parts of the city toward the coast of the sea and not of the
 
 CITIES OF THE QUEEN' OF THE ANTILLES. 195 
 
 harbor, Quarternary, and especially Tertiary, formations, so permeable that liquids 
 emptied into excavations are absorbed and disappear. 
 
 In other parts of the city the rocks are not permeable, and pools are formed. 
 In proportion as the towns of Cuba are old, the streets are narrow. In Havana 
 this peculiarity is so positive that pedestrians cannot pass on the sidewalks, nor 
 vehicles on the streets. Less than one-tliird of the population live on paved streets, 
 and these are as well paved and kept as clean, it is believed cleaner', than is usual in 
 the United States, The remainder live on unpaved streets, which, for the most 
 part, are very filthy. Many of these, even in old and densely populated parts of the 
 city, are no better than rough country roads, full of rocks, crevices, mud holes, and 
 other irregularities, so that vehicles traverse them with difficulty at all times, and 
 in the rainy season they are sometimes impassible for two months. Kough, muddy, 
 or both, these streets serve admirably as permanent receptacles for much decom- 
 posing animal and vegetable matter. Finally, not less, probably more, than one- 
 half the population of Havana live on streets which are constantly in an extremely 
 insanitary condition, but these streets, though so numerous, are not in the beaten 
 track of the pleasure tourist. 
 
 In the old intramural city, in which live about 40,000 people, the streets vary in 
 width, but generally they are 6.8 meters (about 22 feet wide, of which the side- 
 walks occupy about 7.5 feet. In many streets the sidewalk at each side is not even 
 18 inches wide. In the new, extramural town, the streets are generally 10 meters 
 (32.8 feet) wide, with 3 meters (nearly 10 feet) for the sidewalks, and 7 meters (23 
 feet) for the wagonway. There are few sidewalks in any except in the first four 
 of the nine city districts. 
 
 More than two-thirds of the population live in densely inhabited portions of the 
 city, where the houses are crowded in contact with each other. The average house 
 lot does not exceed 27 by 112 feet in size. There are 17,259 houses, of which 15,494 
 are one-story, 1,552 are two stories, 186 are three stories, and only 27 are four stories, 
 with none higher. At least 12 in every 13 inhabitants live in one-story houses; and 
 as the total civil, military, and transient population exceeds 200,000 there are more 
 than 12 inhabitants to every house. Tenement houses may have many sm.all rooms, 
 but each room is occupied by a family. Generally the one-story houses have four or 
 five rooms; but house rent, as also food and clothing, is rendered so expensive by 
 taxation, by export as well as import duties, that it is rare for workmen, even when paid 
 $50 to $100 a month, to enjoy the exclusive use of one of these mean little houses; 
 reserving one or two rooms for his family, he rents the balance. This condition of
 
 196 CITIES OF THE QUEEN OF THE ANTILLES. 
 
 affairs is readily understood when it is known that so great a necessity as flour 
 cost in Havana $15.50 when its price in the United States was $6.50 per barrel. 
 
 In the densely populated portions of the city the houses generally have no back 
 yard, properly so called, but a flagged court, or narrow vacant space into which sleep- 
 ing rooms open at the side, and in close proximity with these, at the rear of this con- 
 tracted court are located the kitchen, the privy, and often a stall for animals. In 
 the houses of the poor, that is, of the vast majority of the population, there are 
 no storerooms, pantries, closets, or other conveniences for household supplies. These 
 are furnished from day to day, even from meal to meal, by the corner groceries; 
 and it is rare, in large sections of Havana, to find any one of the four corners of 
 a square v/ithout a grocery. 
 
 The walls of most of the houses in Havana are built of "mamposteria" or 
 rubble masonry, a porous material which freely absorbs atmospheric as well as 
 ground moisture. The mark of this can often be seen high on the walls, which 
 varies from 2 to 7 feet in the houses generally. The roofs are excellent, usually 
 flat, and constructed of brick tiles. The windows are, like the doors, unusually 
 high, nearly reaching the ceiling, which, in the best houses only, is also unusually 
 high. The windows are never glazed, but protected by strong iron bars on the out- 
 side and on the inside by solid wooden shutters, which are secured, like the doors, 
 with heavy bars or bolts, and in inclement weather greatly interfere with proper ven- 
 tilation. Fireplaces with chimneys are extremely rare, so that ventilation depends 
 entirely on the doors and windows, which, it should be stated, are by no means 
 unusually large in most of the sleeping rooms of the poor. Generally in Havana, 
 less generally in other cities, the entrances and courtyards are flagged with stone, 
 while the rooms are usually floored with tile or marble. With rare exceptions the 
 lowest floor is in contact with the earth. Ventilation between the earth and floor 
 is rarely seen in Cuba. In Havana the average height of the ground floor is from 
 7 to 11 inches above the pavement, but in Havana, and more frequently in other 
 Cuban towns, one often encounters houses which are entered by stepping down from 
 the sidewalk, and some floors are even below the level of the street. In Havana 
 some of the floors, in Matanzas more, in Cardenas and Cienfuegos many are of the 
 bare earth itself, or of planks raised only a few inches above the damp ground. 
 
 The narrow entrance about 400 yards in width and 1,200 in length, opens into 
 the irregular harbor, which has three chief coves or indentations, termed "ensena- 
 das." The extreme length of the harbor from its sea entrance to the limit of the 
 most distant ensenada is 3 miles, and its extreme breadth 1^ miles; but within the
 
 CITIES OF THE QUEEN OF THE ANTILLES. 197 
 
 entrance the average length is only ahout 1, and the average breadth about two-thirds 
 of a mile. However, because of the irregularly projecting points of land which form 
 the ensenadas, there is no locality in the harbor where a vessel can possibly anchor 
 farther than 500 yards from the shore. Its greatest depth is about 40 feet, but the 
 anchorage ground for vessels drawing 18 feet of water is very contracted, not exceed- 
 ing one-half the size of the harbor. The rise and fall of the tide does not exceed 
 2 feet. 
 
 The Cuban city next in celebrity to Havana is Matanzas, and it is one likely to 
 become a favorite of Americans, as the country in the vicinity is distinguished by 
 beauty as well as remarkable for fertility. Matanzas was jSirst regularly settled in 
 1693. It is in the province of Matanzas, 54 miles west of Havana, by the mosr di- 
 rect of the two railroads which unite these two cities, and is situated on the western 
 inland extremity of the bay of Matanzas, a harbor of the first class. Matanzas is 
 divided into three districts, viz, the central district of Matanzas, which, about half 
 a mile in width across the center of population, hes between the two little rivers, 
 San Juan to the south, and the Yumuri to the north; the Pueblo Nuevo district, 
 south of the San Juan, and around the inland extremity of the harbor; and the dis- 
 trict of Versalles, north of the Yumuri, nearest to the open sea, as also to the an- 
 chorage ground, and, sanitarily, the best situated district in the city. About two- 
 thirds of the population are in the district of Matanzas, and the Pueblo Nuevo district 
 has about double the population of Versalles. Pueblo Nuevo stands on ground 
 originally a swamp, and is low, flat, and only 3 or 4 feet above the sea. The Ma- 
 tanzas district has many houses on equally low ground, on the harbor front, and on 
 the banks of the two rivers which inclose this district; but from the front and be- 
 tween these rivers the ground ascends, so that its houses are from 2 to even 100 feet 
 above the sea; however, the center of population, the public square, is only about 20 
 feet above sea level. Versalles is on a bluff of the harbor, and its houses are situated, 
 for the most part, from 15 to 40 feet above the sea. The district of Matanzas has 
 ill constructed and useless sewers in only two streets, and no houses connected 
 therewith. So much of this district and of Versalles as is built on the hill slope is 
 naturally well drained, but the Pueblo Nuevo district, and those parts of Matanzas 
 built in immediate proximity to the banks of the river, are very ill drained. 
 
 Since 1872 Matanzas has had an aqueduct from the Bello spring, 7 miles distant. 
 The supply is alleged to be both abundant and excellent. But of the 4,710 houses 
 in the city 840 stand on the hills outside the zone supplied by the waterworks, while 
 of the remaining 3,870 houses within this zone only about 2,000 get their water
 
 198 CITIES OF THE QUEEN OF THE ANTILLES. 
 
 from the waterworks company. Hence more than half of the houses of Matanzas 
 (2,710) do for the most part get their supply in kegs by purchase in the streets. 
 There are a few public fountains, as also some dangerous wells. The streets are 
 30 feet wide, with 21 feet wagon way. Few of them are paved, some are very poor 
 roads, but, for the most part, these roads are in good condition. In the Matanzas dis- 
 trict some of the streets are of solid stone, and natural foundation rock of the place, 
 for the superficial soil is so thin that the foundation rocks often crop out. Of this 
 very porous rock most of the houses are built. The houses have wider fronts, larger 
 air spaces in rear, are not so crowded, and are better ventilated than the houses of 
 Havana. As is usual in Cuba, the ground floors are generally on a level with the 
 sidewalk, and some are even below the level of the streets. A heavy rain floods many 
 of the streets of Matanzas, the water running back into and beneath the houses. The 
 porous limestone of which the houses are built greatly favors absorption. 
 
 The population of Matanzas and suburbs was about 50,000 at the beginning of 
 the war.
 
 
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 BOOK III. 
 
 HAWAII.
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The imperial Japanese and American sugar kings, next to the royalists of 
 Honolulu — the owners of opiate and lottery franchises — crown land, and other 
 affiliated rings, around them — were the most bitterly disappointed personages and 
 people when the American flag, after an up and down unforgotten, ascended the 
 flagstaff of state in the Hawaiian capital to remain, significant of the sovereignty 
 of the greater American Republic. Honolulu is 1,200 miles from San Francisco 
 and has long been, in its material interests and customs and principles, American- 
 ized. The teachings of its most influential inhabitants have had this auspicious 
 result. There were many American flags left when Commissioner Blount removed 
 the one disapproved by President Cleveland, who believed the United States had 
 covertly conquered the kingdom, depriving the queen of the royal rights she had 
 asserted. The flag controversy and the question of the restoration of the mon- 
 archy have disappeared together. The American element in the archipelago is 
 established in law to rule. \Ye are under obligation to defend Honolulu just as 
 much as if the city was on the Pacific coast of the American continent. A disposi- 
 tion to contention has been noted in various quarters to the effect that the pros- 
 perity in worldly goods of the missionaries and their descendants, is to be regarded 
 as acquisitiveness, rather than an illustration of Christian virtue. But a slight 
 examination of available facts is convincing that many of the accumulations pointed 
 out for criticism may be attributed rather to the original inheritance of intelligence 
 and industry that improved legitimate opportunities, than to the organization of 
 monopolies through Christian endeavor. It is possible, perhaps we should say pal- 
 pable, that the missionaries and their children and grandchildren, have qualities 
 that energize their activities and that their right to say according to what they 
 do is considerably greater than the percentage they make in the census records of 
 the mass of the population. We are not aware that the missionaries have done 
 anything in the course of their labors for two generations that would rationally 
 explain, much less justify, the persecution of their posterity. There is a certain 
 latitude allowed descendants of ministers of the gospel even in New England, be- 
 cause it is assumed they are subjected by the retroactive tendencies manifest in 
 
 mankind, to especial temptation. But so long as the privilege is not a prerogative 
 
 203
 
 204 INTEODUCTION. 
 
 there is no evident occasion to rise np and turn and overturn to the extent of 
 disturbing the civic repose of orderly communities. Before the missionaries 
 arrived there was a good deal of testimony that the natives needed other instruc- 
 tion in Christian civilization than that which they got from the sailors. Captain 
 Cook and Vancouver and other navigators who discovered the islands and explored 
 them on the way to seek what was known as "the north-west passage" have been 
 blamed for dispensations that were disastrous. It is not regarded as certain, 
 however, that Captain Cook had not Spanish predecessors. Just as it was the 
 policy of Spain to falsify o;i the charts the depth of water in Manila bay — 
 Admiral Dewey ploughed with ships drawing twenty-five feet without scraping 
 bottom, to get at Montejo's squadron, where the official Spanish map recorded 
 fifteen feet. This sort of deception influenced the surveys and reports of the 
 Spanish voyages in the Pacific Ocean, furnished ground for belief that they might 
 have discovered the "Sandwich Islands" a good while before Captain Cook was 
 born. , 
 
 The Hawaiians are so soft a race that they seem to require the help of races 
 of tougher fiber and greater energy. The grievance of the natives most lamentable 
 in their complaints is that the "poy" they once wound around their fingers and 
 swallowed without effort — a paste made of a prolific tuber with a certain sour- 
 ness of fermentation in it — a food that is a luxury to a cultivated taste somewhat 
 hard to acquire, owing to the use of fingers and fancies of uncleanliness, is not 
 as plentiful and cheap as once upon a time. The native theory of objection to 
 the progress found fault with for this privation is therefore that life is not as 
 easy living as in other days when the abundance of succulent food that was pro- 
 duced with little care and almost cooked itself, was greater. The advance in the 
 cost of living is the saddest of native sorrows. It is held to favor a tendency to 
 food monopoly. It is necessary to say that the trouble is with the natives them- 
 selves. If there is any commandment the Hawaiian does not understand or at all 
 apply to himself, it is that in the sweat of the face shall bread be eaten. In fact, 
 that never applied to "poy." The requirement that perspiration induced by labor 
 goes before eating is not approved by the native. The tuber that is converted into 
 the paste that is the favorite and fattening food of the common people, who are 
 rounded out into fair proportions with it, if they eat it early and often, though 
 indigenous, and of abounding proclivity, has to be planted, and there must be some 
 place to plant it and the toil of a few minutes preliminary to the production of 
 a crop implies irksome forethought; and a great deal of land is taken up by 
 agriculturists who know not the tuber. It is dreadful that the task of planting
 
 INTRODUCTION. 205 
 
 the vegetable that freely yields the "poy" is not gratuitously carried on by the 
 government, or even by the missionaries who are charged with having a great deal 
 of good land. Somebody has to look after the welfare of the islanders, for they 
 are inattentive, and the field is open for the production of the food of the people 
 as a matter of beneficence. It is not loyalty to royalty or repining about political 
 rights, that troubles the gentle airs of the ever-blowing trade winds — whose mois- 
 ture is condensed into showers by the mountain peaks and delivered through 
 arches of rainbows — for the sun will shine when it rains, and the valleys are 
 spanned with bows of promise — but it is the iron grasp of progressive civilization 
 holding the principles that reliable food products are dependent upon the disturb- 
 ance of the soil! It is the native contention that the advocacy of this principle 
 in Hawaii is an error. It is a hardship even to plant cocoanut palms, bananas 
 and the tubers that are so facile and fattening. We may say in the simplest 
 terms that the bed rock of the legal and social structures in which the natives of 
 Hawaii must be preserved, or if neglected perish, is that somebody must take care 
 of the natives and cherish them. It is a bad thing when a man and woman of 
 the Hawaiian race are married. They have to look out for themselves. It is 
 much the better way for the native woman to marry a Chinaman, a Japanese 
 or a Portuguese, and that the native man should find a wife outside his race, for 
 if there is an outsiderj so to speak, in each house, there is somebody to take care of 
 folks, keep house and feed the children, and that sort of thing. 
 
 The Japanese took the annexation of Hawaii to the United States very hard. 
 They wanted the islands for themselves. Driven from the Asian continent by 
 Eussia, they need, according to their estimation, all the Pacific archipelagoes. They 
 have not been able to do much in Formosa, but swallowing that island, instead of 
 satiating them, has increased their appetite. It is a very good thing to have the 
 consent of the governed all the time about everything, but there has been lati- 
 tudinarianism touching the application of this dogma in our own country, not in 
 territories so much as in states. AVe began to discriminate against Asiatics some 
 time ago, and the importation under contract of labor from China and Japan, 
 and the conditions of Hawaii in this matter are phenomenal, as so many Asiatics 
 have come — from that sometimes frosty part of Asia it is notable, above the tropics 
 — with so small a per cent of women that there is no sign of home life, and this 
 situation calls for the adoption and execution of regulations to associate suffrage, 
 at least with the possibility of families, and to be slow in demanding or consent- 
 ing that those who are ignorant of all the experiences of peoples in governing 
 themselves shall have political equality, particularly if they are residing upon our
 
 206 INTEODUCTION. 
 
 land under contracts necessarily transient and opposed to our laws and customs 
 and to the instincts of the preservation of respect for citizenship. There must in 
 Hawaii be restraint upon the exercise of suffrage. 
 
 Hawaii comes to us after a generation of American predominance without uni- 
 versal suffrage. This new possession has not cost us a war; it will help us to keep 
 the peace. It would have been preposterous for us not to take it, for the appro- 
 priation was according to the indisputable logic of the presence of our states 
 looking upon the Pacific Ocean. We should have made the Allegheny or the 
 Eocky Mountains or the Mississippi river our western boundary if we had not 
 meant, so far as the course of enterprise and empire had a meaning, to become a 
 power in the Pacific Ocean and a factor in the future of Asia. If the expansion 
 of the United States over our new possessions is to be found fault with, our ten- 
 dencies to imperialism in the acquisition of territory should have been checked 
 before we broke over the boundaries of the original thirteen colonies. Mischief 
 was afoot when Tennessee, Kentucky and Ohio were accepted as new possessions! 
 Let us exalt the purchase of Louisiana by Thomas Jefferson as a public service 
 in the spirit of the Declaration of Independence, an accomplishment worthy of the 
 author of that document, and ranking with it for all time, magnifying his glorious 
 memory. It was under his direction that Lewis and Clarke ascended the Missouri, 
 descended the Columbia, and standing on our soil looked upon the surf of the 
 Pacific Ocean. There were those who thought then, as, perhaps, some think 
 now, that this was going too far, that it is inconsistent with the farewell address 
 and the Declaration of Independence! There were many who believed that if we 
 ventured upon expansion to the Pacific the policy would dissolve the Union. It 
 was contended then that the distance from the Atlantic to the Pacific was so tre- 
 mendous, six months being the shortest time within which we could cross the 
 continent, that our magnificent Kepublic would break in pieces, if we planted our- 
 selves on the sundown side of North America. The same alarm about distance 
 is heard in the outcry against our permanency in the Philippines. This cry was 
 raised in warning against our authoritative occupation of Hawaii. Great men in 
 New England before this generation had deep misgivings of the policy of "grasping" 
 Oregon and California. Now Ave may name those glorious states as precedents 
 of expansion justifying "imperial" enterprise then as now; and we may with confi- 
 dence point to them, and follow the illustrious example of the venerated Fathers, 
 whose primary ambition when they achieved independence was to get new land for 
 the people.
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 . HAWAII AS ANNEXED. 
 
 The Star Spangled Banner Up Again in Hawaii, and to Stay — Dimensions of the 
 Islands — What the Missionaries Have Done — Religious Belief by Nation- 
 ality — Trade Statistics — Latest Census — Sugar Plantation Laborers — Coinage 
 of Silver — Schools — Coffee Growing. 
 
 The star spangled banner should have been waving in peaceful triumph over our 
 central possessions in the Pacific for five years. Now Old Glory has ascended the 
 famous flag-staff, from which it was mistakenly withdrawn, and is at home. Its 
 lustrous folds are welcomed by a city that is strangely American, in the sense that 
 it is what the world largely calls "Yankee," and does not mean bad manners by 
 the most expressive word that has so vast a distinction. The shops of Honolulu 
 are Americanized. There is a splendid blossoming of the flag of the country. The 
 British parties of opposition have faded out. There is the wisdom in English 
 statesmanship to be glad to see us with material interest in the Pacific Ocean. In 
 this connection there is something better than a treaty. 
 
 Do not mispronounce the name of the capital city of the Hawaiian Islands, Call 
 it Hoo-noo-luu-Iuu and let it sing itself. Remember that this city is not on the 
 larger of the islands, but the third in size. The area of Hawaii, the greater island, 
 is 4,210 square miles. Oahn, the Honolulu island, has 600 square miles, with a 
 population of 40,205, and Hawaii has 33,285 people. The area of the islands, told 
 in acres is, Hawaii, 2,000,000; Nani, 400,000; Oahu, 260,000; Kauai, 350,000: 
 Malokai, 200,000; Lauai, 100,000; Nichan, 70,000; Kahloolawe, 30,000. The 
 dimensions of the tremendous volcanoes that are our property now are startling: 
 
 DIMENSIONS OF KILAUEA, ISLAND OF HA WAIL 
 (The largest active Volcano in the World.) 
 
 Area, 4.14 square miles, or 2,650 acres. 
 Circumference, 41,500 feet, or 7.85 miles. 
 Extreme width, 10,300 feet, or 1.95 miles. 
 Extreme length, 15,500 feet, or 2.93 miles. 
 Elevation, Volcano House, 1,040 feet. 
 
 207
 
 208 HAWAII AS ANNEXED. 
 
 DIMENSIONS OF MOKUAWEOWEO. 
 (The Summit Crater of Maima Loa, Island of Hawaii.) 
 
 Area, 3.70 square miles, or 2,370 acres. 
 Circumference, 50,000 feet, or 9.47 miles. 
 Length, 19,500 feet, or 3.7 miles. 
 Width, 9,200 feet, or 1.74 miles. 
 Elevation, 13,675 feet. 
 
 DIMENSIONS OF HALEAKALA. 
 (The great Crater of Maui, the Largest in the World.) 
 
 Area, 19 square miles, or 12,160 acres. 
 
 Circumference, 105,600 feet, or 20 miles. 
 
 Extreme length, 39,500 feet, or 7.48 miles. 
 
 Extreme width, 12,500 feet, or 2.37 miles. 
 
 Elevation of summit, 10,032 feet. 
 
 Elevation of principal cones in crater, 8,032 and 7,572 feet. 
 
 Elevation of cave in floor of crater, 7,380 feet. 
 
 DIMENSIONS OF lAO VALLEY, MAUL 
 
 Length (from Wailuku) about 5 miles. 
 
 Width of valley, 2 miles. 
 
 Depth, near head, 4,000 feet. 
 
 Elevation of Puu Kukui, above head of valley, 5,788 feet. 
 
 Elevation of Crater of Eke, above Waihee Valley, 4,500 feet. 
 
 Honolulu's importance comes from the harbor, and the favor of the missionaries. 
 As to the general judgment of the work of the missionaries, there is nothing better 
 to do than to quote Mr. Eichard H. Dana's "Two Years Before the Mast." He 
 said in that classic: 
 
 "It is no small thing to say of the missionaries of the American Board, that in 
 less than forty years they have taught this whole people to read and write, to cipher 
 and to sew. They have given them an alphabet, grammar and distionary; pre- 
 served their language from extinction; given it a literature and translated into it 
 the Bible, and works of devotion, science and entertainm.ent, etc. They have 
 established schools, reared up native teachers, and so pressed their work that now
 
 HAWAII AS ANNEXED. 209 
 
 the proportion of inhabitants who can read and write is greater than in New England. 
 And, whereas, they found these islanders a nation of half-naked savages, living in 
 the surf and on the sand, eating raw fish, fighting among themselves, tyrannized 
 over by feudal chiefs and abandoned to sensuality, they now see them decently 
 clothed, recognizing the law of marriage, knowing something of accounts, going to 
 school and public worship more regularly than the people do at home, and the 
 more elevated of them taking part in conducting the affairs of the constitutional 
 monarchy under which they live, holding seats on the judicial bench and in the 
 legislative chambers, and filling posts in the local magistracies." 
 
 Take away the tropical vegetation and the gigantic scenery and we have here, in 
 our new Pacific possessions, a new Connecticut. The stamp of New England is upon 
 this lofty land, especially in Honolulu, where the spires of the churches testify. 
 There is much that is of the d-eepest and broadest interest in the possible missionary 
 work here, on account of the remarkable race questions presented. Here are the 
 nations and the people of mixed blood — the Chinese, Japanese and Portuguese — a 
 population immensely representative of Oriental Asia. The measure of success of 
 the missionaries imder our flag in dealing with these people can hardly fail to be 
 accepted by the world as a test of the practical results of the labor with the Asiatica. 
 In this connection, the figures following, from the Hawaiian Annual of 1898, fur- 
 nish a basis of solid information for study: 
 
 • TABLE OF EELIGIOUS BELIEF, BY NATIONALITY. 
 
 (So Far as Reported in Census Eeturns, 1896.) 
 
 Roman 
 
 Nationalities. Protestants. Catholics. Mormons. 
 
 Hawaiians 12,842 8,427 4,368 
 
 Part Hawaiians 3,242 2,633 396 • 
 
 Hawaiian born foreigners. . . . 1,801 6,622 15 
 
 Americans 1,404 212 34 
 
 British 1,184 180 7 
 
 Germans 592 83 2 
 
 French 6 57 
 
 Norwegians 154 8 
 
 Portuguese 146 7,812 1 
 
 Japanese 711 49 4 
 
 Chinese 837 ' 67 49 
 
 South Sea Islanders 178 42 3 
 
 Other nationalities 176 171 7 
 
 Totals 23,273 26,363 4,886 
 
 NOTE. — This table shows but 54,522 of the population (just about one-half) 
 to have made returns of their religious belief. With 21,535 Japanese and 18,429
 
 210 
 
 HAWAII AS ANNEXED
 
 17. Royal Street in Lipa, Batan^as Province. 18. School of Arts and Commerce in Ilo-Ilo. 19. Molo 
 €hurch in Ilo-Ilo. 20. A Filipino Funeral Party in Ilo-Ilo, Grouped Around the Tomb. 21. A View of the 
 San Sebastian Highway, Manila. 22. Romblon— Capital of the Island of Su Nombre. 23. View of the Paseo 
 ■de Aguadas, Manila. 24. Filipino Carpenters of Ilo-Ilo at Work. 
 
 VIEWS FROM THE PHILIPPINES
 
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 HAWAII AS ANNEXED. 213 
 
 Chinese (protably Buddhists and Confucians) unreported because not provided for 
 in the schedules, the great difference is largely accounted for. 
 
 The latest census returns show that of the whole population, 109,020, there are: 
 Males, 72,517; females, 36,503. The latest information of labor, under contract for 
 sugar-making, make the number of males on the island more than double that of the 
 females. There has been an increase of population of more than 50,000 in the 
 eighteen years from 1878 to 1896. The census of the several islands, taken Septem- 
 ber 27, 1896, shows; 
 
 Population. Dwellings. 
 
 Un In- 
 Male. Female. Total. Inhab- habi- Build- Total. 
 
 ited. ted. ing. 
 
 Oahu 26,164 14,041 40,205 6,685 1,065 60 7,010 
 
 Hawaii 22,632 10,653 33,285 5,033 955 35 6,027 
 
 Molokai 1,335 972 2,307 651 92 3 746 
 
 Lanai 51 54 105 23 13 . . 36 
 
 Maui 11,435 6,291 17,726 3,156 650 18 3,824 
 
 • Niihau 76 88 164 31 3 .. 34 
 
 Kauai 10,824 4,404 15,228 2,320 299 8 2,627 
 
 Totals ..73,517 36,503 109,020 17,099 3,081 124 21,104 
 Hawaii's annual trade balance since 1879 is a notable record: 
 
 Year, 
 
 Imports. 
 
 Exports. 
 
 Excess Export 
 
 Values. 
 
 Custom House 
 Receipts. 
 
 1880... 
 
 $3,673,268.41 
 
 $4,968,444.87 
 
 $1,295,176.46 
 
 $402,181.68 
 
 1881... 
 
 4,547,978.64 
 
 6,885,436.56 
 
 2,337,457.92 
 
 423,192.01 
 
 1882... 
 
 4,974,510.01 
 
 8,299,016.70 
 
 3,324,506.69 
 
 505,390.98 
 
 1883... 
 
 5,624,240.09 
 
 8,133,343.88 
 
 2,509,103.79 
 
 577,332.87 
 
 1884... 
 
 4,637,514.22 
 
 8,184,922.63 
 
 3,547,408.41 
 
 551,739.59 
 
 1885... 
 
 3,830,544.58 
 
 9,158,818.01 
 
 5,328,273.43 
 
 502.337.38 
 
 1886... 
 
 4,877,738.73 
 
 10,565,885.58 
 
 5,688,146.85 
 
 580,444.04 
 
 1887... 
 
 4,943,840.72 
 
 9,707,047.33 
 
 4,763,206.61 
 
 595,002.64 
 
 1888... 
 
 4,540,887.46 
 
 11,903,398.76 
 
 7,362,511.30 
 
 546,142.63 
 
 1889... 
 
 5,438,790.63 
 
 14,039,941.40 
 
 8,601,150.77 
 
 550,010.16 
 
 1890... 
 
 6,962,201.13 
 
 13,142,829.48 
 
 6,180,628.35 
 
 695,956.91 
 
 1891... 
 
 7,438,582.65 
 
 10,395,788.27 
 
 2,957,205.62 
 
 732,594,93 
 
 1892... 
 
 4,028,295.31 
 
 8,181,687.21 
 
 4,153,391.90 
 
 494,385.10 
 
 1893... 
 
 4,363,177.58 
 
 10,962,598.09 
 
 5,599,420.51 
 
 545,754.16 
 
 1894... 
 
 5,104,481.43 
 
 9,678,794.56 
 
 4,574,313.13 
 
 524,767.37 
 
 1895... 
 
 5,714,017.54 
 
 8,474,138.15 
 
 2,760,120.61 
 
 547,149.40 
 
 1896... 
 
 7,164,561.40 
 
 15,515,230.13 
 
 8,350,668.73 
 
 656,895.82 
 
 The percentage of imports from the United States in 1896 was 76.27; Great 
 Britain, 10.54; Germany, 2.06; France, .25; China, 4.17; Japan, 3.86. In 1895 
 the export of sugar was 294,784,819 pounds; value, $7,975,500.41.
 
 214 HAWAII AS ANNEXED. 
 
 NATIONALITY OF VESSELS EMPLOYED IN FOEEIGN CAERY- 
 
 ING TEADE, 1889-1896. 
 
 1889. 1890. 1891. 1892. 
 
 Nations. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. 
 
 American.... 185 125.196 224 153,098 233 169,472 212 160,042 
 
 Hawaiian.... 44 56,670 35 43,641 21 26,869 11 4,340 
 
 British 22 21,108 16 22,912 33 52.866 30 58,317 
 
 German 5 3,337 9 7,070 9 9,005 5 5,978 
 
 Japanese 5 8,239 3 4.701 
 
 All others... 9 12,268 9 9,980 10 8,401 11 8,201 
 
 Total... 269 218,579 293 236,701 311 274,852 722 242,579 
 
 BONDED DEBT, ETC., HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, JUNE 30, 1897. 
 
 Per Cent. 
 
 Under Loan Act of 1876 7 $ 1,500.00 
 
 " " 1882 6 67,400.00 
 
 1886 6 2,000,000.00 
 
 1888 6 190.000.00 
 
 1890 5 and 6 124,100.00 
 
 1892 5 and 6 82.100.00 
 
 1893 6 650.000.00 
 
 1896 5 222,000.00 
 
 
 (( 
 
 
 
 (( 
 
 
 
 {( 
 
 
 
 (( 
 
 
 
 (( 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 3,337,100.00 
 Due Postal Savings Bank Depositors 782.074.25 
 
 Total $4,119,174.25 
 
 NUMBER AND NATIONALITY OP SUGAE PLANTA- 
 TION LABOREES. 
 
 (Compiled from latest Eeport of Secretary Bureau of Immigration, December 
 31, 1897.) 
 
 Hawaii- 
 Islands, ans. 
 
 Hawaii 594 
 
 Mauai 580 
 
 Oahu 197 
 
 Kauai 244 
 
 Portu- 
 
 Japan- 
 
 
 S. S. 
 
 All 
 
 
 guese. 
 
 ese. 
 
 Chinese. 
 
 IsI'ders. 
 
 Others. 
 
 Total. 
 
 980 
 
 6.245 
 
 2,511 
 
 24 
 
 232 
 
 10,586 
 
 526 
 
 2.010 
 
 1,114 
 
 45 
 
 110 
 
 4.385 
 
 211 
 
 1,331 
 
 973 
 
 16 
 
 55 
 
 2,783 
 
 551 
 
 3,307 
 
 1,691 
 
 30 
 
 203 
 
 6,026 
 
 Total, 1896 1,615 2,268 12,893 6,289 115 600 23,780 
 
 Total, 1895 1,584 2,497 11,584 3,847 133 473 20,120 
 
 Increase, 1896 31 1,309 2,442 127 3,660 
 
 Decrease, 1899 231 18 
 
 The number of day laborers, 11,917, or a little over one-half of the total force 
 
 engaged. The Japanese and South Sea Islanders are about evenly divided in their 
 
 numbers as to term and day service, while Hawaiians and Portuguese show each but
 
 HAWAII AS ANNEXED. 215 
 
 a small proportion of their numbers under contract. Minors are reducing in num- 
 ber. Women laborers, numbering 1,024 in all, show a gain of 89 over 1875. Only 
 thirty Hawaiian females are engaged among all the plantations, and confined to one 
 plantation each in Oahu, Kauai and Maui. 
 
 The Ilwaiian Annual of 1898 makes this annotation: 
 
 During the year various changes have occurred in the labor population of the 
 country, and under the working of the present law, requiring a proportion of other 
 than Asiatic of all immigrant labor introduced, there has already arrived one company 
 of Germans, comprising 115 men, 25 women and 47 children, all of whom found 
 ready engagements Avith various plantations. 
 
 Chinese arirvals in 1897 to take the place of Japanese whose terms were expiring, 
 will alter the proportions of these nationalitis of plantation labor, and by the new 
 law Asiatic laborers must return to their country at the expiration of their term of 
 service, or re-engage; they cannot drift around the country, nor engage in competi- 
 tion with artizans or merchants. 
 
 The islands comprising the Hawaiian territory are Hawaii, Mauai, Oaha, Kauai^ 
 Molokai, Lauai, Niihau, Kahaalawe, Lehua and Molokini, "The Leper Prison," and, 
 in addition, Nihoa, or Bird Island, was taken possession of in 1822; an expedition for 
 that purpose having been fitted out by direction of Kaahumanu, and sent thither 
 under the charge of Captain William Sumner. 
 
 Laysan Island became Hawaiian territory May 1st, 1857, and on the 10th of the 
 same month Lysiansky Island was added to Kamehameha's realm by Captain 
 John Paty. 
 
 Palmyra Island was taken possession of by Captain Zenas Bent, April 15th, 
 1862, and proclaimed Hawaiian territory in the reign of Kamehameha lY., as per 
 "By Authority" notice in the "Polynesian" of June 21st, 1862. 
 
 Ocean Island was acquired September 20th, 1886, as per proclamation of Colonel 
 J. H. Boyd, empowered for such service during the reign of Kalakaua. 
 
 Necker Island was taken possession of May 27th, 1894, by Captain James A. 
 King, on behalf of the Hawaiian Government. 
 
 French Frigate Shoal w'as the latest acquisition, also by Captain King, and pro- 
 claimed Hawaiian territory July 13th, 1895. 
 
 Gardener Island, Mara or Moro Eeef, Pearl and Hermes Reef, Gambia Bank, and 
 Johnston or Cornwallis Island arc also claimed as Hawaiian possessions, but there 
 is some obscurity as to the dates of acquisition, and it is of record in the Foreign 
 Office articles of convention between Hon. Charles St. Julien, the Commissioner 
 and Political and Commercial Agent of His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian
 
 216 HAWAII AS ANNEXED. 
 
 Islands, and John Webster, Esq., the Sovereign Chief and Proprietor of the group 
 of islands known as Stewart's Islands (situated near the Solomon Group), whereby is 
 ceded to the Hawaiian Government— subject to ratification by the King— the islands 
 of Ihikaiana, Te Parena, Taore, Matua Awi and Matua Ivoto, comprising said group 
 of Stewart's Islands. But the formalities do not seem to have been perfected, so 
 that we are not certain that the Stewart's Islands are our possessions. The latest 
 thorough census of the Hawaiian Islands was taken in September, 1896, but the 
 population was closely estimated July 1st, 1897. 
 
 Japan- Portu- All Other 
 Natives. Chinese. ese. guese. Foreigners. Total 
 Population as per Census, 
 
 September, 1896 39,504 21,616 21,407 15,191 8,302 109,020 
 
 Passengers — Arrivals — 
 Excess over departures, 
 
 4th quarter, 1896 1,377 1,673 ' 339 3,389 
 
 Excess over departures, 
 
 6 mos. to July 1, 1897 2,908 396 58 207 3,569 
 
 Total 39,504 25,901 26,476 15,249 8,848 115,978 
 
 The following denominations of Hawaiian silver were coined during the reign 
 of Kalakaua, at the San Francisco mint, and imported for the circulating medium 
 of the islands in 1883 and 1884. They are of the same intrinsic value as the 
 United States silver coins and were first introduced into circulation January 14th, 
 at the opening of the bank of Claus Spreckles & Co. in Honolulu. The amount 
 coined was $1,000,000, divided as follows: 
 
 Hawaiian Dollars $ 500,000 
 
 Half Dollars 350,000 
 
 Quarter Dollars 125,000 
 
 Dimes 25,000 
 
 (( 
 
 Total $1,000,000 
 
 SCHOOLS, TEACHERS AND PUPILS FOE THE YEAE 1896. 
 
 — Teachers. — — Pupils. — 
 
 Schools. Male. Female. Total. Male. Female. 
 
 Government 132 111 169 280 5,754 4,435 
 
 Independent 63 72 130 202 1,994 1,840 
 
 195 183 299 482 7,748 6,275
 
 HAWAII AS ANNEXED 217 
 
 NATIONALITY OF PUPILS ATTENDING SCHOOLS FOE THE 
 
 YEAK 1896. 
 
 Nationality. Male. Female. 
 
 Hawaiian 3,048 2,432 
 
 Part-Hawaiian 1,152 1,296 
 
 American 219 198 
 
 British 105 151 
 
 German 152 136 
 
 Portuguese 2,066 1,534 
 
 Scandinavian 51 47 
 
 Japanese 242 155 
 
 Chinese 641 280 
 
 South Sea Islanders 15 13 
 
 Other foreigners 57 33 
 
 7,748 6,275 
 
 Of the Japanese, 8.5 per cent, were born on the islands; of the Chinese, per- 
 centage born here, 10.3. Of a total of 41,711 Japanese and Chinese, 36,121 are 
 males and 5,590 females. The figures show that the Asiatics are not at home. 
 
 The sugar industry in our new possessions has had great prominence agricultur- 
 ally. The sugar interest of these islands has had a formidable influence in the United 
 States. Eecent events and the ascertained certainties of the future show that the peo- 
 ple of the United States will soon raise their sugar supply on their own territory. The 
 annexation of these sugar islands was antagonized because there was involved the 
 labor contract system. As a matter of course, the United States will not change 
 the labor laws of the nation to suit the sugar planters of Hawaii, who have been ob- 
 taining cheap labor through a system of Asiatic servitude. There is but one solu- 
 tion — labor will be better compensated in Hawaii than it has been, and yet white 
 men will not be lasgely employed in the cultivation of sugar cane in our tropical 
 islands. The beet sugar industry is another matter. There will be an end of the 
 peculiar institution that has had strength in our new possessions, that brings, under 
 contract, to Hawaii a mass of forty thousand Chinese and Japanese men, and turns 
 over the majority of them to the plantations, whose profits have displayed an un- 
 wholesome aggrandizement. Once it was said cotton could not be grown in the 
 cotton belt of our country without slave labor, but the latter trouble is, the cotton 
 producers claim, there is too much of their product raised. A ten-million bale 
 crop depresses the market. Already experiments have been tried successfully to 
 pay labor in the sugar fields by the tons of cane delivered at the mills for grinding. 
 This is an incident full of auspicious significance. A general feeling is expressed in
 
 218 HAWAII AS ANNEXED. 
 
 the current saying that coffee raising is "the coming industry." The confidence 
 that there is prosperity in coffee amounts to enthusiasm. Here are some of the sta- 
 tistics of coffee growers, showing number of trees and area, trees newly planted and 
 trees in bearing: 
 
 NO. OF TREES OR AREA. 
 
 Newly 1 to 3 year Trees 
 Planted. old. in Bearing. 
 
 J. C. Lenhart, Kaupo 2,000 trs. 4,000 trs 
 
 Mokulau Coffee Co., Kaupo 2,000 trs. 10,000 trs. 2 acres. 
 
 E. E. Paxtou, Kaupo 6,000 trs. 7,000 trs 
 
 Native Patches throughout Kaupo 10 acres 
 
 Lahaiua Coffee and Fruit Co., Ltd., Lahaina . . . 10,000 trs. 100,000 trs. 30,000 trs. 
 
 H. P. Baldwin, Honokahua 35,947 trs. 4,669 trs. 2,641 trs. 
 
 Waianae Coffee Plantation Co., Waianae 7,500 trs. 23,000 trs. 36,000 trs. 
 
 C. A. Widenian, Waianae 10,000 trs. 8,500 trs 
 
 Makaha Coffee Co., Ltd., Waianae 112 acres 
 
 Lanihau Plantation, Kailua 20,700 trs. 25,000 trs. 10,000 trs. 
 
 Kona Coffee Co., Ltd., Kailua 35 acres. 
 
 Geo. McDougal & Sons, Kailua 176 acres. 105 acres. 
 
 H. C. Achi, Holualoa 10,000 trs. 
 
 E. W. Barnard, Laupahoehoe 80,000 trs. 
 
 J. M. Barnard, Laupahoehoe 5,000 trs 
 
 John Gaspar, Napoopoo 33,000 trs. 16,000 trs. 
 
 Manuel Sebastian, Kealakekua 8,000 trs. 
 
 J. G. Henriques, Kealakekua 3,000 trs. 
 
 C. Hooper, Kauleoli 2 acres. 12 acres. 
 
 J. Keanu, Keei 5 acres. 10 acres. 16 acres. 
 
 A. S. Clei^horn 3 acres 100 acres. 
 
 Mrs. E. C. Greenwell 8 acres. 25 acres. 
 
 J. M. Monsarrat, Kolo 38 acres. 40 acres. 
 
 Queen Emma Plantation 25,00i ) trs. 
 
 L. M. Staples Plantation 25,000 trs. 12,000 trs. 
 
 Olaa Coffee Co., Ltd 50 acres. 90 acres 
 
 Grossman Bros 100 acres. 30 acres 
 
 B. H. Brown 2,260 trs. 2,000 trs. 3,225 trs. 
 
 Herman Eldart 40,000 trs. 20,000 trs. 7,000 trs. 
 
 The list of coffee growers is very long. That which is of greater interest is 
 the showing made of the immense number of new trees. The coffee movement stead- 
 ily gains force and the pace of progress is accelerated. 
 
 Everybody has not been pleased with annexation. The Japanese are not in a 
 good humor about it. The minister of Japan got his orders evidently to leave for 
 Japan when the news arrived that the question had been settled in Washington, and 
 he left for Yokohama by the boat that brought the intelligence. Japanese journals 
 of importance raise the question as to the propriety of our establishing a coal sta- 
 tion here. There is some dissatisfaction among the Hawaiians, who are bewildered.
 
 HAWAII AS ANNEXED. 219 
 
 They are children who believe stories in proportion as they are queer. Many of 
 them feel that they have a grievance. The young princess who is the representative 
 of the extinguished monarchy is affable and respected. If the question as to giv- 
 ing her substantial recognition were left to the Americans here, they would vote 
 for her by a large majority. It would not be bad policy for the government to be 
 generous toward her. She is not in the same boat with the ex-Queen. The Ameri- 
 cans who have been steadfast in upholding the policy that at last has prevailed are 
 happy, but not wildly so, Just happy. Now that they have gained their cause, their 
 unity will be shaken by discussions on public questions and personal preferments. 
 
 There should be no delay in understanding that in this Archipelago the race 
 questions forbid mankind suffrage, and that our new possessions are not to become 
 states at once, or hurriedly; that it will take generations of assimilation to prepare 
 the Hawaiian Islands for statehood. 
 
 The objection to the climate of the marvelous islands of which we have be- 
 come possessed is its almost changeless character. There is no serious variation 
 in the temperature. There is a little more rain in "winter" than in "summer." 
 There is neither spring nor fall. The trade winds afford a slight variety, and this 
 seems to be manipulated by the mountains, that break up the otherwise unsparing 
 monotony of serene loveliness. The elevations of the craters, and the jagged 
 peak? are from one thousand to thirteen thousand feet. If you want a change of 
 climate, climb for cold, and escape the mosquitos, the pests of this paradise. There 
 are a score of kinds of palms; the royal, the date, the cocoanut, are of them. The 
 bread fruit and banana are in competition. The vegetation is voluptuous and the 
 scenery stupendous. There is a constellation of islands, and they differ like the 
 stars in their glories and like human beings in their difficulties.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE TERRITORY OF HAWAII. 
 
 Report of the Hawaiian Commission — Description of the Islands — Their Resources 
 — Commerce — Character of Their People — Detail of the Territorial Cov- 
 ernment — Recommended and Most Valuable Oflficial Reports of the Features 
 of Civilization and Material Resources of the Islands. 
 
 The report of the Hawaiian Commission, sent to the Senate December 6. 
 1898, was of remarkable interest, because it brought before Congress and the 
 country the detail of government of our new possessions that are to be of our 
 dominion, and yet apart from us in peculiar conditions and relations, requiring 
 laws and forms of proceedings novel to our experience and applicable in many 
 ways to Porto Rico, Cuba and the Philippines. The report of the Commissioners 
 bristles with points that command attention, in the changes recommended in the 
 laws of Hawaii to suit the existing conditions and conform to the Constitution 
 and the policy of the United States. More than this, the information presented 
 by the Commission is upon authority, and will have distinction in the history 
 of this period of expansion, advancement and transition. These are the first 
 distinct footsteps of the movement that is logical, and not unfamiliar in our 
 progressive development, and yet is characterized as the new departure. The 
 Commissioners were appointed and commissioned by the President pursuant to 
 the joint resolution to provide for the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the 
 United States, which appeared July 7th, 1898. The joint resolution contained 
 these passages: 
 
 "Until Congress shall provide for the government of such islands all the civil, 
 judicial, and military powers exercised by the officers of the existing government 
 in said islands shall be vested in such person or persons and shall be exercised 
 in such manner as the President of the United States shall direct; and the 
 President shall have power to remove said officers and fill the vacancies so occa- 
 sioned. 
 
 "The existing treaties of the Hawaiian Islands with foreign nations shall 
 
 forthwith cease and determine, being replaced by such treaties as may exist, or 
 
 as may be hereafter concluded, between the United States and such foreign 
 
 nations. The municipal legislation of the Hawaiian Islands, not enacted for the 
 
 220
 
 THE TEEKITOKY OF HAWAII. 221 
 
 fulfillment of the treaties so extinguished, and not inconsistent with this joint 
 resolution nor contrary to the Constitution of the United States nor to any exist- 
 ing treaty of the United States, shall remain in force until the Congress of the 
 United States shall otherwise determine." 
 
 The United States Commissioners, Senators Cullom and Morgan and Eepre- 
 sentative Hitt, effected a partial organization in Washington, July 16th. The 
 second meeting was in Honolulu, August 18th, all the Commissioners present, 
 the act of Congress providing for two residents of the island to serve, being 
 present. 
 
 The Commission thereafter held its meetings in regular daily sessions in 
 the former palace of the Hawaiian Government, now known as the "Executive 
 Building," of which due public notice was given. Certain times were arranged 
 for the hearing of suggestions from the public and for the receiving of petitions 
 or other papers which might be presented. A number of societies or associations, 
 as well as individuals, appeared and were heard through their chosen representa- 
 tives by the Commission. 
 
 At designated times the Commission visited several of the most important 
 islands of the Hawaiian group, in company with persons representing important 
 agricultural and commercial interests and others representing the Government. 
 
 The elaborate and exhaustive report shows the incessant, thorough and intel- 
 ligent industry of the Commissioners who visited the more important islands and 
 spared no labor or pains in the course of their investigations. The documents 
 they produced described the native Hawaiians as a kindly, affectionate people, 
 confiding, friendly and liberal, many of them childlike and easy in habits, and 
 manners, willing to associate and intermarry with the European or other races, 
 obedient to law and governmental authority. Many of the Japanese are contract 
 laborers, who are engaged upon the sugar plantations. Others are employed as 
 day laborers. There are some, however, who have become merchants and me- 
 chanics, who conduct business for themselves, and who exhibit the national char- 
 acteristics of skill, thrift, and ability. 
 
 There are about 700 Chinese who have been naturalized into the Hawaiian 
 Republic. Many of the Chinese and Japanese on the islands are, or have been, 
 brought there under permits by that Government and contracts under which they 
 are bound to work for a term of years and to return at the expiration of the 
 contract term of service. At the expiration of their terms they are either returned 
 to their native country or renew their labor contracts, or become day laborers. 
 
 Nearly all Chinese laborers desire and expect to go back to China at death.
 
 323 THE TEEEITOEY OF HAWAII. 
 
 if not before. The Japanese are not so particular as to returning; but with their 
 accumulative habits they frequently attain a position and standing in business 
 which makes it desirable to them to remain in the islands. 
 
 The Americans, although in such a small minority, practically dominate the 
 governmental affairs of the country, and, with the British and Germans, and part- 
 blood Hawaiian-Americans together, constitute the controlling element in busi- 
 ness. The Chinese and Japanese do not now possess political power, nor have 
 they any important relation to the body politic, except as laborers. The Portu- 
 guese are largely immigrants from the islands and colonies of Portugal in the 
 Atlantic, and have never been very closely tied to their mother country. With 
 the certain attrition which is bound to exist between them and the Americans in 
 Hawaii, and under the influence of the existing public-school system, which 
 makes the study of the English language compulsory, they promise to become 
 a good class of people for the growth of republican ideas. 
 
 It will, of course, be observed that this entire population of 110,000 is 
 dominated, politically, financially, and commercially, by the American element. 
 
 It is duly stated in their report that the islands are distant from the equator 
 about the same as that of Cuba. The climate would probably be the same as 
 that of Cuba were it not modified and equalized by the northeast trade winds, 
 which prevail for about nine months of the year, coming over thousands of miles 
 of ocean uncontaminated by impurities. The Japanese gulf stream is a broad 
 current of cool water, flowing like a river across the Pacific Ocean, which lowers 
 the temperature within its vicinity materially. There are other somewhat perma- 
 nent currents and winds which affect temperature, and these great natural agencies 
 tend constantly to neutralize the tropical heat, which would otherwise seriously 
 affect the temperature of the islands. The annual average of temperature at 
 Honolulu is 72° or 73° F., while the lowest is 55° and the highest 88°. During 
 the warmest month of the year, September, the temperature, except for about 
 two hours at midday, stands at about 78°. There is never any frost or snow, 
 except upon the high mountain peaks, where at the altitude of nearly 14,000 
 feet there are at times considerable snowfalls. 
 
 The report possesses rare value, as it follows personal examination not only 
 of the islands, but of all the history and official records and bears the stamp of 
 responsibility. We quote the passages especially that invite and occupy public 
 attention: 
 
 'The frequent radical changes in the past years in the methods of control 
 and of sales and leases and transfers of lands under the direction of the Crown —
 
 THE TERRITORY OF HAWAII. 233 
 
 some made by royal order or grant, some by law, and some without much legal- 
 ity or formality — have made it very difficult to arrive at exact figures. "We have, 
 however, from the best sources available, obtained the following statements, which 
 are approximately correct, but subject to amendment when full opportunity may 
 present for critical examination and computation. 
 
 "In 1894 the Crown lands, or the lands formerly belonging to the Monarch, 
 were taken over to the Republic of Hawaii, They amounted on May 1, 1894, to 
 971,463 acres, valued at $3,314,250. Those lands are now nearly all held by tenants 
 under long leases, and for the year ending March 31, 1894, the rentals received 
 were $49,268.75. The leases in force when the transfer of sovereignty from the 
 Monarchy to the Republic took place have been recognized and the rental treated 
 as Government income. As these leases expire the lands become available for 
 settlement or lease, under the public land system. An estimate by the Govern- 
 ment, September 30, 1897, of all Government lands and their value, shows an 
 aggregate of 1,762,330 acres, worth $4,147,700, to which is to be added the value 
 of lots in Honolulu and Hilo — old lots unleased and sites of fish market, custom- 
 house, and reclaimed lots — in all estimated at $1,481,000, making a total value 
 of $5,629,500. Since September 30, 1897, and up to August 13, 1898, patent 
 grants in fee simple, conveying 8,860 acres of agricultural land, valued at $48,500, 
 have been issued, so that the present total area is 1,772,640 acres and the total 
 value is $5,581,000. 
 
 "Values have, however, been rapidly appreciating, so that this estimate is 
 a very moderate one. The leases now in force will expire at various dates and 
 for various tracts from year to year until the year 1931, when all the leases 
 issued under the Monarchy will terminate. 
 
 "Before noting the peculiarities and characteristics of the several principal 
 islands it is proper to state, generallj^, that all, without exception, are of volcanic 
 origin, while extinct craters, volcanic cones, and extensive fields of lava are almost 
 imiversal. 
 
 "Kauai, the most northwesterly of the group, is nearly circular in form and 
 about twenty-five miles in diameter, having an area of about 590 square miles. 
 It is believed to be one of the oldest of the Hawaiian Islands; has a deeper soil 
 and a greater proportion of naturally arable land. It seems to have been origi- 
 nally formed by eruptions of Mount Waialeale, the great central peak 6,000 feet 
 in heidit, a volcano which has been extinct from time immemorial. There are 
 several mountain streams flowing from an elevated natural reservoir or lake in 
 the central plateau.
 
 224 THE TERRITOEY OF HAWAII. 
 
 "The valleys between the mountain ranges, which radiate from the interior, 
 are broad and deep, having large areas of rich bottom lands, very productive 
 under the influence of irrigation, which is largely in use for the sugar plantations. 
 Kauai was, in the remote past, a kingdom by itself, and the stories of kings 
 and chiefs and warriors of Kauai are the traditional histories of the island. Lihue, 
 the chief settlement, has about 3,500 inhabitants. The Falls of Wailua are 
 romantically situated in the midst of a luxuriant forest, the river falling 180 feet 
 in one unbroken sheet. Coffee, sugar, rice, and some other products are grown 
 with profit. The inhabitants of Kauai take much pride in their fertile lands. 
 
 "Oahu, upon which is situated Honolulu, the capital city, is the most popu- 
 lous of the islands, having over 40,000 inhabitants. It is devoted largely to 
 pasturage and agriculture. Several very profitable sugar plantations are now 
 operated on this island, and the full development of the artesian water supply 
 for the irrigation of growing sugar cane is here exhibited. During the past two 
 years the yield of sugar upon one of the favorably situated plantations has exceeded 
 expectation, amounting to from nine and one-half to ten and one-half tons of 
 sugar per acre. Honolulu Harbor, although not large enough to accommodate a 
 rapidly growing commerce, is a deep-water opening through the coral reefs at 
 the mouth of the Nuuanu Valley, in front of the city of Honolulu. A few miles 
 away is Pearl Harbor, a naturally excavated harbor, covering eight or ten square 
 miles of water surface, and ranging from twenty to ninety feet deep. 
 
 "It is expected that by a small appropriation a coral reef, which bars the 
 entrance from the ocean for large vessels, will be removed by the Government 
 of the United States, whereupon this will furnish the best harbor on the Pacific. 
 Some of the most beautiful and enchanting residence sites to be found are at 
 Honolulu. A railway fifty-five miles in length connects Honolulu with Waialua 
 and several intervening points. Several very prosperous business enterprises are 
 established at Honolulu, and, altogether, the location, for many reasons, is a most 
 desirable one for commercial and shipping facilities. 
 
 "Molokai is a long, narrow island, about forty miles in length and less than 
 ten miles in width. The eastern half of Molokai has some very wild mountain 
 scenery, and in some places a luxuriant vegetation. Eecently much attention 
 has been given to in-igation from artesian water, and a large area is expected soon 
 to be brought under profitable culture. Still, most of the island is devoted to 
 pasturage. Quite a large number of deer have their haunts on this island. 
 
 "The noted leper settlement is situated on the north side of Molokai. There 
 are about 1,200 lepers in the settlement, fed, clothed, and cared for by the
 
 THE TEERITORY OF HAWAII. 225 
 
 Government of Hawaii. A few devoted monks and nuns of the Franciscan order 
 have the immediate personal care of the lepers. The peninsula on which the lepers 
 are maintained contains about 5,000 acres of land, which is completely surrounded 
 and separated from the world by a turbulent ocean on the north and a range 
 of impassable mountain heights on the south. 
 
 "Maui is believed to be one of the oldest volcanic islands. Much of the lava 
 of which it is composed has become decomposed and available for easy cultivation, 
 while the use of artesian water for irrigation has made the sugar lands the most 
 profitable known. This island has upon it the great volcano of Haleakalau, now 
 and for centuries entirely quiet, but which is the largest extinct volcano in the 
 world. This crater is half a mile deep and twenty miles in circumference. 
 
 "On this island artesian water is pumped in quantities of 6,000,000 gallons 
 daily, to the height of 400 feet, for sugar irrigation. The lands on the south 
 and west sides of the island are mostly cattle ranches and pasture lands, while 
 on the north and east the numerous streams furnish abundance of water for 
 prosperous plantations of sugar and coffee. This island was once a kingdom. The 
 town of Lahaina was its capital and contained the palaces of the king. Some 
 of the plantations on this island were visited by us and were truly places of 
 beauty. They evidenced great enterprise, and yield large profits from the great 
 crops of sugar." 
 
 As official reporters the Commissioners have given most interesting reports of 
 the great volcanic mountains — the greater one, "The House of Fire," sixty miles 
 in circumference at the base — the distance from equator on the side to one on top 
 being 25 miles. The reporters say: 
 
 "The side slopes of these great mountains comprise practically all the agri- 
 cultural land upon this island. This can nearly all I e cultivated after it is cleared 
 from its luxuriant vegetation. Some of it, however, has such a rank growth of tree 
 ferns, wild bananas, and all sorts of tropical trees and vines, as to require a cost 
 of from $20 to $60 per acre to clear it. There are great fields of sugar cane on this 
 island, the best of which yields under favorable conditions from 5 to 8 or more 
 tons of sugar per acre. 
 
 "A large part of the volcanic soil is adapted to coffee growing, and produces 
 the best coffee in the world. Many new plantations have been started in the last 
 two or three years, and, as a rule, the older the trees the greater the yield of coffee, 
 so that large profits are anticipated. Upon the sides of these great mountains, at 
 the proper altitudes, almost all grades of temperature may be found, so that the 
 vegetation of all countries may be grown by exercising care in the location selected.
 
 236 THE TERRITOEY OF HAWAII. 
 
 Any desired amount of rainfall may be obtained by selecting the proper altitude 
 and location. On this point it may be said tbat a rainfall varying from a few inches 
 to 16 feet annually may be secured by using a little care in selecting a location. 
 In addition to the various crop products, it should be stated that cattle raising is 
 one of the principal industries upon some of the higher lands. There is much 
 timber land also found on the mountain sides." 
 
 The great harbor of the great hereafter in the Pacific — the pearl harbor — is 
 described in these terms: 
 
 "Although the harbor and limited roadstead of Honolulu have for a hundred 
 years or so furnished the wharf privileges and anchorage ground for the numerous 
 vessels of all classes which have visited the islands, there is already such a pressing 
 demand for an early increase in harbor room, wharf area, and anchorage in the 
 Honolulu harbor as to make necessary the immediate consideration of measures 
 for additional harbors and wharves. 
 
 "Within 6 or 7 miles of Honolulu lies Pearl Harbor, a most valuable feature 
 of our Hawaiian acquisition. It is the only place capable of use as a naval station 
 in the North Pacific Ocean, except immediately upon the American coast. It con- 
 sists of an inland lake containing 8 square miles of water, about half of which is 
 from 5 to 10 fathoms deep, admitting the largest ships. The remaining portion 
 has a depth of from 2 to 4 fathoms. It is accessible from the sea by a passage a 
 third of a mile in width, which, after a small amount of dredging, will become a 
 safe and excellent entrance for vessels. 
 
 "This harbor is many times larger than that of Honolulu, and it offers to the 
 United States facilities for the increase of Pacific and Oriental commerce the value 
 of which can not be estimated. If the United States shall develop this desirable 
 place, as it may easily do, it will afford the American Navy the most advantageous 
 spot for a coaling station and naval depot to be obtained anywhere. 
 
 "No other inclosed harbor exists in any group for thousands of miles north 
 or south. One writer says: 
 
 " 'The naval power owning Pearl Harbor will therefore hold in complete mo- 
 nopoly the mastery of the Pacific Ocean north of the equator. Pearl Harbor is the 
 chief jewel of the Hawaiian group.' 
 
 "Owned now by the United States, it offers us the key to the commerce of 
 China, Japan, and Australia." 
 
 One of the most impressive passages of the report is this: 
 
 "Commercial conditions of a country are so readily influenced by what at first 
 may appear to be remote and unimportant enactments that the utmost sagacity is
 
 THE TEEEITOEY OF HAWAII. 337 
 
 necessary in tlie preparation of laws for the promotion of commercial interests. 
 The commerce between the United States and Hawaii, as well as the foreign com- 
 merce of both, should be so protected by our navigation laws and vessel registry 
 and by our revenue legislation as to give to our country and to our newly acquired 
 people all the advantages which should properly come to either. This is apparent. 
 We can not ignore a territory which grows, exports, and sells more than $15,000,000 
 in value annually. The future of this new domain of industry can hardly yet be 
 imagined. But when Pearl Harbor becomes the meeting place and the transfer 
 depot of the ships of Eussia, China, Japan, Australia, New Zealand, and of the 
 Atlantic liners which will steam through the Nicaragua Canal, commingling on 
 the great Pacific with the vessels of the western coast of the American continent, 
 the genius of our country will preside over the traffic which is certain to come in 
 the near future. As the conduct of a four months' war has produced such a re- 
 arrangement of the methods and lines of the world's commerce, it is difficult to 
 foretell what may be possible in a few years of peace in the future." 
 
 The fish are abundant and excellent, those caught and used by the islanders 
 are all salt water fish, caught from the sea or the bays and harbors adjacent. There 
 are nearly a hundred varieties, including shellfish, sold in the markets of the is- 
 lands. Scarcely one of these varieties would be known or identified by Americans 
 from its native name. Some of the varieties are of excellent quality, and the fish- 
 eries promise to become an important industry in the future of the islands. 
 
 The inventory of the real and personal property (exclusive of Government 
 public lands) lately belonging to the Eepublic of Hawaii and now in possession of 
 the several departments and offices of the Eepublic, which inures to the United 
 States by the act of annexation, valued by the departmental and bureau officials 
 of the Eepublic, amounts as follows: 
 
 Department of the interior $4,612,766.66 
 
 Judiciary department * 80,098.00 
 
 Finance office 5,100.00 
 
 Tax office 1,218.12 
 
 Customs bureau 3,456.25 
 
 Postal bureau 8,067.99 
 
 Audit bureau 557.00 
 
 Department of foreign affairs 60,625.00 
 
 Police department 17,351.00 
 
 Total 4,789,240.02 
 
 To this amount should be added the value of the Government or public lands, 
 $4,147,700, and lots in Honolulu and Hilo, with unleased lots and sites of fish mar-
 
 228 THE TEEEITOEY OF HAWAII. 
 
 ket, custom-house, and reclaimed lots, worth $1,481,800, making the following 
 aggregate valuation: 
 
 Government or public lands $4,147,700.00 
 
 Government lots, sites, etc 1,481,800.00 
 
 Departmental property 4,789 240.02 
 
 Aggregate 10,418,740.02 
 
 It is officially stated that in the first six months of the year 1898 the Hawaiian 
 Government collected from customs two hundred and forty thousand and thirty- 
 eight dollars, eighty-eight cents. Under our tariff law there would have been col- 
 lected on the same goods $669,636.97. The report goes largely into the discussion 
 of the legislation recommended by the Commission. The first point being that the 
 islands should be erected into "The Territory of Hawaii." The legislature js to 
 be that of the territory of Hawaii, consisting of a senate and house of representa- 
 tives. Section 4 of the bill provides that: "All white persons, including Portuguese, 
 persons of African descent and all persons descended from the Hawaiian race on 
 either the paternal or maternal sides who were citizens of the Republic of Hawaii 
 immediately prior to the transfer of the sovereignty thereof to the United States 
 are hereby declared to be citizens of the United States." 
 
 The houses of the legislature are to organize and sit separately, and is to be 
 elected at a general election to be held on the Tuesday next after the first Monday 
 in November, 1899, and biennially thereafter. The supreme court is to be the 
 judge of the legality of election to a seat in either house in cases of contest, and 
 the sole judge of who has been elected. No member of the legislature is to be 
 eligible for appointment or election to any office of the Territory, and no offi-cer 
 or employe, notary public, or agent of the Territory shall be eligible to election 
 as a legislator; and no person who, having been entitled to qualify and vote prior 
 to October, 1897, and since July, 1894, failed to register as such voter, shall have 
 a vote, unless he shall take an oath to support the Constitution of the United 
 States. 
 
 Every officer of the Territory and every member of the legislature shall take 
 a prescribed oath to support the Constitution and laws of the United States. 
 
 Legislators shall receive $400 for each regular session, in addition to 10 cents 
 a mile each way as mileage, and $200 for each extra session. 
 
 In voting for representatives in the legislature, each voter may cast as many 
 votes as there are representatives to be elected from his district, and may cast them 
 all for one representative, or apportion them among the representatives as he shall 
 see fit, avoiding fractional divisions of a vote.
 
 
 
 
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 -i^vc: 
 
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 Bf 
 
 m 
 
 ' t.
 
 FLUME USED TO CONVEY WATER TO SUGAR MILLS IN HAWAII. 
 
 SURF BOAT USED BY THE NATIVES OF HONOLULU.
 
 THE TERRITORY OF HAWAH. 231 
 
 The membership of the senate is fixed at 15, to hold office for four years, but 
 providing that of the senators elected at the first general election 2 from the first 
 district, 1 from the second, 3 from the third, and 1 from the fourth district shall 
 hold for two years only. The districts are specifically described, and the following 
 number of senators apportioned to each: 
 
 First district 4 
 
 Second district 3 
 
 Third district ; 6 
 
 Fourth district 2 
 
 A senator must be a male citizen of the United States, 30 years of age, have 
 resided in the Territory three years, be the owner in his own right of $2,000 worth 
 of property, or have during the preceding year received $1,000 income. 
 
 The membership of the house of representatives is fixed at 30, to be elected 
 every second year from six districts, composed as specified, giving the first, second, 
 and sixth districts each 4 representatives, and the third, fourth, and fifth districts 
 each 6 representatives. 
 
 To be eligible for election as representative a person shall have attained the 
 age of 25 years; be a male citizen of the United States; have resided in the Terri- 
 tory three years, and shall either own property in the Territory worth $500 or have 
 received a money income of not less than $250 during the preceding year. 
 
 To be qualified to vote for representative, a person — 
 
 (1) Shall be a male citizen of the United States; 
 
 (2) Have resided in the Territory for one year preceding, and in the district 
 three months preceding the time he offers to register; 
 
 (3) Shall have attained the age of 21 years; 
 
 (4) Prior to the election during the time prescribed by law have caused his 
 name to be entered on the register of voters for representative for his district; 
 
 (5) Prior to such registration have paid on or before March 31 next preceding 
 the date of registration all taxes due by him to the government; 
 
 (6) Be able understandingly to speak, read, and write the English or Hawaiian 
 language. 
 
 To be qualified to vote for senators, a person must possess all the qualifications 
 and be subject to all the conditions required by this act for voters for representa- 
 tives, and, in addition thereto, shall own and possess in his own right real property 
 worth $1,000, upon which valuation legal taxes shall have been paid for the year 
 preceding that in which he offers to register, or shall have actually received a
 
 232 THE TEERITORY OF HAWAII. 
 
 money income of not less than $600 during the year next preceding the 1st day of 
 April next preceding the date of such registration. 
 
 Five new boards of registration, of three members each, shall be appointed by 
 the governor, with the advice of the senate, for terms of four years, for the five 
 registration districts composed as specified, to take the place of the existing boards 
 of registration. Such new registration boards shall meet to register persons enti- 
 tled to vote for senators and representatives at such times between August 31 and 
 October 10, 1899, and each second year thereafter, as may be necessary to enable 
 them to register all persons entitled to registry. Personal appearance of an appli- 
 cant is required to entitle him to registry. 
 
 The first session of the legislature shall convene at Honolulu on the third 
 Wednesday in February, 1900. 
 
 Sessions not to continue longer than sixty days. 
 
 The offices of president, minister of foreign affairs, finance, public instruction, 
 auditor-general, deputy auditor-general, surveyor-general, and marshal are abol- 
 ished. 
 
 The bill contains provisions for the government of the Territory, giving it 
 executive, legislative, and judicial officers. A governor, secretary of the Territory, 
 a United States district judge, a United States district attorney, and a United States 
 marshal are to be appointed by the President, and an internal-revenue district and 
 a customs district are created. 
 
 The governor shall possess the veto power, and may veto specific items in bills 
 which appropriate money for specific purposes. The two houses may override the 
 veto by a two-thirds vote. 
 
 The legislature may create town, city, or county municipalities. 
 
 An appropriation of $5,000 is recommended to enable the United States Fish 
 Commissioner to examine the status of the fishing rights and to report upon the fish- 
 eries of the Territory. 
 
 It also provides that foreign goods and articles imported into the islands after 
 July 7, 1898, shall, if afterwards brought into the United States, pay the same 
 duties charged upon like articles when imported from any foreign country. 
 
 It also provides for the election of a Delegate to the House of Eepresentatives 
 in Congress, for each Congress, by the voters qualified to vote for representatives 
 in the legislature, this delegate to possess the same powers and privileges now 
 accorded to other delegates in Congress. 
 
 The existing laws of Hawaii not inconsistent with the Constitution and the
 
 THE TERRITORY OF HAWAII. 233 
 
 laws of the United States or of this act shall continue in force, subject to repeal 
 or amendment by the legislature of Hawaii or by Congress, 
 
 The laws of Hawaii relating to public or Government lands continue in force 
 until changed by Congress. No leases of agricultural lands shall, however, be 
 granted, sold, or renewed for a longer term than five years, unless Congress shall 
 direct. The officers of the Territory shall be an attorney-general, with similar pow- 
 ers and duties as now possessed by the attorney-general of the Republic of Hawaii, 
 except as changed by this act or by the legislature, and a treasurer, with similar 
 powers and duties to the present minister of finance, and such powers and duties 
 regarding licenses, corporations, companies, and partnerships, and registration of 
 prints, labels, and trade-marks as are now possessed by the minister of the interior, 
 except as changed by this act or by the legislature; also a superintendent of public 
 works, a superintendent of public instruction, an auditor and a deputy auditor, a 
 surveyor, with the powers and duties of a surveyor-general, and a chief sheriff to 
 succeed to the duties of marshal of the Republic, are to be appointed by the gov- 
 ernor. 
 
 The laws of Hawaii relating to agriculture and forestry are continued in force, 
 except as they may be modified by Congress or the legislature. The Secretary of 
 Agi'iculture is charged with the duties of examining the laws of Hawaii relating to 
 agriculture, forestry, public lands, and public roads and reporting thereon to the 
 President. 
 
 There shall also be appointed by the governor a chief justice and two associate 
 justices of the supreme court, the judges of the circuit court, the members of the 
 board of health, commissioners of public instruction, prison inspectors, boards of 
 registration, inspectors of election, and other public boards that may be created by 
 law, and all officers whose salaries exceed $2,000 per annum. 
 
 The bill provides that the Constitution and laws of the United States locally 
 applicable shall have the same force and effect in the Territory of Hawaii as else- 
 where in the United States. This is the usual provision found in the acts of Con- 
 gress providing for the establishment of Territorial governments in the United 
 States heretofore. Such a provision is very important in this bill for many reasons, 
 among which may be mentioned the continued importation of coolie labor into 
 Hawaii. It has been the policy of the Government of Hawaii, before and since the 
 establishment of the Republic, to import men under labor contracts for a term of 
 years, at the expiration of which they are to return to the countries from which 
 they came. Those brought in are mainly from China and Japan. 
 
 Since the act of Congress annexing Hawaii was passed prohibiting Chinese
 
 234 THE TERRITOEY OF HAWAII. 
 
 immigration the Hawaiian sugar planters have seemed to be making an unusnal 
 effort in securing the importation of Japanese laborers, fearing trouble and em- 
 barrassment on account of insufficient labor for the care and carrying on of their 
 sugar plantations. Of course it becomes necessary to extend our labor laws over the 
 islands, so as to prohibit all kinds of foreign contract labor from coming to the 
 Territory, first, because it is the policy of this country to keep out all kinds of cheap 
 foreign labor, including coolie labor, and thereby prevent such labor from inter- 
 fering with the wages of American labor, and, secondly, to protect our manufactured 
 products from competition with manufactured goods produced by cheap alien labor. 
 The general laws of the United States will place the people of the Territory on the 
 same footing with the people of the States and of other Territories of the United 
 States in regard to foreign labor. 
 
 The question whether white labor can be profitably utilized in the sugar plan- 
 tations is yet a problem; but the planters are preparing to give such labor a trial, 
 and some of them believe it will prove superior to the labor of either Chinese or 
 Japanese. 
 
 The majority of the commission have not been able to agree with the sugges- 
 tions of those who favor the creation of a "cabinet," or "advisory council," to aid 
 the Territorial governor in his administration of the affairs of the Territory of 
 Hawaii. The commission hold however proper and convenient it might be to pro- 
 vide such an auxiliary as a "cabinet" for the governor of a State, or for the chief 
 execuiive of a country, that it is unnecessary in a Territorial government, which 
 is itself merely a subordinate and limited authority, under the close supervision of 
 the President of the United States. The history of the Territories of the 
 United States, covering many years of experience, has not, in the opinion of the 
 commission, shown a necessity for the creation of any number of advisors. The 
 powers of a Territorial governor are likely to be so clearly defined by the legislation 
 of Congress and the laws of the Territory that there will hardly be need for such 
 an establishment as an "executive" or "advisory" council. 
 
 The fact that such a proposition is urged by a gentleman of great experience 
 and wisdom, who has been of the greatest service in the past history of Hawaii in 
 behalf of order and good government, has called the most careful attention of the 
 commission to the subject, but we are unable to see that there is a logical demand 
 or need for such an addition to the Territorial establishment of the United States. 
 The argument that the Territorial governor might, arbitrarily, at the close of a ses- 
 sion of a legislature, remove the heads of departments, or other officials from office 
 and commission new ones, whose commissions would be valid until the end of the
 
 THE TERRITORy OF HAWAII. 235 
 
 next session of the senate, or nearly two years, does not strike the commission as 
 being a valid reason for staying the hand of a governor who is responsible directly 
 to the President of the United States for his acts, and whose official existence is 
 subject to the will of the President. 
 
 It is possible that the reasons presented by the minority of the commission 
 might be deemed vital and important if the Territorial administration was sover- 
 eign and not subordinate in character. We believe, however, that if the system 
 proposed by the bill shall in practice prove to be obnoxious to the claim of the mi- 
 nority it will then be ample time for Congress to change the proposed system. 
 
 Much has been said to the effect that the policy or scheme of government for 
 the Hawaiian Islands will be taken and accepted as an index or precedent to be 
 followed in the plan of government for Porto Rico and the Philippines. In view 
 of this apparent expectation or belief on the part of many good people in the United 
 States, the commission deem it proper to say that the people of Hawaii are capable 
 of self-government, and have proven this by the establishment of the Republic of 
 Hawaii and the adoption of a constitution and code of laws which will compare 
 favorably with those of any other government, and under such constitution and 
 laws have maintained a stable government for several years worthy of a free people. 
 The people of those islands are more or less familiar with the institutions and laws 
 of the United States, while the laws of the little Republic are largely taken from 
 the laws of this country. 
 
 It can not be said that either the Porto Ricans or the Filipinos are at all 
 familiar with our system of government, or with any other based on the principles 
 of liberty. 
 
 The underlying theory of our Government is the right of self-government, and 
 a people must be fitted for self-government before they can be trusted with the re- 
 sponsibilities and duties attaching to free government. 
 
 These remarks are made to negative the idea that because the people of the 
 Hawaiian Islands can, in the judgmeut of the commission, be consistently given 
 self-government to an extent almost equal to that given the people in the States, 
 it can not be safely inferred that other insular possessions which the United States 
 have, or may acquire by treaty with Spain, can be granted equal freedom in gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 In the organization of the commission, the following committees were raised 
 to consider and report upon various matters of importance: 
 
 1. Agriculture — Mr. Dole. 
 
 2, Cables and Telegraphs — Mr. ]\Iorgan and Mr. Frear,
 
 236 THE TEERITOEY OF HAWAII. 
 
 3. Claims— Mr. Frear and Mr. Ilitt. 
 
 4. Corporations — Mr. Hitt and Mr. Dole. 
 
 5. Education — Mr. Ciillom, Mr. Morgan, and Mr. Frear. 
 
 6. Finance — Mr. Ciillom, Mr. Morgan, Mr. Hitt, Mr. Dole, and Mr. Frear. 
 
 7. Fisheries — Mr. Frear and Mr. Morgan. 
 
 8. Harbors and Coasts— Mr. Dole and Mr. Hitt. 
 
 9. Health and Quarantine — Mr. Morgan and Mr. Frear. 
 
 10. Immigration and Labor — Mr. Cullom, Mr. Jlorgan, and Mr. Dole. 
 
 11. Local Taxation— Mr. Frear and Mr. Hitt. 
 
 12. Postal Service- Mr. Hitt and Mr. Frear. 
 
 13. Public Debt— Mr. Dole. 
 
 14. Public Lands— Mr. Cullom, Mr. Morgan, and ^Mr. Dole. 
 
 15. Public Property — Mr. Frear. 
 
 16. Tariff and Internal Eevenue — Mr. Hitt and Mr. Dole. 
 
 17. Judiciary — Mr. Morgan and Mr. Frear. 
 
 18. Local and Executive Offices — Mr. Dole and Mr. Frear. 
 
 19. Committee to Draft Bills— Mr. Cullom, Mr. Dole, and Mr. Hitt. 
 
 The reports made by these committees in part supplied the information which 
 has enabled the commission to prepare and agree upon the bill which is herewith 
 presented, "To provide a government for the Territory of Hawaii," and are printed 
 in the appendix. 
 
 The commission also presents two additional bills, the passage of which is 
 made necessary by the existing conditions. One of these is entitled "A bill relating 
 to Hawaiian silver coinage and treasury notes." It provides that unmutilated Ha- 
 waiian silver coins shall be received at par value in payment of all dues to the gov- 
 ernment of the Territory of Hawaii and of the United States, and shall not again 
 be issued, but shall on presentation in sums of $500 to either government be pur- 
 chased and recoined as bullion at the United States mint at San Francisco. All 
 Hawaiian silver certificates shall be redeemed by the Territory of Hawaii on or 
 before January 1, 1902. 
 
 The other is entitled "A bill relating to postal savings banks in Hawaii," 
 which repeals the Hawaiian laws establishing postal savings banks, and directs the 
 Secretary of the Treasury to pay the amounts on deposit in the postal savings banks 
 in Hawaii to the persons entitled thereto, terminating the interest on all deposits 
 on and after the 1st of July, 1899, and forbidding further deposits after that date. 
 
 The commission has performed the work assigned to it by the President under
 
 THE TEERITOEY OF HAWAII. 237 
 
 the joint resolution providing for the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, and they 
 venture to express the hope that it may be deemed satisfactory by Congress and 
 the country. S. M. CULLOM, Chairman, 
 
 MIKOEITY EEPOET. 
 
 BY PEESIDENT DOLE. 
 
 "With the exception herein stated, I substantially indorse the majority report of 
 the commission. 
 
 It has been a matter of sincere gratification to me that its -n-ork has been upon 
 conservative lines, and that the Hawaiian civil system — the result of sixty years 
 of growth — has been so slightly affected by its conclusions. 
 
 I have, however, been compelled to differ from my associates in relation to 
 certain features of the executive power of the Territory as recommended by them. 
 
 The political troubles of the Hawaiian community, culminating in the downfall 
 of the monarchy, were mainly due to the persistent effort of successive sovereigns 
 to acquire unlimited personal power. 
 
 Upon the organization of the Eepublic of Hawaii great pains were taken to 
 eliminate the possibility of a return of such source of public danger. The expe- 
 rience gained in the administration of the Provisional Government was of great 
 assistance in working out this problem. 
 
 The system adopted placed the executive power in a council of five persons, 
 made up of the President and the heads of the four executive departments. Action 
 by the executive council requires a majority, including the president's vote. The 
 heads of the executive departments are the constitutional advisers of the president 
 upon questions of public policy, appointments, and other matters of importance, 
 and are appointed and removed by him, with the approval of the senate. The 
 president and three members of the cabinet may remove the fourth member. The 
 heads of the executive departments have the appointment and removal of the heads 
 of the executive bureaus in their respective departments, subject to the approval 
 of the president. The heads of the bureaus have the appointment and removal of 
 their subordinate officers, subject to the approval of the heads of the departments 
 to which their respective bureaus belong. 
 
 It was considered impracticable to hold an executive officer responsible for the 
 successful administration of his department or bureau without giving him substan- 
 tially the selection of his immediate subordinates. 
 
 This system has worked satisfactorily, giving the government the confidence of 
 the public.
 
 238 THE TEERITORY OF HAWAII 
 
 While, with some misgivings, I hare assented to the provisions of the majority 
 report, which place the executive power of the Territory in the hands of one indi- 
 vidual and do away with the executive council, I am unable to accept those which 
 confer upon the governor the appointment of all subordinate ofl&cers, and which, 
 while giving him the appointment of heads of departments, with the approval of 
 the senate, permit him to remove them without such approval, a power not enjoyed 
 by the President of the United States. Nor can I agree to the absence of any pro- 
 visions whatever limiting or checking the governor's executive power under the laws, 
 excepting as to the approval of the senate required in certain appointments. 
 
 The weight of these objections will be better understood in view of the recom- 
 mendation of the commissioners that the legislature shall hold regular sessions but 
 once in two years, as heretofore, which circumstance would furnish the governor 
 with the opportunity, if he should choose to utilize it, of removing any or all heads 
 of departments immediately after the termination of the regular session of the 
 legislature and filling their places with persons whose commissions would be valid 
 until the end of the next session of the senate, which might not occur for nearly 
 two years. By this means a governor, acting within his authority, could substan- 
 tially evade the provision requiring these appointments to be approved by the 
 senate. 
 
 Performances of like character under the monarchy are too fresh m the minds 
 of the Hawaiian community to permit them to contemplate without dismay the 
 possibility of a repetition thereof. 
 
 The governor, under the provisions of the act recommended by the commis- 
 sion, will have less check to his administration of affairs than was the case with the 
 sovereigns under the monarchy, excepting only in the matter of tenure of office. 
 Moreover, the features of the existing Hawaiian civil system, which compel a cer- 
 tain amount of publicity in all administrative acts, are swept away, and the gov- 
 ernor may act in absolute secrecy, or, if he shall be so inclined, with the advice and 
 under the influence of any persons he may choose to admit to his deliberations. 
 
 This feature of the proposed executive status, it will be seen, might expose the 
 governor to influence hostile to the public good, and possibly to great and con- 
 stantly recurring temptations to subordinate public to private interests. 
 
 The provision of the Hawaiian system which compels the president to consult 
 his constitutional advisers lessens this danger. 
 
 Besides, this beneficial result of the existing system is the safeguard that it 
 guarantees to the administration of public affairs through the diminished liability 
 of the best of men to make mistakes when assisted by the judgment of others.
 
 THE TEERITOKY OF HAWAII. 239 
 
 Hawaiian administration of affairs includes the conduct of a land system wliicli 
 provides for tlie disposal of the public lands in different ways and in areas varying 
 in extent and often of great value, which are sometimes so situated as to be of pro- 
 nounced importance to the public interests of agriculture and forestry. 
 
 It is submitted that it is most desirable that the consideration of these ques- 
 tions should not be left to the private judgment of one man, unassisted save perhaps 
 by the pressing demands of capitalists and corporations. 
 
 And President Dole submitted an amendment on these lines, recommending a 
 board of advisors to the governor of the Territory, and he recommends that the 
 treasurer, attorney general, superintendent of public works and the commissioner 
 of public lands shall be constituted special counselors of the governor, to be con- 
 sulted by him concerning all matters of public policy. 
 
 REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON IMMIGRATION AND LABOR. 
 
 At an early date there were occasional visits of Chinese people to Hawaii. A 
 few individual Chinese had, as early as 1845, been permitted to intermarry with 
 Hawaiians, and the interior department of Hawaii has records showing the naturali- 
 zation of one "Arsing" in that year. An oath of allegiance was required before an 
 alien could marry a Hawaiian. In the past fifty years there have been about 700 
 Chinese naturalized as Hawaiian citizens. The children of some of the earlier Chi- 
 nese residents, resulting from their intermarriages with Hawaiian citizens, have 
 become prominent in the social and business life of Hawaii, and, as stated by a 
 well-known observer, the blending of the Chinese and Hawaiian bloods has pro- 
 duced beneficial results. Many of these children have been educated at the best 
 English schools and in the colleges and universities of the United States. A large 
 number have proved worthy of the education bestowed upon them, and not less than 
 fifty have found employment in government and business offices and mercantile 
 houses in Honolulu alone. Some of these earlier Chinese immigrants in Hawaii 
 have, by naturalization and intermarriage, become land and property ovrners and 
 good citizens. This element of Chinese origin must not, however, be confounded 
 with or mistaken for those \vho came to Hawaii simply as laborers under contract 
 for a specific term of years authorized, limited, and controlled by the government. 
 
 The immigi-ation of Chinese laborers began in 1853, and grew out of what was 
 thought to be the necessities of the people, owing to the decline of the number of 
 Hawaiian laborers. About that time the Royal Hawaiian Agricultural Society 
 issued a circular suggesting the introduction of Chinese coolie labor, and in Jan^
 
 240 THE TERRITOEY OF HAWAII. 
 
 nary, 1852, the bark Thetis, brought, under agreement, 180 coolies from China. 
 This experiment was deemed satisfactory by the society, and thereafter, up to Jan- 
 uary, 1866, there were 1,306 Chinese imported, of whom 54 were women and 5 were 
 children. From 1866 to the present time, the Government and various organiza- 
 tions interested in the labor question have looked after the importation of laborers 
 from other countries besides China. In all three nationalities, Chinese, Japanese, 
 and the Portuguese colonies, have been drawn upon. The two former still continue 
 to furnish large numbers of laborers, while Portuguese immigration has apparently 
 ceased. 
 
 The Hawaiian Government, in 1864, passed an act creating a bureau of immi- 
 gration for the purpose of superintending the inspection of imported foreign labor- 
 ers and the introduction of immigrants as laborers. Ordinances were issued by the 
 King authorizing the bureau of immigration to take steps to promote the introduc- 
 tion into the kingdom of free immigrants from the Portuguese colonies, the Azores, 
 the Canary Islands, the Cape Verde Islands, and from "any of the islands of the 
 Pacific Ocean." The Hawaiian bark R. W. Wood was ordered chartered to proceed 
 to China to obtain a cargo of Chinese laborers, at the expense of the bureau of im- 
 migration. 
 
 REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON CABLES AND TELEGRAPHS. 
 
 The committee on cables and telegraphs have investigated the subject of tele- 
 graphic cable communication between Hawaii and the Continent, and between the 
 islands, and respectfully submit the following report: 
 
 JOHN T. MORGAN. 
 
 W. F. FREAR. 
 
 REPORT. 
 
 No calculation that is approximately accurate can now be safely made of the 
 income of a postal-telegraph line to the Hawaiian Islands from the continent or 
 between the islands. 
 
 It can be safely assumed, however, that the necessity for such a cable line is 
 indispensable and that its cost will bear only a slight relation to the commercial and 
 military advantages that must result from its construction. 
 
 In many other instances the income of our postal system has been quite below 
 the cost of the transmission of the mails between certain distant commercial or 
 strategic points, and such deficit has been supplied from the general Treasury, with 
 the cheerful approbation of the country.
 
 THE TEERITOEY OF HAWAII. 241 
 
 If the demand for a postal telegraph line to Hawaii is sufSeient, on the general 
 grounds of national policy, the question of the duty to take national control of 
 the line can not he met by the suggestion that this is a new departure in furnish- 
 ing the vehicles, or conduits, for the transmission of postal matter. It is not, in 
 fact, a new thing for the United States to construct lines of telegraph, or conduits, 
 for the purposes of the Army, or the "Weather and Life Saving Service, or for the 
 distribution of mails in large cities. 
 
 But the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands has created a new situation which 
 requires new provisions for the quick dispatch of intelligence such as is ordinarily 
 sent by the mails. 
 
 There is, indeed, no feature of the postal service that is more necessary, in 
 peace or war, for the benefit of commerce, navigation, markets, and exchanges, or in 
 conve}dng personal intelligence between the people, or in giving them protection 
 against the ravages of infectious diseases, than a cable between the Pacific States 
 and the Hawaiian Islands under the impartial and exclusive control of the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States. 
 
 In the outset of the new policy that we must inaugurate to meet the remark- 
 able events of the year 1898 it is a fortunate situation that places these islands and 
 others under the exclusive legislative control of Congress. 
 
 Congress can rightfully and successfully adjust the public institutions of a 
 State in its formative period so as to prepare it for the highest usefulness to the 
 Union when it shall acquire the sovereign rights and dignity of statehood. 
 
 Without attempting to state the many instances in which Congress should em- 
 ploy these powers, it is very clear that in matters relating to interstate and foreign 
 commerce, to navigation, bays, harbors, wharves, and docks, and to postal facilities 
 and post roads and lines of telegraphic communication, the power is clear and the 
 duty is manifest. 
 
 An indispensable factor in all commercial, military, and diplomatic relations 
 with countries that are beyond the seas is the telegraph cables that convey informa- 
 tion with immediate dispatch. 
 
 This fact is too obvious and is too vital to the safety of every maritime country 
 to admit of discussion. 
 
 It may be safely stated that at no point in the world is there greater need for 
 a central cable station than at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii, nor is there any point in 
 either of the great oceans where the control of lines of telegraphic cables will give 
 greater influence to the power that directs the use of them, either in commerce or 
 war.
 
 243 THE TEERITORY OF HAWAII. 
 
 A central cable station in Hawaii will ultimately form a plexus of telegraphic 
 lines in which the cables will meet from all ports of the great circuit of our coasts 
 and from the Asiatic coasts as far south as Hongkong; and from Hawaii lines will 
 radiate through the islands of the South Pacific to the Philippines, to Australia, 
 and the coast of South America. 
 
 In these advantages the Hawaiian group has no competitor, and they could 
 scarcely have been more advantageously placed as a point for the concentration of 
 lines of telegraph cables. Through a long period of years these benefits will neces- 
 sarily increase, and will furnish to the people facilities of cheap correspondence 
 that no lines of steamers can afford. 
 
 In dispensing with the slow and costly methods of mail transmission for busi- 
 ness correspondence, the rates will be reduced and the speed increased until it will 
 attract the universal patronage of business men. 
 
 A single line of cable from the coast to Hawaii, exclusively authorized to con- 
 vey messages as postal matter, would soon become a "trunk line," and would gather 
 business from Asia and the islands of the South Pacific in such volume as to pay 
 the interest on the cost and all expenditures for repairs and operation. It could 
 have no competitor in business and could afford this facility to business at a rate 
 of tolls that would be a great economy. 
 
 The five larger islands of the Hawaiian group are separated by three chan- 
 nels that aggregate about 118 miles in Avidth. To maintain a rapid communication 
 across these channels, which are rough water, not less than six vessels would need 
 to be constantly employed, with a reserve of two or three vessels to meet emergen- 
 cies. The crevv^s for these vessels, and the fuel, to be supplied from the coast, would 
 justify a heavy expenditure for mail service which could not probably be reduced 
 by competition. 
 
 The conformation of these islands is such that a plateau connects all of them, 
 on Avhich a cable can be laid in water of shallow depths as compared with those of 
 the adjacent seas. 
 
 The trend of the islands from Kaui Island on the northwest to the southern 
 part of Hawaii virtually presents a frontage of about 350 miles to the Pacific 
 Ocean on each side of the group, along the whole length of which the cable sta- 
 tions on the island would be so many outlooks upon the sea. 
 
 If this cable system is extended to Samoa, and to the Carolines and Manila, 
 the security it would afford our coasts against sudden attack and the ravages of 
 approaching storm^s and the visitations of epidemic diseases is a matter that is 
 worthy of serious consideration.
 
 THE TERRITORY OF HAWAII. 243 
 
 The experience of European countries in the use of electric telegraphs as 
 vehicles of the postal service demonstrates their importance and the wise economy 
 of their use both to the people and the Governments that employ them. 
 
 With the distinctive power conferred upon Congress in the Constitution to 
 establish post-offices and post-roads, and the exclusive power to provide for and 
 regulate all mail communications, there can be no question of the power of 
 Congress to select the best and most economical means for this work, or that the 
 conveyance of mails may be extended into any part of the world, or that Con- 
 gress may use a cable line under the seas as well as a post-road on the land. 
 
 This is the propitious time for the initiation of this service in the Pacific 
 Ocean, and Hawaii is the central point in the great arc of the circle that describes 
 the coast of Xorth America. 
 
 At this central point all cable lines through the Pacific Ocean to points 
 north of the equator must unite. Under the present state of the art in the 
 construction and operation of transoceanic cable lines, this group of islands is 
 the only place where a line can be successfully operated in the North Pacific Ocean. 
 This fact, while it remains unchanged, gives to a cable connecting Hawaii with 
 the continent an immense volume of work, which must yield a great revenue, if 
 no other cable is constructed. 
 
 The annexed rough draft of the relative location of the islands (not includ- 
 ing iSTeckar Island), prepared by a gentleman of much ability, shows the distances 
 between them and the depth of water on the connecting plateaus, with an estimate 
 of the cost of the cable to connect them. 
 
 The eagerness of private investors to lay cables to Hawaii and to connect the 
 islands, under contracts with the Government for supplying cable service for 
 official messages, is a convincing proof that under such conditions they would 
 be valuable property. 
 
 Aside from the fact that in a few years the Government business would 
 refund the cost of the cables, if paid for at ordinary rates, it is of supreme impor- 
 tance that the Government should have the absolute military control of the line 
 that does its work. 
 
 To be able to control the working of the cable only through the enforcement 
 of legal penalties for crimes incident to this responsible branch of the public 
 service would be a serious defect that might result in much trouble and a 
 dangerous exposure to treachery.
 
 244 THE TEREITOKY OP HAWAII. 
 
 EEPORT OF COMMITTEE ON FINANCE. 
 THE HAWAIIAN CUERENCY. 
 
 The gold coins of the United States are the only unlimited legal tender. 
 (Civil Laws, sec. 665.) 
 
 Hawaiian silver coins are legal tender for amounts not exceeding $10. United 
 States dimes and half dimes are also legal tender in limited amounts. (Civil 
 Laws, sees. 666 and 667.) 
 
 COINAGE. 
 
 During the years 1884, 1885, and 1886 the following Hawaiian coins were 
 put in circulation, having theretofore been coined at the United States mint in San 
 Francisco (Biennial Eeport Minister of Finance, 1890, p. 7): 
 
 Dollars 500,000 
 
 Halves 350,000 
 
 Quarters 125,000 
 
 Dimes 25,000 
 
 This is the only Hawaiian coinage ever executed. 
 
 PAPER CUEEENCY. 
 
 By Session Laws 1895, act 19 (Civil Laws, sees. 672-675), the Minister of 
 Finance was authorized to issue gold and silver certificates of deposit, upon set- 
 ting aside sufficient of the respective coins for the payment of such certificates. 
 The act also provided for the retirement of all outstanding certificates of deposit. 
 
 Under this authority certificates of deposit have been issued to the amount 
 of $272,500, for the redemption of which silver coin is now held in the treasury. 
 These certificates have been issued in the following denominations: 
 
 5 dollars • $12,500 
 
 10 dollars 35,000 
 
 20 dollars 50,C00 
 
 50 dollars 75,000 
 
 100 dollars 100,000 
 
 There remains outstanding of old issues of silver certificates made under 
 former laws a total amount of $39,500. No record remains in the office of the 
 finance department showing the denominations of these certificates, but silver 
 coins are on deposit in the treasury for their redemption. 
 
 Although authorized by the act above cited, no gold certificates have been
 
 THE TERRITOEY OF HAWAII. 245 
 
 issued. The Hawaiian currency consists therefore of silver coins amounting to 
 $1,000,000, of which $312,000 is in circulation in the form of silver certificates. 
 
 Hawaiian currency in the treasury at this date (August 23, 1898), exclusive 
 of silver held for redemption of certificates, is approximately $101,500. 
 
 By the statutes authorizing coinage of silver (Session Laws 1880, chap. 37, 
 and Session Laws 1892, chap, 8), all coins were required to be made of the same 
 weight and fineness as the United States coins of the same value. 
 
 S. M. CULLOM. 
 
 Hon, Sanford B. Dole, 
 
 Of the Hawaiian Commission. 
 Sir: In the year 1883, by act of the Legislature of the Hawaiian Government, 
 the sum of $1,000,000 was authorized to be issued in Hawaiian silver currency. 
 This amount was coined by the United States mint of the same weight and fineness 
 as the corresponding amount in United States silver currency. The denominations 
 were: 
 
 l-dollar pieces $500,000 
 
 50-ceiit pieces 350,000 
 
 25-cent pieces 125,000 
 
 Dimes 25,000 
 
 Total $1,000,000 
 
 Of this amount the dime has practically gone out of circulation. Of the 
 entire amount a fair estimate would be that $50,000 (including the dimes) have 
 gone out of circulation and disappeared. There remains, therefore, the sum of 
 $950,000, approximately, in Hawaiian silver currency that are legal tender under 
 the present laws and institutions of this country to the amount of $10 in any one 
 payment. This currency, however, is only of value to the remaining portions of 
 the United States as its pure silver bears to the piece, based on the current value 
 of silver for the day. 
 
 Wliile your honorable body is considering the subject of the obligations of 
 this Government, I desire to call your attention to the subject of its withdrawal 
 from circulation and substitution by a coin that would be legal tender in all 
 parts of the United States. 
 
 Owing to the nature of the population of this country silver will always 
 be used here to a greater or less extent, and I desire to press upon your attention
 
 246 THE TEERITORY OF HAWAII. 
 
 the necessity of considering this important subject while the Hawaiian Com- 
 mission is in session. 
 
 I have the honor to he, sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 S. M. DAMON, 
 
 Minister of Finance. 
 
 REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON FISHERIES. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, September 7, 1898. 
 Hon. Shelby M. Cullom, 
 
 Chairman of the Hawaiian Commission. 
 
 Sir: Your committee on fisheries respectfully submit the following report: 
 
 Each of these islands may be roughly described as consisting of one or more 
 central lofty mountains with sides sloping rapidly toward the sea. There are 
 naturally few lakes or ponds, and these are of inconsiderable size. The streams, 
 while numerous, are of small volume, short and of rapid fall. Much of the coast 
 line is skirted with a coral reef, between which and the shore there is a space of 
 shallow water. From the reef, and Avhere there is no reef from the shore, the 
 water deepens rapidly. 
 
 As might be expected, there are few fish in the streams and lakes, and these 
 are of little value. They belong, as at common law, to the owners of the soil 
 under the streams and lakes. 
 
 There was formerly little animal food upon the land, and, consequently, 
 the natives, who lived mostly along the coast, looked to the sea as their chief 
 source of animal food. It followed that their sea fisheries were regarded as among 
 their most valuable properties. These were closely connected with the ownership 
 of land; indeed, they were regarded as appurtenances to the adjoining or neigh- 
 Boring lands, and the laws or customs governing them can be explained only by 
 reference to the system of land tenures formerly existing, which was of a feudal 
 nature. 
 
 Without going into too great detail, the land may be said to have been 
 divided up into large tracts and small tracts. The large tracts commonly included 
 a strip of land extending from the summit or well up on the slopes of the central 
 mountain of an island to the sea. These were called ahupuaas and were owned 
 by chiefs or lords, called konohikis. Within these were the smaller tracts, called 
 kuleauas, occupied by the common people, who were regarded as tenants of the 
 owners of the larger tracts. There were also other tracts, generally intermediate 
 in size, called ills, some of which were independent, like the larger tracts, and
 
 49. Group of Native Dancers in Ati-Ati. 50. Bridee over the Lagune in Santa Cruz. 51. Types of the 
 Masses of the Filipinos. 52. Grinding Native Rice. 53. Native Wood Choppers. 54. Women of Balagas 
 Washing Clothes. 55. A Sugar Cart in Batangas Province. 50. A Shepherd of Carabaos. 
 
 VIEWS FROM THE PHILIPPINES.
 
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 THE TERRITORY OF HAWAII. 249 
 
 others of which were subordinate, like the smaller tracts. The King was lord 
 over all. 
 
 As lord paramount the King could take and redistribute the fishing rights as 
 well as the lands of his subjects. This he did in 1839, taking all fishing grounds 
 and giving one portion of them to the common people, one portion to the land- 
 lords, and reserving one portion for himself, at the same time prescribing certain 
 restrictions and regulations under which the rights thus conferred were to be exer- 
 cised. This was done by statute, the provisions of which, as amended from time 
 to time, are still in force. In 1846 and the following few years the change was 
 made from the feudal system to that of several ownership, and titles were awarded 
 by commissioners to quiet land titles to those who proved ownership or right of 
 occupancy under the pre-existing system. In a few cases titles to fisheries were 
 awarded, or afterwards patented or allowed by commissioners of boundaries, by 
 m.etes and bounds, but in most cases, where the award of patent referred to fisheries 
 at all, it conferred merely a right of fishery as an appurtenance to the land without 
 specifying the extent of the fishery, and left it to be determined either by the gen- 
 eral provisions of the statute or the testimony of witnesses. In the majority of 
 cases, however, no reference was made to fisheries, and the right rested solely on 
 the statute. In 1848 the great division of lands was made by which the King gave 
 to the Government a large number of royal lands, and upon the downfall of the 
 monarchy the crown lands also became Government lands. 
 
 In shoal waters along the shores there are many fish ponds, made artificially 
 by the construction of stone walls of semicircular form with the shore line as a 
 diameter, and with small openings through the wall for the flow of the tide. These 
 are found on Government lands as well as private lands. 
 
 Now, bearing in mind the foregoing facts, the sea fisheries of these islands, 
 except as expressly awarded or patented, are governed as follows by statute: 
 
 All fishing grounds appertaining to government lands or otherwise belonging 
 to the government, excepting fish ponds, are free for all persons. The minister of 
 the interior may, however, for the protection of the fishing grounds, forbid the 
 taking of fish at certain seasons. There has thus far been no occasion for the 
 exercise of this power by the minister. The fish ponds owned by the government 
 are leased to private persons. Their future disposition is an appropriate subject for 
 consideration by the committee on public lands. Upon the sale of any government 
 land the fisheries appertaining thereto remain free. No person residing without 
 the islands may take fish within the waters of the islands for the purpose of sale 
 without the islands. The fishing grounds from the shore to the reef, and where
 
 250 THE TEKEITOEY OF HAWAII. 
 
 there is no reef for a distance of one mile, belong to the konohikis, for the use of 
 themselves and their tenants. Each konohiki may set apart one variety of fish for 
 himself, or, on consultation with his tenants, may prohibit all fishing during certain 
 seasons, and during the fishing season receive from his tenants one-third of all fish 
 taken. The tenants may take fish either for themselves or for sale or exportation. 
 No person shall use giant powder or other explosive substance in taking fish. No 
 person shall take the young of the mullet and awa under four inches in length, 
 except for the purpose of stocking ponds. 
 
 It will thus be seen that fisheries are governed here by principles recognized 
 by the common law. There are common fisheries, commons of fishery, and several 
 fisheries; but owing to the peculiar conditions that have existed here the two latter 
 classes of fisheries exist here to a much larger extent than in other English-speaking 
 countries. Eights of fishery here are, as at common law, subject to rights of navi- 
 gation. They are subject also to statutory regulation. 
 
 Until recently the fishing industry has been engaged in chiefly by Hawaiians, 
 but of late the Chinese and Japanese have entered largely into it. They fish both 
 on the free fishing grounds and on private grounds, including fish ponds, which 
 they lease from the owners. No fishing on a large scale has yet been undertaken, 
 but a fishing company of whites has recently been formed, which is to work with a 
 sailing vessel about 70 feet in length, with auxiliary steam power. Fishing in 
 shallow water near shore is conducted mostly with nets; that in deep water with 
 hook and line. There are shoals or banks offshore, especially in the channels be- 
 tween Oahu, Molokai, Maui, Kahoolawe, and Lanai, Avhich are said to be good 
 fishing grounds. 
 
 Fish are not found in such quantities in Hawaiian waters as in some other 
 waters, and yet the number of species is perhaps unusually large, amounting to 
 several hundred, of which about 100 may be found in the markets. These are of 
 great variety of size, shape, and color, and include many species of excellent food 
 qualities. The sales at the Honolulu fish market amount to from 40,000 to 80,000 
 fish of varying sizes per week. These are all inspected by an officer of the board of 
 health. 
 
 Hawaiian waters afford rare opportunities for the study of fish and other 
 marine life. While some scientific investigation has been made in this direction, 
 it has been very limited, owing to lack of facilities. The establishment here of a 
 station under the United States Commissioner of Fish and Fisheries would no 
 doubt prove to be of great benefit to both the people of these islands and those 
 of the mainland. In this connection it may not be out of place to add that there
 
 THE TEERITOEY OF HAWAII. ' 251 
 
 is some prospect for the establishment here of a marine aquarium and biological 
 laboratory by the trustees of the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum, and that the 
 Hawaiian legislature at its last session authorized the minister of the interior to 
 reserve a portion of the reef on the southeasterly side of the channel of Honolulu 
 harbor for a marine park, and to enter into an agreement with the said trustees 
 for the establishment of such aquarium and laboratory within said park. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 W. F. FREAR, 
 JNO. T. MORGAN". 
 
 REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC LANDS. 
 
 The Committee on Public Lands, to whom was referred the subject for investi- 
 gation, beg leave to report as follows: 
 
 Prior to the year 1846, all the lands of the Hawaiian Islands belonged, in 
 legal contemplation, to the King, and the chiefs and people, as tenants, by a system 
 closely resembling the feudal system of England, held their respective parcels by 
 payment of rent or rendering of service. In that year King Kamehameha III. 
 granted to his chiefs and people certain portions of the land, to Government pur- 
 poses certain other portions, and reserved to himself the remainder. By an act 
 passed June 7, 1848, the Legislature accepted his grant, and confirmed to the King, 
 his heirs and successors, certain described lands which were thenceforth known as 
 crown lands. In the act organizing the executive departments, provision was made 
 for the appointment of a land commission to receive and pass upon the claims of 
 occupants of lands to their respective holdings in the portion of lands set apart for 
 the chiefs and people. This commission heard the testimony of claimants, caused 
 surveys to be made, and issued to the occupants entitled thereto certificates called 
 '^and commission awards." These awards established the right of the grantee to 
 the possession of the land and entitled him, upon payment of one-fourth of the 
 value of the bare land, to receive a royal patent for his holding. These awards, 
 and the patents issued pursuant thereto, are the source of title to all the lands not 
 public lands, or reserved as crown lands. 
 
 The lands thus confirmed to the chiefs and known according to their extent 
 as ahupuaas or ilis, amounted to 1,571,341 acres, and the lands confirmed to the 
 common people, and known as kuleanas, aggregated 28,658 acres. (Hawaiian An- 
 nual, 1898, p. 34.) 
 
 The crown lands reserved to the King under the act of 1848 were in 1865 
 (act January 3, 1865) placed in the hands of a body known as the commission of
 
 253 THE TEREITORY OF HAWAII. 
 
 crown lands. This body was empowered to lease the crown lands for periods not 
 exceeding thirty years, but not to alienate the same. The net rentals belonged to 
 the monarch as a personal perquisite. 
 
 The Government lands were authorized to be sold by the minister of the 
 interior, with the consent of the executive council (Civil Laws, sec. 169-171). 
 
 By an act passed July 9, 1850, one-twentieth of all public lands was set apart 
 for the support of schools. Provision was made for the selection by, and patenting 
 to, the board of education of the lands thus set apart, and the board of education 
 was empowered to sell and lease lands thus received (Civil Laws, sec. 157). Part 
 of the lands thus set apart are used as sites for school buildings, part is leased, 
 and part has been sold. (See Table No. I.) 
 
 In 1884 an act was passed for the setting aside of homesteads to landless appli- 
 cants on liberal terms, but it seems to have been very little used, only 557 holdings 
 having been taken up under it, of which 256 have been patented. Under this 
 method a party was prohibited from acquiring more than 2 acres of taro or wet 
 land and more than 20 acres of dry land. The fee for such settlement was $10. 
 
 In 1891, Queen Liliuokalani divided a part of her crown land holdings in 
 Hawaii into small tracts and provided for the leasing of them to homestead occu- 
 pants upon easy terms. 
 
 The foregoing roughly outlines the enactments regarding the disposition of 
 the lands up to the year 1895, when the legislature met under the Kepublic. The 
 legislature of that year passed what it designated as the "land act, 1895," which 
 provided a comprehensive system for the care and disposition of the public 
 domain. 
 
 By this act the "crown lands" are treated as having vested in the Republic 
 upon the abolition of the monarchy, and are now embraced as public lands. The 
 public lands are placed under the control of a board of three commissioners, one 
 of whom is the minister of the interior. The other two are appointed by the 
 President, with the approval of the cabinet, and one of them is designated as agent 
 of public lands. The act divides the islands into six land districts and provides 
 for each district a subagent of public lands and ranges. 
 
 EEPORT OF COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY. 
 
 The Committee on Judiciary submit the following report upon the "elective 
 franchise:" 
 
 The question of the elective franchise and of representation in the legislative
 
 THE TEREITOEY OF HAWAII. 253 
 
 body is a delicate and most important question, as upon this depends the general 
 character of the local government. 
 
 Two classes of qualifications have been relied on chiefly in the past to pre- 
 serve a fair standard of membership in the legislature. These are the educational 
 and the property qualifications. The educational qualification merely requires 
 members and voters for members of each branch of the legislature to be able to 
 read, write, and speak the English or Hawaiian language. This qualification has 
 long been required in Hawaii and no objection has been offered to it from any 
 quarter. Practically all the native Plawaiians possess this qualification. 
 
 The property qualifications are more restrictive, and this subcommittee, while 
 believing that the time will come when these can be removed entirely, are of the 
 opinion that for the present they should be retained to some extent. The prop- 
 erty qualifications should not, however, be increased. They might perhaps with 
 safety be reduced. Conditions in this respect in Hawaii differ from those in the 
 United States. The people of Hawaii have ahvays been accustomed to restrictions 
 in the matter of representation, especially in the upper branch of the Legislature. 
 A review of the past will show this clearly, and will show also that the recom- 
 mendations of the commission are decidedly in the direction of extension rather 
 than of restriction of the privilege of representation. 
 
 Under the present constitution of Hawaii members of the lower branch of the 
 legislative body are required to own property valued at not less than $1,000, or to 
 have an annual income of not less than $600. It is recommended that these figures 
 be now reduced to $500 and $250, respectively. 
 
 Under the present constitution members of the upper house are required to 
 own property valued at $3,000, or to have an annual income of $1,200. It is now 
 recommended that these figures be reduced to $2,000 and $1,000, respectively. 
 
 These restrictions upon membership in the two houses are good as far as they 
 go, and yet they are not as eft'ective as might at first appear, for there are always 
 some men of every class who possess these qualifications. The only effective way 
 to obtain a fairly conservative Legislature under conditions such as exist at present 
 in Hawaii, is to require proper qualifications of the voters themselves. 
 
 For many years, under the monarchy, voters for members of the lower house 
 were required to own property to the extent of $150, or a leasehold on which the 
 annual rent was at least $25, or to have an annual income of $75. These restric- 
 tions were finally removed under the monarchy. There has been no property 
 qualification whatever for voters for members of the lower house under the Ee- 
 public, and it is recommended that there shall be none in the future.
 
 254 THE TEERITORY OF HAWAII. 
 
 As to the upper house, the people were for many years not permitted to vote 
 at all for its members. At first its members were appointed by the King, and 
 membership was hereditary. Afterwards they were appointed for life. It was not 
 until 1887, under the Monarchy, that they were elected by the people, and then 
 the voters were required to own property, real or personal, valued at $3,000, or to 
 have an annual income of $600. Under the Republic the amount of real property 
 required was reduced to $1,500, the amount of personal property remain- 
 ing at $3,000 and the annual income at $600. It is now proposed to re- 
 move the personal property qualification altogether, to reduce the real property 
 qualification to $1,000, and to allow the income qualification to remain at $600. 
 This seems to be as great a reduction as can safely be made at the present time. 
 This is evident from the history of the past, especially during the last years of the 
 Monarchy, when the property qualifications were greater than it is now proposed to 
 make them. 
 
 The qualifications proposed are more liberal than have ever existed before in 
 Hawaii, and under them a large portion of the native Hawaiians can vote for mem- 
 bers of the upper house and practically all of them for members of the lower house. 
 The suffrage has been extended in the past in Hawaii by degrees. It is believed 
 to be wisest to continue this process of growth. To remove the property qualifica- 
 tions gradually is probably the quickest way to obtain their entire removal ulti- 
 mately. To sweep them all away at the present time might prove so disastrous 
 as to produce a reaction, by which the franchise might be restricted much more 
 than it is at present, if not taken away altogether. The two houses sit separately, 
 and by requiring a property qualification for voters for the upper house and no 
 such qualification for voters for the lower house, all classes are fairly represented 
 and each class may act as a check upon the other, since no bill can be passed without 
 the concurrence of both houses. To materially reduce the qualifications below 
 what it is now proposed to make them would be to practically turn the Legislature 
 over to the masses, a large portion of whom have not yet fully learned the meaning 
 of representative government, and to practically deprive the more conservative 
 elements and property owners of effective representation. 
 
 Heretofore the two houses have been equal in membership, each containing 
 fifteen members. It is now proposed to double the membership of the lower house. 
 This will increase the representation of the masses and at the same time give the 
 lower house greater protection from outside influences. 
 
 JNO. T. MORGAN. 
 W. F. FREAR.
 
 THE TERRITORY OF HAWAII. 255 
 
 REPORT OF THE COMMISSION ON THE POSTAL SERVICE. 
 
 The Hawaiian postal system is, in its general character, based upon and 
 modeled after the methods long established in the United States. The special de- 
 tails of operation, required by special conditions upon the islands, can be readily 
 provided for by inconsiderable modifications of the existing regulations of the 
 United States Post-Office Department in their application there. 
 
 The 111 officers and employees in the Hawaiian postal service are now ap- 
 pointed by the Postmaster-General. By the laws and regulations of the United 
 States they would be classified and appointed, a part by the President and a part by 
 the Postmaster-General. 
 
 The receipts of the Hawaiian postal bureau for 1897 were $73,529.99 and the 
 disbursements $66,659.37, showing a net profit of $6,870.62. 
 
 The following statement will show this in more detail. 
 
 HAWAIIAN POSTAL BUREAU FOR YEAR 1897. 
 
 REVENUE AND RECEIPTS. 
 
 Due from island offices January 1 $44.00 
 
 Stamp sales 56,799.20 
 
 Box rents 4,749.79 
 
 Island box rents 950.25 
 
 General postage 879.17 
 
 Tax letters 818.24 
 
 Money-order fees 9,496.36 
 
 73,737.01 
 
 Less stamp exchange 207.02 
 
 $73,529.99 
 
 DISBURSEMENTS. 
 
 Postmaster-general and clerks $21,492.50 
 
 Pay of postmaster 17,284.00 
 
 Pay of mail carriage ; . . 16,382.50 
 
 Incidentals 9,766.51 
 
 Special mail carriage 1,733.86 
 
 $66,659.37 
 
 Net gain $6,870.62 
 
 With the adoption and application of the United States postal laws there may 
 not be so favorable a financial showing in future, as the rates on printed matter, 
 far below cost to the Government, provided by our laws will at once reduce the
 
 256 THE TEREITOEY OF HAWAII. 
 
 Hawaiian postal revenues, and there would be a falling of? for ocean postage to the 
 United States. 
 
 The interisland mails are now carried free of charge by the lines of interisland 
 steamers in compliance with a provision in their licenses requiring the performance 
 of this work. 
 
 Statements are hereto appended of the post-oJSices, postmasters and other 
 
 employees, the salaries paid, bonds required, sales of stamps, and box rents; also a 
 
 communication from Hon. S. M. Damon, minister of finance, pointing out the 
 
 advantages of the continuance of the present parcels-post system, by which the 
 
 Hawaiian rates now are to the United States, per pound, 12 cents; to Canada, 20 
 
 cents; to the United Kingdom and Australia, 25 cents. 
 
 R. E. HITT. 
 
 W. F. FEEAE. 
 EEPOET OF COMMITTEE ON COEPOBATIONS. 
 
 The body of Hawaiian law in relation to the creation and control of corpora- 
 tions, domestic and foreign, and of joint-stock companies, while based upon the 
 principles and methods followed in the States, is very liberal, and contains pro- 
 visions which have grown out of the conditions surrounding enterprises under- 
 taken in these islands. In regard to the personal liberty of stockholders in corpora- 
 tions and joint-stock companies, there is a narrow limit of liability. "ISTo stock- 
 holder shall be liable for the debts of the corporation beyond the amount of what 
 may be due on the stock or shares held or owned by him." (Sees. 2019 and 2035, 
 Civil Code.) In regard to bank corporations the law makes every stockholder indi- 
 vidually and personally liable for such portions of the bank's debts and liabilities 
 as the amount of stock or shares owned by him bears to the whole of the subscribed 
 capital stock or shares of the corporation, and for a like proportion only of each 
 debt or claim against the corporation (sec. 2057). "Xo charter shall be granted 
 any company whose capital stock is less than $200,000." (Sec. 2052.) 
 
 There has been a rapid growth of corporations in almost every form of 
 industry upon the islands, in one feature far out of proportion to what is seen in 
 the States, viz., corporate companies carrying on farming, which, in our country, 
 is generally carried on by individuals. Sugar plantations on these islands are 
 nearly all owned by corporations. The sugar industry is by far the largest single 
 interest in value and in profit. 
 
 The fact that the sugar plantations are almost wholly conducted by companies 
 is partly owing to the fact that large capital is required at the very beginning, and
 
 THE TERRITORY OF HAWAII. 257 
 
 the laws make possible the union of small investments without great liability. 
 There has been an element of special risk, too, in the industry. Investors always 
 bore in mind that the prosperity of the whole industry depended upon the reci- 
 procity treaty with the United States, the benefits of which have actually been 
 changed by legislation in the United States, and reciprocity might have been 
 repealed altogether with a change of policy or of party control in the United 
 States. Men did not like to risk all they had in one venture, but would take 
 shares in companies. AVith the removal of this element of uncertainty, now that 
 comparative stability of government is assured by annexation, that element ,of 
 uncertainty will disappear, and with it the tendency to put every enterprise into 
 the form of a corporation will diminish. But the large capital necessary to procure 
 the land, buy the machinery of irrigation and the sugar mills, and meet the large 
 expenses of cultivating implements, and the long pay roll of the laborers, all of 
 which must be advanced long before any return begins, will probably continue, 
 though in a less degree than heretofore, to induce people to prefer to invest in 
 sugar-planting companies, rather than to attempt a plantation single-handed. This 
 will doubtless be the course even of the few persons who may have the capital 
 to make the attempt. 
 
 Lists and descriptions of the corporations — mercantile, agricultural, and man- 
 ufacturing, domestic and foreign — now existing and operating in the Hawaiian 
 Islands, and of church, charitable, and literary associations, are hereto appended. 
 
 R. R. HITT. 
 
 W. F. FREAR. 
 
 THE COMMITTEE ON HEALTH REPORTS ON LEPROSY. 
 
 This subject occupies a place intermediate between quarantine and purely local 
 health matters. There is little danger of its introduction from abroad, and yet 
 it is a contagious disease which deeply concerns the islands as a whole and the 
 United States as well. It is the largest subject with which the board of health 
 deals. 
 
 A system of segregation has been enforced since 1865. A tract of land two 
 or three miles across, on the Island of Molokai, peculiarly adapted for the pur- 
 pose by reason of its complete isolation, being inclosed on one side by a lofty 
 precipice and on the other sides by the ocean, is set apart exclusively for the 
 leper settlement. The following table shows the number of lepers at the settle- 
 ment at the end of each year of its history, also the number of admissions and 
 deaths or discharges for each year:
 
 358 
 
 THE TEKRITOKY OF HAWAII. 
 
 Year, 
 
 Admis- 
 sions. 
 
 Deaths. 
 
 Discharged 
 or unac- 
 counted for, 
 
 Number 
 on the 
 books 
 Dec. 31. 
 
 1866 
 1867 
 1868 
 1869 
 1870 
 1871 
 1872 
 1873 
 1874 
 1875 
 1876 
 1877 
 18V8 
 1879 
 1880 
 1881 
 1882 
 1883 
 1884 
 1885 
 1886 
 1887 
 1888 
 1889 
 3 890 
 1891 
 1892 
 1893 
 1894 
 1895 
 1896 
 1897 
 
 141 
 
 7a 
 
 115 
 126 
 
 57 
 183 
 105 
 487 
 
 91 
 212 
 
 96 
 163 
 239 
 125 
 
 51 
 232 
 
 71 
 301 
 108 
 103 
 
 43 
 220 
 579 
 308 
 202 
 143 
 109 
 211 
 128 
 106 
 146 
 124 
 
 26 
 25 
 
 28 
 59 
 58 
 51 
 64 
 156 
 161 
 163 
 122 
 129 
 147 
 209 
 152 
 132 
 121 
 150 
 168 
 142 
 100 
 108 
 212 
 149 
 158 
 212 
 137 
 151 
 155 
 128 
 116 
 139 
 
 10 
 7 
 2 
 
 11 
 4 
 9 
 4 
 
 21 
 8 
 
 14 
 3 
 1 
 
 1 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 8 
 
 26 
 8 
 4 
 
 28 
 7 
 
 18 
 2 
 
 19 
 
 3 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 105 
 
 143 
 
 228 
 
 284 
 
 279 
 
 402 
 
 439 
 
 749 
 
 671 
 
 706 
 
 677 
 
 710 
 
 802 
 
 717 
 
 606 
 
 706 
 
 649 
 
 785 
 
 717 
 
 655 
 
 590 
 
 698 
 
 1,035 
 
 1,187 
 
 1,213 
 
 1,142 
 
 1,095 
 
 1,155 
 
 1,124 
 
 1,087 
 
 1,115 
 
 1,100 
 
 The lepers .at the settlement at the end of 1897 were as follows by nationality: 
 
 Hawaiians 
 
 Half-castes 
 
 Chinese 
 
 Americans 
 
 British 
 
 Germans 
 
 Portuguese 
 
 Russians 
 
 South Sea Islanders 
 
 984 
 62 
 32 
 5 
 4 
 4 
 6 
 1 
 2 
 
 Total 1,100 
 
 There are at the settlement 67 nonleprous children and 98 nonleprous helpers, 
 
 /s follows: 
 
 Native volunteer helpers 78 
 
 Catholic priests 2 
 
 Protestant pastor and wife 2 
 
 Physician 1 
 
 Franciscan sisters 5 
 
 Japanese servants to sisters 2 
 
 Catholic brothers 6 
 
 Japanese servants to superintendent 2 
 
 Total 98
 
 THE TEEEITORY OF HAWAII. 259 
 
 It will be noticed that the number of lepers at the settlement during the last 
 ten years has been larger than previously, and that during that period the number 
 has remained fairly constant. This does not indicate that leprosy is on the in- 
 crease, or even that it is holding its own. The testimony of the government 
 physicians and agents of the board is that it is diminishing. The greater number 
 at the settlement during the last ten years is due to stricter enforcement of segre- 
 gation, this being the period since the revolution of 1887, when the reform 
 government came into power. Moreover, owing to this stricter enforcement, 
 the lepers are gathered in for the most part now at an earlier stage of the disease 
 than was formerly the case, and, consequently, the death rate at the settle- 
 ment is lower now^ than formerly. Undoubtedly as time goes on the number of lepers 
 and the expense of this branch of the service will diminish until it becomes nil. 
 
 The lepers live principally in two villages, called Kalaupapa and Kalawao, 
 situated, respectively, on opposite sides of the tongue of land reserved for the settle- 
 ment. There are 716 buildings at the settlement, the majority of which are owned 
 by the government. These include a court-house, jail, schoolhouses, offices, ware- 
 houses, workshops, slaughter-houses, dispensaries, medical bathhouses, hospitals, 
 dormitories, many cottages, etc. At Kalawao there is a home for boys, the gift 
 of private persons, conducted under the board of Roman Catholic brothers, and 
 at Kalaupapa a similar home for girls, in charge of Roman Catholic sisters. There 
 is a Young Men's Christian Association, Protestant churches, Roman Catholic, 
 and Mormon churches. A store is maintained by the board for the benefit of the 
 lepers. There is a system of waterworks. A district magistrate goes to the 
 settlement at times from the other side of the island to hold court. There is a 
 band at Kalawao and Kalaupapa each, the members of which are lepers, and the 
 uniforms and instruments for which are the gifts of private persons. The settle- 
 ment is a little world in itself. 
 
 The lepers may erect buildings and cultivate land for their own benefit. 
 Lepers living outside the homes receive weekly rations of food, monthly rations 
 of some other things, such as soap, matches, and oil, and semi-annual "clothes- 
 ration orders" of the value of $5. They are exempt from personal taxes, and 
 taxes on their personal property at the settlement. They enjoy a franking privi- 
 lege as to interisland letters. They may be required to perform a reasonable 
 labor. 
 
 Great care is taken to prevent the spread of the disease, although it is not so 
 contagious as popularly supposed. Visitors are not allowed at the settlement 
 except by express permission, nor are persons residing there allowed to leave
 
 360 THE TEERITOEY OF HAWAII. 
 
 the settlement without similar permission. Passenger vessels of over 250 tons are 
 forbidden to carry lepers except as directed by the board. Financial transactions 
 with the outside are conducted by means of postal orders, money seldom leaving 
 the settlement, and then only after it is purified. Great care is also taken to 
 preserve cleanliness at the settlement. 
 
 At Kalihi, near Honolulu, there is a home for nonleprous girls of leprous 
 parents in charge of Franciscan sisters. At the same place there is a receiving 
 station for the reception and examination of leper suspects sent from the various 
 districts; also a hospital for special study and treatment of leprosy, with a bac- 
 teriological laboratory, in charge of a specialist. 
 
 The leper settlement is conducted economically as well as with great efficiency. 
 The cost of conducting the settlement and the establishment at Kalihi together 
 amounts to only about $100 per leper per annum. 
 
 How far internal health matters as distinguished from quarantine should 
 be controlled by the Federal Government would depend largely upon the nature 
 of those matters and the manner in which the control is exercised. It would 
 seem that the power of Federal control should exist over contagious and infectious 
 diseases as distinguished from other internal health matters. These are diseases 
 the control of which is of vital interest to the whole people. It does not follow, 
 however, that this power should always be exercised directly by the Federal Gov- 
 ernment or exclusively through Federal officers; but in cases of conffict between 
 Federal and local power, when exercised in this respect, the former should be 
 predominant, the latter subordinate or auxiliary. The main object is to secure 
 protection, both to the people at large and to the localities more directly con- 
 cerned, and at the same time to work as little hardship and cause as little offense 
 as possible. Leprosy is the only domestic contagious disease in Hawaii that 
 need be specially considered. The native Hawaiians are the people to whom 
 this disease is almost exclusively confined. They have little or no fear of this 
 disease and are peculiarly devoted to their friends and relatives. It therefore 
 requires a great deal of tact and good judgment to enforce segregation without 
 giving undue offense or working undue hardship. In the past, attempts to enforce 
 segregation have more than once led to bloodshed. But at the present time it 
 is believed that such experience has been had by the officers and agents of the 
 Hawaiian board of health that strict segregation may be enforced with compara- 
 tively little friction. Officers who have not had such experience and who do not 
 understand Hawaiian ways and character would encounter great difficulties and 
 cause great discontent. The Federal Government could not do better, either
 
 THE TEREITORY OF HAWAII. 2G1 
 
 in point of economy or in point of effectiveness, at least so long as present condi- 
 tions continue, than to permit this disease to be controlled through the local 
 officers and the existing machinery. But it would seem to be only just that the 
 Federal Government should share in the expense. 
 
 EEPORT OF COMMITTEE ON AGRICULTURE. 
 
 Hon. Shelby M. Cullom, 
 
 Chairman of the Hawaiian Commission: 
 
 I have the honor to submit the following report on agriculture: 
 
 Lands under the control of the Hawaiian Government previous to annexation 
 are divided into two general classes, one of which includes town lots, sites of 
 public buildings, land devoted to public uses, such as roads, landings, nurseries, 
 forest reservations, reservations for conservation of water supply, and public parks 
 — generally designated as Government lands, which remain under the manage- 
 ment of the minister of the interior; all other lands are placed under the control 
 of the commissioners of public lands, under the designation of public lands. 
 
 These are classified as agricultural, pastoral, pastoral agricultural, forest, and 
 waste land. 
 
 Agricultural land is divided into three classes: 
 
 First class. Land suitable for the cultivation of fruit, coffee, sugar, or other 
 similar crops, with or without irrigation. 
 
 Second class. Land suitable for the cultivation of annual crops only. 
 
 Third class. Wet land. 
 
 Pastoral land is divided into two classes: 
 
 First class. Land not within the description of agricultural land, but capable 
 of carrying live stock the year through. 
 
 Second class. Land capable of carrying live stock only a part of the year, 
 and otherwise inferior to the first class. 
 
 These divisions of the public lands are necessarily somewhat arbitrary and 
 only approximate definiteness in description. For instance, some first-class pastoral 
 land is fair second-class agricultural land, and much of the pastoral land of both 
 the first and second classes becomes first-class agricultural land upon the applica- 
 tion of irrigation. 
 
 Wet land is used as such for the cultivation of only taro and rice, but it is 
 eometimes dried off or drained and used for the cultivation of sugar. 
 
 First-class agricultural land may be loosely divided into sugar land and
 
 263 THE TEERITORY OF HAWAII. 
 
 fruit and coffee land, the former generally lying at low elevations and the latter 
 beginning where the former leaves oif and reaching near to the frost line, though 
 all sugar lands are more or less suitable for the cultivation of some kinds of 
 fruit. 
 
 The staple agricultural products, leaving out for the present the subject of 
 live stock, are taro, sugar, rice, coffee, and bananas. 
 
 Taro is the staff of life to the aboriginal Hawaiians, and is entirely consumed 
 at home, except a small amount of taro flour, which is exported. It is generally 
 raised in wet land, but it grows well and is cultivated to a considerable extent 
 in dry land. The crop is a profitable one, but has suffered in recent years from 
 the attacks of various insect pests. 
 
 There are no statistics from which information can be obtained as to the 
 aggregate annual yield and average profits of this crop. 
 
 Sugar was first grown in the Hawaiian Islands on lands enjoying a sufficient 
 rainfall the year through for its successful cultivation, and it is still extensively 
 produced on such lands. Irrigation by gravity from running streams was intro- 
 duced at an early period, and the results were so beneficial that its development 
 was rapid, and extensive arid areas in different parts of the islands were thus 
 reclaimed. Irrigation by water artificially raised was a later enterprise, and has 
 become especially successful in recent years through radical improvements in 
 pumping machinery. Fertilizers are almost universally used by sugar growers 
 with satisfactory results. Steam plows are generally used where the character of 
 the land permits, with marked improvement in the productive quality of the soil. 
 
 It is probable that sugar production depending upon a water supply from 
 rainfall or from streams by gravity flow has nearly reached its limit, and that all 
 future increase in the sugar production of the Hawaiian Islands will be through 
 aid of pumping machinery. 
 
 As substantially all of the sugar produced in these islands is exported, the 
 custom-house statistics fairly give the extent of the production. This for 189 7 
 was 520,158,232 pounds, worth $15,390,422.13. 
 
 Eice is always grown in wet land and is almost entirely cultivated by the 
 Chinese, many of whom have improved machinery moved by water power for 
 preparing the crop for the market. Two crops are raised each year from the 
 same land. Fertilizers are much used. The product is of the best quality. While 
 there is a large consumption of rice at home, the export for 1897 amounted to 
 5,499,499 pounds, worth $225,575.52. 
 
 The cultivation of coffee is a comparatively new enterprise, only a few of the
 
 THE TERKITORY OF HAWAII. 263 
 
 plantations being as yet in full bearing. Coffee was tried on a considerable scale 
 in the fifties, but was a failure through insect pests. At that time it was generally 
 cultivated on low lands; now it is agreed that in this country coffee should be 
 cultivated at elevations between 300 or 400 and 2,500 feet above the sea. The 
 best soil for it is loose alluvium over a subsoil of aa (broken volcanic rock). The 
 elevation required for its cultivation places it well within the forest belt, a cir- 
 cumstance which often calls for a considerable outlay for clearing. Irrigation 
 is seldom used in coffee culture. Four or five years from transplanting are required 
 by a coffee tree for reaching a full bearing capacity. 
 
 Coffee raising can be favorably carried on upon a small scale, although in 
 the pulping and cleaning processes co-operation among neighboring planters is 
 desirable. 
 
 On account of the increasing demand for coffee lands, and the fact that this 
 enterprise can be profitably carried on" in small holdings, the Government has de- 
 voted its energies, under the settlement provisions of its land legislation, mainly 
 to the opening of coffee lands to settlement in small farms within 100 acres in 
 extent, except in the Olaa coffee region, where pioneer holders of original crown 
 leases were allowed to acquire, upon the basis of such leases, a larger area. These 
 lands have been eagerly taken up by actual settlers, and are generally prosperous. 
 In the last biennial period 422 holdings, not including the Olaa lots, were taken 
 up, including an aggregate area of 20,234 acres and worth, at the moderate 
 Government appraisement, $118,853, unimproved value. The agreements under 
 which these lots were taken require performance of conditions of residence and 
 cultivation in some cases, and of cultivation and other improvement in others, and 
 in no case confer immediate title in fee. 
 
 The area of good coffee land as yet unoccupied is comparatively large. A 
 large part, however, of the public lands of this class is held under leases to private 
 parties. The expiration of the terms of these leases will, from time to time, 
 augment materially the area under the control of the Government suitable for 
 settlement purposes. 
 
 As land suitable for coffee culture corresponds generally with forest land, the 
 policy of land settlement is confronted with the consideration of the subject of 
 forestry. A wholesale substitution of coffee plantations for forest growth might 
 seriously affect local climatic conditions to the extent of producing permanent! 
 injury to surrounding agricultural interests. This subject should be fully investi-. 
 gated before any settlement enterprises involving extensive forest destruction are 
 decided on.
 
 264 THE TEERITOEY OF HAWAII. 
 
 There is a considerable loeai consumption of Hawaiian coffee. The export 
 for 1897 amoimted to 337,158 ponnds, estimated to be worth $99,696.62. 
 
 The banana is a hardy plant without insect enemies and is cultivated largely 
 with irrigation. It requires a fertile soil and thorough cultivation, and can be 
 raised from the seashore nearly up to the frost line. The yield is large and the 
 crop, as raised for export, a profitable one. In 1897 there were exported 75,835 
 bunches, valued at $75,412.50. There is also a considerable home consumption of 
 this fruit. 
 
 Under free trade with the main land the cultivation of pineapples, avocado 
 pears, and tobacco, and the manufacture of taro flour and jams and jellies and the 
 canning of fruit will undoubtedly become profitable. Other fruits and some vege- 
 tables will be profitably raised for the Pacific coast markets. 
 
 Indian corn, Irish and sweet potatoes, and garden vegetables are successfully 
 and profitably raised for the home demand. 
 
 The raising of live stock has, as a rule, been carried on in a haphazard 
 way, relying upon the natural growth of native grasses for pasturage, without 
 other feeding. While considerable attention has been paid to the improvement 
 of all kinds of stock by the introduction of good blood, the condition and quality 
 of live stock at the islands on the whole is not very creditable to the country; yet 
 the business is generally profitable. 
 
 With increased communication with other countries, numerous insect pests 
 have been introduced, some of which have very seriously threatened certain crops. 
 To meet this invasion, the Government, acting jointly with the Sugar Planters' 
 Association, has for several years kept an able entomologist in its employ, whose 
 efforts have been directed to the introduction of enemies of the insect pests and 
 have been attended with marked success. 
 
 Under a new form of government it will be important to the country that it 
 should have full authority to protect itself against the chance importation of 
 injurious insects, even from the rest of the United States. 
 
 SANFOED B. DOLE. 
 
 Honolulu, August 30, 1898. 
 
 THE IMPORTATION OF LABOR. 
 
 In 1865, December 18, Captain James Makee, of the Island of Mauai, master 
 of the Hawaiian schooner Pfeil, brought 20 men, 3 women, and 2 children from 
 the Caroline Islands under contracts to labor on his plantation.
 
 THE TERRITORY OF HAWAII. 267 
 
 In June, 1865, about 15 Marquesans were brought to the islands, partly 
 under the auspices of the Bureau of Immigration and partly under the Board of 
 Foreign Missions. These, with the Caroline Island immigrants, gave good satisfac- 
 tion, and their labor contracts were approved by the Bureau. In 1865 the ques- 
 tion of the importation of Chinese "coolies" was further considered, and under 
 certain regulations the introduction of this class of labor from China became a 
 part of the policy of the Hawaiian Islands. From this time on cargoes of Chinese 
 laborers under contracts for service were frequently and regularly made. The 
 matter of the medical inspection of immigrants became important as a means 
 of protecting the health of the inhabitants against contagious or infectious dis- 
 eases, and the various steps taken in this direction have finally resulted in quaran- 
 tine and health protective measures, which at this time are quite efficient. 
 
 Various changes in the regulations and statutes controlling the immigration 
 and introduction of foreign laborers were made from time to time by legislative 
 and royal authority, A few inhabitants of the South Sea Islands were brought 
 to Hawaii, and many Portuguese from other island colonies became residents and 
 laborers in the kingdom. Special efforts were from time to time made to induce 
 the importation of females of the several islands and countries from which such 
 importation was desirable. 
 
 As time passed, in 1867 and 1868, the matter of providing for the introduc- 
 tion of Japanese laborers became an important question. The Japanese Govern- 
 ment interposed its offices, and has since looked after the interests of those of 
 its subjects who have become laborers in Hawaii. So it may be said that as a 
 commercial or business proposition, the matter of the employment of cheap labor, 
 imported from various islands and countries became the important subject of 
 Hawaiian consideration. The large profits resulting from the cultivation and 
 manufacture of sugar, where inexpensive Asiatic labor was to be obtained, pro- 
 duced the legitimate result of aggregating capital in large amounts for the purchase 
 or leasing of sugar lands, where this class of laborers could be employed most 
 profitably. The facilities which existed under the Hawaiian monarchy for obtain- 
 ing grants, concessions, and leases of government lands were availed of by specu- 
 lative favorites and others, and large plantations by wealthy planters, instead of 
 small holdings by industrious heads of families, became the rule upon the islands. 
 The cost of irrigation in sugar-producing districts is also an obstacle not easily to 
 be overcome by the small landholder, who could seldom command the funds to 
 erect the dams, sluices, flumes, and expensive works required to convey the water. 
 So that many thousands of acres of the most fertile lands in the world have, by
 
 268 THE TEKEITOEY OF HAWAII. 
 
 the combined influences above referred to, and others quite as potent, become 
 unattainable by ordinary citizens. The large holdings have become larger and 
 the small ones have been driven out or absorbed. Thus the prime object of 
 American citizenship, the making of homes and the complete development of the 
 family as the unit of our social system, seems, in a degree, to have been lost sight 
 of in the Hawaiian Islands. 
 
 The great corporations with special facilities for control of the soil have 
 been often promoted by corrupt royal favoritism or other unjust means, and 
 the individual citizen has been, per force, driven from the occupation in which 
 he might have become a useful member of the community. Theoretically, Hawaii 
 is now endowed with the attributes of a republican government, but to become 
 truly and practically a part of our republic the laws of the United States pro- 
 hibiting the creation or continuance of long leases of valuable lands and directing 
 the survey and subdivision of all of the public lands of the islands as a part of the 
 heritage of the people should be put in force. These lands should be disposed 
 of in such wise and beneficent manner as will make these mountains and valleys 
 the home of a million good American citizens. In the legislation necessary 
 to produce this most desirable future for these insular additions to our system, two 
 imperative agencies must be thoroughly and exhaustively considered. It seems 
 to be admitted that the government of the country should be held responsible, 
 first of all, for a complete system of public roads. The individual landowner ought 
 not to be charged with the expense of building, in this mountainous country, the 
 roads necessary either for the public use or for giving access to his lands or to 
 those of his neighbors. With good public roads the first great hindrance to the 
 building up of homes, of neighborhoods, and communities and schools will dis- 
 appear. Wherever in this fertile land we make places for homes, we shall have 
 homes. 
 
 THE OFFICE-HOLDERS ON THE ISLANDS AND THEIR SALARIES. 
 
 REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON LOCAL EXECUTIVE OFFICES. 
 
 Hon. Shelby M. Cullom, 
 
 Chairman of the Hawaiian Commission: 
 The committee on local executive ofiices respectfully submits the accom- 
 panying report. 
 
 S. B. DOLE, 
 W. F. FREAR, 
 Committee on Local Executive Offices. 
 Honolulu, September 12, 1898.
 
 THE TERRITOEY OF HAWAII. 
 
 369 
 
 The local officers authorized by law in the Republic of Hawaii were the 
 following: 
 
 Officer. 
 
 Salary 
 Appointed by — Confirmed by — Tenure of office. per 
 
 annum. 
 
 , Legislature 6 years . 
 
 Executive council. 
 
 President 
 
 Cabinet: 
 
 Minister of foreign affairs President Senate Indefinite 
 
 Minister of the interior do do do . . . 
 
 Minister of finance do do do — 
 
 Attorney-general do do do — 
 
 Department of foreign affairs. 
 
 Minister of foreign affairs 
 
 Secretary Minister President Indefinite 
 
 Clerk Secretary Minister do ... 
 
 Do do do do . . . 
 
 Clerk, executive council President do ... 
 
 Department of the interior. 
 
 Minister of the interior 
 
 Chief clerk 
 
 Minister President Indefinite 
 
 First assistant clerk do 
 
 Second assistant clerk do 
 
 Third assistant clerk do 
 
 Fourth assistant clerk and do 
 
 copyist. 
 
 Two messengers, each do 
 
 Clerk of land records and do 
 
 copying patents. 
 
 Electoral registrar do 
 
 Veterinary surgeon do 
 
 .do 
 .do 
 .do 
 .do 
 
 .do 
 .do 
 
 .do 
 .do 
 
 Commission of public lands. 
 
 Land agent Minister President Indefinite 
 
 Secretary and subagent fifth Land Agent Minister do . . . 
 
 land district. 
 
 Clerk do do do ... 
 
 Assistant clerk do do do ... 
 
 Subagent first district do do do . . . 
 
 Clerk first district do do do ... 
 
 Subagent second district do do do ... 
 
 Subagent third district do do do . . . 
 
 Subagent fourth district do do do ... 
 
 Subagent sixth district do do do ... 
 
 Ranger, first district do do do ... 
 
 Ranger, second district do do do ... 
 
 Ranger, third district do do do ... 
 
 Ranger, fourth district do do do . . . 
 
 Ranger, fifth district do do do . . . 
 
 Ranger, sixth district do do do . . . 
 
 112,000 
 
 6,000 
 6.000 
 6,000 
 6,000 
 
 2.400 
 1,200 
 1,000 
 1,500 
 
 2,700 
 2,400 
 1,800 
 1, 500 
 1,200 
 
 600 
 900 
 
 600 
 600 
 
 3,000 
 2,100 
 
 1,200 
 600 
 
 1,500 
 600 
 600 
 480 
 600 
 360 
 600 
 360 
 360 
 360 
 360 
 860
 
 270 THE TEERITORY OF HAWAII. 
 
 Bureau of survey. 
 
 Surveyor-general Minister President Indefinite $3,000 
 
 Chief assistant Surveyor - gen- Minister do 2,700 
 
 eral. 
 
 First assistant do do do 2,400 
 
 Second assistant do do do 2,100 
 
 Third assistant do do do 1,350 
 
 Draftsman do do do 1,050 
 
 Aid do do do 600 
 
 Messenger do do do 480 
 
 Registry of conveyances. 
 
 Registrar Minister President Indefinite . . 2,700 
 
 Deputy registrar and copyistRegistrar Minister do 1,500 
 
 Copyist do do do 900 
 
 do do do do 800 
 
 do do do do 600 
 
 do do do do 600 
 
 do do do do 480 
 
 Bureau of immigration. 
 
 Inspector Minister Indefinite 2,400 
 
 Secretary do do 1,500 
 
 Bureau of waterworks. 
 
 Superintendent of HouoluluMinister President Indefinite 2,700 
 
 waterworks and clerk of 
 
 market. 
 
 Clerk Superintendent Minister do 1,800 
 
 Assistant clerk do do do 600 
 
 Reservoir keepers (3) do do do 1,320 
 
 Plumber and assistant do do do 1,320 
 
 Tap inspector do do do 1,042 
 
 Shipping tenders do do do 600 
 
 Market keeper do do do 360 
 
 Assistant keeper do do do 300 
 
 Superintendent Hilo water- do do do 900 
 
 works. 
 
 Superintendent Laupahoehoe do do do ' 20 
 
 waterworks. 
 
 Superintendent Koloa water- do do do 25 
 
 works. 
 
 Engineers (2) do do do 3,000 
 
 Bureau of public works. 
 
 Superintendent Minister President Indefinite 3,000 
 
 Road engineer Superintendent Minister do 2,400 
 
 Bookkeeper do do do 1,800 
 
 Draftsman and assistant su- do do do 1,500 
 
 perintendent.
 
 THE TERRITOEY OF HAWAII. 271 
 
 Clerk Superintendent Minister Indefinite $900 
 
 Harbor master do do do 3,000 
 
 Road supervisor, Honolulu do do do 2,400 
 
 Roads and bridges, Honolulu, do do do 13,332 
 
 pay roll. 
 
 Steam tug, pay roll do do do 6,600 
 
 Electric-light inspector do do do 1,800 
 
 Dynamoman do do do 960 
 
 Do do do do 780 
 
 Lineman do do do 780 
 
 Station keeper do do do 720 
 
 Trimmer do do do 720 
 
 Do do do do 720 
 
 Light-house keepers do do do 4,460 
 
 Keeper of wharf and buoys, do do do 120 
 
 Lahaina. 
 
 Gunpowder keeper, Hilo do do do 25 
 
 Board of health. 
 
 Secretary Minister Indefinite 2,000 
 
 Government physicians Board of health do 18,000 
 
 General expenses, pay roll do 9,430 
 
 Nonleprous children, pay roll Indefinite 1,200 
 
 Removing garbage, pay roll do 5,400 
 
 Keeper quarantine station do 600 
 
 Maintenance of hospitals, pay do 6,500 
 
 roll. 
 
 Act to mitigate pay roll do 1,575 
 
 Segregation of lepers, pay roll do 19,200 
 
 Superintendent insane asylum do 1,800 
 
 Assistants, insane asylum do 11,B32 
 
 Food commissioner do 2,100 
 
 Forests and nurseries bureau. 
 
 Commissioner Minister President Indefinite 2,100 
 
 Entomologist Commissioner . . Minister do 2,000 
 
 Gardener, nursery do do do 1,020 
 
 Forester do do do 1,020 
 
 Laborers, Makiki and Nuuanu do do do 2,700 
 
 Laborers, nurseries do do do 540 
 
 Chief forester do do do 2,400 
 
 Expert forester do do do 750 
 
 Public grounds bureau. 
 
 Pay roll. Government buildingMinister Indefinite 2,472 
 
 Pay roll, Makiki and River do do 1,020 
 
 parks. 
 
 Pay roll, Thomas and Emma do do 1,020 
 
 squares. 
 
 Keeper mausoleum and do do 390 
 
 grounds. 
 
 Janitor and keeper, executive .... do do 1,200 
 
 and judiciary building.
 
 272 THE TEKRITORY OF HAWAII. 
 
 Fire departments. 
 Honolulu fire department, pay Indefinite |29,520 
 
 roll. 
 
 Steward, watchman, and engi- do 540 
 
 neer, Hilo fire department. 
 
 Department of finance. 
 
 Minister of finance 
 
 Registrar of public accounts Minister President Indefinite 2,700 
 
 Clerk, finance office Registrar Minister do ........ . 1,800 
 
 Second clerk and messenger do do do 600 
 
 Tax bureau. 
 
 Tax assessor, Oahu Minister President Indefinite 2,700 
 
 Tax assessor, Hawaii do do do 2,500 
 
 Tax assessor, Maui do do do 2,300 
 
 Tax assessor, Kauai do do do 2,000 
 
 Deputy tax assessors and col- Tax assessors Minister do 3,000 
 
 lectors, salaries and com- 
 missions. 
 
 Postal bureau. 
 
 Postmaster-general Minister President Indefinite 3,000 
 
 Deputy postmaster-generalPostmaster-gen-Minister do 2,000 
 
 and secretary. ^^'a-l. 
 
 Superintendent postal sav-....do do do 2,000 
 
 ings bank. 
 
 Superintendent money-order ... .do do do 2,000 
 
 division. 
 
 General delivery clerk do do do 1,800 
 
 Registry delivery clerk do do do 1,500 
 
 Parcel-post clerk do do do 1,200 
 
 Mail dispatcher do do do 1,200 
 
 Postal savings bank clerk do do do 1,200 
 
 Money-order clerk do do do 1,200 
 
 Do do do do 900 
 
 General delivery clerk do do do 900 
 
 Portuguese delivery clerk do do do 840 
 
 Japanese delivery clerk do do do 840 
 
 Chinese delivery clerk do do do 840 
 
 Clerk do do do 600 
 
 Do do do do 600 
 
 Do do do do 600 
 
 Do do do do 600 
 
 Ladies' window clerk do do do 540 
 
 Clerk do do do 540 
 
 Do do do do 480 
 
 Do do do do 240 
 
 Assistant clerk, postal sav- do do do 480 
 
 ings bank. 
 
 Clerk, postal savings bank do do do S60 
 
 Janitor do do do 240
 
 THE TEEKITOEY OF HAWAII. 
 
 273 
 
 Bureau of customs. 
 
 Collector-general Minister President Indefinite 
 
 Deputy collector, Honolulu. .Collector-general Minister do ... 
 
 Entry clerks (3) do do do . . . 
 
 Statistical clerks (3) do do do . . . 
 
 Port surveyor, Honolulu do do do . . . 
 
 Storekeeper do do do ... 
 
 Appraiser do do do . . . 
 
 Assistant appraiser do do do ... 
 
 Customs ganger and tester do do do . . . 
 
 Examiners (2) do do do ... 
 
 Appraiser's storekeeper do do do . . . 
 
 Chinese and Japanese invoice 
 
 inspectors do do do ... 
 
 Pilots, Honolulu (3), each do do do . . . 
 
 Assistants, customs ware- 
 houses do do do . . . 
 
 Customs inspectors, Honolulu do do do . . . 
 
 Customs guards, Honolulu do do do . . . 
 
 Pilot's watchman. Diamond 
 Head do do do . . . 
 
 Pilot's watchman, pilot's of- 
 fice do do do . . . 
 
 Pilots' boats, pay roll do do do . . . 
 
 Assistant guards, all ports do do do . . . 
 
 Collector, Kahului do do do . . . 
 
 Port surveyor, Kahului do do do . . . 
 
 Customs guards and inspec- 
 tors, Maui do do do . . . 
 
 Collector, Hilo do do do . . . 
 
 Port surveyor, Hilo do do do . . . 
 
 Customs guards and inspec- 
 tors, Hawaii do do do , . . 
 
 Collector, Mahukona and 
 Honoipu do do do . . . 
 
 Collector, Waimea and Koloa .... do do do , . . 
 
 Collector, Kailua and Keala- 
 
 kekua do do do . . . 
 
 $3,000 
 2,700 
 3,900 
 4,200 
 2,000 
 1,200 
 2,100 
 1,500 
 1,500 
 2,400 
 1,200 
 
 1,200 
 2,400 
 
 3,600 
 10,000 
 13,750 
 
 900 
 
 720 
 2,500 
 4,000 
 1.500 
 1,000 
 
 2,160 
 1,500 
 1.000 
 
 2.160 
 
 900 
 200 
 
 200 
 
 Department of the At- 
 torney-General. 
 
 Attorney-general 
 
 Deputy attorney-general Attorney 
 
 eral. 
 
 Assistant to attorney-general do ... 
 
 Clerk to department do . , , 
 
 Marshal do . . , 
 
 Clerk to marshal Marshal . 
 
 Deputy marshal do 
 
 Jailor, Oahu prison do 
 
 gen- Indefinite 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 .President do 
 
 .Attorney - gen- do , 
 
 eral. 
 
 do do 
 
 do do 
 
 ?3,000 
 
 1,800 
 1,800 
 3,000 
 1.800 
 
 2,100 
 1,800
 
 274 THE TEREITOEY OF HAWAII. 
 
 Sheriff of Hawaii Marshal Attorney - gen- Indefinite $2,500 
 
 eral. 
 
 Sheriff of Maui do do do 2,750 
 
 Sheriff of Kauai do do do 2,000 
 
 Sheriff's clerk, Hawaii do do do 900 
 
 Sheriff's clerk, Maui do do do 900 
 
 Sheriff's clerk, Kauai do do do 400 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Hawaii do do do 1,800 
 
 Deputy sheriff. North Kohala do do do 1,200 
 
 Deputy sheriff. South Kohala do do do 600 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Hamakua do do do 1,200 
 
 Deputy sheriff. North Hilo do do do 720 
 
 Deputy sheriff, North Kona do do do 1,200 
 
 Deputy sheriff, South Kona do do do 900 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Kau do do do 1,020 
 
 Deputy sheriff. Puna do do do 720 
 
 Police, Hawaii do do do 27,500 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Maui do do do 1,500 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Makawao do do do " 1,200 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Lahaina do do do 960 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Hana do do do 960 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Molokai do do do 800 
 
 Police, Maui do do do 15,000 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Kauai do do do 1,500 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Kawaihau do do do 780 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Hanalei do do do 780 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Koloa do do do 780 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Waimea do do do 1,200 
 
 Police, Kauai do do do 9,000 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Koolaupoko do do do 600 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Koolauloa do do do 600 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Waialua .do do do 600 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Waianae do do do 600 
 
 Deputy sheriff, Ewa do do do 900 
 
 Police, Oahu do do do 67,500 
 
 Clerks, receiving station (2) do do do 1,440 
 
 Supreme court oflBicer do do do 1,080 
 
 Hack inspector do do do 1,200 
 
 Physicians' receiving station — do do do 1,200 
 
 and prison. 
 
 Jailors, guards, and lunas of .... do do do 27,500 
 
 prisoners. 
 
 Keeper kerosene warehouse do do do 900 
 
 Keeper powder magazine do do do 600 
 
 Stenographer to department. Attorney - gen- ... .do do 1,500 
 
 eral. 
 Audit department. 
 
 Auditor-general President Senate do 3,600 
 
 Deputy auditor-general do Cabinet do 2,400 
 
 Clerks (eighteen months) Auditor-general do 5,500
 
 THE TEEEITOEY OF HAWAII. 275 
 
 Department of public instruc- 
 tion. 
 
 Inspector-general of schools . Minister and Indefinite |3,000 
 
 commissioner 
 of public in- 
 struction. 
 
 Deputy inspector and school do do 450 
 
 agent, Honolulu. 
 
 Traveling normal instructor do do 3,000 
 
 Secretary of department do do 1,800 
 
 Assistant secretary and school do do 1,500 
 
 agent, Honolulu. 
 
 Messenger and book clerk do do 900 
 
 Public schools pay roll do do 225,000 
 
 School agents do do 2,250 
 
 Superintendent industrial do do 1,200 
 
 school. 
 
 Matron of industrial school do do 900 
 
 Guards industrial school do do 900 
 
 In addition to the foregoing salaried officers are the following boards and 
 commissions, the members of which serve without pay: 
 
 Board of Immigration. — Comprising the minister of the interior, ex officio, 
 chairman, and five commissioners appointed by the President, with the approval 
 of the cabinet; term of office, indefinite. 
 
 Board of Health. — Comprising the attorney-general, ex officio, and six mem- 
 bers, three of whom are laymen and three physicians, appointed by the President, 
 with the approval of the cabinet; term of office, two years. 
 
 Commissioners of Public Instruction. — Comprising the minister of foreign 
 affairs, ex officio, minister of public instruction, and six commissioners, appointed 
 by the President, with the approval of the cabinet; term of office, three years. 
 
 Board of Prison Inspectors. — Comprising three inspectors, appointed by the 
 minister of the interior, with the approval of- the cabinet; term of office, two years. 
 
 Board of Equalization. — Comprising the minister of finance and the several 
 assessors. 
 
 Board of Inspectors of Elections. — Comprising three inspectors of election 
 for each precinct, appointed by the minister of the interior; term of office, in- 
 definite. 
 
 Board of Eegistration. — Comprising three members in five districts, appointed 
 by the President, with the approval of the senate. 
 
 Council of State. — Comprising fifteen members, five elected by senate, five 
 elected by the house of representatives, and five appointed by President, with ap- 
 proval of cabinet. Members of executive council sit and take part in meetings, but 
 cannot vote.
 
 276 THE TERRITOEY OF HAWAII. 
 
 Labor Commission. — Comprising three members, appointed by the President; 
 term of office, indefinite. 
 
 Road Board. — Comprising three members in each district, appointed by the 
 minister of the interior; term of of&ce, indefinite. 
 
 Pound Masters. — Consisting of one in each district, appointed by the minister 
 of interior; term of office, indefinite; a system of fees charged. 
 
 Commissioner of Public Lands. — Composed of a board of three commis- 
 sioners, including the minister of the interior and two persons appointed by the 
 President, with the approval of the cabinet, one of whom is designated agent of 
 public lands; term of office, indefinite.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 EAELY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 
 
 Captain James Cook's Great Discoveries and His Martyrdom — Character and Tra- 
 ditions of the Hawaiian Islands — Charges Against the Famous Navigator, and 
 effort to Array the Christian World Against Him — The True Story of His 
 Life and Death — How Charges Against Cook Came to Be Made — Testimony 
 of Vancouver, King and Dixon, and Last Words of Cook's Journal — Light 
 Turned on History That Has Become Obscure — Savagery of the Natives — 
 Their Written Language Took Up Their High Colored Traditions, and Pre- 
 served Phantoms — Scenes in Aboriginal Theatricals — Problem of Govern- 
 ment in an Archipelago Where Race Questions Are Predominant — Now 
 Americans Should Remember Captain Cook as an Illustrious Pioneer. 
 
 Regarding the islands in the Pacific that wq have for a long time largely occu- 
 pied and recently wholly possessed, the Hawaiian cluster that are the stepping 
 stone, the resting place and the coal station for the golden group more than a thou- 
 sand leagues beyond, we should remember Captain Cook as one of our own Western 
 pioneers, rejoice to read his true story, and in doing so to form a correct estimate 
 of the people who have drifted into the area of our Protection, or territory that is 
 inalienably our own, to be thoroughly Americanized, that they may some day be 
 worthy to become our fellow-citizens. 
 
 Sunday, January 18th, 1778, Captain Cook, after seeing birds every day, and 
 turtles, saw two islands, and the next day a third one, and canoes put off from the 
 shore of the second island, the people speaking the language of Otaheite. As the 
 Englishmen proceeded, other canoes appeared, bringing with them roasted pigs and 
 very fine potatoes. The Captain says: "Several small pigs were purchased for 
 a six-penny nail, so that we again found ourselves in a land of plenty. The natives 
 were gentle and polite, asking whether they might sit down, whether they might 
 spit on the deck, and the like. An order restricting the men going ashore was 
 issued that I might do everything in my power to prevent the importation of a 
 fatal disease into the island, which I knew some of our men now labored under." 
 Female visitors were ordered to be excluded from' the ships. Captain Cook's journal 
 is very explicit, and he states the particulars of the failure of his precautions. This 
 is a subject that has been much discussed, and there is still animosity in the con- 
 troversy. The discovery of the islands that he called the Sandwich, after his patron 
 the Earl of Sandwich, happened in the midst of our Revolutionary war. After 
 
 277
 
 278 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICPI ISLANDS. 
 
 Cook's explorations for the time, he sailed in search of the supposed Northwest pass- 
 age, and that enterprise appearing hopeless, returned to the summer islands, and 
 met his fate in the following December. Captain George Vancouver, a friend and 
 follower of Cook, says, in his "Voyage of Discovery and Around the World." from 
 1790 to 1795: 
 
 "It should seem that the reign of George the Third had been reserved by the 
 Great Disposer of all things for the glorious task of establishing the grand key- 
 stone to that expansive arch over which the arts and sciences should pass to the 
 furthermost corners of the earth, for the instruction and happiness of the most lowly 
 children of nature. Advantages so highly beneficial to the untutored parts of the 
 human race, and so extremely important to that large proportion of the subjects of 
 this empire who are brought up to the sea service deserve to be justly appreciated; 
 and it becomes of very little importance to the bulk of our society, whose enlightened 
 humanity teaches them to entertain a lively regard for the welfare and interest 
 of those who engage in such adventurous undertakings for the advancement of 
 science, or for the extension of commerce, what may be the animadversions or sar- 
 casms of those few unenlightened minds that may peevishly demand, "what bene- 
 ficial consequences, if any, have followed, or are likely to follow to the discoverers, 
 or to the discovered, to the common interests of humanity, or to the increase of 
 useful knowledge, from all our boasted attempts to explore the distant recesses of the 
 globe?" The learned editor (Dr. Douglas, now Bishop of Salisbury) who has so 
 justly anticipated this injudicious remark, has, in his very comprehensive introduc- 
 tion to Captain Cook's last voyage, from whence the above quotation is extracted, 
 given to the public not only a complete and satisfactory answer to that question, but 
 has treated every other part of the subject of discovery so ably as to render any further 
 observations on former voyages of this description wholly unnecessary, for the 
 purpose of bringing tTie reader acquainted with what had been accomplished, pre- 
 viously to my being honored with His Majesty's commands to follow up the labors 
 of that illustrious navigator Captain James Cook; to whose steady, uniform, inde- 
 fatigable and undiverted attention to the several objects on which the success of his 
 enterprises ultimately depended, the world is indebted for such eminent and im- 
 portant benefits." 
 
 Captain George Vancouver pays, in the introduction of his reports, a remark- 
 able tribute to Captain Cook, that should become familiar to the American people, 
 for it is one of the features of prevalent Hawaiian literature that the great navigator 
 is much disparaged, and denounced. One of the favorite theories of the missionaries
 
 EAKLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 279 
 
 has been that Cook's death at the hands of the savages was substantially the pun- 
 ishment inflicted by God, because the Captain allowed himself to be celebrated and 
 worshipped as a god by the heathen, consenting to their idolatry when he should 
 have preached to them, as was done with so much eflQciency nearly half a century 
 later. The fact is the natives had a great deal of "religion" of their own, and 
 defended their superstitions with skill and persistence before jdelding to fhe great 
 simplicities of the Christian faith. Captain Cook, it must be admitted, did not 
 attempt to preach the gospel. The gentleness of the natives turned out to con- 
 tain a great deal that was most horrible. 
 
 The closing years of the last century were those of rapid progress in the art of 
 navigation, and Captain Vancouver gives this striking summary of testimony: 
 
 "By the introduction of nautical astronomy into marine education, we are taught 
 to sail on the hypothenuse, instead of traversing two sides of a triangle, which was 
 the usage in earlier times; by this means the circuitous course of all voyages from 
 place to place is considerably shortened; and it is now become evident that sea 
 officers of the most common rate abilities who will take the trouble of making 
 themselves acquainted with the principles of this science, will, on all suitable occa- 
 sions, with proper and correct instruments, be enabled to acquire a knowledge of 
 their situation in the Atlantic, Indian or Pacific Oceans, with a degree of accuracy 
 sufficient to steer on a meridianal or diagonal line, to any known spot, provided it 
 be sufficiently conspicuous to be visible at any distance from five to ten leagues. 
 
 "This great improvement, by which the most remote parts of the terrestrial 
 globe are brought so easily within our reach, would nevertheless have been of com- 
 paratively little utility had not those happy means been discovered for preserving the 
 lives and health of the officers and seamen engaged in such distant and perilous 
 undertakings; which were so peacefully practiced by Captain Cook, the first great 
 discoverer of this salutary system, in all his latter voyages around the globe. But 
 in none have the effect of his wise regulations, regimen and disciphne been more 
 manifest than in the course of the expedition of which the following pages are 
 designed to treat. To an unremitting attention, not only to food, cleanliness, ven- 
 tilation, and an early administration of antiseptic provisions and medicines, but 
 also to prevent as much as possible the chance of indisposition, by prohibiting indi- 
 viduals from carelessly exposing themselves to the influence of climate, or unhealthy 
 indulgences in times of relaxation, and by relieving them from fatigue and the 
 inclemency of the weather the moment the nature of their duty would permit them 
 to retire, is to be ascribed the preservation of the health and lives of sea-faring peo- 
 ple on long voyages."
 
 280 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 
 
 "Those benefits did not long remain unnoticed by the commercial part of the 
 British nation. Remote and distant voyages being now no longer objects of terror, 
 enterprises were projected and carried into execution, for the purpose of establishing 
 new and lucrative branches of commerce between Northwest America and China; 
 and parts of the coast of the former that had not been minutely examined by Cap- 
 tain Cook became now the general resort of the persons thus engaged." 
 
 The special zeal and consistency with which Cook is defended by the English 
 navigators who knew him and were competent to judge of the scope of his achieve- 
 ments is due in part to the venom of his assailants. The historian of the Sandwich 
 Islands, Sheldon Dibble, says: "An impression of wonder and dread having been 
 made, Captain Cook and his men found little difficulty in having such intercourse 
 with the people as they chose. In regard to that intercourse, it was marked, as the 
 world would say, with kindness and humanity. But it cannot be concealed that here 
 and there at this time, in the form of loathsome disease, was dug the grave of the 
 Hawaiian nation; and from so deep an odium it is to be regretted that faithful his- 
 tory cannot exempt even the fair name of Captain Cook himself, since it was evident 
 that he gave countenance to the evil. The native female first presented to him was 
 a person of some rank; her name was Lelemahoalani. Sin and death were the 
 first commodities imported to the Sandwich Islands." 
 
 We have already quoted Captain Cook's first words on this subject. He had much 
 more to say giving in detail difficulties rather too searching to be fully stated. As for 
 the charge that Cook personally engaged in debauchery, it rests upon the tradition 
 of savages, who had no more idea than wild animals of the restraint of human pas- 
 sion. It was debated among the islanders whether the white men should be as- 
 sailed by the warriors, and it was on the advice of a native queen that the women 
 were sent to make friends with the strangers; and this was the policy pursued. As 
 for the decline of the natives in numbers, and the "digging the grave of the na- 
 tion," the horror of the islands was the destruction of female infants, and also the 
 habit of putting aged and helpless men and women to death. The general indict- 
 ment against Captain Cook is that this amiable race was just about prepared for 
 Christianity when he thrust himself forward as a god, and with his despotic licen- 
 tiousness destroyed immediate possibilities of progress. In Sandwich Island notes 
 by "a Haole" (that is to say, a white person) we see what may be said on the other 
 side of the picture: "It becomes an interesting duty to examine their social, po- 
 litical and religious condition. The first feature that calls the attention to the 
 past is their social condition, and a darker picture can hardly be presented to the 
 contemplation of man. They had their frequent boxing matches on a public arena,
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 281 
 
 and it was nothing uncommon to see thirty or forty left dead on the field of con- 
 test. 
 
 "As gamhlers they were inveterate. The game was indulged in by every per- 
 son, from the king of each island to the meanest of his subjects. The wager ac- 
 companied every scene of public amusement. They gambled away their property to 
 the last vestige of all they possessed. They staked every article of food, their grow- 
 ing crops, the clothes they wore, their lands, wives, daughters, and even the very 
 bones of their arms and legs — to be made into fishhooks after they were dead. 
 These steps led to the most absolute and crushing poverty. 
 
 "They had their dances, which were of such a character as not to be conceived 
 by a civilized mind, and were accompanied by scenes which would have disgraced 
 even Nero's revels. Nearly every night, with the gathering darkness, crowds would 
 retire to some favorite spot, where, amid every species of sensual indulgence they 
 would revel until the morning twihght. At such times the chiefs would lay aside 
 their authority, and mingle with the lowest courtesan in every degree of debauchery. 
 
 "Thefts, robberies, murders, infanticide, licentiousness of the most debased and 
 debasing character, burying their infirm and aged parents alive, desertion of the 
 sick, revolting cruelties to the unfortunate maniac, cannibalism and drunkenness, 
 form a list of some of the traits in social life among the Hawaiians in past days. 
 
 "Their drunkenness was intense. They could prepare a drink, deadly intoxicat- 
 ing in its nature, from a mountain plant called the awa (Piper methysticum). A 
 bowl of this disgusting liquid was always prepared and served out Just as a party of 
 chiefs were sitting down to their meals. It would sometimes send the victim into 
 a slumber from which he never awoke. The confirmed awa drinker could be imme- 
 diately recognized by his leprous appearance. 
 
 "By far the darkest feature in their social condition was seen in the family rela- 
 tion. Society, however, is only a word of mere accommodation, designed to express 
 domestic relations as they then existed. 'Society' was, indeed, such a sea of pollution 
 as cannot be well described. Marriage was unknown, and all the sacred feelings 
 which are suggested to our minds on mention of the various social relations, such 
 as husband and wife, parent and child, brother and sister, were to them, indeed, 
 as though they had no existence. There was, indeed, in this respect, a dreary blank 
 — a dark chasm from which the soul instinctively recoils. There were, perhaps, 
 some customs which imposed some little restraint upon the intercourse of the sexes, 
 but those customs were easily dispensed with, and had nothing of the force of estab- 
 lished rules. It was common for a husband to have many wives, and for a wife also 
 to have many husbands. The nearest ties of consanguinity were but little regarded,
 
 282 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 
 
 and among the chiefs, especially, the connection of brother with sister, and parent 
 with child, were very common. For husbands to interchange wives, and for wives 
 to interchange husbands, was a common act of friendship, and persons who would 
 not do this were not considered on good terms of sociability. For a man or woman 
 to refuse a solicitation was considered an act of meanness; and this sentiment was 
 thoroughly wrought into their minds, that, they seemed not to rid themselves of 
 the feeling of meanness in a refusal, to feel, notwithstanding their better knowledge, 
 that to comply was generous, liberal, and social, and to refuse reproachful and nig- 
 gardly. It would Be Impossible to enumerate or specify the crimes which emanated 
 from this state of affairs. Their political condition was the very genius of despotism, 
 systematically and deliberately conducted. Kings and chiefs were extremely jealous 
 of their succession, and the more noble their blood, the more they were venerated 
 by the common people." 
 
 Mr. Sheldon Dibble is a historian whose work was published in 1843. He com- 
 plains most bitterly that the natives bothered the missionaries by trying to give 
 them the benefit of native thought. They wanted to do some of the talking, and 
 said very childish things, and were so intent on their own thoughts that they would 
 not listen to the preachers. But it ought not fo have been held to be an offense for 
 a procession of heathen to march to a missionary's house and tell him their thoughts. 
 That was an honest manifestation of profound interest — the slow ripening of a 
 harvest field. Mr. Dibble's book is printed by the Mission Seminary, and Mr. Dib- 
 ble says, page 21: "We know that all the inhabitants of the earth descended from 
 Noah," therefore, the Hawaiians "must once have known the great Jehova and 
 the principles of true religion." But the historian says on the next page that the 
 Hawaiians were heathen from time immemorial, for, "Go back to the very first re- 
 puted progenitor of the Hawaiian race, and you find that the ingredients of their 
 character are lust, anger, strife, malice, sensuality, revenge and the worship of idols." 
 This is the elevation upon which Mr. Dibble places himself to fire upon the memory 
 of the English navigator Captain James Cook. The first paragraph of the assault 
 on Cook is this; 
 
 "How unbounded the influence of foreign visitors upon the ignorant inhabitants 
 of the Pacific! If the thousands of our countrymen who visit this ocean were actu- 
 ated by the pure principles of the religion of Jesus, how immense the good they 
 might accomplish! But, alas! how few visitors to the Western hemisphere are 
 actuated by such principles." 
 
 This is preparatory to the condemnation of Cook in these terms: "Captain 
 Cook allowed himself to be worshipped as a god. The people of iTealakeakua de-
 
 VIEW NEAR INDANG, CAVITE PROVINCE, ALONG TIBAGAN RIVER.
 
 EARLY HISTOKY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 285 
 
 clined trading with him, and loaded his ship freely with the best productions of 
 the island. The priests approached him in a crouching attitude, uttering prayers, 
 and exhibiting all the formalities of worship. After approaching him with prostra- 
 tion the priests cast their red kapas over his shoulders and then receding a little, they 
 presented hogs and a variety of other offerings, with long addresses rapidly enun- 
 ciated, which were a repetition of their prayers and religious homage. 
 
 "When he went on shore most of the people fled for fear of him, and others 
 bowed down before him, with solemn reverence. He was conducted to the house 
 of the gods, and into the sacred enclosure, and received there the highest homage. 
 In view of this fact, and of the death of Captain Cook, which speedily ensued, who 
 can fail being admonished to give to God at all times, and even among barbarous 
 tribes, the glory which is his due? Captain Cook might have directed the rude and 
 ignorant natives to the great Jehovah, instead of receiving divine homage himself. 
 
 "Kalaniopuu, the king, arrived from Maui on the 24th of January, and imme- 
 diately laid a tabu on the canoes, which prevented the women from visiting the 
 ship, and consequently the men came on shore in great numbers, gratifying their 
 infamous purposes in exchange for pieces of iron and small looking-glasses. Some 
 of the women washed the coating from the back of the glasses much to their regret, 
 when they found that the reflecting property was thus destroyed. 
 
 "The king, on his arrival, as well as the people, treated Captain Cook with much 
 kindness, gave him feather cloaks and fly brushes and paid him divine honors. 
 This adoration, it is painful to relate, was received without remonstrance. I shall 
 speak here somewhat minutely of the death of Captain Cook, as it develops some 
 traits of the heathen character, and the influence under which the heathen suffer 
 from foreign intercourse." 
 
 After setting forth the horrible character of the natives. Captain Cook ^s con- 
 demned and denounced because he did not refuse the homage of the ferocious savages, 
 paid him as a superior creature. One of Cook's troubles was the frantic passion 
 the islanders had to steal iron. The common people were the property of the chiefs, 
 and they had no other sense of possession. They gave away what they had, but took 
 what they wanted. 
 
 Mr. Dibble shows his animus when he charges that Cook did not give the natives 
 the real value of their hogs and fruit, and also that he had no right to stop pilferers 
 in canoes by declaring and enforcing a blockade. This is a trifling technicahty 
 much insisted upon. Dibble's account of the death of Cook is this: 
 
 "A canoe came from an adjoining district, bound within the bay. In the canoe 
 were two chiefs of some rank, Kekuhaupio and Kalimu. The canoe was fired upon
 
 286 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS 
 
 from one of the boats and Kalimu was killed. Kekuhaupio made the greatest speed 
 till he reached the place of the king, where Captain Cook also was, and communi- 
 cated the intelligence of the death of the chief. The attendants of the king were 
 enraged and showed signs of hostility, but were restrained by the thought that 
 Captain Cook was a god. At that instant a warrior, with a spear in his hand, ap- 
 proached Captain Cook and was heard to say that the boats in the harbor had 
 killed his brother, and he would be revenged. Captain Cook, from his enraged 
 appearance and that of the multitude, was suspicious of him, and fired upon him 
 with his pistol. Then followed a scene of confusion, and in the midst Captain Cook 
 being liit with a stone, and perceiving the man who threw it, shot him dead. He also 
 struck a certain chief with his sword, whose name was Kalaimanokahoowaha. The 
 chief instantly seized Captain Cook with a strong hand, designing merely to hold 
 him and not to take his life; for he supposed him to be a god and that he could not 
 die. Captain Cook struggled to free himself from the grasp, and as he was about 
 to fall uttered a groan. The people immediately exclaimed, "He groans — he is not 
 a god," and instantly slew him. Such was the melancholy death of Captain Cook. 
 
 "Immediately the men in the boat commenced a deliberate fire upon the crowd. 
 They had refrained in a measure before, for fear of killing their Captain. Many of 
 the natives were killed." 
 
 "Historian Dibble does not notice the evidence that Cook lost his life by turning 
 to his men in the boats, ordering them not to fire. It was at that moment he was 
 stabbed in the back. Dibble represents the facts as if to justify the massacre of the 
 great navigator, because he allowed the heathen to think he was one of their gang of 
 gods. But this presumption ought not to have been allowed to excuse prevarica- 
 tion about testimony. The importance of Dibble's history is that it is representa- 
 tive. He concludes with this eloquent passage: "From one heathen nation we 
 may learn in a measure the wants of all. And we ought not to restrict our view, 
 but, look at the wide world. To do then for all nations what I have urged in be- 
 half of the Sandwich Islands, how great and extensive a work! How vast the num- 
 ber of men and how immense the amount of means which seem necessary to elevate 
 all nations, and gain over the whole earth to the permanent dominion of the Lord 
 Jesus Christ! Can 300,000,000 of pagan children and youth be trained and in- 
 structed by a few hands? Can the means of instructing them be furnished by the 
 mere farthings and pence of the church? Will it not be some time yet before minis- 
 ters and church members will need to be idle a moment for the want of work? Is 
 there any danger of our being cut off from the blessed privilege either of giving or 
 of going? There is a great work yet to be done — a noble work — a various and a
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 287 
 
 difficult work — a work worthy of God's power, God's resources, and God's wisdom. 
 What Christendom has as yet done is scarcely worthy of being called a commence- 
 ment. When God shall bring such energies into action as shall be commensurate 
 with the greatness of the work — when he shall cause every redeemed sinner, by 
 the abundant influence of His Holy Spirit, to lay himself out wholly in the great 
 enterprise, then there will be a sight of moral sublimity that shall rivet the gaze of 
 angels." 
 
 We quote this writer as to what became of the remains of Cook: "The body of 
 Captain Cook was carried into the interior of the island, the bones secured accord- 
 ing to their custom, and the flesh burned in the fire. The heart, liver, etc., of Cap- 
 tain Cook, were stolen and eaten by some hungry children, who mistook them in the 
 night for the inwards of a dog. The names of the children were Kupa, Mohoole and 
 Kaiwikokoole. These men are now all dead. The last of the number died two 
 years since at the station of Lahaina. Some of the bones of Captain Cook were 
 sent on board his ship, in compliance with the urgent demands of the officers; and 
 some were kept by the priests as objects of worship." The "heart, liver, etc.," were 
 of course given to the children to eat! The bones are still hidden, and presumably 
 not much worshiped. The first of the remains of Captain Cook given up was a 
 mass of his bloody flesh, cut as if from a slaughtered ox. After some time there 
 were other fragments, including one of his hands which had a well known scar, 
 and perfectly identified it. Along with this came the story of burning flesh, and 
 denials of cannibalism. Mr. Dibble speaks of Cook's "consummate folly and out- 
 rageous tyranny of placing a blockade upon a heathen bay, which the natives could 
 not possibly be supposed either to understand or appreciate." That blockade, like 
 others, was understood when enforced. The historian labors to work out a case to 
 justify the murder of Cook because he received worship. As to the acknowledgment 
 of Cook as the incarnation of Lono, in the Hawaiian Pantheon, Captain King says: 
 
 "Before I proceed to relate the adoration that was paid to Captain Cook, and the 
 peculiar ceremonies with which he was received on this fatal island, it will be nec- 
 essary to describe the Moral, situated, as I have already mentioned, at the south 
 side of the beach at Kakooa (Kealakeakua). It (was a square solid pile of stones, 
 about forty yards long, twenty broad, and fourteen in height. The top was flat and 
 well paved, and surrounded by a wooden rail, on which were fixed the skulls of the 
 captives sacrificed on the death of their chiefs. In the center of the area stood a ruin- 
 ous old building of wood, connected with the rail on each side by a stone wall, 
 which next divided the whole space into two parts. On the side next the country 
 were five poles, upward of twenty feet high, supporting an irregular kind of scaffold;
 
 388 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 
 
 on the opposite side toward the sea, stood two small Houses with a covered communi- 
 cation. 
 
 "We were conducted by Koah to the top of this pile by an easy ascent leading 
 from the beach to the northwest corner of the area. At the entrance we saw two 
 large wooden images, with features violently distorted, and a long piece of carved 
 w^ood of a conical form inverted, rising from the top of their heads; the rest was 
 without form and wrapped round wfth red cloth. We were here met by a tall young 
 man with a long beard, who presented Captain Cook fo the images, and after chanting 
 a kind of hj^mn, in w^hich he was joined by Koah, they led us to that end of the 
 Moral where the five poles were fixed. At the foot of tliem were twelve images 
 ranged in a semicircular form, and before the middle figure stood a high stand or 
 table, exactly resembling the Whatta of Othaheiti, on which lay a putrid hog, and 
 under it pieces of sugar cane, cocoanuts, bread fruit, plantains and sweet potatoes. 
 Koah having placed the Captain imder the stand, took down the hog and held it 
 toward him; and after having a second time addressed him in a long speech, pro- 
 nounced with much vehemence and rapidity, he let it fall on the ground and led 
 him to the scaffolding, M^hich they began to climb together, not without great risk of 
 falling. At this time we saw coming in solemn procession, at the entrance of the top 
 of the Moral, ten men carrying a live hog and a large piece of red cloth. Being 
 advanced a few paces, they stopped and prostrated themselves; and Kaireekeea, the 
 young man above mentioned, went to them, and receiving the cloth carried it to 
 Koah, who wrapped it around the Captain, and afterwards offered him the hog, 
 which was brought by Kaireekeea with the same ceremony. 
 
 "Whilst Captain Cook was aloft in this awkward situation, swathed round with 
 red cloth, and with difficulty keeping his hold amongst the pieces of rotten scaf- 
 folding, Kaireekeea and Koah began their office, chanting sometimes in concert and 
 sometimes alternately. This lasted a considerable time; at length Koah let the 
 hog drop, when he and the Captain descended together. He then led him to the 
 images before mentioned, and, having said something to each in a sneering tone, 
 snapping his fingers at them as he passed, he brought him to that in the center, 
 which, from its being covered with red cloth, appeared to be in greater estimation 
 than the rest. Before this figure he prostrated himself and kissed it, desiring Cap- 
 tain Cook to do the same, who suffered himself to be directed by Koah throughout 
 the whole of this ceremony. 
 
 "We were now led back to the other division of the Morai, where there was a 
 space ten or twelve feet square, sunk about three feet below the level of the area. 
 Into this we descended, and Captain Cook was seated between two wooden idols,-
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 289 
 
 Koah supporting one of his arms, whilst I was desired to support the other. At 
 this time arrived a second procession of natives, carrying a baked hog and a pudding, 
 some bread fruit, cocoanuts and other vegetables. When they approached us Kai- 
 reekeea put himself at their head, and presenting the pig to Captain Cook in the 
 usual manner, began the same kind of chant as before, his companions making 
 regular responses. We observed that after every response their parts became grad- 
 ually shorter, till, toward the close, Kaireekeea's consisted of only two or three 
 words, while the rest answered by the word Orono. 
 
 "When this offering was concluded, which lasted a quarter of an hour, the na- 
 tives sat down fronting us, and began to cut up the baked hog, to peel the vegetables 
 
 and break the cocoanuts; whilst others employed themselves in brewing the awa, 
 which is done by chewing it in the same manner as at the Friendly Islanofe. Kairee- 
 keea then took part of the kernel of a cocoanut, which he chewed, and wrapping 
 it in a piece of cloth, rubbed with it the Captain's face, head, hands, arms and shoul- 
 ders. The awa was then handed around, and after we had tasted it Koah and 
 Pareea began to pull the flesh of the hog in pieces and put it into our mouths. I had 
 no great objection to being fed by Pareea, who was very cleanly in his person, but 
 Captain Cook, who was served by Koah, recollecting the putrid hog, could not 
 swallow a morsel; and his reluctance, as may be supposed, v/as not diminished when 
 the old man, according to his own mode of civility had chewed it for him. 
 
 "When this ceremony was finished, which Captain Cook put an end to as soon as 
 he decently could, we quitted the Moral." 
 
 Evidently the whole purpose of Captain Cook in permitting this performance, 
 was to flatter and gratify the natives and make himself strong to command them. 
 The Captain himself was sickened, and got away as quickly as he could without 
 giving offense. This was not the only case in which the native priests presented the 
 navigator as a superior being. Perhaps the view the old sailor took of the style 
 of ceremony was as there were so many gods, one more or less did not matter. Cook 
 never attached importance to the freaks of superstition, except so far as it might be 
 made useful in keeping the bloody and beastly savages in check. Bearing upon 
 this point we quote W. D. Alexander's "Brief History of the Hawaiian People," 
 pages 33-34: 
 
 "Infanticide was fearfully prevalent, and there were few of the older women 
 at the date of the abolition of idolatry who had not been guilty of it. It was the 
 opinion of those best inforiued that two-thirds of all the children born were de- 
 stroyed in infancy by their parents. TTiey were generally buried alive, in many cases 
 in the very houses occupied by their unnatural parents. On all the islands the num-
 
 290 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 
 
 ber of males was much greater than that of females, in consequence of the girls 
 being more frequently destroyed than the boys. The principal reason given for it 
 was laziness — unwillingness to take the trouble of rearing children. It was a very 
 common practice for parents to give away their children to any persons who were 
 willing to adopt them. 
 
 "No regular parental discipline was maintained, and the children were too often 
 left to follow their own inclinations and to become familiar with the lowest vices. 
 
 "Neglect of the helpless. Among the common people old age was despised. The 
 sick and those who had become helpless from age were sometimes abandoned to die 
 or put to death. Insane people were also sometimes stoned to death.'^ 
 
 Again we quote Alexander's History, page 49: 
 
 "Several kinds of food were forbidden to the women on pain of death, viz., 
 pork, bananas, cocoanuts, turtles, and certain kinds of fish, as the ulua, the humu, 
 the shark, the hihimanu or sting-ray, etc. The men of the poorer class often formed 
 a sort of eating club apart from their wives. These laws were rigorously enforced. 
 At Honaunau, Hawaii, two young girls of the highest rank, Kapiolani and Keoua, 
 having been detected in the act of eating a banana, their kahu, or tutor, was held re- 
 sponsible, and put to death by drowning. Shortly before the abolition of the tabus, 
 a little child had one of her eyes scooped out for the same offense. About the same 
 time a woman was put to death for entering the eating house of her husband, al- 
 though she was tipsy at the time." 
 
 Captain Cook seems to have committed the unpardonable sin in not beginning 
 the stated work of preaching the gospel a long generation before the missionaries 
 arrived, and the only sound reason for this is found in Dibble's History, in his state- 
 ment that the islanders steadily degenerated until Fhe missions were organized. 
 
 Writers of good repute, A. Fornander, chief of them, are severe with Captain 
 Cook on account of his alleged greed, not paying enough for the red feathers woven 
 into fanciful forms. Perhaps that is a common fault in the transactions of civilized 
 men with barbarians. William Penn is the only man wlfh a great reputation for 
 dealing fairly with American Red Men, and he "was not impoverished by it. Cook 
 gave nails for hogs, and that is mentioned in phrases that are malicious. Iron was 
 to the islanders the precious metal, and they were not cheated. A long drawn out 
 effort has been made to impress the world that Cook thought himself almost a god, and 
 was a monster. The natives gave to the wonderful people who came to them in ships, 
 liberally of their plenty, and received in return presents that pleased them, articles 
 of utility. Beads came along at a later day. The natives believed Cook one of 
 the heroes of the imagination that they called gods. He sought to propitiate them
 
 EARLY HISTOEY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 291 
 
 and paid for fruit and meat in iron and showy trifles. His policy of progress was to 
 introduce domestic animals. 
 
 Note the temper of Mr. Abraham Fornander, a man who has meant honesty of 
 statement, but whose information was perverted: 
 
 "And how did Captain Cook requite this boundless hospitality, that never once 
 made default during his long stay of seventeen days in Kealakeakua, these mag- 
 nificent presents of immense value^, this delicate and spontaneous attention to every 
 want, this friendship of the chiefs and priests, this friendliness of the common 
 people? By imposing on their good nature to the utmost limit of its ability to re- 
 spond to the greedy and constant calls of their new friends; by shooting at one of 
 the king's officers for endeavoring to enforce a law of the land, an edict of his 
 sovereign that happened to be unpalatable to the new comers, and caused them 
 some temporary inconvenience, after a week's profusion and unbridled license; 
 by a liberal exhibition of his force and the meanest display of his bounty; by giving 
 the king a linen shirt and a cutlass in return for feather cloaks and helmets, which, 
 irrespective of their value as insignia of the highest nobility in the land, were worth 
 singly at least from five to ten thousand dollars, at present price of the feathers, 
 not counting the cost of manufacturing; by a reckless disregard of the proprieties 
 of ordinary intercourse, even between civilized and savage man, and a wanton insult 
 to what he reasonably may have supposed to have been the religious sentiments 
 of his hosts." This is up to the mark of a criminal lawyer retained to prove by 
 native testimony that Captain James Cook was not murdered, but executed for cause. 
 The great crime of Cook is up to this point that of playing that he was one of the 
 Polynesian gods. Fornander says: "When the sailors carried off, not only the rail- 
 ing of the temple, but also the idols of the gods within it, even the large-hearted' 
 patience of Kaoo gave up, and he meekly requested that the central idol at least 
 might be restored. Captain King failed to perceive that the concession of the 
 priests was that of a devotee to his saint. The priests would not sell their religious 
 emblems and belongings for "thirty pieces of silver," or any remuneration, but they 
 were willing to offer up the entire Heiau, and themselves on the top of it, as a 
 holocaust to Lono, if he had requested it. So long as Cook was regarded as a god 
 in their eyes they could not refuse him. And though they exhibited no resentment 
 at the request, the want of delicacy and consideration on the part of Captain Cook 
 is none the less glaring. After his death, and when the illusion of godship had sub- 
 sided, his spoliation of the very Heiau in which he had been deified was not one 
 of the least of the grievances which native annaHsts laid up against liim."
 
 292 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 
 
 Contrast this flagrancy in advocacy of the cause of the barbarous natives with 
 the last words Cook wrote in his journal. We quote from "A Voyage to the 
 Pacific Ocean/' by Captain James Cook, F. E. S., (Vol. II., pages 251-252): 
 
 "As it was of the last importance to procure a supply of provisions at these 
 islands; and experience having taught me that I could have no chance to succeed 
 in this, if a free trade with the natives were to be allowed; that is, if it were left ^ 
 to every man's discretion to trade for what he pleased, and in what manner he 
 pleased; for this substantial reason, I now published an order proliibiting all per- 
 sons from trading, except such as should be appointed by me and Captain Clarke; 
 and even these were enjoined to trade only for provisions and refreshments. Women 
 were also forobidden to be admitted into the ships, except under certain restric- 
 tions. But the evil I intended to prevent, by this regulation, I soon found had 
 already got amongst them. 
 
 "I stood in again the next morning till within three or four miles of the land, 
 where we were met with a number of canoes laden with provisions. We brought 
 to, and continued trading with the people in them till four in the afternoon, 
 when, having got a pretty good supply, we made sail and stretched off to the 
 northward. 
 
 "I had never met with a behavior so free from reserve and suspicion in my 
 intercourse with any tribe of savages as we experienced in the people of this island. 
 It was very common for them to send up into the ship the several articles they 
 brought for barter; afterward, they would come in themselves and make their bar- 
 gains on the quarter-deck. 
 
 "We spent the night as usual, standing off and on. It happened that four 
 men and ten women who had come on board the preceding day still remained with 
 us. As I did not like the company of the latter, I stood in shore toward noon, 
 principally with a view to get them out of the ship; and, some canoes coming off, 
 I took that opportunity of sending away our guests. 
 
 "In the evening Mr. Bligh returned and reported that he had found a bay in 
 which was good anchorage, and fresh water in a situation tolerably easy to be come 
 at. Into this bay I resolved to carry the ships, there to refit and supply ourselves 
 with every refreshment that the place could afford. As night approached the 
 greater part of our visitors retired to the shore, but numbers of them requested 
 our permission to sleep on board. Curiosity was not the only motive, at least with 
 some, for the next morning several things were missing, which determined me not 
 to entertain so many another night.
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 293 
 
 "At eleven o'clock in the forenoon we anchored in the bay, which is CE^lled 
 by the natives Karakaooa, (Kealakeakua), in thirteen fathoms water, over a sandy 
 bottom, and about a quarter of a mile from the northeast shore. In this situation 
 the south point of the bay bore south by west, and the north point west half 
 north. We moored with the stream-anchor and cable, to the northward, unbent 
 the sails and struck yards and topmasts. The ships continued to be much crowded 
 with natives, and were surrounded by a multitude of canoes. I had nowhere, in 
 the course of my voyages, seen so numerous a body of people assembled in one 
 place. For, besides those who had come off to us in canoes, all the shore of the 
 bay was covered with spectators, and many hundreds were swimming around the 
 ships like shoals of fish. We could not but be struck with the singularity of this 
 scene, and perhaps there were few on board who lamented our having failed in our 
 endeavors to find a northern passage homeward last summer. To this disappoint- 
 ment we owed our having it in our power to revisit the Sandwich Islands, and to 
 enrich our voyage with a discovery which, though the last, seemed in many re- 
 spects to be the most important that had hitherto been made by Europeans, through- 
 out the extent of the Pacific Ocean." 
 
 This is the end of Cook's writing. His murder followed immediately. He fell 
 by the hands of people for whom his good will was shown in his last words. The 
 concluding pages of the journal answer all the scandals his enemies have so busily 
 circulated. 
 
 There is a gleam of humor that shows like a thread of gold in the midst of 
 the somber tragedies of the Sandwich Islands, and we must not omit to extract 
 it from "The Voyage of Discovery Around the World" by Captain George Van- 
 couver, when he spent some time in Hawaii, and gives two bright pictures — one 
 of a theatrical performance, and the other the happy settlement of the disordered 
 domestic relations of a monarch. 
 
 A GIFTED NATIVE ACTRESS AND SOME ROYAL DRAMATISTS. 
 
 "There was a performance by a single young woman of the name of Puckoo, 
 whose person and manners were both very agreeable. Her dress, notwithstanding 
 the heat of the weather, consisted of an immense quantity of cloth, which was 
 wreaths of black, red and yellow feathers; but, excepting these, she wore no dress 
 a manner as to give a pretty effect to the variegated pattern of the cloth; and was 
 otherways disposed with great taste. Her head and neck were decorated with 
 wreaths of black, red and yellow feathers; but, excepting these, she wore no dress
 
 294 EAELY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 
 
 from the waist upwards. Her ankles, and nearly half way up her legs, were deco- 
 rated with several folds of cloth, widening upwards, so that the upper parts ex- 
 tended from the leg at least four inches all round; this was encompassed by a 
 piece of net work, wrought very close, from the meshes of which were hung the 
 small teeth of dogs, giving this part of her dress the appearance of an ornamented 
 funnel. On her wrists she wore bracelets made of the tusks of the largest hogs. 
 These were highly polished and fixed close together in a ring, the concave sides 
 of the tusks being outwards; and their ends reduced to a uniform length, curving 
 naturally away from the center, were by no means destitute of ornamental effect. 
 Thus equipped, her appearance on the stage, before she uttered a single word, ex- 
 cited considerable applause. 
 
 "These amusements had hitherto been confined to such limited performances; 
 but this afternoon was to be dedicated to one of a more splendid nature, in which 
 some ladies of consequence, attendants on the court of Tamaahmaah, were to per- 
 form the principal parts. Great pains had been taken, and they had gone through 
 many private rehearsals, in order that the exhibition this evening might be worthy 
 of the public attention; on the conclusion of which, I purposed by a display of 
 fireworks, to make a return for the entertainment they had afforded us. 
 
 "About four o'clock we were informed it was time to attend the royal dames; 
 their theatre, or rather place of exhibition, was about a mile to the southward of 
 our tents, in a small square, surrounded by houses, and sheltered by trees, a situa- 
 tion as well chosen for the performance, as for the accommodation of the specta- 
 tors; who, on a moderate computation, could not be estimated at less than four 
 thousand, of all ranks and descriptions of persons. 
 
 "The dress of the actresses was something like that worn by Puckoo, though 
 made of superior materials, and disposed with more taste and elegance. A very con- 
 siderable quantity of their finest cloth was prepared for the occasion; of this their 
 lower garment was formed, which extended from their waist half down their legs, 
 and was so plaited as to appear very much like a hoop petticoat. This seemed the 
 most difficult part of their dress to adjust, for Tamaahmaah, who was considered 
 to be a profound critic, was frequently appealed to by the women, and his direc- 
 tions were implicitly followed in many little alterations. Instead of the ornaments 
 of cloth and net-work, decorated with dogs' teeth, these ladies had each a green 
 wreath made of a kind of bind weed, twisted together in different parts like a rope, 
 which was wound round from the ankle, nearly to the lower part of the petticoat. 
 On their wrists they wore no bracelets nor other ornaments, but across their necks
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 295 
 
 and shoulders were green sashes, very nicely made, with the broad leaves of the 
 tee, a plant that produces a very luscious sweet root, the size of a yam. This part 
 of their dress was put on the last by each of the actresses; and the party being now 
 fully attired, the Idng and queen, who had been present the whole time of their 
 dressing, were obliged to withdraw, greatly to the mortification of the latter, who 
 would gladly have taken her part as a performer, in which sTie was reputed to 
 excel very highly. But the royal pair were compelled to retire, even from the ex- 
 hibition as they are prohibited by law from attending such amusements, except- 
 ing on the festival of the new year. Indeed, the performance of this day was con- 
 trary to the established rules of the island, but being intended as a compliment to 
 us, the innovation was permitted, 
 
 "As their majesties withdrew, the ladies of rank and the principal chiefs began 
 to make their appearance. The reception of the former by the multitude was 
 marked by a degree of respect that I had not before seen amongst any inhabitants 
 of the countries in the Pacific Ocean. The audience assembled at this time were 
 standing in rows, from fifteen to twenty feet deep, so close as to touch each other; 
 but these ladies no sooner approached in their rear, in any accidental direction, than 
 a passage v/as instantly made for them and their attendants to pass through in 
 the most commodious manner to their respective stations, where they seated them- 
 selves on the ground, which was covered with mats, in the most advantageous sit- 
 uation for seeing and hearing the performers. Most of these ladies were of a cor- 
 pulent form, which, assisted by their stately gait, the dignity with which they 
 moved, and the number of their pages, who followed with fans to court the refresh- 
 ing breeze, or with fly-flaps to disperse the offending insects, announced their con- 
 sequence as the wives, daughters, sisters, or other near relations of the principal 
 chiefs, who, however, experienced no such marks of respect or attention themselves; 
 being obliged to make their way through the spectators in the best manner they 
 were able. 
 
 "The time devoted to the decoration of the actresses extended beyond the limits 
 of the quiet patience of the audience, who exclaimed two or three times, from all 
 quarters, "Hoorah, hoorah,,poaliealee,^ signifying that it would be dark and black 
 night before the performance would begin. But the audience here, like similar 
 ones in other countries, attending witli a pre-disposition to be pleased, was in good 
 humor, and was easily appeased, by the address of our faithful and devoted friend 
 Trywhookee, who was the conducter of the ceremonies, and sole manager on this 
 occasion. He c&me forward and apologized by a speech that produced a general
 
 296 EARLY HISTOEY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 
 
 laugh, and, causing the music to begin, we heard no further murmurs. 
 
 "The band consisted of five men, all standing up, each with a highly polished 
 wooden spear in the left, and a small piece of the same material, equally well fin- 
 ished, in the right hand; with this they beat on the spear, as an accompaniment 
 to their own voices in songs, that varied both as to time and measure, especially 
 the latter; yet their voices, and the sounds produced from the rude instruments, 
 which differed according to the place on which the tapering spear was struck, ap- 
 peared to accord very well. Having engaged us a short time in this vocal perform- 
 ance, the court ladies made their appearance, and were received with shouts of the 
 greatest applause. The musicians retired a few paces, and the actresses took their 
 station before them. 
 
 "The heroine of the piece, which consisted of four or five acts, had once shared 
 the aifections and embraces of Tamaahmaah, but was now married to an inferior 
 chief, whose occupation in the household was that of the charge of the king's ap- 
 parel. This lady was distinguished by a green wreath round the crown of the head; 
 next to her was the captive daughter of Titeeree; the third a younger sister to the 
 queen, the wife of Crymamahoo, who, being of the most exalted rank, stood in 
 the middle. On each side of these were two of inferior quality, making in all seven 
 actresses. They drew themselves up in a line fronting that side of the square that 
 was occupied by ladies of quality and the chiefs. These were completely detached 
 from the populace, not by any partition, but, as it were, by the respectful consent 
 of the lower orders of the assembly; not one of which trespassed or produced the 
 least inaccommodation. 
 
 "This representation, like that before attempted to be described, was a compound 
 of speaking and singing; the subject of which was enforced by gestures and actions. 
 The piece was in honor of a captive princess, whose name was Crycowculleneaow; 
 and on her name being pronounced, every one present, men as well as women, who 
 wore any ornaments above their waists, were obliged to take them oQ, though the 
 captive lady was at least sixty miles distant. This mark of respect was unobserved 
 by the actresses whilst engaged in the performance; but the instant any one sat 
 down, or at the close of the act, they were also obliged to comply with this mys- 
 terious ceremony. 
 
 "The variety of attitudes into which these women threw themselves, witla the 
 rapidity of their action, resembled no amusement in any other part of the world 
 within my knowledge, by a comparison with which I might be enabled to convey 
 some idea of the stage effect thus produced, particularly in the first three parts,
 
 EAELY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 297 
 
 in which there appeared much correspondence and harmony between the tone of 
 their voices and the display of their limbs. One or two of the performers being 
 not quite so perfect as the rest, afforded us an opportunity of exercising our judg- 
 ment by comparison; and it must be confessed, that the ladies who most excelled, 
 exhibited a degree of graceful action, for the attainment of which it is difficult to 
 account. 
 
 "In each of these first parts the songs, attitudes and actions appeared to me ol 
 greater variety than I had before noticed amongst the people of the great South 
 Sea nation on any former occasion. The whole, though I am unequal to its de- 
 scription, was supported with a wonderful degree of spirit and vivacity; so much 
 indeed that some of their exertions were made with such a degree of agitating vio- 
 lence as seemed to carry the performers beyond what their strength was able to 
 sustain; and had the performance finished with the third act, we should have re- 
 tired from their theatre with a much higher idea of the moral tendency of their 
 drama, than was conveyed by the offensive, libidinous scene, exhibited by the la- 
 dies in the concluding part. The language of the song, no doubt, corresponded 
 with the obscenity of their actions; which were carried to a degree of extravagance 
 that were calculated to produce nothing but disgust, even to the most hcentious." 
 
 From "A Voyage of Discovery," by Captain George Vancouver: 
 
 THE RECONCILIATION BY STRATEGY OF A KING WITH ONE OF HIS 
 
 QUEENS. 
 
 "Tahowmotoo was amongst the most constant of our guests; but his daughter, 
 the disgraced queen, seldom visited our side of the bay. I was not, however, ig- 
 norant of her anxious desire for a reconciliation with Tamaahmaah; nor was the 
 same wish to be misunderstood in the conduct and behavior of the king, in whose 
 good opinion and confidence I had now acquired such a predominancy that I be- 
 came acquainted with his most secret inclinations and apprehensions. 
 
 "His unshaken attachment and unaltered affection for Tahowmannoo was con- 
 fessed with a sort of internal self conviction of her innocence. He acknowledged 
 with great candor that his own conduct had not been exactly such as warranted 
 his having insisted upon a separation from his queen; that although it could not 
 authorize, it in some measure pleaded in excuse for her infidelity; and for his own, 
 he alleged, that his high rank and supreme authority was a sort of licence for such 
 indulgences. 
 
 "An accommodation which I considered to be mutually wished by both parties
 
 298 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 
 
 was urged in the strongest terms by the queen's relations. To effect this desira- 
 ble purpose, my interference was frequently solicited by them; and as it concurred 
 with my own inclination, I resolved on embracing the first favorable opportunity 
 to use ray best endeavors for bringing a reconciliation about. For although, on 
 our former visit, Tahowmannoo had been regarded with the most favorable im- 
 pressions, yet, whether from her distresses, or because she had really improved in 
 her personal accomplishments, I will not take upon me to determine, but certain 
 it is that one or both of these circumstances united had so far prepossessed us all 
 in her favor, and no one more so than myself, that it had long been the general 
 wish to see her exalted again to her former dignities. This desire was probably 
 not a little heightened by the regard we entertained for the happiness and repose 
 of our noble and generous friend Tamaahmaah, who was likely to be materially 
 affected not only in his domestic comforts, but in his political situation, by receiv- 
 ing again and reinstating his consort in her former rank and consequence. 
 
 "I was convinced beyond all doubt that there were two or three of the most 
 considerable chiefs of the island whose ambitious views were inimical to the in- 
 terests and authority of Tamaahmaah; and it was much to be apprehended tjiat 
 if the earnest solicitations of the queen's father (whose condition and importance 
 was next in consequence to that of the king) should continue to be rejected, that 
 there could be little doubt of his adding great strength and influence to the dis- 
 contented and turbulent chiefs, which would operate highly to the prejudice, if 
 not totally to the destruction, of Tamaahmaah's regal power; especially as the ad- 
 verse party seemed to form a constant opposition, consisting of a minority by no 
 means to be despised by the executive power, and which appeared 'to bje a principal 
 constituent part of the Owhyean politics. 
 
 • "For these substantial reasons, whenever he was disposed to listen to such dis- 
 course, I did Jiot cease to urge the importance and necessity of his adopting measures 
 so highly essential to his happiness as a man, and to his power, interest and authority 
 as the supreme chief of the island. All this he candidly acknowledged, but his 
 pride threw impediments in the way of a reconciliation, which were hard to be re- 
 moved. He would not himself become the immediate agent; and although he con- 
 sidered it important that the negotiation should be conducted by some one of the 
 principal chiefs in his fullest confidence, yet, to solicit their good oflBces after 
 having rejected their former overtures with disdain, was equally hard to recon- 
 cile to his feelings. I stood nearly in the same situation with his favorite friends: 
 but being thoroughly convinced of the sincerity of his wishes, I spared him the
 
 EARLY HISTOEY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 299 
 
 mortification of soliciting the offices he had rejected, by again proffering my services. 
 To this he instantly consented, and observed that no proposal could have met his 
 mind so completely; since, by effecting a reconciliation through my friendship, 
 no umbrage could be taken at his having declined the several offers of his country- 
 men by any of the individuals; whereas, had this object been accomplished by any 
 one of the chiefs, it would probably have occasioned jealousy and discontent in 
 the minds of the others. 
 
 "All, however, was not yet complete; the apprehension that some concession 
 might be suggested, or expected, on his part, preponderated against every other 
 consideration; and he would on no account consent, that it should appear that 
 he had been privy to the business, or that it had been by his desire that a negotia- 
 tion had been undertaken for this happy purpose, but that the whole should have 
 the appearance of being purely the result of accident. 
 
 "To this end it was determined that I should invite the queen, with several 
 of her relations and friends, on board the Discovery, for the purpose of presenting 
 them with some trivial matters, as tokens of my friendship and regard; and that, 
 whilst thus employed, our conversation should be directed to ascertain whether an 
 accommodation was still an object to be desired. That on this appearing to be 
 the general wish, Tamaahmaah would instantly repair on board in a hasty man- 
 ner, as if he had something extraordinary to communicate; that I should appear 
 to rejoice at this accidental meeting, and by instantly uniting their hands, bring 
 the reconciliation to pass without the least discussion or explanation on either side. 
 But from his extreme solicitude lest he should in any degree be suspected of being 
 concerned in this previous arrangement, a difficulty arose how to make him ac- 
 quainted with the result of the proposed conversation on board, which could not 
 be permitted by a verbal message; at length, after some thought, he took up two 
 pieces of paper, and of his own accord made certain marks with a pencil on each of 
 them, and then delivered them to me. The difference of these marks he could 
 well recollect; the one was to indicate that the result of my inquiries was agreeable 
 to his wishes, and the other that it was contrary. In the event of my making use 
 of the former, he proposed that it should not be sent on shore secretly, but in an 
 open and declared manner, and by way of a joke, as a present to his Owhyhean 
 majesty. The natural gaiety of disposition which generally prevails among these 
 islanders, would render this supposed disappointment of the king a subject for 
 mirth, would in some degree prepare the company for his visit, and completely 
 do away with every idea of its being the effect of a preconcerted measure.
 
 300 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 
 
 "This plan was accordingly carried into execution on the following Monday. 
 Whilst the queen and her party, totally ignorant of the contrivance, were receiving 
 the compliments I had intended them, their good humor and pleasantry were in- 
 finitely heightened by the jest I proposed to pass upon the king, in sending him a 
 piece of paper only, carefully wrapped up in some cloth of their own manufacture, 
 accompanied by a message; importing, that as I was then in the act of distributing 
 favors to my Owhyhean friends, I had not been unmindful of his majesty. 
 
 "Tamaahmaah no sooner received the summons, than he hastened on board, and, 
 with his usual vivacity, exclaimed before he made his appearance that he was 
 come to thank me for the present I had sent him, and for my goodness in not 
 having forgotten him on this occasion. This was heard by everyone in the cabin 
 before he entered; and all seemed to enjoy the joke except the poor queen, who 
 appeared to be much agitated at the idea of being again in his presence. The in- 
 stant that he saw her his countenance expressed great surprise, he became imme- 
 diately silent, and attempted to retire; but, having posted m3?self for the especial 
 purpose of preventing his departure, I caught his hand and, joining it with the 
 queen's, their reconciliation was instantly completed. This was fully demonstrated, 
 not only by the tears that involuntarily stole down the cheeks of both as they 
 embraced each other and mutually expressed the satisfaction they experienced; but 
 by the behavior of every individual present, whose feelings on the occasion were not 
 to be repressed; whilst their sensibility testified the happiness which this appar- 
 ently fortuitous event had produced. 
 
 "A short pause, produced by an event so unexpected, was succeeded by the sort 
 of good humor that such a happy circumstance would naturally inspire; the con- 
 versation soon became general, cheerful and lively, in which the artifice imagined 
 to have been imposed upon the king bore no small share. A little refreshment from 
 a few glasses of wine concluded the scene of this successful meeting. 
 
 "After the queen had acknowledged in the most grateful terms the weighty ob- 
 ligations which she felt for my services on this occasion, I was surprised by her 
 saying, as we were all preparing to go on shore, that she had still a very great 
 favor to request; which was, that I should obtain from Tamahmaah a solemn prom- 
 ise that on her return to his habitation he would not beat her. The great cor- 
 diality with which the reconciliation had taken place, and the happiness that each 
 of them had continued to express in consequence of it, led me at first to consider 
 this entreaty of the queen as a jest only; but in this I was mistaken, for, notwith- 
 standing that Tamaahmaah readily complied with my solicitation, and assured me
 
 33. In the Valleys of Carabao. 34. Street in the District of Paco, Manila. 35. Aristocratic Residences 
 in the Suburbs of San Juan del Monte. 36. Square of Santa Ana in the District of San Sebastian, Manila. 
 37. View of the Royal Highway of La Concepcion. 38. The King's Wharf, Manila. 39. The Aguilar Barrier 
 in Tondo, Manila. 40. The Cathedral of .Jaro in Ilo-Jlo. 
 
 VIEWS IN THE PHILIPPINES, MOSTLY IN AND AROUND MANILA.
 
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 SSL-.i;^_-A i 'S, _ii* ^„,St..SB^-^'
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 303 
 
 nothing of the kind should take place, yet Tahowmannoo would not be satisfied 
 ivdthout my accompanying them home to the royal residence, where I had the 
 pleasure of seeing her restored to all her former honors and privileges, highly to 
 the satisfaction of all the king's friends, but to the utter mortification of those who 
 by their scandalous reports and misrepresentations had been the cause of the un- 
 fortunate separtion. 
 
 "The domestic affairs of Tamaahmaah having thus taken so happy a turn, his 
 mind was more at liberty for political considerations; and the cession of Owhyhee 
 10 his Britannic Majesty now became an object of his serious concern." 
 
 Captain Cook makes a strong plea in his journal that he was the very original 
 'discoverer of the Sandwich Islands. Referring to the wonderful extent of the sur- 
 face of the earth in which the land is occupied by the Polynesial race, he exclaims: 
 
 "How shall we account for this nation's having spread itself, in so many de- 
 tached islands, so widely disjoined from each other, in every quarter of the Pacific 
 Ocean! We find it, from New Zealand in the South, as far as the Sandwich Islands, 
 to the North! And, in another direction, from Easter Islands to the Hebrides! 
 That is, over an extent of sixty degrees of latitude, or twelve hundred leagues. 
 North and South! And eighty-three degrees of longitude, or sixteen hundred and 
 sixty leagues. East and West! How much farther, in either direction, its colonies 
 reach, is not known; but what we know already, in consequence of this and our 
 former voyage, warrants our pronouncing it to be, thougli perhaps not the most 
 numerous, certainly, by far, the most extensive, nation upon earth. 
 
 "Had the Sandwich Islands been discovered at an early period by the Span- 
 iards, there is little doubt that they would have taken advantage of so excellent a 
 situation, and have made use of Atooi, or some other of the islands, as a refresh- 
 ing place to the ships, that sail annually from Acapulco for Manilla. They lie al- 
 most midway between the first place and Guam, one of the Ladrones, which is at 
 present their only port in traversing this vast ocean; and it would not have been a 
 week's sail out of their common route to have touched at them; which could have 
 been done without running the least hazard of losing the passage, as they are suf- 
 ficiently within the verge of the easterly trade wind. An acquaintance with the 
 Sandwich Islands would have been equally favorable to our Buccaneers, who used 
 sometimes to pass from the coast of America to the Ladrones, with a stock of food 
 and water scarcely sufiicient to preserve life. Here they might always have found 
 plenty, and have been within a month's sure sail of the very part of California
 
 004 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 
 
 which the Manilla ship is obliged to make, or else have returned to the coast of 
 America, thoroughly refitted, after an absence of two mouths. How happy would 
 Lord Anson have been, and what hardships he would have avoided, if he had 
 known that there was a group of islands half way between America and Tinian, 
 where all his wants could have been effectually supplied; and in describing which 
 the elegant historian of that voyage would have presented his reader with a more 
 agreeable picture than I have been able to draw in this chapter." 
 
 And yet there seems to be reason for believing that there was a Spanish ship 
 cast away on one of the Hawaiian group, and that their descendants are distinctly 
 marked men yet: There was also a white man and woman saved from the sea at 
 some unknown period, of course since Noah, and they multiplied and replenished, 
 and the islanders picked up somewhere a knack for doing things in construction 
 of boats and the weaving of mats that hint at a crude civilization surviving in a 
 mass of barbarianism. 
 
 Captain George Dixon names the islands discovered by Captain Cook on his 
 last voyage: 
 
 "Owhyhee (Hawaii), the principal, is the first to the southward and eastward, 
 the rest run in a direction nearly northwest. The names of the principals are 
 Mowee (Maui), Morotoy (Molokai), Ranai (Lanai), Whahoo (Oahu), Attooi (Kauai), 
 and Oneehow (Niihau)." 
 
 This account Dixon gives of two curious and rather valuable words: "The 
 moment a chief concludes a bargain, he repeats the word Coocoo thrice, with quick- 
 ness, and is immediately answered by all the people in his canoe with the word 
 Whoah, pronounced in a tone of exclamation, but with greater or less energy, in 
 proportion as the bargain he has made is approved." 
 
 The great and celebrated Kamehameha, who consolidated the government of 
 the islands, did it by an act of treachery and murder, thus told in Alexander's 
 history: 
 
 "The Assassination of Keoua. — Toward the end of the year 1791 two of Kame- 
 hameha's chief counsellors, Kamanawa and Keaweaheulu, were sent on an embassy 
 to Keoua at Kahuku in Kau, Keoua's chief warrior urged him to put them to 
 death, which he indignantly refused to do. 
 
 "By smooth speeches and fair promises they persuaded him to go to Kawaihae, 
 and have an interview with Kamehameha, in order to put an end to the war, which 
 had lasted nine years. Accordingly he set out with his most intimate friends and
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 305 
 
 twenty-four rowers in his own double canoe, accompanied by Keaweaheulu in an- 
 other canoe, and followed by friends and retainers in other canoes. 
 
 "As they approached the landing at Kawaihae, Keeaumoku surrounded Ke- 
 oua's canoe with a number of armed men. As Kamakau relates: 'Seeing Kame- 
 hameha on the beach, Keoua called out to him, "Here I am," to which he replied, 
 "Rise up and come here, that we may know each other." ' 
 
 "As Keoua was in the act of leaping ashore, Keeaumoku killed him with a 
 spear. All the men in Jveoua's canoe and in the canoes of his immediate company 
 were slaughtered but one. But when the second division approached, Kamehameha 
 gave orders to stop the massacre. The bodies of the slain were then laid upon the 
 altar of Puukohola as an offering to the blood-thirsty divinity Kukailimoku. That 
 of Keoua had been previously baked in an oven at the foot of the hill as a last 
 indignity. This treacherous murder made Kamehameha master of the whole island 
 of Hawaii, and was the first step toward the consolidation of the group under one 
 government." 
 
 This is one of those gentle proceedings of an amiable race, whose massacre of 
 Captain Cook has been so elaborately vindicated by alleged exponents of civilization. 
 
 There is found the keynote of the grevious native government in an incident 
 of the date of 1841 by which "the foreign relations of the government became 
 involved with the schemes of a private firm. The firm of Ladd & Co. had taken 
 the lead in developing the agricultural resources of the islands by their sugar plan- 
 tation at Koloa and in other ways, and had gained the entire confidence of the 
 king and chiefs. On the 24:th of November, 1841, a contract was secretly drawn 
 up at Lahaina by Mr. Brinsmade, a member of the firm, and Mr. Richards, and 
 duly signed by the king and premier, which had serious after-consequences. It 
 granted to Ladd & Co. the privilege of "leasing any now unoccupied and unim- 
 proved localities" in the islands for one hundred years, at a low rental, each mill- 
 site to include fifteen acres, and the adjoining land for cultivation in each locality 
 not to exceed two hundred acres, with privileges of wood, pasture, etc. These 
 sites were to be selected within one year, which term was afterwards extended to 
 four vears from date." 
 
 Of course there are many safeguards, particularly in this case, but the points 
 of the possession of land conceded, the time for the people to recover their rights 
 never comes. 
 
 One of the difficulties in the clearing up of the foggy chapters of the history 
 of the Hawaiian islands is that within the lifetime of men who were young at the
 
 306 EARLY HISTORY OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 
 
 close of the last century, the Hawaiian tongue became a written language, and 
 made the traditions of savages highly colored stories, in various degrees accord- 
 ing to ignorance, prejudice and sympathy, accepted as historical. The marvels 
 accomplished by the missionaries influenced them to deal gently with those whose 
 conversion was a recognized triumph of Christendom, and there was an effort to 
 condemn Captain Cook, who had affected to nod as a God, as a warning to blas- 
 phemers. Still, the truth of history is precious as the foundations of faith to men 
 of all races and traditions, and the Englishman who surpassed the French, Span- 
 iards and Portuguese in discoveries of islands in the vast spaces of the Pacific 
 Ocean, should have Justice at the hands of Americans who have organized states 
 and built cities by that sea, and possess the islands that have been named its para- 
 dise because endowed surpassingly with the ample treasures of volcanic soil and 
 tropical climate. There the trade winds bestow the freshness of the calm and mighty 
 waters, and there is added to the bounty of boundless wealth the charms of luxuriant 
 beauty. All Americans should find it timely to be just to Captain Cook, and claim 
 him as one of the pioneers of our conquering civilization.
 
 30 
 
 COPYRrCHTED 1890 BV H. L. BARBER 
 
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 J5
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 THE PHILIPPINES.
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The articles relating to the Philippines in the Treaty of Peace with Spain 
 are III, IV and V — ^as follows: 
 
 "Article III. — Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago known as 
 the Philippine Islands, and comprehending the islands lying within the following 
 line: 
 
 "A line running from west to east along or near the twentieth parallel of north 
 latitude, and through the middle of the navigable channel of Bachi, from the 
 one hundred and eighteenth (118th) to the one hundred and twenty-seventh 
 (127th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, thence along the one 
 hundred and twenty-seventh (127th) degree meridian of longitude east of Green- 
 wich to the parallel of four degrees and forty-five minutes (4° 45') north latitude, 
 thence along the parallel of four degrees and forty-five minutes (4° 45') north 
 latitude to its intersection with the meridian of longitude one hundred and nine- 
 teen degrees and thirty-five minutes (119° 35') east of Greenwich, thence along 
 the meridian of longitude one hundred and nineteen degrees and thirty-five 
 minutes (119° 35') east of Greenwich to the parallel of latitude seven degrees 
 and forty minutes (7° 40') north, thence along the parallel of latitude seven degrees 
 and forty minutes (7° 40') north to its intersection with the one hundred and six- 
 teenth (116th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, thence by a direct 
 line to the intersection of the tenth (10th) degree parallel of north latitude with 
 the one hundred and eighteenth (118th) degree meridian of longitude east of 
 Greenwich, and thence along the one hundred and eighteenth (118th) degree 
 meridian of longitude east of Greenwich to the point of beginning. 
 
 "The United States will pay to Spain the sum of twenty million dollars ($20,- 
 000,000), within three months after the exchange of the ratifications of the present 
 treaty. 
 
 "Article IV. — The United States will, for the term of ten years from the 
 date of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, admit Spanish ships 
 and merchandise to the ports of the Philippine Islands on the same terms as ships 
 and merchandise of the United States. 
 
 "Article V. — The United States will, upon the signature of the present 
 
 311
 
 312 INTEODUCTION. 
 
 treaty, send back to Spain, at its own cost, the Spanish soldiers taken as prisoners 
 of war on the capture of Manila by the American forces. The arms of the soldiers 
 in question shall be restored to them. 
 
 "Spain will, upon the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, pro- 
 ceed to evacuate the Philippines, as well as the island of Guam, on terms similar 
 to those agreed upon by the Commissioners appointed to arrange for the evacua- 
 tion of Porto Eico and other islands in the "West Indies, under the Protocol of 
 August 12, 1898, w^hich is to continue in force till its provisions are completely 
 executed. 
 
 "The time within which the evacuation of the Philippine Islands and Guam 
 shall be completed shall be fixed by the two Governments. Stands of colors, 
 uncaptured war vessels, small arms, guns of all calibres, with their carriages and 
 accessories, powder, ammunition, livestock, and materiab and supplies of all kinds, 
 belonging to the land and naval forces of Spain in the Philippines and Guam, 
 remain the property of Spain. Pieces of heavy ordnance, exclusive of field artil- 
 lery, in the fortifications and coast defenses, shall remain in their emplacements 
 for the term of six months, to be reckoned from the exchange of ratifications of 
 the treaty; and the United States may, in the meantime, purchase such material 
 from Spain, if a satisfactory agreement between the two Governments on the 
 subject shall be reached." 
 
 The treaty containing these provisions was signed by the American and Spanish 
 Commissioners in Paris, December 10, 1898, ratified by the United States Senate 
 February 6, 1899, and received the President's signature of approval two days later. 
 On this instrument is recorded the cession of Porto Rico, the relinquishment of 
 Cuba and her fringe of islands, the surrender of Guam, and the abandonment of 
 the Philippines, the loss by Spain of the last of her colonies that were once the 
 distinction of her grandeur and the envy of other nations. It records also the 
 signal triumph of American arms in the Indies East and West, on the seas and 
 the islands. There is no other country where the management of a war so trium- 
 phant would not be applauded universally — ^just cranks enough in antagonism to 
 define clearly the overwhelming expression of the public opinion; no country in 
 which the acquisition of the fairest and richest islands in the world would not 
 have been gratefully received as a glory and a benefaction. We find here a per- 
 sistent fury of criticisms, and an industry artful and unscrupulous, sensational and 
 scandalous, in the propagation and circulation of misapprehension and widespread 
 misrepresentation of facts, while the wail of the demagogue and the howl of the 
 anarchist are heard over the payment proposed of 25 cents cash by each of the
 
 INTRODUCTION. 313 
 
 American people for land equal to New England, New York and New Jersey in 
 extent, and of immense resources in soil, minerals, fruits and staples, cotton, 
 rice, copper, hemp, tobacco, sugar, and indigo, raised on one island. But the 
 question of the Philippines has been referred to the American people, and they 
 axe talking it over in their own way, and conscious, we are glad to say, of the 
 power they are exercising. It is true that the Philippines are far away, that there 
 are demagogue incendiaries in the islands, a gang with arms in their hands posing 
 as the whole people. It is on account of our methods of delay that the warfare 
 around Manila has come about. The news of the day is common property all over 
 the world, and Americans are known to the Philippines to be to some extent of 
 uncertain temper, and eveiy resolution that looks to running away from our 
 conquest, afraid of ourselves, means the killing and wounding of more of the 
 American boys, called for by Admiral Dewey when he had cleared the sea to hold 
 the land. 
 
 The publication of the protocols of the commissions of the United States and 
 Spain in Paris and the information sought and found touching the islands, shows 
 how earnestly and laboriously our commissioners performed their duty — how they 
 were resolved to become possessed of the whole truth and sought it at the ends of 
 the earth. The documents submitted to the country along with the treaty trans- 
 mitted by the President to the Senate, the injunction of secrecy removed January 
 11, is a treasure of history. The light is poured upon all the dark places. The 
 commission investigated the state of the islands, summoning Mr. Foreman, the 
 historian of the Philippines, and obtaining statements from the Belgian Consul 
 and others of the gravest interest to all the people. The consular reports from 
 the Asiatic cities giving the history of Aguinaldo and his policies, and proving his 
 treacherous weaknesses and presumption shading gradually into intolerable inso- 
 lence, are almost unknown to the public, and invaluable in tracing the influences 
 that give trouble. The importance of Aguinaldo was factional until he managed 
 to excite the imaginations of his susceptible tribe, while his association with the 
 American victors over the Spaniards and his appropriation according to Filipino 
 logic and sense, of a great share of the credit of liberation — the whole of which, 
 with the exception of an almost unappreciable fraction, belonged to the Amer- 
 icans — made him the leader of those ignorant and easily agitated islanders who 
 have been brought up in the belief that all government is tyranny and all races 
 of European origin tyrants — whose whole education is that freedom should be 
 exercised in fighting, and that the true aspiration of manhood is rather in leisure 
 than in labor. If these people are let alone, they are industrious — that is, if
 
 314 INTEODUCTION. 
 
 they are not dragged from tlieir homes by tribal influences and promises that they 
 can enrich themselves by plundering those against whom they are prejudiced 
 because they are in possession of a little property. It is on these lines that 
 Aguinaldo's insignificance has been magnified until he has become idealized by 
 the tragedians of statesmanship into a sort of a La Fayette, and his make-up out 
 of fantastic endowments passes him along as an imperial creature, an insurgent 
 who is to be commended because he is a revolutionist, no matter what the cause 
 behind him or how much scandal and fraud there is in the manifest and gro- 
 tesque deception. He has put his fanciful and fraudulent prestige to the bloody 
 test of war and will be unmade as he was made — he took on his sudden accession 
 of greatness and he will perish by the sword of America. The pages of this book 
 give the history that is expressly applicable to the enlightenment of the people for 
 the solution of the problems of the Philippines. 
 
 General Menitt's opinion was, when questioned closely by the commissioners, 
 that from twenty-five thousand to thirty thousand troops would be wanted for 
 a time in the Philippines if we held them, but that after a time there would not 
 be need of so large a force, and the soldiers needed might be largely enlisted from 
 the Philippines themielves.
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 OUR INTEREST IN THE PHILIPPINE ARCHIPELAGO. 
 
 Character of Filipinos and Their Oppression by the Spaniards — The Furtive Leader 
 Aguinaldo — His Professions and Proceedings — Cash for Peace and a Bribe 
 for Banishment — Early Indications of Impertinence — Deception of Our 
 Consuls. 
 
 General Aguinaldo made a treaty with the Spaniards, and with thirty-two of 
 his "compatriots" accepted $400,000 in Mexican money, $200,000 in gold, and 
 betook themselves to Hongkong, where this leader had nothing to say for some 
 time. He had been brought up in such an atmosphere of oppression that he could 
 not understand freedom of speech, and liberty to him was a mystery. The Span- 
 iards were to pay more money, but were false to all their promises, as is their 
 way in such cases, and the treaty was regarded with contempt by the officers of 
 Spain of all grades. They had robbed a bank in Manila, and while Aguinaldo took 
 a vacation at Hongkong the Spanish had a season of comparative rest, but there 
 appeared another swarm of insurgents, under another leader, and there was the 
 accustomed skirmishing, ambuscades, expeditions, assassinations, executions, and 
 the fleet that Dewey destroyed, the most efficient weapon of the Spaniards. "When 
 our war with Spain broke out, Aguinaldo was at Singapore, attempting to organize 
 and equip for a return to Luzon. He was in high favor and had much corre- 
 spondence with our consuls at Singapore, Manila and Hongkong, who gave no 
 consideration to Talleyrand's order to his staff in the foreign office of France — 
 "Above all, no zeal.'' At the suggestion of the Hongkong consul Admiral Dewey 
 cabled to Aguinaldo to join him at once, but moved with so much rapidity that 
 the insurgent chieftain did not get to Hongkong until the day after Dewey's vic- 
 tory in Manila Bay, and when he arrived at Cavite, finding the Americans in pos- 
 session, and himself welcomed as a friend, the prestige of the American victory 
 gave the Filipino guerrilla an immense send-off as the representative man of his 
 countrymen. As far as the news spread the insurgents gathered and swarmed 
 to the standard of Aguinaldo, and he soon began to have visions of grandeur, and 
 to assume the haughty airs of a conqueror. Before the American troops arrived 
 he became troublesome and desired to dictate to those who had taken him out of 
 the exile to which he had betaken himself with a certified check. The fact that 
 
 315
 
 316 OUK INTEEEST IN THE PHILIPPINE ARCHIPELAGO. 
 
 he did not divide the proceeds with his partners in retirement, but held the 
 Mexican silver fast for Agoncillo to buy arms with, is relied upon as proof of his 
 integrity. 
 
 One of the earliest revelations of his sinister policy was in a letter to General 
 T. M. Anderson, who commanded the first American troops to arrive at Cavite, 
 July 23, 1898, that his object in leaving Hongkong was to "prevent" his "country- 
 men from making common cause with the Spanish against the North Americans," 
 and he made haste to notify Anderson "of the undesirability of disembarking 
 North American troops in the places conquered by the Filipinos from the Spanish 
 without previous notice to this government." 
 
 Now, this government was the machine he set up, and he further mentions 
 "the necessity that before disembarking troops you should communicate in writing 
 to this government the places that are to be occupied and also the object of your 
 occupation." Thus this "La Fayette" was already supercilious and dictatorial and 
 in a pert and shabby way bent upon insulting, interfering with and harassing 
 his friends and benefactors. Since the frozen snake that the woodman in the 
 fable warmed before the fire, there has been no case of ingratitude more instruct- 
 ive as a lesson of inherent viciousness. The serpent of the tropics changes his 
 stripes and becomes more subtle and deadly than his kind in the north temperate 
 zone, but his poison is ranker and in propensities and accomplishments he is more 
 subtle. This fanciful and malicious pretender gabbling about George Washing- 
 ton not having thought of himself as a La Fayette, for if he knew something about 
 the beloved Frenchman who came to help us in our need he knew that he was 
 fighting an army of La Fayettes who had broken the chains with which he and 
 his race had been bound to a horrible servitude. He was taking this high ground 
 of sovereignty three weeks before the fall of Manila. There was not a chance 
 worth international consideration that the Filipinos ever could take that city. It 
 was far beyond their power to do more than skirmish in the suburbs. Until the 
 Spanish fleet was destroyed the most warlike of their proceedings was to raid the 
 country villages in the neighborhood of the town. August first Aguinaldo wrote 
 tlie American Consul at Manila, that official then being with Admiral Dewey: 
 "I was brought from Hongkong to assure those forces by my presence that the 
 Filipinos would not make common cause with the Spaniards." 
 
 The small dictator proceeded to say the Americans were only passably co-op- 
 erating with the Filipinos — that is, they were not consulting and deferring to 
 him. As soon as serious operations were undertaken against Manila by the Amer- 
 ican army the first thing needful was to crowd the Philippine insurgents out of the
 
 OUR INTEREST IN THE PHILIPPINE ARCHIPELAGO. 317 
 
 way. They were not besieging the town, but popping around the edges and had 
 to be removed from ground needed to carry on a real siege. They did not fire a 
 shot within a mile of an armed Spaniard on the day the American colors floated 
 over Manila, and they were ordered to stand back, because it was kno\^Ti they 
 would sack the town, Aguinaldo crying by letter to General Anderson that his 
 troops had been "promised they were to appear in Manila." Tliis is what he had 
 promised and he wanted to "avoid any conflict which would be fatal to the interests 
 of both peoples," adding, "My troops are forced from yours by means of threats 
 of violence to retire from positions taken." Of course they had to go, but they 
 had taken no positions. Then he wanted "joint occupation," and has been a 
 nuisance ever since, and we have statesmen who are quoting Abraham Lincoln 
 as saying, "no man is wise enough to govern another," as though this fragile, 
 malignant and preposterous imperialist was the foreordained creature to rule 
 millions who have never been consulted about him. The Belgian Consul at Manila, 
 Mr; Andre, estimates the number of Philippine insurgents to be about one in two 
 hundred of population. It is the same story we had in Cuba, that the United 
 States troops should, when they conquered the island, assume that the guerrilla 
 bands must be held to be the great and only "people." There never was a more 
 atrocious imposition upon human nature. The opposition congressmen have 
 been constant and loud in eloquence to the effect that the Cuban and Philippine 
 people were exclusively the bands of bushwhackers; that the army of Gomez, 150 
 strong, the fire bugs of the cane fields, were the true and sovereign populace of 
 the Queen of the Antilles and must take possession of all the lucrative branches 
 of the government and gorge themselves at once with the plunder won by American 
 blood. 
 
 Aguinaldo, on authority of the Consul at Manila, is "not permitted by his 
 people to personally lead in battle" — of course not! He is not that kind of a 
 hero. He is an Asiatic potentate, who speaks of "his" people and is too thoughtful 
 to go on the fire line. He wrote General Merritt: "I have permitted the use of 
 water" — that is, he had "permitted" the American soldiers who had freed Manila 
 from Spanish tyranny to have the city supply of water from the mountains instead 
 of compelling them to partake of the tainted supplies of the old cistern! That 
 was benevolence! If the insurgents had not "permitted" the water to flow they 
 would have been driven away from the waterworks, enough of them shot to instruct 
 the rest. There was a rush of fiery statesmen made just before we were at war with 
 Spain to "recognize the alleged belligerent rights" of the "alleged Republic of Cuba" 
 in such form that our troops would have been under the authority of the alleged
 
 318 OUR INTEREST IN THE PHILIPPINE ARCHIPELAGO. 
 
 Cuban chieftains, and the general resnit, the pecuniary plethora of the fire bug 
 financiers, glad to have our assistance in floating at a good figure an issue of bonds 
 to make up for the Cuban "debt" the United States had declined to pay. The 
 great first principle in Cuba seems to be to have a big "debt" to be liquidated in 
 good time by the United States. The cane was burned and the tobacco trampled 
 to furnish security for Cuban bonds. 
 
 The victory of the American arms in the battles of Manila on the bay and the 
 shore have thrown upon us great responsibility, and the condition of the islands 
 before we became acquainted with them by possessing them is of the highest 
 interest, because the better we understand the people the more certainly and 
 effectively we can apply the policy of reconstruction demanded after the demolition 
 of the Spanish edifice. Our very zealous and active Consul at Manila, Mr. Oscar 
 F. Wilhams, writing from his consulate February 22, 1898, says: 
 
 "Peace was proclaimed, and since my coming festivities therefor were held; but 
 there is no peace, and has been none for about two years. Conditions here and 
 in Cuba are practically alike. War exists, battles are of almost daily occurrence, 
 ambulances bring in many wounded, and hospitals are full. Prisoners are brought 
 here and shot without trial, and Manila is under martial law. 
 
 "The Crown forces have not been able to dislodge a rebel army within ten 
 miles of Manila, and last Saturday, February 19, a battle was there fought and 
 five dead left on the field. Much of such information is found in my longer 
 dispatch, referred to, and which is at your command. 
 
 "The Governor-General, who is amiable and popular, having resigned, wishes 
 credit for pacification, and certain rebel leaders were given a cash bribe of $1,650,- 
 000 to consent to public deportation to China. This bribe and deportation only 
 multiplied claimants and fanned the fires of discontent. 
 
 "Insurgents demand fewer exactions from church and state, a half of public 
 offices, and fewer church holidays, which seriously retard business. 
 
 "A republic is organized here, as in Cuba. Insurgents are being armed and 
 drilled; are rapidly increasing in numbers and efficiency, and all agree that a 
 general uprising will come as soon as the Governor-General embarks for Spain, 
 which is fixed for March. 
 
 "Wliile some combatant regiments have recently been returned to Spain, it 
 was for appearance only, and all authorities now agree that unless the Crown 
 largely re-enforces its army here it will lose possession."
 
 OUR INTEREST IN THE PHILIPPINE ARCJIIPELAGO. 319 
 
 "Consulate of the United States, 
 "Manila, Philippine Islands, March 19, 1898. 
 
 "Sir: Matters are in a serious state here. I have daily communication by 
 cable and letter with Commodore Dewey, but we pass letters by British and other 
 shipmasters and by private parties, because cables and letters are tampered with. 
 
 "Insurrection is rampant; many killed, wounded, and made prisoners on 
 both sides. A battleship, the Don Juan de Austria., sent this week to the northern 
 part of Luzon to co-operate with a land force of 2,000 dispatched to succor local 
 forces, overwhelmed by rebels, 
 
 "Last night special squads of mounted police were scattered at danger points 
 to save Manila. 
 
 "I caution Americans against bearing arms in violation of local law, although 
 threats have been made by Spaniards that all Americans would soon have their 
 throats cut. -Certain ones are so frightened as to frequently come to my consulate 
 and hotel, and spies watch all my movements. 
 
 "Rebellion never more threatening to Spain. Rebels getting arms, money, 
 and friends, and they outnumber the Spaniards, resident and soldiery, probably 
 a hundred to one. 
 
 "Report says that Holy Week the insurgents plan to bum and capture Manila." 
 
 Mr. Williams to Mr. Cridler, March 27, says: 
 
 "Having given daily information to Commodore Dewey as to disturbances here 
 I have assumed that he informed the Washington Government, and I have writ- 
 ten little on war matters. 
 
 "Cuban conditions exist here possibly in aggravated form. Spanish soldiers 
 are killed and wounded daily, despite claimed pacification, and the hospitals are 
 kept full. 
 
 "The majority of casualties are reported from the ranks of the native insur- 
 gents, and the cruelties and horrors of war are daily repeated. 
 
 "Cavite is the naval port of Luzon, situated about eight miles across the bay 
 from Manila, and about twenty miles distant by way of bay shore and public high- 
 way, and last Thursday, March 24, a Crown regiment of natives, the Seventy- 
 fourth, stationed there was ordered to advance against native insurgents near by. 
 The regiment refused to obey orders, and eight corporals were called out and shot 
 to death in presence of the regiment, which was again ordered to advance and 
 threat made that a refusal would be death to all. All did refuse and were sent 
 to barracks to await sentence. On the morning of the following Friday, March 25, 
 the entire regiment, with arms and equipment, marched out of the barracks and 
 deserted in a body to the insurgents, saying they were willing to fight the foreign 
 enemies of Spain, but would not fight their friends. 
 
 "Since beginning this dispatch I learn of the desertion to the insurgents of 
 another entire regiment. These are said to be the severest set-backs received by 
 Spain during the two years' insurrection here.
 
 320 OUE INTEREST IN THE PHILIPPINE ARCHIPELAGO. 
 
 ''On Friday morning, March 25^, a church holiday, a meeting of natives was 
 being held near my consulate in Manila, the natives being unarmed. The building 
 was surrounded by jjolice and military, the meeting broken up, twelve natives 
 wantonly shot to death, several wounded, and sixty-two taken prisoners. Satur- 
 day morning, March 26, the sixty-two prisoners were marched in a body to the 
 cemetery and shot to death. 
 
 "The Crown forces are now building a cordon of small forts on city's out- 
 skirts for defense against provincial natives, who are expected to soon attack Manila. 
 In fact, two detectives and one messenger have come to me this evening with 
 information that attack was to be made to-night, and everybody is anxious, as 8,000 
 native insurgent soldiers are encamped only five miles away, 
 
 "The insurgents seem to lack arms and organization, but, so far as I can 
 learn, outnumber the Spanish forces and inhabitants twenty to one. Arms are 
 being obtained and organization slowly effected, and all classes fear the near 
 future. It is said that the only reason why Manila has not been taken and burned 
 is because a vast majority of its population is in perfect accord with the insurgents. 
 
 "Last week, Thursday, March 24, at Cavite, near here, the Seventy-fourth 
 Spanish Regiment, recruited among the natives of the southern islands of this 
 group, refused to obey orders and attack the native insurrectionists. Eight cor- 
 porals were called out and shot to death in presence of the regiment. Again 
 orders to advance were given and disobeyed, when death to all was threatened. 
 The regiment expressed a willingness to fight the foreign enemies of Spain, but said 
 they would all be shot rather than fight their friends. All were sent to barracks 
 to be punished later, but the next morning all took arms and deserted to the 
 insurgents. 
 
 "On Friday, March 25, a church and legal holiday, unarmed natives were 
 holding a meeting near my consulate. The building was surrounded by police 
 and the suspicious military, the meeting broken up, twelve natives shot to death, 
 several wounded, and sixty-two prisoners taken, certain of whom were mere passers- 
 by, not having attended the meeting. The next morning these sixty-two prisoners, 
 without form of trial, were marched in a body to the cemetery and all shot to death. 
 
 "Flardly a day passes without such scenes of middle-age treachery and bar- 
 barity. A recent uprising at Cape Bolinao, on the northwest coast of this island 
 (Luzon), about 300 miles from Manila, was crushed by united action of two regi- 
 ments of infantry aided by the battleship Don Juan de Austria. A British ship- 
 master there at the time reports about forty killed and forty wounded. After 
 surrender the Spaniards put dead and wounded together in a house, and, by 
 burning it, cremated all. 
 
 "Months ago pacification was claimed by the Governor-General. It was false. 
 A truce had been bought with $1,650,000, during which the Governor-General 
 hoped to embark for Spain, but all was a hollow farce. The Madrid Government 
 seems now to understand all, and the Governor-General has been ordered to remain, 
 and his appointed successor sent to one of the provinces.
 
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 HARBOR AT PORT SAID. ENTRAN(^E TO SUEZ CANAL.
 
 OUR INTEREST IN THE PHILIPPINE ARCHIPELAGO." 323 
 
 "Now 5,000 armed rebels, whick for days have been encamped near Manila 
 and ha\^e been re-enforced from the mountains, plan to attack the city to-night. 
 All is excitement and life uncertain.'^ 
 
 This is the official report of the Manila situation before the fleet of Admiral 
 Dewey steamed across the sea of China to break the power of Spain, but not to 
 establish a government of guerrillas to wipe out the Spanish civilization, which 
 was, in a sense, barbarous, but not savage. A proclamation was issued at Hong- 
 kong by the Filipino Junta just before Dewey sailed containing these paragraphs: 
 
 "At the present moment an American squadron is preparing to sail for the 
 Philippines. 
 
 "We, your brothers, are very much afraid you may be induced to fire on the 
 ■pr Americans. No, brothers, never make this mistake. Rather blow your own brains 
 out than fire a shot or treat as enemies those who are your liberators. 
 
 "Your natural enemies, your executioners, the authors of your misery and 
 unhappiness, are the Spaniards who govern you. Against these you must raise 
 your weapons and odium; understand well, against the Spaniards, and never against 
 the Americans. 
 
 "Take no notice of the decree of the Governor-General, calling you to arms, 
 although it may cost you your lives. Rather die than be ungrateful to our Amer- 
 ican liberators. 
 
 "There, where you see the American flag flying, assemble in numbers; they 
 are our redeemers." 
 
 There was a strong tendency in our able and interesting Consuls at Hong- 
 , kon^, Manila and Singapore to be too familiar, sympathetic and co-operative with 
 the two or three "people" of the Philippines — Aguinaldo and his interpreter — and 
 Mr. F. Agoncillo, the Aguinaldo agent, modestly manifested at Washington he 
 seemed to expect a call to be the Dean of the diplomats by common consent, at- 
 tempted, November 3, 1897, to open a trade with the United St. tes for arms! 
 He then held a commission giving unlimited power to conclude i-^aties with for- 
 - eign governments. This powerful personage wanted the United Stc s to supply 
 20,000 stand of arms to the Filipinos, "to be paid for on the recognu jn of his 
 government by the United States. He pledged as security two provinces and the 
 custom-house at Manila. He is not particular about the price — ^is willing the 
 United States should make 25 per cent and 30 per cent profit." This diplomatic 
 gentleman had commercial instincts and was willing to see the L^nited States 
 make some money! It was very kind of him, but our Consul with whom he com- 
 municated was instructed to be "brief" with him and not encourage his advances. 
 Secretary Day, June 16, telegraphed:
 
 324 OUR INTEREST IN THE PHILIPPINE ARCHIPELAGO. 
 
 m 
 
 'Consul-General Pratt: Avoid unauthorized negotiations -ndth Philippine in- 
 surgents." 
 
 On the same date the Secretary wrote Mr. Pratt: 
 
 "To obtain the unconditional personal assistance of General Aguinaldo in the 
 expedition to Manila was proper, if in so doing he was not induced to form hopes 
 which it might not be practicable to gratify. This Government has known the 
 Philippine insurgents only as discontented and rebellious subjects of Spain, and 
 is not acquainted with their purposes. While their contest with that poAver has 
 been a matter of public notoriety, they have neither asked nor received from this 
 Government any recognition. The United States, in entering upon the occupation 
 of the islands, as the result of its military operations in that quarter, will do in 
 the exercise of the rights which the state of war confers, and will expect from 
 the inhabitants, without regard to their former attitude towards the Spanish 
 Government, that obedience which will be lawfully due from them. 
 
 "If, in the course of your conferences with General Aguinaldo, you acted upon 
 the assumption that this Government would co-operate with him for the further- 
 ance of any plan of his own, or that, in accepting his co-operation, it would con- 
 sider itself pledged to recognize any political claims which he may put forward, 
 your action was unauthorized, and can not be approved. Respectfully yours, 
 
 "WILLIAM R. DAY." 
 
 There has not appeared any clearer definition than this of the policy of the 
 United States in dealing with insurgents. It is solid sense and will stand. The 
 tone of our representatives at this time was extremely eulogistic of Aguinaldo and 
 needed the cooling application it got. Mr. E. Spencer Pratt, Consul-General to 
 the United States at Singapore, wrote after Aguinaldo had sailed for Hongkong: 
 
 "Considering the enthusiastic manner General Aguinaldo has been received 
 by the natives and the confidence with which he already appears to have inspired 
 Admiral Dewey, it -odll be admitted, I think, that I did not overrate his impor- 
 tance and that I have materially assisted the cause of the United States in the 
 Philippines in securing his co-operation. 
 
 "Why this co-operation should not have been secured to us during the months 
 General Aguinaldo remained awaiting events in Hongkong, and that he was allowed 
 to leave there without having been approached in the interest of our Government, 
 I can not understand. 
 
 "No close observer of what had transpired in the Philippines during the past 
 four years could have failed to recognize that General Aguinaldo enjoyed above 
 all others the confidence of the Filipino insurgents and the respect alike of Span- 
 iards and foreigners in the islands, all of whom vouched for his high sense of 
 justice and honor."
 
 OUK INTEREST IN THE PHILIPPINE AKOHIPELAGO. 325 
 
 Aguinaldo had impressed all our Consuls that he was almost a great and good 
 American, and Mr. Wiklman, Consul at Hongkong, wrote July 18, 1898: 
 
 "I have lived among the ]\lalays of the Straits Settlements and have been an 
 honored guest of the diil'erent sultanates. I have watched their system of govern- 
 ment and have admired their intelligence, and I rank them high among the semi- 
 civilized nations of the earth. The natives of the Philippine Islands belong to the 
 Malay race, and, while there are very few pure Malays among their leaders, I think 
 their stock has rather been improved than debased by admixture. I consider the 
 forty or fifty Philippine leaders, with whose fortunes I have been very closely con- 
 nected, both the superiors of the Malays and the Cubans. Aguinaldo, Agoncillo, 
 and Sandico are all men who would be leaders in their separate departments 
 in any country, while among the wealthy Manila men, who live in Hongkong and 
 who are spending their money liberally for the overthrow of the Spaniards and 
 the annexation to the United States, men like the Cortes family and the Basa 
 family, would hold their own among bankers and lawyers anywhere. 
 
 *'I believe I know the sentiments of the political leaders and of the moneyed 
 men among the insurgents, and, in spite of all statements to the contrary, I know 
 that they are fighting for annexation to the United States first, and for independ- 
 ence secondly, if the United States decides to decline the sovereignty of the islands. 
 In fact I have had the most prominent leaders call on me and say they would 
 not raise one finger unless I could assure them that the United States intended 
 to give them United States citizenship if they wished it." 
 
 The exaggerated rumors were afloat about the proceedings of our Consuls with 
 the insurgents, and Assistant Secretary of State Moore cabled "Wildman at Hong- 
 kong, August 6, that if a report in the Daily Mail of what he had written Aguin- 
 aldo was correct, "your action is disapproved, and you are forbidden to make 
 j)ledges or discuss policy." The reply of Mr. Wildman was that he "never made 
 pledges or discussed policy of America with Aguinaldo further than to try to hold 
 him to promises made before Dewey took him to Ca\dte." "Williams of Hong- 
 kong said: 
 
 "On May 2 Aguinaldo arrived in Hongkong and immediately called on me. 
 It was May 16 before I could obtain permission from Admiral Dewey to allow 
 Aguinaldo to go by the United States ship McCulloch, and I put him aboard in 
 the night. According to his own statements to me by letter, he has been approached 
 by both the Spaniards and the Germans, and has had tempting offers made him 
 by the Catholic Church." 
 
 It was the fixed faith of Wildman that the great majority of Aguinaldo's fol- 
 lowers "had but one desire — wanted to become citizens of the United States."
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 THE IMPOKTANT STATEMENT OF THE BELGIAN CONSUL AT MANILA. 
 
 The True Inwardness of the Philippine Situation by a Friend of Admiral Dewey, 
 Mr. Andre, Belgian Consul at Manila — A Letter from Andrew Carnegie 
 That Is One of His Mistakes — General Merritt's Opinions at Paris — Mr. 
 Andre's Memorandum in Full — Leading People of Manila Wish to Become 
 Citizens of the LTnited States — How General Merritt Drew the Line on 
 Aguinaldo and Foretold the Way Trouble Would Come. 
 
 When a memorandum prepared by the Belgian Consul at Manila was about 
 to be read before the American Commission at Paris fashioning the Peace Protocol 
 into a Treaty of Peace, General Merritt, said (we quote the official report of the 
 proceedings): 
 
 "General Merritt: 'That is rather important. The man is an intelligent man. 
 He expresses himself very poorly in English, and I have tried to have his report 
 corrected to an extent, but I think a good deal of reliance can be placed upon it. 
 He is very earnest in hoping that the Spanish will be excluded and the Filipinos 
 not allowed to govern themselves, but some government established there which 
 will protect the merchants and business men. It might be remarked that he is 
 largely interested in business matters, and has been there, I think, for about four- 
 teen years; is quite a wealthy man, and gives his views from that standpoint.' 
 
 "The statement was then read by" the secretary. 
 
 "Mr. Frye: 'How old a man is he?' 
 
 "General Merritt: 'He is quite a young man. He tells me he has been there 
 fourteen years. He states his case entirely from the point of view of a rich mer- 
 chant. He does not sign himself as the Belgian Consul, because he said he could 
 not do so, but he gives his statement as his personal opinion. He seems to think 
 the United States is engaged in a crusade for the benefit of the oppressed of all 
 lands.' 
 
 "Mr. Gray: 'Where is this Belgian Consul resident?' 
 
 "General Merritt: 'In Manila.'" 
 
 General Merritt's remarks hardly present the full force of the instructive testi- 
 mony of the Belgian Consul. He was of great service to Admiral Dewey and influ- 
 ential in impressing the Spaniards of the absolute necessity there was to be quiet 
 while the American Admiral abstained from bombarding the city, and the preven- 
 tion of widespread destruction and much bloodshed is largely credited to this 
 
 336
 
 STATEMENT OF THE BELGIAN CONSUL AT MANILA. 327 
 
 Consul^ Mr. Andre, one of the closest friends of Admiral Dewey, whom he assisted 
 in supplying his crews with fresh meat, a service of which Mr. Andrew Carnegie 
 spoke in his mournful letter to the Secretary of Agriculture, the Hon. James 
 Wilson, in these distressful words: 
 
 "The good work you are doing for the agricultural interests of the country 
 induces me to call your attention to the following: 
 
 "PKO VISIONS FEOM AUSTRALIA FOR DEWEY'S FLEET. 
 
 "Vancouver, British Columhia, December 2, 1898. 
 
 "Advices from New South Yfales say that the steamer Cugon has sailed from 
 Sydney with a cargo of provisions for Rear Admiral Dewey's fleet at Manila. The 
 cargo consists of 5,000 carcasses mutton, 250 lambs, 125 tons of potatoes, 81 tons 
 of onions, and 22 tons of carrots. 
 
 "Secretary Gage finds 'commercial expansion' a sufficient reason for recanting 
 his former opinions and becoming an imperialist. Is this a sample of the 'com- 
 mercial expansion' which has captivated him, I wonder? Mr. Secretary, none 
 know better than yourself that the 'open door' which the President has given to 
 the foreigner in the Philippines means the 'closed door' to the products of the soil 
 and of the mine of your own country. The foreigner gets the trade — the American 
 pays the taxes! 
 
 "The Philippine Treaty is soon to come before the Senate. Surely every farmer 
 of the L^nited States can look to you, as the head of the Agricultural Department, 
 to secure a change in the clause which puts the producers of America, both of the 
 soil and of the mine, at so serious a disadvantage, being thousands of miles farther 
 away. 
 
 "One would have thought that the food of our soldiers might have been pur- 
 chased by the Government upon the Pacific coast; but even San Francisco is thou- 
 sands of miles farther from the Philippines than the competitive agricultural 
 country of Australia. Even India is nearer still. As the New York Tribune justly 
 says, 'The Philippines are 7,000 miles away; far nearer to other great powers or 
 their possessions than to us, and belonging to the geographical and commercial 
 system of another continent.' 
 
 "Knowing your strict guardianship of the interests of agriculture in this 
 country, I beg to lay the subject before you, knowing that you will give it due 
 attention. 
 
 "With sincere congratulations upon your successful work in various directions, 
 very respectfully yours, ANDREW CARNEGIE." 
 
 Mr. Carnegie is the greatest manufacturer of steel in the world, but as an 
 agriculturist he is not a conspicuous success, and as an American statesman he 
 has intervals of melancholy inaccuracy.
 
 328 STATEMENT OF THE BELGIAN CONSUL AT MANILA. 
 
 It was necessary the men of the American fleet in Manila Bay should be sup- 
 plied with fresh meat, and it could not be procured in a few days from the United 
 States. The transports had been taken up to convey the troops. Beef experiments 
 were going on, but the meat spoiled in a few hours. Consul Andre was immensely 
 useful at this juncture. Mr. Carnegie should restore his reason before delivering 
 further judgments. When the author of this volume was calling on Admiral Dewey 
 aboard the flagship Olympia he asked the famous victor in the May-day battle three 
 months and three weeks before as to the beef question, and the Admiral pointed 
 to a long iron ship, his nearest neighbor, and said it was a Belgian vessel and 
 fitted for "cold storage." "You see the smoke from her funnel," said the 
 Admiral. "They are making ice with fire, and they can produce a temperature 40 
 degrees below zero. The Australian beef and mutton aboard are perfectly pre- 
 served;" and he added, "if it is thawed slowly it is as good as if the animals had been 
 killed but a few hours before, and the quality of it excellent." The conditions 
 preventing obtaining meat from the United States at that time were exceptional; 
 and Mr. Carnegie's letter is not impressive. He is too passionate, whom protection 
 has made so rich he is a free trader. 
 
 Mr. Andre was careful not to present his views to the Paris commission 
 as the Belgian Consul at Manila, but in a strictly personal capacity. We quote 
 what he had to say in full: 
 
 "Manila, August 29, 1898. 
 
 "The future of the Philippine Islands is an eager and most interesting ques- 
 tion; and if the L^nited States does not take these islands under their protection, 
 the country will be utterly ruined and all the foreign merchants will leave these 
 islands. 
 
 "The retention of the Island of Luzon only is not enough, and only a half 
 measure, and the United States must take all or nothing. If the south of the 
 Philippines remains in the hands of Spain, the insurgents "\vill attack these islands 
 and they will be in a constant revolt, exactly as happened in Cuba, and the United 
 States Avill have a second edition of what has happened already, and will prepare 
 a second war for the same reasons. 
 
 "Spain will always remain as she is now. She will even be exactly the same 
 under any form of government. The numerous empleados (officeholders) will 
 always be the plague of all the ministers and always want lucrative posts, with 
 a high pay. They \vill never admit that it would be better for them and their 
 country to work. As the positions of these empleados (officeholders) are very 
 uncertain, their only object is, as soon as they occupy their posts, to make as much 
 money as they can. Even those who occupy the very highest posts in the Philip- 
 pines only attend to their own fortune and hardly pay attention to public affairs.
 
 STATEMENT OF THE BELGIAN CONSUL AT MANILA. 329 
 
 As they give the example of a most corrupt administration, they are unable to pre- 
 vent their subordinates to do the same. The justice is likewise mismanaged, and 
 when the accused does not bribe the judges they will leave them in jail for 
 years without paying the slightest attention to these unfortunates, and some of 
 these prisoners have been in jail more than ten years. 
 
 "The monks, more united, have always taken advantage of the troubled state 
 of affairs and offered their protection to those who consented in allowing the money 
 of the government to go in their hands. They exacted all the money that they could 
 of the Indians, and the Spanish governors protected openly these extortions. Such 
 state of things exasperated the Filipinos, and those who suffered the most began 
 the rebellion with a fury that astonished everybody. 
 
 "The rebellion broke out from the lower classes, and they still predominate 
 in the actual rebellion. Even the chiefs are ancient tenants of the monks. The 
 rebellion has no committee or representatives in the United States, as the Cubans. 
 This proves that those who revolted only act as mechanics and not as an intellectual 
 people. Those who are in Hongkong, and represent there the revolution, went 
 there as fugitives to escape from Manila, and later on they formed a meeting, and 
 no serious man will admit that they are leading men of the revolution. Their 
 names are not even known in Manila. 
 
 "The Indians are good soldiers, and suffer very little of the war. They can 
 stay for days in the swamps, or can make a long march in this hot climate without 
 injury. White men can not stand it, and it must be recognized that if the Indians 
 are very poor leaders in politics they are good enough soldiers to be taken 
 in good consideration. 
 
 "Since the Americans arrived in the Philippines a new period seems to take 
 place, and many members of the upper classes of the Mestizos appeared among 
 the rebels, and since then it has been possible to discuss some matters and to 
 demonstrate to them that if they wanted to be taken into consideration that they 
 must act as civilized people, and not retain as prisoners private citizens, women, 
 and children, and drop many abuses that they commit exactly as the Spaniards 
 have done and taught them. During the blockade of Manila many prominent 
 families of Mestizos preferred to take refuge among the insurgents rather than stay 
 at the mercy of the Spanish authorities in Manila, whose arbitrary acts are too 
 well known. 
 
 "There is actually in Europe and Paris an important colony of Filipinos be- 
 longing to the leading families of Manila, and these appear to be actually the 
 representatives of the rebels. The principal of them pretended, however, that 
 he never rebelled, and claimed his properties seized by the Spanish Government. He 
 bribed the judges, and they publicly recognized that he never was a rebel, and 
 restored his properties. Now he is the chief representative of the rebels. His 
 name is P. P. Roxas. This duplicity is not much in his favor, but it reveals the 
 character of the Indians or Mestizos, and in all their acts it will be remarked that 
 they never are sincere.
 
 330 STATEMENT OF THE BELGIAN CONSUL AT MANILA. 
 
 "Money is what means the most to the rebellion, and this leads the rebels 
 to many unlawful acts. Until the jDresent time most all the money has been raised 
 from the lower classes. The higher classes gave very little, and these are very 
 unwilling to facilitate funds. This class is composed entirely of usurers and 
 pawmees. All the pawnshops and gambling-houses belong to the principal Mestizos 
 families. There is not one family free of that stigma. This proves enough the 
 morality of them, and what can be expected of them. They surely will not risk 
 their capital in the rebellion, because they are not sure enough that they will.be 
 repaid with interest. They do not care a snap for the country, and many told 
 me that they would be glad to see the United States take these islands under their 
 protection and put an end to the constant appeal for funds from the rebels. This 
 was said to me by Bemito Legarda, a rich Mestizo, who was with Aguinaldo in 
 Bacoor and acted as counsel, and this deceived him, 
 
 "In the plantations belonging to the rich families of Mestizos or Indians, the 
 workmen are treated very inhumanly. If they do not work quick enough they 
 treat them exactly as slaves were treated in South America. The most common 
 punishment is to lash their backs with a thin bamboo; twenty-five lashes is the most 
 ordinary punishment. I saw some receive 100 lashes in Negros Island, in the estate 
 of Aniceto Lacson, an Indian. One hundred and twenty-five lashes were given 
 to a man in Albay (south of Luzon) by the Indian Mayor of Albay. The same 
 man threatened to give 100 lashes to one of my workmen, but his wife warned 
 me and I stopped it. Since then I stopped always this treatment when I happened 
 to know it, and more than once had rows about it with the Spanish Governor 
 of the province, Mr. Valdes. This was in 1892. He told me that he would put 
 me in prison if I interfered with the authorities. The custom all over the Philip- 
 pines is to engage men and to pay for them their personal papers. This is the 
 beginning of a debt that will make a slave of a man; for each dollar advanced an 
 interest of 5 cents is added. At the slightest fault the man is fined and his debt 
 grows. Whenever he needs money to baptize a baby or bury a parent the planter 
 pays the fees direct to the curate, and always adds to the small sum advanced two 
 or three dollars and the 5 cents for interest. This last way is the most heavy 
 yoke. At the end of the year he owes his master $50 or $60, and as long as 
 he does not pay his debt he is considered as a slave, and if he runs away he will 
 be arrested and returned to his master and is awfully lashed. 
 
 "Wlien an estate is sold, nearly always the papers are accompanied with a list 
 of the debtors. The buyer makes a bargain and buys the debts, and those who 
 owe the money become his slaves. This is about the same as buying the slaves 
 with a plantation. Now, the Mestizos and Indians are the hardest masters, and if 
 ever they dominate they will be most despotical to the Indians. The Spanish 
 Government always tolerated this, and even protected those who used to treat the 
 men as slaves and allowed the pirates to abuse the poor Indians. Therefore it is 
 easy to show the Indian that it would be much better for him to be ruled by 
 Americans than by his own countrymen. Whatever may be the education of the
 
 STATEMENT OF THE BELGIAN CONSUL AT MANILA. 331 
 
 Mestizos, they always will behave just the same as the Indians, from whom they 
 descend. They will eat with their hands, go l^arefooted, and sit on the ground. 
 There is an enormous difference between them and a white man. 
 
 "In the assemblies of the chiefs of the rebels and of the Mestizos of Manila, 
 even when very serious matters were discussed, they used to joke one with the 
 other and give his neighbor a nip and a laugh and behave as monkeys would do. 
 This happened the 21st of June in the house of P. Paterno in Manila, and in Cavite 
 in the house of Ozorio on the 3d of August. 
 
 "The Chinese Mestizos join the sordidness of the Indian to the craftiness of 
 the Chinaman, and give the type of the rapacious Pawnee. The Spanish Mestizo 
 joins the presumption of the Spaniard with the duplicity of the Indian, and give 
 the type of the Sioux. 
 
 "This is enough, I believe, to give a very slight idea of what the Filipinos 
 are and to demonstrate that they belong to an inferior race, unfitted to rule a 
 country, and with such individuals distinguished rules must not be expected. 
 
 "Of course the education and example given by the monks and Spaniards 
 is the principal cause, but even then they are worse than their masters, and that 
 proves their inferiority, and therefore it is more than time that the United States 
 should have pity on these people and show them better. 
 
 "The Spaniards, with their accustomed carelessness, are unable to manage 
 properly the Philippines, and these rich islands, which contain gold, iron, coal, 
 etc., and on which splendid forests are abandoned; there is only one very little 
 railway, hardly some good bridges and no harbors. Nothing has been done with 
 the $15,000,000 that these islands give annually. 
 
 "The foreign merchants in Manila are constantly robbed by the custom-house 
 officers, and no protection is given to them. If a merchant makes a claim, he will 
 be bothered all the year round. The United States can assure a steady govern- 
 ment in these islands, and in their hands the country will increase in wealth, and 
 will, in a short time, be able to return to the United States the money laid out; 
 and it would be certainly much cheaper and more humane to take the entire 
 Philippines than to keep only part of it and to run the risk of a second war with 
 Spain for the very same reason that provoked the present conflict. It is a duty of 
 the United States to do so and to protect the entire country. Everybody in the 
 Philippines begs them for protection; even the Spanish merchants. Now, it is to 
 be hoped that the United States will not deceive those who anxiously await the 
 result of the meeting in Paris. 
 
 "The Indians do not desire independence. They know that they are not strong 
 enough. They trust the United States, and they know that they will be treated 
 rightly. The present rebellion only represents a half per cent of the inhabitants, 
 and it would not be right to oblige 6,000,000 inhabitants to subnlit to 30,000 rebels. 
 Luzon is only partly held by them, and it is not to be expected that a civilized 
 nation will make them present with the rest of the island, which is hostile to the 
 Tagals of Luzon. The Spanish of&cers refuse to fight for the sake of the priests,
 
 332 STATEMENT OF THE BELGIAN CONSUL AT MANILA. 
 
 and if the Spanish Government should retain the Philippines their soldiers will all 
 fall prisoners in the hands of the Indians in the same way as they did already, 
 and this is because the army is sick of war without result, and only to put the 
 country at the mercy of the rapacious empleados and luxurious monks. 
 
 "The monks know that they are no more wanted in the Philippines, and they 
 asked me to help them to go away as soon as possible, and it is principally for 
 them that I asked for the transports to the United States Government, and to send 
 them to Hongkong. The Indians will be delighted to see them go, and will be 
 grateful to the United States. 
 
 "If some chiefs of the rebellion will be a little disappointed in their personal 
 pride, they will be convinced that it is better for them to submit in any case, for 
 most of these chiefs prefei* American authority, and they are very anxious to 
 know the result of the meeting of Paris. 
 
 "If the United States keeps the islands they will remain quiet, but if the 
 Spanish authority is restored in the islands, or part of them, they will attack 
 the Spaniards and be in a constant revolt. This has been told to me by Aguinaldo, 
 Landico, Ziroma, Mabim, and other principal chiefs, and repeated on Sunday, 
 28th of August. Very respectfully, ANDRE." 
 
 Mr. Andre represents something more than a rich man's view, as General 
 Merritt related. He speaks for all the property that stands between the people 
 and utter poverty, and for a government that is conservative of the rights of 
 industry. He also states that the Indians as a mass do not desire independence. 
 The reason is they know that the Aguinaldo Tagal disorderlies would be greater 
 despots, robbers and cut-throats than the Spaniards themselves; and Mr. Andre 
 adds the insurgent element represented one-half per cent of the inliabitants before 
 the LTnited States seemed shaky. The considerable force of Tagalos and some other 
 tribesmen gathered in the jungles about Manila, have been rallied because the 
 uncertain attitude of this country has been disturbing, and the disaffected dema- 
 gogues and military managers of the Malays who have drawn the first full breath 
 of their lives under American protection, are not to be depended upon as a "stable 
 government." 
 
 The idea would not have prevailed to a very mischievous extent if it had not 
 been for the prolongation of the debate in the Senate; and the information of 
 the Filipino agents at Washington was that we were a halting, timid, stumbling 
 parcel of partisans incapable of governing ourselves and not to be trusted in 
 friendship or as protectors. The correspondence following shows the movement 
 in Manila, submitting allegiance to the Government of the United States:
 
 STATEMENT OF THE BELGIAN CONSUL AT MANILA. 333 
 
 ME. WILDMAN TO ^lE. DAY. 
 
 Consulate of the United States, 
 
 Hongkong, May 6, 1898. 
 Sir: Supplementary to my cable of this date, I have the honor to inclose, 
 by request, statement of Don Dorotes Cortes, Don Maximo Cortes, and Dona 
 Eustaquia, wife of Don Maximo; also like statement of Arcadio Eosario, Gracio 
 Gonzaga, and Don Jose Maria Basa, all very wealthy landholders, bankers, and 
 advocates of Manila. 
 
 They desire to tender their allegiance and the allegiance of their powerful fam- 
 ilies in Manila to the United States. They have instructed all their connections 
 to render every aid to our forces in Manila. 
 
 The letters to the President, inclosed, explain themselves. 
 I have the honor to be, etc., 
 
 EOUNSEVILLE WILDMAN, Consul.. 
 
 ME. CEIDLEE TO ME. WILDMAN. 
 
 June 16, 1898. 
 Sir: The Department has received your dispatch No. 42, of the 6th ultimo, 
 reporting that a number of influential families of Manila desire to tender their 
 allegiance to the United States. 
 
 In reply I have to inform you that a copy has been sent to the War Depart- 
 ment, with the suggestion that the information be conveyed to General Merritt. 
 Eespectfully yours, THOS. W. CEIDLEE, 
 
 Third Assistant Secretary. 
 
 ME. WILDMAN TO ME. DAY. 
 
 Consulate of the United States, 
 
 Hongkong, May 14, 1898. 
 Sir: I have the honor to inclose, by request, the statements of Severino Eotea, 
 Claudio Lopez, A. H. Marti, and Eugenia Fiona, all wealthy and prominent land- 
 holders of the Philippine Islands. 
 
 They desire to submit their allegiance and the allegiance of their families 
 in the Philippine Islands to the United States. 
 
 The letters to the President inclosed explain themselves. 
 
 I have the honor to be, etc., 
 
 EOUNSEVILLE WILDMAN, Consul. 
 
 To the President of the United States of North America: 
 
 Severino Eotea and Lopez, proprietor and farmer, native of Negros Oriental 
 (Yisayas), Philippine Islands, with great consideration exposes:
 
 334 STATEMENT OF THE BELGIAN CONSUL AT MANILA. 
 
 Having known the history and Constitution of the noblest liberal and rightful 
 nation of the United States^, he willingly adheres to the Government in annexing 
 his country, and it will be for him a great honor to be joined it as soon as an 
 additional star to the victorious flag of the United States of America and con- 
 sidered him as one of its citizens. 
 
 Hongkong, May 11, 1898. 
 
 (Signed) SEVEEINO EOTEA. 
 
 To the President of the United States of America: 
 
 Claudio Lopez, merchant and proprietor and vice-consul of Portugal at Iloilo, 
 native of the Philippine Islands, emigrant to this colony of Hongkong for political 
 causes, exposes with great consideration: 
 
 Having known the history and Constitution of the noblest liberal and rightful 
 nation of the United States of America, he, for the present, adheres to the Govern- 
 ment in annexing his country, and considers that it will be for him a great honor 
 to join his country as an additional star to the always victorious flag of the United 
 States of America and to count him as one of its citizens. 
 
 Hongkong, 9th May, 1898. 
 
 (Signed) CLAUDIO LOPEZ. 
 
 To the President of the United States of America: 
 
 We, the subscribers, natives of the Philippine Islands, emigrants to this colony, 
 for political causes, with great consideration expose: 
 
 Having known the history and the Constitution of the noble, liberal, and right- 
 ful nation of the United States of America, for the present, they adhere to the Gov- 
 ernment, considering that it will be for them a great honor to join their country as 
 an additional star to the always victorious flag of the United States of America 
 and considered them as its citizens. 
 
 (Signed) A. H. MARTI 
 
 To the President of the United States of North America: 
 
 Eugenia Plena and Padillo, proprietor and farmer, native of Negros Occidental 
 (Visayas), Philippine Islands, and emigrant to this colony for political causes, with 
 great consideration exposes: 
 
 Having known the history and Constitution of the noblest liberal and rightful 
 nation of Ignited States, he willingly adheres to the Government in annexing his 
 country, and it will be for him a great honor to be joined it as an additional star 
 to the always victorious flag of the United States of North America and considered 
 him as one of its citizens. 
 
 Hongkong, May 10, 1898. 
 
 (Signed) EUGENIA PLONA.
 
 STATEMENT OF THE BELGIAN CONSUL AT MANILA. 335 
 
 It goes without much saying that these people, in case the Government of 
 tfie United States should turn the islands over to the Tagalos or the Spaniards, 
 would be imprisoned, executed and their estates confiscated, and that this would 
 be on our part a base desertion that would justify the interference of any one 
 or all of the European nations to spare and share the riches we threw away. Of 
 course this is preposterous and impossible, but that is not the way, according 
 to great speakers, that a good many congressmen look at it, for they assume that 
 the only "people" in the islands are the dark little men in the high grass, shoot- 
 ing at the American soldiers who have destroyed Spanish dominion and bestowed 
 on Aguinaldo a vicarious glory. It has been in evidence that Aguinaldo was deeply 
 moved by the question of the boundary line between his forces and the American 
 army, very soon after our troops occupied Manila. Before the American com- 
 mission in Paris, General Merritt testified he received letters from General Aguinaldo 
 — claiming to have conquered positions and that the reply was "he must withdraw 
 his forces outside the limits" that had been defined. General Merritt goes on: 
 
 The commission he (Aguinaldo) refers to was brought to me by General 
 Anderson. He asked me if I would talk to them, and I said I would. It was a 
 few days after the surrender, and I received them at my headquarters in Manila, 
 and they agreed the insurgents should withdraw outside any lines I might desig- 
 nate. I detailed two officers, General Greene and General MacArthur, to designate 
 a line in red pencil, and give it to them on a map, and told them I should insist 
 on the withdrawal of his troops. It took in part of the lines Aguinaldo's troops had 
 occupied previous to our getting there, but it was necessary to enforce a proper 
 status between the insurgents and our own forces and to keep them out of Manila. 
 
 Before that time, rather early after my arrival there at Manila, I had tele- 
 graphed to the War Department of the possible trouble that might arise with the 
 insurgents, and asked for instructions as to whether I should consider them as 
 enemies and treat them accordingly in such case. To that request I had no reply, 
 and 'the consequence was I had to mix diplomacy with force in order to avoid 
 a tilt with them. I knew if bloodshed was once had that would be the end of an 
 amicable status there, and to that end I was careful only to enforce that which was 
 proper and which I conceived must be executed in order to have my troops fully 
 occupy the ground we had taken. In his letters to General Anderson he speaks 
 of concessions they made there in the occupation of lines. They did. I told 
 General Greene — gave him the instructions — to try to get these positions by an 
 amicable arrangement if possible, but, if necessary, to report the fact to me, and 
 I should use force to secure them. At the time I went there I found we had no
 
 336 STATEMENT OF THE BELGIAN CONSUL AT MANILA. 
 
 lines, no base upon which to approach Manila. The insurgents had their pickets 
 to the front of ours, and our main guard was in the rear of their main guard, and 
 I gave General Greene orders to change that status, which he did, and purely 
 by arrangement with that general of whom Major Bell speaks as being a very 
 sensible fellow and a good fellow. It appears, when the request was made of him 
 he corresponded with Aguinaldo, and the latter agreed to it. 
 
 Mr. Eeid: Do you think any danger of conflict is now reasonably remote? 
 
 General Merritt: I think there is no danger of conflict as long as these people 
 think the United States is going to take possession there. 
 
 Mr. Gray: Suppose, by final treaty with Spain, we should abandon Luzon 
 and all the Philippines, exacting such terms and conditions and guarantees as we 
 should think necessary, and abandon them entirely, reserving only a coaling station, 
 perhaps; what do you think they would do about it? 
 
 General Merritt: I think in the island of Luzon they would fight to the 
 bitter end. I have talked with a number of them, intelligent men, who said their 
 lives were nothing to them as compared with the freedom of the country, getting 
 rid of Spanish government.' 
 
 Mr. Davis: Do you think Spain would be able to reduce them? 
 
 General Merritt: No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Gray: Do you think, in the event of such an abandonment, it would be 
 possible for them to set up a self-government? 
 
 General Merritt: It would take time to do it. They would have to be edu- 
 cated up to it. They want a protectorate, but they do not exactly understand what 
 that means. Their idea is that they should collect the revenues and keep them 
 in their treasury, and that we should be at the expense of maintaining an anny 
 and a navy there for their protection, which is the kind of a protectorate they would 
 like very much. 
 
 Mr. Frye: I suppose their idea of government is practically derived from the 
 Spaniards? 
 
 General Merritt: Yes, sir. 
 
 The Chairman: What they desire is a government for their benefit, main- 
 tained and paid for by us? 
 
 General Merritt: Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Davis: Do you understand that condition of slavery prevails which is 
 described in that letter read? 
 
 General Merritt: Yes, sir; entirely as described by Mr. Andre. 
 
 Mr. Gray: If Admiral Dewey had sailed away after accomplishing that naval
 
 STATEMENT OF THE BELGIAN CONSUL AT MANILA. 337 
 
 achievement and left this people as he found them, except for tlie destruction 
 of the Spanish fleet, what, in your opinion, would have been the condition of the 
 island as to Spanish supremacy and their ability to suppress the rebellion? 
 
 General Merritt: If the Spaniards had replaced their fleet with another, I 
 do not believe the revolutionists could have taken Manila. Along the bay it is 
 thirty miles, seventeen by water, and the coast shows the evidences of where the 
 Spaniards have used the guna of their fleets, riddled the houses with shells, and 
 prevented the insurgents from approaching the town; and the insurgents would 
 have been driven to approach the toAvn from the interior, where the Spanish 
 troops were concentrated against them'. It was only after the destruction by Dewey 
 of the fleet and his occupation of the bay that these people surrounded the place 
 and held their positions and took possession of the waterworks, which they held 
 for some two or three months. For two months, perhaps three months, the water 
 had been cut off from the town. 
 
 Mr. Eeid: What is the nature of that supply? 
 
 General Merritt: Very good.
 
 CHAPTEE III. 
 
 THE MOST NOTABLE OF THE STATEMENTS BEFOEE OUR COMMIS- 
 SION IN PAEIS. 
 
 The Eemarkable Utterance of Mr. John Foreman, the Historian of the Philip- 
 pines — His Exposures of Spanish Tyranny and the Persecution of the Poor 
 — He Credits Stories About the Immorality of Spanish Priests and Gives 
 Them — The Grievances of the Philippine Peasants — Extent of Spanish 
 Occupation — Eesourees of the Islands — Habits of the People — Their Weak- 
 ness and Strength — Vast Amount of Information and Suggestion — General 
 Whittier's Personal Observation — His Interview with Aguinaldo and Judg- 
 ment as to the Philippine Eiches and Possibilities. 
 
 The statement of the highest authority and the greatest interest before the 
 American Treaty Committee at Paris was that of Mr. John Foreman, an English- 
 man and author of the most valuable book on the Philippines. This gentleman 
 lived in the islands nine years, and traveled a great deal. He had an interest in 
 a London firm of engineers, whose work was principally for sugar machinery and 
 who did the foreign work. He stated to the Commission as to the places he had 
 lived in in the Philippines: 
 
 "I have been practically all over the island of Luzon; several times over in 
 a number of years; I have been everywhere in Negros; I have been all over 
 Panay; I have been in the island of Zelu or Jolo, and was a guest of the Sultan. 
 I have been in three-fourths of the places occupied by the Spaniards in Mindanao. 
 I went on foot from Zamboanga, right through the Province of Zamboanga, up 
 to Misamis on the north." 
 
 In the course of his travels Mr. Foreman resolved to write a book on the 
 islands, and his subsequent studies intensified his interest. As to the character 
 of the inhabitants he said to the Commission, and we quote him only in that con- 
 nection: The people were of "the most plastic nature; that which can be most 
 easily molded and attracted, and drawn to accommodate themselves to and accept 
 a new system which might be established for their future government, would be 
 certainly the inhabitants of the Island of Luzon." 
 
 The Viscaya Islands are the Panay, Negros, Cebu, Bojol, Leyte, Samar and 
 
 Masbate. The entire group are called by the Spaniards Zolo, and they have a 
 
 Sultan, who resides at Maybun, and as to his jurisdiction, "the Spaniards have tried 
 
 338
 
 41. Street in tlie Suburb of La Ermita. 42. Rosario Street in La Ermita. 43. Luneta^Square in Manila. 
 44. Hospital of San Juan de Dios. 45. Manila ("athodral. 46. Royal Street in Malate. 47. Royal Street 
 in Santa Ana. 48. Monument of Don Simon de Anda y Salazar in the Malecon Square. 
 
 VIEWS IN AND AROUND MANILA.
 
 TYPE OF THE MESTIZA WOMEN, UPPER CLASS, PROVINCE OF CAVITE.
 
 STATEMENTS BEFORE OUR COMMISSIOX IN PARIS. 341 
 
 to reduce it to his own island, but the inhabitants of this island of Mindanao 
 give allegiance to him and acknowledge him as their chief, and also the Batnos 
 tribes on the island of Palawan_, and the islands running down to the island of 
 Bilbaoc.'' 
 
 The people of the Zolos are Musselmen and the Spaniards speak of them as 
 Moors. The Tagals (the tribe of Malays of which Aguinaldo and Agoncillo are 
 representative in blood) Mr. Foreman regards as of a very easy and willing nature, 
 who "would fall into any new system adopted," but the Yiscayas are more 
 uncouth, less hospitable and more averse to association with outsiders. They would 
 "want a little more pressure, have to be guided and watched, and, perhaps, a 
 little more of the iron hand," In the Island of Panay, the neighborhood of Iloilo, 
 are half castes, the issue of Chinese men and Viscayan women, who hold the trade 
 so far as it is in native hands, and the same thing is noticeable at Manila. They 
 are not sociable, and not the organizers, still "the cream of the civilization of the 
 Isle of Panay," about the best of the islands. The Island of ISTegros "is a planting 
 land," and the land-owners live elsewhere as a rule. Negros is the richest island 
 of the archipelago for the production of sugar. There was a rapid development 
 there when steam navigation was used and a governor was appointed. Mr. Fore- 
 man says of him that he "was murdered because he was going to make raids into 
 the interior of the island and brush it up generally, and build roads, etc., and 
 as he was to do this so as to cost nothing to the state, he seized people on the 
 pretext of being criminals and on all sorts of pretexts to get large gangs of men 
 to utilize them for the purpose of making these roads. Of course the most of 
 them were not criminals, and they saw that they were going to have a hard time, 
 and so they dispatched the governor. Another governor was selected, and when 
 he heard what had been done there he did not want to go." 
 
 As to the inhabitants of Mindanao and the Zulu group Mr. Foreman says: 
 "From the beginning of the occupation of the islands by the Spaniards in 1751 
 they used to make periodical piratical raids upon the other islands. They did 
 not interfere with Spanish dominion, because the Spaniards had never hitherto 
 pretended to trouble themselves much about the Viscayas or central group. But 
 the Spaniards thought it would be an easy matter to wipe out these people in a 
 little while, in an easy campaign, but they found they had opened up a hornet's 
 nest. They went down to attack these people, known as the Moros, and ever 
 since that time these people have made a dead set upon them. They never left 
 them any peace. One time they came with their craft, known as vinitos, right 
 up the Bay of Manila, though they have never touched the city, and from that
 
 343 STATEME^^TS BEFOEE OUR COMMISSION IN PAEIS. 
 
 time until year before last there has been constant trouble with these people. They 
 have been determined that they would not be subjected by the Spaniards at least. 
 
 "The last little war — and it became quite a custom, a thing understood, that 
 almost every Governor-General should win an honor, a decoration, a medal, or 
 something of that sort in his career by making war in Mindanao — the last war 
 was known as the campaign of Maraout in the north of Mindanao. That was 
 year before last, and so it would probably have been the custom forever. They 
 will not acknowledge the Spaniards; they positively refuse their dominion. The 
 Spaniards kill a few and break up some of their strongholds, and then the thing 
 goes on as before; they never will admit the Spaniards there. For other for- 
 eigners it is very different. I know there are Germans there. 
 
 "The Spaniards hold Zulu or Jolo town itself in Zulu Island. Frequently 
 there are raids made into the town. When I was there once, just a few days before 
 they had made a swoop on the town and killed two or three officers who were 
 sitting outside a cafe, a drinking shop or shanty; and this used to go on all the 
 time. Frequently it was so. They really do not hold on the Island of Zulu more 
 than the town itself." 
 
 On Mindanao the Spaniards ha.ve only a few posts and missions. The in- 
 habitants of Luzon are so hospitable that there is no hotel on the island outside 
 Manila. This hospitality is, Mr. Foreman says, an "extraordinary thing," the 
 extent of which "cannot be realized by anyone who has not been there." It is the 
 opinion of Mr. Foreman that Luzon is not largely populated as supposed — not 
 more than a million and a quarter of people — the whole people of the archipelago 
 being six million, of which five are nominal Catholics. The islands were aban- 
 doned by the Spaniards for nearly fifty years after the death of Magellenes, and then 
 a priest who resided in the City of Mexico pressed the matter of the annexation 
 of the islands for the saving of souls upon the King very forcibly. At last th^ King 
 gave way and orders were issued for an expedition to leave Mexico for that pur- 
 pose, and the islands were ruled through Mexico — "New Spain." 
 
 One of the most remarkable statements of Mr. Foreman was in answer to 
 the question "What is the relation of the church to-day to land titles, to the 
 people, and to the government?" — A. There are four orders of monks, the 
 Augostinos, or Augustinian friars, the Dominican friars, the Recolletto friars, and 
 the Franciscan friars. These are the monks who are alleged to have usurped the 
 incumbencies and are vicars of parishes. In addition to them are the Jesuits, who 
 now, for some years past, have had nothing whatever to do but to take care of 
 the education of the people. There is not anything like the same animosity 
 against them that there is to the others, and I am inclined to think that the people
 
 STATEMENTS BEFOEE OUE COMMISSION IN PARIS. 343 
 
 look upon them very well. They do not interfere with the personal liberty of the 
 people. 
 
 Mr, Eeid: 
 
 Q. The morality of the Jesuits is better, also, is it not? — A. Yes, sir; it is 
 very good. There is nothing to be said against them now. The head of the 
 church is the archbishop. The archbishop is usually, but it is not absolutely neces- 
 sary that he should be, an individual of one of these orders. The immediate chief 
 of each of these orders is called a provincial. The provincial is the business man 
 of the order, and these provincials are not very much subjected — they are nom- 
 inally, but not very much really — to the archbishop. In fact, they sometimes, it is 
 well known, have shown insolence and insubordination to the archbishop. The 
 present archbishop seems to have very little hold upon them; what the provin- 
 cials wanted to do they did. The case against the friars is this, and it showed itself 
 in a little outbreak, called the rebellion of Cavite, in 1872. The secular clergj^ — 
 these monks are the regular ordained clergy — claimed, under the conditions of the 
 Council of Trent, that these monks, as missionaries, were not entitled to hold 
 the incumbencies; that by a papal bull which settled this matter when it was 
 raised these monks were allowed to be only missionaries, and could only open and 
 establish missions, but that when these missions became parishes and when the 
 people around them adopted the Catholic faith, they should then retire from 
 these parishes and the incumbency should be taken by the secular clergy. 
 
 Q. Wliat do you mean by "incumbency"? — A. The position occupied by the 
 parish priest — the incumbency of the parish. 
 
 Q. The titles to lands are usually in the hands of these monks? — A. Yes, sir; 
 they hold large tracts. 
 
 Q. How did they get these lands? — A. Usually they simply took possession 
 — appropriated it. They have in their orders what are called "brothers." There 
 are "fathers" of the orders and "brothers." "Brothers" are simply persons who 
 have taken certain vows, but who are not allowed to celebrate mass — simply work- 
 ijien — and they put these in charge to take possession of the land. 
 
 Q. They took possession. Did they have no decree from the Spanish Govern- 
 ment, or the Governor-General, authorizing them to take possession of the land? 
 —A. Not at first. Subsequently they received decrees, but never could they get 
 title deeds, owing to the opposition of the natives. The lands taken were not 
 devoid of settlers, but most of them were simply squatters. 
 
 The habit is for a tenant to hold land for three years, and when the time is 
 up he has to turn over the improvements to the landlord, and the possession is
 
 344 STATEMENTS BEFORE OUE COMMISSION IN PARIS. 
 
 often that of corporations, and as they are capitalized and improved, higher rents 
 are required. Mr. Foreman remarks of the Spanish corporations that they "steal 
 the fruits of labor." 
 
 In the province of Laguna, Dr. Rizal was shot hy the Spaniards on De- 
 cember 30th, 1896, because he raised the question of land titles in his native 
 town with the Dominican order, and no title deeds could be shown. One-thirtieth 
 of the land that is cultivated is, however, all that the holding of the corporations 
 amount to. There are not more than six estates held by foreigners not Spaniards. 
 Three thousand acres woidd be a large estate. As to the moral character of the 
 friars, Mr, Foreman says a large number of them lead loose lives and get up 
 societies and persuade women to join them and become servants; and he adds there 
 are "a ffreat many of the sons and daughters of priests throughout the islands" 
 and "there is no secret about it." 
 
 Mr. Foreman, it will be remembered, in reply to a question from Mr. Reid, 
 said, in regard to the moral standing of the Jesuit priests, that they stood well, 
 and this is in the line of a great deal of evidence from the Filipinos and also from 
 visitors to the islands, who join in praising Jesuits for educational labors, in- 
 stancing famous schools, the observatory at Manila and its records, known all over 
 the world, and the introduction of sugar making, coffee raising, and other indus- 
 tries. But the same people who speak in such good terms of the Jesuits have no 
 hesitation in denouncing the other orders of the church; and the grand passion of 
 the insurgent Filipinos is directed toward the extermination of the friars at large — 
 reserving a cooler temper for the Jesuits only, and, whilst stating that they are 
 moral and of utility, pour forth the most abominable accusations about the Spanish 
 members of the orders generally. Mr. Foreman, curiously enough, is no exception 
 to this rule of generalization. Soon after bearing testimony that the Jesuits were 
 good citizens he gave in detail incidents assuming the responsibility of personal 
 knowledge of them of a scandalous nature quite startling, specifying a case at 
 the house of a friend, and going on to say: 
 
 "My friend's name is Henry George Brown. He lives now at Saffron- Walden 
 in Essex, England. I have known him about seventeen years, and I was staying 
 at his place, on the Island of Luzon, and a letter came from the corporation 
 saying that Father So-and-So 'is going to pass through your town on his way to 
 Tamina, due north of this place, and will you please take charge of his goods 
 and parcels, and see that they are sent on to Tamana?' I was there at the time 
 the small steamer came in, and a drenching rain came down, and simply drenched 
 the things, and Brown said that it would be a good act to open those things
 
 STATEMENTS BEFORE OUR COMMISSION IN PARIS. 345 
 
 and dry them, and so we had the cases opened and the things spread out to 
 dr}', and he called to me and said 'Just look here; is this not astonishing?' 
 And he showed me some filthy prints, photographic slides for a sort of kaleidoscope 
 arrangement, slides and prints of a most filthy nature. He said: 'I show you 
 this because it does not seem possible that, coming in the package of a priest, 
 these things could be possible.' He said it was no business of ours, but that he 
 showed them to me for their moral effect, and I mentioned it in my book. And 
 that is the man who was to take charge of the souls of the parish he was appointed 
 to. That man had been turned out of the parish he had because he was so obnox- 
 ious; he was simply a human beast." 
 
 There was another case. When I first went to Manila there was quite a hub- 
 bub about a certain priest called Pierre, who held a parish in Pampanga province, 
 and he had beaten a boy to death, so he was taken away from there and sent farther 
 north to a town called San Miguel de Mayamo. I had occasion to go to that 
 town and they told me about it — it was notorious, A woman came to see him, 
 and he kicked her in the abdomen and she fell down, badly hurt, and died. This 
 became too notorious, and they removed him from there. It was talked about freely 
 — what a scandal it was, etc. That was when I arrived, seventeen years ago, and 
 they said, "Is it possible we are going to have these priests free from justice, and that 
 they can do as they like with us?" so he was taken away and sent down to the 
 province of Cavite, and there the rebels caught him in this last rebellion, and, 
 more to ridicule him than anything else, I think, they made him their bishop. 
 They said, "Mind what you do. You can be our bishop and take charge of our 
 clerg}'-, but don't you attempt anything behind our backs." He thought he was 
 quite safe, and he was found taking sketches and notes of their strongholds. He 
 had already made arrangements with the monks for their delivery. They caught 
 him, and they said it was treachery — he had made negotiations with the Augustine 
 monks in Manila — and after proper trial he was condemned to death. He was tied 
 to a post, without a hat and without water, and died of sunstroke, fever, and hunger, 
 and that was his end. And no one regrets it. 
 
 Q. How much influence on the civil government and the administration oi 
 the courts do these orders have? — A. The priests can not be summoned to an 
 ordinary court, nor can they pursue others in court; they can not appear in court 
 at all, but when a priest makes a declaration it is accepted as a fact, and no proof 
 is necessary. It is quite sufficient that Father So-and-So signs it. The admin- 
 istration governor may be regarded as purely and simply the executive of the 
 priests, who are the ruling order there. Over and over Governors-General have
 
 346 STATEMENTS BEFORE OUR COMMISSION IN PARIS. 
 
 been sent away on the recommendation of the monastic orders in recent times. At 
 the end of 1892 I was in Spain, and the son of General Despujols came to visit 
 me, knowing that I was well acquainted with the country, and he told me that 
 his father was going out as Governor-General of the islands and he would like to 
 have a chat with me. I asked him how his father stood with the priests. He said 
 he stood very well, that he would try to recognize their power and stand in har- 
 mony with them, and I said that if he did that he was all right. 
 
 General Despujols went out, and I went out there in 1893, and he had just 
 left. He had been eight months in power. Appointed for three years, at the end 
 of eight months he had been obliged to clear out, from the influence of the monastic 
 power. The main points against him were these: This man. Dr. Rizal, who went 
 down and raised the point of the deeds, etc., with the monks, had been to Europe 
 and had studied in Germany. He was a very clever man, quite an exception to 
 the general rule, and had published three books against the priests — one called 
 Noli me Tangere, another Filibustero, and another was a reproduction of a book 
 written by a priest years ago, who was also an exception. For this he was looked 
 down upon by the priests as a disturbing element. He came to Hongkong, and 
 from there he was cajoled to Manila on the promise that he would not be molested. 
 He went there to the Governor-General, but they detained his baggage and pre- 
 tended that he carried incendiary leaflets for the purpose of raising a rebellion. 
 
 The priests required that he should be executed, but the Governor-General 
 refused to allow it; said that it was utterly impossible that he ehould be executed 
 for what he had written, and refused. All they could get out of the Governor 
 was, "Very well, you are banished to the island of Mindanao.'^ This is the place to 
 which he was banished, and Mdiere he remained for four years, Dapitan. I saw 
 his little hut there on the bay, and visited him there. That displeased the priests 
 very much. They had strife and questions between them and the Governor- 
 General, and the latter said, "I am going to see how you are working," and, all 
 of a sudden, he had a raid made upon the residences of the Augustino monks 
 in a place north of Manila, and had the place suddenly seized and raided, and 
 it is very well known that he found a printing press printing these same incen- 
 diary leaflets, and the priest who was employed in doing so was perfectly well 
 known to every one in Mailaban, to Americans and English, where there is a big 
 sugar-refining establishment owned by Americans and English, the English resi- 
 dent in Manila and the Americans in Hongkong, and known personally to them. 
 The man disappeared and was never seen again. I can not say where he went. 
 These leaflets were seized, and from that moment the Governor-General was a 
 condemned man, and he left. I went out in 1893 and he was not there.
 
 STATEMENTS BEFORE OUR COMMISSION IN PARIS. 347 
 
 Q. You regard these orders as the dominating power? — A. Yes, sir. General 
 Blanco was out there in Manila, where I saw him nearly every day. He was there 
 at the beginning of this insurrection in 1896. The archbishop is the most blood- 
 thirsty man there. I knew him perfectly well. I used to meet the priests and 
 hear what they had to say, and they said that what Blanco had done did not please 
 them at all; did not suit their view of it, though, of course, I had very little to say — 
 nothing to say, in fact. But their complaints were that General Blanco was not 
 sufficiently bloodthirsty for them, and that is the reason he went away from there. 
 
 Mr. Foreman spoke in high terms of the climate, and Mr. Reid asked: 
 
 Q. Are there any prevalent fevers there? — A. People do get fever, but very 
 seldom. 
 
 Q. Is it a pernicious fever, such as they have in Cuba? — A. Oh, no; very 
 light, indeed; and the natives will get a fever more often than Europeans; it is 
 owing to their mode of living. 
 
 Q. Is it a malarial fever? — A. No, sir; I consider malarial fever to be that 
 which comes from the opening of new ground. 
 
 Q. Would it be with chills? — A. Not malarial fevers, as I understand them. 
 I was once at Vera Cruz, and I saw that there was a lot of fine land back of the 
 city which was not used at all, and I asked why it was not utilized, and they 
 explained to me that the minute they turned the sod the people were attacked 
 by the fever and dropped down with it, and died within eight hours after. I 
 never knew or heard of men being troubled from the opening of new ground 
 in Manila or the Philippines. 
 The Chairman: 
 
 Q. "\Aliich is the best and farthest advanced of these islands? — A. Luzon 
 I consider the most advanced, owing, of course, to the close association with the 
 Europeans. 
 
 Q. More insurrections break out there. — A. Yes; and it is just because they 
 are able to see other things. What they ask is perfectly just. Their insurrection 
 is not from a love of quarreling or opposition to white men at all. There is no 
 such thing as any hostility to white men; such a thing does not exist. 
 
 Q. "^Tiat are the causes, briefly, of insurrections? — A. Very broadly speak- 
 ing, the main cause is the persecution of the priests, their interference in the little 
 petty details of a man's life, his wife, his daughter, the constant persecution, the 
 petty revenge. These parish priests interfere in a man's own home and household, 
 in the interior workings of a man's house. And all of a sudden a priest will take 
 a dislike for some little thing, or nothing, and then that man is marked, and
 
 348 STATEMENTS BEFORE OUE COMMISSION IN PARIS. 
 
 periodically the priest will take a piece of paper and write on it and say that he 
 has reason to believe the individuals marked in the margin are — whatever he wants 
 to call them — disturbers of the peace, etc., and will request that they be removed 
 from his district, and the man will be taking his coffee in the morning, getting 
 ready to go to his estate, and the civil guard will appear and say, "You are wanted." 
 "What for?" "By order of the Governor," And he is walked off, and if he 
 shows the least disposition to dispute, his arms are tied behind him and he has to 
 tramp, tramp, tramp, down, and down, and down to Manila. That is one of the 
 points especially raised by Aguinaldo, that arbitrary power to arrest at any time 
 simply on the name of the Governor. 
 Mr. Gray: 
 
 Q. Has the person so arrested no chance for a judicial inquiry? — A. No, sir; 
 the Governor-General has the exclusive power. 
 
 Mr. Foreman said one of the greatest misfortunes of the people of the Philip- 
 pines was there was no fair administration of justice. When a foreigner got into 
 a lawsuit he might as well flee from the islands. He gives a remarkable instance: 
 That in the case of the Hongkong and Shanghai bank, which had some question 
 with the house of Jurado & Co. The question is still on. They went to court 
 over it. The bank certainly did make a mistake in wishing to close down upon 
 them for certain promissory notes before they were due, but they put it on the 
 ground that the promissory notes had been indorsed by everybody and anybody, 
 even by boys back of the counter. 
 
 "The thing came into court, and Jurado & Co. found themselves in bad shape, 
 and it came out and back again, and went from civil court to criminal court, and 
 sometimes one side would get the best of it and sometimes the other. The bank 
 was shut up, and Mr. Townsend, the manager of the bank there, was notified 
 that he must consider himself a prisoner. The Consul protested against it, and 
 he was ordered to be sent to Bombay or Calcutta as a persona non grata. He 
 removed his things, and the whole thing was shut up. They sent for an English- 
 man who was a machinist to pry the locks of the safe, and he said he could not 
 do it. He was working on it for a week, and then said he could not do it, that he 
 could not possibly pry these locks, and then they got up a little syndicate of natives, 
 a little banker there whose name I forget, and some others, to personate the bank, 
 and they thought they would be able to make a large claim out of it, and the last 
 I heard of it the claim was for $930,000 Mexican, the claim made by this house 
 of Jurado & Co., and they have kept on and can not get a settlement, and it is 
 still pending. I bank myself with the bank. It has its offices in London at 31
 
 STATEMENTS BEFOEE OUE COMMISSION IN PARIS. 349 
 
 Eombard street, and the brother of this man Jurado is also living in London, 
 I believe in Chelsea, but his office is at 21 Billeter street. 
 
 "Q, They will never get a settlement? — A. No, sir; never. Years after this 
 came np I was in Madrid, and I was going down by the offices of the ]\Iiuister of 
 U^ar, and I met this man Jurado from London, and he said the whole thing 
 would be settled in a fortnight, and that he would get his claim. I went on 
 to the Minister of War, vrith whom I had an engagement, and he said I vras a 
 little late, and I told him that I had been detained by meeting this man and his 
 conversation with me, and that he said the whole thing would be settled in a 
 fortnight. He asked me if I would meet the man again, and I said that I might, 
 perhaps. 'Tell him it is a lie, and that the matter is not settled yet.' " 
 
 There was a rule that for a small tax all the people over eighteen years of 
 age, men and women, had to hold a paper of identification, and one found with- 
 out it had to pay the officer a bribe. Another abuse is that the countrymen have 
 to give a period of fifteen days' forced labor to the Government, and the libera- 
 tion of workingmen from this exaction enabled the officers to establish a system 
 of blackmailing the poor. There is a civil guard to keep order, and this organ- 
 ization could not be dispensed with, and yet was fruitful of abuses. For example: 
 An officer will send a patrol of two men to walk through the district, and generally 
 to patrol it and see what is going on around there. These men, as they go along 
 from hut to hut will steal — the people are miserably poor, and it is a great thing 
 for them to lose two or three chickens or a little tobacco or sugar — and they go 
 along and pick up anything they like. They will go to a man and say: "Where 
 is your document of personal identity?'' and the man is out in the field, perhaps, 
 and he says: "I have not got it; I left it somev>'here else, at the house," and they 
 arrest him at once. He says: "Let me oS." "How much?" and he gets off if 
 he pays. They do this on their own account. They will also trump up charges 
 against the natives. If an officer of the civil guard can not get milk delivered as 
 he wants it, or sugar, or whatever else he wants, or can not get a man to run his 
 horses gratis, or anything whatever he wants for his use, he will trump up a 
 charge, and the man is taken off to the principal town of the province on some 
 trumpery charge. Then they will allow a certain license in the cock fighting. 
 It is supposed to be prohibited, but it is alleged that it is so set in the native 
 character that it can not be eradicated, and on Sundays and certain other days 
 they allow it, and the guards will go in, and if they do not get a certain percent- 
 age of the bets, etc., they are down on them. They are also constantly interfering 
 with the internal workings of the households amongst the natives.
 
 350 STATEMENTS BEFORE OUR COMMISSION IN PARIS. 
 
 Mr. Gray: 
 
 Q. Would the passing into the hands of an anti-Catholic poAver be a source 
 of irritation? — A. No, sir; the matter of religion would not trouble them at all. 
 The Chairman: 
 
 Q. They submit to the present religion because it is a matter of policy to 
 do so? — A. Yes, sir. 
 
 Q. What do you say as to whether or not, if it should be concluded that 
 Luzon should be separated from the rest of the group, a government could be 
 maintained there of sufiicient resources in that island for the maintenance of gov- 
 ernment? In short, what would be the effect of seeking to establish a colonial 
 government on the island of Luzon by itself first? — A. For the moment there 
 would be a difficulty of labor. Nature is so prolific there that man can get along 
 almost entirely without work. Of course in the city of Manila it is not the same, 
 but the people from among whom you would draft for labor can almost live 
 without work and get all they want, construct their houses entirely of wood, get 
 wearing apparel to merely cover their nudity, and can get all they want to eat 
 and drink v/ithout the necessity of working. 
 
 But I think if Luzon were kept by yourselves, they would be so startled by 
 the perfect paradise it would seem to them under the Government of the United 
 States that the natives of the other islands would hear of it from all sides. There 
 would be steamers and canoes coming to and fro, and they would hear that they 
 could walk the streets perfectly free, without being obliged to carry a piece of 
 paper to show, and they would be as much astonished as was Aguinaldo when he 
 found that he was on free soil and could open his mouth when he was at Hong- 
 kong. It was months before he could open his mouth to speak freely concerning 
 the Philippines. I think that would draw large immigration from the other islands 
 to Luzon, assuming that the other islands were under Spanish dominion. Con- 
 ditional on that, I think it would draw very large numbers from there, and that 
 you would thus get over the labor difficulty, and the island of Luzon, being worked 
 up, would be sufficient to establish a very prosperous colony. I think it would be 
 a very fine colony. 
 
 In the course of his examination Mr. Foreman said that he thought he had 
 ''said enough about the priests," and, upon inquiry by Mr. Frye, said his remarks 
 did not apply to the Jesuits nor to the native priests. The natives wanted to 
 clear out the priests except Jesuits as educators. "In my interview at Bacoor, 
 August 25th, 1898, with General Aguinaldo, I asked him, after he had said the 
 Spanish priests 'should go, ought to, want to go, and had better go,' whether
 
 STATEMENTS BEFORE OUR COMMISSION IN PARIS. 351 
 
 what he said applied to the Jesuits, and he said, after a moment's hesitation, 'The 
 Jesuits also must go.' He added that the native priests were respected and not 
 placed in the list of those who must be deported or destroyed." 
 
 Mr. Foreman holds the native not capable of self-government because he has 
 no "expansive ideas," and could not go so far as to understand the common 
 weal. An attempt at native government would be "a fiasco altogether." The his- 
 torian also gave a glancing account of the fertility of Luzon, but did not know 
 of any coal good enough to depend upon in raising steam. He answered several 
 searching questions in an instructive way, as follows: 
 The Chairman: 
 
 Q. You think the entire group could be taken and governed, or that Luzon 
 could be taken and governed, with the free-trade regulations between the islands 
 and the other stipulations you mentioned? — A. Yes, sir; either course could be 
 pursued. 
 
 Mr. Davis: 
 
 Q. Do you think the native priests would assist in establishing and main- 
 taining good government there? — A. Oh, yes; you would certainly have no oppo- 
 sition from the native priests. 
 
 Q. Would we have their active aid? — A. The native priests would not 
 oppose at all; they would not take a hostile course; there would be no difficulty 
 there. 
 
 The Chairman: 
 
 Q. How would they regard the Protestant missionaries? — A. I think it 
 would be a matter of indifference to them. 
 
 Q. You think the only trouble would be with the monastic orders? — A. 
 From a religious point of view only; I do not think the native priests would give 
 the least trouble. 
 
 Mr. Gray: 
 
 Q. Are these priests supported by the State? — A. Yes, sir; by the govern- 
 mental funds. 
 
 Q. Would the withdrawal of government support make trouble "«ith them? — 
 A. I do not think they could get up any trouble. 
 Mr. Davis: 
 
 Q. Would they be disposed to do so? — A. I do not think it would go past 
 each individual feeling a little sore. You must remember they constitute the 
 secular clergy, and the secular clergy are not bound by any vow of poverty. They 
 are very good fellows, indeed; very hospitable, and will put you up any time
 
 352 STATEMENTS BEFOEE OUR COMMISSION IN PARIS. 
 
 for a night or two. I should say that 75 per cent of the secular clergy have 
 quite sufficient to live upon. And they have lands. 
 
 Q. State, if you know, what the amount of aid furnished, per annum, to 
 one of these secular priests will average. — A. It is very trifling all around; I 
 should say possibly $500 Mexican to each one would be a fair average; about $40 
 per month. 
 
 Q, I think you stated in your book that about seven-tenths of the revenues 
 of the island are turned over to the church. How is that? — A. I will read an 
 extract from an article written by me which it may be interesting to you to hear: 
 "The total revenues for the island, estimated, for 1896, were, in round numbers, 
 86,000,000 pesetas. If you will divide that amount by ten, it will give the 
 amount in gold dollars, or $8,600,000." 
 Mr. Davis: 
 
 Q. AVhere do you derive that? — A. Froln statistics sent me from Madrid 
 for the purposes of my literary work. To the clergy I suppose we might call it 
 an allowance made for the Government to the clergy, general allowance, 7,000,000 
 pesetas out of a total of 86,000,000 pesetas. 
 Mr, Gray: 
 
 Q. Seven hundred thousand dollars? — A. Yes, sir. For the Franciscan 
 College in Spain, and passages of priests from Spain to the islands, 275,000 pesetas, 
 or $27,500 gold. For the maintenance of Manila Cathedral, 294,000 pesetas, or 
 $29,400 gold. For the maintenance of the choir school, 20,000 pesetas, or $2,000 
 gold. Total, 7,589,000 pesetas, or $758,900 gold; so that the net result is three- 
 quarters of a million dollars gold out of a total of $8,000,000 gold. 
 Mr. Davis: 
 
 Q. About 10 per cent of the entire amount? — A. Yes, sir. Of course the 
 total amount varies from year to year. Another curious item comes out of this 
 total revenue which, of course, would cease to exist under new arrangements — 
 pensions and allowances paid outside the colony, of absolutely no interest to the 
 Philippine Islanders. I have not noted it here, but they are pensions to the 
 descendants of Christopher Columbus, to a man known as the Marquis de Bade- 
 mont, the maintenance of consuls in the far East, which are absolutely of no 
 value to the Philippine Islands. The consuls, as at Hongkong, are under the 
 jurisdiction in no sense of the Governor-General of the islands; if the Governor- 
 General wants to make use of them, he telegraphs to Spain and Spain telegraphs 
 back to Hongkong, while, as a matter of fact, the distance is only 630 miles from 
 Manila to Hongkong. This amount is 5,890,000 pesetas, or $589,000 gold. For
 
 STATEMENTS BEFORE OUR COMMISSION IN PARIS. 353 
 
 public works, highways, bridges, and public buildings, nothing. Besides the above 
 amounts, paid direct to the clergy, the sums extorted by the priests for marriages, 
 sale of indulgences, feasts, masses, burials, baptisms, scapularies, etc., are esti- 
 mated at about 10,000,000 pesetas, or $1,000,000 gold. 
 Mr. Frye: 
 
 Q. What would be the effect of stopping cockfighting and lotteries? — A. 
 Lotteries you can stop at once. 
 
 Q. There would be no trouble about that? — A. No, sir. 
 
 Q. How about the cockfighting? — A. I think there would be cockfighting 
 carried on secretly. I think it would be advisable to tolerate it. The life of these 
 people is very dreary, these natives; they live in these rural districts and see 
 nothing but mountains and planted lands, and if this is prohibited their vices 
 will break out in some other form; they would have to have some form of amuse- 
 ment. I do not think it would be practicable to absolutely suppress the cock- 
 fighting. 
 
 Q. You think the lottery could be abolished without any trouble? — A. Yes, 
 sir. The natives are so used, when they do get a prize, to having to tip so many 
 people and to having so many squeezes that they get very much disgusted and say it 
 is a fraud, but it is not a fraud. I believe the matter is entirely fair; but the 
 base of a lottery system is about as strong as a house built of a pack of cards put 
 on end. 
 
 In 1878, when the Martines Campos treaty with Gomez was announced, Mr. 
 Foreman was in Spain, and when the news of peace came the flags were flying 
 and there was great joy. Campos returned to Spain the idol of the people, and 
 •was wanted for Prime ]\Iinister. The King sent for Canovas, who said, "You 
 had better let him go in; the higher he goes, the lower he will fall." Campos 
 made it the object of his government to get Cortez to ratify the treaty, but "he 
 was pooh-poohed and laughed at. They said, 'The Cubans have laid down their 
 arms, everything is quiet; why should we do anything more? we have accom- 
 plished what we wanted.' He said, 'I have given my word of honor; my personal 
 honor is affected.' But they said, 'Oh, you have fallen out of power, and you 
 will never come in again. It is a very good trick. You have got each one to 
 lay down his arms and go to his house, and now let the reforms go; never mind 
 the engagement.' They have done the same with the treaty or agreement of 
 Biac-na-bato, made with Emilio Aguinaldo, the rebel general. They paid, of 
 course, the first installment, which had to be paid simultaneously with the exile 
 of Aguinaldo and the thirty-two rebel leaders, and which was deposited in the
 
 354 STATEMENTS BEFORE OUR COMMISSION IN PARIS. 
 
 Shanghai bank, but they paid no more. One of the conditions was that the 
 families and others connected with the rebellion should not be molested in any 
 form or sense whatever; but immediately that Aguinaldo left for Hongkong the 
 priests started to persecute those left behind, and the result was that another 
 chief turned up — I knew his father very well — Alejandrino, He had fled, but 
 returned, and is one of the leaders now." 
 Mr. Gray: 
 
 Q. If that exodus of the friarSj these priests of the monastic orders, was 
 carried out, either voluntarily on their part or with some degree of compulsion 
 applied to them, what disposition would be made of their holdings of land; what 
 would become of the land? — A. Wliat the natives, T think I may say pretty 
 decidedly, would aspire to would be that the land should be declared to be the 
 possession of those actually in possession as tenants to-day. holding it in rent 
 from these corporations. It is let in parcels. They would say, "the priests are 
 gone, let us, as we stand, hold the land," and with very little disturbance at all 
 the man in possession holds his patch of land. 
 
 Q. They hold by a legal title now? — A. Only by a contract with the priests. 
 
 Q. I mean the monastic orders hold by a title? — A. No, sir. That is to say, 
 I draw my information from this source — that Dr. Rizal challenged the priests to 
 bring forward their titles. He said, "If you will exhibit your title deeds, it will 
 be satisfactory for you and for us; I shall be satisfied, my agitation will end, the 
 people interested roundabout will be satisfied, and you certainly will insure to 
 yourselves tranquillity by settling this matter on the exhibition of your title deeds," 
 and they could not do it. They would go to the length of intriguing for three 
 or four years to bring about the execution of this Dr. Rizal rather than show 
 their title deeds, and v.-e can only surmise that the title deeds did not exist. 
 
 Q. How long have they been flourishing there and holding these titles, so 
 called? — A. I can not say. 
 
 Q. It is an old business? — A. Yes, sir; very old. 
 
 In concluding his testimony Mr. Foreman said as to raising horses, if one 
 had a fine pony the Spaniards would take it unless the native rider had a permit 
 in his pocket. There is a very fine wood in the Island of Mindora, twenty-two 
 varieties, and in the Island of Mindanao, speaking of woods, there is known 
 to be the ironwood, an extremely hard wood. It is very, very hard indeed. Of 
 course, at the same time, it has the defect of being somewhat brittle, but in sub- 
 stantial sizes, say in three-inch growth, it is tremendously strong. 
 
 Q. Is there not oil in those islands? — A. Only in one place has it been
 
 STATEMENTS BEFORE OUE COMMISSION IN PAEIS. 355 
 
 discovered so far; that is in the Island of Cebu, on the estate known as Calumam- 
 pao, belonging to an Englishman named Pickford and a Mr. Wilson, an American. 
 
 Earthquakes have been destructive. The cholera came to the Philippines in 
 1882, and twenty Europeans and forty thousand natives died. Typhoons are not 
 so serious except once in six or seven years. In the lake near Manila, Laguna 
 del Bayao, there is a pretty and famous volcano known as the one of Taal, which 
 was in eruption when I last heard from Manila. There is a business to be done 
 there — the export of sulphur. At one time it was permitted, but all of a sudden 
 the Government expressly prohibited it. There is another volcano there which is 
 very famous, and one of the finest things to be seen, with the most perfect cone 
 to be seen. In nature it is like an enormous limpet shell, and the most perfect, 
 on the clean-cut style, and that is the volcano of Mayon, in the extreme east of 
 the Island of Luzon, in the province of Albay. That is a very fine volcano; a 
 grand sight to see it at night. Of course the whole island is supposed to be 
 of volcanic origin, and when the volcanoes are in eruption you know there is no 
 danger; you know that there will be no earthquakes, and they do no damage. 
 Of course some of the natives are stupid enough to live in the immediate vicinity 
 and occasionally get killed. 
 
 Q. When is the rainy season? — A. The middle six months of the year; the 
 first three months and the last three months is the dry season. 
 
 Q. From April to October? — A. Yes, sir. 
 
 Q. It is rather an uncomfortable season? — A. Yes, sir; drenching rains 
 come, frightful downpours sometimes, but everything dries so quickly. 
 
 Q. How in the other six months, from October to April? — A. Out of those 
 six months four months absolutely not a drop; approaching it, it shades off. 
 
 Q. Pleasant months? — A. Delightful. I would not choose any other place 
 to live in the month of December. Anywhere in the islands is simply delicious; 
 a most wonderful climate; altogether it is very agreeable living, a very pretty 
 place. 
 
 The well-informed historian thought if we took all of the islands the burden 
 on us would be "only a little more expense of administration, which, I think, 
 would be covered by the islands themselves." He concluded: 
 
 "The name of Japan has been brought up. It is, of course, quite out of the 
 question, because it is a pagan nation. The natives have been brought up as 
 Christians, and I am sure it would be opposed to the popular opinion in Europe, 
 and in America, I should think. That excludes Japan, in my opinion." 
 
 Commander Bradford of the United States Navy was asked by Mr. Frye:
 
 356 STATEMENTS BEFOEE OUE COMMISSION IN" PAEIS. 
 
 "Suppose the United States, in the progress of war, found the leader of the present 
 Philippine rebellion an exile from his country in Hongkong and sent for him and 
 brought him to the islands in an American ship, and then furnished him 4,000 
 or 5,000 stands of arms, and allowed him to purchase as many more stands of 
 arms in Hongkong, and accepted his aid in conquering Luzon, what kind of a 
 nation, in the eyes of the world, would we appear to be to surrender Aguinaldo and 
 his insurgents to Spain to be dealt with as they please? — A. We become respon- 
 sible for everything he has done; he is our ally, and we are bound to protect him." 
 
 This was in October, 1898. Aguinaldo is better known now. 
 
 General Charles A, Whittier of New York, a business man of mild knowl- 
 edge and enterprise, and a soldier of distinction, was one of the Commis- 
 sioners who arranged with the Spaniards the terms of the surrender of Manila. 
 He says: "Admiral Monti jo seemed to have his wits about him better than the 
 rest." The Captain-General reported in trepidation that the insurgents were 
 coming into the city. General Whittier made it his business to see the country 
 and says: 
 
 "I went over the line of the only railroad in the Philippines, leaving one 
 Saturday morning and going up 120 miles through the rice fields, a country of 
 marvelous and most extraordinary fertility. 
 
 "Q. What sort of looking people are the insurgents? — A. They are some- 
 what undersized, are fairly good in appearance, are brave, will stand any amount 
 of hunger and hardship, and, well led, would be very good soldiers. The country 
 on the line of railroad is divided into four parts or zones. There was one General 
 Macabulus, whose headquarters were at Tarlac, and it was said that Aguinaldo 
 rather dreaded his popularity, and wanted to transfer him. There was good feeling 
 between them, however, and he sent down by Higgins $36,000 as a contribution. 
 This was Mexican, of course. 
 
 "The next Sunday, in company with a member of one of the chief mercantile 
 houses and the senior British medical officer at Hongkong, Colonel Evatt, we went 
 up the Eiver Pasig on the launch of the former. We went up about twenty-eight 
 miles to the laguna. Paixanang would have been better to see, but time would 
 not permit. We went to Banos, a health resort. There is a tract of land on the 
 laguna on the market, held by the priests. They wish to sell it for $1,700,000. It 
 is an enormously productive country. You pass cascos loaded with cocoanuts and 
 quantities of nipa thatching for roofs. 
 
 General Wliittier quotes as his own idea Frank Swelltenham of the British 
 Straits Settlement Colony:
 
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 STATEMENTS BEFOEE OUE COMMISSION IN PARIS. 359 
 
 "The Philippines are Malays, with more intelligence, more education, more 
 courage, perhaps, than their confreres in the Peninsula. 
 
 "In one sense they would be easier to govern, because they have been for 
 many years in contact with white men and understand their ways. Moreover, 
 the majority are not Mohammedans. 
 
 "But, on the other hand, they have aspirations for political institutions and 
 the management of affairs without the necessary experience, perhaps without the 
 essential qualities to secure success. 
 
 "I should say that our experiment in the Malay Peninsula might be success- 
 fully repeated in the Philippines, provided that the controlling power made it 
 clearly understood at the start that they meant to control and not only to advise 
 and educate. 
 
 "If that point were never in doubt, and the means of enforcing authority were 
 in evidence for a short time, the rest would be easy, and I firmly believe the results 
 would surpass all anticipations." 
 
 It is the opinion of General Whittier that if any sensible nation governs the 
 islands a Bureau of Science should be at once established and the results would 
 be great and surprising. The General had little prejudice against Spaniards, but 
 he was convinced by contact with people in Manila "that they are without prin- 
 ciple or courage, and brutally, wickedly cruel, with no improvement on three hun- 
 dred and twenty-five years ago in the days of Philip II. The bones (skulls, arms, 
 legs) of their dead lie without the honor of a covering of earth, exposed in their 
 fashionable cemetery, exhumed on account of a failure by theii* descendants to 
 pay rent for the tomb. The shooting in the Luneta (their favorite driveway) of 
 dozens of so-called "rebels' and conspirators, notably Dr. Rizal, a man of literary 
 merit, with no trial, vague charges of belonging to secret societies, with the hope 
 of making their victims confess to what, in many cases, did not exist, was made 
 a fete, advertised in the papers. 'There will be music,' and I have been frequently 
 told that women and children attended in their carriages. The tortures inflicted 
 with the same view of eliciting confessions, are too brutal to commit the narra- 
 tive to paper. 
 
 "I have brought from Manila for the inspection of the Commissioners four 
 carvings in wood representing tortures inflicted by the Spaniards upon the natives. 
 They were executed by Bonifacio Arevelo, who is now practicing as a dentist in 
 Manila. He is a man of fine presence, benevolent aspect, not sensational at all 
 in his utterances, and in submitting them to me he wrote the wish that upon 
 reaching Paris I would not forget that the Filipinos begged me to use my efforts
 
 3G0 STATEMENTS BEFOEE OUE COMMISSION IN PARIS. 
 
 to convince all concerned of the utter impossibility of the return by them to 
 Spanish domination. He also gives a description of the models: 
 
 "Figure No. 1. — This figure represents the chastisement which one of the 
 municipal authorities of Jaen (Nueva Ecija) suffered in the prison of that town, 
 the Spanish employees of the prison entertaining themselves by applying the 
 most horrible tortures. 
 
 "Figure No. 2. — This represents an honorably and peaceably inclined resi- 
 dent in a village of the province of Nueva Ecija, taken prisoner, brutally treated 
 for being suspected, without cause, of belonging to the Katipunan, and afterwards 
 shot. 
 
 "Figure No. 3. — This figure represents one of the many natives of the Philip- 
 pines whom, during the late insurrection, the Spaniards shot without previous trial, 
 in the outskirts of the village, leaving their corpses without burial. 
 
 "Figure No. 4. — This figure represents Mr. Moses Salvador, a young Tagalo, 
 who studied several years in Europe. He is a native of Manila, and was impris- 
 oned in September, 1896, for being a Freemason, was horribly martyrized in the 
 headquarters of the police, and, after many months of imprisonment, was shot 
 by order of the Spanish General Polavieja in the Luneta, in company with several 
 of his countrymen, all condemned on the same charge, of which several were abso- 
 lutely innocent. 
 
 "The opinion of Alexandre Dumas, Sr., in regard to the Spaniards was often 
 quoted in the Philippines, that they possess 'honor without honesty, religion 
 without morality, pride with nothing to be proud of.' 
 
 "The rapacity, stealing^ and immoralities of the priests are beyond question, 
 and the bitterness of the natives against them has been caused and aggravated by 
 years of iniquity. To demand a wife or daughter from a native has been a 
 common occurrence. Failing to obtain acquiescence, the husband's or father's 
 goods have been seized, he deported or thrown into jail, under an order easily 
 obtained from the government in Manila. The priests' influence was paramount — 
 they are rich, and fathers (not only of the church), despised and hated by the 
 'people. 
 
 "The inefficiency, to put it mildly, of the Spaniards in war has been so clearly 
 demonstrated in this war that I will call attention only to the facts in Manila 
 Bay and the defenses of the town. When it was absolutely known by everyone 
 there, on the last day of April, that our ships were on the way and very near, that 
 night many of their naval officers spent in town, far from the fleet. All their ships 
 were destroyed, and every man of the American fleet (except one, upon whom
 
 STATEMENTS BEFORE OUR COMMISSION IN PARIS. 361 
 
 some heavy metal on one of our ships fell) reported for duty the next day. And 
 yet Admiral Montijo applied to Dewey for a certificate of good conduct on that 
 occasion to show to the Madrid authorities, who lately ordered him home. 
 
 ''Their inefficiency (and the creditable work of the insurgents as well) is fur- 
 ther proved by the fact that they were driven by the natives from Cavite twenty 
 odd miles into the defenses of Manila, with never a successful attack, never a 
 capture of arms or men. All the success was on the native side, and yet the 
 Spaniards surrendered between 7,000 and 8,000 men, well armed, plenty of ammu- 
 nition, and in good physical condition. The excuse of the latter may be that their 
 enemy was in small bands — ^but they never captured one of these — and the small 
 bands d^-ove them to their walls. Jaudenes, the acting Captain-General, in reply 
 to Merritt and Dewey's notice to remove his non-combatants, acknowledged that 
 the insurrectionists surrounded the city, and that he could not move women, 
 children, etc., out. (His fear and solicitude about the natives entering the city 
 when I received the surrender of Manila were almost painful to witness.) This 
 admission demonstrates as well the military ability shown by the Filipinos, whose 
 characteristics I will now enumerate. 
 
 "Aguinaldo went to Cavite, under the permission of Admiral Dewey, in reply 
 to a telegram sent by Spencer Pratt, Esq., our Consul-General at Singapore, who 
 offered that chief money for his expenses. The offer was declined. After arrival 
 (on one of our ships) he went ashore, accompanied by thirteen staff officers, to 
 organize his army; but no adherents appeared the first day, and Aguinaldo, rather 
 discouraged, meditated returning to Hongkong. I think Dewey advised him to 
 make another effort, at the same time saying that he must leave the public build- 
 ings at Cavite, where he had made his headquarters. Soon, from across the bay 
 and from all sides, men gathered. The fact that Dewey permitted the armed men 
 to move from the surrounding districts and for the rebels to take arms (not many, 
 says the Admiral) in the arsenal was the only help we gave him, excepting, of 
 course, the most important destruction of the Spanish navy. From that time the 
 military operations and the conduct of the insurgents have been most creditable. 
 Positions taken and the movements of troops show great ability on the part of 
 some leader — I do not say it was necessarily Aguinaldo, but he gave the directions. 
 
 "I believe the natives to be brave (under good leadership), most tolerant of 
 fatigue and hunger, and amenable to command and discipline, if justice and fair 
 dealing rule. They are very temperate, as most of the natives of the East are. 
 I have never seen a drunken one, and this with the example of our soldiers, whom
 
 363 STATEMENTS BEFOEE OUR COMMISSION IN PARIS. 
 
 they imitate in everything else; very quiet, no loud quarrels, very good house 
 servants and cooks. 
 
 "Their skill in trades, occupations, and professions is very great. Critics will 
 call this imitation, but imitation of good things is not reprehensible. I refer now 
 to the common people, and so will omit very able lawyers (one or two having ranked 
 as the best of all nationalities in the Philippines), and the higher professions. 
 
 "As accountants, they are excellent. In the custom-house sixty (more before) 
 were employed during my administration. Any information desired, say the amount 
 of imiports and exports of last year, kind of articles, whence obtained, and where 
 going, duties, etc., was sought from them, and the reply was always given in writ- 
 ing in a neat, satisfactory manner. All the cash was received by a native — 
 $1,020,000, from August 22 to October 21, much of this in silver — all counterfeits 
 and filled dollars were detected at once by his skill, and only $1 was returned to 
 us from the banks. His neighbor, who kept the record of receipts, was most 
 systematic and able. The Spaniards depended absolutely on them for the clerical 
 work of the office, and the same in the other departments. 
 
 "I visited three factories for the manufacture of cigars and cigarettes: First, 
 that of H. J. Andrews & Co., where 150 to 200 natives were employed; second, the 
 Alhambra, which had 300 in April, now 600; third, the Insular, with 2,000. The 
 Tabacallera, largely owned in Paris, I was unable to see; it has 4,000. These work- 
 ing people seemed to me of the best — quiet, diligent, skillful. The same qualities 
 were apparent in the one cotton mill of the place, where at least 200 were em- 
 ployed. 
 
 I'As mariners, quartermasters of large boats, and managers of small ones, their 
 skill has been proverbial over the East for years, and we had great opportunities 
 during our three weeks in the bay of proving their ability and cleverness. 
 
 "Manila straw hats have been famous for years; also pina cloth and jusi cloth, 
 the former made of pineapple fiber and the latter made of pineapple fiber and 
 hemp. 
 
 "The station masters and employees of the Manila Railway compare favor- 
 ably with any I have ever seen at ordinary way stations. Clean, neat, prompt, well 
 disciplined, their superiority is largely due to excellence of the general manager, 
 Mr. Higgins, a man of great ability. Still the quality is in the men. The three 
 servants in his house (on the line) have all learned telegraphy by observation and 
 imitation. 
 
 "I have also some fine samples of their embroidery. 
 
 "They are admittedly extraordinary musicians, and their orchestras and bands
 
 STATEMENTS BEFOEE OUR COMMISSION IN PARIS. 363 
 
 have found places all over the East, playing without notes with great harmony 
 and sweetness. It seems to be instinct, and is all instrumental, with little or no 
 vocal talent. All these accomplishments do not argue greatness, but they do show 
 that they are something more than ignorant and brutal savages. I do not mean 
 to ascribe to them all the virtues — they may be liars and thieves, it is a wonder they 
 are not worse after the environment and example of centuries — but to my mind 
 they are the best of any barbaric or uncivilized race I have ever seen, and open, 
 I trust, to a wonderful development." 
 
 General AYliittier visited Aguinaldo at Moloros and ''found his headquarters in 
 a very nice house ten minutes' drive from the railway station" and the ''president" 
 was "dressed in a smoking jacket, low-cut waistcoat and trousers, both black, large 
 white tie — in fact, the evening dress common at our clubs during the summer." 
 The "president was told that General Whittier would soon leave to go to the 
 Paris Commission, and would like to be able to present to the Commission his and 
 his people's views and demands and what relation they expected to hold to the 
 United States in case we decided to keep the islands. 
 
 "Aguinaldo replied, rather naivel}^, that his people were divided into two 
 parties — those in favor of absolute independence and those of an American pro- 
 tectorate; that the parties are about equal; that he is waiting to see who will have 
 the majority, in that case to take his position. I pointed out to him that it 
 would probably be useless to try to bring those in favor of absolute independence 
 to any change of opinion, but they must consider that they are witlioul: any navy 
 and without capital, which is greatly needed for the development of the country; 
 that the Philippine government alone did not possess the element of strength to 
 insure the retention of the islands without the assistance of other governments. 
 They would be at the mercy of half a dozen powers striving to take either a part 
 or the whole of the islands, and they must consider that their greatest prosperity 
 would come by the gradual accession of power under American auspices. 
 
 "He said: 'But the civilized nations of the world would. see that our posses- 
 sions were not taken from us.' I replied: 'How has it been in China, where 
 England, Russia, France, Germany, etc., all strive to control tei-ritory?' To this 
 he could make no reply. I further asked what that side would expect America, 
 acting the role of protector, to do. He said: 'To furnish the navy, while the 
 Filipinos held all the country and administered civil offices with its own people.' 
 'And what then would America get from this?' said I. 'That would be a detail/ 
 he said, 'which would be settled hereafter.' 
 
 "I asked how far they controlled Luzon and other islands. 'Almost entirely,'
 
 364 STATEMENTS BEFORE OUR COMMISSION IN PARIS. 
 
 he said. That the different bands, little by little, were expressing their desire to 
 join him. The Igorrottos had sent in some of their leaders the day before and 
 were acting with him. That he had had three representatives from Iloilo within 
 a few days on the same mission. 
 
 "We pursued all this subject of a protectorate for some time without getting 
 any nearer any satisfactory result. Mr. Higgins felt that Aguinaldo had been 
 simply repeating a lesson, but I did not feel so sure of that. He said that he had 
 had many Americans to interview him, most of them reporters, I fancy, and he 
 had always told them the same thing. Thereupon I stated that this was quite a 
 different case. 'I am ordered, as an officer of the United States Army, to proceed 
 to Paris and give evidence on points which may be of vital interest to you.' After 
 that his tone was different. Buen Camino returned, and ^Aguinaldo reported to 
 him everything he had said to us. After a little talk between the two, Buen Camino 
 said he, and he was sure the president, was in favor of an American protectorate, 
 and seemed to approve the suggestion that we should have the nucleus of an 
 army; that his people should be joined to it, filling the places of minor officers; 
 and the possibility and the hope within a few years that they should fill the most 
 important civil and military functions. 
 
 "Buen Camino said I could be certain that if a protectorate were granted 
 that they would do their best to have it accepted by their people on the lines that 
 I have stated, agreeing with me fully that to hold one island and giving the others 
 to other powers would be most unfortunate, and not to be considered. 
 
 "They expressed pleasure at my having come to them, feeling that they had 
 been rather neglected by the Americans. 
 
 "This I dictated hastily just after the visit, and it does not give the impres- 
 sion which the interview left upon me — a great desire for our protection, for the 
 improvement of their people materially and intellectually, the wish to send their 
 young people to America for education. 
 
 "Subsequently (October 31, the day I left Manila) he sent three officers to me 
 with the friendliest messages, expressing the wish that I should use my best 
 influence with the Commission in their favor. 
 
 "Many methods of government, with them as allies or subjects, are possible. 
 I had often thought that it might be expedient at first to admit them to some 
 of the minor offices in army and civil government, and if they show capacity, to 
 enlarge their powers and opportunities, until finally they should have entire control, 
 after proper compensation or an agreed subjection to us for our work and assist- 
 ance to them. But, and I hope that I shall not be considered English mad in my
 
 STATEMENTS BEFORE OUR COMMISSION IN PARIS. 365 
 
 deference to their practice, the result of so many years of successful colonial 
 government — I am told by a governor of one of their colonies, Sir William 
 McGregor, when I suggested such a course, that they have never thought it safe 
 or expedient, when they have a colony of so many (in this case millions) of blacks, 
 and so few white men, to intrust the government to the former. If of whites, as in 
 Australia, yes, after trial trust the government to them, with what are practically 
 supervising, or, perhaps, honorary governors, who maintain the connection with the 
 mother or controlling country. 
 
 "It will be admitted that England has been the only successful administrator 
 of colonial government in the world. Holland has had a great career, but possibly 
 things are not so well with it just now in Java and Sumatra; at any rate, it is 
 not comparable to England/'
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 RESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 Memorandum of the Mineral Resources of the Islands by Dr. Becker of the United 
 States Geological Survey, Gathered for the American Treaty Commission — 
 Coal, Petroleum, Gold, Copper, Lead, Silver, Iron, Quicksilver, Sulphur, 
 Marble, Kolin, Pearl Fisheries — Strategic Importance — Cebu and Negros 
 Islands — Naval Stations — Harbors. 
 
 REPORT OF DR. GEORGE F. BECKER, OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 GEOLOGICAL SURVEY, ON THE GEOLOGY AND MINERAL 
 
 RESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 Department of State, 
 Washington, D. C, November 4, 1898. 
 Sir: I have the honor to inclose, for the information of the Commission, 
 copy of a letter from the Secretary of the Interior, transmitting a copy of a 
 preliminary report made by Dr. George F. Becker, of the United States Geological 
 Survey, in regard to the geological and mineral resources of the Philippine Islands. 
 I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN HAY. 
 HON. WILLIAM R. DAY, 
 
 Chairman of the United States Peace Commission, Paris, France. 
 (Inclosure: From Interior Department, October 29, 1898, with inclosure.) 
 
 Department of the Interior, 
 Washington, October 29, 1898. 
 Sir: In May, 1898, by arrangement between the honorable the Secretary of 
 War with this Department, Dr. George F. Becker, geologist, of the United States 
 Geological Survey, accompanied the military expedition to the Philippine Islands, 
 for the purpose of procuring information touching the geological and mineral 
 resources of said islands. 
 
 Dr. Becker has made a preliminary report on the subject, a copy of which, 
 together with a copy of a letter from the director of the Geological Survey, sub- 
 mitting the same for my consideration, are herewith transmitted for your informa- 
 tion. 
 
 Very respectfully, C. N. BLISS, Secretary. 
 
 The Honorable the Secretary of State. 
 
 366
 
 EESOUECES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 367 
 
 MEMOEAN'DUM ON" THE MINEEAL EESOUECES OF THE PHILIP- 
 PINE ISLANDS. 
 
 By GEORGE F. BECKER, United States Geological Survey. 
 
 This brief memorandum, prepared at tlie request of Admiral Dewey, probably 
 covers all the main discoveries in the geology of the Philippines which are of 
 economic interest. It is drawn up from data recorded in the Spanish Mining 
 Bureau (Inspeccion de Minas), but not published, manuscript mine reports by the 
 late William Ashburner, verbal information obtained in Manila, and from various 
 technical publications, of Semper, Santos, Eoth, Drasche, Abella, and others. 
 
 Only about a score of the islands are known to contain deposits of valuable 
 minerals. These are arranged below in the order of their latitude to give an 
 idea of their geographical distribution, and to facilitate finding the islands on the 
 map. The latitude of the northern end of each is taken as that of the island. The 
 character of the valuable minerals stated in the table will afford a general notion 
 of their resources. 
 
 MINERAL-BEARING ISLANDS AND THEIR RESOURCES. 
 
 Island. Lat. N. Character of mineral resources, 
 
 end. 
 
 Luzon 1S° 40' Coal, gold, copper, lead, iron, sulphur, marble, kaolia 
 
 Catanduanes 14 8 Gold. 
 
 Marinduque 13 34 Lead, silver. >^ 
 
 Mindoro 13 32 Coal, gold, copper. 
 
 Carraray 13 21 Coal. 
 
 Batan 13 19 Do. 
 
 Rapu Rapu 13 15 Do. 
 
 Masbate 12 37 Coal, copper. 
 
 Romblon 12 37 Marble. 
 
 Samar 12 36 Coal, gold. 
 
 Sibuyan 12 30 Gold. 
 
 Seoerara 12 7 Coal. 
 
 Panay 11 56 Coal, oil, gas, gold, copper, iron, mercury (?). 
 
 Bilikan 11 43 Sulphur. 
 
 Leyte 11 35 Coal, oil, mercury (?). 
 
 Ccbu 11 17 Coal, oil, gas, gold, lead, silver, iron. 
 
 Negros 11 .. Coal. 
 
 Bohol 10 10 Gold. 
 
 Panaon 10 10 Do. 
 
 Mindanao 9 50 Coal, gold, copper, platinum. 
 
 Sulu Archipelago 6 30 Pearls. 
 
 The distribution of each mineral or metal may now be sketched in somewhat 
 greater detail. In many cases the information given in this abstract is exhaustive.
 
 368 EESOUECES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 so far as the available material is concerned. The coal fields of Cehu, however, have 
 been studied in some detail by Mr. Abella, and in a few other instances more 
 extended information has been condensed for the present purpose. 
 
 COAL. 
 
 So far as is definitely known, the coal of the Philippine Islands is all of Ter- 
 tiary age, and might be better characterized as a highly carbonized lignite. It is 
 analogous to the Japanese coal and to that of "Washington, but not to the Welsh 
 or Pennsylvania coals. Such lignites usually contain considerable combined water 
 (8 to 18 per cent) and bear transportation ill. They are also apt to contain much 
 sulphur, as iron pyrite, rendering them subject to spontaneous combustion and 
 injurious to boiler plates. Nevertheless, when pyritous seams are avoided and the 
 lignite is properly handled, it forms a valuable fuel, especially for local con- 
 sumption. In these islands it would appear that the native coal might supplant 
 English or Australian coal. for most purposes. Lignite is widely distributed in 
 the archipelago; some of the seams are of excellent width, and the quality of cer- 
 tain of them is high for fuel in this class. 
 
 Coal exists in various provinces of the Island of Luzon (Abra, Camarinos, 
 Batan, Sorsogon). The finest beds thus far discovered appear to be in the small 
 Island of Batan, lying to the east of the southern portion of Luzon, in latitude 
 13° 19'. These seams vary from 2 feet 6 inches to 14 feet 8 inches in thickness. 
 Analyses have been made in the laboratory of the Inspeccion de Minas, and the 
 mean of seven analyses gives the following composition: 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Water 13.52 
 
 Volatile matter 37.46 
 
 Fixed Carbon 44.46 
 
 Ash 4.56 
 
 Sum 100.00 
 
 One pound of this coal will convert 6.25 pounds of water at 40° C. into steam 
 at 100° C. The heating effect is about three-fourths of that of Cardiff coal. The 
 same beds are known to exist in other small adjacent islands, Carraray and Eapu 
 Eapu. A number of concessions for coal mining have also been granted on the 
 main island of Luzon, just south of Batan, at the town of Bacon. No doubt the 
 beds here are either identical or, at least, closely associated with the coal seams 
 in the little islands. 
 
 The coal field of southern Luzon is said to extend across the Strait of San Ber-
 
 KESOUECES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 369 
 
 nardino into the northern portion of Samar. Here coal is reported at half a dozen 
 localities, but I have been able to ascertain no details as to the thickness or 
 quality. 
 
 In Mindoro there are large deposits of coal in the extreme southern portion 
 (Bulacao) and on the small adjacent islands of Semarara. This fuel is said to 
 be similar to that of Batan. 
 
 The islands of Masbate and Panay contain coal, the deposits of which thus 
 far discovered do not seem of much importance. Specimens from the southwestern 
 portion of Leyte, analyzed in the laboratory of the Tnspeccion de Minas, are of 
 remarkably high quality, but nothing definite about the deposit is known to me. 
 
 The first discovery of coal in the archipelago was made in the island of 
 Cebu in 1827. Since then lignitic beds have been found on the island at a great 
 variety of points. The most important croppings are on the eastern slope, within 
 some fifteen or twenty miles of the capital, also named Cebu. Though a con- 
 siderable amount of coal has been extracted here the industry has not been a 
 profitable one hitherto. This is at least in part due to crude methods of transpor- 
 tation. It is said, however, that the seams are often badly faulted. 
 
 At ITling, about ten miles west of the capital, the seams reach a maximum 
 thickness of fifteen and one-half feet. Ten analyses of Cebu coal are at my dis- 
 posal. They indicate a fuel with about two-thirds the calorific effect of Cardiff coal 
 and with only about 4 per cent ash. Large quantities of the coal might, I suspect, 
 contain a higher percentage of ash. 
 
 The Island of Negros is nearly parallel with Cebu and appears to be of 
 similar geological constitution, but it has been little explored and little of it 
 seems to have been reduced to subjection by the Spaniards. There are known 
 to be deposits of coal at Calatrara, on the east coast of Negros, and it is believed 
 that they are of important extent. In the great island of Mindanao coal is known 
 to occur at eight different localities, but no detailed examinations of any kind 
 appear to have been made. Seven of these localities are on the east coast of Min- 
 danao and the adjacent small islands. They indicate the presence of lignite from 
 one end of the coast to the other. The eighth locality is in the western province 
 called Zamboanga, on the gulf of Sigbuguey. 
 
 PETROLEUM. 
 
 In the Island of Cebu petroleum has been found associated with coal at Toledo 
 on the west coast, where a concession has been granted. It is also reported from 
 Asturias, to the northwest of Toledo, on the same coast, and from Algeria to the
 
 370 EESOUECES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 south. Natural gas is said to exist in the Cebu coal fields. On Pan'ay, too, oil is 
 reported at Janiuay, in the province of Iloilo, and gas is reported from the same 
 island. Petroleum highly charged with parafhn is also found on Leyte, at a 
 point about four miles from A'illaba, a town on the west coast. 
 
 GOLD. 
 
 Gold is found in a vast number of localities in the archipelago from northern 
 Luzon to central Mindanao. In most cases the gold is detrital, and found either 
 in existing water courses or in stream deposits now deserted by the current. These 
 last are called "aluviones" by the Spaniards. It is said that in Mindanao some 
 of the gravels are in an elevated position, and adapted to hydraulic mining. There 
 are no data at hand which intimate decisively the value of any of the placers. They 
 are washed by natives largely with cocoanut shells for pans, though the batea 
 is also in use. 
 
 In the Province of Abra, at the northern end of Luzon, there are placers, and 
 the gravel of the Eiver Abra is auriferous. In Lapanto there are gold-quartz veins 
 as well as gravels. Gold is obtained in this Province close to the copper mines. 
 In Benguet the gravels of the Eiver Agno carry gold. There is also gold in the 
 Province of Bontoc and in Nueva Ecija. The most important of the auriferous 
 Provinces is Camarines Norte. Here the townships of Mambulao, Paracale, and 
 Labo are especially well known as gold-producing localities. Mr. Drasche, a well- 
 known German geologist, says that there were 700 natives at work on the rich 
 quartz veins of this place at the time of his visit about twenty-five years since. 
 At Paracale there are parallel quartz veins in granite, one of which is twenty feet 
 in width and contains a chute in which the ore is said to assay thirty-eight ounces 
 of gold per ton. One may suspect that this assay hardly represented an average 
 sample. Besides the localities mentioned, many others of this province have been 
 worked by the natives. 
 
 The islands of Mindoro, Catanduanes, Sibuyan, Simar, Panay, Cebu, and 
 Bohol are reported to contain gold, but no exact data are accessible. 
 
 At the south end of the small island of Panaon, which is just to the south 
 of Leyte, there are gold quartz veins, one of which has been worked to some extent. 
 It is six feet in thickness, and has yielded from $6 to $7 per ton. 
 
 In the Island of Mindanao there are two knov/n gold-bearing districts. One 
 of these is in the Province of Surigao, where Placer and other townships show 
 gravels and veins. The second district is in the Province of Misamis. Near the 
 settlement of Imponan and on the Gulf of Macajalar, there are said to be many
 
 EESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. , 371 
 
 Bquare kilometers of gravel carrying large quantities of gold with wliicli is asso- 
 ciated platinum. The product of this district was estimated some years since at 
 150 ounces per month, all extracted by natives with bateas or cocoanut-shell 
 dishes. 
 
 COPPEE. 
 
 Copper ores are reported from a great number of localities in the Philippines. 
 They are said to occur in the following islands: Luzon (provinces of Lepanto, 
 Benguet, and Camarines), Mindoro, Capul,* Masbete, Panay (province of Antique), 
 and Mindanao (province of Surigao). Many of these occurrences are probably 
 unimportant. The great Island of Mindanao, being practically unexplored, is full 
 of possibilities; but as yet no important copper deposit is known to exist there. 
 An attempt was made to work the deposit in Masbete, but no success seems to 
 have been obtained. On the other hand, northern Luzon contains a copper region 
 which is unquestionably valuable. The best known portion of this region lies 
 about Mount Data, a peak given as 2,500 meters in height, lying in latitude 16° 53', 
 longitude 120° 58' east of Greenwich or 124° 38' east of Madrid. The range of 
 which data forms one peak trends due north to Cape Lacay-Lacay and forms a 
 boundary for all the provinces infringing upon it. 
 
 Data itself lies in the Province of Lepanto. In this range copper ore has 
 been smelted by the natives from time immemorial, and before Magellan discovered 
 the Philippines. The process is a complicated one, based on the same principles 
 as the method of smelting sulpho-salts of this metal in Europe and America. It 
 consists in alternate partial roasting and reductions to "matte," and eventually 
 to block copper. It is generally believed that this process must have been intro- 
 duced from China or Japan. It is practiced only by one peculiar tribe of natives, 
 the Igorrotes, who are remarkable in many ways. 
 
 Vague reports and the routes by which copper smelted by natives comes to 
 market indicate that there are copper mines in various portions of the Cordillera 
 Central, but the only deposits which have been examined with any care are those 
 at Mancanyan (about five miles west of Mount Data) and two or three other 
 localities within a few miles of Mancanyan. The deposits of Mancanyan are de- 
 scribed as veins of rich ore reaching seven meters in width and arranged in groups. 
 !Mean assays are said to show over 16 per cent of copper, mainly as tetrahedrite 
 and allied ores. The gangue is quartz. The country rock is described as a large 
 quartzite lens embedded in a great mass of trachyte. An attempt has been made 
 
 * I am unable to find this island, which probably is a very small one.
 
 372 RESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPIXES. 
 
 by white men to work these deposits, but with no considerable success. The 
 failure does not seem to have been due to the quality or quantity of ore found. 
 
 LEAD AND SILVER. 
 
 A lead mine has been partially developed near the town of Cebu, on the 
 island of the same name. 
 
 The most important deposit of argentiferous galena is said to be at Torrijos, 
 on the small island of Marinduque (latitude 13° 34'). A metric ton, or 1,000 
 kilograms, is said to contain 96 grams of silver, 6 grams gold, and 565,5 kilograms 
 of lead. 
 
 In Camarines, a province of Luzon, lead ores occur, but are worked only for 
 the gold they contain. 
 
 IRON. 
 
 There is iron ore in abundance in Luzon, Carabello, Cebu, Panay, and doubtless 
 in other islands. In Luzon it is found in the provinces of Laguna, Pampanga, 
 and Camarines Norte, but principally in Bulacan. The finest deposits are in the 
 last-named province, near a small settlement named Camachin, which lies in 
 latitude 15° 7' and longitude 124° 47' east of Madrid. A small industry exists 
 here, Avrought iron being produced in a sort of bloomery and manufactured into 
 plowshares. The process has been described in detail, so far as I know. It would 
 appear that charcoal pig iron might be produced to some advantage in this region. 
 The lignites of the archipelago are probably unsuitable for iron blast furnaces. 
 
 QUICKSILVER. 
 
 Rumors of the occurrence of this metal in Panay and Leyte have failed of 
 verification. Accidental losses of this metal by prospectors or surveyors some- 
 times lead to the reports of the discovery of deposits, and ochers are not seldom 
 mistaken for impure cinnabar. 
 
 NON-METALLIC SUBSTANCES. 
 
 Sulphur deposits abound about active and extinct volcanoes in the Philip- 
 pines. In Luzon the principal sulphur deposits are in Daclan, in the Province 
 of Benguet, and at Colasi, in Camarines. The finest deposit in the archipelago 
 is said to be on the little Island of Biliran, which lies to the northwest of Leyte. 
 
 Marble of fine quality occurs on the small Island of Romblon (latitude 12° 37'). 
 It is much employed in churches in Manila for baptismal fonts and other purposes.
 
 EESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 373 
 
 Marbles are also quarried at Montalban in the Province of Manila, and at Binan- 
 gonan in the Province of Marong. 
 
 There are processions for mining kaolin at Losbanos in Lagima Province. 
 
 Pearl fisheries exist in the Sulu archipelago and are said to form an impor- 
 tant source of wealth. 
 
 Manila, September 15, 1898, 
 
 DATA COXCERNIXG THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THEIR HISTORY, 
 PEOPLE, GEOGRAPHY, GEOLOGY, RESOURCES, AND STRATEGIC 
 IMPORTANCE. 
 
 INTRODUCTION AND NOTES ON THE STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE OF 
 
 THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 By Ensign EVERETT HAYDEN, United States Navy. 
 
 The data herewith, selected as carefully as possible in the short time at my 
 disposal, consist for the most part of quotations from authoritative sources, giving 
 an outline history of the islands, their geology, geography, people, and resources. 
 There is included also a copy of a special memorandum of information prepared 
 for the President, by direction of the Secretary of the Navy, on the islands of 
 Cebu and Negros, their mineral and other resources and availability as naval 
 stations, and a compilation of data regarding coal and petroleum in the Philippines 
 and vicinity, a subject of the greatest importance in connection with the present 
 value and disposition as well as the future development of the islands. 
 
 Jagor, the well-known German authority, made the following striking predic- 
 tion in the concluding words of his work on the Philippines, published in 1*73: 
 
 "In proportion as the navigation of the west coast of America extends the 
 influence of the American element over the South Sea, the captivating, magic power 
 which the great Republic exercises over the Spanish colonies will not fail to make 
 itself felt also in the Philippines. The Americans are evidently destined to bring 
 to a full development the germs originated by the Spaniards. As conquerors 
 of modern times, they pursue their road to victory with the assistance of the 
 pioneer's ax and plow, representing an age of peace and commercial prosperity in 
 contrast of that by-gone and chivalrous age whose champions were upheld by the 
 cross and protected by the sword. A considerable portion of Spanish America 
 already belongs to the United States, and has since attained an importance which
 
 374 EESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 could not possibly have been anticipated either under the Spanish Government 
 or during the anarchy which followed. With regard to permanence, the Spanish 
 system can not for a moment be compared with that of America. While each of 
 the colonies, in order to favor a privileged class by immediate gains, exhausted 
 still more the already enfeebled population of the metropolis by the withdrawal 
 of the best of its abilit}'-, America, on the contrary, has attracted to itself from 
 all countries the most energetic element, which, once on its soil and freed from 
 all fetters, restlessly progressing, has extended its power and influence still further 
 and further," 
 
 The actual present resources of the islands are well indicated in the accom- 
 panying papers, and in considering their future, under the control of one or more 
 governments that develop and foster, rather than conceal and suppress, natural 
 resources and native talent, we must bear in mind the probable vast increase in 
 production, population, and commerce, accompanied by the introduction of modern 
 methods and all the established improvements in transportation, communication, 
 and sanitation. The commercial future of the islands, under such new conditions, 
 will be a revelation to the world, and their strategic position and features must 
 become of supreme importance in this great future field of commercial and naval 
 rivalry. 
 
 It has been pointed out by a recent writer that the opening of the Suez Canal 
 brought untold misery upon the comparatively happy and industrious Malays in 
 the Philippines, inasmuch as it resulted in the establishment of a Spanish line 
 of steamers, bringing bureaucratic administration in place of the old paternal 
 regime and awakening into renewed life and activity the dormant curse of Spanish 
 civil and military rule. It seems safe to predict, however, that with the opening 
 of the Nicaragua Canal, which will put 500 miles of the Sulu Sea, from Surigao 
 to Balabac, on the direct great-circle route of equatorial steam navigation around 
 the earth, the dawn of a new and glorious era of prosperity will succeed the long 
 night of nearly four centuries of Spanish domination. 
 
 The Philippines are very nearly as large in area as the British Isles; they are 
 larger than New Zealand, and as large as Italy, with her own Sicily and Sardinia 
 and French Corsica and British Malta added. Indeed, the eastern archipelago 
 may be roughly compared to beautiful, fertile, volcanic Italy, only more so. 
 Imagine the plains and hills of northern Italy rent from the snowy Alps by some 
 volcanic cataclysm to form a big island like Luzon, with Genoa for Manila; southern 
 Italy shattered into a score of islands, large and small, Masbate, Samar and Leyte,
 
 
 
 
 25. Wives of Chief Datto Pian of Jolo. 20. House of Chief Datto Pian of Jolo. 27. Barracks of the 
 Civil Guard ill La Ermita. Manihi. 28. View of Chief Datto Pian's Wagebon Ranche in .Jolo. 29. Church of 
 the Conception in Jolo. 30. Tlie Weisic Barracks, Manila. 31. Entrance to the Military Hospital, Manila. 
 32. Front View of the Church of the Conception, Jolo. 
 
 VIEWS FROM THE PHILIPPINES.
 
 RIFT IN THE JUNGLES THAT LINE THE COAST OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 EOADWAY IN BOTANICAL GARDENS, MANILA.
 
 RESOUECES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 377 
 
 Negros and Sebii^ Panay, Boliol; Sicily enlarged to thrice its size, like Mindanao, 
 joined by a line of islets and reefs to the projecting cape of Tunis, as the Sulu 
 Islands join that island to northeast Borneo; call Corsica Mindoro; elongate Sar- 
 dinia to almost reach the African mainland, as Palawan does the northern point 
 of Borneo. The inclosed Tyrrhenian Sea will then correspond to the Sulu Sea, the 
 Mediterranean of the far East, through which commerce from the Pacific must 
 pass on the direct route to Singapore, as it does here from Suez to Gibraltar; to 
 the northward, the distant mainland (Austria, France, and Spain) will correspond 
 to China, Tongking, and Siam; to the southward (Egypt, Tripoli, Tunis, and 
 Morocco), to Nevr Guinea, Celebes, Borneo, and Sumatra; and the strategic impor- 
 tance of the archipelago, in peace or war, is clearly manifest. 
 
 This great inland sea, the Sulu or Mindoro Sea, if once well charted, its 
 channels lighted and buoyed, its Malay pirates suppressed, its fertile islands cul- 
 tivated and their mineral wealth explored, must become the scene of an enormous 
 commerce, composed not merely of the vessels of a local coasting trade, but the 
 seagoing ships and steamers of every nation engaged in the Asiatic, East Indian, 
 and Australasian trade. The completion of the Nicaragua Canal may result in the 
 establishment of an equatorial steamship line whose vessels will circumnavigate the 
 globe on schedule trips in eighty days, and the great-circle route from Brito, 
 Nicaragua, to Singapore, via Honolulu and Guam Island, passes diagonally through 
 500 miles of the Sulu Sea, from Surigao Strait to Balabac. 
 
 Similarly, the shortest route from Hongkong to all Australian and New 
 Zealand ports, from Tongking to New Caledonia, from the Yellow Sea to eastern* 
 Java, Celebes, and west Australia, and from the entire North Pacific Ocean to 
 the Straits of Sunda and Singapore^ is by way of the channels of the Philippine 
 archipelago and its great inland sea. 
 
 Strategically the Philippines are admirably located for commercial and naval 
 operation, in peace or in war, but every consideration of offensive or defensive 
 war, as well as the preservation of peace, seems to me to require that the entire 
 group shall be the property of a single power; indeed, it were far better for that 
 power to own also what is now British North Borneo, bounding the Sulu Sea to 
 the southward. One might think, from a casual glance at a map, that the defense 
 of this great inland sea, with its intricate channels and numerous islands, exits, 
 and entrances, would be difficult if not impossible. A closer examination of a chart, 
 however, shovv's but seven clear channels, four on the east (San Bernardino, 
 Surigao, Basilan, and Sibutu) and three on the west (Yerde, Mindoro, and Balabac). 
 Good harbors, timber, iron, and coal are prolific, even now when the ultimate
 
 378 EESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 resources of the islands are not even estimated; hemp, the best in the world, is the 
 product par excellence of this region. In fact, the entire material of modem 
 naval warfare is at hand, awaiting only the personnel to utilize it. Coal, the 
 very life of modern commerce and naval war, is abundant in many islands of the 
 group and may occur in all. The ownership of such resources, so near at hand, 
 by a commercial rival and possible enemy, and the establishment close by of naval 
 coaling stations and dock yards, would not tend toward the preservation of peace 
 or the successful finish of a prospective war. 
 
 It is not, probably, either desirable or necessary to go into details here regard- 
 ing the strategic value of the various islands, harbors, and channels, better shown 
 on charts than in type, nor to discuss the relative value of each. In fact, as stated 
 above, all are so intimately related that it is practically impossible to disassociate 
 them in any scheme of offense or defense. 
 
 It will be better for the welfare of the native inhabitants, for the commercial 
 interests of all nations, and for the peace of the world if the control of the 
 entire group of the Philippine Islands remains permanently in the hands of the 
 United States. The more one studies the subject, in the light of past history and 
 the certainty of a vast future expansion of our trade with China and Australasia, 
 the more convinced does he become that sovereignty over the entire group, from 
 the little islands north of Luzon to the farthest coral reefs that stretch toward 
 the equator from Palawan and the Sulu Islands, is essential to our future potential 
 energy in the far East. 
 
 Even the wild and unexplored Palawan, which forms a natural breakwater 
 for 300 miles against the sweep of the southwest monsoon, is capable, if occupied, 
 developed, and fortified during long years of peace, of becoming a formidable 
 base of operations in time of war. The importance of Manila is due largely to 
 its being for centuries the capital of the archipelago and the reservoir of its pro- 
 ductions and supplies. Divide the group and you cut off streams of wealth that 
 help fill the reservoir. With a rival established at Tacloban, Iloilo, Sebu, or 
 even Ulugan, the enormous resources of the Visayas and Mindanao might, and 
 probably would, be diverted to build up a metropolis that would surpass Manila 
 in wealth and importance. Strategically the Philippines seem, like our Union, 
 to be "one and inseparable." 
 
 SEBU AND NEGROS ISLANDS, PHILIPPINES: THEIR MINERAL AND 
 OTHER RESOURCES AND AVAILABILITY AS NAVAL STATIONS. 
 
 1. The inclosed data have been prepared for the President in compliance 
 with the order of the Secretary of the Navy dated August 8, 1898.
 
 EESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 379 
 
 2. The information has been compiled in this office, from records on file 
 here, together with quotations and abstracts of information taken from books in 
 the library of the Navy Department and the United States Geological Survey. In 
 the latter Library a large collection of books on this general subject has been 
 made, and a catalogue of publications relating to the Philippines. 
 
 3. The data herewith consist of an outline map of the Philippines, upon 
 which the principal coal-bearing islands, so far as known, have been shaded in 
 green, and quotations and abstracts from various publications relating to the 
 two islands under consideration, including extracts from recent consular reports 
 published by the State Department,! and cablegram from our naval attache in 
 Paris. 
 
 4. Negros and Sebu are about the center of the Philippine group, forming 
 part of what are called the Bisayas or Visayas Islands. Negros comprises about 
 5,000 square miles, and Sebu about half as many. They are long, in a north- 
 south direction, and narrow, and separated by the Strait of Tafian. A volcanic 
 mountain ridge stretches the whole length of each island, rising to a height of 
 about 9,000 feet in the north of Negros. The flanks of the ridges and the low 
 lands near the coasts are covered with luxuriant tropical vegetation. 
 
 5. The principal coal deposits thus far developed occur in these two islands 
 and in Masbate and Batan,| farther north. The coal, while inferior in quality, 
 makes a good steaming coal when mixed with anthracite or Cardiff coal, and 
 doubtless, when the mines are developed, will prove very valuable for naval and 
 commercial uses. 
 
 6. The geological formation of the entire group seems to be like Borneo 
 to the southward and Formosa to the northward, the carboniferous beds being 
 broken through by volcanic peaks, their exposed edges upturned along the flanks 
 of these peaks and partly covered by lava flows, etc., thence dipping under the 
 limestone and coral beds near the sea. There seems to be no reason to doubt that 
 the coal-bearing beds may be found upon any and all of the islands of the entire 
 Philippine group, connecting the already developed mines of Borneo with those 
 of Formosa. All the islands give strong indications of other mineral wealth, 
 Buch as gold, copper, iron, lead, and precious stones. Their development hitherto 
 has been haphazard and unscientific, but the results achieved are very promising. 
 
 7. With regard to the availability of Negros and Sebu for naval stations, the 
 port of Sebu, one of the oldest in the Philippines, is small, but easily defended, 
 
 t Omitted here. 
 
 t A little island southeast of Luzon, lat. 13° 15' N., long. 124* 05' E.
 
 380 KESOUKCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 and might make a useful naval and coaling station, not equal, in any way, however, 
 to Iloilo, Manila, or Subig Bay, excepting for its nearness to known coal deposits. 
 It should be noted that these islands in the central portion of the group can only 
 be reached through narrow straits with intricate navigation, and if light-houses 
 and other aids to navigation in these straits were in the hands of another power 
 than that owning these two islands, they would be more or less inaccessible, espe- 
 cially in time of war. 
 
 8. The value of Negros and Sebu as naval stations for this country would 
 be greatly lessened if various other nations established stations in other islands 
 of the Philippine group. As coal is likely to occur in any of the islands, the 
 tendency to establish such stations would apparently be very great, in addition to 
 
 the agricultural and mineral wealth of the region. 
 
 EVERETT HAYDEN, 
 
 Acting Chief Intelligence Officer. 
 Office of Naval Intelligence, 
 
 Navy Department, August 0, 1898. 
 
 [Coal Trade Journal, May 1, 1895, p. 349.] 
 
 Coal Mining in the Philippine Islands. — The coal deposits in the Island of 
 Sebu are now being extensively developed. They are receiving the support of 
 the Government, in that they are giving preference to native over foreign coal. 
 
 [Hongkong, 1895, Chronicle and Directory for China, Japan, etc.] 
 
 This is the capital of the Island of Sebu, and ranks next to Iloilo among the 
 ports of the Philippines. It was at one time the seat of the administration of 
 revenue for the whole of the Visayas, but this was removed to Manila in 1840. 
 Sebu is a well-built town and possesses fine roads, but the people are devoid of 
 commercial enterprise. The trade of Sebu consists principally of hemp and sugar. 
 The neighboring islands of Leyte, Mindanao, and Camiguin possess extensive hemp 
 plantations, a large proportion of the produce of which finds its way to Sebu for 
 shipment. There are some very valuable and extensive coal deposits in the Island 
 of Sebu, but the mines have not as yet been worked with any enterprise. The 
 trade in 1893 is represented by the following figures: Imports, $165,881; exports, 
 $2,448,433, as compared with $263,695 and $3,638,039, respectively, in 1891. The 
 principal exports of 1893 were: Sugar 17,246,442 kilograms, and hemp, 23,299,015 
 kilograms.
 
 RESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 381 
 
 [Stanford's Compendium of Geography, Vol. II, p. 81-82.] 
 
 Sebu, or Cebu, is a long and narrow island, lying immediately to the east of 
 Negros, from which it is separated by a strait from five to fifteen miles wide and 
 over 100 miles in length. Sebu is 130 miles long and not more than twenty 
 miles broad in its widest part and contains 2,275 square miles, or rather less than 
 half the area of Negros. Several chains of mountains of no great height traverse 
 it from north to south, but little is known of its geology except that it produces 
 gold, silver, and lead, and has no active volcanoes. Coal occurs abundantly, and 
 is of fairly good quality; but the complete neglect of all mineral wealth by the 
 Spaniards is exhibited here as elsewhere. The inhabitants are almost exclusively 
 Biscayans, but there are said to be a few Xegritos. The population has greatly 
 increased of late years, owing to the great development of the sugar and abaca 
 cultivation, and now numbers 518,000, but locusts and low prices have recently 
 dealt as heavy a blow to Sebu as to Panay. In all these islands sugar growing will 
 probably give place to hemp or some more pa5ing crop. In 1890 only 3,000 
 tons were exported, as against 11,000 tons in 1889, and while in the latter year 
 thirty-four vessels — almost all of which were British — entered the port, the num- 
 ber in 1890 only amounted to fourteen. 
 
 The capital, Sebu, dignified by the title of city, is the oldest settlement in the 
 Philippines, and was the seat of government until the founding of Manila. It 
 was the first place of any importance visited by Magellan on his discovery of the 
 group, and it was upon the little island of Mactan, which forms the harbor of 
 Cebu, that he met with his death on the 27th of April, 1521. Fifty years later 
 Legaspi planned and built the city. It is picturesquely situated and has a fine 
 cathedral and several churches, but the population is not large. The island forms 
 a province of itself, under the administration of a military governor. 
 
 [Hongkong, 1895, Chronicle and Directory for China, Japan, etc.] 
 
 The Island of IsTegros is extremely fertile and contributes three-fourths of the 
 sugar shipped from Iloilo, the quality of which is excellent. 
 
 [Stanford's Compendium of Geography, Volume II, p. 80.] 
 
 Negros lies to the southeast of Panay, from which it is separated by a strait 
 about fifteen miles in width. It is 130 miles long and on the average about 
 thirty miles wide. Its area is 4,650 square miles. Its coast is comparatively 
 little broken by bays or inlets, and it has no good harbors. A central chain 
 of mountains runs through its entire length. For the most part these are of
 
 382 EESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 no height, but the Malaspina or Chalcon volcano, situated towards the northern 
 end, forms an exception. Its height is estimated at 8,192 feet, and it is in a state 
 of intermittent activity. Owing to the narrowness of the island, there are no 
 navigable rivers. The inhabitants are chiefly Biscayans, and number with the 
 Negritos, from whose abundance the island received its name, about 226,000. 
 
 The island is fertile, and produces sugar, rice, tobacco, and the textile abaca 
 and pina, and in common with Sebu and Samar a large amount of cocoa. Its coal 
 mines appear to be no longer worked. The capital is Bacoled, on the west coast 
 opposite to Iloilo, where the "politico-military'^ governor resides, and there are 
 numerous large villages around the coast, though few in the interior. Hinigaran, 
 the former capital, contains over 12,000 inhabitants. 
 
 [Stanford's Compendium of Geography, Volume II, p. 34.] 
 
 Lead occurs in Sebu, and iron ores are very abundant in Luzon and Min- 
 danao. That there are extensive coal measures in the archipelago there is little 
 doubt, but they have been little exploited, and coal forms one of the largest 
 imports of the group. The Compostela mine only turned out 700 tons in 1881. 
 As yet no deep shafts have been driven, and what has been obtained affords very 
 rapid combustion, and is not well suited for steamers. Sebu and Negros are 
 especially rich in this product. Since the archipelago lies midway between the 
 great coal beds of northern Borneo and Formosa, it is probable that the mineral 
 will in future be worked to great advantage. 
 
 [British Admiralty, Eastern Archipelago, Part I, Eastern Part, 1890.] 
 
 Negros Island. — So called from the number of Negritos or Actas found on it 
 by the Spaniards; is about 118 miles long, and, though larger than Sebu Island, 
 is neither so rich nor so populous. Its coast is very little broken by bays or 
 inlets, and does not contain any good harbor. A central chain of mountains runs 
 through it from north to south, which attains its greatest height toward the 
 latter point. The rivers are but small, and unfit for the navigation of vessels 
 of burden. 
 
 The island produces the best cocoa in the Bisayas, besides rice, maize, sugar, 
 tobacco, cotton, and abaca (a variety of the banana plant from which Manila 
 hemp is obtained). 
 
 Note—The Encyclopaedia Britannica says the population in 1887 was 175,000. 
 
 [From same publication as above.] 
 
 Sebu Island. — Sebu is an island of some importance and interest, as its port
 
 EESOUECES OF TPIE PHILIPPINES. 383 
 
 has been thrown ojDen to foreign commerce. It is long and narrow, 114 miles in 
 length, with a greatest width of eighteen miles in the northern part. A chain 
 of mountains traverses the island through its entire length, containing beds of 
 mineral coal, and, it is stated, veins of gold. The rivers are numerous but small, 
 and generally unfit for either navigation or irrigation, "^'ith the exception of a 
 few fine valleys, cultivation is confined mainly to the seaboard. The population 
 of the island is estimated at 38,000 souls. The chief exports are sugar, oil, hemp, 
 tobacco, coffee, and pina silk. The chief imports are European goods, coal, and 
 rice. 
 
 [Note. — The Encyclopaedia Britannica says the population in 1867 was 452,000. 
 Reclus gives it as 518,000.— E. H.] 
 
 [By Sir John Bowring, London, 1859.] 
 
 Speaking of minerals, it is stated that gold is found in many of the islands — 
 "the mountains of Caraga and Zebu are the most productive. ]\Iany Indian fami- 
 lies support themselves by washing the river sands. In the time of heavy rains 
 gold is found in the streets of some of the pueblos when the floods have passed." 
 Iron is also found in various islands. "A coal mine is being explored in Guila 
 Guila, in the Island of Zebu, on the Eiver Manango, at a distance of about six 
 miles from the town of San Nicholas, which has nearly 20,000 inhabitants, and 
 is by far the largest town in the island. There are reported to be strata of coal 
 from one to four feet in thickness." Various copper mines have been worked 
 from time immemorial, and favorable reports sent to Europe. 
 
 [From the American Naturalist, September, 1886. — By J. B. Steere.] 
 
 The south end of Negros has appeared, as we passed aroimd it, a great stretch 
 of grassy plains and hills, now dry and yellow, and burned over in some places. 
 The mountains approach nearer at Dumaquete, and we could see forests on their 
 heights. They were volcanic, and what we judged to be ancient lava streams 
 extended down from a height of two or three thousand feet to near sea level, 
 and with such an even grade that they looked like gigantic railroad embank- 
 ments. * * * We found it (a variety of plant known as abaca, a so-called 
 mineral hemp) growing luxuriously at a height of 3,000 feet, while those varie- 
 ties used for food thrived best near sea level and in the greatest heat. * * * 
 Deer and wild hogs were abundant. 
 
 [From Travels in the Philippines.— By F. Jagor, London, 1875.] 
 "Sebu, with a population of 34,000, is the chief town of the island of the
 
 384 EESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 same name, the seat of government and of the bishop of the Biscayans, and within 
 forty-eight milesf of Manila by steamer. It is as favorably situated with regard 
 to the eastern portion of the Bisayan group as Iloilo is in the western, and is 
 acquiring increased importance as the emporium for its products." Among prod- 
 ucts mentioned are sugar, tobacco, rice, coffee, wax, Spanish cane, and mother- 
 of-pearl. "The Island of Sebu extends over seventy-five square miles.f A lofty 
 mountain range traverses it from north to south, dividing the east from the 
 west side, and its population is estimated at 340,000 — i,533 to the square mile.f 
 The inhabitants are peaceable and docile; thefts occur very seldom, and rob- 
 beries never. Their occupations are agriculture, fishing, and weaving for home 
 consumption. Sebu produces sugar, tobacco, maize, rice, etc., and, in the moun- 
 tains, potatoes; but the rice produced does not suffice for their requirements, there 
 being only a little level land, and the deficiency is imported from Panay. The 
 island possesses considerable beds of coal the full yield of which may now be 
 looked for, as the duty on exports was abandoned by decree of the 5th of May, 
 1869. 
 
 According to the Mineral Eeview, Madrid, 1866, the coal in Sebu is dry, 
 pure, almost free of sulphur pyrites, burns easily and with a strong flame. The 
 coal of Sebu is acknowledged to be better than that of Australia and Labuan, 
 but has not sufficient heating power to be used unmixed ^^ith other coal on long 
 sea voyages. According to the catalogue of the products of the Philippines 
 (Manila, 1866), the coal strata of Sebu have, at many places in the mountain 
 range, which runs from north to south across the whole of the island, approached 
 a thickness of two miles. The coal is of middling quality, and is burned in the 
 Government steam works after being mixed with Cardiff. Average price, Sebu, 
 $6 per ton. 
 
 [From Oceanica. — By Elisee Reclus, New York, 1890.] 
 
 The whole surface of the Philippines is essentially mountainous, the only 
 plains that occur being the alluvial districts at the river mouths and the spaces 
 left at the intersection of the ranges. Most of the surface appears to be formed 
 of old rocks, especially schists, and, in the north of Luzon, granites. Extensive 
 coal fields are found in the central islands, especially Cebu and Negros, and in 
 many places these carboniferous beds seem to have been buried imder more 
 recent lavas. Later limestones have also been developed by the coral builders 
 round all the seaboard, and there is clear evidence that along extensive stretches 
 
 t Evidently German miles, of which 1 (linear)=4% statute.
 
 EESOUECES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 385 
 
 of the coast line these formations have been upheaved to a considerable height 
 above sea level. They form at some points broad horizontal tables round the 
 headlands, and here are found shells and other marine remains belonging to the 
 same species still living in the surrounding waters. But about the Gulf of 
 Davao, in South Mindanao, the contrary movement of subsidence has taken place, 
 as shown by the dead or dying forests invaded by the sea. 
 
 The Philippines abound in minerals. The natives collect gold in the alluvia 
 of all the islands, but especially in the Province of Benguet, central Luzon, and 
 about the northeast point of Surigao, in Mindanao. Copper is common in the 
 Lepanto hills, bordering on the same central district of Luzon, where from 
 time immemorial the natives have extracted the ore and wrought it into imple- 
 ments and ornaments. The blacksmiths also have at hand an excellent iron 
 ore for their arms and instruments. Cebu is said to contain lead glance yielding 
 nearly half of its weight in pure metal, while the solfataras of many extinct 
 volcanoes have formed inexhaustible deposits of sulphur. 
 
 [Extracts from Letters of German Captains. XV, Hansa, Vol. 21, 1884, p. 147.] 
 
 The harbor of Zebu, capital of the Philippine island of the same name, is 
 formed by a very narrow arm of the sea separating the Island of Macton from 
 that of Zebu. It has a northern and a southern entrance, both very small and 
 narrow, especially the northern one, where it is quite impossible to pass by a 
 vessel of over 200 or 300 tons. On the other hand, there would be no difficulty 
 in passing even a larger ship in the southern entrance. 
 
 There are for both entrances regularly appointed government pilots, who 
 are supposed to be stationed in the northeast monsoon, near the light-house at 
 the northern entrance, and in the southwest monsoon, near the beacons Norma 
 and Lipata, at the southern entrance. When I came from Manila and passed 
 the light-house at the northern entrance about 4:30 o'clock P. M., there was no 
 pilot in sight (perhaps because it was Sunday), but as I had a good Spanish chart, 
 and as the channel moreover is well indicated by buoys on both sides, I went 
 on and got a pilot shortly before dark not far from the old tower Mandaui. This 
 is the narrowest place of the channel, hardly wide enough for a larger ship lying 
 at anchor to swing around. Although we now had the current against us, a light 
 land breeze took us to a safe anchoring place. In the northeast monsoon the 
 anchoring place southwest of the fort is in sixteen to twenty meters depth. Ships 
 are moored with chains of about sixty meters each. There is a regular ebb and 
 flood tide, but high and low water never coincide with the change of the current.
 
 386 RESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 Besides, there seem to be, at the anchoring places of the Larger ships, several 
 counter-currents (eddies), for the ships lie very uneasy, rolling from side to side, 
 and hardly have the chains been made clear during the day when there is another 
 half turn or round turn found in them in the morning. 
 
 The best plan is, in case there is already a round turn in the chain, to make 
 the two chains fast together, and then to give plenty of play to one chain. How 
 great the strain is on a taut chain when the ship swings is shown by the fact 
 that from our starboard chain, which was pretty taut, a link two inches thick 
 was twisted loose and broken. If the chains had not been fastened together we 
 should have lost anchor and chain. There are three wharves here, but only one 
 of them, the one farthest east, is sometimes used by steamers and by sailing 
 vessels arriving with cargoes of rice and salt. For use by them there are two 
 iron mooring-buoys south of the wharf (bridge). * * * 
 
 Hard wood is good and cheap. Calking work can be done by the natives; 
 forging, if not too expensive, by Chinese or natives. 
 
 Fresh water, I am told, is paid for at the rate of $1 per barrel. We got 
 all of our drinking water ourselves, partly from the well near the fort, partly from 
 that near St. Nicholas Church; the latter Avater is the better of the two. * * * 
 —A. L. 
 
 [Copy of cablegram received August 5, 1898, from naval attache at Paris.] 
 
 Have received reliable information that the commander-in-chief (of) the 
 German squadron in China recently forwarded to Berlin, Germany, extensive 
 report (of the) German engineer on mineral resources of the Philippine Islands, 
 particularly coal deposits, all of which described containing considerable sulphur, 
 excepting one deposit which, being free from sulphur, is necessary to the develop- 
 ment of the mineral resource. I can not give name of the island containing this 
 deposit. 
 
 Note. — A later telegram from naval attache at Berlin states that the island above 
 referred to is probably Sebu. 
 
 COAL AND PETROLEUM IN THE PHILIPPINES AND VICINITY. 
 
 [Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th ed., p. 749.] 
 
 Minerals. — Though hitherto little advantage has been taken of its existence, 
 there appears to be in several of the islands a fair amount of mineral wealth. 
 Two coal fields are known to exist, one beginning in Caransan in the south of 
 Luzon, and probably extending southward across the Strait of San Bernardino
 
 KESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 387 
 
 to Catbalongan, in Samar, and another occupying the western slopes of Cebu 
 and the eastern slopes of Xegros, and thus probably passing under the Strait of 
 Tanon. In the first basin there is a bed from ten to twelve feet thick cropping out 
 of Gatbo, which has given good results as a fuel for steamboats; in the second 
 Centeno reports at least five beds, of varying thickness and quality. The first 
 discovery of the mineral was made in Cebu in 1827. Hitherto little success has 
 attended the schemes of exploitation. 
 
 [From Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th ed., Coal, p. 59.] 
 
 In the Dutch settlements, coal has been found in Sumatra and Borneo, the 
 best known deposits being that at Pengaran, on the southeast of the latter island, 
 where a mine has been worked by the Dutch authorities for several years. * * * 
 In the British island of Labuan, off the north coast of Borneo, five workable 
 seams, together about twenty-seven feet thick, are estimated to cover the whole 
 island. 
 
 The most important southern coal deposits, however, are those of Australia, 
 which extend, with short intervals, from the Gulf of Carpentaria to Bass Straits. 
 In the northern districts the distribution appears to be somewhat similar to that 
 seen in South America, Secondary and Tertiary basins occupying the ground near 
 the sea, while true carboniferous coal is found further inland. 
 
 [Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th ed., under Formosa, p. 416.] 
 
 Coal, sulphur, and petroleum are the only mineral productions of Formosa 
 which are known to exist in quantities sufficient to make them of economical 
 importance. The principal coal fields are in the north of the island, near Kelung 
 and Tam-sui, and the coal is all shipped in Kelung Harbor: In 1873, 45,000 
 tons; in 1874, 15,221 tons; in 1875, 27,665 tons; in 1876, 31,593 tons. 
 
 [From the Statesman's Year-Book, 1898.] 
 
 Gold mining is being carried on in Luzon with favorable prospects, and 
 coal mining in Cebu, where, when arrangements for carriage are completed, the 
 output is expected to be about 5,000 tons per month. 
 
 Longman's Gazetteer of the World, London, 1895, says chat coal occurs in 
 Luzon, Caransan, Xegros, and Cebu. 
 
 [Australasia, Vol. II, Guillemard. In Stanford's Compendium of Geography, London, 1894.] 
 Philippine Islands (p. 35). — That there are extensive coal measures in the
 
 388 KESOUilCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 archipelago there is little doubt, but they have been little exploited, and coal 
 forms one of the largest imports of the group. The Compostela mine (Zebu) 
 only turned out 700 tons in 1881. As yet no deep shafts have been driven, and 
 what has been obtained affords very rapid combustion and is not well suited for 
 steamers. Zebu and Negros are especially rich in this product. Since the archi- 
 pelago lies midv/ay between the great coal beds of northern Borneo and For- 
 mosa, it is probable that the mineral will in the future be worked to great 
 advantage. 
 
 Panay (p. 79), — Gold, copper, iron, and quicksilver have, been found, and 
 coal in Antique, but none of these are worked. 
 
 Negros (p. 80). — Its coal mines appear to be no longer worked. 
 
 Zebu (p. 81). — Coal occurs abundantly and is of fairly good quality, but 
 the complete neglect of all mineral wealth by the Spaniards is exhibited here 
 as elsewhere. 
 
 Samar (p. 82). — Coal is found, but no attempt has been made to investi- 
 gate the minerals of the island. 
 
 Mindanao (p. 87). — It is probable that gold exists in tolerable quantities, 
 and coal also. 
 
 Java (p. 105). — Coal, indeed, is plentiful, but it is poor, occurs in thin strata, 
 and hardly repays working. Sulphur is abundant, and a further exploitation of 
 the mineral oils should give good results. 
 
 (P. 138.) The mineral-oil lamps which light nearly every peasant's hut con- 
 sume over 20,000,000 gallons per annum. Concessions were granted in 1890, both 
 in Java and Sumatra, for the working of petroleum, and the prospects are said 
 to be very encouraging. 
 
 Sumatra (pp. 208, 209). — The mineral wealth of Sumatra still remains for 
 the most part undeveloped, although it is probable that before long the rich 
 coal fields of Ombilin, which are situated toward the head waters of the Batang 
 Hari, will be opened. They were discovered in 1869, and have been estimated 
 by M. de Greve to contain 370,000,000 cubic meters. The mineral is of the 
 Tertiary period, as it is probable that most of the Sumatran measures will prove 
 to be. M. Forbes found coal in the Palembang district, and it exists near Malabu 
 and other places in Ache. South of Padang, at Moko-moko, it is worked. * * * 
 Concessions were granted in 1891 for working some petroleum wells lately dis- 
 covered. 
 
 Borneo (pp. 219-221). — The abundance and wide distribution of coal in
 
 RESOURCES OF TK:^ PHILIPPINES. 389 
 
 the islands is remarkable. In this respect Borneo is by far the richest of all the 
 islands of the Malay Archipelago. Schwaner says: 
 
 "The occurrence of coal is more widespread than one might be led to think 
 by a first examination. In the whole of the hill formation it constitutes a most 
 important and almost never-failing factor. All fissures and openings that have 
 been made use of for the investigation of the underground geology have led to 
 the discovery of coal seams, and even the banks of the great rivers disclose them 
 in many places." 
 
 Ae far as is known, there is no coal of greater age than the Tertiary period. 
 Most of it belongs to the Eocene, but the brown coals of the Miocene also occur 
 plentifully. 
 
 Mr. Motley, in his report on the geology of Labuan and neighborhood, gives 
 the following interesting description of its peculiarities: 
 
 "The coal, dense and perfectly carbonized as it is, yet exhibits most unequivo- 
 cally its vegetable origin, and not only that, but even the kind of vegetation 
 of which it has been composed is evident from the most cursory inspection of 
 the heaps of coal brought out of the levels. It is clearly the product not of a 
 jbed of peat produced by the decay of small vegetation, but of a mass of huge 
 timber. At least one-half of the mass displays the grain and structure of wood, 
 and frequently it separates naturally into the concentric layers of dicotyledonous 
 wood. All the specimens I have examined have exactly the structure of the dip- 
 teraceous trees now forming the bulk of the timber growing above them. The 
 trees must have been of vast dimensions. I traced one trunk upward of sixty 
 
 feet, and for the whole of that distance it was not less than eight feet wide. 
 * * * jj 
 
 It is remarkable that such an evidently recent formation should be so much 
 upheaved, the coal measures of Labuan and Brunei dipping from an angle of 
 24° to nearly or quite vertical, the dip being north-northwest, or about at right 
 angles to the direction of the great chain of mountains which rises nearly parallel 
 to the coast. Mr. Motley's account of this coal formation would lead us to conclude 
 that dense tropical forests growing on an extensive plain or river delta have been 
 suddenly overthrown by flood or earthquake, or by sudden depression of the land, 
 and had been covered with a deposit of clays or sands. He well remarks on the 
 quantities of trees and shrubs which in the tropics grow on the seashore, or 
 even in the salt water, and thus accounts for the presence of marine shells in 
 the shales, and even in the coal itself. 
 
 (Pages 245-246.) The coal measures are practically inexhaustible, and have
 
 390 EESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 been worked at various places in almost every part of the island, both by Europeans 
 and natives. The results, however, have been almost uniformly unsuccessful, but 
 this failure must be ascribed to the undeveloped state of the country and other 
 causes of secondary importance, and the mines will doubtless be worked with 
 remunerative results in the future. The "Julia Hermina" mine, near Banjar- 
 masin, which promised well, was hardly completed when, in 1859, an insurrection 
 took place, the European staff were murdered, and the works completely de- 
 stroyed. The Pengoran coal mine, also in the neighborhood of Martapura, was, 
 commenced in 1848, but did not average a larger annual output than about G,000 
 tons, and was abandoned in 1884, as was also the neighboring Asahan mine, which 
 had been working fourteen years with much the same results. A mine was also 
 working in Koti, abandoned, and once more reopened in 1886. 
 
 In Sarawak the raja opened a mine on a tributary of the Sadong Eiver in 
 1880, the prospects of which are promising, nearly 50,000 tons having been raised 
 in 1886. He also purchased, two years later, a concession for the working of 
 the seams at the mouth of the Brunei Eiver. On the Island of Labuan is a mine, 
 till lately abandoned, which has caused the failure of three or more companies, 
 but is now being successfully worked; while in Pulo Laut, the large island at the 
 southeast point of Borneo, about 5,000 tons are yearly raised by the natives and 
 supplied to Dutch steamers. There is little doubt that petroleum, which has 
 been found in many places, will eventually become a workable and most valuable 
 product. 
 
 Labuan (pp. 254-355). — The Island of Labuan is situated on the northwest 
 coast of Borneo, opposite the mouth of Brunei Bay. * * * ij^j^g ^q^] jjjines 
 are now being worked by the new Central Bornean Company, who have steamers 
 running twice a month to Singapore. 
 
 Celebes (p. 301). — Coal is found in various places in the Makassar district. 
 
 (Page 304.) Coal of an inferior quality is found on the island. 
 
 The Moluccas (p. 335). — Near Batjan are some coal mines which have been 
 worked intermittently, though to no great profit, for nearly half a century. 
 
 Obi Group (p. 336). — Coal and lignite exist, and probably gold, but no 
 explorations have been made, and the existing charts of the island are extremely 
 inaccurate. 
 
 Ceram (p. 339). — Coal exists, but of what period does not seem clear. 
 
 New Caledonia (p. 457). — Gold, antimony, mercury, silver, lead, copper, nickel, 
 cobalt, and chrome have all been obtained, as well as coal of various kinds. * * * 
 The coal beds are believed to occupy a very large area. Of late the Government
 
 EESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 391 
 
 has charged itself with their exploration, and they are about to be worked; but 
 hitherto they have produced nothing for want of capital and proper labor. It is 
 estimated that the coal, which is said to be of good quality, can be sold at Noumea 
 for as low a price as 12 shillings per ton. 
 
 [Coal Trade Journal, May 1, 1895, p. 349.] 
 
 Coal Mining in the Philippine Islands. — The coal deposits in the Island of 
 Sebu are now being extensively developed. They are receiving the support of 
 the Government in that they are giving preference to native over foreign coal. 
 
 [Hongkong, 1895, Chronicle and Directory for China, Japan, etc.] 
 
 Sebu. — There are some very valuable and extensive coal deposits in the 
 Island of Sebu, but/ the mines have not as yet been worked with any enterprise. 
 
 [British Admiralty, Eastern Archipelago, Part I, Eastern Part, 1890.] 
 
 Sebu Island. — A chain of mountains traverse the island through its entire 
 length, containing beds of mineral coal. 
 
 [Bowring, London, 1859.] 
 
 Cebu. — A coal mine is being explored in Guila Guila, in the Island of Cebu, 
 on the River Manango, at a distance of about six miles from the town of San 
 Nicholas, which has nearly 20,000 inhabitants, and is by far the largest town of 
 the island. There are reported to be strata of coal from one to four feet in 
 thickness. 
 
 [F. Jagor, London, 1875.] 
 
 Sebu. — The island possesses considerable beds of coal, the full yield of which 
 may now be looked for, as the duty on exports was abandoned by decree on the 
 5th of May, 1869. 
 
 According to the Mineral Review, Madrid, 1866, the coal in Sebu is dry, 
 pure, almost free of sulphur pyrites, burns easily and with a strong flame. The 
 coal of Sebu is acknowledged to be better than that of Australia and Labuan, 
 but has not sufficient heating power to be used unmixed with other coal on long 
 sea voyages. According to the catalogue of the products of the Philippines 
 (Manila, 1866), the coal strata of Sebu have, at many places in the mountain 
 range which runs from north to south across the whole of the island, approached 
 a thickness of two miles. The coal is of middling quality and is burned in the 
 government steam works after being mixed with Cardiff. Average price, Sebu, 
 $6 per ton.
 
 393 EESOUECES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 [From Oceanica, Elis^e Reclus, New York, 1890.] 
 
 Extensive coal fields are found in the central islands, especially in Cebu and 
 ISTegros, and in many places these carboniferous beds seem to have been buried 
 under more recent lavas. 
 
 [Board of Trade Journal, London, May, 1898.] 
 
 A dispatch, dated 6th April last, has been received at the foreign office 
 from Her Majesty's minister at The Hague, transmitting statement of the pro- 
 duction of petroleum in the Dutch East Indies, according to which, in the course 
 of the past year or two, there has been a considerable development of this industry, 
 which promises to become very extensive. Tlie prospective market for the product 
 is a very large one, for not only among the natives of the Dutch East Indies is 
 petroleum pretty sure to replace to a great extent the coeoanut oil now used for 
 lighting purposes, but the whole of the eastern coasts of Asia, and especially China, 
 will almost undoubtedly become consumers. 
 
 The oil obtained in Sumatra is reported to be of excellent quality, with a 
 higher flashing point and with a smaller loss in refining than the current American 
 oils, while the cost of production is asserted to be materially lower than that of 
 the latter. 
 
 Among the most important enterprises lately brought before the Dutch public 
 is the Mocara Enim concession in Sumatra. This concession appears to have been 
 pitched upon by the well-known American monopoly, the Standard Oil Company, 
 for the purpose of obtaining a footing in Netherlands India. 
 
 Proposals were made to and entertained by the board of the Mocara Enim 
 Company by representatives of the Standard Oil Company, which would have had 
 the effect of bringing the first-named company's operations directly under the 
 control of the latter, and a general meeting of the shareholders of the Mocara 
 Enim Company was advertised to have been held in the last days of February 
 last for the purpose of ratifying the proposed agreement. 
 
 Immediately before the day fixed for the meeting, however, the board of the 
 Mocara Enim Company received from the Netherlands colonial minister a cate- 
 gorical declaration to the effect that the company's concession, which is of a 
 preliminary nature only, would not be ratified should the company be placed 
 under the control of the American monster monoply. The meeting had in conse- 
 quence to be postponed. 
 
 It is understood that negotiations with the Standard Oil Company have been
 
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 w 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 Q 
 
 o 
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 EESOUECES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 395 
 
 broken off for the present; biit it is stated that the latter company had already 
 purchased a considerable interest in the jlocara Enini Company, 
 
 Since the interference of the colonial minister the Royal Netherlands 
 Petroleum Company, for the exploitation of petroleum wells in the East Indies, 
 which is the principal undertaking of that nature in Sumatra, has also made pro- 
 posals to the Mocara Enim Company with a view to a practical amalgamation. 
 
 As yet, however, no decision has been arrived at by either company as to 
 the course to be adopted, but it is thought probable that a meeting of the ]\Iocara 
 Enim Company will be held shortly, 
 
 Cebu. — The tv^-o coal mines situated in the east coast of the Island of Cebu 
 are said to yield sufficient coal to supply the local demand, and the quality is 
 stated to be a little inferior to Australian and better than Japanese. 
 
 Amour Valley, — The Amour Valley and those of several of its tributaries 
 are rich in coal. In the valley of the Zeya, near its confluence with the Selendja, 
 is found an inferior mineral, and in the Boureya Valley almost vertical seams 
 have been proved in three or four places. In the neighborhood of Innokentieva, 
 on the Amour, several lignite seams three feet thick are worked by the inhab- 
 itants, and on the lovrer Amour a series of seams, together six and one-half feet 
 thick, has been discovered. Near Vladivostok coal deposits abound, while they also 
 occur on the shores of the Japan Sea. 
 
 Sakhalin. — Coal has been largely worked for forty years in Sakhalin, and 
 at the present time attention is being especially directed to the deposits discovered 
 in the immediate neighborhood of the gold mines on the shores of the Okhotsk Sea. 
 
 [Engineering, London, August 12, 1898.] 
 
 Gold is also found in some quantity, and there are two coal mines situated 
 on the east coast of the Island of Cebu, which yield sufficient coal to supply the 
 local demand, and the quality is stated to be little inferior to Australian and better 
 than Japanese. 
 
 [Advance Sheets of Consular Reports, No. 131, June 3, 1898.] 
 
 Ambassador Hay sends from London, under date of May 18, 1898, a pamphlet, 
 written by Mr. Frank Karuth, F. Pt. G. S., entitled A New Center of Gold 
 Production, describing conditions in the Philippines. Mr, Karuth, who is presi- 
 dent of the Philippines Mineral Syndicate, Limited, says in the letter to Am- 
 bassador Hay accompanying the pamphlet: 
 
 * * * I do not know of the occurrence of true coal in the islands. The
 
 396 EESOUECES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 beds wliich have been intermittently worked in the islands of Cebu and Masbate 
 
 consist of lignite of very good quality. Some years ago large outcrops of such coal 
 
 were found near the beach in the Island of Masbate; but most of it, which could 
 
 be got without mining, has been removed for the use of interinsular steamers. One 
 
 of the syndicate's engineers, a man of experience as manager of coal mines in 
 
 Lancashire, found Masbate coal quite useful for steamers. He calculates the 
 
 quantity of coal available in a concession of about sixty acres at 1,200,000 tons. 
 
 The Masbate beds are so tilted as to form an angle of 70° with the horizontal. 
 ^ ^ * 
 
 Masbate. — The coal which up to present times has been found in the Philip- 
 pine Islands is not true coal, but lignite, probably of the Tertiary period, and of a 
 variety which can scarcely be distinguished by the eye from true coal. There is 
 no reason why true coal should not eventually be found, for it is found and worked 
 in Japan, whose geological formation has much in common with that of the 
 Philippines. There has been no systematic search made in these islands for coal, 
 and wherever it has been found it has betrayed its presence by outcrops. Thus, 
 in the Island of Masbate, a local steamship owner drew his supplies from a bed 
 of coal which is so tilted as to have the appearance of a vein. He supplied 
 himself as long as his native laborers could get the coal with crowbars. 
 
 Mr. Hilton, who examined this bed cursorily, estimated the available quantity 
 of coal at about 600,000 tons in that particular concession. He is, however, of 
 opinion that very much larger quantities are available in adjoining concessions. 
 These mines are practically untouched, and, as they are situated within a few 
 miles of the coast, they can be worked at a profit by whomsoever should venture 
 to introduce the necessary capital. Mr. Hilton, after trying it in a local steamer, 
 gives it the character of a "very good steam coal." A similar quality of lignite 
 has recently been found in the district where the Philippines Mineral Syndicate 
 is now working, and it will soon be tried for the production of steam. 
 
 Cebu. — The only coal deposits which have been to a certain extent developed 
 in the Philippine Archipelago, and of which a scientific and reliable record exists 
 in the shape of a report by the chief inspector of mines, Senor Enrique Abella 
 y Casariego, are those in the Island of Cebu. This report is embodied in a work 
 entitled Eapida Descripcion Eisica, Geologica y Minera de la Isla de Cebu (Archi- 
 pelago Filipino). * * * rpj^^ ^^^^ deposits of Cebu were first examined in 
 1855 by the Government mining engineer, Seiior Hernandez, who, without hesi- 
 tation, described the coal as "lignita" (lignite). A few years later, however, 
 another Government engineer, Seiior Centeno, declared the formation in which
 
 EESOUECES OF THE PHILHTINES. 397 
 
 the coal occurs to belong to the true carboniferous system, and proclaimed the 
 discovery of a true coal field of large dimensions, the eastern rim of which cropped 
 out in the Island of Cebu, while its western rim came to the surface in the Island 
 of ISTegros. Analysis proved Senor Centeno to be in the wrong, for the contents 
 — or carbon — of the coal of Cebu do not exceed 54 per cent, against the mini- 
 mum of 75 per cent, which true coal contains. 
 
 [ Seiior Abella describes the Cebu coal as lignita piciformes (pitchy lignite), 
 very black, and in some instances resembling cannel coal. In carefully conducted 
 official trials, best Cebu coal figured as follows in relation to good Australian and 
 British coal, viz., 156 parts Cebu equal to 147 parts Australian and 121 parts 
 British coal. 
 
 The carboniferous formation extends over the greater part of the Island of 
 Cebu. From Balamban and Sogod, as far as Malabuyuc and Bojoon, a distance 
 of over fifty miles, there is scarcely a village that has not its show of coal out- 
 crops. These have been worked on many points, and the aggregate amount of 
 development is not inconsiderable. 
 
 At one time the Government attached so much importance to the coal deposits 
 in Cebu that it established a monopoly, but this was soon abandoned and the 
 industry thrown open to all comers. For a time coal mining in Cebu became 
 quite a rage, any number of concessions were taken up, and several companies 
 established for their development. In one or two cases a considerable amount 
 of capital was expended. Although faults frequently occur, large quantities of 
 workable coal were found; but the absence of roads, and the necessity of invest- 
 ing large sums in railways, in order to meet the competition from England, Aus- 
 tralia and Japan, soon caused a reaction and put a stop to the industry. The 
 present annual production of Cebu does not meet one-tenth of the demand of 
 Manila, where the annual consumption of coal exceeds 60,000 tons * * * In 
 the mines of Ulung five beds have been ascertained to occur, measuring, respect- 
 ively, 3 feet 8 inches, 3 feet 8 inches, 3 feet 8 inches, 5 feet 8 inches, 5 feet.* 
 Hf if * * * * m 
 
 [Advance Sheets of Consular Reports, No. 152, June 28, 1898.] 
 
 On the small Island of Batan, to the southeast of Luzon, just through the 
 Straits of San Bernardino, there are extensive coal deposits, now worked by 
 
 * Note by Mr. Karuth. — True coal has not been found as yet in the islands. All the 
 coal mined in Cebu, Masbate, and elsewhere is "lignite" of very good quality, but want- 
 ing the proportion of carbon which is characteristic of true coal. True coal will perhaps 
 be found in the islands of Mindero and Mindanao.
 
 398 EESOUECES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 Messrs. Gil Hermanos, of Virao, Island of Catanduanes. This coal is used by 
 their own steamer Josefa Gorrono, plying around the coast of Catanduanes, and 
 occasionally coming to Manila with hemp, and also by other local steamers. The 
 mine is called Visaya, and stocks of coal are generally on the beach. There is 
 a safe anchorage for vessels close by during the northeast monsoon. In the south- 
 west monsoon vessels can anchor anywhere around in smooth water. The coal is 
 not equal to Japanese, but is good enough for emergency and easily obtainable. 
 The mines are situated in latitude 13° 15" north, longitude 130° 16" east (meridian 
 of San Fernando), approximately. 
 
 Other extensive coal mines are also being worked in the village of Com- 
 postela, close to the city of Cebu. This coal is of superior quality and stocks are 
 always available. 
 
 ^ :{: if: :ic ^ 4e if 
 
 [China Sea Directory, London, 1889, and Supplement, 1893.] 
 
 Northwest Coast of Borneo (p. 145). — Coal is obtained from mines in the 
 vicinity of Muara Harbor. (Supplement, 1893, says: "These mines are known 
 as the Brooketown collieries. The seam being worked is twenty-eight feet thick. 
 There are many coal seams in the vicinity of Muara River.") The mines now being 
 worked (1888) are connected by a tramway \nth the pier at the village, and are 
 one mile distant from it. The coal is light, very friable, but of good quaUty, and 
 is delivered on board for $6 per ton. Quantities from 500 to 2,000 tons are kept 
 in store, under cover. Two fifty-ton schooners and a small tug are available for 
 coaling vessels at the anchorage, and sixty tons can be put on board from them 
 in twelve hours, the coal being taken off in bulk and put on board in baskets. 
 
 In February, 1888, the principal mine was on fire; but as coal seams varying 
 in thickness from eighteen to twenty-five feet, running in a north by east and 
 south by west direction have been found between Bruni Bluff and Pisang Mount, 
 and are believed to exist from the town of Bruni northward to the sea, the supply 
 in this district, as soon as the necessary mining skill and money are forthcoming, 
 may be said to be practically inexhaustible. The annual output of the mines, 
 worked with the present crude means, is 10,000 tons, the depth as reached being 
 eighty-five feet. About 220 Malays are employed. 
 
 Labuan (p. 158). — A large supply of coal obtained from the coal mines at 
 the north end of the island was formerly kept in store in Victoria Harbor; latterly 
 about 300 tons obtained from the Muara coal mines has been usually kept in 
 stock and put on board in baskets, either from the jetty or from lighters, at 
 $7 a ton. The attendance of lighters can not always be depended on.
 
 RESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 399 
 
 Tong-King (p. 43, supplement). — Coal mines have been found a few miles 
 off Mines River, east of Hongai Bay or Port Courbet. A railway about four miles 
 in length connects the Nagotna mine with the port jetty, and a large output was 
 anticipated in 1891, something approaching 800 tons daily. The coal is said 
 to be of good quality. A steamer of 2,000 tons burden can lie afloat at the jetty, 
 and there is a good workshop for small repairs. 
 
 Tong-King (p. 486). — Several channels lead from Fai tsi long Bay, past 
 Colosse Island, 738 feet high, to Kebao, where important coal beds have been 
 found similar to those at Port Courbet. 
 
 Borneo (p. 4). — Borneo appears to be rich in minerals. In the state of 
 Landak the great diamond of the rajah of llatan was found. The territory of 
 Montrado, north of Landak, has several gold mines. In British North Borneo 
 gold, copper, tin, and coals have been found. In Province Dent a seam of coal 
 rises to the surface and is said to be of excellent quality. 
 
 China Sea (p. 6). — Coals can be obtained at the following ports: Sarawak, 
 Muara Harbor, Labuan, Kudat Harbor, Manila, Port Sual, Bangkok, Saigon, 
 Touron Bay, and Hoihau Bay. 
 
 Northwest Luzon (p. 347). — Coals are brought from Lingayen to Sual at $18 
 the ton. 
 
 Anam, China, latitude 16° N., longitude 107° E. (p. 461).— At Hong Sone, two 
 days' journey to the southwest of Touron, is a considerable coal mine. The coal 
 obtained from it burns quickly when used by itself; its price in 1883 was 29 shillings 
 the ton. 
 
 [Eastern Archipelago, Part I. (Eastern Part), 1890. (British Admiralty).] 
 
 Negros (p. 247). — Layers of coal have recently (1879) been discovered in this 
 part of Negros, and outcrops of coal have been found in the rivers which enter 
 the sea near the towns of Calatrava and Talabe. 
 
 [Isaac M. Elliott, ex-U. S. Consul at Manila, in Scribner's Magazine for July, 1898, Manila 
 
 and the Philippines, p. 19.] 
 
 Mindoro. — The mineral wealth of these islands is not believed to be of great 
 importance, although vast regions are practically unexplored. Gold has been 
 found, but not in paying quantities. A discovery of immense value was made a 
 few years ago in an accidental manner. The American ship Richard Parsons 
 was wrecked on the western coast of the Island of Mindoro. Captain Joy, of 
 Nantucket, Mass., and his crew were forced to cross to a port on the eastern coast 
 in order to reach any vessel that could carry them to Manila. To do this they
 
 400 RESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 made a seventeen clays' journey through the wilderness and over a range of moun- 
 tains. In these mountains they came upon great ledges of coal, which are out- 
 cropping, and thousands of tons had broken off and accumulated at the base of 
 the cliffs. On hearing of this discovery the Spanish Government immediately 
 confiscated the lands, but they have never done anything toward developing this 
 great deposit of coal. All the coal now used in the islands is imported from 
 Australia, 
 
 [Johnson's Cyclopedia, New York, 1894.] 
 
 Japan. — Coal is largely worked on the northern coast of Kiushiu (Nagasaki, 
 Karatsu), and m Yezo (Poronai). 
 
 [W. B, Williams, President, Wm. Jamison, Secretary.] 
 
 Hiteman Miners' Committee, 
 Hiteman, Iowa, May 31, 1898. 
 
 Dear Sir: I made suggestions to our Representative in Congress (J. P. Lacey) 
 that it would be to the advantage of our Government if they would send an organ- 
 ized company of miners to the Philippine Islands to help establish and maintain 
 order in those islands, and when that is done that we look after the mineral 
 resources of the country. Inclosed you will find his reply, which is confidential. 
 I shall now try to explain why I think it would be of benefit to us to control the 
 coal mines in those islands. In the first place, the mines there have not been 
 developed, for the reason that under the Spanish only they were taxed so that it 
 was impossible to successfully work them. 
 
 In Caransan there is quite a coal basin — this is south of Manila — and in the 
 upper part of the Island of Luzon* tliere are several veins of coal, which is of 
 good quality; in some respects it is superior to the coal from Vancouver. Now, 
 if we hold those islands and this mineral exists there, I think it would certainly 
 show bad management on the part of our Government if we neglected to make use 
 of it. And if we could supply coal for our vessels in the Indian Ocean from the 
 coal mines in the Philippines it would be a great saving to the Government and 
 also be an incentive to enterprise and industry. Now_, Mr. Curtis, from reading 
 your letters in the Record for the past four years, I know you are in a position 
 so that you can call the attention of the proper authorities to the suggestions which 
 I advance, and if I have the sanction of the authorities, I can organize a com- 
 plete company of miners, from mining engineers to mule drivers, and all of the 
 skilled labor needed around a coal mine, and if it is not too much trouble I wish 
 
 ♦Probably the mines near Lingayen are meant.— E. H.
 
 RESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 401 
 
 you would call some of the officials' attention to tliis matter. I am no father's 
 son, but I am an American. 
 
 Respectfully, yours, WM. JAMISON". 
 
 WILLIAM E. CURTIS, 
 Chicago Record. 
 
 Hiteman, Iowa, September 1, 1898. 
 R. B. Bradford, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: My information in regard to coal in the Philippines has been 
 gained by intimate acquaintance with a Swede miner named Swauson, who had 
 worked for some English company in their mines north of Manila. He left here 
 some five weeks since, and said he was going back to the islands if he could 
 possibly get there. 
 
 Respectfully, yours, Wlil. JAMISON. 
 
 [Copy of cipher cablegram received August 5, 1898, from naval attache at Paris.] 
 
 Have received reliable information that the commander-in-chief (of) the 
 German squadron in China recently forwarded to Berlin, Germany, extensive 
 report (of the) German engineer on mineral resources of the Philippine Islands, 
 particularly coal deposits, all of which described containing considerable sulphur, 
 excepting one deposit, which being free from sulphur is necessary to the develop- 
 ment of the mineral resources. I can not give name of the island containing this 
 deposit. 
 
 NOTE — A later telegram from naval attach^ at Berlin states that the island above 
 referred to is probably Sebu. 
 
 [By R. von Drasche, published in Proceedings of the Royal Geological Service, Vienna, 
 
 Austria, March 7, 1876, p. 251.] 
 
 Reference to coal mines of Bakon, in the extreme southeast of the Island of 
 Luzon; no details given. 
 
 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 
 
 [Johnson's Universal Cyclopedia (1895). — Article revised by C. C. Adams.] 
 
 A group of over 400 islands, extending across 16 degrees of latitude, between 
 Formosa and the Muluccas, and forming the northern part of the Malay Archi- 
 pelago. The largest are Luzon, Mindanao, Samar, Mindoro, Panay, Leyte, Negros, 
 Masbate, and Sebu. The total area is estimated at 114,336 square miles, all under 
 Spanish rule and divided into forty-three provinces. Population about 7,000,000. 
 The Philippine Islands are of volcanic origin. Active volcanoes are found through-
 
 403 EESOUECES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 out the whole group, such as Mayon in Luzon and Buhayan in Mindanao, and 
 earthquakes are frequent and often violent. In 1863 Manila, the capital of Luzon, 
 was nearly destroyed, and in 1864 the whole province of Zamboanga, in Mindanao, 
 was fearfully devastated. The soil is exceedingly fertile, and, as water is abundant, 
 both in lakes and rivers, and the climate is hot and moist, vegetable life reaches 
 here an almost gigantic development. 
 
 The mountains, rising to a height of 7,000 feet, are covered to their very tops 
 with forests of immense trees, yielding excellent timber and many of the most 
 valuable sorts of wood. Teak, ebony, cedar, and gum trees, iron and sapan wood 
 are interspersed with breadfruit and coeoanut trees, oranges, citrons, mango, tama- 
 rinds, and other varieties of fruit trees, the whole bound together with floating 
 garlands of huge climbing plants and brilliant parasites. On the extensive slopes 
 and in the valleys are cultivated abaca, or hemp, of which about 65,000 tons are 
 annually exported. In 1890 8,000 tons of tobacco and 110,000,000 cigars were 
 exported. The other products are cotton, sugar, coffee, indigo, rice, wheat, maize, 
 pepper, ginger, vanilla, cinnamon, cocoa, etc. Of dangerous wild beasts there are 
 none; oxen, buffaloes, horses, goats, sheep, and swine of peculiar but excellent breeds 
 are extensively reared; deer, wild boars, pheasants, ducks, and fine fish are abun- 
 dant; the forests swarm with monkeys, squirrels, parrots, sunbirds, and bees; the 
 jungles with lizards, snakes, tarantulas, mosquitoes, and other insects. Gold is 
 found, also iron, copper, coal, vermilion, saltpeter, quicksilver, sulphur (in large 
 quantities both pure and mixed with copper or iron) mother-of-pearl, coral, amber, 
 and tortoise shell. 
 
 The Philippine Islands were discovered in 1521 by Magellan, who died here 
 in the same year, and a few years later the Spaniards, under Villalobos, took pos- 
 session of the group and named it in honor of King Philip II. of Spain. The 
 inhabitants consist partly of Negritos, who have woolly hair and other character- 
 istics of the negro, and seemed to have formed the aboriginal population. They 
 live in the interior, are repulsive and savage in aspect, and roam in bands. There 
 are only a few thousand pure-blood Negritos left, as they have long been in process 
 of extermination by the Malay immigrants, or of absorption through cross-breeding 
 with other peoples. The Malays are in a large part Roman Catholics, settled in 
 villages, and engaged in agriculture and fishing. They possess many fine branches 
 of industry, as, for instance, their beautiful mats and their elegant linen fabrics, 
 and they imitate European industry, shipbuilding, leather dressing, carriage build- 
 ing, etc., with great success. The Chinese and the mestizos, descended from Chinese 
 fathers and native mothers, are mostly engaged in commerce. Very few Spaniards
 
 EESOUECES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 408 
 
 reside in the islands, but the Chinese are very numerous, and natives of the 
 Malayan race form the vast majority of the population. 
 
 ABSTEACT OF ARTICLE ON PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 
 [In Longman's Gazetteer of the World, London, 1895.] 
 
 Minerals: Gold (Luzon, Benguer, Vicols, Mindanao, Misamis, Surigao); 
 galena (50 per cent pure); copper (arsenical pyrites, 16 per cent pure copper, Luzon, 
 Lepanto, Camarines, Masbate, Panay); coal (Luzon, Cavansan [Carausan?], Negros, 
 Cebu); sulphur (Leyte). 
 
 Products: Hemp, sugar, tobacco (only cultivated in all the Philippines since 
 1882), coffee (principally since 1880), woods, rice, some cacao, cotton. Only one- 
 fifth of the islands are under cultivation. 
 
 Industries: Making cigars, abaca tissues, straw hats, perfumes, sugar 
 (£2,500,000 exported). 
 
 Imports: Food, dress materials, fuel, arms, machinery, and iron. 
 
 Commerce: Greatest with England, then United States, Spain, and Germany. 
 
 Exports and imports: 1891, £10,000,000; 1892, £12,500,000. 
 
 Eailroad: Manila to Dagupan, seventy miles. 
 
 Telegraph: Seven hundred and twenty miles; also cable to Hongkong. 
 
 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 
 [From Engineering, London, August 12, 1898.] 
 
 The present state of affairs in the Philippine Islands naturally directs atten- 
 tion to the condition of their trade and causes speculation to be made regarding 
 its future. A glance at the map shows that their geographical, and therefore 
 their political, position is very important. They, along with Borneo, form the 
 eastern shores of the South China Sea, which are therefore one-half Spanish 
 and one-half British, while the British Malay Peninsula and French Cochin China 
 form the western shores, with Hongkong, our chief far Eastern possession, at the 
 head of tliis narrow storm-tossed sea. Not only do they form an important 
 station in the far Eastern seas, and a step to the vast population of China, but 
 their great natural resources cause them to be a most desirable possession; so 
 that from various points of view it is of the utmost importance that they should 
 not fall into the hands of any foreign power except America or Britain, either 
 of which would not only develop their natural resources, but also use them for
 
 404 RESOUECES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 the purpose of maintaining an "open door" for the commerce of all countries 
 with the far East. 
 
 The Germans are beginning to express the opinion that they do not possess 
 their legitimate share of the world, and to insist that in any new partition of any 
 part of the earth they should get their fair share. They are supposed to have 
 cast longing eyes on the Philippines, but they are not likely to interfere by force, 
 for they know that such a step would immediately open up a very large question, 
 and nothing has happened in connection with the recent events which gives them 
 any grounds for diplomatic intervention, which the United States would be certain 
 to resent. 
 
 It is, indeed, probable that the real difficulties of the United States will only 
 begin when they have made peace with Spain. If we are to judge from the 
 opinions expressed in the American journals, the future government of the Philip- 
 pines is very uncertain. The New England press^ as a whole, is decidedly opposed 
 to the permanent holding of the islands. It is pointed out that under the Con- 
 stitution there is no machinery for the government of 8,000,000 or 10,000,000 
 of people who could not be admitted to citizenship. Moreover, the possession of 
 the islands would rend the Monroe doctrine from top to bottom, and would tell 
 very much against the United States in any difficulty with a foreign power. 
 
 On the other hand, some influential journals favor annexation and main- 
 tain that the time has come when America must abandon her isolation and join 
 in the universal search for markets and footholds in distant parts of the world. 
 They maintain that the possession of the Philippines would support an Asiatic 
 fleet and give the United States a better position among the nations of the world, 
 not only by increasing their commerce in the far East, but generally by enabling 
 them to take that place among nations which the wealth, population, and mental 
 resources of the country entitle it to. The Pacific coast papers are specially eager 
 in the matter, and insist that with an important station in the far East, San 
 Francisco and the Pacific coast as a whole would become, in time, nearly as impor- 
 tant as is the East now. American merchants and manufacturers, under the pro- 
 tection of the Stars and Stripes, would develop the riches of the islands and create 
 an immense field for commercial enterprise. Those journals not in favor of 
 annexation are of opinion that the island should be transferred to England or 
 Japan, whose interests are essentially the same as those of the United States. Such 
 a step, however, would at once raise the opposition of Russia, and, probably, also 
 of Germany and France. The well-known Russian journal, the Novoe Vremya, 
 had the following remarks on the subject:
 
 EESOURCES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 405 
 
 *1i looks as if the settlement of the question of the fate of the Philippine 
 Islands will be prolonged for some time to come, since all the powers that have 
 any use of their hands take a keen interest in this ripe and tempting hunch of 
 grapes. The future fate of the Philippines can he assumed in the following 
 manner: Firstly, the United States can rest content with Cuba, and leave the 
 Philippines to Spain; secondly, Spain may retain the Philippines, hut under the 
 guaranty of the United States the necessary reforms shall be introduced into 
 the islands; thirdly, the Philippines might be given up by Spain, and then estab- 
 lish a more or less independent republic under the protection of the United States; 
 and, fourthly, the Philippines can be annexed by the United States on the ground 
 of enjoyment of the rights of a separate State. The last solution of the question 
 seems to us the least likely to be carried into effect if one takes into consideration 
 the distance of the islands from the American continent, the general predilection 
 on the part of Americans to observe the Monroe doctrine, and the numerous popula- 
 tion of the islands; this population can scarcely be expected to allow themselves 
 to be turned into American citizens without a struggle." 
 
 Whatever solution is arrived at, the writer thinks it desirable that Russia 
 should have a coaling station in the Philippines. As the war between Japan 
 and China started a great many important questions, so in like manner is that 
 between the United States and Spain certain to raise some new factors in the 
 complex game which is being played in the far East. 
 
 The rebels against Spain in the Philippines evidently mean to insist on a 
 republic under the protection of the United States, an arrangement which they 
 say will not disturb the balance of influence in the far East, and they promise 
 to respect and protect the interest of all powers. They remember, they say, that 
 the Japanese are their kinsmen; that England is the great nation that commands 
 75 per cent of their import trade, and whose capital is invested to so large an 
 extent in their undertakings; that America is their principal market for the export 
 of sugar and hemp; that Germany and France are now opening up considerable 
 trade, and that Russia, Austria, and Italy have no business connections in the 
 islands. 
 
 The principal articles imported into the islands include: From Spain, printed 
 cotton cambrics, colored yarns, gunny bags, hats, umbrellas, leather goods, most 
 of the wine, comestibles, etc., lentils, pulse, beans and beer; from the United 
 Kingdom goods made of fine yarns, such as muslins, etc., printed jaconets, corru- 
 gated and sheet iron for roofing, cast-iron and yellow-metal goods, earthenware, 
 tinned provisions, ham, bacon, and flour; from Germany, hardware and galvanized
 
 406 IJESOUECES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 and enameled iron goods, cutlery, paints and oils, and beer; from the United 
 States, practically all the flour consumed on the Manila market. The protective 
 tariff, which came into force in 1891, has caused a large and steadily increasing 
 quantity of the trade in cotton goods and yarns to be diverted from the United 
 Kingdom to Barcelona, and has also put a stop, practically, to the import of 
 linen goods. Gunny bags, which used to be imported from Calcutta, come now 
 almost exclusively from Barcelona, and Spain likewise provides the greater part 
 of the comestibles, wine, etc., for the same reason. The staple products and prin- 
 cipal articles of export from the Philippines are tobacco (leaf and cigars), sugar, 
 hemp, and copra; and of minor importance, coffee, sapan wood, and buffalo hides. 
 
 There is a large quantity of sugar machinery imported into the Philippines 
 every year, mostly of British manufacture; but lately German manufacturers have 
 been sending out some burnished mills, which have taken the fancy of many of 
 the native planters, who like show and also long credit. The natural products 
 of the islands are timber, including many valuable woods yielding resins, gums, 
 dye products, fine-grained ornamental wood, and heavy timber suitable for build- 
 ing purposes, copper, and copper and iron pyrites. Gold is also found in some 
 quantity, and there are two coal mines situated on the east coast of the Island 
 of Cebu, which yield sufficient coal to supply the local demand, and the quality is 
 stated to be little inferior to Australian and better than Japanese. 
 
 The report on the trade and commerce of the Philippine Islands for the 
 year 1897, by Mr. Consul Rawson Walker, contains a considerable amount of infor- 
 mation, but as it was written before the arrival of the United States fleet, many of 
 the conditions are now completely changed. The most interesting feature in the 
 report is a plan of the new harbor works at Manila, and which in the interval 
 have been the scene of such important events. It is stated that when the works 
 are completed at the port of Manila, there will be abundance of room, not only 
 for men-of-war, but for all kinds of mercantile craft seeking to discharge their * 
 cargoes, or coming in ballast seeking freight. The possession of this harbor will 
 add to the value of the Philippines as a naval and commercial station.
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 THE ISTHMIAN CANALS. THE WATERWAYS TO 
 
 OUR TROPICAL POSSESSIONS, 
 
 EAST AND WEST.
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The debate about the expansion of the United States that so largely occupies 
 the attention of our own people goes on in all civilized and semi-barbarous coun- 
 tries. More than ever before in the records of the nations the great powers of 
 Europe are interested in the extension, organization and cultivation of their colonies. 
 Those who have the largest area of possessions that are not contiguous — the scraps 
 of distant continents and islands remote, especially in the tropics — are the most 
 eager of the expounders and the exemplars of expansion. The only country in 
 which there is any misgiving that appears prominently in public discussion about 
 the pursuit of this policy is our own. There has been something of hesitation 
 in Germany and France, but that has passed away. Italy has had a bitter experience 
 in Africa, but she has a grand passion to possess a piece of China and is anxious 
 to advertise her solicitude. There is no need to speak in detail of the imperial policy 
 of Great Britain and Eussia. Germany is eagerly in the market for the few remnants 
 we did not insist upon taking of the groups of islands that were, after she lost her 
 continents, the pride of Spain, There is no sensitiveness in any part of the world 
 about the great powers absorbing the smaller ones except among the professors of 
 statesmanship in the United States; and it is safe to say that no other nation has 
 a Colonial System ready made and long tried that is in all respects as available and 
 susceptible to the legitimate influences of public opinion, as that which we have, 
 in the Government of the territories under the laws of Congress and the adminis- 
 tration of the President. There are excellent and conclusive examples in our his- 
 tory of the success of this form of government over territories and of people that it 
 is not the national policy to permit to become states. The peculiar distinction of 
 our States — that element in them that makes them sovereign, subordinate only to 
 the nationality of all the States — gives scope and verge for the expansion of our 
 boundaries without embarrassment of the General Government, and for the consid- 
 eration — to use the phrase of ex-President Harrison — of "the quality as well as 
 the numbers" of the inhabitants. The singular sentimentality, that has had many 
 deliverances in opposition to our own occupation of our conquests from Spain, and 
 that has insisted strangely and with a ludicrous obstinacy in repetition, that we 
 have been conquering archipelagoes simply through benevolence based upon infinite 
 charity, without other selfishness than that which arises from the due consideration 
 of our health, is something that has come down to us in a thin streak from former 
 
 generations. The persons and the views, both rather cloudy in mind and will and 
 
 409
 
 410 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 uncertain in attention, that have formed this milky way so that it shows faintly 
 upon the sky that arches our imperial domain, is made of the individualities that 
 perpetually yield to an instinct that guides and drives them into the minorities 
 that look on and scold, while the majorities in their masterful way that is demo- 
 cratic and according to the forms that are republican, "order and command," the 
 procession of the events that mark progress. 
 
 The fact that we send troop ships from both our ocean fronts to the luxuriant 
 archipelago that borders the sea of China on the east, and that our ships going 
 east and west meet in the harbor of Manila, girdling the earth in doing so, is of 
 universal fame. The attention of all enlightened peoples is directed by these 
 political, military and naval phenomena, to the Isthmus of Suez and the Isthmus 
 of Darien, the links — would that they were missing — that bind the southern con- 
 tinents of America and Africa to the dominant North and vast and ancient Asia; 
 and there is a consensus of opinion uniting the living nations that at last we must 
 have another isthmian ship canal. One cannot look upon a map of the world with- 
 out the conviction that the Isthmus of Darien will be cut through, as that the Suez 
 Isthmus has been severed, and that the United States of America with her ocean and 
 sea and lake boundaries, has the greater responsibility to press this gigantic work, 
 for we would have the greater profit of it, not merely in the prosperity of commerce, 
 but in the strength of our situation. Beyond this, the waterways around the earth, 
 now no longer in dreamy contemplation, but matters of urgency, will aid all the 
 good works of men by making the nations more neighborly. The Suez Canal is 
 one of the wonders of enterprise successful in proportion to its magnitude, and the 
 expansion of America — and the bugles have sounded it, as a movement that can 
 never be recalled — ^has made definite and certain that one of the proposed Darien 
 canals, the Panama or the Nicaragua, between the greater ocean of the globe and the 
 Mediterranean of our hemisphere, must and shall soon be constructed. We do not 
 enter upon the question of precedence between the Panama and Nicaragua schemes, 
 but consider carefully in the occupancy of space the equities, just as if there were 
 no embarrassing conditions — nothing but the physical obstacles to be overcome — 
 giving the larger share to the Panama route because lately it has been least before 
 our people; and the mystery of the omission of Congress to act, we have tried to 
 clear away pro bono publico. There is a question of stock companies and inter- 
 national principles that must be decided before we are committed to one project 
 or the other. We shall probably have to wipe out a few corporations and promote 
 the negotiation, ratification and execution of honest and substantial treaties that 
 we may plant our inevitable millions — perhaps more than one hundred of millions — 
 irader an unclouded title upon indestructible foundations,
 
 A MALAY CHIEF OF MAGIBON, JOLO PROVINCE, WITH HIS FAMILY AND SERVITORS. 
 
 NATIVE WOMAN'S DRESS, MANILA. 
 
 TYPES OF FILIPINO WOMEN.
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 The Two Mediterraneans — The Era of Enterprise in the World's Waterways — 
 The New Panama Company — Immense Work Done — Steady Prosecution 
 of the Task — More than Three Thousand Men Employed in Excavating — 
 The Curiously Interesting Story of the Canal — The Misfortune of the 
 De Lesseps Failure Not Final — Facts and Figures That Should Kestore 
 the Faded Interest of the American People. 
 
 There are two Mediterranean seas — one in the Eastern and one in the Western 
 hemisphere. That situated between Europe and Africa and bounding Central 
 Asia on the west from Egypt to the Hellespont is the ocean of the ancients whose 
 history is most familiar to us — ^the seat of the sea power of the earlier empires — 
 transpierced in the center by the Italian peninsula, with the Island of Sicily, 
 for which the Greeks, Carthaginians and Eomans fought, until Eome became 
 the master of the world that surrounded the sea that was in the middle of the 
 earth. Africa seems to hang to Asia by a narrow neck of land, and swing in the 
 abyss of the Southern Oceans — a vast river, the Nile, flowing north from South 
 Africa to the historic Mediterranean, the other great channels of African drainage 
 pouring their floods into the Atlantic. Through the Isthmus of Suez is excavated 
 the most famous of canals, and it has become the key to the British Empire, 
 committed now to hold Egypt as long as she governs India, and cares for her 
 commerce in Asiatic waters. We, the people of the United States, have a deeper 
 interest in the haunts of the ancients than in other days, when we study the 
 voyages of our regiments by way of Gibraltar and the Suez Canal en route in 
 our troopships for Manila. The canal between Africa and Asia has become a 
 highroad for our ships and troops from Atlantic shores to our new possessions 
 on the other side of the world. The Gulf of Mexico is the American Mediter- 
 ranean, North America on the north, and South America on the south, the 
 peninsulas of Florida and Yucatan with the Island of Cuba separating the huge 
 Gulf from the Atlantic Ocean and the Caribbean Sea. The correspondence between 
 the two Mediterranean seas, that of the old world, from which Columbus came 
 and that of the new he discovered, is in many respects remarkable. No map of 
 the world fails to make conspicuous the two seas that are central to the old and 
 
 the new. South America seems suspended like a prodigious pendulum, as we turn 
 
 413
 
 414 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 a model of the globe, by the Isthmus of Darien, to North America, whose gigantic 
 arctic region is fixed in eternal ice; and the construction of a canal uniting the 
 American Mediterranean with the Pacific, as that of Suez with the old Mediter- 
 ranean by way of the Ked Sea with the Indian Ocean, and that, by the Sea of China 
 with the Pacific, has ceased to be of dreams like those of flying to the moon, and 
 is a colossal enterprise, not only an ultimate hope, but an improvement certain 
 of execution at no very distant day. There is Capital and Labor to do it, and the 
 first difficulty is the obstinate and momentous one of the choice of routes. There 
 are rival plans, the Panama and the Nicaragua. The latter has absorbed the 
 greater attention in America, the former in Europe. It is probable that sooner 
 than would be readily conjectured, both will be completed and in competi- 
 tion until they find it reasonable and profitable to adopt the railroad trunk-line 
 transcontinental policy, fixing rates to improve the standing of the stock, repre- 
 senting tremendous investments. Once it was a wonder that there should be a 
 railroad across the continent of North America. Now the average citizen does 
 not know the number of lines that bind our dominions in bonds of steel, and span 
 our Eocky Mountains and alkali plains with such ease of transfer that we cease to 
 compute them as elevations or spaces, save as in distance measured by time, 
 the freight rates and car fare. 
 
 If the Istlmius of Darien had been a sandy plain like that of Suez, it would 
 have been cut through by a ship canal long ago, and the thoroughfare undoubtedly 
 the property of England, possibly with France for a partner, but the English 
 would have had the majority interest in navigation, the greater weight of capital, 
 the higlier appreciation of commerce, and the deeper and keener sense of possession. 
 
 The world heard, along with the measurements of the rugged strip of rocks 
 that is the chief obstruction of the circumnavigation of the earth in the tropics, 
 of the peaks of Darien, from which Balboa beheld the broader of the Oceans. The 
 discovery of the Pacific was the opening of the most wonderful waste of waters 
 in the world, and the imagination of adventurers soon peopled this great deep 
 with surpassing visions of splendor, and there have been four centuries of blended 
 history and commerce. 
 
 D. C. Rodrigues, LL. B., in a work on the Panama Canal — Chas. Scribner & 
 Sons, 1885 — devoted a chapter chiefly to the first centuries of the history of the 
 American isthmus. As Rodrigues wrote, we quote "The Panama Canal," pages 
 5-17: 
 
 "The idea of piercing the isthmus between the two Americas is almost con- 
 temporaneous with the first knowledge of the isthmus itself. The early navigators
 
 TflE PAN^AMA CANAL. 415 
 
 could not help noticing how near to each other were the two oceans, and how 
 comparatively easy would be (they thought) the cutting of a canal through that 
 narrow strip of land between them. The celebrated Portuguese navigator, Antonio 
 Galvao, as early as 1550, wrote an essay on the subject, wherein he suggested 
 four different lines, one of which was through the lake of Nicaragua, and the 
 other by the Isthmus of Panama. Lopez Gomara, the Spanish historian, mentions 
 in 1551 the four routes of which he very likely learned from the monograph of 
 Galvao. 
 
 ''The idea, however, remained dormant for fully two centuries. One of the 
 earliest exploits of Nelson was the attack on Port San Juan in 1779, with the 
 ulterior purpose, it appears, of controlling the river and lake communications 
 between the two oceans, of which the fort was supposed to be the best debouche. 
 Fever, however, decimated his crew, and he returned to England. In the mean- 
 time Charles III. of Spain jent out the really first exploring expedition under 
 Manuel Galistro, in 1780; but the subsequent political complications in the Euro- 
 pean politics diverted attention from his project. In the beginning of our century, 
 Humboldt, who studied on the spot the problem of piercing the isthmus, strongly 
 endorsed its feasibility, but all Europe was then, and remained for many years 
 afterwards, in a great and general political reorganization. Most of the Spanish 
 colonies in America threw off the yoke of the mother country between 1820 and 
 1825, and, although the first survey of any part of the isthmus did not really 
 take place until twenty years later, the well-known configuration of the isthmus 
 strengthened the belief in the possibility of opening a canal, and the question 
 was now and then ventilated. It is to the great credit of the Spanish Central 
 American republics that as soon as they had secured their independence they de- 
 voted themselves to the problem of procuring aid to forward the idea of inter- 
 oceanic communication. In 1823, Lacerda, afterwards Governor of Nicaragua, 
 called the attention of the Legislature of the Republic to the subject. Two years 
 later we find a minister of the Eepublic in Washington addressing a note to the 
 Secretary of State, Mr. Clay, urging the United States to co-operate for the con- 
 struction of a canal which, he says, should have been built long before. That pro- 
 posal, dated February 8, 1825, really invited the United States to conclude a treaty 
 for a canal so as to "perpetually secure the possession of it to the two nations." 
 At that time no sufficient data had been brought to light to warrant Mr. Clay in 
 committing the L'nited States to a policy which otherwise would have been entirely 
 acceptable to President Adams and to the American people. Mr. Clay appointed 
 a new minister to Central America, and instructed him to further investigate
 
 416 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 the matter. In 1836 the Mexican Government ordered a survey of the Tehuan- 
 tepec to be made by General Orbeguozo, Avho, however, only made a casual exam- 
 ination. 
 
 "In 1828, Boliver, President of the Eepublie of New Granada, gave to John 
 A. Lloyd and to Falcmar a commission for a reconnoissance, with the immediate 
 object of a roadway between the two oceans. They found the mean height of the 
 Pacific or Panama to be 3.53 feet above the Atlantic at the Chagres' mouth, and 
 that at low water both oceans are the same quantities below their respective mean 
 levels: and as to interoceanic communication, they seemed to favor the isthmus 
 at its narrowest region, just where there is a depression in the great range of 
 mountains. 
 
 "One year after the return of Lloyd, the King of the Netherlands, as patron 
 of a private association, arranged with Central America for cutting a canal 'to be 
 open on same terms to all nations.' But the political troubles between Belgium 
 and Holland caused the scheme to miscarry. 
 
 "For five years no effort was made that is deserving of consideration until 
 the United States Government dispatched Chas. Biddle to the isthmus as an 
 agent to investigate what plans, surveys, estimates, etc., had been made, and the 
 report on the expediency of opening negotiations with the Central American 
 Government for the building of a canal. Biddle died soon after arriving at the 
 isthmus, but not before he had obtained for himself from Colombia a concession 
 to build a railway across the Isthmus of Panama, which act President Jackson 
 disapproved of in strong terms. 
 
 "About a year afterward, the President of Central America, General Morazin, 
 ordered a reconnoissance of the Eio San Juan route by John Bailey, an English- 
 man. 
 
 "In 1838, New Granada, anxious to take the lead of Nicaragua, listened to the 
 proposition of a French house of Solomon & Co., and granted it a concession to 
 build a canal by a supposedly newly discovered route where no locks would be 
 required. Six years later on, Louis Falippe commissioned Napoleon Garella to 
 verify the surprising reports of Solomon's agents. Garella's investigations were, 
 perhaps, the most serious that had been undertaken until that time. They con- 
 stitute, at least, the first semblance of a regular survey. He disproved the reports 
 submitted to him, and came to the conclusion that a canal was possible between 
 Porto Bello and Panama, with thirty-five locks and a tunnel, 5,350 meters in 
 extent, at an elevation of 99 meters and about 135 feet above high water on the 
 Pacific. The scheme, however, came to nothing.
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 417 
 
 "In the same year Nicaragua gave a concession to a Belgian company, the 
 negotiation being carried on Ijy the Nicaraguan minister in Paris, Castellon, but 
 it also came to nothing. On the other hand, Marcoleta, two years later on, left 
 Brussels, where he represented his government, and went to Paris and London in 
 order to arrange for a concession to Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, then a 
 prisoner in Ham. 
 
 "It is apparent that none of these schemes was ever supported by any powerful 
 agency, or with steadiness enough to be carried through. There was always a 
 doubt about the possibility of the work, or a doubt that it might never be possible 
 to obtain money enough to push it to a conclusion. On the other hand, advan- 
 tageous as it was evident the canal would be to the whole world, the shipping 
 trade that would seek it did not appear to be extensive enough to remunerate the 
 capital that would be required. But at last the world found a powerful incentive 
 to give close attention to the political and commercial importance of the canal. 
 The acquisition of California by the United States, and the discovery of gold in 
 its territory, marks a new era in the history of the attempts to make serious studies 
 of the isthmus with a view to establishing a continuous water communication 
 between the two oceans. The problem, too, now became one of actual, live 
 political importance to the Americans, and the period between 1848 and 1861 
 was full of interest to them on account of the political discussion with Great 
 Britain as to the preponderating influence in Central America and the occupa- 
 tion of the isthmus by either government. 
 
 "While that problem was not settled, the Americans, anxious for means of 
 communication, if not by water then by an overland route, obtained from New 
 Granada a concession for a railway; and for that purpose they formed a company 
 in 1849, and instructed the surveys to Colonel Hughes and to J. C. Trautwine. 
 The United States Government soon afterwards sent General Bernard, of the 
 corps of engineers, to survey the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, also with a view to 
 building a railway. Bernard found the route impracticable, while Hughes and 
 Trautwine succeeded much better in Panama and designed a road of the total 
 length of 47.314 miles, of which about half was to be level between 1850 and 
 1855 by the engineers Totten and Trautwine. 
 
 "In the meantime the idea of a canal was not to be given up. The United 
 States Minister in Nicaragua, Elijah Hise, concluded at the same time (1849) 
 with that government a treaty for establishing 'a passage and communication 
 between the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean, to facilitate the commerce 
 between the two oceans, and to produce other great results.' Owing to its sev-
 
 418 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 eral provisions of a political nature the authorities at Washington did not approve 
 that scheme, known henceforth as the 'Hise-Selva Convention.' But the country 
 received the arrangement with every mark of approval, and a company was at 
 once organized by Cornelius Vanderbilt, Joseph L. White and others under the 
 style of 'American Atlantic and Pacific Ship-Canal Company,' which obtained from 
 Nicaragua the right to build the proposed canal, that was, we repeat in 1849, 
 when the English were trying hard to get a firm hold on what was supposed to 
 be the future termini of the canal, while the Americans were protesting against 
 that occupation, and had themselves repudiated the treaty concluded by their 
 minister in Honduras, Squier, for the cession by the latter country to the United 
 States of the Tigre Island, in the Fonseca Bay. It was from these conflicting 
 interests that the Clayton-Bulwer treaty of 1850 originated. 
 
 '^However, the 'American Atlantic and Pacific' was organized by strong 
 men, who proposed to survey the route thoroughly and then appeal for money, 
 both in America and England. On March 9, 1850, Norberto Eamirez, 'Supreme 
 Director' of Nicaragua, confirmed the company's grant, and the company com- 
 missioned Colonel 0. W. Childs to make the necessary studies. He made recon- 
 noissance from several of the proposed routes, and, after a careful work, in which 
 he was aided by J. D. Fay and S. H. Sweet, he came to the conclusion that 'the 
 line leading from the mouth of the Rio Lajas, at Brito, presented more favorable 
 conditions for the construction of a canal than any other.' His survey is said to be 
 the first in the isthmus that conformed itself to the requirements of true engineer- 
 ing. Child's report was submitted to Colonels Turnbull and Abert, of the 
 United States Topographical Engineers, who confirmed its accuracy, and then, 
 at the request of the United States Government, it was revised by two English 
 authorities. Colonel Aldrich, of the Eoyal Engineers, and Mr. James Walker, 
 C. E., who, on July 16, 1852, confirmed its conclusions. 
 
 "The 'Atlantic and Pacific' company, however, did not succeed in raising 
 the money. Walker's expedition to Nicaragua, fomented mainly by the slave 
 power, but emphatically disowned by the Washington authorities, caused the Nica- 
 raguan Government to become very suspicious of the United States, and in 1856 
 the company's grant was declared null and void. Thanks, however, to the ability 
 of the Secretary of State, Lewis Cass, a convention, known as the 'Cass-Yrisarri 
 Convention,' was negotiated in Washington on November 16, 1857, making annual 
 arrangements with respect to a communication from ocean to ocean through Nica- 
 ragua.
 
 THE PANAMA CAI^AL. 419 
 
 tn 
 
 ^Let us now see what was going on in other parts, of the isthmus in the 
 fourteen years between 1850 and 1864. 
 
 "A rich New York merchant, Mr. Frederick M. Kelley, impressed with the 
 belief that Humboldt must have been right as regards the feasibility of a canal 
 through Darien, sent, in 1851, J. C. Trautwine, a prominent civil engineer, who 
 had been associated with Colonel Childs, and until his death was more or less 
 connected with the isthmus explorations, to make a reconnoissance of the head- 
 waters of the Atrato, of the Gulf of Darien, and of the mythical Easpadura Canal, 
 through which the Indians were said to cross from ocean to ocean. Although the 
 result of this expedition was by no means encouraging, Mr, Kelley organized 
 two others in 1853 to go over the same ground, which, however, did not discover 
 anything which had not been brought forward by Trautwine. 
 
 'T\Ir. Kelley then tried the headwaters of the Atrato, and thence in the direc- 
 tion of the Truando, sending out two parties, in 1853 and 1854, the latter under 
 Captain Kennish. Later on he came to Europe to submit his plans, surveys, etc., to 
 the English and French savants, and he was everywhere received with the greatest 
 marks of regard. 
 
 "On his return to America, having been unable to accomplish anything in 
 Europe, President Buchanan, who while minister in England had taken an interest 
 in Mr. Kelley's enthusiastic labors, procured the passage by Congress of a bill 
 authorizing the President to appoint army and navy officers to verify the survey 
 already made for a ship-canal. Agreeably to the act of the Legislature, the 
 President appointed Lieutenant N", Michler of the army and Lieutenant T. A. 
 Craven, of the navy, to verify the survey of Captain Kennish. Those officers 
 made separate reports. Michler was of the opinion that the construction of a 
 canal presented many difficulties, that the cost was incalculable, and that the 
 effects of a deadly climate on the laborers must be taken into account. But he 
 thought the scheme was possible, especially if Kennish's route were abandoned 
 and another one, which he now proposed, were taken up instead — viz., that which 
 follows up the course of the Truando, except when this river bends to the north, 
 when the route ought to follow a straight line to the Atrato, twenty-two miles 
 above the village of Sucio, The route would then strike the range of moun- 
 tains, which it would cross by means of a tunnel 12,250 feet in length, following 
 down in the Pacific slope the course of the Paracichichi. Michler estimated the 
 cost of this canal — 75 miles long, including the tunnel, 100 feet high above the 
 water— to be $135,000,000, or £27,000,000, which was twice as much as had been 
 estimated in America, according to the data of Kennish himself. Mr. Kennish
 
 420 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 was not satisfied that it would be safe to persist in that Truando-Atraio route, 
 at least for the moment. 
 
 "This public-spirited American then turned his attention to the possibility 
 of a sea-level canal, even if a great tunnel became necessary. He first asked 
 General Totten, of the Panama railway, to let him have his views as to that 
 route being available. Totten reported that the Chagres river could not be eon- 
 trolled and would break up the canal, and, besides,, ten or twelve locks would 
 have to be made. Mr. Kelley directed his efEorts to the San Bias route, in that 
 part of the isthmus which is narrowest, between the Gulf of San Bias, on the 
 Atlantic, to the mouth of the Bayano, on the Pacific. Two expeditions were sent 
 out, composed of Eude, Sweet, McDougal, and others, in 1863 and 1864, and 
 they were nearly successful, but could not finish their labors on account of the 
 interference of the Indians. Altogether Mr. Kelley has spent from his private 
 resources about £25,000 in this laudable purpose. Everywhere in the world where 
 there was a congress of gentlemen to confer about the routes it would seem that 
 Frederick M. Kelley, of New York, should have been listened to, if not with admira- 
 tion and affection, at least with respect. And yet at the Paris 'International Sci- 
 entific Congress' of 1879, when an American delegate asked the committee on the 
 selection of a route to give a hearing to the project of Mr. Kelley from San 
 Bias to Panama by the Bayano river, which was seconded by Sir John Stokes, 
 who added that what was known of that route justified a hope that the project 
 might deal advantageously with some of the difficulties, there was a great deal of 
 opposition to the proposal to hear Mr. Kelley. M. Simonon, known for his ex- 
 tremely superficial and not altogether reliable articles on the United States in 
 *La France' and 'Eevue des Deux Mondes,' exclaimed: 'We are not here to 
 register these schemes. Do they propose that we shall set about and examine 
 everything that the Americans have been doing for the last ten years? We should 
 lose our time. We have to discuss only the projects of M. M. Wyse and Eeclus, 
 Blanchet and Menocal, and others.' M. Simonon might as well have eliminated 
 the two latter names. He and his friends did not want to hear but of the Wyse- 
 Eeclus project, and in their cynical effrontery they even snubbed a man like 
 Kelley! 
 
 "Leaving now the Darien aside, let us see what was going on in the isthmus 
 in these same fourteen years, from 1850 to 1864, apart from the work in Nicaragua 
 and the labors of Mr. Kelley. 
 
 "Dr. Edward Cullen, a Dublin physician, interested himself very much in 
 the project of a ship canal between the Gulf of San Miguel and Caledonia Bay;
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 421 
 
 and in 1852, after calling Lord Palmerston's attention to his scheme, he interested 
 in it the contractors Fox, Henderson, and Brassey, of London, and obtained 
 for them and himself a concession from Colombia for snch a canal. The con- 
 tractors dispatched Lionel Gisborne, C. E., to make an exploration. He reported 
 favorably, but his report is full of errors, due to the superficial character of his 
 examination, the result of which is published in his book, 'The Isthmus of Darien 
 in 1852,' At any rate, his endorsement of the Caledonian route attracted wide 
 interest in the subject, and in the United States President Pierce in 1833 author- 
 ized the Secretary of the Navy to commission Lieutenant Isaac C. Strain, who 
 was not a new explorer of Central and South America, to go over the proposed 
 route and report upon its feasibility for a 'ship canal on the grandest scale.' Also 
 'avoiding all infractions of international law.' Lieutenant Strain reached Cale- 
 donia Bay from the L'nited States in January, 185-1, and, with twenty-seven men, 
 started for the interior of Darien. This expedition became one of the most impor- 
 tant in the history of the isthmus. British capital was ready to be invested in the 
 common scheme, but Strain was to give the last word. He soon discovered that 
 Gisborn's report was altogether unreliable. Strain was confronted by mountains 
 3,500 feet in height instead of only 150 feet. His party could not help taking 
 different routes, climbing steep hills and meeting roaring rivers. Strain himself 
 was lost sight of, and searching parties were organized, one of them by Gisborn 
 himself. The history of the terrible privations and sufferings undergone by Strain 
 and some of his men, from hunger and thirst, and the enforced abandonment of 
 one of their companions, who, though still alive, was too weak to follow them, 
 and the death of others, is one of the most stirring narratives in the annals of 
 the difficult explorations of the world. When Strain was found he said that its 
 failure was in itself a great success, for it gave the death blow to the Cullen 
 scheme, thereby preventing great sacrifice of life and money. In 1856, as we 
 have already said, Nicaragua annulled the concession to the 'Atlantic and Pacific,' 
 and a year afterwards the L^nited States Government ordered the Michler and 
 Craven surveys in the Darien. Except Mr. Kelley's expeditions, nothing was 
 undertaken by the United States Government or its citizens from 1857 until 1869. 
 In 1857 the political agitation in the LTnited States was already assuming the 
 most serious character, which revealed itself in the breaking out of the Civil 
 War a few years later on, and even at the conclusion of the internecine strife, the 
 public mind was too much preoccupied with the reorganization of the Union, 
 with 4,500,000 newly made citizens, to give any attention to the subject of inter- 
 oceanic communication. During the war the necessity for it became apparent, and
 
 423 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 the Pacific Railway bills were carried^ but beyond that nothing was done, and, 
 considering the position assumed towards Congress by Andrew Johnson, who 
 substituted for the murdered President Lincoln, nothing could have been done by 
 the Government in that time. In 1860 Daniel Ammen, then lieutenant in the 
 United States navy, impressed by the result of Strain's reconnoissance, addressed a 
 communication to the New York Geographical Society, suggesting to it to send out 
 an expedition, and giving in detail the task that should be intrusted to it. After 
 the war Daniel Ammen, who had been promoted to the rank of captain, had 
 frequent occasions to discuss the matter with prominent officers of the Govern- 
 ment, and he interested General Grant very much respecting the necessity for 
 further surveys. Up to the end of the Civil War the only semblance of a 
 regular survey in the isthmus made by a Frenchman was that of Garella already 
 referred to. In 1861 M. de Poydt examined the Tuyra (Darien) and several of 
 its tributaries, and in 1864 he returned to make a reconnoissance of the Gulf of 
 Darien by the Tanelo river. His data, however, altogether unreliable. 
 
 "In 1865 Sehor Gogorza discovered some old maps and induced some capitalists 
 in Paris to fit out an expedition under M. Lacharme, to study a passage by the 
 River Panuza, a confluent of the Tuyra. Wliile in the field Lacharme abandoned 
 the proposed route and followed the course of the Paya up to the watershed, and 
 then that of the Cacarica to the Atrato, whence he came back satisfied as to the 
 possibility of a canal fifty miles long, with the summit, near the village of Paya, 
 only 190 feet above the sea level. Beyond that nothing else was ever done in the 
 isthmus by Frenchmen until the Wyse-Recluse expeditions." 
 
 The conditions of the Panama climate were treated with great intelligence in 
 "The Isthmus of Panama and What I Saw There," by Dr. C. D. Griswold, M. D.— 
 Dewitt & Davenport, 1852. We quote as an essential part of the story of the 
 isthmus the extremely valuable observations of Dr. Griswold that touch the science 
 of the sanitary situation — pages 90-100: 
 
 "The latitude of that part of the isthmus over which the Panama Railroad 
 passes IS between 8 and 9 degrees north, and, consequently, is subject twice in 
 the year to the vertical rays of the sun, viz.: about the 21st of April and near 
 the middle of August. The year is divided into two seasons, with little else to 
 .distinguish them than that the one is wet and the other dry, and in this they 
 are very strongly marked. The rainy season is their winter and corresponds with 
 our summer, the rains beginning to fall about the 1st of May, usually, and termi-
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 423 
 
 nating in December; and thus, although this is their coolest season, in consequence 
 of the heavy rains and evaporations, yet it is the period when the sun's rays fall 
 most vertically, and, therefore, the two great elements in the production of un- 
 healthy exhalations, viz.: heat and moisture, are operating in their extremest 
 degrees at the same time. But it should be understood that, while the surface is 
 undergoing the change from wet to dry, that miasma is eliminated most rapidly. 
 "During the first two or three months of the wet season it does not rain 
 more than is generally found agreeable to the comfort, and to advance the growth 
 of vegetation; and about the 21st of June it clears up and probably not a drop 
 of rain will fall for a week. This season is called by the natives El Veranito di 
 San Juan (little summer of St. John). Now, during this period, the earth is 
 alternately saturated and parched, and, consequently, there is always more or less 
 fever prevailing. But it is at the commencement of the dry season, when the 
 rivers that have been swollen by the heavy rains fall to their usual level and 
 the low grounds and marshes that have been inundated become dry, that we look 
 for what may be termed strictly the sickly season. 
 
 "Dysenteries and diarrheas prevail more commonly during the wet season, 
 and for very obvious reasons. Notwithstanding the elevation of the sun during 
 the day the nights are often quite cool. Now, there is nothing more favorable 
 to the development of these diseases than sudden changes of temperature; and 
 here we have them. The laborer at work in the field first swelters under the hot 
 sun and then is suddenly cooled otf by a shower of rain, and most likely sleeps 
 at night exposed to the chilly air, which under all circumstances should be most 
 scrupulously avoided. 
 
 "With such influences as these acting, it would be very unreasonable to expect 
 but that the country would be more or less unhealthy, which is truly the case, yet 
 four-fifths of the cases of disease which occur are simple intermittent fever, or 
 ague and fever, which the judicious use of fifteen grains of quinine will entirely 
 remove, leaving the patient, after one paroxysm, as well as he was before. 
 
 "By observing proper precautions a great deal may be done to avoid the 
 miasma, which is the essential cause of the fevers. Miasma is eliminated while 
 the surface is drying, after having been saturated by an overflow of the streams 
 or previous rains, consequently at such times the atmosphere contains more poison 
 than at any other. Another fact which has long been observed is that the evening 
 or night air is most of all pernicious, not so much because it is cool or damp, 
 but from the unhealthy exhalations which hover near the earth like smoke and 
 fog during the night more than at any other time. The pleasant evenings after
 
 434 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 clear days, whicli are always delightful in that climate, are by far the worst, 
 especially if there has been rain within a short time previous. The night air 
 is so balmy and fresh after a hot day that it, is almost impossible to resist the 
 temptation to enjoy it, at least with open windows or in the veranda, yet it is 
 very imprudent to do so. Another precaution, of more consequence still, is to close 
 up from the night air the sleeping room, which for reasons already assigned 
 should never be on the ground floor. While sleeping the system is very much 
 relaxed, and, perhaps, drenched in perspiration, and, consequently, far more im- 
 pressible than at any other time, and, moreover, about 13 o'clock the temperature 
 of the atmosphere usually becomes much lower than at any other part of the twenty- 
 four hours. Now, in order to avoid the miasma on one hand and the sudden 
 change of temperature on the other, it is always desirable to sleep in an upper 
 room, and this should invariably be constructed with a ventilator in the roof. 
 
 ^'There is another class of causes far more numerous, and, perhaps, more 
 important, by which I mean everything calculated to excite fever after the system 
 has become predisposed to it. Foreigners residing in this country usually become, 
 after a time, a good deal enervated; they find they cannot perform near as much 
 labor, either physical or mental, as in a northern climate. An extreme degree of 
 lassitude overtakes them at times, and they feel it almost impossible to perform 
 any duties whatever. This is the effect of miasma; the system contains the fuel of 
 fever, which only requires to be ignited. Now, this is the state in which exciting 
 causes are instrumental in producing the disease, and anything may be deemed 
 such which excites or taxes the system to any considerable extent, as excessive 
 fatigue, exposure to the sun long continued, or a shower of rain while perspiring, 
 overindulgence in eating, and, above all, in the use of stimulating drink. During 
 my services of nearly six months, as one of the surgeons to the Panama Railroad 
 Company, I never saw a single case of fever from which I apprehended a fatal 
 result but in persons of intemperate habits, and the only two patients whose cases 
 terminated fatally under my charge had been immediately previous on a debauch. 
 
 "Of all exciting causes of fever I believe this by far the most potent in its 
 results, if not the most common. I am aware that there are exceptions to this — 
 that there are those who bear up under the influence of the use of stimulating 
 drinks — but they must be considered as exceptions, and their number is very small. 
 The effect of stimulants is to derange the functions of the liver, which is also the 
 effect of the climate, and under the influence of both there are few constitutions that 
 can long resist diseases. 
 
 *T!^or is it the use of alcoholic drinks on the isthmus alone that is found
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 425 
 
 injurious, but those who, previous to going there have been intemperate — whose 
 constitutions have become in the slightest degree impaired — are almost sure to 
 break down at once. I have seen this effect in so many instances that I have no 
 hesitation in setting it down as an almost invariable rule, and, therefore, would 
 advise any such unfortunate individual to keep off the isthmus if he values his 
 life as of the least possible consequence. 
 
 "Everyone has probably heard of the 'Chagres fever,' which is usually spoken 
 of with an emphasis which strikes terror to the timid, especially if they have ever 
 been exposed to the atmosphere of that place. 
 
 "Although the name is not, by any means, a classic one, yet it has the advan- 
 tage 61 being correct in a general sense, for I do not believe that there is another 
 place in the world where the causes of diseases are developed and fostered to a 
 greater extent than they are in this place of most unenviable notoriety. The 
 consequence is that a bad and fatal form of fever prevails there at times, which is 
 most emphatically the fever of Chagres, and the unmeasured use of intoxicating 
 drinks is one of its principal causes. 
 
 "Exposure to the rains of that country is another very exciting cause of 
 fever and should be very carefully avoided. This has been one of the great causes 
 of fever and dysentery among the laborers on the Panama Railroad. Often they 
 would scarcely get to their work when a sudden shower would fall upon them, and 
 when perspiring profusely over the spade or pick. If they abandoned work for 
 the day but few would have the prudence to change their clothes for dry ones, 
 and, perhaps, resume the same wet garments the following morning. Now, noth- 
 ing can be more prejudicial to health anywhere than such habits as these, and 
 when we add to this the, perhaps, worse practice of sleeping with the windows 
 and doors of their quarters open, which they would always insist upon doing, it is 
 more a matter of wonder than otherwise that they endure the climate as well as 
 they do. The railroad company makes the most liberal provisions for their com- 
 fort, but it was always impossible to make them understand that there were any 
 ireasons for closing a house other than to keep out the cold. The native, on 
 the approach of a shower, strips off his shirt, which is probably the only garment 
 he wears; securing it in a dry place, he lets the rain fall upon his bare back and 
 then resumes his covering after it is all over. 
 
 "This is truly a primitive mode of protection from rain, yet from what I 
 have seen I judge it to be the best. The perspiration may be checked for the time 
 and the system receive a shock from so plentiful a shower bath; but the function 
 of the skin is immediately restored by the dry covering, and, on the whole, upon
 
 426 . THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 hydropathic principles, I am not sure but the subject has received a tonic after 
 nature's purest method, and v/ithout interfering with his time or business. But 
 when a native gets the fever he repudiates this practice altogether, so much so that 
 it is often exceedingly difficult to get them to take any remedy combined with water; 
 and they most scrupulously avoid the use of water externally, even in quantity suffi- 
 cient to keep themselves clean. The native's remedy for fever is limes, the juice of 
 which they suck from them, while the fever is on, with slices of the same placed 
 upon the forehead and temples, and with this simple treatment and abstinence from 
 water and food they readily recover. Bathing in the streams is a very common 
 practice among them during the dry season, but they seldom indulge in this luxury 
 after 10 o'clock, and rarely at all during the rainy season. 
 
 "A very widespread impression prevails in the public mind in favor of the 
 southern climate to those who are predisposed to or affected with consumptive dis- 
 eases, and as a general thing such is the case; but the Isthmus is an exception to 
 the general rule; for, whether or not it is the approximation of the two oceans, 
 and almost constant sea breezes, or the extreme dampness of the climate; either or 
 both of these causes; in no place have I seen consumption more rapidly developed; 
 indeed, it is a disease of which the natives very commonly die. The same is true 
 of almost every other taint in the system, 
 
 "A very important consideration for those who visit this climate is that of 
 dress. The experience of the English and American Army and Navy surgeons in 
 tropical climates is well sustained here with regard to the use of flannels. There 
 is nothing which so well protects the cutaneous surface against the effects of sun 
 and rain as this material; it prevents the rapid evaporation from the surface, and 
 consequent sudden check of the perspiration; and a shower of rain or the night air 
 may be borne with far greater safety if the skin is protected by this covering; and 
 light gauze flannel next to the skin will usually be found to add much to the com- 
 fort; but to those who are frequently exposed a good substantial red or blue one 
 is much preferable. 
 
 "Another preventative which I deem of great importance, and which has hith- 
 erto been entirely neglected, is the use of fires. During the rainy season the atmos- 
 j)here is very damp, and pervades everything; even the closest doors will not ex- 
 clude it, and clothes will become mouldy without frequent sunning or the liberal 
 use of camphor gum sprinkled among them. Such an atmosphere, especially in a 
 sleeping room, must, of course, be more or less detrimental to health; but its effects 
 may be entirely overcome by the occasional use of a fire in the afternoon, when the 
 air is frequently so cool as to render it very grateful to the senses. Heat is, more-
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 427 
 
 over, one of the most powerful disinfecting agents we have, but how far it would 
 prove effectual in dissipating the miasma is not certainly known, although there is 
 no doubt but that it would to a considerable extent." 
 
 In the Forum of March, 1893, an article appears, ''Panama: The Story of a 
 Colossal Bubble," by Ernest Lambert, This paper relates the personal appearance 
 of Count de Lesseps of Suez Canal fame on the Pacific Ocean, and the picturesque 
 way in which in a fictitious manner he handled a spade on a steamboat, performing 
 the ceremony of turning the first sod or soil or sand, as the function might be, in 
 the formal inauguration of an enterprise. Mr. Ernest Lambert writes: 
 
 "In 1880, on the day set for the initial ceremonies of the Panama Canal work, 
 a little flag-bedecked vessel steamed out of the harbor of Panama with Count Ferdi- 
 nand de Lesseps and an illustrious company on board, bound for La Boca, the point 
 on the Pacific shore of the Isthmus at which the canal was to emerge. Through 
 some miscalculation the steamer was delayed in arriving until after the tide had 
 begun its rapid fall. The eminent voyagers eyed the shore wistfully and looked 
 at one another in consternation as the captain vainly essayed to land them among 
 the rocks. La Boca flags beaconed encouragingly from the spot where the veteran 
 'piercer of continents' was to turn the first shovelful of earth; but the tide con- 
 tinued to fall and the distance to the shore increased. In this dilemma the versatile 
 leader proved his brilliant fertility of resource. Uncovering his silvery locks he 
 addressed a felicitious harangue to his companions, called for a spade, and turned 
 on the steamer's deck an imaginary Isthmian clod. Then champagne was opened, 
 everybody cheered, and the little steamer swung about and sailed away gayly with 
 fluttering banners. In January, 1893, when his doom had been practically sealed 
 fjy disclosures hardly paralleled in this or any other century, police agents visited 
 the French mansion of this same man with a legal summons. Aged and infirm, he 
 arose from a sick-bed, called for his cross of the Legion of Honor, clasped it theat- 
 rically to his breast and fell back fainting. 
 
 "These two incidents accurately typify the real spirit that has governed, from 
 first to last, the conduct of the most tremendous engineering feat of modern times. 
 Beside which, as its history shows, the cutting of the Mont Cenis Tunnel or the 
 Suez Canal was mere child's play. M. De Lesseps' indefatigable predecessor with the 
 Darien project, if not its real initiator, it is not perhaps generally known, was an 
 American, Frederick M. Kelley, of New York, who should never be lost sight of 
 in posterity's ultimate award. Before even the Suez Canal was attempted Kelley had 
 begun to wander up and down, from country to country and capital to capital, like 
 Columbus with a new route to the East in his brain, striving to enlist in his fasci-
 
 428 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 nating scheme for saving millions of dollars annually to commerce and shortening 
 the ocean journey by many thousands of miles. As early as 1853, when only 28 
 years old, Kelley, then a Wall street banker, became sole owner of the Columbian 
 concession, subsequently transferred to French hands. Within three years he had 
 accompanied, or dispatched, three expeditions to search for a depression in the 
 Cordillera barrier that should enable him to utilize the Isthmian rivers running 
 southward in an artificial waterway, to be continued thence by a short cut to the 
 Pacific shore. Armed with maps and plans, he secured a respectful hearing from 
 President Pierce and Jefferson Davis, then Secretary of War, who, however, lacked 
 funds to order a Government survey. In Europe Humboldt and Eobert Stephenson 
 encouraged him; the British institution of Civil Engineers voted him a gold medal 
 lor a paper "^Demonstrating the feasibility of connecting the two oceans by a canal 
 without locks,' and Napoleon III. even offered to make a survey at France's expense, 
 after Kelley had unfortunately compromised himself with the English. In 1857 
 President Buchanan did order a Government expedition, which returned in 1858, 
 one officer reporting favorably, another adversely. With the outbreak of the Ee- 
 bellion Kelley's concession expired, and he withdrew, impoverished, from the strug- 
 gle. But in 1863, when the San Bias route was talked of, his old interest blazed 
 up anew; he talked over wealthy friends and was instrumental in the dispatch of 
 two other expeditions. It was not until 1875 that De Lesseps, who had met Kelley 
 years before in London, organized his Isthmian Exploring Society, and inaugurated 
 the movement that culminated in the International Canal Congress of 1879 and 
 the adoption of a route specifically condemned by the most competent experts. 
 
 "Flushed with the merited success of his great Suez achievement, just then 
 beginning to confound all augury, M. De Lesseps was in a position to engage enthu- 
 siastic public support in any effort to blow the airiest of bubbles. Goethe's nine- 
 teenth century dream of canals at Suez and Panama, and linking the Ehine and the 
 Danube, he had realized as to the first particular; why should he not do so as to 
 the second? The very eroakings against Suez of incredulous statesmen and engi- 
 neers, from Palmerston and Stevenson down, he was ready to cite in defense of a 
 new undertaking. The favorite taunt of his English enemies, that he was 'no en- 
 gineer, but a mere diplomatist,' he met with the same refutation. Nothing else 
 in his record, to be sure, sustained him. It was not as an engineer that he began 
 his Tunis apprenticeship; in Algeria, Madrid, Eome and Alexandria impugners of 
 his diplomacy never excused him on technical grounds. Even at Suez, what M. 
 Leon Say has called his genius for ^mravelling the future of international rela- 
 tions,' coupled with the adroit distribution of Bachsheesh and the propitiation of
 
 VIEW OF LA ESCOLTA STREET, CITY OF MANILA. 
 
 BATHINCl POOL OX KOAU TO DAS MARINAS, AT IMUS, PROVINCE OF CAVITE=
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 43I 
 
 a willing and imscnipiilous potentate, undoulatedly won him success where the 
 very Caesar of engineers might quickly have buried his hopes in the desert sands. 
 Certainly the calling of the Canal Congress, to extricate himself from the disagree- 
 able responsibility of choosing expertly between five routes and eight competing 
 propositions, was not the device of one who had reasoned out to its minutest detail 
 the masterly solution of a great practical problem. Thus, indeed, at the outset a 
 crumbling foundation was laid for the ambitious structure that has now so disas- 
 trously collapsed. Exactly what he knew personally of the precise nature of the 
 task before him it is not now difficult to estimate. When the Congress met he 
 was said to regard the elements requisite to a practicable canal as, 1, no locks; 2, 
 good harbors; 3, the avoidance of other than tidal rivers — conditions, in effect, du- 
 plicating those at Suez. In the Congress it was positively decided that no canal 
 with locks could accommodate a traffic sufficiently large to yield an adequate 
 revenue; and when, at the closing session, by a vote of 78 to 8, 12 abstaining, the 
 Congress formally declared in favor of the present route, it was understood that the 
 adherence to the Suez model and the accommodation of future great vessels, rather 
 than immediate commercial profit from existing opportunities, were the governing 
 considerations. As a third element of weakness, it may be noted that the stipula- 
 tions in the concession to Lieutenant Wyse, approved by President Paera of Colom- 
 bia in 1878, were not uniformly favorable; nor were its advantages adequately im- 
 proved. While granting the right of construction for 99 years from the date the 
 canal was opened, it required the international commission to decide the route not 
 later than 1881. The guarantees were then to form within two years a construction 
 company, finishing the canal within another twelve years, or forfeiting all rights, 
 together mth the work accomplished, and all but the movable plant. The President 
 to Colombia was authorized (not required) to grant a maximum extension of six 
 years 'if, in an extreme case, beyond the control of the company, and after one- 
 third part of the canal is complete, they should recognize the impossibility of fin- 
 ishing it in twelve years.' Not a word was said concerning recovery or indemnifi- 
 cation in case of failure before the specified proportion was completed. M. Wyse, 
 no doubt, whose experience has been a little more fortunate than Kelley's, never 
 anticipated such a contingency or dreamed of the bungling indiscretion that was to 
 link his name with the most colossal failure of the times. 
 
 "It would be the most gross injustice for the world to forget that Count Ferdi- 
 nand De Lesseps, though failing in his Panama Canal endeavor, must forever be 
 counted as one of the great men of his generation. He realized one dream. It was 
 beyond mortal strength that one man, however gifted and brave, should win a
 
 432 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 double immortality in constructing canals through the sands of Suez and the rocks 
 of Darien. He could not accomplish the impossible. That which is wonderful is 
 the gigantic work that was done before it was established that there was a formid- 
 able margin between the estimates covered by resources and the remainder. The 
 stupendous proportions of the task are now fully before the world, and the sur- 
 prise is, turning from the exaggeration of the failure of De Lesseps, to discover 
 the immensity which has been achieved." 
 
 After the failure of the old Panama Canal Company in February, 1889, the 
 property passed into the hands of a receiver, who, seeking to save from ruin the vast 
 number of subscribers of moderate means, referred the technical problems to a 
 "Comite d'Etudes" selected from among the best engineers of France. In May, 
 1890, this commission made an able report, indicating the numerous points which 
 demanded further investigation before final plans could be judiciously adopted, but 
 suggesting the general features of such a plan, based on a study of all existing 
 data. To make these further investigations a new company was organized in Octo- 
 ber, 1894; and since that date it has quietly prosecuted its labors and has now 
 collected all the information needed to command the confidence of engineers in its 
 definite project. It is to set forth this project, and to indicate its superiority to 
 anything possible in Nicaragua, that the present article is written. It may be proper 
 to add that the writer, as a member of a technical commission of engineers, made 
 last spring a careful examination of the entire route of the Panama Canal, and is 
 thus possessed of definite personal information, in some degree assisted by having 
 formerly traversed Nicaragua. The following are the essential features of this 
 project, endorsed, with some possible future modifications in detail, by a Comite 
 Technique, containing French, English, German, Russian and American engineers, 
 among them the chief engineers of the Manchester and of the Kiel ship canals. 
 
 The original plan contemplated placing the canal in the bed of the Chagres, 
 and conducting the river to the sea through artificial channels. This project was 
 long ago definitely abandoned, being replaced by the familiar system of locks and 
 dams which has been so often successfully applied to other rivers. Careful measure- 
 ments and studies of the regimen of this torrential stream have shown the system 
 to be entirely applicable to it, and that none of the constructions demanded will 
 exceed the limits of recognized engineering practice. To these advantages it should 
 be added that two good harbors already exist at the Atlantic and Pacific terminals; 
 that an American railway is in active operation parallel and in close proximity to 
 the line of the canal throughout its entire extent; that about 40 per cent of the 
 whole length has been actually excavated, and that great progress has been made
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 433 
 
 on the intermediate portions; and finally, that extensive preparations have already 
 Been made for accommodating the army of laborers which will be required on any 
 Isthmian canal. These reasons certainly demand that the comparative merits of 
 this route should be considered before adopting any other location for the canal 
 now generally believed to be essential to meet the needs of our Atlantic and Pacific 
 coasts. 
 
 In Nicaragua the general conditions are distinctly inferior. Two ports must 
 be artificially prepared; one at least of great practical difficulty, since nature has 
 already closed the old harbor. About 120 miles of railroad must be built, mostly 
 traversing a wilderness. Almost nothing has been done in the way of construction 
 or of preparation for the work. Of the whole length of 176 miles, 68 miles follow 
 the bed of a crooked river, where the prevailing trade winds and the currents result- 
 ing from the whole outflow of Lake Nicaragua will unite to aggravate the difficul- 
 ties of shipping in transit. The length of the route is about four times that of 
 the Panama Canal, adding proportionately to the time of passage; finally, at least 
 one dam is demanded, quite without precedent in our canal construction, besides 
 several miles of huge embankments in the San Francisco basin, where the founda- 
 tions are extremely bad, and where a rupture at any future time would entail verit- 
 able disasters. 
 
 But passing from generalities, the details of the Panama project will first be 
 considered. 
 
 The Canal Proper. — The total length is 75 kilometres (46.5 miles), of which 
 five (3.1 miles) lie in the Bay of Panama, between Isle Naos and La Boca. Of the 
 70 kilometres (43.4 miles) of inland construction, 24 kilometres (14.88 miles) on 
 the Atlantic side (between Colon and Bohio) and 7 kilometres (4.34 miles) on the 
 Pacific side (between La Boca and Miraflores) will be at the sea level, and of this '* 
 distance about 25 kilometres (15.5 miles) are now essentially excavated, thus there 
 remains only 38 kilometres (23.5 miles) to be traversed by the aid of locks; and 
 here also so much actual work has been done that no visitor can pass over the line 
 without appreciating that the canal can no longer be regarded as an experiment. 
 
 Of these 38 kilometres between Bohio and Miraflores, the first 22 (13.64 miles) 
 extending from Bohio to Obispo will traverse a vast lake 5,500 hectares (13,585 
 acres) in extent, created in the valley of the Chagres by a dam at Bohio. Its level 
 above the sea will range between a minimum of 16 metres (52.48 ft.) and a maxi- 
 mum of 20 metres (65.60 ft.), the normal level being 17 metres (55.76 ft.). A reser- 
 voir of 150 million cubic metres (52,950 million cu. ft.) is thus provided to con-
 
 434 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 trol in part the floods of the river. Access to the lake will be furnished by two 
 double locks at Bohio. 
 
 There thus will remain to be considered only the 16 kilometres (10 miles) 
 lying between Obispo, where the canal leaves the Chagres Eiver and Miraflores, 
 where sea-level is reached. This section includes the continental divide at the Cule- 
 bra, approached on the side of the Atlantic by the valley of the Obispo, a tributary 
 of the Chagres, and on the Pacific by the valley of the Eio Grande. The great 
 economic problem to solve has been to determine the most advantageous level for 
 the bottom of the canal between these two points, with a view to afford the best 
 balance between the coast and the time of constructing the locks and dams on the 
 one hand and deep cutting on the other. 
 
 This problem, with its adjuncts of how to best supply the summit level during 
 the dry season, how to regulate the floods of the Chagres during the rainy season, 
 and how to provide hydraulic power for lighting and operating the canal at all 
 seasons, has been most thoroughly studied on the spot by the new company since its 
 organization in 1894. Space is lacking to detail the trial excavations, aggregating 3 
 million cubic metres, the surveys, the borings, the gaugings of the water courses and 
 the many other details which have been investigated in the most elaborate manner. 
 Suffice it to say that, after comparative estimates of 16 variants, the Comite Tech- 
 nique has advised the adoption of a level of 20.75 metres (68 ft.) above mean tide, 
 which, should experience in the active prosecution of the work render it expedient, 
 will admit of modification, either by adding two more locks, raising the level of 
 the cut to 29.5 metres (97 ft.), or of suppressing one or perhaps two locks, and thus 
 reducing it to 10 metres (33 ft.). 
 
 This definitive plan, placing the bottom of the canal at a level of 20.75 metres, 
 involves two double locks at Obispo, raising the water surface at the summit level 
 to a maximum of 31.25 metres (102.5 ft.) and a minimum of 29.75 metres (97.58 
 ft.); one double lock at Paraiso dropping these levels to 23.25 metres (76.26 ft.) and 
 22.25 metres (72.98 ft.), two double locks at Pedro-Miguel, dropping them to 6.25 
 metres (20.5 ft.) and 5.25 metres (18.22 ft.); and a tidal lock at Miraflores, where 
 the water level varies between 3 metres, or 10 ft. above, and 3 metres below mean 
 tide. (On the Atlantic side the tidal oscillation is only a few inches, and no such 
 provision is needful.) The length of these levels in every case exceeds 2 kilometres 
 (1.24 miles}^ thus avoiding trouble from oscillations due to lockages. In reference 
 to the deep cutting at Culebra — the bugbear of former days — it is only needful to 
 say that the excavation has already been carried belo.w the level of the soft upper 
 strata, which gives so much trouble by sliding, and is now and will continue to be
 
 THE PAXAMA CAXAL. 
 
 435 
 
 in an indurated clay schist, reqniring blasting, and passing to veritable rock. Se- 
 rious trouble need no longer be apprehended here. This problem has been studied 
 most thoroughly by the new company — inTolving the removal of. about 2 million 
 cubic metres of material, the sinking of many pits and borings, and the construction 
 at the worst point of a tunnel 210 metres long (689 ft.) at a level of 41 metres 
 (134.5 ft.). 
 
 In locating the line of the canal, great care has been taken to avoid abrupt 
 curves. A minimum radius of 2,500 metres (8,200 ft.) is adopted for the central 
 cut, and of 3,000 metres (9,840 ft.) for the rest of the line, except near Bohio, where 
 radii of 2,500 metres and 2,000 metres (6,560 ft.) occur in enlargements having a 
 bottom width of 62 metres (203.4 ft.), and near Obispo, where one radius of 1,700 
 metres (5,576 ft.) occurs with a bottom width of 80 metres (262.4 ft.). Even with 
 the large standard curves adopted, suitable enlargements will be provided to render 
 the route perfect in this important detail, in respect to vrhich it is more favored 
 by nature than either Kiel or Manchester, as appears from the following figures: 
 
 Man- 
 chester. 
 
 Total length, kilos 54 
 
 Minimum radius, metres 571 
 
 Normal radius, metres 
 
 Length, straight 63% 
 
 Curvature: 
 
 2,500 metres ormore 15% 
 
 Less than 2,500 metres 22% 
 
 2,000 metres or more 27% 
 
 Less than 2,000 metres 10% 
 
 ^n 
 
 Pana- 
 
 Nicara- 
 
 Kiel. 
 
 ma. 
 
 gua. 
 
 98.6 
 
 74.5 
 
 284 
 
 1,000 
 
 1,700 
 
 
 • • • 
 
 j 2,500* 
 1 3,000t 
 
 i,220§ 
 
 
 1,311$ 
 
 63% 
 
 57% 
 
 
 • • • 
 
 41% 
 
 
 
 2% 
 
 
 29% 
 
 42% 
 
 
 8% 
 
 1% 
 
 
 *Central. fEIsewhere. §Eastern divide. $Western divide. 
 
 The cross-section to be given the canal varies in different localities, as shown 
 in the following table: The depth is uniformly 9 metres (29.52 ft.); and the side 
 slopes usually 3 base to 2 height in earth, and 2 base to 3 height in rocky cuts. 
 In respect to berms and revetments, the latest practice, as recommended by the 
 recent International Congress of Engineers at Brussels, will be followed. 
 
 -Earth 
 
 Section, 
 sq. m. 
 
 Colon to Bohio 406.5 
 
 Lake Bohio (minimum) 571.5 
 
 Summit level 379.5 
 
 Paraiso to Pedro Miguel 406.5 
 
 Pedro Miguel to Miraflores 406.5 
 
 Miraflores to La Boca* 720.0 
 
 Bay of Panama (low tide) 693.0 
 
 
 Rocky cuts 
 
 Bottom 
 
 
 Bottom 
 
 width, 
 
 Section, 
 
 width, 
 
 metres. 
 
 sq. m. 
 
 metres. 
 
 30 
 
 380.2 
 
 34 
 
 50 
 
 53L0 
 
 53 
 
 36 
 
 379.5 
 
 36 
 
 30 
 
 380.2 
 
 34 
 
 30 
 
 380.2 
 
 34 
 
 30 
 
 
 • • 
 
 50 
 
 
 • • 
 
 *Low tide.
 
 436 THE PxVXAMA CANAL. 
 
 Enlargements 600 metres (1,968 ft.) long and 60 metres (196.8 ft.) wide at 
 bottom, to enable vessels to pass each other, will be provided in the canal at intervals 
 of about 8 kilometres (4.96 miles); but immediately above and below the locks 
 these dimensions will be raised to 700 metres (2,296 ft.), and 62 metres (203.4 ft.). 
 
 The Locks. — The locks, all founded on rock, are to be double, the larger cham- 
 ber having a serviceable length of 225 metres (738 ft.), a width of 25 metres (82 ft.), 
 and a depth of 9.5 metres (31.16 ft.) at the sides, and 10 metres (32.8 ft.) at the 
 middle. The smaller chamber has the same serviceable length, with intermediate 
 gates to reduce it to 130 metres (426.4 ft.) when desired; a width of 18 metres 
 (59.04 ft.); and the same depth as the other. The larger will be constructed first, 
 together with the foundations and head of the smaller, thus permitting the latter 
 to be completed after opening the canal to traffic. The maximum lift has been fixed 
 at 9 metres (29.5 ft.), except at Bohio, where provision for 10 metres (32.8 ft.) will 
 be made, for use during extreme floods of the Chagres, which last only for a few 
 hours. 
 
 The gates will be pivoted single leaf type, and water will be supplied by pipes 
 buried in the lock floors and delivering on each side and throughout the whole 
 length of the chamber, the flow being regulated by valves of the low level cylindrical 
 pattern. Entrance to the chambers from either direction will be facilitated by crib 
 piers, 60 metres long, with detached heads to protect the structure against shocks. 
 
 The Dams. — There will be six dams, five located on the line of the canal at 
 Bohio, at Obispo, at Paraiso, at Pedro-Miguel and at Miraflores, and one at Alha- 
 juela, 16 kilometres (10 miles) above, on the upper Chagres. Of these only the 
 first and last need be considered, as the other four are minor affairs presenting no 
 engineering difficulties (three of them are to be of masonry and one of earth). 
 
 The dam at Bohio will be of earth, abutting on conglomerate rock at the sides, 
 and founded on a compact bed of clay, believed to be diluvial. The length of the 
 crest will be 392 metres (1.286 ft.); the extreme height above the bed of the river, 
 23 metres (75.4 ft.), and above the foundation 28.5 metres (93.5 ft.). The width 
 at the crest which rises 3 metres (10 ft.) above the highest level of the lake, will be 
 15 metres (49.2 ft.); the upstream slope has a height of 1 on a base of 3, with four 
 berms each 3 metres (10 ft.) wide, the whole revetted with stone laid dry; the 
 downstream slope has a height of 2 on a base of 3, with one berm 3 metres wide, 
 and is supported by a mass of loose rock rising to a sufficient height to protect the 
 dam if, in spite of all precautions, it should chance to be overtopped by a sudd:n 
 flood during construction. A puddled core, and a concrete wall at the upper toe, 
 will cut off any possible leakage. The mass of the dam will be of excellent material,
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 437 
 
 found in the close vicinity. During construction the river will be diverted through 
 the rock cut for the locks, with ample provisions by reservoirs for combating larger 
 floods. All the details have been carefully studied, and the project has received the 
 unanimous approval of the Comite Technique. 
 
 The dam at Alhajuela will be of concrete masonry founded on and abutting 
 against compact rock. The length of crest will be 285.5 metres (936.4 ft.); and 
 the height, 41 metres (134.5 ft.) above the bed of the river and 50 metres (164 ft.) 
 above the deepest part of the rock foundation. The cross-section conforms to the 
 conditions of recent engineering practice. 
 
 To facilitate construction, a tunnel 300 metres (984 ft.) long and 75 square 
 metres (807 sq. ft.) in cross-section will be driven through the ridge to a bend of 
 the river below, and a temporary dam will divert into it the minor flood discharges 
 of the river. To meet the case of larger floods, the dam will be raised alternately 
 on the two sides, thus allowing space for a portion to be overflowed without inter- 
 rupting the work. These details have been carefully studied, and meet the approval 
 of the Comite Technique. 
 
 Engineers will recognize the immense advantages possessed by the Panama 
 route, in the matter of dam construction, over the conditions found in Nicaragua, 
 where the diversion of the San Juan Eiver is admitted to be impracticable, and 
 where the foundations present extraordinary difficulties and demand an unusual 
 structure quite without precedent for canal purposes. 
 
 Regulation of the Chagres Eiver. — This subject, comprising the control of 
 the floods and the supply of the summit level, has received the elaborate investiga- 
 tion demanded by its importance. Space is lacking for details, but the general 
 features are the following: 
 
 At Alhajuela the low water surface of the river is 28 metres (91.84 ft.) above 
 sea level; at Gamboa, 14 metres (46 ft.); and at Bohio, metres. The mean annual 
 discharges at these three points respectively are 63 cubic metres (2,224 cu. ft.), 84 
 cubic metres (2,965 eu. ft.), and 121 cubic metres (4,261 cu. ft.) per second. During 
 the three low water months (February, March and April) these mean volumes fall 
 to 27 cubic metres (953 cu. ft.), 31 cubic metres (1,094 cu. ft.), and 39 cubic 
 metres (1,376 cu. ft.), the minimum being 9 cubic metres (318 cu. ft.), 10 cubic 
 metres (353 cu. ft.), and 14 cubic metres (459 cu. ft.). The maximum flood volumes 
 closely estimated on the basis of the floods of 1879, the largest within the mem- 
 ory of the inhabitants, is at Gamboa 2,040, cubic metres (57,539 cu. ft.) per second, 
 and at Bohio 3,100 cubic metres (109,410 cu. ft.). The floods of the river, great and 
 small, are of the torrential type, resulting from the heavy and widespread tempests
 
 438 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 of the rainy season. Their duration is extremely short, rarely exceeding in the 
 greatest floods 48 hours at Gamboa and 96 hours at Bohio. The maximum heights 
 ever attained above the low water stage are about 11 metres (36.1 ft.) at Gamboa, 
 and 12 metres (39.36 ft.) at Bohio. These figures, resulting from years of patient 
 and careful observations, have furnished the basis for solving the two great ques' 
 tions of river regulation presented by the problem of the canal. 
 
 Upon an estimate, known to be safe, of allowing 1,000 cubic metres (35,300 cu. 
 ft.) per second to freely pass Gamboa and 1,300 cubic metres (42,360 cu. ft.) to 
 freely pass Bohio, reservoirs to contain 100 million cubic metres (3,500,000,000 cu. 
 ft.) above Alhajuela, and 150 million cubic metres (5,295,000,000 cu. ft.) above 
 Bohio are needful to restrain the greatest known floods; and these reservoirs are 
 provided by the dams already described. In no other than the flood of 1879 would 
 so large volumes be demanded. 
 
 The level of these lakes to be regulated by overflow weirs of the Stoney type, 
 which have given perfect satisfaction on the Manchester Canal, and which have the 
 great merit of allowing the sills to be placed below the water surface without serious 
 leakage. 
 
 The volume of 1,000 cubic metres (35,300 cu. ft.) per second permitted to pass 
 Alhajuela will follow the bed of the Chagres to Lake Bohio. The volume of 1,200 
 cubic metres (42,360 cu. ft.) allowed to escape from the latter, will pass by two over- 
 flow weirs — one to the left of the canal discharging 500 cubic metres (17,650 cu. 
 ft.) per second through the bed of the Chagres and its derivation; and the other 
 at the sources of Rio Gigante discharging 700 cubic metres (24,710 cu. ft.) by a 
 route also separated from the canal. 
 
 To supply the summit level during the season of low water, the inflow of 20 
 cubic metres (706 cu. ft.) per second will be required. To provide 7,000 horse- 
 power for lighting the canal and operating the gates, 15 cubic metres (530 cu. ft.) 
 per second are demanded, falling 32 metres (105 ft.) at Alhajuela, and 16 metres 
 (52.5 ft.) at Bohio, and acting on turbines driving dynamos to transmit the power 
 in the form of electricity. The reservoir capacity, in excess of the low water flow 
 of the Chagres, to supply these two needs, is 130 million cubic metres (4,589 million 
 cu. ft.). The area of the lake above Alhajuela is 2,300 hectares (5,750 acres) at the 
 level of 61 metres (200 ft.) above tide water and 3,000 hectares (7,500 acres) at the 
 level of 65 metres (213 ft.), the crest being 69 metres (226 ft.), calling for a layer of 
 water 9 metres (29.5 ft.) deep to contain 100 million cubic metres for flood storage 
 and 13'0 million for low water supply. Upon this basis the capacity of the lake has 
 been regulated.
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 430 
 
 To transport the needful vohime of water (20 cubic metres per second) from 
 Alliajuela to the summit level, a feeder 16 kilometres (10 miles) long will leave 
 the lake at a level of 58 metres (190.3 ft.) above tide, and follow the left bank to a 
 lateral valley, discharging gently into the summit level about a kilometre (0.62 
 miles) from the locks at Obispo. The fall between the lake and point of delivery 
 will be 17 metres (55.8 ft.), and the cross-section is established to carry from 25 
 (882) to 40 cubic metres (1,412 cu. ft.) per second, with a view to meeting all pos- 
 sible contingencies of a largely increased traffic. At these heights water will flow 
 into the canal even if the higher summit level should finally be found to be the 
 more advantageous. The feeder traverses a difficult region and will be costly, but 
 all details of construction have been successfully elaborated. 
 
 At Lake Bohio, as already stated, a capacity of 150 million cubic metres is 
 needed for storage during great floods, and to assist the overflow weirs in regu- 
 lating the level during the sudden influx of smaller floods. This volume calls for a 
 layer of water 3 metres (10 ft.) deep; and another metre has been added, to contain 
 a reserve for supplying evaporation in the lake during the dry season. 
 
 From the foregoing it will be seen that the hydraulic problems presented by 
 this turbulent river — at one time regarded as so serious — admit of satisfactory solu- 
 tion. This is hardly the case in Nicaragua, where one of the great difficulties of the 
 project is the regulation of a summit level depending on that of an immense lake 
 2,700 square miles in extent, receiving directly the drainage of 8,700 square miles 
 of territory, together with that of 2,250 square miles more through the tributaries 
 of the San Juan Eiver above the dam at Ochoa; conditions which render the ordi- 
 nary method of storage reservoirs wholly inapplicable. Nevertheless a delicate 
 regulation of this level, and at an artificial height, is essential to avoid on the one 
 hand drowning a cultivated district on the west shore, and on the other hand ex- 
 posing rocks in the navigable bed of the San Juan. These difficulties are ag^a- 
 vated by the necessity of placing the overflow weirs near Ochoa, at a distance of 
 more than 100 kilometres (62 miles) from the lake. 
 
 In this connection it may also be noted that in the matter of rainfall the Pan- 
 ama Canal is the more fortunate. All the difficult excavations and works of con- 
 struction, except those near Bohio, lie in the interior where the annual downfall, 
 as determined by 32 years of observation, is 93 ins., or only about 50 per cent, more 
 than on our Gulf coast; while in Nicaragua, the most difficult constructions, includ- 
 ing the Ochoa dam and the San Francisco embankments, lie in a district where the 
 downfall, as determined from the data collected by the Nicaragua Canal Company 
 (about seven years' observations), is 256 ins., or nearly three times as much.
 
 140 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 Estimates. — This subject has received the most careful study, both in deter- 
 mining quantities and unit prices. Much valuable data as to the latter, based on 
 actual experience on the Isthmus, has been available. The cost of each different 
 project, and there have been sixteen different variants, has been estimated in detail, 
 and a selection between them has thus been reached intelligently. The sum needed 
 for the work of construction proper is, in round numbers, $100,000,000. The ele- 
 ment of time is more difficult to determine, but the volume remaining to be exca- 
 vated at the Culebra being a little less than 12 million cubic metres (15,600,000 cu. 
 yds.), it is believed that ten years is a conservative estimate. 
 
 The Nicaragua Canal. — To the general relative merits of the two canals already 
 considered may be added that the Panama route lies in the interior of Colombia, 
 while that by Nicaragua lies near the Costa Eican boundary, where hostilities are 
 liable, at any time to cause difficulties, as they already have done during the canal 
 examination by the "Walker commission last spring. Also that in respect to danger 
 from possible earthquakes, which might easily cause trouble at the great locks, Pan- 
 ama is by far the more safe, because no active volcano is found within a distance of 
 at least 200 miles from it, while three lie in the close vicinity of the route of the 
 Nicaragua Canal, and one within only forty miles of its western locks. Last April an 
 earthquake destroyed substantial masonry buildings at Leon, only 100 miles distant 
 from these lock sites. 
 
 But while it is thus easy lo compare the two canals in their general features, 
 and to see that the route by Panama is much superior to that by Nicaragua, when 
 details are considered, we are confronted by the fact that really no definite project 
 can be claimed for the latter. The company's project, as revised by the Govern- 
 ment Commission, of which General Ludlow was president, is shown on the accom- 
 panying drawing, which may be compared with that given to illustrate the Panama 
 project; but it should be noted that the latter has double the horizontal scale, thus 
 failing to impress the eye, by fifty per cent., with its relative merit in respect to 
 length. The data upon which this project was based were so unsatisfactory to the 
 Ludlow Commission that they reported: "for obtaining the necessary data for the 
 formation of a final project, eighteen months' time, covering two dry seasons, and 
 an expenditure of $350,000, will be required." A new commission has been ap- 
 pointed, and new surveys inaugurated; and it appears from the views of the indi- 
 vidual members, as given before the select committee of the Senate in June, 1898, 
 that the changes undergoing study are radical in their nature, and that, although 
 some at least of the engineering difficulties which impressed the former Government 
 Commission are recognized as grave, no means of avoiding them have yet been dis-
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 441 
 
 covered. Under these conditions it is apparent that confidence cannot be accorded 
 to such a project; and that really there is only one canal, that of Panama, whose 
 construction could be judiciously undertaken at the present time. It is to be hoped 
 before the Government embarks on so important a work that the relative merits 
 of the two routes will be examined and judged by a commission of expert engineers, 
 for it is certain that only one canal is now needed, and that that one should be the 
 best possible. 
 
 One of the discussions of the people that has accompanied the thoughtful at- 
 tention of mankind to the various schemes for the practical removal of the barrier 
 between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans unbroken north of the Straits of Magellan — 
 well described as an enormous canal provided by natural causes — ^is the compara- 
 tive height of the water in the two oceans that are so near and yet so far, at the 
 Isthmus, and this mysterious matter is treated according to the popular taste in 
 "Sport, Travel and Adventure in Newfoundland and the "West Indies," by Capt. 
 "W. E. Kennedy, E. N.; "William Blackwood & Sons, Edinburgh and London, as 
 follows: 
 
 "This opens the question as to what effect the Panama Canal will have upon 
 the tides and currents of the Caribbean Sea. One would naturally suppose that the 
 water in the canal would flow continually from east to west, or from the Atlantic 
 to the Pacific Ocean, on account of the constant set of the current and the prevail- 
 ing winds being from that direction. The difference in the height of the tide at 
 Colon and Panama is. very remarkable. At the former place the rise and fall of 
 the tide is only three feet; whereas at Panama the difference between high and 
 low water mark is, as far as I remember, nearly twenty. The tide is nine hours 
 later at Colon than it is at Panama, so that when it is high or low water at Pan- 
 ama it is half-tide at Colon. 
 
 "As a matter of fact, I am inclined to think that in the event of what is called 
 a tide-level being cut through the Isthmus — that is, a canal without locks, open to 
 the ocean at either end — there would be no continuous stream of water flowing 
 through the canal in any one direction, but the result would probably be that the 
 tides would flow in from either end, meet in the middle and flow back again, as 
 piay be seen in the Straits of Magellan, which, after all, is biit a huge canal of 
 Nature's own construction. 
 
 "It is quite possible that the rush of water may be so great as to seriously inter- 
 fere with the passage of ships entering the canal, in vrhich case it will be necessary 
 to form a lock at the Panama end. It may even be necessary, in view of the differ- 
 ence in the depth of the harbors at either end, to slope the bottom of the canal from
 
 442 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 Colon downwards to Panama. This, according to Max Adler's laughable story, * 
 would have the effect of causing the water to flow downhill, thereby draining the 
 Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean! 
 
 "But, joking apart, the tendency of the water must be to find its own level, 
 and if it can be shown that the mean level of the two oceans is not identical, there 
 must be a constant flow in the direction of the lowest level. 
 
 "Now, it is not at all certain that the mean level of the Pacific and Atlantic 
 oceans is the same; and it is quite possible that, owing to the rotation of the earth 
 on its axis, and the formation of the land in the neighborhood of the isthmus, the 
 water may be piled up on the Atlantic side and drawn away from the Pacific side. 
 A glance at the map will show what I mean. And we all know how a strong breeze 
 will keep a river back, or, if in the same direction as the flow of the river, will 
 drive it out of a lock and thus raise the river; so this theory may not be so absurd 
 after all. I leave it to those learned in such matters. 
 
 "There is another view of the case which never struck me till now. Geologists 
 are of the opinion that at one time the Isthmus of Panama was submerged, and 
 South America an island. They are led to this conclusion by the totally different 
 class of animals to be found in South and North America. At that time the Gulf 
 stream which now warms our shores must have flowed westward through this chan- 
 nel, and the British Isles were a frozen zone unsuited for human habitation. Cut 
 through the isthmus, and the warm waters of the Gulf stream may to a very limited 
 extent be deflected in the direction of their former course. The effect would be 
 probably no more than drawing off a kettle of water from the river Tweed, and 
 the immediate effect on our climate be imperceptible; but it might to a very 
 trifling extent have some influence — about as much, perhaps, as the endeavor to 
 shampoo an elephant with a single egg! 
 
 "I was led to this diversion from my recollection of the canal scheme twelve 
 years ago, when I was ordered to report on its feasibility. At that time there were 
 no fewer than five schemes for connecting the Pacific with the Atlantic Ocean. I 
 sorted these schemes, and came to the conclusion that the only one likely to be 
 attended with any success was a direct tide-level canal across the Isthmus of Pan- 
 ama. I shall be disappointed if this opinion be found not to be correct." 
 
 We avail ourselves of the official publications by the New Panama Canal Com- 
 pany for details of the condition of the work done, supported by photographic 
 views remarkably beautiful and instructive. First, it is desirable to look at the law, 
 
 *Elbow-Room. By Max Adler.
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 443 
 
 and we give Articles 5 and 6 of the Panama Canal concession of May 18, 1878, under 
 which the canal is being completed: 
 
 Art. 5. The government of the Republic hereby declares the ports at each 
 end of the canal, and the waters of the latter from sea to sea, to be neutral for all 
 time; and consequently, in case of war among other nations, the transit through 
 the canal shall not be interrupted by such event, and the merchant vessels and indi- 
 viduals of all nations of the world may enter said ports and travel on the canal with- 
 out being molested or detained. 
 
 In general, any vessel may pass freely without any discrimination, exclusion 
 or preference of nationalities or persons, on payment of the dues and the observance 
 of the rules established by the company for the use of the canal and its dependen- 
 cies. 
 
 Exception is to be made of foreign troops which shall not have the right to 
 pass without permission from Congress, and of the vessels of nations which, being 
 at war with the United States of Colombia, may not have obtained the right to 
 pass through the canal at all times by public treaties wherein is guaranteed the 
 sovereignty of Colombia over the Isthmus of Panama, and over the territory where- 
 on the canal is to be cut, besides the immunity and neutrality of the said canal, its 
 ports, bays and dependencies and the adjacent seas. 
 
 Art. 6. The United States of Colombia reserves to themselves the right to 
 pass their vessels, troops, ammunitions of war at all times and without paying any 
 dues whatever. 
 
 The passage of the canal is strictly closed to war vessels of nations at war with 
 another or other nations, and which may not have acquired, by public treaty with 
 the Colombian Government, the right to pass by the canal at all times. 
 
 The United States of America is the only nation with which Colombia has 
 ever made a treaty wherein is guaranteed to Colombia the neutrality of the Isthmus 
 of Panama and the sovereignty of Colombia over said territory, as above provided; 
 and, therefore, it is the only nation having the "special or remarkable advantages" 
 provided for by the treaty. 
 
 Under this treaty Colombia granted concession to the Panama Railroad, which 
 railroad was thereupon constructed and for forty-three years has been in continuous 
 operation. On several noteworthy occasions the United States has protected the 
 railroad property, in compliance with the obligations of ihis treaty. 
 
 Also, in contemplation of the provisions of this treaty, Colombia granted in 
 1878 the concession for the Panama Canal now owned by the new Panama Canal 
 Company; and like protection to the canal, as to the railroad, will, of course, be
 
 444 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 assured by tlie United States under this treaty. Over $150,000,000 have been 
 actually invested in the Panama Canal works, two-fifths of the entire canal work 
 have been completed, and the balance is under active construction, in firm reliance 
 upon the protection assured by the United States under said treaty to the "Isthmus 
 of Panama from its southernmost extremity until the boundary of Costa Eica." 
 
 The present organization of the new Panama Canal Company is as follows: 
 
 Executive Officers: J. Bonnardel, President; Maurice Hutin, Director-Gen- 
 eral; Edward Lampre, Secretary. 
 
 Board of Directors: Mr. Bonnardel, President, director of the Western Rail- 
 road Company of France; Mr. Baillet, ex-judge of the Commercial Court of Or- 
 leans; Mr. Brolemann, director of the Credit Lyonnais, and also president of the 
 Franco-Canadian Credit Foncier; Mr. Chanove, managing director of the Steel and 
 Iron Works of Huta and Bankova, in Russia; Mr. Jonquiere, inspector of Public 
 Lands and Works, and director of the Realty Company of Lyons, France; Mr. 
 Lebegue, director of the Bank Societe Generale and ex-director of the Bank of 
 France (Branch for Nancy); Mr. Meliodon, director of the Comptoir National d'Es- 
 compte of Paris and of the Credit Foncier of France; Mr. Ramet, ex-president of 
 the Commercial Court of Rennes, France; Mr. De St. Quentin, director of the 
 Credit Industrial Commercial; Mr. Souehon, director of the Coal Mining Company 
 of Saint Etienne. 
 
 Commercial Representative at New York: Xavier Boyard, 45 Wall Street, New 
 York City. 
 
 General Counsel: Sullivan & Cromwell, United States Trust Co. Building, 45 
 Wall Street, New York City. 
 
 The photographic illustrations belong in picturesque America, and are most 
 effective in placing before the eye that which has been done. The illustrations 
 were made from photographs (not merely drawings) of various sections of the work, 
 taken the latter part of the year 1897 and in the year 1898, and are intended to 
 convey to the reader some idea of the present condition and progress of work on the 
 canal. 
 
 The plate showing a portion of the completed canal, with a boat in the fore- 
 ground, illustrates the condition of the canal for fourteen miles from the Atlantic, 
 inland. This portion of the canal is navigable, as is also about four miles from the 
 Pacific, inland. 
 
 The various cuts of the Culebra completely refute the charge that it was im- 
 possible to make a suitable excavation at this point. 
 
 The other illustrations show the progress of the work and the character of the
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 445 
 
 plant employed in its execution. Most of this machinery and plant is of the most 
 approved American design and manufacture. 
 
 MAP AND PROFILE. 
 
 The profile shows the three plans all equally feasible and about equal in cost, 
 but differing in time required for execution. Level 20.75 has been adopted, sub- 
 jected to further reduction of the number of locks if found desirable in comple- 
 tion. 
 
 It also illustrates the large proportion of work already completed, and clearly 
 indicates, by dotted lines, the original surface line (indicated in black) and the cut- 
 ting down of the same to the present levels (indicated in red). 
 
 The map shows the route of the canal from ocean to ocean, and the line of the 
 Panama Railroad, which is contiguous. 
 
 International Technical Commission, composed of engineers of United States, 
 France, Russia, England, Germany and Colombia: Mr. A. Robaglia, General In- 
 spector of Bridges and Roads (France), retired. President; *Mr. Bouvier, General 
 Inspector of Bridges and Roads (France), retired. Secretary; Brig-Gen. Henry L. 
 Abbot, Corps of Engineers, U. S. Army, retired; Mr. E. Castel, General Inspector 
 of Mines (France), retired; Mr. V. Daymard, Chief Engineer of Transatlantique 
 Co. (France); Mr. Fargue, General Inspector of Bridges and Roads (France), re- 
 tired; Mr. A. Fetley, Chief Engineer, Aqueduct Commissioners, New York City, 
 United States America; Mr. Fulscher, "Conseiller in time" at the Department of 
 Public Works of Prussia, formerly Engineering Director at the works of the Kiel 
 Canal (Prussia); Mr. Hersent, Civil Engineer (France); Mr. W. Henry Hunter, 
 Chief Engineer of the Manchester Canal Co. (England); Mr. Koch, Councillor De- 
 partment of Public Works, Director of the Technical Academy of Darmstadt, for- 
 merly Engineering Member of the Imperial Commission for the Kiel Canal 
 (Prussia); Mr. Jules Martin, Inspector General of Fonts et Chaussees, retired 
 (France); Mr. C. Skalkowski, formerly Director of Mines for the Department of 
 Agriculture and Lands (Russia); *Mr. Sosa, Chief Engineer of Colombian States 
 (South America). 
 
 Brief history of the predecessor company, the old Panama Canal Company (the 
 Universal Interoceanic Canal Company), 1880-1888: 
 
 PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 The widespread interest in the financial failure of the old Panama Company 
 
 *Recently deceased.
 
 446 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 can be explained by the universal character of the undertaking, the celebrity of the 
 man who was at its head, and the importance of the interests involved. 
 
 In France this failure, unfortunately, served at the time certain political pur- 
 poses; therefore public attention was diverted from the undertaking itself. 
 
 It must, however, be conceded that the construction of the interoceanic canal 
 is a commercial enterprise like any other. For its successful planning and execution 
 every detail must first be carefully studied. The solution to be arrived at should 
 not be based upon preconceived ideas, however attractive these may appear. Such 
 a method is dangerous, especially so in an undertaking, which in its greatness, diffi- 
 culties and complexity, has no precedent. 
 
 An impartial examination of the financial failure of the company founded by 
 Mr, De Lesseps discloses a number of causes which had more or less grave conse- 
 quences, speaking either from a financial or technical point of view, but all relate 
 to an initial or fundamental cause, that is, from its beginning there was an omission 
 to make careful and thorough surveys to determine the character and cost of the 
 work, as well as the time necessary to complete it. 
 
 It would be unjust, however, to underestimate the importance of the work ac- 
 complished, and the results obtained, by the old company. They will be fully pre- 
 sented later herein. 
 
 THE INTEENATIONAL CONGEESS HELD AT PAEIS IN MAY, 1879. 
 
 Notwithstanding its extreme interest, it is not possible even to summarize the 
 history of the discoveries, explorations and plans of maritime canals on the Amer- 
 ican Isthmus prior to the year 1879, at which time an international congress met in 
 Paris and, after an examination of the several plans which had been presented, 
 adopted the following conclusion: 
 
 "The Congress is of the opinion that the cutting of an international sea level 
 canal, so desirable in the interests of commerce and of navigation, is possible, and 
 that this maritime canal, in order to provide the indispensable facility for access 
 and use that a passage of this kind should offer, ought to be constructed from the 
 Gulf of Limon (Colon) to the Bay of Panama." 
 
 The conclusion of the Technical Commission of this Congress were slightly less 
 formal, and were thus expressed: 
 
 "It is the opinion of the Technical Commission that the Interoceanic Canal 
 should be constructed from the Gulf of Limon to the Bay of Panama, and this 
 Commission specially recommends the building of a sea level canal along this route/'
 
 THEATRE AT SAN JOSE, COSTA MCA. 
 
 SCHOOL HOUSE IN SAN J USE, COSTA RICA, 
 
 ^^P^' 
 
 
 VIEW ON SAN JUAN RIVER, COSTA RICA 
 
 PIER AT GREYTOWN, NICARAGUA.
 
 THE PANAIkIA CANAL. 449 
 
 Reference to the debates which took place in the Congress of 1879 discloses 
 that although a great majority of its members recognized the superiority of the 
 proposed plan (Colon-Panama) many among them, and not the least eminent and 
 experienced, declare, that if the realization of the plan of a sea level canal was to be 
 urged because it was most conducive to the great growth of traffic, as well as to 
 the safety and rapidity of its passage, it was to be feared that this would present 
 too many difficulties, or too great a cost, and that a canal with locks would fully 
 satisfy the wants of navigation. 
 
 No doubt the personal opinion of Mr. De Lesseps, the originator of the Suez 
 sea level canal, had great weight in the decision of the Congress. Mr. De Lesseps 
 had always asserted that the canal between the Atlantic and Pacific should be con- 
 structed at a constant level. 
 
 We are compelled to admit that the completed surveys and work accomplished 
 in the Isthmus of Panama undeniably demonstrates that Mr. De Lesseps' ideal is 
 now practically susceptible of realization; but Mr. De Lesseps was entirely mis- 
 taken concerning the conditions of execution in the first attempt he made. 
 
 The Congress of 1879 had calculated that the time for the finishing of the 
 canal would be at least twelve years, and it fixed the probable expense of the under- 
 taking at $214,000,000. Supposing that the interest on capital during construction 
 amounted to $26,000,000, there would be a total expenditure of $240,000,000. 
 
 Mr. De Lesseps, in the beginning of the year 1880, went to the Isthmus of 
 Panama with a company of engineers for the purpose of completing the surveys 
 which had been submitted the preceding year to the International Congress. The 
 estimate of the construction work proper authorized by this Commission amounted 
 to $106,800,000. 
 
 At the same time this Commission expressed the opinion that with good and 
 judicious organization the work might be concluded in eight years. Mr. De Les- 
 seps believed it to be possible to reduce this estimate of expenditures. 
 
 It was under these conditions that the work was commenced in 1881. After 
 employing two or three years in making more careful and thorough surveys, and 
 in preparatory work, the real difficulties of the undertaking began to be under- 
 stood. 
 
 It must be remembered that everything had to be created, at an enormous ex- 
 pense and very sloM'ly, in a country entirely lacking in natural resources, and sit- 
 uated at a great distance from the source of supplies.
 
 450 ' THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 It must be recalled, also, that there had been great want of foresight, in pro- 
 portion to the importance of the work, and this explains the grave consequences 
 which ensued. Notwithstanding the existence of the Panama Railroad along the 
 line of the canal at nearly every portion of it, the first installation was extremely 
 tedious and costly. Finally it was necessary to construct a large number of build- 
 ings to house about 15,000 employes and workmen; hospitals, stores and workshops 
 had to be erected. All of this plant and the preparation of the equipment had al- 
 ready cost enormous sums, and required a considerable length of time before the 
 actual excavation of the work could be commenced. These special difficulties every- 
 where encountered in the Isthmus were inevitable. It was then impossible to find 
 proper workmen in the neighborhood of the work. Considerable effort was neces- 
 sary to obtain laborers from other countries and bring them to the Isthmus, and, 
 in proportion as the work grew in extent, salaries increased, as well as the cost of 
 everything. 
 
 At that time the unhealthfulness of the climate, due, in a large measure, to the 
 excavation and uplifting of the surface of the ground, also interfered with the 
 progress of the work. 
 
 To-day, on the Isthmus of Panama, the sanitary conditions have much im- 
 proved because of the opening of the canal, and also on account of the deep exca- 
 vations below the surface, and no difficully whatever is now felt from the climate, 
 while labor is readily obtained from Jamaica. 
 
 The construction of an interoceanic canal presented problems extremely diffi- 
 cult of solution, since, by the very nature of things, the indispensable elements for 
 all preliminary investigations were lacking. To definitely solve these problems the 
 results of many years of observation and experience was required. Just this very 
 fhing occurred at Panama, particularly in the excavation of the large cut at Culebra. 
 The first surveys indicated the mountain to be solid rock, while, on the contrary, 
 a layer of clayey soil was very soon encountered (the crumbling away of which has 
 been greatly exaggerated). At the present time the excavations of the new com- 
 pany, which have been carried to a very considerable depth, prove that the entire 
 formation, with the exception of the surface layer, consists of a fairly hard rock of 
 such nature and arrangement that there is no fear of crumbling of the embank- 
 ment and consequent filling up of the cut, no matter what its depth may be. It 
 is, of course, impossible to enter here into the details of the work done by the old 
 company. It is sufficient to know that, when the old company at length decided 
 to build a lock canal, it was financially impossible to do so, because its credit was so 
 greatly impaired that it could not obtain the necessary financial support. In 1889
 
 THE PANAMA CAKAL. 451 
 
 a receiver was appointed by the Frencli court and with unlimited powers — partic- 
 ularly to transfer or to assign to any new company all or any portion of the com- 
 pany's assets. 
 
 The receipts of the old company from the sale of its bonds and stock amounted, 
 in round figures, to $260,000,000. 
 
 The items, both of receipt and expenditure, are now a matter of record as a part 
 of the receivership and may be found on the files of the court and in the reports 
 of the experts appointed thereon. 
 
 These figures are most suggestive. They show, in the first place, that the 
 expenditures actually made upon the Isthmus amounted to $156,400,000, and that, 
 of this, the cost of excavation and embankment proper amounted to $88,600,000. 
 In the second place, the reports show the great importance of expenditures inci- 
 dental to and connected with the work. Xo doubt such last-mentioned expenses 
 were to some extent extravagant, but, nevertheless, it must be admitted that, for 
 the most part, they were necessary and will be utilized in the completion of the 
 work by the new company. 
 
 To properly appreciate these expenses the plans and profiles must be carefully 
 followed. 
 
 The facts Just given are deduced from statements made by a special commis- 
 sion appointed by the receiver of the old company. In all its appraisals and valua- 
 tions this commission has evinced extreme discrimination and fairness. 
 
 After having made these statements this commission desired to determine the 
 actual value of what had been done by the old company, and upon this point states: 
 
 "The enormous amount of material at hand ready to be utilized, the great num- 
 ber of works established, lands received and to be received, labor actually expended, 
 experience gained, supplies laid in, preliminaries mapped out, including the right 
 of way, are worth to the new company at least 450,000,000 francs ($90,000,000)." 
 
 OEGANIZATION OF THE NEW PANAMA CANAL COMPANY OCTO- 
 BER 20, 1894. 
 
 The receiver asked for and obtained from the Colombian Government two suc- 
 cessive extensions of the concession, extending the time for the completion of the 
 canal to October, 1904. (The Government of Colombia has just granted an addi- 
 tional extension of six years more.) 
 
 Finally, in 1894, the court and those having legal charge of the interests of
 
 452 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 tht: old company made an impartial examination of the situation and came to the 
 following conclusions: 
 
 First — That the work actually accomplished by the old company in the Isth- 
 mus was very large, substantial and available. 
 
 Second — That notwithstanding an interregnum of four years, the work pre- 
 viously accomplished was in a satisfactory condition. 
 
 Third — That the locations occupied, and the plant on the Isthmus, had been 
 well cared for by the receiver, and were sufficient for the continuation and accom- 
 plishment of the AYork without extensive and expensive preparation. 
 
 Fourth — That the climatic dangers, the difficulties of the undertaking, and the 
 cost necessary for its accomplishment had been grossly exaggerated. 
 
 It v/as therefore resolved to reorganize the old company, under new manage- 
 ment and new conditions. 
 
 On the one hand the work was to be renewed and continued. 
 
 On the other hand to ascertain, by investigation and the widest experience, 
 whether the construction of the canal could be completed under reasonable condi- 
 tions of time and money. 
 
 It was in this spirit that the New Panama Canal was organized in October, 
 1894^ under the general laws of France. Its constitution and method of operation 
 were rigorously restricted. 
 
 From the financial point of view it was thought advisable that a large number 
 of financial institutions of France should purchase the stock of the new company, 
 and should be represented in the administration of its affairs by their officers, so as 
 to insure for the new company the hearty support of these great financial interests, 
 as well as the high character and large experience of the gentlemen composing the 
 board. The stock was declared by the charter to be non-negotiable until the final 
 technical plans were prepared and adopted. The company was organized with a 
 cash capital of 65,000,000 francs, or $13,000,000, actually paid in. 
 
 Thus were assured to the undertaking the sympathies and support of the finan- 
 cial world. All speculation in the stock of the company before the adoption of 
 final plans was prevented, as the stock, being non-negotiable until said event, could 
 not be registered and quoted at the Exchange. 
 
 The Board of Directors is composed of entirely new and independent members, 
 no one of whom had any official relation to the old company. 
 
 The new company has been officially recognized by the United States of Co- 
 lombia, and its titles and concessions have been fully confirmed by that Govern- 
 ment.
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 453 
 
 OPEKATIONS OF THE NEW COMPANY. 
 
 The new company, according to its charter, carefully considered all plans that 
 could attract the attention of serious-minded and practical men, and carefully com- 
 pared the advantages and disadvantages of each. 
 
 This careful method demanded an exact and complete knowledge of the local 
 conditions and the character of the soil where the work was to be carried on, and 
 also full knowledge of the ways and means for its execution; in a word, a thorough 
 knowledge of all the fundamental facts which enter into the undertaking. 
 
 The new company already had the benefit of the results of the preliminary 
 investigations made by the old company and by the receiver. It completed these 
 by carrying on extensive operations upon the work so as to become thoroughly ac- 
 quainted with the country, while also forwarding the completion of the canal itself. 
 These operations, long and laborious as they were, accomplished not only the solu- 
 tion of the general problem, but a practical settlement and disposition of numerous 
 lesser problems. 
 
 The new company resolved to carry on the excavations in such an extensive 
 manner that there would remain no hypothetical conditions concerning future work. 
 The work thus carried on for this purpose was also a part of the necessary work on 
 the canal, and therefore forms a portion of the cut of the canal itself. 
 
 The time devoted to these investigations and experiences was more than three 
 years, to which must be added the investigations and experiences of the past. But 
 time has not been lost, for it is an infallible principle in large undertakings that, 
 the more detailed and careful the surveys, the surer and quicker the execution of 
 the work. It may also be added that important public works executed too hastily 
 without sufficient preliminary surveys to determine what is necessary to be done 
 and what is impossible, inevitably lead to grave mistakes and delays, if not to dis- 
 aster. 
 
 A great number of plans have been considered, but from the beginning it was 
 resolved not to deviate from the following principles: 
 
 First — That every plan involving any difficulty impossible of execution in the 
 allotted time, and within the limit of expense, should be rejected. 
 
 Second — That in the solution of the technical and detailed problems of the 
 work only those plans should be considered which had the support of experience, 
 and every new idea which might tend to mislead should be rigidly excluded. 
 
 Third — That in arriving at the proper solution it was necessary to consider the 
 particular place where the work was to be executed, and also to make due allowance
 
 454 THE PANA:MA CANAL. 
 
 for the influence of the climate of the region. Hence the necessity of undertaking 
 only work not requiring exceptional conditions. 
 
 The present company, after acquiring in October, 1894, the canal works, plant, 
 machinery, concessions, stocks and other assets of every description of the old com- 
 jjany, realized at the outset that the most judicious way to employ its capital was to 
 enter into an entirely new study of the engineering features of the undertaking, 
 and also to begin, on a substantial scale, such an amount of work as would set at 
 rest beyond question all doubts as to the quality of materials to be encountered (not 
 only on the surface but also in the underground strata which it was expected to 
 reach in all the excavations), while at the same time constructing the canal itself. 
 
 The new company, accordingly, with the aid of the plant at hand and of such 
 new machinery as it was found expedient to purchase, went to work with a force 
 of several thousand men and put in the field a large engineering force. 
 
 SYNOPSIS OF THE PEESENT STATUS OF THE CANAL WOKKS AND 
 THE PLAN OF CONSTEUCTION, AS UNANIMOUSLY AP- 
 PKOVED BY THE INTEKNATIONAL TECH- 
 NICAL COMMISSION. 
 
 Line of Route. Two-fifths of entire canal works now actually completed, and 
 balance imder active construction with 4,000 workmen and large force of engi- 
 neers. 
 
 Although the skill of its own board of engineers is worthy of the highest confi- 
 dence, the new company, out of abundant caution, and in order to place beyond 
 doubt the final conclusions, caused to be appointed an 
 
 INTERNATIONAL TECHNICAL COMMISSION, 
 
 composed of engineers selected from different nationalities, a course which assures 
 to the company the benefit of the widest experience, the severest judgment and most 
 independent conclusions. 
 
 The commission is composed of the most eminent engineers of the United 
 States, France, England, Germany, Russia and Colombia, all of whom have been 
 connected with works of magnitude, and each of whom is distinguished for the high- 
 est character and experience. As to all traffic, statistical and economic Questions, 
 the new company also established a Special Commission, presided over by Monsieur 
 Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, the eminent economist and a member of the Institute of 
 France.
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 455 
 
 The members of this commission (whose names appear on a preceding page) 
 are the most distinguished and able men in their profession, and it is self-evident 
 that no one of them would compromise his reputation and honor, acquired through 
 a long life of eminent service, by formulating conclusions upon unfounded, incom- 
 plete, superficial or uncertain information, nor such as would fail to stand the se- 
 verest tests. 
 
 This commission was organized in February, 1896, and besides individual exam- 
 ination, study and correspondence; committee work on special subjects; personal 
 inspection on the Isthmus through a committee of their number; full discussion 
 and freouent exchange of views; study of all preceding plans and the daily develop- 
 ment work upon the Isthmus, this commission has held over one hundred recorded 
 sessions. 
 
 They have also with great care and large expense made most careful observa- 
 tions — continuing over a period of two years — of the Chagres River for the purpose 
 of ascertaining the various conditions of this river at all times and under all condi- 
 tions, that they might have definite and reliable data upon which to base their con- 
 clusions respecting its treatment. 
 
 This eminent commission of engineers reached its final and unanimous con- 
 clusion on November 16, 1898, embodied in the elaborate 
 
 REPORT OF THE INTERNATIONAL TECHNICAL COMMISSION, 
 
 which has been adopted by the company, and under which the work of construction 
 is proceeding. These conclusions, signed by every member of the commission, 
 establish the entire feasibility, practicability and cost of completing the canal. It 
 is based upon years of continuous study and testing of every element. Different 
 plans, equally practicable, but varying in probable cost, have been studied. Many 
 months have been spent in preparing, revising and studying each of them. This 
 work has not been done hastily and superficially. These eminent engineers, chosen 
 especially for their eminence in special departments of engineering work, have 
 studied the questions in all their details — technical, climatic, physical, geologic and 
 economic. Each member rests his reputation on his signature to the report. 
 
 The report of the commission is probably the most authoritative document 
 ever presented on an engineering subject, prepared by them, as it has been, with 
 Ihe greatest care, after the most thorough and competent investigation and exami- 
 nation, with most exhaustive surveys before them respecting every foot of the
 
 466 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 ground to be treated, and by the most experienced and eminent engineers of five 
 different nations. 
 
 This report was, on December 2, 1898, delivered by the new company to the 
 President of the United States for the use of the Government. 
 
 The following described plans are based on said report: 
 
 The Panama Canal extends from Colon, on the Atlantic, to Panama, on the 
 Pacific Ocean. 
 
 Its total length is 46.2 miles, including 3.35 miles dredged in the Pacific to deep 
 water. 
 
 The great chain of the Cordilleras, which runs along the Isthmus, presents 
 at the point selected a pass which is not too high to preclude the construction of the 
 canal, while the parts contiguous to both are low. 
 
 The profile of the canal consequently presents, in the central part, a high sum- 
 mit, from which the ground slopes gradually (although irregularly) towards the low 
 grounds adjacent to the sea. 
 
 Starting from Colon, on the Atlantic coast, is situate the new city of Chris- 
 topher Columbus, the location of the works and plant of the Canal Company. From 
 the little port of Folk Eiver we follow the canal for about 11.8 miles. This 
 canal is navigable, varying in depth from 16.4 to 29.5 feet. From the 11.7 to 
 the 26.7 mile, excavation is proceeding the entire distance, and the embankments 
 consequently thrown up gradually rise from the level of the sea to about the height 
 of 49.2 feet, with cuts such as the one of Bohio, which is 131.2 feet in depth, 
 and those of San Pablo and Matachin, which are from 82 to 98.5 feet. 
 
 From the 28th mile rises the central mass of earth called the Cordillera. A 
 good deal of work has been done between the 28th and 33d mile. Very near here 
 Culebra is reached, where the labor has been much diminished by the character 
 of the upper layers. The cut begun by the old company has been continued by 
 the new company, and now has an average depth of 164 feet. 
 
 The slope towards the Pacific Ocean is now reached, and here the declivity 
 of the land becomes great. Work is being carried on the entire distance. The 
 height of the embankment varies from 49 or 65 feet to about 196.5 feet, diminish- 
 ing at the 40th mile to from 6.5 to 16.4 feet. From this point to the Pacific 
 the canal has been completed to the depth of from 6.5 to 26.2 feet. From mile 
 42.8 to the great depths near Naos, at mile 45.9, the canal is completed so as to 
 be navigable to a depth of from 16.5 to 29.5 feet, which was recently excavated by 
 the new company to an average depth of 27.8 feet below the level of the sea.
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 457 
 
 THE WOEK ALEEADY DONE CONSTITUTES FULLY TWO-FIFTHS OF 
 
 THE ENTIEE WOEKS. 
 
 The portions of the canal adjacent to the sea have been excavated, and, 
 although the Chagres Eiver has been for years flowing through them, they can be 
 partially utilized. 
 
 At the present time the topography of all the grounds involved in the project, 
 and the character of the materials to be encountered, are accurately known and 
 delineated; deep and extensive excavations, as well as numerous soundings and 
 borings, have made known the subterranean strata underlaying the surface, and 
 by those means no doubt is left as to the soundness of the materials through 
 which the canal is to be dug to great depths and on which the foundations of the 
 locks, dams and other structures are to be established. 
 
 Sixteen different plans have been worked out in detail, including estimates 
 of cost and of time needed for construction. 
 
 It is on these complete data furnished by the local engineers and by the 
 observations of its own members on the Isthmus that the International Technical 
 Commission has based its conclusions, embodied in the plans which will be out- 
 lined later herein. 
 
 The original purpose of the old company was to build a canal without locks, 
 freely open from ocean to ocean, but after several years of work the plan was 
 abandoned, owing to the enormous excavation necessary to cut through the central 
 mass of the mountains (the Culebra) and the difficulty and expense of properly 
 taking care of the occasional torrential flow of the Eiver Chagres. 
 
 The alternate plan was to reduce materially the depth of the central excava- 
 tion and to establish therein a system of locks, to be fed from the Chagres Eiver. 
 This is the plan adopted by the new company. 
 
 From what precedes, it may be seen that three principal problems presented 
 themselves — i. e.: 
 
 First. — The determination of the depth to which the central mass must be 
 excavated and of the number and height of the locks to be built. 
 
 Second. — The designing of the proper methods for the regulation of the flow 
 of the Chagres Eiver. 
 
 Third. — The feeding of the canal. 
 
 I. — Depth of Excavation (altitude of the summit level of the canal bottom). 
 
 The number of locks determined by the depth of such excavation (altitude 
 of canal bottom). 
 
 It is obvious that the deeper the excavation the more time will be required
 
 458 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 for the work and the less locks will be needed; also, that too shallow an excava- 
 tion, while requiring less time, would require more locks. 
 
 The necessity of feeding the canal from the Chagres Kiver, and of providing 
 proper storage for its freshets, are also an element in the determination of the 
 altitude of its bottom level. 
 
 This complex problem is obviously capable of several solutions, and before 
 reaching a final decision the International Technical Commission studied a num- 
 ber of alternate plans, which, after proper consideration, were reduced to three, 
 in which the altitudes of the summit level of the canal are fixed at 29.50 meters 
 (96.78 feet), 20.75 meters (68.08 feet), and 10 meters (32.81 feet), respectively, 
 above mean water in the Atlantic. 
 
 Of these three plans the commission, after mature deliberation and under the 
 present condition of experience furnished by the work already done, has decided 
 that 20.75 meters (68.08 feet) above the sea, with four locks on each slope, as the 
 altitude at which the bottom of the canal should be placed to make the time 
 necessary for excavation of the balance the most probable time required for the 
 construction of the locks and dams — a result obviously desirable for the proper 
 conduct of the undertaking. 
 
 If, however, it be found during the construction of the work that the excava- 
 tion may require more time, the bottom can be placed at the elevation 96.78 feet 
 (in which case one lock would be added to present plans on each side of the canal); 
 or if, on the contrary, it be found that the work can be done more expeditiously 
 than expected, the bottom can be placed at the elevation 32.81 feet (in which 
 case one lock on each side would be omitted from the present plant); and in 
 either case the change could be done without interfering with the general plan, 
 provided a decision be not too long delayed. 
 
 The plan herein described is based on the plan adopted by the International 
 Technical Commission with an altitude of 68.08 feet (20.75 meters) above mean 
 sea level. 
 
 The summit level, 118.11 feet wide at bottom and 318.35 feet long, is in 
 the deep cut of the Culebra; the upper strata are clayey with easy slopes; below 
 this is a rocky formation, which is to be excavated in wide steps. In the canal 
 prism a berme is left under water. 
 
 The next level, from Obispo to Bohio, with a bottom width of 164 feet, is 
 13.37 miles long. 
 
 At Bohio another group of two double locks empties into the Atlantic level, 
 which has a width of 98.4 to 111.5 feet on bottom and a length of 14.84 miles.
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. ' 459 
 
 On the Pacific side, the siinimit level terminates at Paraiso with one double 
 lock. 
 
 The adjacent level from Paraiso to Pedro Miguel is 7,963 feet long, and ends 
 at the latter place with two double locks. 
 
 The next level, from Pedro Miguel to Miraflores, is 7,930 feet long, and 
 terminates there with one double lock. 
 
 The Pacific level, adjacent to the latter, is 4.69 miles long to La Boca, beyond 
 which a channel 3.36 miles long is excavated to deep water. 
 
 The depth of water in the locks is to be generally 29.5 feet and is not to 
 exceed 32.8 feet. 
 
 All the locks are to be double, the working length being for both 738.22 feet. 
 The width of one of the twin locks is to be 82.02 feet, and the width of the other 
 is 59.05 feet (with an intermediate gate), although, in the opinion of several 
 members of the commission, it might be preferable to build both locks of the width 
 of 82.02 feet. 
 
 It is designed that the slopes of the canal, especially in the deep central 
 trench, are to be protected by stone revetments. 
 
 The route of the canal is the same as was originally adopted, and is thought 
 to be judicious, the curves not having less than 9,843 feet radius in the normal 
 course of the canal, with the exception of one of 8,200 feet. 
 
 The curvatures are gentle, not sharp. The smallest radius is 8,200 feet. Of 
 the 46 miles of the canal 26.75 are straight, and 15 have radii equal to or not 
 exceeding 9,850 feet. 
 
 The aim of the commission has been to resort to simple forms of structures; 
 moreover, it may be seen from its plans that, notwithstanding the magnitude of 
 the work, every part has been kept within the limits of well-established precedents. 
 
 II. — Absolute control of the Chagres Eiver by the construction of two great 
 ■ dams which capture and store the floods, supply the summit level with water 
 during the dry season, feed the canal, furnish abundant hydraulic power trans- 
 mitted by electricity for operating the locks and lighting the entire length of 
 the canal by night. 
 
 For a considerable part of its length the location of the canal is in the 
 valley of the Chagres Eiver, a torrential stream which, although inconsiderable 
 in dry times, is subject to sudden and sometimes enormous freshets; hence the 
 necessity of providing such means as would prevent the destruction of the canal, 
 unless diverted or regulated by proper means.
 
 460 THE PANAMA CAKAL. 
 
 Such was the problem which presented itself to the old cempany. One of 
 the main causes of the failure of the old company was evidently the lack of proper 
 preliminary studies for the solution of such an important problem of engineering, 
 the almost total neglect of the question of the disposal of the Chagres being 
 especially noticeable. 
 
 The receiver of the old company, fully realizing the deficiency, appointed 
 a commission of engineers, whose comprehensive report contained useful recom- 
 mendations, several of which are embodied in the plans now adopted by the new 
 company. 
 
 As it is impossible to admit of the flow of the Chagres River directly into 
 the bed of the canal, it must be either diverted or so disposed of and regulated as 
 to be harmless in times of freshet. 
 
 Diversion having been rejected from the inception of the project as imprac- 
 ticable, or, at any rate, too expensive, it has been decided to regulate the flow by 
 the creation of large artificial lakes sufficiently extensive to store the largest freshets, 
 with proper overflows for the safe disposal of them, without interfering harmfully 
 with the regime of the water in the canal. 
 
 The location, and especially the altitude of the aforesaid lakes, obviously 
 depends, to a large extent, upon the height at which the bottom of the canal is 
 established, and will be described later; but that presents no difficulty. 
 
 In order to properly regulate the flow of the Chagres, two large dams will 
 be erected. 
 
 (a) One of these dams will be located at Bohio at the last group of locks on 
 the Atlantic side. It is to be built of earth on a sound argillaceous foundation, 
 and the depth of water against it is not to exceed 65.62 feet. 
 
 The maximum height of its water surface is to be 65.62 feet above mean sea 
 level. 
 
 This dam will transform the Chagres into a vast lake, the boundaries of 
 which have been accurately established. It will extend a distance of 13 miles 
 to Obispo, where the canal will leave the river. The lake formed by the Bohio 
 dam will cover an area of 21.5 square miles. Its lowest level is fixed at 52.5 
 feet, its normal level at 55.75 feet, and its highest level at 65.5 feet above mean 
 tide. It will be revetted with stone, with a foundation bed of clay and abutting 
 against rock banks. The extreme length of crest will be 1,286 feet; the extreme 
 height above the bed of the river will be 75.5 feet, and above the lowest point 
 of the foundation 93.5 feet. All details of construction, including the devices for
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 461 
 
 controlling the river dnring the progress of the work, have been carefully elabo- 
 rated. The sites for the two overflow weirs are remote from the dam, and an 
 abundance of excellent material is found near at hand. 
 
 The capacity of the Bohio dam will be from 150,000,000 to 200,000,000 cubic 
 meters. 
 
 This dam, besides acting as a regulator of the Chagres floods, will obviate 
 strong currents where the canal traverses the bed of the river — an extremely 
 important matter for ocean shipping. 
 
 (b) The other dam will be located at Alhajuela on the Upper Chagres, about 
 9 1-3 miles from the canal; will be built entirely of concrete masonry, on a com- 
 pact rock foundation and abutting against rock walls. It will be about 1G4 feet 
 above the canal. The extreme length of crest will be 936.75 feet; the extreme 
 height above the bed of the river will be 134.5 feet and above the lowest point 
 of the foundation 164 feet. 
 
 The cross-sections and the practical details of construction are in accord- 
 unce with all the requirements of modern engineering. Good rock and sand are 
 abundant in the immediate vicinity. 
 
 This dam forms a reservoir covering 10 square miles, with a capacity of from 
 100,000,000 to 130,000,000 cubic meters. 
 
 One of the functions of this reservoir (made by the Alhajuela dam) is that 
 of a feeder to the summit level of the canal, supplying the summit level with water 
 in the dry season (January- April), But, in addition, it will assist in effectually 
 controlling the floods of the Chagres and will furnish hydraulic power, transmit- 
 ted by electricity, for operating the locks and lighting at night the entire canal 
 from the Atlantic to the Pacific. 
 
 (c) For these purposes the reservoir will be connected with the summit level 
 of the canal by a channel or feeder of a capacity of 25 cubic meters (6,605 gallons) 
 per second. This feeder will be built from the Alhajuela dam to the canal, a dis- 
 tance of 9 1-3 miles. It starts at 190.25 feet above sea level and will be built 
 partly on the side hills and partly in inverted siphons or tunnels, and has been 
 shown by exact surveys to be entirely feasible. 
 
 It traverses a rough country and its construction will be relatively costly, 
 but when compared with many irrigating canals west of the Mississippi Kiver it 
 offers no serious difficulties. 
 
 A short auxiliary railroad will be built along the Chagres Eiver for the con- 
 struction of the Alhajuela dam and of its connecting channel.
 
 463 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 (d) Both dams can, consequently, accumulate a storage of at least 250,000,000 
 cubic meters (66,000,000,000 gallons),, which, with proper adjustable v/eirs, are 
 mere than sufficient to control the largest freshets known. 
 
 These figures are the result of a careful study of the observations kept since 
 the beginning of the operations of the old company and of the experience acquired 
 since the building of the Panama Eailroad. 
 
 Should any larger freshet occur (a very rare occurrence), navigation might be 
 interrupted for a day or two, but, owing to the precautions observed in designing 
 the various structures, the canal would suffer no damage. 
 
 (e) This entirely disposes of the question of the Chagres. It may flow 
 to any extent which Nature may prompt. It is not only rendered harmless by 
 being securely impounded by the great dams at Bohio and Alhajuela, which 
 create the vast lake and reservoir described, but, on the other hand (as is well 
 stated by General Abbot in the November Forum), "It may safely be affirmed 
 that the Chagres Eiver is no longer an element of danger, but is rather a useful 
 friend, whose assistance will be of great value to the canal in its operation." 
 
 III.— THE APPEEHENSION OF CAVING IN THE DEEP CENTRAL 
 CUT. 
 
 The solution of this question cannot be more tersely nor accurately stated 
 than it has been (in the November , '98, Forum) by the member of the Interna- 
 tional Commission, the distinguished Brigadier-General Henry L. ilbbot, who 
 made a special study of the subject: 
 
 "The question of caving in the deep central cut has been studied in the most 
 thorough manner, involving not only many borings and pits, to determine the 
 material to be encountered, but also a cunette excavated throughout the trouble- 
 some region along the axis of the canal, having a projected width at bottom of 
 32.75 feet, with slopes of about 45 degrees, and a projected elevation above sea level 
 varying from 128 feet to 157.5 feet. This work, together with a tunnel GS9 feet 
 long and 9.75 feet wide, pierced, at an elevation of 134.5 feet above sea level, 
 at the spot which had given the most trouble on the whole route, combined with 
 the evidence afforded by the borings and pits at greater depth, leads to the con- 
 viction that, at Culebra, where the deepest cutting is required, the excavation has 
 already passed through the strata subject to caving, and that the remainder 
 traverses an indurated argillaceous schist changing to compact rock, where no 
 fears of yielding to pressure need be entertained. At Emperador, where the cutting
 
 ^HE PANAMA CANAL. 463 
 
 required for the canal is much less^ the indications are similar, except that the 
 material at present reached is less resisting, but with proper precautions in the 
 ^\'ay of drainage, which were wholly neglected by the contractors of the old com- 
 pany, little or no difficulty from serious caving need be apprehended. This work 
 of experimental excavation has been continued for more than three years, involv- 
 ing the removal of about 3,924,000 cubic yards. It was projected, partly to deter- 
 mine the proper inclination for the side slopes, and partly to estimate the unit 
 cost. The results are highly satisfactory; and the old bugbear of a sliding 
 mountain divide has been proved to be imaginary." 
 
 IV.— HEALTH OF EMPLOYEES. 
 
 Again we employ the words of General Abbot in the same article: 
 
 "The health of the personnel formerly caused trouble, coolies and other races 
 not well suited to hard labor under a tropical sun being employed. AVith negroes 
 from the British Antilles, little difficulty is now experienced. This matter was 
 carefully investigated during the inspection last spring, American engineers and 
 employees on the canal and the Panama Railroad being questioned, the fine hos- 
 pital near Panama — where the company provides for its sick — being visited, and 
 the views of the medical officers and of the Sisters of Charity, acting as nurses, 
 being obtained. All agreed that the dangers resulting from the climate have 
 been much exaggerated. The surgeon in charge of the hospital. Dr. Lacroisade, 
 who has resided on the isthmiis since 1887, after presenting full statistics covering 
 the sick reports for the past year of a force of about 3,800 agents and laborers under 
 employment, said: 
 
 " 'Among the diseases attributable to the climate the most numerous are 
 simple marsh fevers, which have not occasioned a single death. Two diseases only 
 belonging to the epidemic type have appeared — the beriberi, of which there is no 
 longer any question [it was imported with negro laborers brought from Africa 
 as an experiment, and disappeared when they were sent back], and yellow fever. 
 The latter, after having been absent from the isthmus for at least six years, was 
 imported in 1897, and continued about six months, from March to August, when it 
 again disappeared after very light ravages (only six deaths). Thus it cannot be 
 considered that this pest is really epidemic on the isthmus. From the other infec- 
 tious epidemics, such as variola, typhoid fever, diphtheria, etc., the isthmus appears 
 to be almost entirely exempt. From the foregoing we may conclude that life on 
 the isthmus scarcely incurs more dangers than elsewhere, even for Europeans 
 who, after the blacks of the British Antilles, appear to resist the climate best. 
 Ecsidence here would, then, offer nothing alarming, were it not for a constant
 
 464 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 feeling of fatigue and uneasiness due to a temperature always high and an atmos- 
 phere saturated with moisture.' 
 
 "There appears, therefore, to be no danger of serious mortality in the con- 
 struction of the canal, if due care be taken to benefit by past experience in select- 
 ing the laborers." 
 
 v.— HAEBORS AT TEEMINI— COLON AND PANAMA. 
 
 These harbors are so well known to the commerce of the world employing 
 the Panama route that no extended remarks need be made. 
 
 They are natural, not artificial, harbors; good and easy of access. 
 
 The ships of many European, South and Central American nations, as well 
 as of the United States, have for over fifty years regularly and daily availed of 
 these ports, where the maritime conditions are most satisfactory. 
 
 Neither of these harbors require protection or further excavation. They are 
 in excellent condition. 
 
 VI.— There are no active volcanoes within 200 miles of the canal. 
 
 VII. — There are no troublesome winds or river currents to be encountered, 
 even in times of flow. 
 
 VIIT. — The existence and operation of a railroad (the Panama Railroad), 
 which the line of the canal closely follows, greatly facilitates the work of construc- 
 tion and is of enormous advantage. 
 
 Commerce has employed the Panama route for over fifty years. The con- 
 ditions of traffic are established and well known. 
 
 The Panama route constitutes a part of the coast line of the United States, 
 connecting its Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Its terminal cities — Colon, Panama — 
 arc ancient and firmly established. Upon the intermediate line thirty railroad 
 stations, serving the neighboring villages and settlements, give character to the 
 route. It is not a marshy jungle. It is a settled country, and the line has been 
 made readily accessible and habitable by fifty years' traffic, development and settle- 
 ment. 
 
 Piegular lines of steamers, from Germany, England, France, New York, Bel- 
 gium, Spain and Italy, on the Atlantic side, and San Francisco and all Central 
 and South American and Mexican ports, on the Pacific side, liave for over fifty 
 years regularly employed this route. 
 
 The Panama route, therefore, needs no introduction to the commerce of the 
 world, which has continuously employed it for nearly half a century.
 
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 THE PANAMA CANAL. 467 
 
 IX. — The time of transit for vessels through the canal will be less than a day; 
 merchant and war vessels of the largest size can be accommodated. 
 
 X. — For four years there have been continuously employed from 3,000 to 
 4,000 workmen on the canal works, besides a large force of engineers, and at this 
 moment that number is at work on the canal. 
 
 XI. — As stated, the canal will be only 46 miles long. 
 
 Of this, 15 miles on the Atlantic side, and 7| miles on the Pacific (about 
 one-half the entire distance), will be at sea level. 
 
 From 12 to 13 miles on the Atlantic side and from 5 to 6 miles on the 
 Pacific side are already completed, and, indeed, are used by the natives. 
 
 The intervening higher lands are materially cut. ' 
 
 This constitutes fully two-fifths of the entire work, and the remainder, as 
 before stated, is being completed with a body of four thousand men and a large 
 force of engineers. 
 
 XII. — There is nothing in the physical conditions on the Isthmus to prevent 
 a change from a canal with a system of locks to a sea-level canal, sliould the latter 
 seem desirable in the future. 
 
 XIII. — As above stated, the new company is now the absolute owner of the 
 canal, canal works, buildings, machinery, material, concessions, and all other 
 canal property on the Isthmus. 
 
 The official accounts and reports of experts, on the files of the Court in 
 France, in the receivership proceedings, show that the expenditures actually made 
 by the old company upon the Isthmus amounted to $156,400,000, and that of this 
 sum the cost of excavation and embankment, proper, amounted to $88,600,000. 
 
 For the purpose of establishing the actual present and reproductive value of 
 this property a Special Commission was constituted, of which the former Director 
 of the National Academy of Eoads and Bridges of France was chairman. This 
 commission established the said value at $90,000,000, which is a very conserva- 
 tive valuation. Since such valuation, the new company has made large expendi- 
 tures for construction, machinery, etc. 
 
 The present fixed assets of the company exceed $100,000,000. 
 
 And, in addition, the cash, stocks and personal assets of the company are 
 some millions more, and ample for its needs. 
 
 The company has no mortgage or bonded indebtedness of any kind. Its prop-
 
 468 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 erty is free from all encumbrance; it has no floating indebtedness^ or other debts 
 than monthly pay-rolls, promptly met. 
 
 The company, being financially independent and continuing the construc- 
 tion with its present resources, has neither created a bond issue nor solicited 
 funds from the public nor from any government. 
 
 XIV. — The security-holders of the old company have no vote, voice, title or 
 ownership in the property of the new company or in the administration of its 
 afairs. By private contract, merely, the new company has agreed that after 
 all expenses of operation, maintenance, exploitation, dividends, reserve funds, etc., 
 are provided for, a specified share of the surplus income shall be paid to the Liqui- 
 dator of the old company for the benefit of his constituents; but this agreement has 
 no effect upon, or relation to, the absolute ownership and administration of the 
 canal by the new company. 
 
 XV. — The estimates of cost of completion have been established from the 
 experience acquired during the last four years of actual work on the Isthmus, and 
 is reported by The International Technical Commission, as follows: 
 
 The total cost of the work proper under plans adopted.. $ 87,000,000 
 Add for contingencies 15,400,000 
 
 Total $103,400,000 
 
 If both locks be built with a width of 82.025 feet, the cost 
 
 would be increased to $125,000,000 
 
 THE TRAFFIC OP THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 To determine the probable traffic of the Interoceanic Canal, many interesting 
 works and numerous publications have been written in recent years, with widely 
 different conclusions. This is not the place to discuss the different opinions of 
 the writers who have considered this important question, and especially because 
 many of them, either from personal, political or financial motives, have reached 
 conclusions minimizing or exaggerating the amount of traffic, according to their 
 respective interests. 
 
 The new company has carefully analyzed these earlier discussions, and has 
 not been satisfied with the basis upon which they are founded. The company 
 has sought a basis more reliable than conjecture, and it has pursued an entirely 
 new and more reliable method for the settlement of this question and one not 
 depending solely upon hypothetical conclusions. This method was found. It is
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 469 
 
 based upon the statement of the tonnage of all the vessels that, actually following 
 maritime routes, would find it to their advantage to use that of an interoceanic 
 canal, if the same were open to navigation. 
 
 This involved enormous labor, since it was necessary to investigate the traffic 
 of at least 13,000 separate sailing vessels or steamers engaged in ocean navigation 
 or coastwise trade. But the results obtained are most exact. It is sufficient to 
 say that they are very satisfactory and show that the capital invested in the Panama 
 Canal will be amply remunerated. 
 
 The delicate and complex questions relative to the determination of the 
 probable traffic of the canal were examined and acted upon by a special committee 
 appointed by the new company, the president of which commission is the dis- 
 tinguished and well-known economist, Mr. Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, member of the 
 Institute of France. 
 
 THE CONCESSION TO THE PANAMA CANAL COMPANY. 
 
 The concession of the new Panama Canal Company was granted by the 
 Colombian Government by law dated the 28th of Ma}', 1878, extended by the 
 laiw of the 26th of December, 1890, and the law of the 4th of August, 1893. 
 The time for the completion of the canal is thereby fixed at October, 1904; but 
 in this present month of December, 1898, the Government of Colombia has granted 
 an additional extension of six years — to 1910 — subject to the formality of ratifi- 
 cation by Congress when it reconvenes — an assured act. This concession grants 
 to this company the exclusive privilege of excavation through the Colombian 
 territory and the opening of a maritime canal between the Atlantic and Pacific 
 oceans — the canal to be constructed without restrictive conditions of any kind. 
 The concession continues for ninety-nine years from the time of the opening of 
 the canal, either wholly or in part, for public use. 
 
 The Government gratuitously cedes to the company the land necessary for 
 digging the canal and all its branches. 
 
 It also cedes for the purposes of the canal a zone of land 656 feet in width 
 on each side throughout its entire length, wherever it may extend. 
 
 In addition it cedes to the company 1,235,500 acres of public lands, with all 
 mining rights in whatever localities the company may choose. 
 
 The company has the right to introduce free of duty or any tax whatever 
 any instruments, machinery, tools, materials, provisions, etc., to be needed for 
 the use and construction of the canal.
 
 470 THE PANAMA CANAL. 
 
 No national tax nor state tax nor tax of any other kind upon the canal or 
 its dependencies shall be imposed upon the vessels traversing said canal. 
 
 The tolls of the canal to he charged to all vessels without exception or favor, 
 under similar conditions, is not to. exceed 10 francs (or two dollars) for each cubic 
 meter based on the actual displacement of the hull. 
 
 As a compensation for the rights and privileges granted to the company the 
 Colombian Government is entitled to receive five per cent on the gross revenue 
 of the company for the first twenty-five years after the opening of the canal 
 to the public; from the twenty-sixth year to the fiftieth year it will be entitled 
 to six per cent; from the fiftieth to the seventy-fifth year, seven per cent, and 
 from the seventy-fifth year to the end of the term, eight per cent. 
 
 This concession was granted, and the work has been and is carried on, under 
 the protection of the treaty between New Granada (Colombia) and the United 
 States, made in 1846, and ratified in 1848. The portion of this treaty which 
 refers to this subject, as well as the particular articles of the concession relating 
 thereto, is of so much interest that they are quoted in full as follows: 
 
 AETICLE 35 or THE TREATY OF 1846-8, BETWEEN NEW GRANADA 
 (NOW REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA) AND THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 "The United States of America and the Republic of New Granada, desiring to 
 make as durable as possible the relations which are to be established between the 
 two parties by virtue of this treaty, have declared solemnly and do agree to the 
 following points: 
 
 "First. — For the better understanding of the preceding articles, it is and 
 has been stipulated between the high contracting parties that the citizens, vessels 
 and merchandise of the United States shall enjoy in the ports of New Granada, 
 including those of the part of the Granadian territory denominated Isthmus of 
 Panama, from its southernmost extremity until the boundary of Costa Rica, all 
 the exemptions, privileges and immunities concerning commerce and navigation 
 which are now or may hereafter be enjoyed by Granadian citizens, their vessels and 
 merchandise, and that this equality of favors shall be made to extend to the 
 passengers, correspondence and merchandise of the United States in their transit 
 across the said territory from one sea to the other. 
 
 "The Government of New Granada guarantees to the Government of the 
 United States that the right of way or transit across the Isthmus of Panama, 
 upon any modes of communication that now exist or that may hereafter be con-
 
 THE PANAMA CANAL. 471 
 
 structed, shall be open and free to the Government and citizens of the United 
 States, and for the transportation of any articles of produce, manufactures, or 
 merchandise, of lawful commerce, belonging to the citizens of the United States; 
 that no other tolls or charges shall be levied or collected upon the citizens of the 
 United States, or their said merchandise, thus passing over any road or canal 
 that may be made by the Government of New Granada, or by the authority of 
 the same, that is, under like circumstances, levied upon and collected from the 
 Granadian citizens; that any lawful produce, manufactures or merchandise be- 
 longing to the citizens of the United States thus passing from one sea to the 
 other, in either direction, for the purpose of exportation to any other foreign 
 country, shall not be liable to any import duties whatever; or, having paid such 
 duties, they shall be entitled to draw back upon their exportation; nor shall the 
 citizens of the United States be liable to any duties, tolls or charges of any kind 
 to which native citizens are not subjected for thus passing the said Isthmus, 
 
 "And, in order to secure to themselves the tranquil and constant enjoyment of 
 these advantages, and as an especial compensation for the said advantages, and for 
 the favors they have acquired by the fourth, fifth and sixth articles of this treaty, 
 the United States guarantee positively and efficaciously to New Granada, by the 
 present stipulation, the perfect neutrality of the before-mentioned Isthmus, with 
 the view that the free transit from the one to the other sea may not be interrupted 
 or embarrassed in any future time while this treaty exists; and, in consequence, 
 the United States also guarantee, in the same manner, the rights of sovereignty 
 and property which New Granada has and possesses over the said territory. 
 
 '''Sixth. — Any special or remarkable advantages that one or the other povrers 
 may enjoy from the foregoing stipulation are and ought to be always understood 
 in virtue and as in compensation of the obligations they have just contracted, and 
 which had been specified in the first of this article."
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 THE SUEZ CANAL. 
 
 The Monument of Disraeli and De Lesseps That, Though of Shifting Nature 
 in Shifting Sand, Is More Imperishable than Marble or Brass or Any 
 Towering Structure Reared by Human Hands — What the Great Engineer 
 De Lesseps, Who, Though He Subsequently Made a Failure, Did Enough 
 for Immortality, Had to Say — The Suez Canal the Grandest Work of 
 Public Improvement in the Most Progressive Century — The Dramatic 
 History Without a Parallel as a Scheme of Daring Scientific Fancy or 
 Realization of Golden Dividends. 
 
 Lord Beaconsfield was the British statesman who saw the full importance of 
 the Suez Canal to the Empire, and, with a stroke of genius and the nerve of 
 one who had counted all the consequences and accepted them, snatched the 
 Egyptian shares in the market, gained command of the canal and suppressed 
 an Egyptian revolt, incidentally preparing to take the first occasion to conquer 
 Egypt. Count de Lesseps had with his daring engineering and diplomatic finesse 
 gained a commanding advantage for the French, and crowned his triumph by 
 securing the attendance at the opening of the canal of his relative, the Empress 
 Eugenie, her presence being at once a decoration and celebration. The French, 
 absorbed in their self-consciousness after the fall of Napoleon III., and when 
 the succeeding republic was old enough to offer temptation to intrigue, declined 
 to aid in the subjugation of the revolted Egyptian soldiers and left the British 
 to bombard Alexandria, crush the rebellion and possess the Nile country. Ever 
 since the domination of England in Egypt has been a matter of course, and her 
 commercial supremacy manifest in the business of the canal. This is the justifi- 
 cation of the exercise of power and will continue while the Empire stands, just 
 as legitimate as holding Gibraltar, Malta and Cypress. Egypt is England's Half- 
 Way House to India, and the prestige of the British Empire depends upon the 
 continuance of the potentiality of the English in Southern and Eastern Asia. 
 Disraeli has passed away, having done a wonderful work for his country, and the 
 Queen he made Empress of India is loyal in her grateful memory for the immense 
 audacity and consummate conduct that increased the dignity of her station and 
 the grandeur of her dominion. The Suez Canal is to England and Europe at large 
 what the Panama or Nicaragua Canal completed and wide open would be for 
 
 the greater American Republic, and all of the great nations, providing a water- 
 
 472
 
 THE SUEZ CANAL. 473 
 
 Avay in the tropics approximating to a direct channel for the circumnavigation 
 of the globe, relieving at once the disadvantages of the Pacific coast of our coun- 
 try, and establishing this nation as one of the powers in Asia. "We might well 
 he content if the canal of the Isthmus of Darien was free as that of Suez, for 
 if we ever needed to assert ourselves by force of arms we could at any time 
 summon the physical force to vindicate our rights, and that we would find at 
 all limes the equivalent of our capacity. That would be a far stronger way of 
 asserting ourselves than to be contentious in Congressional debates about con- 
 tracts. 
 
 "We quote "The Suez Canal," by Ferdinand de Lesseps: Translated by M. 
 Do'Anvers. Henry S, King & Company, London, 18G7. 
 
 This is the minute dated Maria, November 15, 185-i, and addressed to His 
 Highness, Mohammed Said, Viceroy of Egypt and its dependencies: 
 
 The scheme of uniting the Mediterranean and the Eed Sea, by means of 
 a navigable canal suggested itself to all the great men who have ever ruled over 
 or passed through Egypt, including Sesostris, Alexander, Caesar, the Arab conqueror 
 Amrou, Xapoleon I., and Mohammed Ali, 
 
 A canal effecting a junction between the two seas, via the Nile, existed for 
 a period of unknown duration under the ancient Egyptian dynasties; during a 
 second period of 445 years from the first successors of Alexander and the Roman 
 conquest to about the fourth century before the Mohammedan era; and, lastly, 
 during a third period of 130 years after the Arab conquest. 
 
 On his arrival in Egypt Napoleon appointed a commission of engineers to 
 ascertain whether it would be possible to restore and improve the old route. The 
 question was answered in the affirmative; and when M. Lepere presented him 
 with the report of the commission the Emperor observed: "It is a grand work, 
 and, though I cannct execute it now, the day may come when the Turkish Gov- 
 ernment may glory in accomplishing it." 
 
 The moment for the fulfillment of Napoleon's prophecy has arrived. The 
 making of the Suez Canal is beyond doubt destined to contribute more than 
 anything else to the stability of the Ottoman Empire and to give the lie to those 
 who proclaim its decline and approaching ruin by proving that it is possessed 
 of prolific vitahty and capable of adding a brilliant page to the history of 
 civilization. 
 
 "Wliy, I ask, did the western nations and their rulers combine as one man 
 to secure the possession of Constantinople to the Sultan? Why did the power 
 w^hich menaced that possession meet with the armed opposition of Europe? Be-
 
 474 THE SUEZ CANAL. 
 
 cause of the importance of the passage from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean 
 is such that European power commanding it would dominate over every other, 
 and would upset the balance of power, which it is to the interest of each one to 
 maintain. 
 
 But suppose a similar, though yet more important position, be established on 
 some other point of the Ottoman Empire; suppose Egypt to be converted into 
 the highway of commerce by the opening of the Suez Canal; would not a doubly 
 impregnable situation be created in the East? for, afraid of seeing one of them- 
 selves in possession of the new passage at some future date, would not the Euro- 
 pean powers look upon the maintenance of its neutrality as a vital necessity? 
 
 Fifty years ago M. Lepere said he should require ten thousand men for four 
 years and thirty or forty million francs for the restoration of the old indirect 
 canal. He thought, moreover, that it would be possible to cut across the isthmus 
 from Suez to Pelusium in a direct line. 
 
 M. Paulin Talabot, who was associated, as surveying engineer for a mari- 
 time canal society, with the equally celebrated Stephenson and Negrelli, advo- 
 cated the indirect route from Alexandria to Suez, and proposed using the barrage 
 already existing for the passage of the Nile. He estimated the total cost at 130,- 
 000,000 francs for the canal and 20,000,000 for the port and roadstead of Suez. 
 
 Linant Bey, the able director for some thirty years of the canal works of 
 Egypt, who has made the Suez Canal question the study of his life in the country 
 itself, and whose opinion is therefore worthy of serious respect, proposed cutting 
 through the isthmus, at its narrowest part, in an almost direct line, establishing 
 a large internal port in the basin of Lake Timsah, and rendering the harbors of 
 Suez and Pelusium accessible to the largest vessels. 
 
 Gallice Bey, general of engineers and founder and director of the fortifica- 
 tions of Alexandria, presented Mohammed Ali with a canal scheme coinciding 
 entirely with that proposed by Linant Bey. 
 
 Mougel Bey, director of works at the barrage of the Nile, and chief engineer 
 des ponts et Chaussees, also had some conversation with Mohammed Ali on the 
 possibility and desirability of making a maritime canal, and in 1840, at the 
 request of Count Walewski, then on a m.ission in Egypt, he was commissioned 
 fo take €ome preliminary measures in Europe, which were, however, prevented by 
 political events from leading to any definite results. 
 
 A careful survey would decide which would be the best route, and, the scheme 
 having once been recognized as possible, nothing remains to be done but to choose 
 the readiest means for carrying it out.
 
 THE SUEZ CANAL. 
 
 475 
 
 None of the necessary operations, difficult tliougli they may be, are really 
 formidable to modern science. There can be no fear nowadays of their failure. 
 The whole affair is, in fact, reduced to a mere question of pounds, shillings and 
 pence, a question which will, without doubt, be readily solved by the modern 
 spirit of enterprise and association. That is to say, if the advantages to result 
 from its solution are at all appropriate to the cost. 
 
 Now, it is quite easy to prove that the cost of the Suez Canal, even on the 
 largest estimate, will not be out of proportion with its value, shortening, as it 
 must do, by more than half, the distance between India and the principal coun- 
 tries of Europe and America. 
 
 To illustrate this fact I add the following table, drawn up by M. Cordier, 
 Professor of Geology: 
 
 Names of the chief ports of 
 Europe and America. 
 
 Via the 
 Canal. 
 
 -Leagues- 
 
 Constantinople ^ 1,800 
 
 Malta 
 
 Trieste 
 
 Marseilles 
 
 Cadiz 
 
 Lisbon 
 
 Bordeaux 
 
 Havre 
 
 London 
 
 Liverpool 
 
 Amsterdam .. . 
 St. Petersburg 
 New York 
 
 2,062 
 
 2,340 
 
 2,374 
 
 2,224 
 
 2,500 
 
 2,800 
 
 2,824 
 
 3,100 
 
 3,050 
 
 3,100 
 
 3,700 
 
 3,761 
 
 New Orleans 3,724 
 
 a 
 
 o 
 
 W 
 
 Via the 
 Atlantic. 
 6,100 
 5,800 
 5,980 
 5,650 
 5,200 
 2,350 
 6,650 
 5,800 
 5,950 
 5,900 
 5,950 
 6,550 
 6,200 
 6,450 
 
 Difference. 
 4,300 
 3,778 
 3,620 
 3,276 
 2,976 
 2,830 
 2,850 
 2,976 
 2,850 
 2,850 
 2,850 
 2.850 
 2,439 
 2,726 
 
 With such figures before us comment is useless, for they demonstrate that 
 Europe and the United States are alike interested in the opening of the Suez 
 Canal and in the maintenance of its strict inviolable neutrality. 
 
 Mohammed Said is already convinced that no scheme can compare either in 
 grandeur or in practical utility with that in question. What luster it would 
 reflect upon his reign! what an inexhaustible source of wealth it would be to 
 Egypt! Whilst the names of the sovereigns who built up the pyramids, those 
 monuments of human vanity, are unknown or forgotten, that of the prince who 
 should inaugurate the great maritime canal would go down from age to age, and 
 be blessed by the most remote generations! The pilgrimage to Mecca, hence- 
 forth rendered not only possible but easy for all Musselmen, an immense impulse 
 given to steam navigation and traveling generally, the countries on the Red Sea, 
 Persian Gulf, the east coast of Africa, Spain, Cochin China, Japan, the Empire 
 of China, the Philippine Islands, Australia, and the vast archipelago now attract-
 
 476 THE SUEZ CANAL. 
 
 ing emigration from tlie old world brought three thousand leagues nearer alike to 
 the Mediterranean, the north of Europe, and to America, such would be the 
 immediate results of the opening of the Suez Canal, 
 
 It has been estimated that six million tons of European and American ship- 
 ping annually pass round the Cape of Good Hope and Cape Horn, and if only 
 one-half went through the canal there would be an annual saving to commerce 
 of 150,000,0C0 francs. 
 
 There can be no doubt that the Suez Canal will lead to a considerable increase 
 of tonnage, counting it at 3,000,000 tons only, an annual produce of 30,000,000 
 francs will be obtained by levying a toll of ten francs per ton, which might be 
 reduced in proportion to the increase of traffic. 
 
 Before closing this note I must remind Your Highness that preparations are 
 actually being made in America for making new routes between the Atlantic and 
 Pacific, and at the same time call your attention to the inevitable results to 
 commerce generally, and that of Turkey in particular should the isthmus separating 
 the Eed Sea from the Mediterranean remain closed for any length of time after 
 the opening of the proposed American lines. 
 
 The chief difference between the Isthmus of Panama and that of Suez would 
 appear to be that the mountainous nature of the former presents insuperable 
 difficulties to the construction of a continuous ship canal, whereas on the latter 
 such a canal would be the best solution of the difficulty. For America a kind of 
 compromise has been made, the route consisting partly of a canal and partly of 
 a railway. Now if, with a view to effecting only a partial success, the nations 
 chiefly interested have come forward at once in a case where the advantages to 
 be obtained are fewer and the expenses far greater than they would be in the 
 Suez Canal scheme, and if the conventions for insuring the neutrality of the 
 American route were accepted without difficulty, are we not forced to conclude 
 that the moment has come for considering the question of the Isthmus of Suez? 
 that the scheme for a canal which is of far more importance to the whole vrorld 
 than the Panama line, is perfectly secure from any real opposition, and that, in 
 our efforts to carry it out, we shall be supported by universal sympathy and by 
 the active and energetic co-operation of enlightened men of every nationality? 
 
 (Signed) FERDINAND DE LESSEPS. 
 
 "All the Year Eound," conducted by Charles Dickens, told the story of the 
 Suez Canal in this pleasing chapter, in which there is a fine example of the truth 
 stranger than fiction:
 
 THE SUEZ CANAL. 477 
 
 The most picturesque form of struggle, and the one which commands the 
 most sympathy and admiration from the world, is that of the adventurer, in the 
 honest sense of the term, who enters on some forlorn project, which has all the 
 magnificence of a dream, and lives to be successful and triumphant. 
 
 Success is declared, and the end gained, there is invariably seen the humiliat- 
 ing spectacle of a complacent reception of what may not be rejected, and a smiling 
 adoption of a portion, at least, of the honors. The rebuffs and the scoffs are 
 set to the account of the adventurer's own indiscretion; and the world, it would 
 seem, is too great a personage to be compelled to own to mistakes or cry peccavi. 
 Though it welcomes the discovery — the result of so painful a struggle — and greed- 
 ily turns it to profit, it is ill at ease, as it were, like some great man who has 
 prophesied that some one or something would turn out badly, and whom the 
 event has proved to be signally wrong. 
 
 One morning in the month of August, 1854, a French gentleman was engaged 
 in superintending some masons who were at work adding a story to his house 
 at La Chenaie — a house that had once been occupied by the famous Agnes Sorel, 
 
 On that morning, then, of August, 1854, when engaged with the masons, 
 and standing on the roof of Agnes Sorel's house, the post arrived, and the letters 
 were handed up from workman to workman until they reached the proprietor. In 
 one of the newspapers he read the news of the death of Abbas Pasha, and of the 
 accession of Mohammed Said, a patron and friend of the old Egypt days. They 
 had been joined on affectionate and confidential terms. Instantly the scheme 
 was born again in his busy soul, and his teeming brain saw the most momentous 
 result from the change of authority. In a moment he had hurried down the 
 ladder and was writing congratulations and a proposal to hurry to Egypt and 
 renew their acquaintance. In a few weeks came the answer, and the ardent 
 projector had written joyfully to his old friend, the Dutch Consul, that he would 
 be on his way in November. Expressing the delight he would have in meeting 
 h:im again, "in our old land in Egypt," but "there was not to be so much as a 
 whisper to anyone of the scheme for piercing the isthmus." On the 7th of 
 November he landed at Alexandria, and was received with the greatest welcome 
 by the new ruler. The Viceroy was on the point of starting on a sort of military 
 promenade to Cairo. It was when they had halted on their march, on a fine 
 evening, the 15th, that he at last saw the opportunity. He felt, as he confessed, 
 that all depended on the way the matter was put before the prince, and that he 
 must succeed in inspiring him with some of his own enthusiasm. He accordingly 
 proceeded to unfold his plan, which he did in a broad fashion, without insisting
 
 478 THE SUEZ CANAL. 
 
 too much on petty details. The easterner listened calmly to the end, made some 
 difficulties, heard the answers, and then addressed his eager listener in these words: 
 
 "I am satisfied, and I accept your scheme. We will settle all the details during 
 our journey. But understand that it is settled, and you may count upon me." This 
 was virtually the "concession" of the great canal. But already the fair prospect 
 was to be clouded, and at starting, opposition to so daring a scheme came from 
 England, and from Turkey, moved by England. Those wonderful French savants 
 who went with the expedition to Egypt had announced that there was a difference 
 of level amounting to thirty feet between the two seas, so that the communication 
 would only lead to an inundation or a sort of permanent waterfall. Captain Ches- 
 ney, passing by in 1830, declared that this was not so, but the delusion was 
 accepted popularly up to 1847, when a commission of three engineers — English, 
 French and German — made precise levelings, and ascertained that it was a scientific 
 mistake. Eobert Stevenson, the English member of the party, pronounced the 
 whole scheme impracticable. And a more amusing half-hour's entertainment could 
 not be desired than the Edinburgh Review article for January, 1856, in which it 
 is proved triumphantly that the canal must fill up, and that no harbor or pier 
 could be made. The article argued it all out with a formal array of facts. Lord 
 Palmerston's opposition is well known, but the shower of articles in the leading 
 journals which ridiculed, prophesied and confuted, are now well nigh forgotten. 
 
 It was first proposed to follow a round-about route, making two sides of a 
 triangle, with the existing line for the third. One portion of the waterway, from 
 Damietta to Cairo, was supplied by the Nile itself. So there only remained 
 a distance of twenty miles to be dealt with. But the Nile was itself a difficulty — 
 the irrigation and other works would be interfered with, and there were enormous 
 problems as to levels, etc. The direct course was therefore adopted. A curious 
 scientific party, known as the Mixed Commission, formed of engineers from all 
 of the leading nations, proceeded, at the close of 1855, to make a thorough exam- 
 ination of the question on the spot, and nothing is more creditable to science 
 than the masterly style in which every point was investigated. The result was 
 satisfactory, and it was determined to commence the work. 
 
 The route chosen was favored by many advantages: the distance, though 
 ninety miles in length, was already canalized by various lakes, great and small, to 
 the extent of about thirty miles or more. Roughly, the course was as follows: 
 Starting from the Mediterranean, the entrance is found in a strip of sand from 
 four to five hundred feet wide and which forms the rim, as it were, of the bowl 
 which holds Lake Menzaleh. Here is Port Said, the gate, or doorway of the
 
 THE SUEZ CANAL. 479 
 
 Canal; then for about thirty miles is found the great lake just named, where there 
 rises a slight hill, about twenty-five feet high; then a small lake, then for about 
 thirty miles a series of gradually rising hills, culminating in a rather stiff plateau. 
 Beyond the plateau is Lake Timseh, about five miles long, where there is the 
 half-way port, Ismailia. Then succeeds another plateau, large basin, known as 
 the Bitter Lakes, extending about twenty miles, while the rest is land up to 
 the Eed Sea. These lakes were in some places dry. There were no sluices or 
 locks, though these lakes would be greatly enlarged by the admission of the 
 waters. 
 
 The canal might have been about fifteen miles shorter had it been lower down 
 in the Gulf of Pelusium, but the cost and time would have been greater, as there 
 <were no lakes in that line. It is narrow, not allowing more than one vessel to 
 proceed at a time; but there are numerous "lie-by" places where vessels can pass 
 each other. This is necessary, as sometimes so many as thirty vessels are in the 
 canal at a time. It will take vessels drawing so much as five and twenty feet. 
 
 That England, with her Asiatic possessions, dreaded the Suez Canal under 
 French control was manifest from the first efforts of De Lesseps, who not only 
 surmounted the physical difficulties of cutting through the Suez, but was con- 
 stantly opposed by English diplomacy. 
 
 "The Nineteenth Century," December, 1882, page 840: 
 
 "While the Canal is in the hands of a French company, supported by France, 
 it lies in the hands of a Power more formidable than Arabi to close it tem- 
 porarily to England and open it to her foes — a Power, be it remembered, which, 
 though friendly now, might be hostile to-morrow and has geographically a week's 
 start of us on the road to India, while by blocking the canal she would have 
 three week's start at least of a fleet stopped at its mouth. No one will doubt the 
 expediency, at all events, of depriving the possibly hostile Power of this dangerous 
 advantage, though some persons may question our moral right to do so. 
 
 4: 4: 4: 9|i 4: 4: 4s 
 
 (l^ 
 
 'While the influence of England was paramount at Constantinople the oppo- 
 sition of Lord Palmerston prevailed with the Sultan, who refused to ratify the 
 Khedive's concession to France. When the Crimean and Franco-Austrian wars 
 had enormously exalted the prestige of France (rather at the expense of England) 
 the concession was granted to M. De Lesseps (virtually to France), though not in 
 its original shape, which would have been an intolerable menace and danger to
 
 480 THE SUEZ CANAL. 
 
 England. The original concession was not in fact merely the right to construct 
 the canal, hut to possess a slice of Egypt (of indefinite extent), commanding the 
 whole course of the canal, and which would very soon have become virtually a 
 French territory. 
 
 "To refer to the immense preponderance of English shipping benefited by the 
 Canal traffic only shows that in peace time we gain by the facilities created. Lord 
 Palmerston, who was neither a fool nor a bigot, never denied that in peace time a 
 short route for commerce, if obtained, would be beneficial to England, What he 
 recognized as a great danger was that if France made the Canal she would arrogate 
 entire control over it, plant her flag on the banks, and appoint every official and 
 pilot. The facts have more than justified the prediction, and but for the events 
 of 1870-71, which prevented France from backing the arrogant pretense of the 
 Canal officials, we should have been involved in very serious difficulties, or actual 
 war on two recent occasions. 
 
 "But although the influence of France overpowered the opposition of Lord 
 Palmerston, enabled her to obtain the concession from the Khedive in its most 
 objectionable form, Lord Palmerston did not give up the struggle. Eightly judging 
 the danger of the encroachment and the object of obtaining the territory bordering 
 the new waterway to India, he protested against a French imperium in imperio in 
 Egypt. Perhaps the Emperor (Napoleon III.) was more moderate in his views than 
 the projectors of the Canal; but in any case the territory of the canal company was 
 bought back by Egypt (at a Shylock price) much, we may suppose, to M. de Les- 
 seps' disgust. 
 
 "On no theory, except the audacious Napoleonic idea of a France supreme and 
 Europe submissive, could M. Thiers have taken the part he did. France insisted 
 that all Europe should succumb to her. The firmness of Lord Palmerston pre- 
 vailed. A British fleet bombarded St. Jean d'Acre, and landing a force which 
 threatened Ibraham's communications, forcing him to retire into Egypt, M. de Les- 
 seps thought that Prance had acquired some mysterious rights from the first Napo- 
 leon's abortive enterprise in 1798. 
 
 "M. de Lesseps keenly felt the defeat of French intrigue by England in 1840, 
 and if, as is probable, it was at that time he conceived the idea of his canal, 'the 
 spear to pierce the armor of England,' it must have been some consolation for the 
 reverse. 
 
 "The diplomatic career of M. de Lesseps had trained him in that antagony to 
 England which he was formerly at no pains to conceal. 
 
 ^ Uli Hf jH ^ H? ;!/! 4:4:
 
 THE SUEZ CANAL. 481 
 
 "A canal from Suez to the Nile (all that was wanted in those days to do the 
 work of the Suez Canal) probably existed three thousand years ago. The French 
 expedition of 1798 revived the idea with the object of injuring England. And it is 
 probable that M. de Lesseps, benefited by the researches then made and renewed in 
 1803 by his father, a Napoleonic soldier, by using up some thousand wretched Fel- 
 lahas, who perished miserably at the work, backed by the whole influence of France 
 and all the Khedive's resources — ^was able to have the work done by others and 
 take the credit himself. As a promoter M. de Lesseps has been very successful, and 
 though that profession is not highly esteemed in England, he has obtained celeb- 
 rity as what he does not happen to be — an engineer!" 
 
 That a British canal can be made to suit our needs in the present, and our 
 greater needs in the future, and to make a large return on the capital expended, 
 is proved by the existing canal, upon which much money was wasted. The only 
 serious objection will arise from the fact that the British Government holds £4,000,- 
 000 of the stock of the present canal, the value of which would be depreciated by 
 the competition. This is a consideration of some importance, but it cannot out- 
 weigh the immense advantages of having our Indian communications in our own 
 hands instead of a jealous rival's, who may some day be an enemy. There would, 
 moreover, probably be traffic enough for both canals. 
 
 The Fortnightly Review. September, 1893. England's right to the Suez 
 Shares. Casper W. Wliitney. Pages 105-424. 
 
 In his speech on public revenue and expenditure, April 21, 1887, Mr. Goshen 
 said that there was one national asset which had never yet been brought into ac- 
 count at its real value. He referred to the 176,000 shares in the Suez Canal. Mr. 
 Goshen said: 
 
 "The shares, which are £20 shares, and which when they were bought were 
 worth about £27, yielded a dividend of 5 per cent on their par value, are now (1887) 
 worth £84 each, and yield about 15 per cent on their par value. We shall come 
 into a large revenue per annum on these shares from 1894, unless there shall be 
 any fall in the revenue of the Canal, a contingency which we do not anticipate. The 
 actuarial value of the shares at the present moment is £10,500,000." 
 
 It was Mr. Goshen's proposal to use the interest of the Suez shares for the 
 purpose of national defence in fortifying naval stations, etc. "The irony of fate 
 was never more strikingly exhibited. French enterprise, and capital obtained from 
 Egypt and France, were thus to be utilized to facilitate British control over India 
 and the lands over against Tonquin, to obtain a dominant influence in Egypt, and
 
 482 THE SUEZ CANAL. 
 
 finally to pay the cost of defensive military works which can never be seriously 
 threatened except by a French fleet. 
 
 "There are few persons even now who understand the exact nature of the trans- 
 action by which England obtained possession of these shares with their potentiality 
 of wealth and power. This is what Mr. Milner says: 
 
 "'Sixteen years ago we bought for four million pounds Egypt's interest in 
 the Suez Canal, which, had she only clung to itj would soon have become so fertile 
 a source of income to her. What we bought for four million pounds will in another 
 year be worth something near twenty million pounds.' 
 
 "In addition to the shares, England required Egypt to contract a wholly new 
 obligation. A terminable annuity of two hundred thousand pounds a year to be 
 paid by Egypt to England was created in 1876 to expire in 189-i. The shares 
 belonged to Egypt, not to Ismain. They were an asset of the Government, and 
 would never have passed to Tewfik as his private property or that of his brothers 
 had Ismael been succeeded by Prince Halim. The ruler of the day contributed 
 from first to last more than all the sums borrowed or subscribed by share-holders 
 in Europe. These advances were made by the Egyptian treasury, and there can 
 be no doubt that the shares belonged to the Egyptian Government and not to any 
 ruler of Egypt. The shares will be worth in 1894, at present prices, £18,543,210. 
 The transaction of 1876 belongs to a class against which a court of equity has never 
 failed to afford relief. 
 
 "On the one side is the British treasury, claiming to have made £18,500,000 
 without the expenditure of a farthing. On the other side are all those who are in- 
 terested in Egypt, including British tax-payers who have purchased Egyptian se- 
 curities. If it is even possible that the opinion might be expressed by the judicial 
 and financial advisers to His Highness the Khedive, or by the international trib- 
 unals, that Great Britain never acquired the ownership of the Suez Canal shares 
 in fee simple absolute, because they were the property of the inhabitants of Egypt, 
 created by their labor, subject to the lien of the creditors of Egypt and those of the 
 Ottoman Empire; that they were -pledged and not sold by a Khedive dismissed for 
 malversation in ofiice at the instance of England itself; that they had been re- 
 deemed by the annual payment of £200,000,000 a year, raised sometimes out of taxes 
 cruelly burdensome, sometimes by new imposts and fresh loans, would it not be 
 more discreet to begin as speedily as possible to show a disposition to treat this 
 fund as a source out of which mutual benefits might be obtained?" 
 
 Appleton's Journal. London. April number, 1880. Page 303-310. The Suez 
 Canal: A History. By Judge P. H. Morgan.
 
 NATIVE HOUSE, SHOWING KITCHEN, IX MASAYA, NICARAGUA. 
 
 BARBER SHOP IN ADOBE HOUSE, MASAYA, NICARAGUA.
 
 THE SUEZ CANAL. 485 
 
 When Ismail Pasha ascended the Viceregal throne of Egypt he inherited from 
 his predecessor, Said Pasha, a legacy which proved to be the cause of his trouble, 
 his misfortunes and his end. Said Pasha had granted to a French company the 
 right to cut a ship canal from the Mediterranean to the Eed Sea. It was a grand 
 idea, no doubt, but, if we are to believe the records of the past, it was not a new 
 one. Twice before the waters of the Mediterranean had been connected with the 
 waters of the Eed Sea, and it is generally credited that even the Canal which now 
 exists was projected long before the present company undertook to dig it. It was 
 a gigantic undertaking, although not a very difficult one to accomplish. It does 
 not require any great engineering skill to excavate in sand; and, as soon as it was 
 ascertained that the sand would not return to the place from which it was taken, 
 the problem was solved. As for the danger arising from the sides falling in, every- 
 one knows that wet sand is always hard, and that it has no tendency to "cave." 
 Anyone who walks upon a beach may observe it for himself. Still, it was a great 
 undertaking. It has proved to all the world — Egypt alone excepted — a great advan- 
 tage. For Egypt, however, it has turned out to be a great commercial as well as 
 a great political mistake. It has been the principal cause of her financial ruin, and 
 led to the dethronement of her late Viceroy. 
 
 It has proved a great commercial mistake in this: that it has permitted all 
 the travel and all the merchandise going to and coming from India to Europe to 
 pass her by; whereas, before the Canal was dug, everything and every person going 
 to and coming from that direction stopped at her ports, used her roads, and paid 
 toll continually, thus profiting every one, from hotel-keeper to donkey-boy. 
 
 It was a political mistake, because it has placed Egypt on the highway to India, 
 thus making her an object of zealous solicitude, and of great importance from a 
 strategical point of \dew to those nations whose power is supposed to be mainly 
 derived from that country or whose ambition lies in that direction; while the ruinous 
 influence it has exercised over the finances of Egypt may be seen by a passing 
 glance at the facts. 
 
 The first proposition which was made to the Khedive (Said Pasha) by the 
 projectors of the enterprise was a very plain and simple one. If the Pasha would 
 permit them to excavate a canal through his dominions, which would Join the Medi- 
 terranean with the Red Sea, they would do all the work at their own cost. When 
 the canal should be completed they would pay him 15 per cent of the profits which 
 the canal might earn. As there was no water in the country through which it was 
 to be cut except such as would come into it from the sea, and as a great number of 
 workmen would be employed upon it, and as the principal part of the grain of the
 
 486 • THE SUEZ CAKAL. 
 
 country is grown in Upper Egypt, beyond Cairo, wliicli then came to Alexandria 
 for shipment, and which, it was hoped, would find its way to the sea through the 
 canal, it was agreed that, should a sweet-water canal be deemed necessary, the com- 
 pany were to be permitted to dig one, always at their own cost, from the Nile, 
 starting from a point near to and above Cairo, to the ship canal. They were to be 
 the owners for ninety-nine years of all the Government lands, then unoccupied, 
 which lay along the banks of the canal, and which might be irrigated from it free 
 of taxes for ten years. At the expiration of ninety-nine years the entire works were 
 to revert to the Government upon the company being paid the value of their im- 
 provements. In case the charter should be renewed at the expiration of its term, 
 the Government was to receive an increased share of the profits. Nothing could 
 be more business-like than this. The results which the enterprise promised were so 
 great that its projectors could afford to do the entire work, at their own cost, and 
 give to the grantor of the privilege 15 per cent of their profits. This percentage 
 of the profits would compensate for the loss of traffic which the country then en- 
 joyed from travelers and from merchandise in transit. But the grant was coupled 
 with the express stipulation that the Khedive was not to be bound to anything re- 
 garding it, unless the Sultan should approve of the scheme, and give to it his assent. 
 In point of fact, therefore, it was the Sultan who was to grant the necessary con- 
 cessions. For this consent, however, the company did not wait, and they went to 
 work. 
 
 Matters do not appear to have progressed very rapidly. The company had un- 
 dertaken a great work, and, to perfect it, required a great deal of money. The 
 money was not forthcoming. Subscriptions to the stock were slow. Capitalists were 
 not eager to invest in such an undertaking. As usual, there were many croakers 
 abroad. Every scheme of the sort finds many enemies. In England, particularly, 
 it was looked upon with great disfavor, just as canals in that country were pro- 
 nounced impracticable when they were first projected; in the United States, just 
 as railroads were, before they were built. Many people believed that the level of the 
 Eed Sea was so far below the level of the Mediterranean that, the canal being dug, 
 all the water of the latter would pour through it, leaving its bed dry. On the 
 other hand, there were others who thought the level of the Mediterranean so far 
 below the level of the Eed Sea that all the waters of the Indian Ocean would pour 
 into it and flood a great portion of the continent of Europe. Capitalists were not 
 eager to invest in an undertaking which threatened so great a disaster. Besides, 
 the money, when it came, was to come from Europe, and those who had it did not
 
 THE SUEZ CANAL. 487 
 
 fancy sending it so far away from home, under so many conditions of doubt and 
 peril. 
 
 To place themselves upon a better footing, the company obtained further con- 
 cessions from the Viceroy (always subject, however, to the approval of the Sultan). 
 Among other things, they were to be permitted to dig a fresh-water canal, starting 
 from the point where the first one was to touch the marine canal, extending to the 
 south as far as Suez and to the north as far as Port Said. All the unoccupied land 
 lying along the route of this projected canal, and belonging to the Government, 
 which might be irrigated from it (amounting to many thousands of acres, and 
 which only needs the Nile water to make it productive) was to belong to the com- 
 pany for ninety-nine years, and was to be free of taxes for ten years. They were 
 to be allowed to demand pay for the water which the canal might furnish the pro- 
 prietors of land in its neighborhood. They were to be allowed to charge ten francs 
 per ton on vessels which might use the ship-canal, and ten francs toll on each pas- 
 senger who might pass through it. 
 
 One stipulation only was made in the interest of the people of the country. 
 As it was evident that the construction of these vast works would require the em- 
 plojTnent of a great number of laborers, it was agreed by the company that four- 
 fifths, at least, of the workmen employed upon them should be Egyptians. These 
 the Khedive agreed to furnish. They were to be paid as follows: Those who were 
 under twelve years of age were to receive two and a half piasters (about twelve and 
 a half cents) per diem; those over twelve years of age were to receive three 
 piasters (about fifteen cents) per diem; they were also to receive rations to 
 the value of one piaster (about five cents) per diem, without regard to age. Lodging 
 was to be provided for them, also hospitals, and transportation was to be furnished 
 them to the point to which they were to work. The Khedive little dreamed when 
 he made this stipulation, which was clearly intended should benefit his people, that 
 he was consigning upward of twenty thousand human beings to their graves, and 
 that he would, in the end, be called upon and forced to pay an immense sum of 
 money for it. 
 
 Even with these vast grants in their favor the company stood in the presence 
 of many difficulties. Although the first concession was made in November, 1854, 
 and the second in January, 1856, the subscription-books were not opened until 
 November, 1858. To secure 200,000,000 francs (the estimated cost of the work) 
 to be invested in an enterprise in a distant quarter of the globe was found to be an 
 impossibility. And in 1860 they were at the end of their resources. But the 
 project was not to be abandoned. The company had already borrowed from the
 
 488 THE SUEZ CANAL. 
 
 Khedive 2,394,914 francs. This money was all gone. Then they set to work upon 
 him in earnest, and they persuaded him to subscribe .for 177,662 shares of stock 
 in the company. Now, the entire number of shares was only 400,000, so that, one 
 may say, the canal which was to have been dug through Egyptian territory, not 
 only at no cost to Egypt, but from which she was to receive 15 per cent of the 
 profits derived therefrom, and four-fifths of the cost of which were to be paid out 
 to Egyptians, was now to be largely built with Egypt's money. 
 
 The Pasha did not have the money in hand with which to pay up his sub- 
 scription. But this did not matter; the affair could easily be arranged, for at that 
 time Egypt had no debt to speak of, and her credit was good. So it was agreed 
 that he was to be charged on the company's books, to date from January 1, 1859, 
 with the proportionate amount due to his stock, viz., 17,764,200 francs, from which 
 was to be deducted the amount already advanced by him, 2,391,914 francs, with 
 interest thereon (1,211,242 francs), so that his actual indebtedness on his called-in 
 subscription was 15,248,042.88 francs; and as he had no money, he was to, and did, 
 give Treasury obligations, payable — 2,305,175 francs on December 8, 1863, and the 
 balance in three equal annual installments of 4,314,255.96 francs, all bearing 
 interest at the rate of 10 per cent per annum from January 1, 1860. 
 
 Therefore on the first amount he paid in all 24,705,734.60 francs, for which 
 he was to receive bonds amounting to 15,248,042 francs. In other words, he was 
 to pay 24,705,734.60, and was to receive, in bonds, 15,248,042 francs — a difference 
 between what he paid and the sum he was to receive of nearly 10,000,000 francs. 
 The rest of his subscription was to be paid at other intervals. 
 
 The success of this negotiation gave to the company a new life, and they 
 pressed forward the work, not only on the main canal, but also upon the sweet-water 
 canal, which was to start from the Nile. 
 
 Said Pasha died in January, 1863; Ismail Pasha succeeded him. The com- 
 pany now needed more money, and they pounced upon him at once. They repre- 
 sented to him that the supply of water in the canal from Cairo to Zagazig (on the 
 way to the maritime canal) would not be sufficient to supply the canal which was 
 to be dug from the point where that canal was to touch the maritime canal at Suez 
 with' water. They persuaded him that the construction of this canal, particularly 
 in respect of the appropriation of lands belonging to individuals, would give rise 
 to questions of interior administration, which might prove difficult and serious, 
 and which it was important to the Government to have under its exclusive control. 
 To prevent such an unhappy possibility the company agreed to renounce their right 
 to construct their canal from the Nile to the maritime canal; to make the canal
 
 THE SUEZ CANAL. 489 
 
 from the point where it touched the maritime canal to Suez of sufficient dimensions 
 not only to serve the purpose of irrigation, but also answer the purpose of naviga- 
 tion. At the same time they retroceded to the Government the lands which had 
 been given them. The plain English of which was that they could not comply with 
 their engagements, and that, notwithstanding all the assistance they had received, 
 they were unable to complete the work which they had agreed and had commenced 
 to do. The ground upon which they placed their request to be freed from that part 
 of their contract, which is now under consideration, was a mere pretext. 
 
 The Canal was to be completed by the first of March, 18G4; when completed 
 it was to be kept in repair by the company, but at the cost of the Government; 
 it was to be properly supplied with water at all seasons; was to be subject to all 
 the services which had been established upon it in their favor by the original con- 
 tract, and its water was to belong to them: that is, the Government was to build 
 the canal, give it to the company, keep it in thorough repair, and always well sup- 
 plied with water! Instead of nothing, the Government had contributed £8,000,000 
 to the enterprise (exclusively to the interest heretofore alluded to); had agreed to 
 construct important works and keep them in repair, the company to derive the sole 
 benefit therefrom. From being the beneficiary, the Government became the bene- 
 factor. It was to do the work; the work, when completed, was to belong to the 
 company! 
 
 In the meanwhile England had seen with great and natural concern that a 
 short route was being opened to the Indies, over which she was not to have the 
 controlling influence. She could not but feel apprehensive lest large French pos- 
 sessions in Egypt, situate as were the lands which had been ceded to the company, 
 might result to her disadvantage. The work as it progressed was talked about the 
 world over. The moral sense of the British people took offense at the character 
 of the labor which was employed upon it and the manner by which it was con- 
 trolled. Accounts, not exaggerated, reached them of the "corvees" which were 
 driven to the banks of the canal (for the Khedive, when he stipulated that Egyp- 
 tians should be employed, also agreed to see that they should be forthcoming). The 
 work was distasteful to them, not remunerative, and unhealthy. They were driven 
 to it by force; they were perishing by thousands. 
 
 Does the reader know how their tasks were performed? Those who carried 
 the earth away from where it was dug were not furnished anything in which to 
 carry it. They were required to stoop, to place their arms behind their backs, the 
 left wrist clasped in the right hand, and then as much earth was placed in the 
 hod thus made as it would hold. They were forced to walk away with it up a steep
 
 490" THE SUEZ CANAL. 
 
 acclivity, and, when they reached the dumping-spot, they let go their hold, straight- 
 ened np, and, shaking themselves like a spaniel who has just come out of the water, 
 relieved themselves of their burden. A large portion of them were under twelve 
 years of age. Englishmen almost fancied they could hear the thud of the "cour- 
 bash" as it fell upon the more than half-naked bodies of these wretched and de- 
 fenseless people, as it forced them to and kept them at these dreary tasks. The 
 Sultan was urged to withhold his consent, and it was a long time before it was 
 finally obtained. "Backsheesh" at length prevailed, and his consent was given, 
 but it was coupled with the express provision that work by the "corvees" should 
 cease. It was time; for, as has already been said, thousands of these creatures had 
 died miserably, and had been buried in the sand. 
 
 But, unhappily for the Khedive, when the decision of the Sultan was made 
 known, the company's chronic state of greed had increased, and out of this simple 
 modification made in their concession they invented a scheme which produced mar- 
 velous results. They had suffered a grievance! The Khedive had agreed to see 
 that they were furnished with laborers. As the Sultan had prohibited him from 
 carrying out his agreement in this regard, when without his consent nothing was 
 binding, the Khedive must pay! And immediately they cried "Havoc" and let 
 loose the war-dogs upon him. 
 
 The Khedive protested against these demands. His protests availed him noth- 
 ing. Finally an arbitration was proposed, and to this proposition he, in an unlucky 
 moment, consented. 
 
 The arbitration called upon Louis Napoleon. In his hands the Khedive con- 
 sidered himself safe — from oppression at least. Louis Napoleon was his beau-ideal 
 of a man; he was his exemplar as a sovereign; he imitated him, as far as he could, 
 in all things. His Imperial Majesty decided that the stipulation contained in the 
 second concession, to the effect that four-fifths, at least, of the labor upon the canal 
 were to be done by Egyptians, was a contract between the company and the Khedive, 
 by which the latter bound himself to furnish the labor; the violation of which on 
 the part of the Khedive made him liable in damages, notwithstanding that every- 
 thing relating to the concession was subject to the approval of the Porte; and 
 notwithstanding that the form of labor had been changed by the Porte — all of 
 which the Emperor admitted. 
 
 Upon this item, however, he mulcted him in damages 33,000,000 francs for 
 labor on the canal, and 5,000,000 francs for labor that should have been furnished 
 for the completion of buildings which would be necessary to enable the company 
 to carry on their works.
 
 THE SUEZ CANAL. 491 
 
 In point of fact the dredging machines had already been constructed, and 
 were at work when the decision was made known. The hand-labor would neces- 
 sarily have been abandoned. How could it have been otherwise? Egyptians are 
 not beavers; they can't work with twenty-six feet of water over their heads. The 
 water was pouring into the places from which the earth was being dug as fast as 
 the earth was removed, and in such quantities that it was impossible to keep the 
 places free. If the digging of the Canal had depended upon manual labor, it would 
 never have been accomplished. The Egyptians employed upon it would have been 
 drowned again, and in about the same spot that they were when they went in pur- 
 suit of Moses. 
 
 In diminution of any demand against him upon this point, the Khedive claimed 
 4,500,000 francs that had been curtailed, to use a mild phrase, by the company from 
 the laborers he had furnished. This, with great show of fairness, the arbiter al- 
 lowed. That is, he found that from the already miserable pay which these wretched 
 people were promised, a large proportion of whom were children under twelve years 
 of age, 4,500,000 francs had been filched! 
 
 The Turkish affront consisted in the Khedive ha^dng given to a French com- 
 pany everything it asked; the French justice consisted in making him pay 84,000,- 
 000 for having done so! He sued for peace, and begged for mercy, and finally 
 agreed to pay 30,000,000, if the company would go away and never come to him 
 for more. To this the company finally agreed, but they rounded him off by mak- 
 ing him pay them 10,000,000 francs for a piece of property they had purchased 
 not a very great while before for 1,180,000 francs! To pay this last amount, being 
 without money, the Khedive gave the coupons which were attached to his canal 
 bonds, running down to the year 1895, the face value of which runs up to 125,000,- 
 Ono francs! These bonds his necessities subsequently compelled him to sell to 
 Fnglaud. He was obliged to assume the payment of the coupons which he had 
 taken from them, which amounts to nearly £200,000 per annum. Add these dif- 
 ferent sums together and it will be seen that (inclusive of the subscription to stock) 
 the Suez Canal will have cost Egypt some 500,000,000 francs, or largely over what 
 't was estimated the entire work would cost, and which it did cost! 
 
 Stranjje the places Fate chooses from which to fly her arrows! It was the 
 i^ntry whose people had conceived and carried out this gigantic fraud (the foun- 
 '■;tion of Egypt's financial ruin) which pushed the late Viceroy from his stool and 
 '; ove him, an exile, out of his country. 
 
 But the Canal was completed at last. The pageant which inaugurated the 
 opening of the great route to the use of the world is known to us all. How
 
 492 THE SUEZ CANAL. 
 
 strangers flocked to see the triumph, as it was considered, of engineering skill; 
 how the Empress came from France to grace the ceremony with her presence; how 
 she was attended by princes and their trains; how, on the occasion of her going to 
 Cairo, a road was made to the Pyramids to enable her to ride out to them without 
 fatigue; how a kiosk was erected near their base in which she was to repose after 
 her journey, from the windows of which she might view those splendid monuments 
 without being subjected to the sun's powerful rays; how fetes were given; how 
 presents were distributed, open handed and on all sides, and all at the Viceroy's 
 expense — how like, indeed, it was to a fairy pantomime in Eastern lands, is known 
 as well to those who kept themselves informed upon the current events of the day 
 as to those who participated in the splendid pageants. 
 
 In one sense, at least, the Khedive had cause for self-congratulation. Both as 
 regards ancient and modern times, his country possessed the grandest monuments 
 which have ever been erected by the hand of man or spared by the hand of Time; 
 and in respect to the first he had largely contributed, and his name would be asso- 
 ciated with it forever. 
 
 M. de Lesseps started out with the proposition that he could join the two seas 
 at an expense of 200,000,000 francs. The Canal cost the subscribers to its stock 
 that amount. In addition it received from the Khedive 457,457,306 francs.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 THE NICARAGUA CANAL. 
 
 Senator Morgan's Strong Plea for an American Canal — The Claim that the Nica- 
 ragua Route, Though Longer than the Panama, Is More Practicable — 
 Estimates of Enormous Special Advantages to America, Both Military 
 and Commercial — Some Interesting Statements of the Costs and Profits of 
 the Suez Canal and Their Bearing Upon the Nicaragua Canal — The Shares 
 That the British Bought in the Suez Canal for £4,000,000 Are Worth 
 £20,000,000 — The Opposition to the Nicaragua Line in Congress Is Rather 
 Against the Maritime Company than Opposed to the Enterprise Itself — 
 The Views of Senators Pettigrew, Caffery and Teller, 
 
 Senator Morgan in his report from the Committee on Foreign Relations in 
 1896, referred to the transit between the eastern coast of America and the eastern 
 coast of Asia as the shortest and most open route of navigation, and said more ton- 
 nage would pass through the Nicaragua than the Suez Canal. He added: 
 
 "The trade between these countries will be more direct than it is now, with 
 London as the common point of distribution, and will therefore be cheaper than 
 the present system. The Nicaraguan Canal will thus be given the preference over 
 the Suez Canal by merchants and navigators. "VMien we add to this the traffic that 
 will pass in ships between the eastern and western coasts of the American hemi- 
 sphere, the amount of tonnage that will pass through the Nicaraguan Canal must 
 be largely in excess of that which will find its way through the Suez Canal." 
 
 "The ship's journey around the Horn" is a distress to commerce that the 
 civilization of the age requires to be removed, and the route through Nicaragua is 
 the only possible remedy for this universal evil. 
 
 "It is not too much to say that this condition, so easy to be remedied, will be 
 a reproach to the men of this age if some active and decided movement is not made 
 to relieve against it. To point out the dangers, hardships, loss of time, and the 
 destruction of life and property incident to this only waterway connecting the 
 Atlantic and Pacific oceans, which must be navigated in the roughest seas and the 
 most inhospitable climate in all the world, is only to repeat the experience of sea- 
 faring men for ages past, and to evoke a prayer for them that the United States 
 will do its obvious duty toward them." 
 
 The Senator referred to the posts of the British on the North Pacific and in the 
 Bermudas and at Halifax, and said: 
 
 "From these the most powerful ships of war can assail our harbors, and retire 
 
 493
 
 494 THE NICARAGUA CANAL. 
 
 to cover in case of necessity, while the United States must double Cape Horn in 
 sending assistance from our eastern to our western coast. 
 
 "With the canal at our command we need not have two fleets to protect our 
 coasts, as we are now compelled to do, at a cost already excessive and greatly to be 
 increased. Without the canal we are, relatively, in a situation of deplorable weak- 
 ness." 
 
 The most interesting part of the able and venerable Senator's report is his 
 comparison of the Nicaragua and Suez canals. We quote him on this subject: 
 
 "When private enterprise in Southern Europe first addressed itself to the task 
 of opening a sea level canal through the Isthmus of Suez, there was no lesson of 
 experience to guide the movement or to assure its success. After a time the Khe- 
 dive of Egypt, without the firman of his suzerian, the Sultan of Turkey, supported 
 the undertaking, and put heavy burdens on his people. 
 
 "This wise and heroic decree of the ruler of a government nearly relapsed into 
 barbarism secured the Suez Canal and should have secured the inviolable independ- 
 ence of his country. But the value of the canal to commercial and political aspira- 
 tions for dominion attracted the cupidity of Great Britain and has drawn that great 
 and costly work and the independence of Egypt into the grasp of that Empire. 
 
 "If it shall result, from our indifference or dread of expansion in the direction 
 of national duty and of self-preservation, that Great Britain or any other European 
 power shall get the control of the concession that we have, so far, refused, the 
 result is even now plainly manifest, that the Central American States will repeat 
 the experience of Egypt. 
 
 "Then we shall have our country broken in its coast line of trade and defences, 
 by a European power, not in violation of the Monroe Doctrine, but this will be done 
 in the name of these republics on and near the line of the canal." 
 
 "The Suez Canal is eighty-seven miles long, sixty-six of which are actual canal, 
 the other twenty-one miles being lake navigation. The canal and its appurtenances 
 were completed on or about the first of January, 1870, and cost about $91,000,000. 
 Since that time there have been expended for betterments and improvements, in- 
 cluding the deepening of the canal, about $24,000,000 more; bringing the total cost 
 of the canal up to about $115,000,000. The canal was originally twenty-six feet 
 deep. Its present depth is twenty-eight feet. The canal to-day is capitalized at 
 about $90,500,000 in stock and obligations. The difference between the cost and 
 its present capitalization in stock and bonds was made up by receipts from various 
 sources applied to construction and improvement. It is commonly reported that 
 the actual cost of construction did not exceed $50,000,000."
 
 THE NICARAGUA CANAL. 495 
 
 In 1891 tlie gross receipts of the Suez Canal were $83,421,50:1:, and the actual 
 net revenues of tlie company for a series of years past has been upwards of $12,- 
 000,000 annually. The net profits in 1892 were 41,728,543 francs, or about $8,345,- 
 000, and the dividends declared for said year were 19.8 per cent, including the 
 taxes retained for the sinking fund. 
 
 The shares of the company, originally issued at 500 francs each, are quoted on 
 the Paris Bourse at 2,692.50 francs. The shares of the Suez Canal held by the 
 English Government and purchased for £4,000,000 are worth to-day over £19,000,- 
 000 in the open market. 
 
 The business of 1892 and 1893 suffered from the general commercial depres- 
 sion throughout the world, and was lighter than that done in 1891. In the said 
 last mentioned year the net profits were 49,910,892 francs, or about $9,800,000, and 
 the dividends declared on the stock that year amounted to 22.4 per cent. 
 
 The effect of the Suez Canal upon the commerce of the world is apparent 
 from the fact that whereas in 1870, the first full year of its operation, there passed 
 through the canal 486 vessels, registering 436,600 tons, the number of vessels pass- 
 ing in 1891 was 4,207, registering 8,700,000 tons. The most significant fact in 
 this enormous increase is that the average size of the vessels using the canal in 
 1870 was but little over 1,300 register, while in 1891 it had increased to over 2,090 
 tons, and in 1892 to 2,200 tons. 
 
 "The outside limit of the cost of the Nicaraguan Canal is $100,000,000, but the 
 . committee assume, in correspondence with the estimates that have been so care- 
 fully made and revised, that the cost will not exceed $70,000,000, and that, if it 
 should, there will be a fund in the treasury of the company from the sales of stock 
 remaining undisposed of equal to $16,000,000, in all $86,000,000. This stock will 
 go to par as soon as the construction of the canal is resumed, if not as soon as Con- 
 gress has provided for the guarantee of the bonds of the company." 
 
 The objections to the project that have been so strenuously urged upon Con- 
 gress are strongly stated by Senator Pettigrew, and we quote him: 
 
 "One hundred and fifteen million dollars will not build this canal. In my 
 opinion $215,000,000 will not build it. 
 
 "But when it is built, if constructed by the United States alone, we must 
 either make it a neutral canal, unfortified, to be used by all the nations of the 
 world, or else we must fortify it at an expense of hundreds of millions more, and 
 we must guard this 176 miles of canal in order to prevent its destruction, for its 
 great embankments can be destroyed by a single person in a few hours of time with 
 modern explosives. If it is not guarded, or if it is not fortified, our fleet, having
 
 496 THE NICARAGUA CANAL. 
 
 readied Lake Nicaragua, could be imprisoned by the efforts of one man at each end 
 of the canal along these enormous embankments seventy feet in height. There- 
 fore I believe it is wise that we should delay the disposition of this matter until this 
 whole question can be investigated. 
 
 "Further than that, I believe it would be wiser for the United States to join 
 with the other nations of the world and complete the canal at Panama. The canal 
 at Panama is two-fifths completed already. The distance across the Isthmus at that 
 point is forty-six miles, as against one hundred and seventy-six miles at Nicaragua. It 
 takes fourteen hours to go from ocean to ocean at Panama, and it takes forty-four 
 hours at Nicaragua. 
 
 "Therefore, in view of the fact that the Panama Canal is sure to be built — for 
 no great enterprise was ever abandoned where so much money has been expended as 
 has been expended at Panama — the Nicaragua Canal, our private canal, will never 
 be used by the ships of the world. There is no occasion for using it. No vessel 
 will cross at this point. A vessel will have to spend forty-four hours in crossing, 
 when it can cross in fourteen hours at another place; and the commercial value of 
 the canal will be absolutely destroyed if the other canal is completed. 
 
 "Four thousand men are at work to-day on the Panama Canal, and only twenty- 
 three miles more of that canal remain to be built. The excavation for the rest of it is 
 nearly done. Immense excavations have already been made along the twenty-three 
 miles yet to be excavated. The money they are expending there is being expended 
 with the most modern means of excavation and with great economy and great skill. 
 Every single engineering problem has been settled. It has been determined beyond 
 question that it is entirely practicable to build an excellent canal at Panama. 
 
 "The problems with regard to the Nicaragua Canal have not been settled. There 
 is no report before this body or before the American people to show that this is a 
 practical route, or that a canal can be built upon it. Our own engineers, who were 
 sent there at an expense of $350,000, have not yet made their report to this body. 
 
 "Now, what is the proposition? To expend a vast sum of money to purchase an 
 old concession which is valueless; to undertake to build a canal which we say shall 
 be our canal. 
 
 "The Suez Canal is owned by the nations of Europe. Its neutrality is guaran- 
 teed by all the nations of Europe, and if the vessels of two nations at war with each 
 other choose to pass through it, they can do so under the terms of that guaranty, 
 only the vessel which first enters must first leave, and has twenty-four hours for 
 departure before the vessel of the other nation at war with her can leave the canal, 
 thus guaranteeing it against danger of conflict or destruction; and the canal across
 
 THE NICARAGUA CANAL. 497 
 
 the Isthmus of Panama must and will be guided, governed, controlled and guaran- 
 teed in the same way. 
 
 "It is all nonsense to talk about our building, fortifying and owning a canal of 
 our own so long as it is a commercial canal, but if we wish one simply through which 
 to pass our war ships, through which none of the commerce of the world will go, if 
 the canal is to be our canal, and you are to spend $400,000,000 or $500,000,000 
 upon it, you are undertaking to start a project without that intelligent consideration 
 which it should receive." 
 
 Senator Caffery said of the scheme before the Senate in the session of 1898-99, 
 that it came down to this: 
 
 "A man buys a tract of ground in the face of a cloud upon the title, in the 
 face of claims upon the part of the original grantor, claims of record that the title is 
 void. Does the Senator from Arkansas hold that the way to get the land, and to get 
 possession of it, is to buy a void title? You are buying nothing but a lawsuit. Your 
 concession is about to lapse. The concessionary party says so, and it says so with 
 authority and with reason. It is about to lapse, not only from the lapse of time, but 
 from the various violations of the concession that have been set out. 
 
 "How is the construction of the canal facilitated by holding under such a title? 
 It is either void or it is voidable. You are met with difficulties at every step. You 
 are met with contentions all along the line. If that is the way to expedite the build- 
 ing of the canal I should like to know it. 
 
 "My contention is that these concessions held by the United States as a foreign 
 power Justify the statement made by the minister of Nicaragua that they are for- 
 feited; not voidable, but void. When the United States constructs the canal, if it 
 ever should, under these concessions — and I do not think it ever will — ^^hat hap- 
 pens then? All the police jurisdiction over the canal, all authority to try any 
 contention or litigation growing out of contracts made with reference to the canal, 
 every species of jurisdiction, is reserved by Nicaragua. The United States then can 
 be summoned before the courts of Nicaragua upon matters of ordinary contract, 
 for when I speak of the United States in this matter I do so because the concessiong 
 are virtually transferred to them. 
 
 "The position that the United States would place itself in by this proceeding 
 is utterly inconsistent with the dignity of a fourth-class power. You buy nothing 
 but lawsuits, and when you have the canal it is subject to the annoyance of all 
 such jurisdiction as Nicaragua claims and which she will exercise. 
 
 "It will not do to try to obscure these matters. When we crawl beneath the 
 wings of the Maritime Canal Company we take all the burdens of that company so
 
 498 THE NICARAGUA CANAL. 
 
 far as the title goes. The United States is inhibited from exercising such plenary 
 jurisdiction and power and having such rights in the premises as the United States 
 ought to have. 
 
 "This canal ought to he tjuilt. It is the one great national necessity of the 
 present time, Joining the waters of the two oceans together by a great national high- 
 way. It will double the commercial power of the United States. It will cut by half 
 the distances from our trade centers to the distant lands that we hope to supply 
 with our manufactures and our products. It will reduce the land transportation 
 rates of the entire United States by a considerable per cent. It will double the 
 power of the American navy. It will greatly assist in the coast defense on both 
 oceans. For every consideration I think this canal ought to be built. I think we 
 should get about it just as speedily as possible, and that no vote should be cast in 
 the Senate which would postpone to another session of Congress all possibility of 
 commencing action. 
 
 "Therefore, I shall vote for the bill, and, as I say, in the hope that out of the 
 joint wisdom of the two Houses will come a measure that will be better, more 
 practicable, than the one which is now pending here, I hope the measure when it 
 becomes a law will provide for the construction of the canal by the Government of 
 the United States as a Government measure." 
 
 Senator Teller said of the Nicaragua Canal that it was the merits of the com- 
 pany and not of the canal that were always discussed. There were between three 
 thousand and four thousand men now employed on the Panama Canal, the length 
 of which was forty-six miles, and that of the shortest Nicaragua route, one hundred 
 and seventy-five miles. He thought the whole question should be left with the 
 President of "the United States, putting it in the hands of competent men, could 
 determine whether or not it was better to build the Panama Canal, which we can 
 now build without any difficulty, because that concern is anxious that we should 
 take it off their hands and built that canal. 
 
 ''I know nothing about the Panama Canal except what I have seen in the 
 public press, but it does seem to me before we determine that we will build the 
 Nicaragua Canal we ought to determine whether it may not be to our interest, and 
 whether it may not be money in our pockets to build the Panama Canal. Everybody 
 can see that a canal which is only forty-six miles long must be in many respects 
 very much more valuable than a canal which is one hundred and seventy-five miles 
 long. 
 
 "When this canal is built, if we put in $125,000,000 — for I repeat that, in my 
 judgment, it wiU cost $200,000,000 or more — ^we ought to have the power to pro-
 
 THE NICAEAGUA CANAL. 499 
 
 tect it. There is no provision in the bill that the Government of the United States 
 can protect the Nicaragua Canal. What right will we as a Government have to 
 fortify the coast? What right will we have to put our forts or our army or our 
 supervisors to watch the canal off of the little narrow strip which this concession 
 gives to the Maritime Canal Company? 
 
 "In the San Francisco dam there are practically six miles of bank, which 
 in some places reaches seventy feet high. It is in a country where it will be most 
 difficult to maintain a dam of any character. I venture to say that a shrewd, dis- 
 honest man by an expenditure of $100 could break that embankment in such a way 
 that the canal could not be repaired in the six months in which it is provided thai 
 it may be repaired, or that it shall be forfeited to the Government of Nicaragua,. 
 Wherever you build a canal on any of these proposed routes, whether it be on the 
 old ]\Iaritime Canal Company's line, or whether it be on the line that I understand 
 is likely to be proposed by this new commission, these dams will necessarily be a 
 feature of it. Therefore, I repeat, the Government of the United States ought to be 
 authorized, before going to this great expenditure of money, to put some kind of 
 guards over this canal, some supervision of it which you are not authorized to do 
 and you cannot do under the concessions made to the Maritime Canal Company."
 
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 BOOK VI. 
 
 THE PROBLEM OF EXPANSION. BY THE GREAT- 
 EST ADVOCATES AND OPPONENTS. TO 
 WHICH IS ADDED THE HISTORY 
 OF EXPANSION.
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The greatest novelty in our national experience grew out of the Spanish war, 
 in the conquest of the capital city of the Philippines, and the hopelessness of 
 the Spanish position in that archipelago. We were constrained to occupy and 
 possess for military and international reasons the ancient Spanish seat of power, 
 with its venerable walls and broad and once shady boulevards, its old forts with 
 artillery of another age, and the latest style batteries equipped with modern guns 
 from the foundries of Germany and Spain — the famous botanical garden and astro- 
 nomical observatory, its stately churches, the palaces provided for officials, the 
 flimsy habitations of the natives and the immigrants from Asia, and the solid 
 business establishments, chiefly English and Chinese. The destruction of the 
 Spanish fleet by Americans on May-day was thorough work so far as Manila Bay 
 was concerned, but there were at least ten gunboats unaccounted for — doubtless 
 lurking among the islands — and if these had not been awed by the presence of 
 Dewey's ships they would have been free to have assailed our commerce with Asia, 
 inflicting heavy loss and encouraging Spanish animosity. So particular have been 
 the people of the United States not to pick up any of the choice islands of the 
 seas, that, though we have three great States and one huge Territory fronting 
 on the Pacific Ocean and must, in our geographical situation continue to have 
 large and growing commercial interests on the opposite or Asiatic shore, the 
 Spanish war found us without any naval station — without a dock or a coal-yard 
 nearer Asia than Honolulu — a good illustration of the incompetency of the non- 
 expansion policy. The American Admiral had to make choice between leaving 
 the scene of his triumph and the evident sphere of his duty, and holding his own 
 in the bay that he possessed by force of arms. He did not hesitate, but asked 
 the Government for aid to confirm his conquest. Until recent expressions in 
 Congress and by some citizens of unusual eminence elsewhere, we should have 
 said that the entertainment for a moment in an American mind of anything so 
 pusillanimous as running away from the waters of Manila after strewing them with 
 the wrecks of the Spanish Armada, was absolutely inconceivable. The President 
 of the United States, of course, never dreamed of ordering the victorious fleet that 
 shed a sea of glory upon the country, to flee from the conquest out of a sentimental 
 regard for the susceptibilities of the Spaniards or the Filipinos or of any other crea- 
 
 505
 
 506 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tures. There was soon experience of the insolence of Agiiinaldo, who has no 
 warrant to sj^eak for the people of his alleged country, and whose actual insignifi- 
 cance made plain would startle any one who has accepted the theory of his great- 
 ness. Admiral George Dewey early reported the threatening attitude of this puny 
 personage. The American Consuls who had given him aid and comfort and 
 helieved his little stories of gratitude to Americans were speedily embarrassed 
 by him, and reported to the State Department his "half devil and half child" 
 fantasies. He wanted to treat the American Army as a part of his forces, and 
 was supercilious and studiously malicious toward those to whom he was indebted 
 for his return to the land from which he had departed, leaving his beloved people 
 to their fate — a certified check for Mexican dollars from a bank in Manila to a 
 bank in Hongkong the inducement for his patriotic emigration. It has been held 
 to be an evidence of his integrity and to make him out a marvelously proper man — 
 a patriotic statesman of heroic mold — that he did not divide this cash contribution 
 for which he left the country he adores, with the crowd of thirty-two Phihppine 
 patriots, and keep the lion's share for himself. He actually held on to the money 
 except a small bribe for one friend to discontinue a lawsuit, and finally turned it 
 over to Agoncillo, the great foreign ambassador who is traveling in Europe to 
 procure assistance for the expulsion of the tyrannical Americans from his native 
 land. Aguinaldo once had been a prominent insurgent and the pigmies in the 
 wilderness had confidence in him because it was their faith that he had "a charm" 
 so potent that neither lead nor poison could deprive him of life. But he had made 
 peace for $400,000 in hand — Mexican dollars — and $400,000 more promised by the 
 Spaniards; and about the time he got the first installment — and that is all he 
 ever got — there was a change of Spanish Captain-Generals and the treaty that 
 Aguinaldo had made with the one who returned to Madrid was a subject of hilarity 
 there. Nobody paid other attention to it. That is one of the ways, and the 
 favored one, the Spaniards had of putting down a rebellion. They bribe the 
 patriot leaders to go away on conditions that everything shall be done for the 
 dear people. It is easy to promise, as there is nothing to do. Nothing is done, 
 of course. Nobody expects it. The transaction is closed when the first install- 
 ment of money is paid as a benevolent "concession" to the retiring patriot. Aguin- 
 aldo is not a man of great gifts, but he did know something of the Spanish char- 
 acter, and he must have known why and for what he went away. He hadn't got 
 back when Dewey smashed the Spanish fleet, but there were insurgents carrying 
 on the usual war of the Spanish colonists against the mother country, and Aguin- 
 aldo had ceased to be a factor. He was a "has been." But our Consuls had heard
 
 INTRODUCTION. 507 
 
 of liim, and tliey thought he might do something and showered Dewey with 
 information about him, and finally the Consul at Singapore got a dispatch from 
 the then Commodore that was an invitation to Aguinaldo to assist in the war with 
 Spain. His reappearance was under American auspices, and he smoothed the way 
 with many promises and protestations that he was substantially a good American. 
 At first the Filipinos did not seem to catch on to his mission, but the splendor 
 of the American victory cast a light upon them and they associated him with the 
 illumination. Then he began to be a great man, and immediately wanted to 
 dictate to the Filipinos and the Americanos. Then came native swarms out of the 
 woods upon development of his transferred prestige, and it does not seem unlikely 
 they attributed the annihilation of the Spanish fleet to Aguinaldo, who is as great 
 a naval as military man, and therefore they resented the unnecessary appearance, 
 according to the light the Tagalos had, of American troops, who touched the 
 tenderness of the insurgents by trampling on their sacred soil. The little yellow 
 dictatorial creature, inflamed with personal grandeur, thought himself entitled to 
 give or refuse permission to Americans to place their feet upon his holy land, 
 and he held it was necessary before permitting this desecration to have official 
 information as to what the armed Americans proposed to do when they got ashore. 
 This is the sum and substance of Aguinaldo's voluminous correspondence with 
 General Thomas Anderson — a mass of Filipino literature (the Dictator's part of 
 it) that will forever pass as the premium performance of impertinence. In that 
 regard it is almost superhuman. But the Dictator, whose professions of fondness 
 for liberty have so fascinated an order of statesmanship in this country — the Dicta- 
 tor who parted from his loved country and fond people comforted with a certified 
 check — this distinguished patriot who took thirty-two "compatriots" and person- 
 ally conducted them to Hongkong for the sake of peace with Spain — the Spaniards 
 robbed a bank to get the money — ^he had the fortune, after making a safe landing 
 under the American flag, and setting up a sovereignty of his own at the cost of 
 Americans, of accumulating a considerable force of bushwhackers. They got a 
 good many cartridges from Cavite, surrounded the city and did shooting enough 
 to annoy the Spaniards a good deal, as they were so cowed by Dewey that they 
 stuck close to their breastworks. The Filipino siege was a case of very bad shoot- 
 ing at long range — the Spaniards behind bags of mud, the Filipinos in the jungles. 
 General Mcrritt arrived and landed without asking Aguinaldo whether he might, 
 and was not long in disturbing the exercises of the extensive shooting match, 
 which did not amount to much on either side. The Filipinos are rather fond of 
 being in the mud, and firing at distant objects. The Spaniards sheltered them-
 
 508 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 selves from the rain, and, as long as the rice and tobacco held out, were satisfied 
 that they were doing very well. There were about 13,000 Spaniards and 14,000 
 Filipinos. When the American force numbered about one-half the Filipino swarm 
 General Merritt concluded to do business. The sovereign natives were right in 
 the way and had scratched the ground here and there in their character of be- 
 siegers. They had to be removed for military purposes, and didn't mind seeing 
 Americans go to the front. So the town was taken. The Spaniards surrendered 
 on conditions. In the articles of capitulation the faith and honor of the Army 
 of the United States were made responsible for the suppression within the limits 
 of the city of barbarism. In three days came the news of the Peace Protocol. 
 The arms and ammunition of the Spaniards — 22,000 rifles and 10,000,000 car- 
 tridges — were in the hands of the Americans, and, according to the convention, 
 if the Americans retired the Spanish troops were to receive their arms — that is 
 to say, be equipped to defend themselves. That would have been the first thing 
 in order if our troops had retired. The Aguinaldo army had grand passion to loot 
 Manila, incidentally murdering the Europeans, and also the Chinese who had 
 possessions. Refused this festival of liberty, the native patriots became the enemies 
 of Americans. The discipline of the Aguinaldo forces is a case of "the cohesive 
 power" of the prospect of plunder, with a chance for a massacre associated, and 
 under this inspiration the champions of freedom and independence were sweltering 
 in their venom until they assaulted our lines. Their occupation has been, up to 
 the latest advices, a series of treacherous and devilish plots. These "people" are 
 likened by some of our statesmen to our Revolutionary ancestors, and show their 
 similitude to the fathers desperately attempting repeatedly to wipe out the city 
 in a conflagration and accompany the spread of the flames by the assassination of 
 all in their way of manifesting the inherent capacity of self-government. Ameri- 
 cans have never had a chance to get away and the accumulating evidence is already 
 ample, that the more casualties there are among the bands of liberty-lovers in the 
 jungles, the better it will be for the Philippine people at large. The discussion 
 of the merits of the war that has arisen from the bloody ashes of the Spanish 
 power in the Asian islands, has been of extraordinary range and interest through- 
 out the world, and is to the people of the United States of overshadowing import. 
 Expressions of Public Opinion in this association have been invited by those who 
 have in our country the executive responsibility. We have assembled the utter- 
 ances of the disputants most prominently known, and whose words appear of 
 the most notable force and pertinence. We have been impartial in the selection 
 and adjustment of the views of gentlemen on both sides of the question of Amer-
 
 INTEODUCTION. 509 
 
 ican Expansion, Intelligent attention will demonstrate the fairness of the reports 
 herewith presented of a discussion that there is every reason to believe will be as 
 influential as it is unmistakably testified the result will be of moment. The 
 President of the United States has invited by his policy of candor and of deference 
 to the ultimate judgment of his countrymen, the most thorough consideration of 
 the practical questions before the people, and unequivocally submitted for the 
 public determination. There is in this book a full and fair collection of the 
 opposing contentions in the high debate of citizens, unofficial as well as official. 
 It is the most comprehensive that has been made and is commended as worthy 
 the time and the theme.
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PRESIDENT M'KINLEY FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 The Weighty Unexpected Problems Before the Country— Not Our Fault that They 
 Impose High Obligation— He Opposed War— No Nation Insisting Upon 
 War Can Foretell the Story of It— The President Cannot Fix the Boundaries 
 of Events— We Could Not Give Up Our Conquests to Spain— The Philip- 
 pines Had to Go to Spain or Be Held by Us— We Did Not Need the 
 Consent of the Filipinos to a Work of Humanity— The Future of the Philip- 
 pines Is in the Hands of the American People— No Imperial Designs Lurk 
 in the American Mind— The Free Can Conquer But to Save— The Bloody 
 Trenches Bring Anguish to His Heart— The Filipinos Will Be Grateful 
 for American Civilization. 
 
 President McKinley says we have been successful in a war with a foreign power 
 adding great glory to our arms — a new chapter in American history. He did not 
 know why in this war this republic has unexpectedly had placed before it mighty 
 problems which it must face and meet. They have come and are here and they 
 could not be kept away. Many who were impatient for the conflict a year ago, ap- 
 parently heedless of its larger results, were the first to cry out against the far-reach- 
 ing consequences of their own act. Those of us who dreaded war most and when 
 every effort was directed to prevent it, had fears of new and grave problems which 
 might follow its inauguration. 
 
 "The evolution of events which no man could control has brought these prob- 
 lems upon us. Certain it is that they have not come through any fault on our own 
 part, but as a high obligation, and we meet them with clear conscience and unselfish 
 purpose and with good heart resolve to undertake their solution. 
 
 "War was declared in April, 1898, with practical unanimity by the Congress 
 and, once upon us, was sustained by like unanimity among the people. There had 
 been many who tried to avert it, as, on the other hand, there were many who would 
 have precipitated it at an earlier date. In its prosecution and conclusion the great 
 majority of our countrymen of every section believed they were fighting in a Just 
 cause, and at home or on sea or in the field they had part in the glorious triumphs. 
 It was the war of the undivided nation. 
 
 "Every great act in its progress from Manila to Santiago, from Guam to Porto 
 Eico, met universal and hearty commendation. The protocol commanded the prac- 
 tically unanimous approval of the American people. It was welcomed by every 
 
 lover of peace beneath the flag. 
 
 510
 
 PEESIDENT M'KINLEY FOR EXPANSION. 511 
 
 "The riiilippines, like Cuba and Porto Rico, were entrusted to our hands by 
 the war, and to that great trust, under the providence of God and in the name of 
 human progress and civilization, we are committed. It is a trust we have not 
 sought; it is a trust from which we will not flinch. The American people will hold 
 up the hands of their servants at home, to whom they commit its execution, while 
 Dewey and Otis and the brave men whom they command will have the support of 
 the country in upholding our flag where it now floats, the symbol and assurance of 
 liberty and justice. 
 
 "AYhat nation was ever able to write an accurate programme of the war upon 
 which it was entering, much less decree in advance the scope of its results? Con- 
 gress can declare war, but a higher power decrees its bounds and fixes its relations 
 and responsibilities. 
 
 "The President can direct the movements of soldiers on the field and fleets 
 upon the sea, but he cannot foresee the close of such movements or prescribe their 
 limits. He cannot anticipate or avoid the consequences, but he must meet them. 
 No accurate map of nations engaged in war can be traced until the war is over, nor 
 can the measure of responsibility be fixed till the last gun is fired and the verdict 
 embodied in the stipulations of peace. 
 
 "We hear no complaint of the relations created by the war between this Gov- 
 ernment and the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico. There are some, however, who 
 regard the Philippines as in a different relation, but, whatever variety of views there 
 may be on this phase of the question, there is universal agreement that the Philip- 
 pines shall not be turned back to Spain. No true American can consent to that. 
 Even if unwilling to accept them ourselves, it would have been a weak evasion of 
 manly cluty to require Spain to transfer them to some other power or powers and 
 thus shirk our own responsibility. Even if we had had, as we did not have, the 
 power to compel such a transfer, it could not have been made without the most 
 serious international complications. 
 
 "Such a course could not be thought of. And yet, had we refused to accept 
 the cession of them, we should have had no power over them, even for their own 
 good. "We could not discharge the responsibilities upon us until these islands be- 
 came ours either by conquest or treaty. 
 
 "There was but one alternative, and that was either Spain or the United States 
 in the Philippines. The other suggestions — first, that they should be tossed into 
 the arena for the strife of nations, or, second, be lost in the anarchy and chaos of no 
 protectorate at all — were too shameful to be considered. The treaty gave them to 
 the United States. Could we have required less and done our duty? Could we.
 
 512 PEESIDENT M'KINLEY FOE EXPANSION. 
 
 after freeing the Filipinos from the domination of Spain, have left them without 
 government and without power to protect life and property or to perform the inter- 
 national obligations essential to an independent state? Could we have left them 
 in a state of anarchy and justified ourselves in our own consciences or before the 
 tribunal of mankind? Could we have done that in the sight of God and man? 
 
 "Our concern was not for territory or trade or empire, but for the people whose 
 interests and destiny, without our willing it, had been put in our hands. It was 
 with this feeling that from the first day to the last not one word or line went from 
 the Executive in Washington to our military and naval commanders at Manila or to 
 our peace commissioners at Paris that did not put as the sole purpose to be kept 
 in mind first after the success of our arms and the maintenance of our own honor 
 the welfare and happiness and the rights of the inhabitants of the Philippine Is- 
 lands. Did we need their consent to perform a great act for humanity? We had 
 it in every aspiration of their minds, in every hope of their hearts. 
 
 "Was it necessary to ask their consent to capture Manila, the capital of their 
 islands? Did we ask their consent to liberate them from Spanish sovereignty or 
 to enter Manila bay and destroy the Spanish sea power there? We did not ask 
 these; we were obeying a higher moral obligation which rested on us and did not 
 requ.ire anybody's consent. We were doing our duty by them with the consent of 
 our own consciences and with the approval of civilization. Every present obliga- 
 tion has been met and fulfilled in the expulsion of Spanish sovereignty from their 
 islands, and while the war that destroyed it was in progress we could not ask their 
 views. Nor can we now ask their consent. 
 
 "Indeed, can anyone tell me in what form it could be marshaled and ascer- 
 tained until peace and order, so necessary to reign of reason, shall be secured and 
 established? A reign of terror is not the kind of rule under which right action 
 and deliberate Judgment are possible. It is not a good time for the liberator to sub- 
 mit important questions concerning liberty and government to the liberated while 
 they are engaged in shooting down their rescuers* 
 
 "We have now ended the war with Spain. The treaty has been ratified by 
 more than two-thirds of the Senate of the United States and by the judgment of 
 nine-tenths of its people. No nation was ever more fortunate in war or more hon- 
 orable in negotiations in peace. 
 
 "Spain is now eliminated from the problem. . It remains to ask what we shall 
 do now. I do not intrude upon the duties of Congress or seek to anticipate or 
 forestall its action. I only say that the treaty of peace, honorably secured, having 
 been ratified by the United States and, as we confidently expect, shortly ratified in
 
 PEESIDENT M'KINLEY FOR EXPANSION. 513 
 
 Spain, Congress will have the power and I am sure the purpose to do what in good 
 morals is right and just and humane for these people in distant seas. 
 
 "It is sometimes hard to determine what is best to do and the best thing to do 
 is oftentimes the hardest. The prophet of evil would do nothing, because he flinches 
 at sacrifice and eifort, and to do nothing is easiest and involves the least cost. On 
 those who have things to do there rests a responsibility which is not on those who 
 have no obligations as doers. 
 
 "If the doubters were in a majority there would, it is true, be no labor, no sacri- 
 fice, no anxiety and no burden raised or carried; no contribution from our ease 
 and j)urse and comfort to the welfare of others, or even to the extension of our 
 resources to the welfare of ourselves. There would be ease, but, alas! there would 
 be nothing done. 
 
 "But grave problems come in the life of a nation, however much men may 
 seek to avoid them. They come without our seeking, why, we do not know, and it is 
 not always given us to know, but the generation on which they are forced cannot 
 avoid the responsibility of honestly striving for their solution. We may not know 
 precisely how to solve them, but we can make an honest effort to that end and, if 
 made in conscience, justice and honor, it will not be in vain. 
 
 'The future of the Philippine Islands is now in the hands of the American 
 people. Until the treaty was ratified or rejected the executive department of this 
 Government could only preserve the peace and protect life and property. That 
 treaty now commits the free and enfranchised Filipinos to the guiding hand and the 
 liberalizing influences, the generous sympathies, the uplifting education, not of their 
 American masters, but of their American emancipators. No one can tell to-day 
 what is best for them or for us. I know no one at this hour who is wise enough 
 or sufiiciently informed to determine what form of government will best subserve 
 their interests and our interests, their and our well being. 
 
 "If we knew everything by intuition — and I sometimes think there are those 
 who believe that if we do not they do — ^we should not need information, but, un- 
 fortunately, most of us are not in that happy state. The whole subject is now with 
 Congress, and Congress is the voice, the conscience and the judgment of the Amer- 
 ican people. Upon their judgment and conscience can we not rely? I believe in 
 them, I trust them. I know of no better or safer human tribunal than the people. 
 
 "Until Congress shall direct otherwise, it will be the duty of the Executive to 
 possess and hold the Philippines, giving to the people thereof peace and beneficent 
 government, affording them every opportunity to prosecute their lawful pursuits, 
 encouraging them in thrift and industry, making them feel and know we are their
 
 514 PRESIDENT M'KINLEY FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 friends, not their enemies; that their good is our aim; that their welfare is our 
 welfare, but that neither their aspirations nor ours can be realized until our au- 
 thority is acknowledged and unquestioned. 
 
 "That the inhabitants of the Philippines will be benefited by this Republic is 
 my unshaken belief; that they will have a kindlier government under our guidance 
 and that they will be aided in every possible way to be self-respecting and self-gov- 
 erning people is as true as that the American people love liberty and have an abiding 
 faith in their own government and their own institutions. 
 
 "No imperial designs lurk in the American mind. They are alien to American 
 sentiment, thought and purpose. Our priceless principles undergo no change under 
 a tropical sun. They go with the fiat: 
 
 " 'Why read ye not the changeless truth. 
 The free can conquer but to save?' 
 
 "If we can benefit these remote peoples, who will object? If in the years of 
 the future they are established in government under law and liberty, who will regret 
 our perils and sacrifices, who will not rejoice in our heroism and humanity? Always 
 perils and always after them safety; always darkness and clouds, but always shining 
 through them the light and the sunshine; always cost and sacrifice, but always after 
 them the fruition of liberty, education and civilization. 
 
 "I have no light or knowledge not common to my countrymen. I do not 
 prophesy. The present is all-absorbing to me, but I cannot bound my vision by the 
 blood-stained trenches around Manila, Avhere every red drop, whether from the veins 
 of an American soldier or a misguided Filipino, is anguish to my heart, but by the 
 broad range of future years, when that group of islands, under the impulse of the 
 year just past, shall have become the gems and glories of those tropical seas, a land 
 of plenty and of increasing possibilities, a people redeemed from savage indolence 
 and habits, devoted to the arts of peace, in touch with the commerce and trade of all 
 nations, enjoying the blessings of freedom, of civil and religious liberty, of educa- 
 tion and of homes, and whose children and children's children shall for ages hence 
 bless the American republic because it emancipated and redeemed their fatherland 
 and set them in the pathway of the world's best civilization."
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 ANDEEW CAENEGIE OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 
 
 Mr. Carnegie Assails the President and the Secretary of the Treasury for Changing 
 Their Opinions as to Expansion — Doubts the President's Convictions and 
 Says Gage Is Not a Manufacturer — Carnegie Desires Commercial Expansion 
 — He Wants the President to Listen to the London Times — The Open Door 
 Will Antagonize American Labor — Predicts Dcath-Blow to "Imperialism" 
 — Says No Citizen Can Be Deprived of the Eight to Send His Products to 
 Any Territory Under Our Flag Free of All Tariffs Within the Eepublic's 
 Domain — Trade of Philippines Cannot Be American — Spain Gets $20,- 
 000,000 for a Great Eelief — Tribute to the Personal Virtues of the President 
 — A Eeply to Mr. Murat Halstead's Address at Homestead. 
 
 Andrew Carnegie opened a crusade against the antagonism of the Philippines 
 by the statement "Half the danger would be over" if the people knew the Presi- 
 dent had convictions on the subject "to which he would stand." He added Sec- 
 retary Gage was a "convert to imperialism," and had "fortunately given us the 
 reason." And Mr. Carnegie added: 
 
 "Secretary Gage has not only told us that he has changed his views and is a 
 convert to imperialism, but he has fortunately given us the reason. All that is nec- 
 essary is that our public men should give reasons for the Eepublie abandoning the 
 policy which has made her great. He accepts the dangers and cost of imperialism 
 against his own wishes for the sake of commercial expansion. 
 
 "Now, Secretary Gage has never manufactured anything nor exported anything 
 — he is neither in manufacturing nor in commerce. I am in both. Our concern is 
 to-day the largest manufacturer in the world in its line, and I believe it is also to-day 
 the largest exporter of manufactures in the United States. 
 
 "We have within two years begun to send our steel to all parts of the world. 
 Our sales reach into the millions of dollars. We have our London house now as 
 we have in New York. The foreign business is growing by leaps and bounds. Now, 
 one of the reasons why I oppose imperialism — the acquisition of the Philippines, 
 for instance — is commercial expansion. 
 
 "The reason that Secretary Gage gives for acquiring the Philippines is the 
 reason why I would not. He believes it would be favorable to commercial expan- 
 sion; I know that it would be detrimental. 
 
 "The Secretary gave no reason for thinking that the acquisition of distant pos- 
 
 515
 
 516 ANDEEW CARNEGIE OPPOSED TO EXPANSION". 
 
 sessions would increase our foreign trade. Permit me to state reasons why it would 
 not increase but decrease it. 
 
 "Foreign trade rests upon peace and security; the waters must be calm, dis- 
 turbing influences absent, to foster trade in foreign parts. 
 
 "Two weeks ago British consols fell 2f ; there was a rumor of war with France; 
 money needed by manufacturers and exporters rose to double what it had been. 
 Our financial operations in London covering our foreign trade were immediately 
 transferred to New York, which for the time became the financial center of the 
 world. Money exchange was furnished us cheaper here than London could give. 
 TJie quiver that went through the commercial world in Britain arrested commerce 
 at many points. New York was secure beyond the zone of disturbance; there was 
 no war rumor which affected the Republic. Great Britain was within the zone and 
 her business was disturbed. 
 
 "Should we undertake to hold the Philippines we immediately place the whole 
 Republic within the zone of wars and rumors of wars, and the rumor of war, it 
 must be remembered, is in itself destructive to commerce. It was only rumors of 
 war that threw us from London back to New York. 
 
 "If Secretary Gage is not satisfied with the commercial expansion which this 
 country is enjoying what will satisfy this man? I have seen nothing like it in my 
 lifetime, nor have I read of anything comparable to it. 
 
 "Without distant possessions, the Republic, solid, compact, safe from the zone 
 of war disturbance, has captured the world's markets for many products, and only 
 needs a continuance of peaceful conditions to have the industrial world at its feet. 
 Our exports now exceed the exports of Great Britain. What does Secretary Gage 
 mean by talking of commercial expansion to come, when the question to-day is, how 
 shall we meet the commercial expansion crowding upon us? 
 
 "If the Secretary of the Treasury has time to spare let me suggest that he can 
 use it to better advantage studying how to give to our exporters suitable steamship 
 lines to carry away the traffic that is offered. This is the one great want of the 
 United States in the way of commercial expansion, not the management of bar- 
 barous regions involving race troubles far exceeding those we have at home. 
 
 "There is another point that Secretary Gage fortunately has to consider. I 
 should like to ask the Administration one question which the President and Cabinet 
 must soon think of. 
 
 "Are the Philippines to be considered part of the American Republic, as Porto 
 Rico is, and are we to keep them for ourselves as we have Porto Rico, excluding the 
 world from equal trade rights with them?
 
 ANDREW CARNEGIE OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 517 
 
 "Suppose President McKinley says 'Yes, I have always stood for American 
 labor; I am its great champion; I am a protectionist to the core/ 
 
 "I begin to grow doubtful about the President having convictions upon any 
 Tsubject; but if he has a conviction it is this, that it is the duty of an American 
 President to take care of American labor. Well, he will have done so when he an- 
 nounces that he is going to obey the Constitution of the United States, although 
 in these days the Constitution seems to be, as Tim Campbell once said to President 
 Cleveland, 'a small thing to stand between friends/ 
 
 "But suppose the President is true to the Constitution and his oath to support 
 it, then there is free trade between all parts of the United States and the Philip- 
 pines as there is to Porto Rico — he has stood true there — but there is a high tariff 
 between the trade of all other nations and the Philippines. 
 
 "I believe the President will be driven to hold this position. What ensues? 
 War! Britain is our best friend to-day, but only upon condition that we keep 'open 
 door' for her in the Philippines and in all other of our distant possessions. 
 
 "The London Times has already given a strong hint upon this subject in re- 
 ferring to the President's bottling up Porto Rico. 
 
 "Let the President listen to this from the London Times editorial: 'English- 
 men have seen with ungrudging satisfaction the entrance of America on the path 
 of imperial expansion which they have themselves trodden with such conspicuous 
 success. But it must be confessed that a considerable strain is put ujDon our sym- 
 pathy by such blunders as the order regulating the trade of Porto Rico, which our 
 correspondent cites and which reads as if it were borrowed from our own navigation 
 acts which the Americans themselves found so oppressive.' 
 
 "The most sensitive chord of Britain is its foreign trade; upon that it depends. 
 Let the President of the United States once show that the American system is to be 
 extended to the Philippines, and that Secretary Gage had some foundation for his 
 idea of 'commercial expansion' for the advantage of American labor, and it will not 
 be necessary for Britain openly to intervene. 
 
 "France, Germany and Russia, as is well known, are opposed to America enter- 
 ing upon possessions in the far East. Those nations combined drove Japan out of 
 Corea; they will drive the United States out of the Philippines, always provided 
 Britain agrees to do what she did with Japan — occupy a neutral position. 
 
 "But I go further than this. She will require the United States to agree to 
 keep the 'open door,' as she required Germany to do. Of course, Germany has 
 agreed to keep the open door in her Eastern possessions. She wouldn't have any
 
 518" ANDKEW CARNEGIE OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 
 
 if she had not. Neither will the United States, for let it be noted that 70 per cent 
 of the total trade of the Philippines is to-day British. 
 
 "1 have spoken of European nations, but there is a nation quite near the Phil- 
 ippines with which the United States would find it most difficult to deal at so great 
 a distance, for, remember it is a question of naval strength. Here is what the min- 
 ister of Japan said the other day: 
 
 " 'Every year its trade with the Philippines has increased until now it has be- 
 come of very respectable proportions. Naturally my Government is interested in 
 seeing that this trade shall continue, and as it firmly believes the ports of the is- 
 lands will be freely opened to Japan if the United States governs the islands, it 
 would rather see America gain control than any other nation.' 
 
 "I was consulted last week in regard to taking an offer of 60,000 tons of steel 
 jDlates for delivery in Western Australia. My feeling was that we should wait re- 
 sults. Let us see whether we do not get into trouble in regard to the 'open door' 
 or the 'closed door' in the Philippines. If we do, of course there is no delivery in 
 Western Australia possible to the extent of 60,000 tons of steel to be made by Amer- 
 ican labor. Mr. Gage's commercial expansion is hindered. This steel may not be 
 made in the United States. So much for imperialism and its foreign complica- 
 tions. 
 
 "Suppose, however, President McKinley, in order to hold the Philippines at all, 
 has to grant the 'open door,' where will Secretary Gage and his commercial expan- 
 sion stand then? What will labor in the United States say to the recreant Presi- 
 dent? What compensation is it to have? 
 
 "Wliat justification can be pleaded for paying twenty or forty millions for the 
 Philippines, and for sacrificing the blood of our soldiers and the lives of our civil 
 servants involved in this acquisition, if no advantage accrues? What answer will 
 he make to the people upon whom he imposes additional taxation? 
 
 "I think I know what the laboring masses of the United States will say to 
 him and to any government that throws upon the country such sacrifices of life and 
 such burdens, only to open its costly acquisitions to the nations of the world. 
 
 "If it be fair competition with other nations that we require for commercial 
 expansion, we are certain of that already, because Britain will never permit the open 
 door in the far East to be closed. 
 
 "President Gompers, of the American Federation of Labor, is on the right 
 track. He denounces the policy of bringing the Republic into the zone of Euro- 
 pean strife in the far East. He will win, and it only needs a few large employers
 
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 ANDEEW CARNEGIE OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 521 
 
 of labor to speak to their people to carry the entire laboring people of the Union 
 against the President's supposed treachery to the cause of American labor. 
 
 "Let the President take either horn of the dilemma and his policy of what he 
 himself has called 'criminal aggression' fails. Let him open the door to the ^yorld 
 and he antagonizes American labor. Let him consider the Philippines part of the 
 United States, and therefore entitled under the Constitution to free trade with, 
 as part of, the United States, and its door closed except through the high tariff to 
 all other nations, and he antagonizes the whole of Europe and has war upon his 
 hands to a certainty — this time no weak Spain to deal with, but the overwhelming 
 naval power of Europe. 
 
 "Be of good cheer! The American people have always decided rightly in great 
 crises. The imperialistic policy has not been properly discussed, because the posi- 
 tion of the President and the Government is not yet known, but the President has 
 to come forward and decide the question I have indicated. 
 
 "This will be the death blow of imperialism either way he decides. 
 
 "The Republic will escape the threatened danger and hold fast to the policy of 
 'the Fathers,' which has made it the most prosperous nation the world ever saw 
 and brought the industrial supremacy of the world within its grasp under the aegis 
 of peace and security — the one industrial nation free from the unceasing danger of 
 wars and rumors of wars which keep every shipyard, every armor plant, every gun 
 factory in the world busy night and day, Saturdays and Sundays, preparing engines 
 for the coming struggle between the nations of Europe." 
 
 Mr. Carnegie had predicted that the President would be forced to meet the 
 question of "the open door" or "the closed door," and he commented: 
 
 "From the President's record as the champion of American products of the soil 
 and the mine and of American labor, I supposed that he would not yield to the 
 dictation of our foreign rivals without hesitation. One was justified in thinking 
 that an American President would not sacrifice American interests without hesi- 
 tating, but it seems the President never hesitated a moment. 
 
 "From one point of view he cannot be blamed. There was no use in his at- 
 tempting to oppose the giving of the 'open door' to the foreigner, because refusal 
 meant that he had to meet the combined fleets of Japan, Russia, Germany, France, 
 and last, but not least, Great Britain, and this the wildest expansionist, unless 
 wholly bereft of reason, would not for a moment consider. He had to concede to 
 other nations the markets of his new ill-starred possession. To such national hu- 
 miliations imperialism inevitably leads. 
 
 "In this morning's papers we are correctly told by the Secretary of the State
 
 523 ANDREW CARNEGIE OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 
 
 that the 'open door' does not mean free trade, that the Philippines will have their 
 tariff, and that all products entering the ports will be required to pay the same du- 
 ties, whether these be products of American soil or labor, or of the low-priced labor 
 of Europe, India, Australia, or the Argentine; but the Secretary of State is also 
 reported to have said that this places all nations upon an equality. Here he has made 
 a pardonable mistake, since he has no experience of commerce. 
 
 "The manufacturer of Germany, France or Britain, the farmer of Australia and 
 of the Baltic provinces of Russia and of the Argentine, reach the Philippines at 
 about one-half the freight cost that the American farmer has to pay upon his 
 products or the American manufacturer upon manufactured articles. The distance 
 to Manila from the Atlantic seaboard is, say, 14,000 miles (via Cape); from Europe 
 only, say, 9,000; 12,000 from New York (via Europe, which is the shortest way); 
 from Australasia only about one-half the distance of that from San Francisco, say 
 3,500 miles, against 7,000; from India only 4,000, from Argentina not much further 
 than from San Francisco. 
 
 "Therefore, when President McKinley agreed that the products of Europe and 
 the agricultural products of Australia and Argentina and India should reach the 
 Philippines and pay only the same tariff as products of the soil and the mine of his 
 own country, he closed the door effectually upon American commercial expansion 
 in the Philippines. 
 
 "American products stood upon an equality with those of foreign nations un- 
 der Spanish authority, except that Spain was favored against all, and here are the 
 import figures for the last year of Philippine trade (1896) for which figures are 
 available: 
 
 "From Great Britain and British Colonies, 15 per cent £1,420,800 
 
 From Spain, 13 per cent 284,310 
 
 From all other nations, 22 per cent 480,890 
 
 Total imports , £2,186,000 
 
 or, say, $10,500,000. The United States sent only $146,000 worth, a sum too small 
 for the Statesman's Year Book to specify separately. 
 
 "Under the President's concession of the 'open door' such will be about the 
 United States' proportion in future. Conditions are not changed, except as to 
 Spain's paltry 13 per cent. 
 
 "The trade of the Philippines cannot be American, but let no one blame the 
 President, because if his imperialism was not to suffer shipwreck he had to throw 
 away the markets of his new possessions.
 
 ANDEEW CARNEGIE OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 523 
 
 "It is interesting to consider whether the President or Secretary of State or any 
 member of his Cabinet knew that landing American products either of the farm or 
 of the mine in Manila upon equal terms with the agricultural products of Australia, 
 India, Argentina, or of the manufactures of Europe, simply meant that American 
 grain, flour, provisions, American cotton and woolen goods, American iron and 
 steel, were at so serious a disadvantage, owing to the greater distance, that they were 
 practically excluded from the new possessions for which the American people are 
 to pay. 
 
 "My answer is that I do not believe that one of them ever thought of this fatal 
 fact of distance. The men in Washington to-day are so immersed in problems which 
 have nothing whatever to do with the prosperity of their own country that they have 
 no time to consider subjects bearing upon it. They have eaten of the insane root 
 of territorial expansion in distant continents; they are dreaming dreams, chasing 
 'phantoms, and in one stroke of the pen the President of the United States has 
 innocently given over the trade of the Philippines to foreign nations. I do not be- 
 lieve that he ever thought of distance. 
 
 "America stands in regard to the trade of the Philippines exactly as she stood 
 when they were under the dominion of Spain, except that the 13 per cent of Spain 
 was favored. She was then on an equality with other foreign nations, but what has 
 the Republic now to shoulder by this hasty act of the President which she had not 
 before? 
 
 "First — She pays $20,000,000 for the privilege of getting what she had better 
 have paid a thousand millions to be without. 
 
 "Second — The President is to ask Congress for an addition to the army one and 
 one-half times bigger than the entire army that was necessary before he left the 
 path of the fathers and plunged the ship of state into this sea of troubles. 
 
 "Third — The President is to ask Congress for a tremendous addition to our 
 navy, which will cost more than $20,000,000 every year. The increased army will 
 cost probably as much. 
 
 "The President will get his ships of war, but he will not get his regular soldiers. 
 The work which he wishes them to do is not that which the regular soldier of the 
 United States has hitherto agreed to do. The regular soldier will now have to leave 
 his country to suppress the aspirations of people for independence. 
 
 "Perhaps the President of the United States will order the American soldier 
 to shoot down men whose only crime is that they fight for the independence of 
 their country, which the American has been brought up to believe a prize worthy 
 of all sacrifice. Recruits cannot be had for the regular army to-day. The pay of
 
 524 ANDKEW CAKNEGIE OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 
 
 the army must be raised. It is safe to say that the additional burdens which the 
 President must finally place upon the American people will not amount to less than 
 $100,000,000 per annum, all of this required because the country will have to main- 
 tain a great army and a navy equal to those of European powers, in order to defend 
 worthless foreign possessions from which no benefit can now be reaped, American 
 products having been effectually excluded. 
 
 "Now as to how this hundred millions is to be raised. Fortunately we are not 
 left in doubt. The President's spokesman and manager. Senator Hanna, has de- 
 clared that the tea and coffee of the workingman, now free, are to be taxed. There 
 is not a dinner pail that is not to be laid under contribution; labor is to bear the 
 burden. There is scarcely a farmer, nor a farm-hand employed by the farmer, nor 
 a wage-earner of any kind, who does not use tea or coffee, these necessaries of life, 
 and there is not one upon whose hard-won earnings the President of the United 
 States, through Senator Hanna, does not propose to levy a tax to support his wild 
 un-American schemes. 
 
 "The question now is, what is to be the response of the farmers and the farm 
 laborers and the workingmen, the men of the dinner pails, to this extraordinary pro- 
 gramme? If the President or any of his supporters can show that he is going to 
 promote their interests in any way by his bargain for the Philippines, let him 
 speak. 
 
 "I have shown that as far as the Philippines are concerned he has placed the 
 United States at a fatal disadvantage compared with our foreign rivals. Can any 
 one gainsay this? Is it not so? Here is the broad point for the President or any 
 of his supporters to grapple with: 
 
 "Can American products of the farm or of the mine reach the Philippines at 
 anything approaching the cost of transportation of the agricultural products of 
 Australia, Argentina or Russia, or the manufactures of Great Britain, Germany or 
 France, having thousands of miles further to go? 
 
 "If yes, then the American is not disadvantaged, but he has even then no ad- 
 vantage for all his taxes. He had the open door before, except in competition with 
 Spain. 
 
 "If not, then the President has handicapped the agricultural and manufac- 
 turing interests of his coimtry, and given to the foreigner the trade of the Philip- 
 pines. 
 
 "Thus the claims of the imperialists that foreign acquisitions extend our com- 
 merce with the Philippines is groundless. Let us hear no more of it. They must 
 confine themselves to 'Humanity,' with a big H, for business reasons there are none.
 
 VNDEEW CAENEGIE OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 535 
 
 "The President is confronted with another grave problem in his new and 
 thorny path. One of the ablest men of the United States is Secretary Wilson, of 
 the Department of Agriculture, a member of his Cabinet. No one who has followed 
 his writings and kept advised of his successes as I have can fail to be deeply inter- 
 ested in his work and in his man. He has told the nation that it can grow all the 
 sugar it requires; he encourages us to believe that we shall be able to grow all the 
 flax for our linen. He is deeply interested in the growth of tobacco within our own 
 domain. 
 
 "Now, to admit the sugar of Hawaii, as the President has decided we must 
 continue to do (Hawaii having become United States territory), and to go forward 
 with the same policy and admit sugar and tobacco from Porto Rico, which is United 
 States territory, like Hawaii, and to annex Cuba and admit its sugar and tobacco, 
 and to admit the hemp of Manila, would destroy the patriotic labors of Secretary 
 Wilson. 
 
 "I have no warrant for saying so, but I believe he would resign his ofl&ce in the 
 Cabinet the moment the President of the United States attempted to admit one 
 pound of sugar or tobacco free from Porto Eico or hemp from the Philippines. The 
 opposition of Secretary Wilson to this fatal course would be sufficient; he would 
 never have to resign from the Cabinet on that issue, simply because the farming 
 States, which make the President, would revolt. They will not be trifled with on 
 this point, neither would the people of the United States, as a whole, approve of 
 the beet-sugar industry being stricken down at this moment. 
 
 "We are soon to see the President of the United States proclaim, as he can — 
 as long as he is military dictator — that not a pound of hemp from Manila, not a 
 pound of sugar or tobacco from Porto Eico, will ever enter the United States with- 
 out paying the same duties as sugar or tobacco or hemp from foreign countries. He 
 is going to attempt to keep the American tariffs against the products of Cuba, Porto 
 Eico and the Philippines, notwithstanding his desire for their 'civilization,' for their 
 'benefit,' notwithstanding 'Humanity.' 
 
 "What a spectacle for Americans! But the interests of the poor Filipinos, of 
 the poor Porto Eicans, are of little moment when the votes of the farmers of the 
 United States are in jeopardy. Such are the fruits of the new policy. 
 
 "We are getting into a maze of knotty problems. Products of Hawaii and of 
 all other portions of the United States are exchanged free of duties under the con- 
 stitutional provision w^hich establishes free trade with our dominions, but the 
 products of Porto Eico, which the President has recognized as American territory 
 and held their trade for American ships as coast trade, are to be denied what
 
 526 ANDREW CAKNEGIE OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 
 
 Hawaii has— as far as its exports to the United States are concerned. But Amer- 
 ican products to Porto Eico are to be under the Constitution and free. The Phil- 
 ippines, on the other hand, are to have neither their exports nor imports to or from 
 the United States under the Constitution. 
 
 "This is a staggering state of affairs, but then let us remember the President 
 as War Lord is quite within his constitutional rights to 'make ducks and drakes' 
 with the Constitution in war time. No one can question his authority; there is 
 no usurpation of power, but one cannot but marvel at the 'admired disorder' of 
 his regulations. Ah, Mr. President, little did you know what leaving the teaching 
 of the fathers meant when yon rashly abandoned it and entered upon your new 
 and thorny path. 
 
 "What would you not give to get back again to the true American ideas? 
 It is not yet too late if you only knew your power over the masses of the people, 
 but you have to speak out in language to be 'understood of the common people' 
 in your next message to Congress, or the imperialistic craze may sweep you to your 
 political ruin, 
 
 "I must pause as I write to pay tribute to the many virtues of the President. 
 Some mutual friends have suggested that I went too far when I said that I began 
 to doubt whether he had convictions upon any subject. Let me say to these 
 that I was not speaking of the private character of Mr. McKinley. I had his official 
 acts as President in view, and who will pretend that as President he has stood to 
 his official convictions. 
 
 "These very friends urge that he was opposed to the war with Spain, for 
 instance, until a noisy gang dragged him into it. This is what all his supporters 
 are saying, and it is no doubt true and creditable to him as a good, gentle man, 
 but when it becomes our duty to call a public officer to account for his acts and 
 view him as history will place him — instead of this being a public virtue it was 
 a national crime. 
 
 "Assuming, as his friends claim, that h6 was not satisfied that war was required, 
 his duty as President was to exhaust the powers which were vested in him by 
 the Constitution and which he could not rightfully evade. He should have stood 
 out like a man and exercised his power of veto as other Presidents have done, as 
 General Grant did in a memorable case. Then, if Congress had passed the act 
 over his veto he would have been clear in his great office — ^his soul uncharged 
 with the blood spent and the thousands of lives sacrificed in unhealthy camps. 
 
 "It was this official act and another which could be named which I had in
 
 ANDEEW CARXEGIE OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 527 
 
 view when I spoke of 'convictions/ not the private acts of the individual Mr. 
 McKinley, which do not concern us. 
 
 "Eepresentatives and Senators, on the other hand, who thought in their 
 consciences that war was necessary, are not responsible for results. These acted 
 as officials should act always — in obedience to what is right as they see it. 
 
 "Kut if any words of mine bear the interpretation that I was speaking of 
 anything except the acts of the President in his official capacity, I express unfeigned 
 regret and publicly apologize for them. 
 
 "I never approached a President of the United States without being awed, 
 nor did I do so this week, when I was honored by being accorded an interview with 
 President McKinley. 
 
 T. speak against his policy as President in the strongest terms, and denounce 
 it, but well do I know the man as one of the best intentioned and purest living 
 men — a model of every virtue — 
 
 " 'The kindest man; 
 
 The best conditioned and unwearied spirit 
 In doing courtesies.' 
 
 "I have known Mr. McKinley most of my political life. I have always been 
 hie friend, but never so much his friend as I am to-day, when I tell him the 
 truth as I see it. Would that he had more such friends, for many of those about 
 him only whisper their dissent from his policy behind his back. Every man of 
 position who feels his country endangered should write to the President. 
 
 "This much the President knows: he has one friend who speaks boldly to 
 him face to face, one who has no favor to ask and fears nothing save his own 
 self-reproach. 
 
 "When called upon to consider the public safety let it never be forgotten, 
 however, that some of the direst evils that ever fell upon nations have come from 
 the best of men in all the domestic virtues, but men irresolute of purpose. Had 
 President Buchanan been a President Jackson we should have been saved the Civil 
 War. The President is too modest, and fails, as I think, to rate either his high office 
 or himself at true value. 
 
 "So much for the President as a man and as a public official, the one sacred 
 from criticism, the other not, for public officials' acts or policies are the property 
 of the people. We fail in our duty if we do not arraign him when we believe 
 his acts or his policy are against our country's good. "I do not intend to fail in the 
 performance of this duty. 
 
 "I did not fail in this duty to President Grant, with whose friendship I was
 
 528 ANDREW CARNEGIE OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 
 
 honored, or to the country, when he proposed the annexation of San Domingo, 
 which was not 'criminal aggression' upon his part, for its people desired annexation. 
 
 "I have done with President McKinley just as I did with President Grant — 
 opposed and denounced his policy. General Grant remained my friend notwith- 
 standing to the end, and I his friend. 
 
 "President McKinley may also, or may not, but I shall remain his well-wisher 
 and friend as a man, and a stanch one, although I see in his policy as President 
 nothing but disaster for our country, and have told him so, and intend to keep 
 on telling him so until the issue is settled beyond the reach of discussion. 
 
 ''To resume the discussion, it is not for the President of the United States 
 to decide, when he becomes once again a constitutional ruler, whether he can or 
 cannot deprive any citizen of the United States of the right which the Con- 
 stitution gives him to send his products to any territory over which the flag holds 
 sway, free of all tariffs within the broad domain of the Republic. This is a con- 
 stitutional right which even Congress cannot impair. 
 
 "This question is to be decided by the highest and most august tribunal of the 
 world, the Supreme Court of the United States, composed of nine able, pure men, 
 who hold office for life, independent of President, of Congress or of a popular vote, 
 a court which has just struck down the greatest combination of capital that the 
 world ever saw, a combination of the railway interests of this country — a court 
 which will not hesitate to apply the fundamental principles which underlie our 
 Government, and uphold the constitutional rights of the citizen from the attack 
 of either President or Congress. Therein lies the safety of the Republic. 
 
 "Whether the dictum of the President of the United States is to debar me 
 from sending steel made by the highest-priced labor in the world to all American 
 territory and j)revent me from bringing back from the Philippines in the same 
 ship the hemp of Manila, free of all tariffs, as I can do to Hawaii, is to be 
 decided by the Supreme Court, and only by it. 
 
 "If it is so decreed I shall bow without a murmur, as every loyal citizen of 
 the United States should bow to that tribunal, but we bow not to the President 
 except when he is war lord, commander-in-chief, whose request to me to sail for 
 the Philippines to-morrow, or to any place in the world, to perform services to 
 the Republic, I consider myself bound to obey, as a soldier would obey his superior, 
 but whose commands in the days of peace I will question and take to a higher court 
 if I think he attempts to rob me of a constitutional right. This is the birthright 
 of every American citizen. 
 
 "I have laid a matter for serious consideration before the farmers and their
 
 ANDREW CARNEGIE OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 539 
 
 workingmen, and before the wage-earners of the country. Their products cannot 
 reach the Philippines under the President's action. Two thousand to five thousand 
 additional miles of transportation rule them out in competition with the agri- 
 cultural products of the Argentine Republic, of India, of Russia, and with the 
 manufacturers of Britain, France and Germany. 
 
 "The open door to the foreigner means the 'closed door' to the United States. 
 
 "Strange day's work this for an American President, who against the commerce 
 destroyers of his country should 
 
 " 'Have barred the door, not borne the knife himself.' 
 
 "Mr. Murat Halstead, speaking at Homestead, Pa., said the Philippines will 
 be to the United States what India is to England.' This is what I believe they 
 will be, but does Mr. Halstead know what India is to England? 
 
 "Perhaps he has never been to India — I have. I have met the Indians who 
 speak English — who have spoken to me freely, because I was an American. What 
 does education make of Indians? Incipient rebels! They have taken to heart 
 Washington and our struggle for independence; they speak most of Cromwell, and 
 of Bolivar, Wallace and Tell. 
 
 "England in India stands to-day upon a volcano. She has to keep 60,000 
 British troops there to hold the people in subjection. She does not trust one 
 gun in the hands of native troops. They can have muskets, but the artillery is 
 all held by the British regiments. England has been in India for nearly 200 
 years — this is the condition she is still in to-day. Of all the perils of England, 
 that of India is the greatest. 
 
 "There is scarcely a statesman of Britain who does not wish privately, 'Would 
 that we were safely out cf India!' More than one of them has said so to me. 
 What does India do for England? Ask the desolate homes that I have known 
 in Britain. The late war against the Afridis plunged many thousands of homes 
 of England in mourning. The greatest weakness that England possesses to-day is 
 India. Were it not for India she would not fear Russia. 
 
 "India is the curse of Britain and the Philippines will be the curse of the 
 United States. If you teach suppressed people at all you make them rebels. 
 Education is fatal to the government of a superior race. The slaveholders under- 
 stood this — in order to maintain slavery the slave could not be taught to read. The 
 Declaration of Independence will make every ambitious Filipino a dissatisfied 
 
 subject. 
 
 "I thank Mr. Halstead for teaching me that phrase. I could not ask for
 
 530 ANDREW CARNEGIE OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 
 
 anything better. The Philippines are to be to the United States what India is 
 to Britain. Agreed. 
 
 "I hope the President of the United States has heard what Mr. Halstead has 
 said, and that it will induce him to look into the question of India and England. 
 Upon this test I stake the whole issue — only let the Americans learn what India 
 is to Britain and the President's policy is doomed. Thanks again, Friend Hal- 
 stead. 
 
 0-lC 
 
 AX>-Ayt*^(. 
 
 J^^^ /CCM^O.^^^
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 SENATOR CUSHMAN K. DAYIS FOR EXPANSION". 
 
 The Distinguished Chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations and 
 Member of the Peace Commission Declares His Position — The American 
 People Have Made an Immeasurable Advance "Within a Year — The Presi- 
 dent's Good !Work — The Story of the Making of the Treaty of Peace — 
 No Warning that Americans Claimed Too Much — Filipinos Not Ready for 
 Sovereignty Over Civilized People — Historical Antecedents of Expansion — 
 The Question ^Yhat We Shall Do with the Philippine Archipelago Not Yet 
 Upon Us — It Will Be Fair and Honorable. 
 
 Senator Cushman K. Davis upon the question of American policy towards 
 the Philippines, speaking with the weight of authority of the chairman of the 
 Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, and that of Peace Commissioner in 
 preparation at Paris of the treaty with Spain, said: 
 
 "The American people and humanity within the last twelve months have 
 advanced an immeasurable distance, never to recede. Nations, like individuals, 
 do not shape their own destinies. The personal experience of every individual 
 man teaches him that events in the earlier part of his life which seemed incon- 
 siderable to him have deflected the entire intended course of his destiny, as marked 
 by him, and sometimes moved him to higher altitudes of performance than he 
 had ever dreamed possible. And it is so of nations. Although we may plan wisely 
 by constitutional requirements, by statutory enactments, by party policy, there 
 come — whether by Providence or the evolutionary processes — interventions in the 
 affairs of nations, by that di-\dnity that shapes the ends thereof, hew them how we 
 will. 
 
 "As I said, we have passed an eventful twelve months, and you will pardon me 
 if I say here — not in the spirit of partisanship, but in just tribute to a conspicu- 
 ous public character who has largely guided these momentous events — that I 
 regard President MeKinley, from the complete equilibrium of his character, from 
 his attentive observation of the dictates of that majestic pubHc opinion by which 
 the results of all American issues are finally determined, by his firmness when a 
 course of action has been resolved upon, by his observance of the restrictions of 
 the Constitution and the laws, as a character altogether unique among American 
 Presidents. I do not believe that in all the long and illustrious rule of the men 
 who have filled that exalted chair there has been any man who has gone through 
 
 531
 
 532 SENATOR CUSHMAN K. DAVIS FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 processes and situations of more difficulty, testing alike the judgment and the 
 conscience, with more success and greater acceptability to the people of the United 
 States than President McKinley. 
 
 "The results of the war were sudden and spectacular. No war was ever so 
 shortly ended; no war was ever marked with such total annihilation of one of the 
 opposing forces. And, finally, the time came when Spain was obliged to sue for 
 peace, and the result was that the President of the United States empowered and 
 appointed five citizens to proceed to Paris to endeavor to negotiate a final treaty 
 with that monarchy. All of the members of that commission, excepting one, were 
 men of no diplomatic experience whatever. They had nothing to guide them but 
 what they esteemed to be a plain and clear conception of the interests of this 
 country, and of the duties of this victorious Nation toward the general cause of 
 humanity. The one exception — and I deem it entirely proper to mention it here — 
 the one exception of the man who possessed diplomatic experience was Mr. White- 
 law Reid, who had had great and considerable experience in that way, and whose 
 counsels in that respect and whose ability in all other respects were of the greatest 
 assistance to us. 
 
 "The members of the Spanish Commission were men of great experience, men 
 who had occupied high diplomatic and judicial and military positions in their own 
 country, and, in short, the best ability of Spain had been sent to confront the 
 American Commissioners. 
 
 "Of course, the terms of the treaty up to a certain point were plainly laid down 
 by the protocol, which had been entered into between Spain and the United States 
 in August last. They were the relinquishment of the sovereignty of Cuba; the 
 cession of Porto Rico from the other West India islands, and the occupation of the 
 city, bay, and harbor of Manila until the control and disposition and government 
 of the Philippine Islands should have been disposed of by a treaty of peace. 
 
 "The first point of conflict that we encountered was the insistence of the 
 Spanish commissioners that with the relinquishment of the sovereignty of Cuba 
 to be made to the United States, which amounted to a cession, should go an assump- 
 tion by the United States, and from her to Cuba, whenever she should be estab- 
 lished as a government, of the entire so-called colonial debt of Cuba. 
 
 "That debt amounted to $700,000,000. Of course we rejected the proposition 
 and we would have rejected it if that debt had been 700 cents. I had the honor 
 myself of making an answer to a very able argument of Senor Montero Rios that, 
 as a matter of international law of course there should be an apportionment of 
 the debt, a prorating of the matter by some scale, which was easy to adopt. He
 
 SEKATOE CUSHMAN K. DAVIS FOR EXPAXSION. 533 
 
 cited many instances where such an adjustment of the colonial debt had been made, 
 and from that he endeavored to exhaust the matters of special convention into a 
 matter of general international law. To that we made one answer, that it was not 
 a principle in international law, that the true principle was that whenever the in- 
 tegrity of the original empire remained as in the case of Spain, where any nation 
 or people had risen in the assertion of their liberties and had achieved them either 
 independently or by the aid of another power, that the mother coimtry took entire 
 burden of the debt, especially when a large part of it was created in an effort to 
 subjugate and subdue that colony wliich had attempted to gain its independence. 
 
 ''We adopted articles for the relinquishment of the sovereignty of Spain and 
 of the cession of Porto Eico, and then proceeded to the consideration of other minor 
 matters. Finally we submitted our proposition for the cession pure and simple of 
 the Philippine archipelago, and then after a solid five weeks the Spanish commis- 
 sioners wheeled around and reoccupied the position as to the assumption of the 
 colonial debt, which we had supposed they had abandoned, and said to us in a not 
 entirely diplomatic manner, that it might as well be understood, and they did not 
 want to repeat it again, that any proposition for peace which did not involve the 
 assumption of the proper proportion of the colonial debt would thwart the negotia- 
 tions. 
 
 "Thereupon, after some consultation, the American commissioners, tired of 
 this wheeling and whirling from one point to another, laid down to the Spanish 
 commissioners an ultimatum for the relinquishment of Cuba without the debt, for 
 the cession of Porto Eico and the Philippine Islands and gave them a period of 
 eight days to answer with a prospect of the suspension of negotiations, if a favor- 
 able answer was not forthcoming at the end of that time. At the end of eight days 
 the Spanish commissioners acquiesced. 
 
 "The proceedings after that were matter of incident and mere form, and the 
 result was that on December 10, 1898, a treaty was concluded and signed at Paris, 
 about 7 o'clock in the evening, which, although perhaps it does not become me to 
 say, yet I will say it, was the most complete diplomatic triumph ever received in 
 the annals of international negotiation. 
 
 "For all the time that we had been in Paris no word whatever of admonition 
 came from sea or shore that the American negotiators were claiming too much for 
 their country, that one single thing that they had asked was in excess of the just 
 requirements of the situation, and I will say, for one, that I was greatly surprised to 
 find after we returned here that there was a class of people in this country — phe-
 
 534 SENATOR CUSHMAN K. DAVIS FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 nomena in the museum of humanity — who were emaciated with surplus, who grew 
 lean upon enough and grew fat upon a deficit. 
 
 "It was at first thought that it would be sufficient to take the island of Luzon, 
 but the best military and naval authorities. Admiral Dewey, General Merritt, Com- 
 mander Bradbury, laid the situation before us from a military, naval and strategic 
 point of view, which made it perfectly obvious that we must either take the entire 
 archipelago or abandon it entirely; that the relations of those islands to each other 
 were such that the acquisition of one, with a hostile power or a foreign power of 
 whatever character holding the others, would only reproduce the conditions of Cuba 
 as against the United States and create a perpetual sore in the waters of the East. 
 We were bound, in view of the astounding development which the Chinese sover- 
 eignty has been subject to, to have a sufficient naval station in those waters. Who 
 in this audience would have expected that we would have left the Philippines or 
 any portion of those islands to the ineffable and indescribable atrocities of Spain? 
 When Dewey set the stars of that flag amongst the antipodal glories of the East, 
 he imposed upon the American people a responsibility which we cannot avoid, and 
 so, considering conditions to which I will advert more fully in a few moments, it 
 was decided that we should demand, and we did demand and receive, the cession of 
 the entire archipelago of the Philippines. 
 
 "It is not a question of what we shall do in the future. We are already com- 
 mitted to the situation. We cannot put it aside or avoid it if we would. We cannot 
 escape the responsibility which events, evolution, or Providence has imposed upon 
 us. Will any American citizen, under present conditions, advocate that Dewey 
 shall sail away from the harbor of Manila? That our troops shall vacate that is- 
 land? That we, with an armed force of insurrection arrayed against the boys in 
 blue and the American flag, who went there as their friends, shall in the face of 
 the civilized world, like cowards in the night, evacuate those waters, and remit the 
 Philippines to internal anarchy or foreign dismemberment? What would be the 
 result? The Filipinos are not in a present condition to govern themselves and es- 
 tablish that independent republic of which fond theorists dream. I think no man 
 in this audience who has read the current journals will for a moment question that 
 they are not. We cannot endure, in view of our past and coming interests in the 
 Orient, that the Philippines shall be dismembered by foreign powers, as they will 
 be the minute the United States removes itself from that situation, and, above all 
 things, my fellow citizens, although they appear perhaps dimly before us now, yet 
 I believe there is a profound conviction in the minds of the American people that 
 part of all this force which has pushed us there and established us there is an im-
 
 SENATOR CUSHMAN K. DAVIS FOR EXPANSION. 535 
 
 petiis which tells for civilization, for a better Christianity, and that the United 
 States as the great evangelist of the world is bound to play a leading part in those 
 waters and in those islands. 
 
 "I would treat the Filipinos in this way, considering their present condition 
 and their inconsiderate actions, stimulated, I believe, by inconsiderate advice from 
 the United States, I would treat them with the hand of paternal affection, whenever 
 possible, and by the hand of paternal chastisement whenever necessary. And when 
 the time should come by the handling and development of the people, little by little, 
 they could be admitted to local autonomy, which I would grant to the fullest ex- 
 tent wherever possible. I would adopt toward them the same course that Great 
 Britain has adopted toward her civilized colonies, and I would rejoice that in the 
 process of time an island republic could be established there in the Philippines 
 against the island empire of Japan. But, until that time shall come, the interest, 
 the honor, the security of the American people demand that we shall hold the Phil- 
 ippine Islands, not only under our protection but under our rule. 
 
 "To me the acquisition of the Philippine archipelago is not a mere gratification 
 of lust or pride of conquest. Let us all endeavor to look a little beyond day after 
 to-morrow as to these things. Let us mark certain great tendencies proceeding 
 with all the force and regularity, and sometimes with the slowness of a great geo- 
 logical process, and see what is meant by that which is transpiring on the surface 
 of human affairs within the last fifty years, and, fellow citizens, the tendency — shaU 
 I call it of humanity, or shall I call it by the forces which move the human race 
 toward the Chinese Orient — the Pacific East. Everything has been subdivisioned. 
 France has acquired Madagascar. The great centers of activity are upon the east 
 coast of Asia. Russia is constructing across Siberia that great trans-continental 
 railroad which was foretold 200 years ago. By the treaty of 1896 Russia has ob- 
 tained practical control of Chinese Manchuria, an area as large as Texas, and con- 
 taining twenty million people. She has obtained Port Arthur, always open, for a 
 terminus of a railroad instead of Yladivostock, frozen four months in the year. 
 France has seized Siam, Annam, Cambodia, and Cochin China. Germany has made 
 a compensatory seizure. I am not in favor of the dismemberment of that great 
 empire, an empire which was old when Alexander watered his steed in the River 
 Incus, an empire which has within itself the greatest experiences of the human 
 race. I am in favor of retaining the integrity of that empire, and let it be acces- 
 sible to the civilized world of commerce. Accordingly, I say and think that it would 
 safeguard the business of the world in those waters for fifty years, if Great Britain
 
 536 SENATOE CUSHMAN K. DAVIS FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 and Japan and the United States should declare with their united power that there 
 should be no dismemberment of that immemorial empire. 
 
 "There are other reasons. The American peace commissioners were taught 
 all too painfully while we were in Paris that we had not a friend on the continent 
 of Europe — not a friend. That treaty was made under the most adverse conditions 
 of public sentiment so far as continental Europe was concerned. Our diplomatic 
 relations with Germany and France, and all of the other nations, while now en- 
 tirely satisfactory — and exaggerated in the public press, especially in regard to our 
 relations with Germany — yet considering their aggressions upon the coast of China, 
 their intentions regarding the dismemberment of the vast empire, the enormous 
 military force, and those millions of fatalists — of men who fight without regard 
 to death, under the dominion of a foreign power, within thirty years could be made 
 immensely dangerous to the United States. 
 
 "I don't want to see my country become the China of the West. In these days, 
 when space has been annihilated by steam, I don't view with complacency and with- 
 out apprehension the destiny of the great empire or empires of dismembered China, 
 ready to descend upon the Western coast of the United States. It was to obviate 
 that that I advocated so earnestly the acquisition of Hawaii. It is to forestall that 
 that I am willing and anxious to see some of our lands well fortified and made a 
 base of defense and naval operations. Perhaps these things may be speculative, but 
 they are well enough to think on. 
 
 "But above all things, for present considerations I am immensely interested 
 that this country shall have its share of the trade of that great empire. We ex- 
 ported over $1,200,000,000 last year. Our competitors for the markets of the world 
 are eager, anxious, unscrupulous sometimes. The empire of China, with its 400,- 
 000,000 of people, one-third of the human race, if opened to the instrumentalities 
 of modern civilization, is an event, in my opinion, quite, if not more, pretentious 
 and important than the discovery of America by Columbus, and it is my desire and 
 hope and expectation, and it is that to which my humble labors have been and will 
 be directed to secure for this Government and its people, for its manufacturers of 
 Chicago, Pittsburg, Philadelphia, St. Paul and Minneapolis their share in that 
 trade. 
 
 "California, Washington and Oregon have not 2,000,000 of people to-day. I 
 want to see the commercial progress of that country go on until there are 20,000,000 
 people there, the anchor of our security as a result of commerce in those waters, 
 and I do honestly and sincerely believe from all I have studied and read and thought 
 on that subject that the retention of the Philippine Islands, their adjustment to
 
 p 
 if. 
 
 C. 
 

 
 PS 
 
 
 O 
 H 
 
 Z 
 
 w 
 w
 
 SENATOR CUSHMAN K. DAVIS FOR EXPANSION. 539 
 
 our relations, is a necessary and indispensable step in the advancement of the great 
 ideas to which I have so imperfectly alluded. 
 
 "And now, in the matter of our foreign relations, and as to what affects our 
 exterior interests, we are all one — one in interest. We may not be one in opinion, 
 but we certainly ought to be one in a sincere and honest conclusion. Surely in the 
 heart of no man there can enter in the various diversities of opinion which involve 
 such a subject any desire, hope, or thought that does not conduce to the interest 
 of his country. We all differ; we have different shades of opinion upon all ques- 
 tions, contingent and future. The question of what we shall do with the Philippine 
 archipelago is not yet upon us. We are actually now in the possession of all those 
 islands. We own them, or shall own them when Spain ratifies the treaty of ces- 
 sion, and the question is, shall we decide at once? Must we say now and at once 
 that the territory for which we have paid $20,000,000, for which American blood 
 has been shed, and may be being shed to-night or to-day, for it is regardless of party 
 strife, stand with united front, confronting every opposition? And it is well that 
 it is so, and so, my friends — partisan as I am — if anything that I shall say to-night 
 shall bear the least tinge of partisan complexion, I beg you to believe that it is not 
 on that account, but that because in the broad scope of American citizenship and 
 American faith I believe that what I shall say is coincident with all considerations 
 of national dignity and honor." 
 
 (y/CJ^T^
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 COL. W. J. BRYAK. 
 
 Astonished that Any American Citizen Would Uphold the Doctrine of Gaining 
 Land by Conquest — He Could Have Told McKinley to Take Care Not to 
 Confide in Public Opinion Formed at the Rear of a Car — Imperialism 
 Wanted to Exercise Sovereignty Over an Alien Race — Self-Government 
 Was Gained in the School of Government — No Excuse for a Colonial Policy 
 — Mr. Gage the Key-Hole of the Administration — The Colonial Policy 
 Rested on Vicarious Enjoyment — A Call for the Ancient Law-Giver on 
 Sinai — Against a Larger Army — Imperialists Confuse Their Beatitudes — 
 Not Profitable to Buy a Lawsuit— Muffle the Liberty Bell— Give Me Liberty 
 or Give Me Death. 
 
 Col. W. J. Bryan, whose candidacy for the Presidency in 1896 was an episode 
 in our political history of vast, various and memorable conspicuity, says: 
 
 "It is astonishing that any man living in this age of the world, living in the 
 United States, should uphold the doctrine of securing land by conquest. 
 
 "Jefferson was against it long years ago. Blaine was against it in 1890. And 
 a year ago last December the President of the United States sent a message to Con- 
 gress, and in that message he said: 
 
 " 'I speak not of forcible annexation, because that is not to be thought of; un- 
 der our code of morality that would be criminal aggression.' That was only a year 
 ago; I stand to-day where McKinley stood a year ago, and where he must go back 
 if the American people support him. My friends, there is a great moral question 
 involved, declared so by your President; a code of morality is in question, and ac- 
 cording to that code, forcible annexation is criminal aggression. 
 
 "President McKinley said he learned the sentiment of the people on this ques- 
 tion during his trip through the West last fall. Yon cannot fi^nd out the sentiment 
 of the people on a great question by just going through the country and gathering 
 it up. If he had asked me I could have told him how careful he ought to be about 
 estimating the sentiment of the people from the rear of a car. If he will put his 
 ear to the ground he will find that the people are declaring that the long established 
 principles of our Government are still good, and that we do not have to borrow our 
 foreign policies or our financial policies from alien countries." 
 
 The Colonel remains true to his Chicago platform, saying it "was good when 
 it was adopted; it grows better with age. It was strong in 1896; it is stronger 
 
 540
 
 COL. W. J. BRYAN". 541 
 
 flow. The Democratic party could not ignore the issues raised by the war. It must 
 speak out against militarism now or forever hold its peace. A large standing army 
 is not only an expense to the people, but it is a menace to the nation, and the 
 Democratic party will be a unit in opposing it. 
 
 "A word in regard to imperialism. Those who advocate the annexation of the 
 Philippines call themselves expansionists, but they are really imperialists. The 
 word expansion would describe the acquisition of territory to be populated by homo- 
 geneous people and to be carved into states like those now in existence. An empire 
 suggests variety in race and diversity in government. The imperialists do not de- 
 sire to clothe the Filipinos with all the rights and privileges of American citizen- 
 ship; they want to exercise sovereignty over an alien race, and they expect to rule 
 the new subjects upon a theory entirely at variance with constitutional government. 
 Victoria is Queen of Great Britain and Empress of India; shall we change the title 
 of our Executive and call him the President of the United States and Emperor of 
 the Philippines? 
 
 "The Democratic party stood for the money of the Constitution in 1896; it 
 stands for the government of the Constitution now. It opposed an English ^nan- 
 cial policy in 1896; it opposes an English colonial policy now. Those who in 1896 
 were in favor of turning the American people over to the greed of foreign financiers 
 and domestic trusts may now be willing to turn the Filipinos over to the tender 
 mercies of military governors and carpetbag officials. 
 
 "Those who in 1896 thought the people of the United States too weak to attend 
 to their own business may now think them strong enough to attend to the business 
 of remote and alien races, but those who in 1896 fought for independence for the 
 American people will not now withhold independence from those who desire it else- 
 where. 
 
 "We are told that the Filipinos are not capable of self-government; that has 
 a familiar ring. Only two years ago I heard the same argument made against a 
 very respectable minority of the people of this country. The money-lenders, who 
 coerced their employes, did it upon that theory; the employers who coerced their 
 employes did it for the same reason. Self-government increases with participation 
 in government. The Filipinos are not far enough advanced to share in the govern- 
 ment of the people of the United States, but they are competent to govern them- 
 selves. It is not fair to compare them with our own citizens, because the American 
 people have been educating themselves in the science of government for nearly 
 three centuries, and, while we have much to learn, we have already made great im- 
 provement. The Filipinos will not establish a perfect government, but they will
 
 542 COL. W. J. BRYAN. 
 
 establish a government as nearly perfect as they are competent to enjoy, and the 
 United States can protect them from molestation from without. 
 
 "Give the Filipinos time and opportunity and, while they never will catch up 
 with us, unless we cease to improve, yet they may some day stand where we stand 
 now. 
 
 "What excuse can be given for the adoption of a colonial policy? Secretary 
 Gage disclosed the secret in his Savannah speech. I think we might be justified in 
 calling Mr. Gage the keyhole of the administration, because we look through him 
 to learn what is going on within the executive council chamber. He suggested that 
 'philanthropy and 5 per cent' would go hand in hand in the new venture. These 
 are the two arguments which are always used in favor of conquest. Philanthropy 
 and 5 per cent. The one chloroforms the conscience of the conquerer and the other 
 picks the pocket of the conquered. 
 
 "Some say that philanthropy demands that we govern the Filipinos for their 
 own good, while others assert that we must hold the islands because of the pecuniary 
 profit to be derived from them. I deny the soundness of both arguments. Forcible 
 annexation will not only be criminal aggression (to borrow Mr. McKinley's language 
 of a year ago), but it will cost more than it is worth and the whole people will pay 
 the cost while a few will reap all the benefits. 
 
 "Still weaker is the argument based upon religious duty. The Christian reli- 
 gion rests upon the doctrine of vicarious suffering and atonement; the colonial pol- 
 icy rests upon the doctrine of vicarious enjoyment. 
 
 "When the desire to steal becomes uncontrollable in an individual he is de- 
 clared to be a kleptomaniac and is sent to an asylum; when the desire to grab land 
 becomes uncontrollable in a nation we are told that the 'currents of destiny are 
 flowing through the hearts of men' and that the American people are entering upon 
 their manifest mission. 
 
 "Shame upon a logic which locks up the petty offender and enthrones grand 
 larceny! Have the people returned to the worship of the golden calf? Have they 
 made unto themselves a new commandment consistent with the spirit of conquest 
 and the lust for empire? Is 'Thou shalt not steal upon a small scale' to be substi- 
 tuted for the law of Moses? 
 
 "Awake, oh, ancient lawgiver, awake! Break forth from thine unmarked sep- 
 uleher and speed thee back to the cloud-crowned summit of Mount Sinai, commune 
 once more with the God of our fathers and proclaim again the words engraven upon 
 the tables of stone — the law that was, the law that is to-day — the law that neither 
 individual nor nation can violate with impunity."
 
 COL. W. J. BEYAN. 543 
 
 He called attention to the President's recommendation of a larger army and in- 
 sisted that the army should be divided into two branches — the army for domestic 
 use in the United States, which he said did not need to be increased, and the army 
 of occupation, which is temporarily necessary for use outside of the United States. 
 He said that the army of occupation should be recruited at once, in order to relieve 
 the volunteers, but that the term of service should be short, because the nation's 
 policy is not yet settled. He suggested that the demand for an increase in the army 
 might be considered as the first fruit of that victory to which the Eepublicans 
 pointed with so much pride last Kovember. 
 
 Turning to the question of annexation, he insisted that the nation has not yet 
 decided what to do with the Philippine Islands. He spoke in part as follows: 
 
 "The sentiment of the people upon any great question must be measured dur- 
 ing the days of deliberation and not during the hours of excitement. A good man 
 will sometimes be engaged in a fight, but it is not reasonable to expect a judicial 
 opinion from him until he has had time to wash the blood off his face. I have seen 
 a herd of mild-eyed, gentle kine transformed into infuriated beasts by the sight 
 and scent of blood, and I have seen the same animals quiet and peaceful again in a 
 few hours. We have much of the animal in us still, in spite of our civilizing pro- 
 cesses. It is not unnatural that our people should be more sanguinary immediately 
 after a battle than they were before, but it is only a question of time when reflec- 
 tion will restore the conditions which existed before this nation became engaged 
 in the war with Spain. When men are excited they talk about what they can do; 
 when they are calm they talk about what they ought to do. 
 
 "If the President rightly interpreted the feelings of the people when they 
 were intoxicated by a military triumph, we shall appeal from 'Philip drunk to Philip 
 sober.' The forcible annexation of the Philippine Islands would violate a principle 
 of the great public law so deeply imbedded in the American mind that until a 
 year ago no public man would have suggested it. It is difficult to overestimate the 
 influence which such a change in our national policy would produce on the charac- 
 ter of our people. Our opponents ask, is our nation not great enough to do what 
 England, Germany and Holland are doing? They inquire. Can we not govern colo- 
 nies as well as they? 
 
 "Whether we can govern colonies as well as other countries can is not material; 
 the real question is whether we can, in one hemisphere, develop the theory that gov- 
 ernments derive their just power from the consent of the governed, and at the same 
 time inaugurate, support and defend in the other hemisphere a government which 
 derives its authority entirely from superior force. And, if these two ideas of govern^
 
 544 COL. W. J. BRYAN. 
 
 ment cannot live together, which one shall we choose? To defend forcible annexa- 
 tion on the ground that we are carrying out a religious duty is worse than absurd. 
 
 "The Bible teaches us that it is more blessed to give than receive, while the 
 colonial policy is based upon the doctrine that it is more blessed to take than to 
 leave. I am afraid that the imperialists have confused their beatitudes. I once 
 heard of a man who mixed up the parable of the good Samaritan with the parable 
 of the sower, and in attempting to repeat the former said: 'A man went from 
 Jerusalem to Jericho, and as he went he fell among thorns and the thorns sprang up 
 and choked him.' 
 
 "We entered the Spanish war as peacemakers. Imperialists have an indistinct 
 recollection that a blessing has been promised to the peacemakers, and also to the 
 meek, but their desire for more territory has perverted their memories so that as 
 they recall the former it reads: 'Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall inherit 
 the earth.' Annexation cannot be defended upon the ground that we shall find a 
 pecuniary profit in the policy. The advantage which may come to a few individ- 
 uals who hold the offices or who secure valuable franchises cannot properly be 
 weighed against the money expended in governing the Philippines, because the 
 money expended will be paid by those who pay the taxes. We are not yet in position 
 to determine whether the people of the United States as a whole will bring back 
 from the Philippines as much as they send there. 
 
 "There is an old saying that it is not profitable to buy a lawsuit. Our nation 
 may learn by experience that it is not wise to purchase the right to conquer a people. 
 Spain, under compulsion, gives us a quit claim to the Philippines in return for 
 $20,000,000, but she does not agree to warrant and defend our title as against the 
 Filipinos. To buy land is one thing; to buy people is another. Land is inanimate 
 and makes no resistance to a transfer of title; the people are animate, and some- 
 times desire a voice in their own affairs. But whether, measured by dollars and 
 cents, the conquest of the Philippines would prove profitable or expensive, it will 
 certainly prove embarrassing to those who still hold to the doctrine which under- 
 lies a republic. 
 
 "Military rule is antagonistic to our theory of government. The arguments 
 which are used to defend it in the Philippines may be used to excuse it in the 
 United States. Under military rule much must be left to the discretion of the mil- 
 itary governor, and this can only be justified upon the theory that the governor 
 knows more than the people whom he governs, is better acquainted with their needs 
 than they are themselves, is entirely in sympathy with them and is thoroughly 
 honest and unselfish in his desire to do them good. Such a combination of wisdom,.
 
 COL. W. J. BEYAN. 545 
 
 integrity and love is difficult to find, and the Eepublican party will enter upon a 
 hard task when it starts out to select suitable military governors for our remote 
 possessions. Even if the party has absolute confidence in its great political man- 
 ager, Senator Hanna, it must remember that the people of Ohio have compelled him 
 to serve in the United States Senate and that inferior men must be entrusted with 
 the distribution of justice and benevolence among the nation's dark-skinned subjects 
 in the Pacific. 
 
 "If we enter upon a colonial policy we must expect to hear the command 'Si- 
 lence!' issuing with increasing emphasis from the imperialists. When the discussion 
 of fundamental principles is attempted in the United States, if a member of Con- 
 gress attempts to criticise any injustice perpetrated by a government official against 
 a helpless people he will be warned to keep silent unless his criticism encourages 
 resistance to American authority in the Orient. If an orator of the Fourth of July 
 dare to speak of inalienable rights or refers with commendation to the manner in 
 which our forefathers resisted taxation without representation, he will be warned 
 to keep silent lest his utterances excite rebellion among distant subjects. If we 
 adopt a colonial policy and pursue the course which excited the revolution of 1776 
 we must muffle the tones of the old Liberty Bell and commune in whispers when we 
 praise the patriotism of our forefathers. 
 
 "We cannot afford to destroy the Declaration of Independence; we cannot af- 
 ford to erase from our constitutions, state and national, the bill of rights; we have 
 not time to examine the libraries of the nation and purge them of the essays, the 
 speeches and the books that defend the doctrine that law is the crystallization of 
 public opinion, rather than an emanation from physical power. 
 
 "But even if we could destroy every vestige of the laws which are the outgrowth 
 of the immortal law penned by Jefferson; if we could obliterate every written word 
 that has been inspired by the idea that this is 'a government of the people, by the 
 people and for the people,' we could not tear from the heart of the human race the 
 hope which the American Eepublic has planted there. The impassioned appeal, 
 'Give me liberty or give me death/ still echoes around the world. In the future, 
 as in the past, the desire to be free will be stronger than the desire to enjoy a mere 
 physical existence. The conflict between right and might will continue here and 
 everywhere until a day is reached when the love of money will no longer sear the 
 national conscience and hypocrisy no longer hide the hideous features of avarice 
 behind the mask of philanthropy."
 
 CHAPTEK V. 
 
 HENEY WATTERSON FOR EXPANSION 
 
 The Drift of the Country — The United American People — Always the Same, 
 Though Divided — The Labels on the Bottles — An Anti-Expansion Party 
 Would Be a Foredoomed Failure — Wm. McKinley and Joseph Wheeler — 
 Tropical Vegetation in the White House — Eighty Million of People Cannot 
 Be Passive — How Stands the Debate Between the Friends and Foes of 
 Expansion? 
 
 Mr. Watterson sends out, when he discusses a broad question, discursive flashes, 
 and pours poetry around his arguments. He early and eloquently plead with his 
 partisan friends to become Expansionists and drop traditions that had not led to 
 triumph. He takes occasion to say "that of all men of the century that is so swiftly 
 passing from us. Prince Bismarck seemed most to have had his way; yet it was 
 Prince Bismarck — who, whatever else he was, or was not, showed himself always 
 the frankest of mortals — big enough to disdain subterfuge — to scorn secrets — it was 
 Bismarck who many times has told us how small, how helpless the strongest man 
 becomes upon the stormy ocean of great affairs; what a slave to chance; what a 
 creature of circumstance. 
 
 "Among the leaders of the nineteenth century — after Napoleon, who belonged 
 to the eighteenth — there were but three who can be fairly described as nation-mak- 
 ers. Cavour, Lincoln and Bismarck. They were each possessed of the essential 
 stuff of which nation-makers are made; infinite resources, backed by imagination, 
 courage and tact. Each, as it were, wore his nationality next his bones. Each 
 suited his action to the moment, his word to the action. Each, in his public enter- 
 prises was the child of good fortune. When we reflect upon the obstacles that each 
 encountered and overcame it seems that from the first God meant Italia Ridenta, 
 and shaped the German empire, and ordained that the Southern Confederacy should 
 die and that the American Union should live. 
 
 "It has required nearly thirty-four years, and a foreign war, to bring the whole 
 
 people of the United States to a full realization of the simple truth that we are, 
 
 and always have been, the same people. The South fought a good fight. But it 
 
 could not by any possibility succeed. The resistless trend of modern thought was 
 
 set against slavery, and the South — whatever else it stood for — stood for slavery. 
 
 The Southern Confederacy was wiped out in blood and flame. But that was all 
 
 546
 
 HENRY WATTEESOX FOR EXPANSION. 517 
 
 that was wiped out. Even the Republican President of the United States — a Union 
 soldier — presumably in times past a sectionalist — certainly a most adroit politician 
 — has had the sagacity — to say nothing of the generosity, of which he has given no 
 one reason to account him lacking — to concede the South its graves; and thanks 
 be to God for that, as thanks to him, for there was a time when it seemed that even 
 these would be denied us. 
 
 "Now that we have come to be one people in the fancy that we have always 
 been in the fact — that Mother Hoar and Uncle Vest have clasped hands over the 
 Treaty of Peace, and Cousin Ben Tillman and Cousin Bill Chandler have quit look- 
 ing cross-eyed across the Senate chamber — we have reached another parting of the 
 ways; for some of us are for expansion, and some of us are against expansion, and 
 which is right and which is wrong? 
 
 "Clark Howell tells us that this is a very serious question, and Clark Howell 
 is right. 'It kinder splits things up,' as Whitcomb Riley would say. It divides par- 
 ties. The poor empty bottles, some with and some without stoppers, stand round 
 in sore perplexity. They do not know Just what to do. They are disembodied spir- 
 its lost in the dark. They can not read their own labels. What is that big bottle, 
 labeled 'Democracy,' and filled by Grover Cleveland — what is that big bottle to do 
 when it stumbles against a long, slim bottle, labeled 'Democracy,' but filled with the 
 same fluid, by William Jennings Bryan? And what are these two bottles to do when 
 they stumble against a third bottle labeled 'Democracy,' and filled by John P. Alt- 
 geld, but filled with quite another kind of fluid? 
 
 "Since the National Democratic Convention of 1856, which nominated James 
 Buchanan and John C. Breckinridge, for President and Vice President, and placed 
 them upon a platform of progressive free trade and national expansion — and won 
 the election — the Democratic party has been largely an aggregation in opposition. 
 It was so in 1864, when it put a war candidate on a peace platform; in 1868, when 
 it put a hard-money candidate on a soft-money platform; and thence onward in '73 
 and '80; and it is so at this moment, with an equal number of opposing factions 
 and rival leaders, agreed upon nothing except the label 'Democracy,' and a weak, 
 time-serving, irresolute and insincere opposition to what somebody tells it is the 
 policy of the Republican administration. Sometimes a smart pretension may serve 
 a party through a campaign or two; but the Democratic party, as it is at present 
 organized, is not even a smart pretension; because it pretends one thing in the East 
 and another thing in the West, and is neither thing in the South. In states, like 
 Kentucky, where it is supposed to have a safe majority, the machine does as it 
 pleases, and tells the voters, all too willing and subservient, to help themselves;
 
 548 HENKY WATTERSON FOK EXPANSION. 
 
 but in Illinois and Indiana — only just across the river and next door — it feels the 
 need of prudence and — wanting all the votes it can get — it is not so ill-mannered 
 and cock-sure. In Iowa it has resolved to drop silver altogether. How long can a 
 party last locally that is so out of line generally? 
 
 "The leaders who made the revolution of 1896 were able to poll six and a half 
 million of votes for their Presidential ticket. That was certainly an encouraging 
 manifest. But it was the showing of the entire opposition elements in the United 
 States, organized under the style and title of an old, historic party; at a time of 
 great popular discontent; led by a clean, attractive young Democrat, improvised by 
 a set of worn-out and played-out political hacks. Ten years hence we may be coin- 
 ing silver dollars by the cart-load to circulate in Cuba., Porto Rico and Manila. Ex- 
 pansion, indeed, is the one hope, the only hope, of free silver. Yet here is Mr, 
 Bryan — an upright, patriotic man — setting his face against the single contingency 
 that can make any realization of his financial theories feasible. 
 
 "What are thoughtful men — wherefrom the preponderating influence upon 
 the nation is in the long run derived — ^to think of all this? What can be more 
 grotesque than Grover Cleveland and Andrew Carnegie joining hands with William 
 Jennings Bryan across the wide gulf of the impossible — when it is too late — merely 
 making the re-election of William McKinley doubly sure? How on earth can any 
 reasonable man expect to elect Bryan and to beat McKinley on an anti-expansion, 
 16 to 1, hard times platform, with expansion already accomplished and with boom- 
 ing times — the incident of expansion — already at hand? It can not be done. 
 
 "Look at the personnel of the Democratic organization. There is the chair- 
 man of the National Democratic Committee, Senator Jones, of Arkansas. He is 
 as good and as true a man as lives; honorable, virtuous, brave and poor. There is 
 Senator Daniel, of Virginia; a gentleman and a scholar — a man of genius — with 
 the fatal gift of eloquence — who, in these dreadful and venal affairs, is as helpless 
 as a child. There is Senator Vest; a might-have-been, albeit a veteran Senator, 
 abounding in talents of many kinds; as was recently said in these columns, 'a poet, 
 like Lamar, without the sagacity of Lamar.' Vest, Daniel and Jones are Democratic 
 leaders in the Senate; types of the old order, each representing a constituency apart 
 from the moving centers of life and light. We are being constantly told that, as 
 Democrats, we can follow them anywhere. But shall Democrats follow them to de- 
 struction? That is where they will be leading their followers if they expect in 1900 
 to duplicate the campaign of 1896. 
 
 ""WT^iat are the rank and file of Democrats to do about a set of conditions which 
 are equally disagreeable and obvious? Are they going to make the campaign of
 
 HENRY WATTEESON FOR EXPANSION. 549 
 
 1900 a last-ditch affair, like the effort of the Whigs to elect Fillmore in 1856, or of 
 the Federals to beat Jefferson in 1800? Or, are they going to drop these follies, 
 and — as there is no real issue to divide parties except the offices — are they going 
 to try to elect a President? Expansion is a fact; shall Democrats accept it and, 
 formulating a policy based upon it, drop all else? 
 
 ''Even now the Republican leaders, who rarely fail to take time by the fore- 
 lock and who never let go their grip upon the shore-line, are planning to make 
 their campaign of 1900 on the broad principle of National Unification and Expan- 
 sion. They are not going to handicap themselves with any ancient platform rub- 
 bish. High tariff is no longer wanted by the manufacturers for whom it was in- 
 vented. The bloody shirt, having served its turn, has gone to the old clothes bas- 
 ket. The President knows his business. At the opportune moment we shall see 
 William McKinley and Joseph Wheeler march down to the footlights, hand in hand, 
 the flag above them — beneath them emblazoned on a strip of red, white and blue, 
 'The land we love from eend to eend,' or words to that effect, and then what ? What 
 are the Democrats going to do about it? How are they going to meet it? 
 
 "Their only hope is for a new shuffle, cut and deal of the political pasteboards. 
 Every card in the greasy pack they have been playing with has been thumbed, 
 crimped and dog-eared to death. Every card is a marked card. They might as 
 well play with hands spread upon the table, face up, as to hope to win with such 
 cards. But, if they can send the fools to the rear, and get their level-headed men 
 together, it is not too late for them to lay the foundations for a campaign having 
 at least some tangible chance of success before it. 
 
 "There are yet nearly two years of uncertain ground for the McKinley admin- 
 istration to get over, including a short and a long session of Congress, and, if the 
 Democrats be wise, they may greatly profit thereby. But not in the way of factious 
 criticism. Nor in the way of blind, undiscriminating opposition. To deal in such 
 child's play is simply to throw themselves out of court. They must in good faith 
 accept the inevitable; they must stand by the army and the navy; the honor of 
 the nation and the sanctity of the flag, holding the powers that be rigidly respon- 
 sible for a wise and just disposition of the vast trust which has newly come to us. 
 There must be no quibbling about constitutional technicalities where the right of 
 the Government to acquire territory is involved; but construing it as a Heaven-sent 
 responsibility, they must take the ground that this territory shall be governed only 
 upon Democratic principles, looking to one of two ultimate conclusions; either 
 annexation as States of the Union, or independent Republics, imder American pro- 
 tection.
 
 550 HENllY WATTERSON FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 "If there be saving grace eiiough left in Democratic councils, these general 
 lines will embrace the future policy of the party. If not, the party will die the death 
 of the unrighteous. If not, we shall see it frazzle out in 1900 as the Federals frazzled 
 out in 1800, leaving "William McKinley and those of the Ohio dynasty who come 
 after him, like their Virginia predecessors, to have it all to themselves, with not 
 enough of opposition to make a division of parties, or to disturb the otium cum 
 dignitate of the Executive office, or wither the tropic vegetation of the White 
 House. 
 
 "The world moves, and it is moving toward the Orient. Europe finds a vent 
 in Africa; America cannot afford to be indifferent to Asia. The sea-front of hu- 
 man activity may within the coming century be transferred from the Atlantic to 
 the Pacific. We must prepare to take our place in the procession of the nations. 
 The lion has not yet lain down with the lamb; and, until he does so, mutton is 
 good to eat. The millennium has not yet made its advent; and until it does that 
 arbitration only stands which is effected by the sword. 
 
 "The danger of militarism and the martial spirit need not be gainsaid. It is a 
 danger we must risk. But let us hope that mankind has made progress in arts as 
 well as in arms; that America in the dawn of the twentieth of the centuries is not 
 as Rome in the zenith of the first; and that, forewarned against imperialism, yve 
 shall be able to attend to Cssar when we get to him. 
 
 "In a word, eighty millions of people cannot be passive; they cannot escape 
 the world's movement; and, sufficiently admonished by the isolation of China and 
 its consequences, the people of the United States prefer to follow the lead and ex- 
 ample of England. The die was cast when Dewey raised the Stars and Stripes on 
 the other side of a world never too large and all too narrowing, and, for weal or 
 woe, — rallying under the banners alike of Christianity and Republicanism, — Amer- 
 ica is embarked upon the shoreless ocean of modern civilization, carrying in her 
 own ships her own ideas and wares, marked, quoted and signed to the furthermost 
 ends of the earth. 
 
 "Thus stands the debate between the friends and the foes of national expan- 
 sion. Which will vindicate the wisdom of its forecast it is for time to discover. 
 The right and the wrong of the argument belong to the hereafter, but that the vic- 
 tory of circumstance lies with the advocates of the new departure in national policy, 
 and that as composite parts of the great Republic, Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philip- 
 pines are already assured, must be quite obvious to the careful student of historic 
 parallels and prevailing tendencies. 
 
 "I know that the simple American, who loves his country and is loyal to its
 
 HENRY WATTERSON FOR EXPANSION. 551 
 
 l)est traditions, can only look upon these changes with dismay. To him they seem 
 but chaos come again. But such is the life of man. It is the destiny of n^ations. 
 
 "To those of little faith I would say, be of good hope still! Sursum corda! 
 Thus far the public has survived every danger which has in times past assailed the 
 governments of the world; the struggle for existence; the foreign invasion; the 
 disputed succession; geographic friction; civil strife; and it is now stronger than 
 ever it was, its faith renewed, its credit intact, and its primacy known of all men. 
 Let us believe that the untoward events of the war with Spain were brought about 
 for some allwise purpose by the Supreme Ruler of Men, and that that hand which 
 has led American manhood through every emergency to the one goal of the Amer- 
 ican Union has in store for that Union even greater uses and glory than irradiated 
 the dreams and blessed the prayers of the God-fearing men who gave it life." 
 
 // 
 
 
 . ODoX^^u^
 
 CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 CARL SCHURZ OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 
 
 Is It Our Policy that the Filipinos Shall Be Subjects or Citizens? — The Specifica- 
 tions of the New Departure We Are Taking — We Are Cultivating a Passion 
 for Conquest — The Friendship of England Is Good to Have, Not to Need — 
 The New Policy Demands a Great Standing Army — If We Have Rescued 
 the Unhappy Daughters of Spain from Tyranny We Need Not Marry 
 the Girls. 
 
 Mr, Sehurz wanted to know before the treaty with Spain was ratified by the 
 American Senate whether the Filipinos were to be subjects or citizens. The Span- 
 ish war was declared and after a few vigorous blows the feeble enemy was helpless 
 at our feet. 
 
 "The whole scene seemed to have suddenly changed. According to the solemn 
 proclamation of our Government, the war had been undertaken solely for the liber- 
 ation of Cuba, as a war of humanity and not of conquest. But our easy victories 
 had put conquest within our reach, and when our arms occupied foreign territory, 
 a loud demand arose that, pledge or no pledge to the contrary, the conquests should 
 be kept, even the Philippines on the other side of the globe, and that as to Cuba 
 herself, independence would be only a provisional formality. Why not? was the cry. 
 Has not the career of the republic almost from its very beginning been one of terri- 
 torial expansion? Has it not acquired Louisiana, Florida, Texas, the vast countries 
 that came to us through the Mexican war, and Alaska, and has it not digested them 
 well? Were not those acquisitions much larger than those now in contemplation? 
 If the Republic could digest the old, why not the new? What is the difference? 
 
 "Only look with an unclouded eye, and you will soon discover differences 
 enough warning you to beware. There are five of decisive importance: 
 
 "1. All the former acquisitions were on this continent, and, excepting Alaska, 
 contiguous to our borders. 
 
 "2. They were situated, not in the tropical, but in the temperate zone, where 
 Democratic institutions thrive, and where our people could migrate in mass. 
 
 "3. They were but very thinly peopled — in fact, without any population that 
 would have been in the way of new settlements. 
 
 "4. They could be organized as territories in the usual manner, with the ex- 
 pectation that they would presently come into the Union as self-governing states 
 with populations substantially homogeneous to our own. 
 
 "5. They did not require a material increase of our army and navy, either 
 
 553
 
 CARL SCHURZ OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 553 
 
 for tlieir subjection to our rule or for their defense against any probable foreign at- 
 tack by their being in our possession. 
 
 '^ven of our far-away Alaska it can be said that, although at present a pos- 
 session of doubtful value, it is at least mainly on this continent, and may at some 
 future time, when the inhabitants of the British possessions happily wish to unite 
 wi'ih us, be within our uninterrupted boundaries, 
 
 "Compare now with our old acquisitions as to all these important points those 
 at present in view. 
 
 "They are not continental, not contiguous to our present domain, but beyond 
 seas, the Philippines many thousand miles distant from our coast. They are all 
 situated in the tropics, where people of the northern races, such as Anglo-Saxons, 
 or, generally speaking, people of Germanic blood, have never migrated in mass to 
 stay, and they are more or less densely populated, parts of them as densely as Massa- 
 chusetts — their populations consisting almost exclusively of races to whom the trop- 
 ical climate is congenial — Spanish Creoles mixed with negroes in the West Indies 
 and Malays, Tagals, Filipinos, Chinese, Japanese, Nigritos and various more or less 
 Barbarous tribes in the Philippines. 
 
 ""VMien the question is asked whether we may hope to adapt those countries 
 and populations to our system of government, the advocates of annexation answer 
 cheerily that when they belong to us we shall soon 'Americanize' them. This may 
 mean that Americans in sufhciently large numbers will migrate there to determine 
 the character of those populations so as to assimilate them to our own. 
 
 "If we take these new regions, we shall be well entangled in that contest for 
 territorial aggrandizement which distracts other nations and drives them far beyond 
 their original design. So it will be inevitably with us. "We shall want new con- 
 quests to protect that which we already possess. The greed of speculators working 
 upon our government will push us from one point to another, and we shall have 
 new conflicts upon our hands, almost without knowing how we got into them. It 
 has always been so under such circumstances and always will be. This means more 
 and more soldiers, ships and guns. 
 
 "A singular delusion has taken hold of the minds of otherwise clear-headed 
 men. It is that our new friendship with England will serve firmly to secure the 
 world's peace, Nobody can hail that friendly feeling between the two nations more 
 warmly than I do, and I fervently hope it will last. But I am profoundly convinced 
 that if this friendship results in the two countries setting out to grasp 'for the 
 Anglo-Saxon,' as the phrase is, whatever of the earth may be attainable — if they 
 hunt in couple, they will surely fall out about the game, and the first serious quar-
 
 554 CARL SCHURZ OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 
 
 rel, or at least one of the first, we shall have, will be with Great Britain. And as 
 family feuds are the bitterest, that feud will be apt to become one of the most de- 
 plorable in its consequences. 
 
 "No nation is, or ought to be, unselfish. England, in her friendly feeling to- 
 ward us, is not inspired by mere sentimental benevolence. The anxious wish of 
 many Englishmen that we should take the Philippines is not free from the consid- 
 eration that if we do so we shall for a long time depend on British friendship to 
 maintain our position on that field of rivalry and that Britain will derive ample 
 profit from our dependence on her. 
 
 "This is plain. If Englishmen think so we have no fault to find with them. 
 But it would be extremely foolish on our part to close our eyes to the fact. British 
 friendship is a good thing to have, but perhaps not so good a thing to need. If 
 we are wise we shall not put ourselves in a situation in which we shall need it. Brit- 
 ish statesmanship has sometimes shown great skill in making other nations fight its 
 battles. This is very admirable from its point of view, but it is not so pleasant for 
 the nations so used. 
 
 "We are already told that we shall need a regular army of at least 100,000 men, 
 three-fourths of whom are to serve in our new 'possessions.' The question is wheth- 
 er this necessity is to be only temporary or permanent. Look at the cost. Last year 
 the support of the army proper required about $23,000,000. It is computed that 
 taking the increased costliness of the service in the tropics into account, the army 
 under the new dispensation will require about $150,000,000, that is, $127,000,000 
 a year more. It is also officially admitted that the possession of the Philippines 
 would render indispensable a much larger increase of the navy than would other- 
 wise be necessary, costing untold millions for the building and equipment of ships, 
 and untold millions every year for their maintenance and for the increased number 
 of officers and men. What we shall have to spend for fortifications and the like can- 
 inot now be computed. But there is a burden upon us which in like weight no 
 other nation has to bear. To-day, thirty-three years after the Civil War, we have 
 a pension roll of very nearly 1,000,000 names. And still they come. We paid to 
 pensioners over $145,000,000 last year, a sum larger than the annual cost of the 
 whole military peace establishment of the German empire, including its pension roll. 
 Our recent Spanish war will, according to a moderate estimate, add at least $20,- 
 000,000 to our annual pension payments. But if we send troops to the tropics and 
 keep them there we must look for a steady stream of pensioners from that quarter, 
 for in the tropics soldiers are 'used up' very fast, even if they have no campaigning 
 to do.
 
 OFFICIAL RESIDENCE OF DE LESSEPS AT COLON, COLOMBIA. 
 
 COFFEE-CURING ESTABLISHMENT AT SAN JOSE, COSTA RICA.
 
 CARL SCnURZ OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 557 
 
 "I ask in all candor, taking President McKinley at his word, will tlie forcible 
 annexation of the Philippines by our code of morals not be criminal aggression — a 
 self-confessed crime? I ask further, if the Cubans, as Congress declared, are and 
 of right ought to be free and independent, can anybody tell me why the Porto 
 Ricans and the Filipinos ought not of right to be free and independent? Can you 
 sincerely recognize the right to freedom and independence of one and refuse the 
 same right to another in the same situation, and then take his land? Would not. 
 that be double dealing of the most shameful sort? 
 
 ''Here are our official reports before us, telling us that of late years our export 
 trade has grown enormously, not only of farm products, but of the products of our 
 manufacturing industries; in fact, that 'our sales of manufactured goods have con- 
 tinued to extend with a facility and promptitude of results which have excited the 
 serious concern of countries that for generations had not only controlled their home 
 markets, but had practically monopolized certain lines of trade in other lands.' 
 
 "That our victories have devolved upon us certain duties as to the people of the 
 conquered islands I readily admit. But are they the only duties we have to per- 
 form, or have they suddenly become paramount to all other duties? I deny it. I 
 deny that the duties we owe to the Cubans and the Porto Ricans and the Filipinos 
 and the Tagals of the Asiatic islands absolve us from our duties to the 75,000,000 
 of our own people and to their posterity. I deny that they oblige us to destroy the 
 moral credit of our own republic by turning this loudly heralded war of liberation 
 and humanity into a land-grabbing game and an act of criminal aggression. I deny 
 that they compel us to aggravate our race troubles, to bring upon us the constant 
 danger of war and to subject our people to the galling burden of increasing arma- 
 ments. If we have rescued those unfortunate daughters of Spain, the colonies, from 
 the tyranny of their cruel father, I deny that we are therefore in honor bound to 
 marry any of the girls or to take them all into our household, where they may dis- 
 turb and demoralize our whole family. I deny that the liberation of those Spanish 
 dependencies morally constrains us to do anything that would put our highest mis- 
 sion to solve the great problem of democratic government in jeopardy or that would 
 otherwise endanger the vital interests of the Republic. Whatever our duties to them 
 may be, our duties to our own country and people stand first, and from this stand- 
 point we have, as sane men and patriotic citizens, to regard our obligation to take 
 care of the future of those islands and their people." 
 
 6>.
 
 CHAPTEE VII. 
 
 MURAT HALSTEAD FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 Expansion Is the Doctrine of the Fathers — There Was Not a Tenth of the Territory 
 We Now Possess in the Thirteen Colonies When Jefferson Wrote the Decla- 
 ration of Independence — Andrew Jackson Was an Expansionist — So Was 
 Wm. H. Seward — Admiral Dewey Is the Author of Our Philippine Policy — 
 Andrew Carnegie and British India — Should England Give tip Gibraltar, 
 Egypt and India? — If So, Why Not Ireland, Scotland and Wales? — Aguin- 
 aldo's Exile with a Certified Check — Senator Hoar's Forgetfulness of the 
 Essential Facts in the Philippine Situation — The American Army Have 
 Fought in Self-Defense, and in the Vindication of the Faith and Honor 
 Pledged in the Final Article of the Capitulation of the Spaniards in Manila. 
 
 The footsteps of the fathers of the Republic from the time the French floated 
 the Mississippi and St. Lawrence rivers pointed West and South — expanding the 
 area of the English settlements — and this early manifestation of destiny continued 
 to the Southern and Western lands of the continent, when the British in their turn 
 sailed with the gulf stream to Halifax and beyond. 
 
 "When a boy George Washington visited the Bermudas with his elder brother, 
 who served with Admiral Vernon in the West Indies, and, returning to Virginia, 
 began to explore the Ohio country before he was 21 years of age upon a mission 
 to oust the French, and was expanding his landed possessions in that direction as 
 lo'ng as he lived. Thus is linked in the life of the Father of his Country the West 
 Indies and the lands beyond the Alleghenies, ,to which in his crowded and busy life 
 he found time to pay six visits. 
 
 John Adams sturdily refused a proposition to give up the Ohio, Wabash and 
 Illinois country to the English, as Canada was given, rather than go on with the 
 sorrowful hardships of warfare — though even Benjamin Franklin favored yielding 
 to the pretensions of England in the Northv/est for the sake of peace — ^but Franklin 
 was old and weary, and this episode has been forgiven in forgetfulness. Fortunately, 
 George Rogers Clark, born in the same country with Jefferson, had a friend in Gov- 
 ernor Patrick Henry and was authorized by him to raise men, and given a lot of 
 paper money to undertake a secret expedition which was to dispossess the English 
 at Vincennes and Kaskaskia, and he did it with surprisingly stinted means, and 
 Clark, "the Hannibal of the West," in spite of failures, mistakes and sorrows, is a 
 name written on the roll of the immortals. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson, the father, as the records show, of both the Republican and 
 
 558
 
 MUEAT IIALSTExVD FOR EXPANSION. 559 
 
 Democratic parties, surpassed in glorious acliieyement the authorship of the Dec- 
 laration of Independence, in purchasing twice the amount of land we got from 
 England by the concessions of the treaty with her when she surrendered her thir- 
 teen colonies to self-government. We began in 1783 with 827,844 square miles. 
 Without counting our recent acquisitions of islands our area is 3,603,884 square 
 miles. Jefferson's purchase was 1,171,931 square miles. Thus the greater glory of 
 Jefferson came from a conscious violation of his own interpretation of the Consti- 
 tution in buying land from Napoleon Bonaparte, who had no title to it, save that 
 he had taken it red-handed and high-handed from Spain, whose abuse of her colo- 
 nies made it a public virtue to capture them, and England was getting ready to spoil 
 the spoiler. Notwithstanding the violation of the Constitution and the deficiency 
 of the land title, the bargain stuck and was one of the greatest events in the making 
 of our nation. 
 
 Andrew Jackson confirmed the purchase with a quit-claim deed — the battle of 
 New Orleans, fought after the treaty had been signed — a precedent to be cited in 
 the case of the Philippines, along with Kaskaskia and Vincennes, if any of the 
 monarchs want to see our papers for real estate holdings. We shall adhere, certainly, 
 to our precedents and principles. 
 
 It is strange that in the second third of the first century of the Eepublic the 
 greater political leaders of that era should have lost the lesson of the Jeffersonian 
 expansion. Webster and Clay faltered on the high road when America moved on, 
 and we gained Texas by annexation; and New Mexico, Colorado (in part), Arizona 
 and California by the sword. It was Andrew Jackson's influence in his last days 
 that overwhelmingly carried the acceptance of imperial Texas, and James K. Polk 
 and Andrew Johnson (I have just named the three Tennessee Presidents) gave us 
 our Pacific front, with the aid of an Oregon missionary — including Golden-gated 
 and golden-walled California and Alaska, crowded with riches in reserve, and the 
 Aleutian Islands. 
 
 In the latter third of our first century there Avas an evidence of a broadening 
 of statesmanship in recognizing the destiny of the country, that — instead of crumb- 
 ling through Civil War and consenting to weakness because the brethren of the 
 several states shed each other's blood — grew strong in warfare and became a majestic 
 nation. William H, Seward and Charles Sumner joined hands with Andrew John- 
 son in securing the magnificent bargain with Russia that gave us footing on the 
 shores of the Bering Sea and to our flag in the summer days — from sunrise in 
 Maine to sunset on our archipelago in the shadow of Siberia — six additional houra 
 of sunshine.
 
 560 MURAT HALSTEAD FOE EXPANSION. 
 
 
 
 The paths by which the fathers marked out this country for greatness pre- 
 vented the continent from dismemberment in European and Spanish-American 
 fashion. The footsteps of tlie nation builders are there. Benignant Providence, 
 sound statesmanship, history, tradition, the instructed judgment of Americanism, 
 are not failing to guide our footsteps aright. The name of William H. Seward be- 
 longs in the roll of honor of the promoters of American expansion, because in his 
 maturity he outgrew the leaders he followed in his youth and closed with Russia, 
 when her good-will olfering of Alaska came, and, going further, sought to pur- 
 chase the Danish Islands in the West Indies and to include Iceland and Greenland. 
 Wif!i this object, he had compiled in 1868 a report of the resources of Iceland and 
 Greenland, but public opinion then regarded his ideas as romantic. 
 
 Shall we permit to go unchallenged the feebleness of the folly that especially 
 opposes the acquisition of islands because they are surrounded by water, and say that 
 we never did such a thing as cross salt water to get to land until in the annexation 
 of Hawaii? IMiy, we must put to sea to find a free road to Alaska; and it is worth 
 remembering that the art of navigation is so far perfected that the seas are the 
 cheapest roads on the globe and are open to endless competition. Salt w^ater does 
 not damage land, and with all our experience in the policy of expansion we have 
 never added an acre to our national domain that was nof good for us. It is not likely 
 that we shall do so. 
 
 We keep the Philippines because we must. We have destroyed the Spanish 
 Government there and are responsible to civilization for the result. How can an 
 American think seriously of yielding to any power the fruits of Dewey's victory? 
 When he destroyed the Spanish fleet, according to orders issued on the first day of 
 the war with Spain, he did not abandon the scene of his conquest, but, animated 
 by the spirit of the fathers, he followed their footsteps and held on to the great 
 prize he had won. 
 
 It should be understood that the policy of Admiral Dewey in remaining at 
 Manila has been determined by the necessities of his situation. He has been con- 
 strained to hold the fruits of his victory, to ask for re-enforcements to serve on land 
 and sea. Of course, they have been sent to him. The American Admiral who won 
 the glorious popularity that commands the unanimous vote of Congress in his 
 honor, in spite of all the grumbling about the McKinley administration, wants, and 
 must have, if we are true to ourselves and decent in treatment to those who serve 
 us beyond the seas, the superior physical force in the waters of the Philippines! We 
 have there an army of 20,000 men. Shall we allow the basis of operations upon 
 which they rest — from which they must receive their supplies of ammunition, and,
 
 MURAT HALSTEAD FOR EXPANSION. 5G1 
 
 largely, their rations — to fall into nnfriendly hands? The Admiral had no home in 
 the Oriental ocean but the one he had conquered and there was no place to go if he 
 left it. He was like the man in Colonel Robert Ingersoll's story who couldn't go 
 anywhere else because "every other place was shut up." If the Admiral left Manila 
 bay he must have proceeded to a coal station, and thence to another coal station, 
 and so on, getting only enough coal at a time to take liim where he could do the 
 same thing before moving on. Those who are against the policy of the administra- 
 tion condemn and would betray our famous Admiral and degrade, so far as their 
 influence could do it, the American army at Manila, which is fighting, not against 
 liberty, for imputation to that effect, no matter where or from whom it comes, is 
 false and a shame. The army is fighting for the higher — that is, American — civili- 
 zation, religious liberty and our national rights under international law. Those who 
 are fighting the American army are doing it under the false pretenses of a dema- 
 gogue, who is neither soldier, leader, nor statesman, and never appealed to any frac- 
 tion of the inhabitants of the Philippines larger than one-half of 1 per cent of the 
 people. These desperadoes and their mob would not wait for the ratification of 
 the treaty with Spain. They are now legally Spaniards, as they are firebugs, 
 ingrates, assassins, and, politically, aiding a preposterous intrigue. So far as this 
 is not a fanaticism of superstition, it is craziness. In this country the Tegalo party, 
 whether composed of capitalists gone mad or political adventurers on a false scent, 
 seeking a new departure, or taking ground against our national advancement and 
 glory (and are examples of a disease of opposition), will get their reward in the 
 public contempt. If we could imagine their success to be possible, it could only be 
 accomplished by the defeat of the American army of Philippine occupation. 
 
 It does not follow that if we conquer islands, drive out Spaniards or other op- 
 pressors, and spread the flag that is our popular and national symbol over people 
 who are strangers, that we shall of necessity go on multiplying States. We must 
 safeguard Americanism, and the effective way to do it is to stand firm on the bed- 
 rock principle that we want more territory for the great hereafter of our country, 
 but not more States, now or soon. Certainly we can hold territory as territory for- 
 ever. Contact with us and our institutions will Americanize our possessions. 
 
 We have a graver question at home than we can find abroad. It is most diffi- 
 cult, because imbedded in the structure of the States. We made the radical mistake 
 of adding the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution when the effect is to obscure 
 the fourteenth, which was the firm ground to stand upon, and both are practically 
 destroyed. 
 
 There will not be, and should not be, manhood suffrage in the sense of indis-
 
 563 MURAT HALSTEAD FOE EXPANSION. 
 
 criminate male suffrage in Porto Rico, Cuba, Hawaii or the Philippines, until some 
 time has passed and there are many changes. Immediate manhood suffrage in our 
 new possessions is as impracticable, as impossible, as the re-establishment of Amer- 
 ican slavery in the States. The alleged insurgent governments in Cuba and Luzon 
 must be brushed aside, for they are not of the people. We do not want a govern- 
 ment of Cuban bondholders or any exclusive prerogatives in the hands of the 
 Tagalo tribe of Malays. 
 
 Americans will work wonders in the tropical islands, as on the North American 
 continent. "We shall overcome insurgents in the Indias, West "and East, by the irre- 
 sistible attraction of gravitation of the overshadowing pov/er of the mighty Republic 
 that is too great to be longer overlooked by others and would shirk duties by over- 
 looking herself. 
 
 I have read with care what Mr. Carnegie says. He would belittle the British 
 Empire as he would restrict the American Republic. Perhaps he can afford it, but 
 he is not in touch with the people of either country. 
 
 He would eliminate India, and the logic of that would be the abandonment 
 of the colonial system that makes England matchless. 
 
 If England gives up India, Egypt goes, of course, and Malta and Gibraltar, all 
 the British possessions in Africa and in the West Indies. With them would go 
 Hongkong and all the vast interests in the commerce of China. With these Canada 
 would go and Bermuda. Then the Jersey Islands, Ireland, Wales and Scotland 
 Avould go, also New Zealand, and the Australian continent depart in peace. Now, 
 England is a great European, African, American, Asiatic, Australian power. 
 
 Mr. Carnegie's policy would strip her of her dominions and give her the rank 
 of Holland and Denmark. 
 
 If the policy he would impose upon the United States had been the policy of 
 the fathers of the Republic, it would have made a small, snug, neat republic 
 on the Atlantic slope, leaving the cotton States, the Ohio country, the whole 
 continent from the Alleghenies to the Pacific, to the British, French and Spaniards. 
 
 George AVashington, Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, James K. Polk, 
 Andrew Johnson, Charles Sumner and William H. Seward were American expan- 
 sionists. They were good enough Americans for me. William McKinley and his 
 cabinet are the same sort of Americans. They are walking in the paths blazed 
 and trodden by the forefathers. They are providing the generations to come with 
 land. There is nothing better for the people than good land. Mr. Carnegie does 
 not seem to have heard of the States of California, Washington and Oregon. 
 He does not contemplate our front on the Pacific Ocean. He is taking a narrow
 
 MUEAT HALSTEAD FOR EXPANSION. 5G3 
 
 view — one that is neither American nor English; one that is unworthy of regard 
 by the English-speaking people. He seems to think the dragon of free trade will 
 enter upon us through that open door and devour us. The last time I studied an 
 utterance by Mr, Carnegie on an economic question he had ceased to be a pro- 
 tectionist, and was willing to chance it with free trade so far as his product of 
 steel was concerned, I do not ask him to be consistent, but he will upset his 
 cart if he makes a turn in the road on an acute angle. 
 
 When Dewey got his orders to destroy the Spanish fleet, Aguinaldo was in exile, 
 having retired with a certified check for 440,000 Mexican dollars, taken by 
 requisition from a Manila bank that never has seen and never will see a dollar 
 of the money. That certified check for the proceeds of the bank robbery wafted 
 away to Hongkong Aguinaldo and thirty-two of his "compatriots," The Filipino 
 war against Spain was started in his absence, and he was dug up by the American 
 consuls at Singapore, Manila, and Hongkong and was in Flongkong when the 
 Spanish fleet was destroyed, making his appearance soon afterward at Cavite. 
 He has lived in comfortable quarters, far from scenes of strife, ever since, and 
 no one except those belonging to his military gang has ever voted for him for 
 anything. 
 
 Our men in public life who have taken upon themselves to recognize the 
 Filipino assassins in the thickets firing upon our soldiers — and Senator Hoar, with 
 his great ability and always admirable command of phrases, is especially con- 
 spicuous — ^have omitted to provide themselves with the essential information in the 
 case. Let us run over the facts that utterly overthrow all the gilded structures 
 of Senator Hoar's vivid eloquence. Admiral Dewey was ordered to destroy the 
 Spanish Philippine fleet, and did it, and then he had to stay at Manila or abandon 
 the Asiatic coast and our commerce to the gunboats of the Spaniards that were 
 not within the range of our destroyers. Aguinaldo returned from exile and got 
 the prestige of American victory. He was not at any time besieging Manila, but 
 skirmishing in the high grass, and never could have taken the city. He wanted 
 to make conditions about allowing American troops to land — demanded to know 
 their object. He never consulted the people of the Philippines. He raised a 
 swarm of semi-savages, whose passion was for plunder and revenge. They had 
 to be put out of their alleged trenches before General Greene could get at the 
 Spaniards. The American army, when the American fleet had broken the Spanish 
 defense by the sea, that was the key to Manila, took the town, and the Spanish 
 army capitulated, "the faith and honor of the American army" being pledged 
 to preserve the lives and property of citizens, to protect them from the heedless
 
 564 
 
 MUEAT HxVLSTEAD FOE EXPANSION. 
 
 barbaric occupancy of the Aguinaldo horde. In case the Americans abandoned the 
 conquest the terms of the Spanish surrender were that their arms should be 
 returned — their rifles and cartridges. Ten thousand Spaniards were not to be 
 turned over for Malay butchery. "We would have been dishonored if that had 
 been done. The Spaniards, if they had held Manila, and they could have done 
 it as against the natives, would have re-enforced the troops in Manila. Admiral 
 Dewey was disposed to make the best of Aguinaldo and his "compatriots," but 
 they soon displayed themselves as threatening pretenders, malignant so far as we 
 were concerned. The reason Aguinaldo assigned for returning with the permis- 
 sion of Admiral Dewey to the Isle of Luzon was to prevent the Filipinos from 
 making common cause with Spain to repel the invaders — that is, the deliverers of 
 the Filipinos — and he tried to prevent our men from being supplied with wholesome 
 food and water. The conduct of those who usurp the authority of the Philippine 
 people and have dared to menace Americans trying in vain to preserve the peace, 
 was most irritating, aggressive and vicious long before they frantically rushed 
 upon our lines, believing they could destroy the army of occupation and the city 
 too. This was the full exhibition of the character of these "people." It was a 
 disclosure, not of intelligent purposes, but of the murderous instincts of ambi- 
 tious barbarians. The venerable Senator from Massachusetts has bestowed upon 
 them, to assail the policy of his country thus far of necessity in the severest and 
 most searching sense of the word, virtues they do not possess or comprehend.
 
 CHAPTER YIII. 
 MR. DOLLIYER OF IOWA FOR EXPANSIOX. 
 
 Room for All Sorts of Speeches, but Only One Course of Action — The President 
 Did Not Take Initial Responsibility of Disturbing the Peace — Dr. Park- 
 hurst's Boomerang Criticism — Cheap Newspapers Full of Malice — Americans 
 on Blanco's Platform — Our Experience with Acquired Territory — Andrew 
 Jackson's Territorial Policy — Two Mourners in a Palace Over the Collapse 
 of the Republic — Bryan's Pitched Battle with American History — Not 
 Canned Freedom, .but Liberty on the Half Shell — A Tribute to General 
 Wheeler— In "The Fear of God and Nothing Else," as Bismarck Said, 
 Take Up Duty. 
 
 Mr. Dolliver of Iowa referred to the "proposed retreat of the nation of America" 
 and to the "desultory firing on the Government from behind the barricades of 
 banquet tables," and said: 
 
 "While there is room for everybody's speeches, there is room only for a single 
 course of action. They alone who must put their judgment to the final test of per- 
 formance have need to be definite and coherent in their opinions, and it begins 
 to look as if the speechmakers had taken advantage of the fact that, while 
 everything can be said, only one thing can at last be done. 
 
 "In this respect the position of the President differs from that of the states- 
 men at large. They are at liberty to exhort, to rave and scold and jest. He 
 must act. 
 
 "As for those who deliberately inflamed the passions of the hour, teaching the 
 American people to despise the resources of diplomacy and to visit our State 
 Department with contempt; for those especially who boast that 'they took the 
 Republican party,' if I may recall the glowing language of my amiable friend 
 from Missoxiri, ^oy the scruff of the neck' and dragged it into the declaration of 
 war; for these men now to multiply the national difficulties by the devices of a 
 reckless partisan agitation indicates at least that we still have a level of politics 
 in the United States vvhich has a good deal to learn about the ethics, if not about 
 the etiquette, of statesmanship and patriotism. 
 
 "No one who has followed with even a casual attention the history of the 
 
 past year can doubt that the troubles which now lie in our path come in a straight 
 
 line from the original act by which the nation accepted the alternative of war. 
 
 The blood that has been shed, the treasure that has been expended, the victories 
 
 565
 
 5G6 ME. D0LLIVP:E OF IOY>'A FOii EXPANSIOX. 
 
 that have been won, the scattered territories that have fallen from the feeble 
 possession of the Spanish Crown — all these are only a part of the context of the 
 original resolution of April 29, 1898, 
 
 "It is historically certain that the initial responsibility for disturbing the 
 peace of the country does not lie with the President, but with the Congress, and 
 beyond the Congress, with the people of the United States. Our intervention 
 against Spain was a national act in the most perfect sense. The President is 
 accused of slavishly following public opinion without regard to duty, not to speak 
 of the lighter offense of finding out what the people of the United States 
 think before he acts. Dr. Parkhurst, a famous clergyman of New York, derided 
 the President because 'he had put his ear to the ground in order to catch the 
 reverberations that roll in from the wild West.' If the gentleman from Indiana, 
 by what he said here to-day, meant to insult the Chief Magistrate, as Dr. Park- 
 hurst aimed to wound the sensibilities of a portion of our common country, he 
 unintentionally paid to William McKinley while he lives a tribute which his- 
 torians have lovingly laid upon the grave of Abraham Lincoln — that in times of 
 peril, of doubt, and of uncertainty he was great enough to stand by the side of 
 the humble millions of his countrymen and to go forward in their strength in 
 the discharge of his official duties. The President cannot be accused, without a 
 profligate distortion of the truth, of any delinquency or hesitation in executing 
 the express will and purpose of the nation. 'No voice of any respectability has yet 
 been raised in such an accusation against him. It is true that as victory came 
 in sight an organized conspiracy of scandal and detraction was set on foot, with 
 partisan motives, to cover an administrative department of the Government with 
 disgrace. 
 
 "Cheap newspapers have filled the world with the inventions of malice, and 
 cheap politicians have pushed their w-ay in among the mourners at every soldier's 
 grave to poison broken hearts with suspicion and hatred against the Government 
 in order to reproach an administration which under unusual trials has led the 
 American people, with losses comparatively insignificant, into a victory rich and 
 splendid in the fruits of liberty. 
 
 "General Blanco, leaving Havana, in his farewell proclamation, the last of 
 a series of grotesque state papers more harmless than Spanish artillery, uttered 
 a complaint, not the platform of the Anti-imperialistic League, that the United 
 States was a fraud because under cover of liberating Cuba we bombarded Porto 
 Rico and invaded the Isle of Luzon. Who is willing to blot from our history 
 the immortal story of that morning at Cavite when, under frowning batteries
 
 ME. DOLLIVER OF IOWA FOR EXPANSION. 567 
 
 and in the midst of the unknown perils of the strange waters, American sailors, 
 with the easy confidence of skill and bearing won for our arms a victory without 
 precedent in the legends and traditions of the sea? Are we going to expunge 
 the record of the thanks of Congress to the officers and seamen of the 
 Asiatic fleet? We have presented its Admiral with a sword. Are we going to 
 hand it to him with an expression of regret, couched in the language of the 
 gentleman from Indiana, that we did not have sense enough to order him to 
 depart headlong from the Philippine coasts? 
 
 *'Some men talk seriously of hauling the flag down and others in jest about 
 hauling down the President. But what are you going to do with Admiral George 
 Dewey? lie has not attended any banquets; he has sent in no complaints about 
 his bill of fare; he has not disposed of his celebrity to the magazine editors for 
 cash. For nearly a year, under a tropical sun, he has held the forts, asking only 
 that we send a first-class statesman to help him gather up the fruits of his achieve- 
 ment. It may be that all our first-class statesmen are too busy with their consti- 
 tutional quibbles, their legal technicalities, and their morbid affectation of superior 
 virtues, and that our statesmen of the second class are too much engrossed with 
 the question of embalmed beef to be of much help to the Admiral as he stands 
 alone on the bridge of his flagship waiting for the civil authority to come to his 
 support. But may we not at least say to him that the Government of the United 
 States, which issued the command under which he acted on the 1st of May, 
 accepts the whole responsibility for his execution of orders? Can we applaud 
 him for doing his duty while we sit shivering and whimpering before ours? What 
 is there in the national spirit of America that invites or even tolerates this nerve- 
 less and debilitated attitude in the presence of responsibilities like these? 
 
 "Do we not rather dwarf and belittle the things which he has done unless we 
 make them part of the future of the Republic? For he has earned, if ever man 
 can earn from his fellow-man, the exultant salutation of the human race. Well done, 
 thou good and faithful servant of mankind. 
 
 "I have heard it said that the treaty involves the violation of our Constitution 
 in acquiring these possessions, and of our Declaration of Independence in governing 
 them. But we have the words of Chief Justice Marshall for it that the power to 
 make war and to frame treaties necessarily involves the power to acquire terri- 
 tory, and that the power to acquire territory implies the power to govern and 
 control it. Nor are we as a nation entirely without experience in the government 
 of acquired territory.
 
 nes ME. DOLLIYER OF IOWA FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 "When our Constitution was adopted we had on hand a vast territory belong- 
 ing to the public domain, and we managed to govern it for a long period of time 
 with scant reference to the views of its population, under a despotism in which the 
 constitutional theory of government had no place whatever. 
 
 "In 1803 we acquired the Territory of Louisiana by a treaty. It was inhabited 
 by many nationalities and native tribes, both numerous and warlike. We gov- 
 erned it by a military despotism in which the inhabitants took no part. It was 
 divided along the thirty-third parallel of latitude into two parts. That south of 
 the line was called Orleans, and all the rest described by the general name of 
 Louisiana. In neither division were the people in any respect consulted as to 
 the method of their government. The French and the Spaniards were left without 
 voice in the matter because they knew too much, and the Indians were left out 
 because they did not know enough. 
 
 "The history of these territorial governments is most instructive, especially to 
 one who is anxious to avoid visionary interpretations of the political creed of our 
 ancestors. Not less instructive is the record of our territorial government of 
 Florida, the Mexican cessions, California, and Alaska. The Territory of Florida 
 has a history specially interesting, because after it was acquired by the treaty of 
 1819 from Spain, President Monroe sent General Jackson there to govern it, with 
 powers limited by only two conditions, one that he should impose no new taxes 
 and the other that he should not make or confirm any land grants. In all other 
 respects his powers were unlimited, and whatever he did, singularly enough, was 
 authenticated in these words: 
 
 " 'By Major-General Andrew Jackson, Governor of the Provinces of the 
 Floridas, exercising the powers of the Captain-General and Intendent of the Island 
 of Cuba over the said provinces and of the Governors of said provinces respect- 
 ively.' 
 
 "It is little wonder that Thomas H. Benton, in his early years, should have 
 been impressed 'with such illustrations of Congressional power over territories,' 
 and that in his old age, reviewing his long political association with General 
 Jackson, should have written down the following comment on our form of Gov- 
 ernment as our fathers understood it: 
 
 " 'In the United States, where people are accustomed to the regular admin- 
 istration of justice, the summary proceedings of General Jackson appeared to be 
 harsh and even lawless; but they were all justified by the Administration and 
 sanctioned by the negative action of Congress. And in Florida, where they took
 
 MR. DOLLIVER OF IOWA FOR EXPANSION. 569 
 
 place, and where it was seen that no wealth or power could screen the oppressor, 
 and that governors, judges, and rich merchants were laid by the heels like common 
 offenders, and the protecting shield of law and justice thrown over the humble 
 and helpless — in this province, so long a prey to oppression and corruption, the 
 conduct of General Jackson appeared like an emanation of divine justice, greatly 
 exalting the American character. * * * He constantly repulsed the idea of the 
 presence of the Constitution in the territory committed to his charge, and in that 
 repulsion he was sustained by the Federal Executive Government at Washington 
 and by each House of Congress, each of these authorities refusing to entertain — as 
 breaches of the Constitution — the complaints forwarded against him by those who 
 had been militarily dealt with under his government.' 
 
 ''Not long ago, in a palace in the city of New York, two men sat down to 
 weep over the downfall of the Republic — one a colonel of volunteers, who had 
 just escaped from the army, with a yell of oratorial triumph, leaving behind 
 him a trail of interviews from Tampa to Washington like the borealis race that 
 flit ere you can point their place. His tears flowed, if anything, a little more 
 freely than his companion's, for this was not the first time he had been called 
 upon to note the collapse of free institutions, and his case was all the worse on 
 account of his natural repugnance to taking the oath of oflice amid the falling 
 columns and broken altars of the temple of liberty. The other was an iron- 
 monger who a few years ago, seeing the advantages of the steel pool, had advocated 
 the consolidation of England and America into a trust to regulate the world's 
 political business, each to receive for its common stock equivalent shares of the 
 syndicate, but just now enlisted under the banner of the Anti-Imperialist League, 
 anxious to bring the United States out of the war with Spain, wdth nothing to 
 show for the national sacrifices except a few well-defined cases of anarchy in the 
 West Indies and the borders of Asia. 
 
 "The two talked together earnestly and long, with no differences of opinion 
 and only such occasional hitches in the conversation as inevitably arise when two 
 persons, each knowing it all, try to teU one another something. At last they 
 separate, one of them to spread the alarm by word of mouth, the other by stroke 
 of pen; both of them to learn in time how vain and impotent is the babble of 
 men against the increasing purpose that runs through the ages. 
 
 "Colonel Bryan pitched his first battle against American history at Chicago, 
 before a club that for some inscrutable reason was engaged in celebrating the 
 victory of New Orleans. Speaking on the anniversary of that battle — a battle 
 fought on soil which JefTerson purchased from Napoleon by the military governor
 
 570 MR. DOLLIVER OF IOWA FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 who subsequently obtained the consent of the resident Spaniards and Indian natives 
 to our first government of the provinces of the Floridas — he lamented any further 
 growth of the United States, demanded instant and unconditional independence 
 for the Philippine tribes^, and wound up by calling on Moses, who died on an 
 expedition to exterminate the nations of Canaan, to come back from his unknown 
 grave and unite with the Democratic party in its present campaign against the 
 progress of civilization. 
 
 "Now, all this would be very thrilling and very satisfactory if these sudden 
 apostles of lesser America would only learn to speak the same language. But the 
 very night the Colonel of Volunteers was in Chicago former Vice-President Steven- 
 son was in Omaha, at the same kind of a dinner, telling the Jackson Club that 
 this mythical Philippine commonwealth which we hear talked about, with its 
 president and cabinet and congress, is in fact a scattered and helpless population 
 unfit for self-government in any sense of the word. The same thread of con- 
 tradiction seems to run through the magazines. Open the North American Review. 
 On the first page is Mr. Andrew Carnegie exalting the Philippine tribes to the 
 opportunities and privileges of a new republic, exactly as my friend from Indiana 
 has done this day, in words which have hardly fallen below the rhapsody with which 
 the venerable ex-Secretary of State has welcomed the guileless Aguinaldo into the 
 company of George Washington; while a few pages over we find Senator Vest, 
 who has studied this question about as hard as my friend from Indiana has, even 
 if he has not written down his views quite so fully, describing the people to 
 whom my friend asks us to furnish, not canned freedom, but liberty on the half- 
 shell — a license to do business on their own account — as a piratical and half- 
 civilized mass of muck-running barbarians. 
 
 "I have never yet heard an American, big or little, say that we ought to 
 have given these islands back to Spain, that we ought to have committed them 
 to the bloody hand of the despotism from which we have delivered them; but I 
 do not hesitate to say, measuring my words, that such a disposition of them would 
 be merciful and benevolent compared to the policy of recognizing the petty tribal 
 chieftains who are now preparing lawlessness and confusion for the islands of the 
 archipelago; for it is written in the common law that tyranny is to be preferred 
 rather than anarchy, on the ground that any government in the world is better 
 than no government at all. 
 
 "I have never heard anyone say that we ought to divide these islands among 
 the nations of the world, though if the nations of the world would take them, the 
 time will certainly come when we can do that, if we desire. I deny that we entered
 
 MR. DOLLIVER OF IOWA FOR EXPANSION. 571 
 
 upon the war under leave of au}' foreign nation. I rejoice in the fact that the 
 President of the United States, when the world was full of rumors about the 
 intervention of the powers, told the ambassadors assembled that the American 
 Government was about to handle the question for itself; and if the Government 
 of Great Britain stood by ready to temper the hostile motives of other powers, it is 
 only a new bond of sympathy between us and the kindred people from v/hom we 
 have derived our language, our literature, our laws, and our institutions. 
 
 "Not only do I deny that we went into the war by permission of foreign 
 nations, but I deny that we came out of it by the consent of foreign nations. On 
 the contrary, I assert before the House to-day that the achievements of the past 
 year have put foreign nations on their guard and induced them, standing at a 
 respectful distance, to recognize that the United States is able to take care of 
 itself. We stand in the arena of the world's affairs dependent upon the counte- 
 nance of no foreign power, but appreciative of the good will of all, with a prestige 
 among the nations which we have never enjoyed before in our whole history since 
 the foundations of civil liberty were laid on this continent by our fathers." 
 
 Dolliver referred to General Wheeler, saying: 
 
 "At the time of the attack upon Santiago he was sick and unable to leave 
 his tent, but when he heard the firing he got into an ambulance and started for 
 the front. When he met details of men carrying the wounded to the rear he told 
 •the boys to let the wounded ride and asked them to get him out of the ambu- 
 lance and put him upon his horse; and all day long in the firing line at Santiago 
 he kept the field, directing the movement of his troops. 
 
 "I do not know how it seems to others, but it seems to me that that old 
 Confederate General riding up and down the line at Santiago has become the 
 type of a larger and better Americanism which has turned its back upon all the 
 bitterness of the past and opened its eyes to the sublime destiny of a reunited 
 country. I have not read the history of the world without perceiving that there 
 is in it a Providence higher and wiser than our poor human guidance. I accept 
 the philosophy which finds a Power in this universe v/hich makes for righteous- 
 ness; an Eye over all that neither slumbers nor sleeps, an Arm made bare to lift 
 up the helpless and despairing children of men. Let us not doubt that amid 
 the vicissitudes of the national life, even when we walk in the thick darkness, when 
 the judgment of the wise is confounded and the foresight of the prudent made 
 afraid, Ave execute at last, in a poor, blind way, not the clumsy designs of men, 
 but the inviolable will of God. To my mind it does not seem incredible that the 
 Power which is over all the governments of men is about to take the great
 
 
 ME. DOLLIVEE OF IOWA FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 Eepublic, united and made strong in tlie devotion and loyalty of all its people, and 
 use it as an instrument in His hand to enlarge the boundaries of civilization, to 
 extend the frontiers of freedom in far-off lands, and to garrison new outposts of 
 social progress in the ends of the earth. And if that is our destiny and that our 
 duty, I for one am in favor of looking the future in the face and taking up that 
 duty 'in the fear of God,' as old Bismarck used to say, 'and of nothing else.' " 
 
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 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 HON. HENRY GIBSON FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 Porto Rico Is a Conquest; Are We to Give It Up on Moral Grounds? — There 
 Were Croakers About Our Having Any Pacific Coast — It Was Six Months 
 Away — "The Ashy Lips of Cowards and Traitors" — There Would Be Objec- 
 tions to Annexing Paradise — Do the Black Men Consent to Be Governed 
 in All the States?— Why Say "Turkey" to the Yellow Heathen and 
 "Buzzard" to the Black Christian ?— When Did We Get the Consent of the 
 Indians to Govern Them? — The Pilgrim Fathers Exterminated the Natives 
 of Massachusetts — God Commanded the Killing of the Canaanites. 
 
 Hon. Henry Gibson of Tennessee says: 
 
 "Porto Rico is a beautiful, healthful, and fertile island, within the sphere 
 of our influence and on the great waterway between the United States and South 
 America. The inhabitants are anxious for annexation, and everywhere welcomed 
 the arrival of our soldiers with shouts of joyous salutation. 
 
 "It is said that we did not go to war for conquest, and we did not. But 
 because we did not go to war shall we for that reason abandon Porto Rico? When 
 we engaged in the war with Mexico in 1846 we did not go into it for conquest; 
 our purpose was to defend and protect Texas. 
 
 "But when that war ended we were in possession not only of Texas, but of 
 Utah, California, Nevada, Arizona, and New Mexico. Now, what did we do? 
 Did we say then that, as we did not go to war with Mexico for conquest we would 
 abandon Utah, California, Nevada, Arizona, and New Mexico? No, we were not 
 the imbeciles then some men want us to be now. We held on to what we con- 
 quered from Mexico, and we are holding on to it to-day, although there were men 
 then, as there are men now, who thought it was wicked and dangerous to acquire 
 this territory, and some predicted that God's curse would fall upon us as a nation 
 if we took this territory away from Mexico. 
 
 "But we took it, and we took it by force of arms, and we hold it to-day, and 
 
 God's curse has not yet fallen upon us. On the contrary. He seems to have blessed 
 
 us. Oui nation took a new start when California became ours, and never in the 
 
 history of the world has there been such progress in territorial development as 
 
 there has been since we annexed California. What was then a wilderness between 
 
 Missouri and the Pacific Ocean, inhabited by Indians, buffaloes, coyotes, and 
 
 575
 
 576 HOX. HENKY GIBSON FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 prairie dogs is now occupied by thirteen States and three Territories of our Union, 
 containing 8,000^000 inhabitants. 
 
 "Man proposes, but God disposes. We did not go to war with Mexico to 
 acquire any territory, but we did acquire some, and the territory thus acquired 
 has rounded out our domain, and been not only a great blessing to us, but a 
 blessing to all mankind, 
 
 "So we did not go to war with Spain to acquire any territory. But again man 
 proposes while God disposes, and as a result of this war the beautiful Island of 
 Porto Rico is in our hands. And the question now is. What shall we do with it? 
 Shall we surrender it to Spain, that brutal and bloody tyrant whose rule has been 
 the curse of so many lands? To haul Porto Rico back to Spain would be like 
 throwing a rescued and bleeding lamb back into the jaws of the wolf whose fangs 
 had torn its flesh, and I for one will never vote that way. 
 
 "They declared our Constitution a rope of sand. They said our Presidents 
 would become kings, and thought they saw a crown growing on Washington's 
 head. When Louisiana was annexed, in 1803, they said that it was so unconsti- 
 tutional as to annihilate the Constitution and destroy the Union. When the first 
 national bank was chartered in 1816 they declared that liberty was as good as 
 dead, and that the money power would soon own the country. When, in 1845, 
 Texas was annexed, they saw slavery triumphant and the Union as good as dis- 
 solved. When, in 1846, we made war on Mexico in defense of Texas, men in 
 this House declared that the vengeance of heaven was sure to fall upon us, and 
 ^'bloody graves" would be the fate of those gallant Americans who with transcend- 
 ent valor upheld our flag at Buena Vista, and who carried it in triumph from 
 Vera Cruz to Mexico and floated it from the topmost turrets of the mansions of 
 the Montezumas. 
 
 "T\nien, in 1848, we annexed California and New Mexico, these same prophets 
 of evil saw the most gigantic dangers looming up on the Pacific coast, 3,000 miles 
 away, and a six months' Journey by sea or land, and the result would be the nation 
 would break in two by its own weight, the Rocky Mountains being the line of 
 division, unless England or some other foreign nation took California and Oregon 
 away from us by force of arms. Blood-curdling and hair-raising pictures of na- 
 tional calamity were thrust before our horrified vision by the old women and 
 false prophets of those days as the sure result of the annexation of California. 
 It was declared to be a wicked robbery from a sister Republic, a robbery wholly 
 unnecessary, as we already had more territory on the Pacific than we had any 
 use for; that its acquisition would necessitate a large increase of our army and
 
 HON. HENRY GIBSON FOB EXPANSION. 577 
 
 navy, and a consequent increase of taxation, all of which would fall on the poor 
 man; that the $15,000,000 we paid Mexico for California was a reckless and uncon- 
 stitutional expenditure for what, at best, was a mere unexplored waste of sand and 
 sagebrush; and that the sole object of the annexation was the unholy extension 
 of African slavery and the wicked suppression of American liberty. 
 
 "If the gentlemen who are wrinkling their brows and torturing their brains in 
 imsatisfactory efforts to manufacture insect thunder against the acquisition of 
 Porto Rico and the Philippines will only go back to the Congressional debates on 
 the acquisition of Louisiana in 1803, and the acquisition of Texas and California 
 in 1845 to 1848, they will find not only all the little arguments their imagination 
 has brewed out of a sour digestion, but will find many others of larger proportions 
 and more ponderous material. But they will find all of these arguments, little 
 and big, fully answered, all of their predictions falsified by subsequent history, and 
 that, instead of adversity to curse us, we got prosperity to bless us; instead of 
 slavery being extended it was destroyed; instead of California being six months 
 off it is now only six days off, and the 1,000-mile-wide desert between California 
 and Missouri is blossoming like the rose, the seat of religion, learning, and wealth, 
 and filled with many populous and prosperous States. 
 
 "I suppose there is a providence in allowing and stimulating these prophets of 
 evil, the human ravens Avhose croaks are heard from the glittering spires of pros- 
 perity and whose sable wings flit through all banquet halls, like fallen spirits, whose 
 only satisfaction is to prophesy calamity and terrify the timid. 
 
 "The fathers of our Republic, as they wrought on in their grand endeavor 
 to lay deep, wide, and strong the foundations of a nation that should be to all 
 others as the sun is to the stars, heard day after day the carpings of the critics, 
 the sneers of the scorners, the censures of the wiseacres, and the prophecies of 
 failure from the ashy lips of cowards and traitors. 
 
 "If Bryan were President annexation and expansion and even 'imperialism' 
 would be all right, and in the next campaign we would have a new and enlarged 
 edition of that ancient and oft-repeated Democratic claim that all of the valuable 
 additions to our national domain had been made under Democratic administra- 
 tions, and we should again have heard how the Democratic party had 'enlarged 
 the area of freedom' and made another 'way for liberty.' 
 
 "The majority does not mean the majority in any one State or section of the 
 country, but the majority of all the people of all the States and all the sections. 
 Here is where the Federal Government got its right to suppress the whisky rebel- 
 lion while "Washington was President, here is where Jackson got his right to sup-
 
 578 HON. HENRY GIBSON FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 press nullification in South Carolina, and here is where Lincoln got his authority 
 for suppressing the Southern Confederacy. Washington, Jackson, and Lincoln 
 were simply executing the mandate of the majority of all the people of all the 
 States and of all the sections. And if Porto Rico and the Philippines are annexed 
 to the United States and become a part of the territory of the United States, they, 
 too, will be governed by the majority, and if they are the majority they will govern 
 us, but if we are the majority we will govern them. And on this commandment 
 hang all the law and politics of the case. 
 
 "Now, Mr. Chairman, are these men who deny the rights of yellow skins in 
 America really anxious to defend the rights of yellow skins in Asia? Do the men 
 who despise the negro in America truly love the Filipino in Asia? If the Filipinos 
 were as numerous in the South as are the negroes, would these gentlemen who 
 now champion their right to self-government be as loud-mouthed in their behalf 
 as they are to-day? Do we not know, Mr. Chairman, that if the negroes were in 
 the Philippines and the Filipinos were here these same advocates of self-government 
 would be caressing the negroes and oppressing the Filipinos? 
 
 "If Filipinos attack our army, if they attack our navy, we must teach them, 
 as we teach all other people under God's skies, that that flag will never be assailed 
 without defenders. Having smote down the lion of Spain we will not submit to 
 insolence or ingratitude on the part of its cubs. 
 
 "My solution of the Philippine problem is this: If those fifty or sixty thousand 
 people out there who are claiming to represent 7,000,000 people get a little too 
 fresh, I would squelch them; I would turn enough grapeshot and canister into 
 their ranks to teach them that the American army and the American flag are 
 not things to be trifled with, and that they who interfere with us do so at their 
 peril. 
 
 "But having suppressed these insurgents or having succeeded in causing them 
 to subside, we will proceed to inaugurate a government there, a government as 
 free and as much their government as they are capable of having. If they are 
 capable of a perfectly free government, all the better; I will rejoice at it and will 
 join my hurrahs with theirs. But until that day comes, until a stable government 
 of their own can be maintained in the Philippine Islands — ^until that day dawns 
 we owe it to mankind, we owe it to civilization, we owe it to Christianity, that the 
 Stars and Stripes, the emblem at once of liberty and security, shall float there and 
 float supreme. 
 
 "Some one asks, 'What will you do with the Philippines? Will you admit 
 them as States into the Union?' I answer quickly. Never, as States, in our day.
 
 HON". HENRY GIBSON FOR EXPANSION. 579 
 
 We will hold them as Territories, We will do all we can to civilize and Chris- 
 tianize them. We will establish schools and churches, construct roads, erect fac- 
 tories, open mines, build telegraphs, all, of course, at their own expense, and 
 give them just as much participation in their own government as they are capable 
 of. And when, in the process of evolution, they become capable of self-govern- 
 ment, we will give them national independence, with our blessing and good wishes. 
 But, Mr. Chairman, let us do our duty in our day and leave the future to be taken 
 care of by the men of the future. All wisdom and patriotism will not be buried 
 in our graves. The great and good God, who has cared for our country in the 
 past will raise up men in the future well able to deal with the Philippines in a 
 manner suitable to our honor and welfare and compatible with the course of 
 humanity. 
 
 "Some men say, 'Of what benefit will these island be to us?' That question 
 was asked when we annexed Louisiana; it was asked when we annexed Florida; 
 it was asked when we annexed Texas; it was asked when we annexed California; it 
 was asked when we annexed Alaska, and it will continue to be asked by the old fogies 
 as long as human progress and national development continue. If Paradise could 
 be annexed, there would be men who would object unless they could get a home- 
 stead in it with the tree of life in the center. 
 
 "Mr. Chairman, that we are a nation and that we have a nation's powers and 
 a nation's rights, and intend to discharge a nation's responsibilities and a nation's 
 duties; and let the other nations of the world take notice that we demand a nation's 
 respect. 
 
 "The Indians to-day have no voice in the Government; and in the negro 
 States their 'consent' is not only not obtained, but is actually denied. And what 
 is most strange, the men who pretend to be so indignant about governing the 
 Filipinos without their 'consent' are the very men who are most anxious to 
 govern the negroes without their 'consent!' Is an Asiatic Filipino who lives 10,000 
 miles from here entitled to any more rights than an American negro who lives 
 next door to us? Wliy is it, Mr. Chairman, that some of these men who rave 
 so for fear the Filipinos will be governed without their consent rave just as 
 furiously when the negroes insist on not being governed without their consent? 
 
 "Why do these professed champions of liberty insist on saying 'turkey' to the 
 Filipinos and 'buzzard' to the negroes? What is sauce for the Philippine goose 
 ought to be sauce for the African gander. I can not quite understand the hearts 
 of those men who so dearly love the yellow Filipino, whom they have never seen, 
 and yet do not love the yellow negro, whom they have seen. If the Filipinos
 
 530 HON. HENEY GIBSON FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 are entitled to self-government, then the negroes are; and yet some of these men 
 who are pretending to be so indignant because the savage, half-naked, heathen 
 Filipino is to be governed without his consent are just as indignant when a civilized 
 Christian negro asks not to be governed without his consent. Surely the charity 
 of these lovers of the Filipinos does not begin at home. 
 
 "As a matter of fact, Mr. Chairman, even in our own country government is not 
 always based on the 'consent of the governed.' What father asks the 'consent' of 
 his children to the government he establishes over them? When and in what is 
 the 'consent' of the women of the country obtained, even where they are taxed? 
 The 'consent' of the Indians has seldom been deemed necessary, and when necessary 
 has often been obtained by fraud or force. 
 
 "At every session of Congress laws are passed that some one or more States 
 object to. At every session of the various State Legislatures laws are passed that 
 some counties do not consent to. The consent of the majority rules, and they 
 are the governors, while the consent of the governed minority is not only not 
 asked, but when known is denied, and sometimes denied with contemptuous 
 tyranny and undeserved opprobrium. 
 
 "In the days of nullification South Carolina was kept in the Union and forced 
 to obey laws against her consent. Andrew Jackson threatened to hang some 
 of the South Carolina nullifiers because they would not 'consent.' 
 
 "From 1861 to 1865 we waged a terrible war against the Confederate States 
 because they would not 'consent' to remain any longer in the old Union. And after 
 the war we disfranchised them, so they would be unable to express their dissent. 
 
 "We have had several Presidents who failed to get the 'consent' of a majority 
 of the voters. There are several States in the Union to-day permanently governed 
 by a minority of their people, and even in those States where majority rule prevails 
 the minority are not only governed with their 'consent,' but are often governed- 
 in spite of their dissent. Even here in the city of Washington, right around 
 and in sight of this Capitol, there are 300,000 intelligent, cultured, liberty-loving, 
 patriotic people governed without their consent, without any voice, vote, or repre- 
 sentation whatever, and taxed besides. 
 
 "When America was settled, was the 'consent' of the Indians asked by our 
 forefathers? Did the Pilgrim Fathers obtain the consent of the Massachusetts 
 Indians? No, sir; they exterminated them! 
 
 "Where would the United States of America be to-day if the first white men 
 who landed on our coast had sailed away because the Indians objected to their 
 coming? This fair and gracious land, the wonder of the world, with its 70,000,000
 
 HOX. HEXEY GIBSON FOE EXPANSION. 581 
 
 of people, its hundreds of beautiful towns and cities, its millions of fertile fields, 
 its hundreds of thousands of schools and churches; its railroads, telegraphs, and 
 mail routes; its electrical inventions and manufacturing establishments; its mil- 
 lions of happy. Christian homes; its government — the best on earth for man's 
 welfare — where would all these have been had the 'consent' of the Indians been 
 necessary to the occupation of the country? Instead of this magnificent Capitol 
 there would be the wigwam of some Powhatan; and instead of these champions of 
 the 'consent of the governed,' who from day to day make these walls weary of 
 reverberation, we would have a few Indian bucks in war paint, with feathers on 
 their heads and down their backs, and scalps in their belts! And thus the doctrine 
 of the 'consent of the governed' would have been vindicated, even though a con- 
 tinent was thereby made the home of heathen savages! 
 
 "'Consent of the governed,' indeed! The world has moved onward to civiliza- 
 tion and Christianity against the 'consent of the governed/ War is the great 
 civilizer. God commanded Moses and Joshua to exterminate the Canaanites. 
 
 "We have had our Jeremiahs all along the line, lamenting that the ruin 
 ol our country was just at our doors unless their counsel was observed, but we 
 are not ruined yet. Instead of being ruined we have prospered, prospered more 
 than any other nation that ever existed, and, what is strange, the more the 
 prophecies of evil the greater our prosperity. And we are still moving on and 
 moving up, conquering and to conquer. The stars in their courses have been fight- 
 ing on our side, and Destiny has pronounced an irrevocable decree in our favor. 
 
 " 'There are great truths that pitch their shining tents 
 Outside our walls, and though but dimly seen 
 In the gray dawn they will be manifest 
 When the light widens into perfect day.' "
 
 CHAPTEE X. 
 
 SENATOR HOAR AGAINST EXPANSION. 
 
 This Is the Greatest Question Ever Discussed by the United States Senate — 
 Almost the Greatest Since the Beginning of Mankind — Putting the Flag 
 Up and Down — Wanted Messages Sent to the Philippines — What Are We 
 to Do with 10,000,000 Souls?— Poor People Who Took Their Bows and 
 Arrows — Aguinaldo's Masterpieces — Dr. Johnson on Taxation — Trampling 
 on Foreign People — Filipinos in Arms for Liberty. 
 
 Senator Hoar said that no man can justly charge him with a lack of faith 
 in his countrymen or a lack of faith in the principles on which the republic was 
 founded. He had in the fullest measure that which stands as the central figure 
 in the mighty group which the apostle said is forever to abide — ^hope. He thanked 
 God that as his eyes grow dim they look out on a fairer country, a better people, 
 a brighter future. 
 
 It was not his purpose, of course, to discuss the general considerations which 
 affect any acquisition of sovereignty by the American people over the Philippine 
 Islands which has been or may be proposed. 
 
 He hoped not to weary by reiteration, but this was the greatest question, 
 this question of power and authority of our Constitution in this matter, he had 
 almost said, that had been discussed among mankind from the beginning of time. 
 Certainly it is the greatest question ever discussed in the Senate from the beginning 
 of the government. 
 
 Mr. Hoar believed this country to be a nation — a sovereign nation. He be- 
 lieved Congress possessed all the powers necessary to accomplish the great objects 
 the framers of the Constitution intended should be accomplished; denied that it 
 possessed the "astonishing" and "extravagant" powers under the Constitution which 
 Senators attributed to it. 
 
 "We have heard of limited monarchies, constitutional monarchies, despotisms 
 tempered by assassination, but the logic of the Senator from Connecticut makes a 
 pure, unlimited, untempered despotism without any relief from assassins. 
 
 "In general the friends of what is called imperialism or expansion content 
 themselves with declaring that the flag which is taken down every night and put 
 up again every morning over the roof of this Senate chamber, where it is in its 
 
 rightful place, must never be taken down where it has once floated, whether that 
 
 582
 
 SENATOR HOAR AGAINST EXPANSION. 5S3 
 
 be its rightful place or not — a doctrine which is not only without justification 
 in international law, but if it were implanted there would make every war between 
 civilized and powerful nations a war of extermination or a war of dishonor to one 
 party or the other." 
 
 Mr. Hoar dwelt upon the large increase in national expenditure which the 
 policy of expansion advocated would entail, placing the amount at $150,000,000 
 annually. He argued that the adoption of expansion doctrine would reduce wages, 
 increase taxation, place an armed soldier on the back of the workingman, and 
 by the act of the government every American's dignity would be dishonored 
 and his manhood discrowned. 
 
 "The Monroe doctrine is gone," he said. "Every European nation, every 
 European alliance, has the right to acquire dominion in this hemisphere when we 
 acquire it in the Orient. 
 
 "1 heard a good deal before the treaty was enacted, spoken with great earnest- 
 ness and great vehemence, about embarrassing the administration in the war.. 
 It was said we cannot declare the old doctrine of the Farewell Address, or the 
 old doctrine of the Declaration of Independence, or any limitations on our con- 
 stitutional power, or any expression of our intent, because there are hostilities 
 going on between the United States and the people of the Philippine Islands. 
 Those hostilities are going on now, and what has become of the scruples of the 
 majority in this chamber? They are prepared not only to send to the people of 
 the Philippine Islands what two highly esteemed members of the Senate, in 
 speeches which, I think, gave me more pain than any other speeches I ever listened 
 to in the Senate, said they would not do — they would not send any message to 
 the persons who had arms in their hands taken up "against the United States. 
 But here is a message, while those hostilities are still going on, calculated to pro- 
 voke freemen, lovers of liberty, men who think as our ancestors thought, men who 
 think as we have thought till within six months, to resistance and to hostility 
 to the death. 
 
 "They are simply resolutions, when properly analyzed, declaring in effect that 
 these 10,000,000 people have in our judgment no constitutional rights, no rights 
 to liberty, no rights even to be heard in the determination of their own self-govern- 
 ment, and that they are not to have in the future any right of citizenship, any 
 of the rights debated and somewhat misty, but still valuable and precious, which 
 men have when they become residents on territory of the United States. They 
 are not to be citizens here. They are not to be an integral part of our territory 
 ever. Then it goes on to say, in substance, that they are to have nothing to do
 
 58i SENATOR HOAR AGAINST EXPANSION." 
 
 about their own government hereafter. It is the intention of the United States 
 to make a government for them 'suitable to the wants and conditions of the 
 inhabitants of said islands.' Of that we are to judge, not they. That government 
 is not to fit them to govern themselves ever in the great things which pertain to 
 a national life. 
 
 "The message which my honorable friend from Delaware will not send to 
 the people with arms in their hands is a message of peace, of good will, of liberty. 
 But he will send them this message from the Senate: Never shall you be made 
 citizens; never shall your territory be United States territory; never shall you have 
 the rights which dwellers on our territory enjoy; never shall you establish your 
 government for yourself. We will try to fit you in small matters and in local 
 matters for self-government; we will try to fit you to govern yourselves so far 
 as the people of the District of Columbia used to govern themselves, perhaps, and 
 so far as a Territory may govern itself, perhaps, but you shall never have a part 
 or a share, not one of the ten millions of you, in your national self-government. 
 
 "And then what is the United States going to do with 10,000,000 human 
 souls ? Make such disposition of them as will best promote not even their interests 
 alone, but ours, 'as will best promote the interests of the citizens of the United 
 States,' which they are not, and as a caudal appendage, the interests of the inhab- 
 itants of the islands. 
 
 "Now, was there ever on the face of the earth more infamy, if what the 
 people of the United States have said and lived and declared in the face of all 
 mankind be true, than is to be contained in that declaration? It is a declaration 
 stripped of everything else simply that the Louisiana sugar planter shall not be 
 afraid of their competition in the future, and that to prevent that fear there shall 
 never be a human, a constitutional, or a legal right recognized in those 10,000,000 
 people; and that is the whole of it. 
 
 "You cannot send a message of peace, you cannot send a message of hope, 
 you cannot send a message of pity, to those poor people who have taken their 
 bows and arrows in their hands and thrown themselves against the power of the 
 people of the United States, dashing out their lives in a brave battle for liberty. 
 To send them even a message of pity the man who proposes it is denounced as a 
 traitor and as unfaithful to the interests of his own country; but for a message 
 of tyranny, a message of hate, a message of oppression, a message of slaughter, 
 these gentlemen are ready enough, 
 
 "I want to say a single word about these people and their chieftain. I agree 
 that we have not full information about Aguinaldo. It may turn out in his case,
 
 SENATOR HOAR AGAIXST EXPANSION. 585 
 
 as it has turned out in the case of so many others, that he is an unprincipled 
 adventurer. We know nothing about that. All we know about him is that he 
 was accepted as an ally, and that after everything that has been said to his dis- 
 paragement happened, after his retreat, after his acceptance of the money of Spain, 
 he was recalled in honor and in power by the Admiral and the General of the 
 United States. We know that he had invested the Spaniards in the city of 
 Manila; we know that of those 2,000 islands he had won the independence of every 
 one, save only the city of Manila, and, perhaps, one or two other slight stations 
 held by Spain. We know that there came from him a provisional government 
 and constitution for a people engaged in a revolution for their own independence 
 the like of which for ability and fitness for the situation for a people about to 
 enter upon self-government as soon as the military necessity had gone by there 
 are not ten men on the face of this planet who could have improved upon. It is 
 a masterpiece of constitutional construction. 
 
 "We know that he has addressed to this Senate a powerful, temperate, and 
 respectful communication, stating with admirable clearness and compactness a 
 d.esire and a hope for liberty and an appeal to the great people of the United 
 States. I do not see how any American heart not of stone can fail to see that 
 the source of that appeal is entitled to respect and to honor. He has also made 
 an application — rejected, I am told, though the details of that we do not know — 
 simply for a hearing. 
 
 "Suppose it were true that these 10,000,000 people seeking liberty, knowing 
 nothing of a foreign power but what they have learned from Spain, 10,000 miles 
 off from the United States, unacquainted with our history, their eyes never having 
 gazed upon the beauty and the glory of our flag, suppose they did in their ignor- 
 ance and in their weakness make this brave and passionate attack upon the forces 
 of the United States, they were, at least, men willing to give their lives for some- 
 thing. "WTiatever else they did, they did not flinch or run. We have mowed 
 them down by the thousands; we have inflicted upon them that dread and terrible 
 penalty; and I do not agree with my honorable friends who say that it is unworthy 
 of the dignity of the people of the United States to send those people even a 
 message of kindness and hope and sympathy. 
 
 "I think the lives of American soldiers were sacrificed by the men, whoever 
 did it, who demanded of these men their unconditional submission and would not 
 send them a message such as America has been wont to send and such as the 
 American flag has been wont to bear to the down-trodden and suffering and 
 oppressed peoples of the earth.
 
 586 SENATOR HOAR AGAINST EXPANSION. 
 
 "Others doubtless will do as they please. I have in regard to myself, in 
 regard to what I have said and done and what I shall say and do in this business, 
 neither doubt, hesitation, nor misgiving. I am satisfied to stand with the fathers 
 and the statesmen of the past generations, with the men who framed our liberty 
 and who founded our Constitution. 
 
 "I happened accidentally this morning, looking entirely for another subject, 
 to find a passage from Dr. Johnson, in the great argument in which he assailed 
 our revolutionary fathers, entitled 'Taxation no Tyranny.' If I were to have it 
 read at the desk as a part of the speech of the gentlemen Avho have been defending 
 this business here, everybody would say, 'Why, of course, that was exactly what 
 they were saying; it sounds like last week and the week before last' — this doc- 
 trine that there can be no limitation of sovereignty, that a sovereign can do any- 
 thing he pleases, that you are inferior, that a constitutional republic or a limited 
 monarchy is inferior to a despotism or a tyranny. I read a paragraph as follows: 
 
 " 'All government is ultimately and essentially absolute, but subordinate socie- 
 ties may have more immunities, or individuals greater liberty, as the operations 
 of government are differently conducted. An English individual may by the 
 supreme authority be deprived of liberty for reasons of which that authority is 
 the only Judge. In sovereignty there are no gradations. There may be limited 
 royalty, there may be limited consulships, but there can be no limited govern- 
 ment. There must in every society be some power or other from which there is 
 no appeal, wdiich admits no restrictions, which pervades the whole mass of the com- 
 munity, regulates and adjusts all su.bordination, enacts laws or repeals them, erects 
 or annuls judicatures, extends or contracts privileges, exempt itself from question 
 or control, and bounded only by physical necessity.' 
 
 "That is the doctrine on which this present policy of ours stands. But John 
 Adams and George Washington and Patrick Henry had something to say to the 
 contrary. That pamphlet v.'as published by Dr. Johnson in 1775 as 'An Answer 
 to the Resolution and Address of the American Congress,' and the American 
 Congress joined issue and they answered to the great moralist and philosopher, 
 the tool and defender of absolute power, that governments get their powers from 
 the consent of the governed, and that the only powers they get are just powers, 
 and we claim for our newly constituted governments the right to do only those 
 acts and things which free and independent States may of right do. 
 
 "Trampling on foreign peoples or disposing of them for our interests was not 
 one of those things. They declare that it is the right of any people to institute 
 a new government, and to not only 'organize its powers in such form,' but 'to lay
 
 SE^sATOE IIOAR AGAIXST EXPANSION. 587 
 
 its foundation in such principles as to them' — not to anybody else — 'shall seem 
 most likely to effect their safety and happiness.' And they declare that these 
 things lie at the foundation of all governments, and are of higher and prior 
 authority than government itself. They put that not only into their own declara- 
 tion, but into the cotemporary Constitution of every American State; and the 
 people of Virginia added to it that these rights are 'the basis and foundation of 
 government/ and 'that no free government or the blessings of liberty can be 
 preserved to any people but by frequent recurrence to these fundamental prin- 
 ciples.' 
 
 "I wonder what sort of recurrence we are going to make to these principles this 
 year? Can any man read them in the Senate without being denounced as a traitor? 
 Can any Senator read George Washington's farewell address on his birthday with- 
 out dropping his voice, or without a little laugh around the chamber when he 
 repeats the counsel which for a hundred years we have followed? Will it not be a 
 remarkable celebration of the Fourth of July if we have these 10,000,000 people 
 all trampled under foot, and some of our friends cannot hear these great sentiments 
 of the moral law as applied to the conduct of the States read again without saying, 
 'Oh, that is a traitorous message you are sending to men who are in arms for their 
 liberty in a distant land'?" 
 
 e, 
 
 <^
 
 CHAPTEE XI. 
 
 SENATOR MASON OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 
 
 "We Are Attacking People Without Arms" — "How Is the War to Be Conchided 
 Without the Extermination of Those Poor People?" — "We Refuse to Permit 
 the Rebel Party Men to Speak to Us" — "By What Authority Was Iloilo 
 Fired Upon?"— "I Say We Made the Cause for War"— "We Shoot Them 
 Down and Burn Their Buildings a la Weyler" — "How Long Shall Our Flag 
 Remain Above an Unwilling People?" — The Whelp of a Lion and Csesar's 
 Ghost — England Never Guilty of More Cruelty — All Tyrants Charge Cutting 
 Off Heads to the Lord — The Whole Archipelago Not Worth One American 
 Boy— We Have Tasted Blood. 
 
 The Senator thought the Juggernaut car of the American forces would not 
 go much further before the American people would be heard from. The Senator 
 objected to our capture of Iloilo, and he said: 
 
 "If we were conducting a war against Spain, Great Britain, Germany, or aiiy 
 of the powers of the earth, I think I know my patriotic duty as well as do those 
 gentlemen who have scolded me in the press and elsewhere. It would be the hour 
 of the survival of the fittest, and I would stand by my country, right or wrong, 
 ready to vote arms, munitions, or furnish whatever I had to give in defense of the 
 preservation of my country. But here is a case where we are attacking people 
 without arms, where we are making war against people who cannot defend them- 
 selves, and who thirty days ago were our allies — a war that is utterly unwarranted 
 by any act of Congress. No declaration of war has been made by the war-making 
 power, the Congress of the United States, against the people of the Philippine 
 Islands. I ask any lawyer who claims to know international law whether, until 
 the completion of the treaty of peace, we secure even the naked title of sovereignty 
 which Spain had? 
 
 "It was claimed that upon the completion of the treaty of peace we should 
 receive the title of sovereignty. I denied it. But now, for the purposes of the 
 argument, suppose you have received the title of sovereignty which Spain had, 
 you do not receive it until the completion of the treaty; and until the completion 
 of the treaty of peace we have, under the protocol, only the right to keep Manila 
 and its harbor. 
 
 "How is this war to be closed except by the extermination of those poor 
 
 people? Admit, if you like, that Aguinaldo is dishonest; admit, if you like, that 
 
 588
 
 SENATOE MASON OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 589 
 
 he sold his country for thirty pieces of silver — which I deny and which the record 
 does not prove; admit all you please, yet within three days Aguinaldo asked for 
 an opportunity to quit, and what is his answer? Take the official report, which was 
 published about February 8, and which stands uncontradicted, and it shows that 
 Aguinaldo, ready to quit, asked for a conference, and General Otis declined to 
 recognize or answer the rebel chief. When is this war to stop, when we refuse 
 even to permit the rebel party to speak to us? 
 
 "The gentlemen who favored the treaty and urged it so strongly without 
 any vote on the resolutions said in their speeches that when Spain ceded to us 
 the Philippine Islands she ceded the sovereignty; that is, the right to govern. 
 
 "Now, I am an American. I do not believe you can sell the right to govern 
 anybody. I do not believe you can do in international law that which is abso- 
 lutely repugnant to and in conflict with the theory of the Government, but that we 
 had a right, and for the purposes of the argument I said let that pass. It is only 
 one of many questions, and for the purposes of the discussion which I am having 
 mow I say I will admit that you bought the sovereignty of Spain, I say that I 
 am willing to admit that it carries the right to govern, but I say that until the 
 treaty is complete you have no right by the armies and navies of your country 
 to take possession of land which has not been ceded to you. 
 
 "I understand that now, to-day, the men who were rebels yesterday against 
 the United States are rebels against Spain, and for legal necessity we must transfer 
 their rebellion as against the sovereignty of Spain, in order that we may shoot 
 them to death and still be within the line of constitutional and international law. 
 Yesterday they were rebels against us, according to the statements, and to-day, in 
 order to justify the burning of their villages, we have transferred the legal status, 
 and they are now rebels against Spain and we are killing them because they are 
 rebels against Spain and have broken the treaty. Such are the intricacies of inter- 
 national law, if you will permit the expression. 
 
 "Distinguished Senators who, upon this floor within one week, have declared 
 them to be traitors and rebels against us are announcing a new doctrine this morn- 
 ing — that the Filipinos are rebels against Spain or that they are legally the subjects 
 of Spain, and as subjects of Spain have broken the treaty of peace. To such 
 extremities are gentlemen driven. Men fighting for liberty never have put such 
 a construction upon statutes. It is only that frame of mind which sets out upon 
 a beaten path, having announced its intention of drifting away from the lines laid 
 down by the fathers, drifting aAvay from the lines laid down by the Republican 
 party in its last convention. With their heads set, they say, 'If we do not kill
 
 o\)0 SENATOR MASON OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 
 
 them, they will have anarchy there. If we do not burn their towns, they cannot 
 govern themselves.' By what authority was Iloilo fired upon by our guns? Have 
 we declared war in this war-making body? Oh, no. 
 
 ''^Mr. President, we are in war. We have shifted the scene of action from war 
 against Spain to war against the insurgents, who never did us any harm. We 
 are fighting to-day men with bows and arrows in their hands who six months 
 ago were our allies. There is no lawyer upon this floor, from the distinguished 
 chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, but who has admitted that they 
 became our allies. Now, let us see whether some one has made a mistake; and 
 if it is a mistake, it is a mistake of this Senate and of this country, and we are 
 all equally to blame. It is our country. The Dred Scott decision was just as 
 much the decision of Illinois as it was of South Carolina. Whatever wrong a 
 nation does rests upon us equally and alike. 
 
 "At the close of this most holy war, when we gave notice to the world that 
 we unlimbered our guns in the cause of humanity, before the treaty of peace was 
 finally made, money considerations came in and indemnity was talked of, as 
 though we had played the part of a good Samaritan at a price, at a per diem; 
 and the moment money came into the peace treaty, that moment we descended 
 from the high plane of liberty; that moment the trouble began. The moment 
 the jingle of gold and silver was heard at your peace-treaty meeting in Paris, that 
 moment the American people began to wonder and to revolt. 
 
 "Let us see where we are, Mr. President. At the close of this war we had 
 two great islands in our hands that I am to speak of, the islands known as the 
 Philippines and the Island of Cuba. One of the great questions that disturbed 
 the American people was: What treatment shall the Philippine Islanders have? 
 One class of people said: 'Let us pursue the course of the fathers; let us give 
 to them the same thing we gave to Cuba.' Another class of gentlemen said: 'Oh, 
 no; they are ours. We have bought them; we have bought them from the King.' 
 !Do you know that you never can buy a better title than the grantor has? The 
 title of a king, the right of a king to govern, sovereignty to be sold like chattels. 
 
 "In one island, where we pursued the way of the fathers, there is peace; in 
 the other island, where we have pursued the other way, there is war. Gentlemen 
 say the Filipinos declared war. I say as a lawyer that the declaration and the 
 casus belli came from us. I say that we made the cause for war; that they had 
 some rights; that they presented their petition at our door; that they had a right 
 to be heard; that they were our allies; and when they presented the petition here 
 we kicked them out of the door. They crossed the water and at Paris they said
 
 SEI^ATOR MASOX OPPOSED TO EXPAXSIO^^. 591 
 
 to the people there, 'You are parting our raiment; and, for God's sake, let iia 
 be heard for our people.' They were turned away there; and yesterday, when 
 the rebel chief, as you call him, asked for the poor privilege of a conference, with- 
 out knowing what request he had to make, you refused even to hear his voice, to 
 hear his prayer, and you continue to burn his villages; and yet in this chamber 
 we condemn the action of Weyler along the same lines! You do not have to 
 shoot the first gun to declare war. You do not have to strike me to make me 
 strike you. 
 
 "Mr. President, some one has made a mistake. "We promised to Cuba ulti- 
 mate independence. Is not that the promise? Is it not so nominated in the bond? 
 On the Island of Cuba to-day the people are a little restless, a little weary, yet they 
 are getting ready every day, and every hour, and they say, 'God bless the Ameri- 
 cano!' while in the same zone, as the Senator from South Carolina says, the same 
 class of people, having the same language, practically the same religion, prac- 
 tically the same sports, and of the same character, we have so conducted our busi- 
 ness that their bows and arrows are aimed at us. 
 
 "But I heard the distinguished Senator from Wisconsin, when he gave a lec- 
 ture the other day to the Senators who disagreed with him, declaim in loud voice 
 against the Filipinos. You would have thought from his voice, his gesture, and 
 from his language that the British lion had struck us a deadly blow. A few days 
 ago gentlemen belittled the Filipinos and said they are mere children — they have 
 not the mental or moral capacity to govern themselves; they are half man and 
 half devil, half child and half brute — and yet those very distinguished gentlemen 
 who so belittled them and put them on a lower plane are the gentlemen who boast 
 the loudest of bur bravery when we shoot them like dogs and burn their buildings 
 a la Weyler! 
 
 "It has been charged by many, and believed by many, that we were to discard 
 the liberty cap; that we were to go into the business of buying sovereignty, and we 
 became so heroic here in the Senate after Dewey's splendid victory that we were 
 going to lay aside the American eagle as our mark of nationality and become the 
 whelp of the lion. I have had transmitted to me through some newspaper a sug- 
 gestion as to whether we are to be the whelp of a lion. It is signed 'Csesar's Ghost.' 
 
 " 'The purring mother, stretched at ease within her island lair. 
 Throws high her tawny head and sniffs the blood smell on the air. 
 Slow lifting to her feet she roars across the angry sea, 
 I know thee now, my lion whelp, it can be none but thee!
 
 592 SENATOR MASON OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 
 
 " ^I feel no more thy milk teeth haggling at my stingy breast; 
 I joy to know thou 'st tasted meat, young lion of the West! 
 Who said I bore an eagle that the jungle dark would shun, 
 And soar to heaven with eyes that look unflinching at the sun? 
 
 " 'A lie! I know my growling cub, I know chat glorious roar; 
 I've roared it oft on Indian fields, from Afric's golden shore. 
 He smacks his lusty lips, his eyes with blood-red fire are light; 
 His drooling jaws are sign of hunger and of prey in sight. 
 
 (C (■ 
 
 Beneath his paw I see a red man struggling to be free — 
 That is our playful way, to tease with hope of liberty — 
 What majesty! What lion likeness in that shaggy crest! 
 E'en I could not so tear that black man's heart from out his breast, 
 
 " 'We will hunt together, cub — ' 
 
 "Here is the alliance that you are coming to, gentlemen — 
 
 C( ( 
 
 We'll hunt together, cub, on every land, by every sea, 
 
 And when we find a man not shirk responsibility, 
 
 lion's whelp! I hear thy roar across the roaring main — • 
 
 Thou art my cub, thou art the true (improved) imperial strain.' 
 
 — Caesar's Ghost. 
 
 "Mr. President, differing somewhat with the poet who signs his name as Caesar's 
 Ghost, I deny that we are to become the lion's whelp. I confess that we are acting 
 a little bit like it; I confess that when these islands were within our hands we had 
 not patience enough, statesmanship enough, generosity enough, to tender those peo- 
 ple something that would bring peace. The roar did sound more like that of the 
 whelp of a lion than the screech of the eagle that stands for true Americanism. 
 
 "We have imitated England in all of her past cruelty to her colonists. England 
 never was guilty of more cruelty. We are not defending our land now. Our dec- 
 larations of war came when we sent our men there within the last few weeks, against 
 the protest of the natives and without giving them a hearing. You are not waiting 
 in Manila. You are extending your lines and burning towns. The villages you 
 burned yesterday were not mentioned in the protocol, and the treaty is not signed. 
 The treaty is not complete. We are taking revenge upon these poor weak children 
 of the forest. England in her palmy days was never more cruel. Let us imitate 
 Gladstone for one minute upon the subject of retrocession; let us imitate England,
 
 SENATOR MASOX OPPOSED TO EXPANSION". 593 
 
 as attention was called to her conduct by the distinguished Senator from South 
 Carolina. The English flag was put over the Boers when they did not want it. I 
 had hoped that the time would never come when the colors of our beloved country 
 would go above an unwilling people. I had hoped that no living person would ever 
 look into the sky and curse my flag; but you have put it to-day where 9,000,000 
 people are cursing your flag, your institutions, and they do not know the difference 
 between Spain and America, either by your protestations or by your conduct. 
 
 "My country, right or wrong, but let us right her. The power to right her is 
 here. In the last days of Gladstone's life he spoke of ^false shame,' The English 
 flag was over the Boer, and was taken down by the civilization and the Christian 
 thought of England. Let the dudes imitate the English dudes, if they will. Let 
 them imitate England as long as they will; but if you have to have a little English 
 in your conduct, take the example of William E. Gladstone. Eead his last speech 
 where he said the question is not who shall haul down the flag, but what is just. 
 That is what we are looking for. I am not afraid of ^false shame.' I have seen a 
 real gentleman apologize to a bootblack for a thoughtless word, and I have seen a 
 bully kick a bootblack half across the street. Let us get a little of the Gladstone 
 idea — not who shall pull down the flag, but how long shall our flag remain above 
 an unwilling people. 
 
 " 'Oh, but,' they say, Ve put it over your people down South, and it was an 
 unwilling flag.' Not so. The flag was there by contract. We simply fought to keep 
 our flag where you had agreed it should be kept; and that difference is settled. We 
 went into an agreement whereby the South was to stand by the North, the alliance 
 being like a wedding that could not be divorced. We did not put the flag above 
 an imwilling people. We kept it there after you had put it there yourselves. This 
 is the first time in all the history of this beloved country of ours — this country which 
 has attracted the admiration of the world — that the flag has ever floated over an 
 alien who has cursed it. You love your flag and so do I. It is not an idle sentimen- 
 tality. It means protection to my home; and the home of the Filipino is as sacred 
 to him as yours is to you. The laws of nations, which I propose to discuss (and I 
 shall read from the lecture of the distinguished Senator from Minnesota), is based 
 upon justice, upon humanity, upon right. I have been pleading for their homes. 
 I shall continue to do so until this session adjourns. I have learned something of 
 the Republican-Democratic idea of home. 
 
 "I remember to have talked with a man within a few weeks who said to a man 
 who lived away up in the Northland, where they have night for six months, 'If you 
 had $500, what would you do?' 'Oh, I would go back to my old home and build a
 
 594 SENATOR MASON OPPOSED TO EXPANSION. 
 
 house there/ There is six months darkness; it is cold and barren; but it is his 
 home. Some of you people on both sides of this chamber remember when at Vicks- 
 burg our boys got so close to the Confederates that they talked back and forth. 
 Every man kept his head below the breastworks. Our band played Yankee Doodle 
 and theirs played Dixie. We played the Star-Spangled Banner and they played the 
 Bonnie Blue Flag. I believe one Irishman put his finger up, and got a shot in his 
 wrist. He said to his captain that he was seeking a furlough, but got a discharge. 
 Every man, when Dixie and the Bonnie Blue Flag and the Star-Spangled Banner 
 were being played, kept out of danger, until one of the bands finally struck up 
 Home, Sweet Home. Then the guns went into the trenches. Then the men stood 
 upon the breastworks. 'Hurrah, Johnnie!' 'Hurrah fo^ home, Yank!' There was 
 no danger vnth. the music of home in the air. 
 
 "Mr. President, I have learned that every home made by human hands is a 
 sacred thing. My country has proceeded, choosing the lines which best fitted and 
 suited, along the line of empire, to take land without the consent of the inhabi- 
 tants. No one denies that. They say we have a legal right. Oh, yes. But we 
 knew, when we took the legal title, of the claim of those poor people. You are send- 
 ing our boys over there, and the ships will be coming back loaded with their corpses. 
 How many Senators have sons there now? How many Senatorial appointees have 
 retired from the Commissary Department? Are we any less thoughtful of an Amer- 
 ican boy because he is not ours? I am told that we will subdue the Filipinos, and 
 that it will not cost us over three or four thousand lives. I tell you that the whole 
 group, the whole archipelago, is not Avorth the life of one American boy, trade and 
 barter and dicker as you will. 
 
 "But distinguished and pious gentlemen say, 'God put them in our hands; it 
 is destiny.' The Lord! There was never a tyrant who cut off heads who did not 
 charge it to the Lord. All crimes are laid at that door. We profess to be a Chris- 
 tian nation and we have conducted our affairs with a weak, childish people in such 
 a way that we are killing them hands down, and we say we must do it for their 
 good. If you were honest about it, gentlemen, and could show me where you could 
 steal something for your country, I could excuse it on the ground of high (?) states- 
 manship, but there is not a dollar in it for your country or for your States. It is 
 murder. Then you pull the cloak around you and go into high places and say, 
 'Thank God, we are not as other men. We are Anglo-Saxons. We have worshiped 
 at the throne of the Nazarene ever since we were bom.' But, as Caesar's ghost 
 says, 'We have tasted blood.' " /" V-*iaj0^ifc£^
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 EX-PRESIDENT CLEVELAND AND OTHERS NOT FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 Mr. Cleveland Thinks the Best Statesmanship Should Adhere to Conscience in 
 Storm as \Yell as Sunshine — He Suggests We Should Not Kill People Who 
 Would Lose Their Souls — Hon. Bourke Cochran Offers Objections to 
 Expansion — Senator Money Takes a Favorable View of Aguinaldo — Mr. 
 Bland Thinks Expansion Means to Enslave Americans to Plutocracy — 
 Senator Caffery Says There Is No Opportunity for an Industrious White 
 Man in the Philippines — Senator Tillman Quotes Kipling — Is Aguinaldo 
 a Usurper Without Consulting Anybody? — Senator Turner on Crave State 
 Reasons for Overriding the Opinion of Senator Foraker. 
 
 Ex-President Cleveland gave expression to his views on Expansion in an un- 
 common vein. He said: 
 
 ''I do not care to repeat my views concerning the prevailing epidemic of im- 
 perialism and territorial expansion. Assuming, however, that my ideas on the sub- 
 ject are antiquated and unsuited to these progressive days, it is a matter of surprise 
 to me that the refusal of certain natives of our new possessions to acquiesce in the 
 beneficence of subjecting themselves to our control and management should not in 
 the least disturb our expansionists. This phase of the situation ought not to have 
 been unanticipated, nor the interests naturally growing out of it overlooked. The 
 remedy is obvious and simple — the misguided inhabitants of our annexed territory 
 who prefer something different from the plan for their control which we propose, 
 or who oppose our high designs in their behalf, should be slaughtered. The killing 
 of natives has been the feature of expansion since the inception of the policy, and 
 our imperialistic enthusiasm should not be checked by the prospective necessity of 
 destroying a few thousand or a few hundred thousand Filipinos. This should only 
 be regarded as one stage in the transcendentally great movement, a mere incident 
 in its progress. Of course some unprepared souls would then be lost before we had 
 the opportunity of Christianizing them, but surely those of our countrymen who 
 have done so much to encourage expansion could manage that difficulty. I saw it 
 stated that ten million of cartridges are being manufactured in Birmingham, Eng- 
 land, and that special metal is being used to prevent the shells from jamming in 
 the gun barrels." 
 
 Mr. Cleveland wrote a letter of regret that he could not attend the celebration 
 of the seventieth birthday of Carl Schurz that is held to be expressive of special 
 
 595
 
 596 CLEVELAND AND OTHEES NOT FOE EXPANSION. 
 
 approval of the position of Mr. Scliiirz in opposition to expansion, and that seems 
 to be the reading between the lines, as follows: 
 
 "Princeton, N. J., Feb. 18. — I regret exceedingly that I cannot promise my- 
 self the pleasure of participating in the celebration of Mr. Schurz' seventieth birth- 
 day. I find that an engagement which I had hoped might be postponed will pre- 
 vent my attendance. 
 
 "My disappointment is measured by the extreme gratification it would afford 
 me to contribute my testimony to the volume that will be presented on the occasion 
 you have arranged in grateful support of Mr. Schurz' usefulness and patriotic citi- 
 zenship. His life and career teach lessons that cannot be too often and too im- 
 pressively emphasized. They illustrate the grandeur of disinterested public service 
 and the nobility of fearless advocacy of the things that are right and just and 
 
 safe. 
 
 "It will be a sad day for our country when, in the light of such an example, 
 our people refuse to see the best statesmanship in steadfast adherence to conscience 
 in storm as well as in sunshine. 
 
 "I believe that the most confident hope of the permanency and continued 
 beneficence of our free institutions rests upon the cultivation by those intrusted with 
 public duty and among the ranks of our countrymen of the traits which have dis- 
 tinguished the man whom you propose to honor. 
 
 5?^ ^>^>^.-*^ ^ ^^'Ce^<- ^^^ *^-;^ 
 
 THE HON. BOUEKE COCHEAN NOT FOE EXPANSION. 
 
 The Hon. Bourke Cochran said on the subject of expansion and imperialism 
 that the event of a policy might be measured by its effect on the rate of wages paid 
 to labor, for there was but one infallible test of prosperity in any country, and that 
 is the condition of its producers. Therefore, when the effect of expansion on wages 
 is discussed it is a discussion of its effect upon the general prosperity of the country. 
 The speaker declared that in order to guard against confusion of terms it was neces- 
 sary to distinguish between expansion, a word frequently occurring in the political 
 literature of the country, and imperialism, a new expression. He defined expansion 
 as the extension of our institutions through the enlargement of our frontiers. He
 
 CLEVELAND AND OTHERS NOT FOR EXPANSION. 597 
 
 declared that imperialism is not the diffusion of American constitutionalism over 
 new lands, but the establishment in conquered territory by this Government of 
 another government, radically irreconcilable to the spirit of our own Constitution 
 and essentially hostile to it. Expansion is the peaceful development of our political 
 system by widening the area of its authority. Imperialism is the forceful exercise 
 abroad by our Government of powers denied to it at home. 
 
 Mr. Cochran cited the absorption of Louisiana, Florida, Texas and California 
 as instances of expansion, in the American sense, that is the extension of our polit- 
 ical system. He said that to seize the Philippine Islands by violence and govern 
 them through military forces would be an act of imperialism inconsistent with the 
 principles upon which this Republic is founded, and therefore dangerous, if not 
 fatal, to its security. Then Mr. Cochran took up the broad question of expansion, 
 saying that to extend the beneficent authority of this Republic over the whole North 
 American Continent would be a marvelous benefit to the people of this continent, 
 to the people of Great Britain and to the whole human race. He dwelt at length 
 upon this proposition, showing how it would settle irritating questions like boun- 
 daries and stimulate production by increasing the free trade area. The orator 
 pointed out that while these benefits would flow from expansion, they would not 
 and could not flow from conquest, for the forcible annexation of Canada would be 
 an act of imperialism as unpr Itable as it would be unjustifiable and as calamitous 
 as it would be criminal. He added that if it could be accomplished by a single file 
 of soldiers it would be none the less a policy of wickedness and folly. Forcible 
 annexation would mean a subject p pulation, discontented and therefore disloyal. 
 Mr. Cochran said, and our authority could be maintained only by force — that is, 
 by a standing army and a military rule, tne republic that draws the sword against 
 freedom in other lands will live to find the sword plunged into her own liberty. 
 
 Then the evil with the standing army, which he said always had been and 
 always will be fatal to free institutions, was taken up. He maintained that the 
 question of the twentieth century would be one not of boundaries but of economics, 
 and that every dollar expended for munitions of war is a sterile dollar. The soldier 
 in barracks or field must be supported, because he is withdrawn from the field of 
 industry. The laborer, therefore, must produce not merely the wages that support 
 himself, but also the pay and sustenance of the soldier. Thus, argued Mr. Coch- 
 ran, a standing army diminished the compensation which a laborer can earn, while 
 it imposes upon him the burden of supporting another man besides himself. The 
 degradation which the laborer suffers from a standing army was said to be far worse 
 than the spoliation. Mr. Cochran showed how the Republic had changed the con-
 
 598 CLEVELAND AND OTHEES NOT FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 dition of the laborer. He said we have grown to be the most powerful nation of 
 earth through the valor of citizen soldiers. The Government has rested secure upon 
 its foundations in the consent of the governed. No force has been provoked except 
 to vindicate justice. 
 
 Then the claims of the imperialists were taken up, Mr, Cochran showing that 
 trade does not follow the flag, instancing this country's relation with England. He 
 said that England is right, despite her colonies, not through them, and if the prop- 
 osition were true Spain would be the richest country on earth. But her posses- 
 sions have demoralized her government, and brought her to the abasement in which 
 she lies to-day. Any system which entails a standing army cannot cheapen goods, 
 but must advance prices, because it restricts the volume of production by with- 
 drawing the best laborers from the field of industry. During the last ten years 
 English trade has languished. Yet it has been a period of extraordinary territorial 
 aggrandizement. Mr. Cochran challenged the imperialists to show an instance 
 in which trade has been promoted by conquest. The imperialist abandons the con- 
 tention and says that while foreign possessions may be unprofitable, it is, neverthe- 
 less, a duty imposed upon us to take up territory inhabited by weaker races, to civ- 
 ilize and subject them to the authority of our office-holders. And if it is necessary 
 to shoot them as Kitchner shot the Dervishes in order to impose government upon 
 them, he is willing to civilize them in that effective method. 
 
 SENATOR MONEY NOT FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 The Senator said in the Senate: 
 
 "After Dewey's glorious victory in Manila Bay our Consul, corresponding with 
 him, asked if Aguinaldo could be of any service. Aguinaldo, as you recollect, is a 
 man who in some quarters has been described as a sort of blackguard insurgent and 
 a traitor against the United States. He never yet owed allegiance to us, and we 
 have not had possession of his country. He has been proclaimed from time to time 
 an adventurer, a traitor, and a bandit, and insulted by other opprobrious epithets. 
 ]\Ir. President, the records submitted to us for our guidance and information in this 
 matter, from which I presume our able and efficient commissioners derived their 
 information, show that this man has had a most honorable career, that he is a brave, 
 flioncst, sincere, and able man, and that with all his opportunities he is poor." 
 
 Mr. Mason: "And that he never did sell his cause for money?"
 
 CLEVELAND AND OTHEKS NOT FOR EXPANSION. 599 
 
 Mr. Money: "He never sold anything for money. There had been a long and 
 bloody straggle between Spain and her revolted subjects in the islands, both parties 
 had suffered and were weary of the struggle, and to secure peace a treaty 'or agree- 
 ment' was entered into. Spain agreed to correct abuses in the civil administration 
 and introduce many reforms, and to pay a large sum of money for the widows and 
 orphans of the insurgents who had fallen in battle. On their side the Tagals were 
 to cease hostilities, and as a guarantee of tranquillity Aguinaldo and about fifty of 
 his principal followers were to expatriate themselves. Four hundred thousand dol- 
 lars was paid in cash to Aguinaldo, who, with his fellow exiles, went to Hongkong. 
 No part of the balance of the stipulated sum was ever paid. One of Aguinaldo's 
 ofiicers sued for a division of the money. The dispute was settled by a payment out 
 of court of $5,000 to the claimant. Aguinaldo was living modestly at Hongkong, 
 declaring that the money was a trust fund and could not be put to a private use, 
 and as the Spanish had failed to keep their promise of reform, it should be de- 
 voted to the purposes of another rebellion, and it was expended in the purchase of 
 the munitions of war. 
 
 "It has been denied here that there was an insurrection there previous to the 
 arrival of Dewey; yet this book, first submitted confidentially for our use and then 
 made public by order of the Senate, shows that there was all the time no pacification 
 there whatever, but insurrection unceasing; that in the months of January, Febru- 
 ary, March and April the insurgents were in arms, and that they were within five 
 miles of Manila; that there were daily battles; that the hospitals were continually 
 filled with wounded; that the dead were brought in every day, and news came of 
 one battle after another all over the island of Luzon, and that the Spanish garri- 
 sons were besieged or had surrendered in many provinces. That is the testimony of 
 our Consul at Manila, who was a witness of the things he spoke of and who is cor- 
 roborated by many circumstances, 
 
 "These people were under arms to do what? To acquire their liberty, to con- 
 quer their liberty — these people, who had groaned for a hundred years under ex- 
 actions and tyranny in comparison with which those which drove our forefathers 
 into rebellion in 1776 were trivial — these people, not discouraged by repeated fail- 
 ures nor by bloody punishment, were making another effort, as they had been doing 
 again and again for a hundred years. Then Aguinaldo was sent for, not to excite 
 insurrection against Spain, but to control these forces already organized in rebellion 
 in the interests of the American attack upon the Spanish forces in Manila and the 
 islands of the Philippines. This is evidenced by the proclamation of the junta at 
 Hongkong, by the proclamation of the junta at Singapore, by the correspondence
 
 600 CLEVELAND AND OTHEES NOT FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 of our Consul, Mr. Pratt, at Singapore, of Mr. Wildman, at Hongkong, and of Mr. 
 Williams, in tlie city of Manila. 
 
 "AguinaldOj on liis part, promised that he would conduct the war with human- 
 ity; that he would control the forces that were operating against the Spanish at 
 that time around Manila, and he was only put on board ship at Singapore when 
 Commodore Dewey telegraphed, 'Send Aguinaldo at once.' He went to Hongkong 
 and there he put himself into the hands of another American consul, Mr. Wildman, 
 who, in the secrecy of night, to prevent any interference, himself put Aguinaldo 
 and seventeen of his officers on board the U. S. S. McCulloch and sent them to 
 Manila. There he was put ashore and taken to the arsenal at Cavite and was fur- 
 nished by the Americans with the arms which he required. 
 
 "The chiefs who were carrying on this revolution throughout the different 
 provinces rallied around him and made him their leader. They came promptly in 
 and gave their adhesion to him. Then the correspondence continued between Gen- 
 eral Anderson, commanding the American forces, and General Aguinaldo, command- 
 ing the insurrectionary forces of the Philippines. He was asked to give passes to our 
 officers to go through his lines and was requested to furnish us with the material 
 of war. He did give us carts, bullocks, horses, firewood, and everything else we 
 demanded of him. In these communications he is called our ally; in others he is 
 called our auxiliary; but in every instance, unaware of the instruction of our State 
 Department, he trusted to the open declarations of our civil and military officers 
 that he was our ally and auxiliary. It makes no difference what our mental reser- 
 vations were, Aguinaldo acted in good faith, and we are compelled to make those 
 people understand that we are not to repudiate the understanding which we gave 
 of our relation to them. 
 
 " 'True hearts are more than coronets. 
 And simple faith than Norman blood.' " 
 
 MR. BLAND OF MISSOURI NOT FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 "We have been informed of a pressure on the part of Great Britain to induce 
 this Government to maintain its authority over the Philippine Islands for the pur- 
 pose of prosecuting further conquest in Chinese waters and over the Chinese Em- 
 pire. That is the secret reason of this bill; and yet, Mr. Chairman, the people of
 
 CLEVELAND AND OTHERS NOT FOR EXPANSION. GOl 
 
 the country are not so informed, either by the President or the majority of this 
 House. 
 
 ''The diplomacy of England has always been marvelous. Isolated as Great 
 Britain is among the nations of Europe, with great colonial possessions in her 
 charge, and yet greedily seeking to force her way into China in competition with all 
 Europe, she finds that allies and friends are necessary to accomplish this object. 
 She has sought by every means that diplomacy could de\dse to commit us to a policy 
 that would bring about the necessity of co-operating with her in order to carry out 
 her designs. If England can succeed in inducing the American Government to hold 
 the Philippine Islands at the point of bayonets (and we can hold them in no other 
 way), it is quite apparent that the friendship of England and bar aid will be neces- 
 sary to our success. 
 
 "This is precisely what England wants. England wishes to place the United 
 States in a position of dependency on her. "We will then no longer be independent; 
 will no longer have the position of absolute segregation from the broils of the Old 
 World. Dependent upon England to hold Asiatic territory, we must of necessity 
 aid her in her wars of conquest. It may be well to have the friendship of England; 
 in fact, the friendship of all European countries; but it is far better not to need 
 the friendship of any. The idea of a standing army of 100,000 men strikes the 
 American people w'ith horror. It forebodes plutocratic control by the use of the 
 bayonet; it looks to a strong centralized power with an army at its back to subdue 
 the people into silence and to plutocratic methods. 
 
 "A conservative estimate places the cost of each soldier in our army at $1,000 
 per year in time of peace. At the lowest estimate that can be made with safety 
 an army of 100,000 men will tax the people of this country $100,000,000 annually. 
 If this army must be utilized in the subjugation of the Philippine Islands, or to 
 hold Porto Eico, the cost of transportation and ammunition and disease and death, 
 resulting in pensions, will, in all probability, tax the people of this country $150,- 
 000,000 annually. "We now pay out about $150,000,000 annually for pensions, 
 which is charged to the military establishment, and to add to it another $150,000,- 
 000 would make a sum total of $300,000,000 a year spent as the result of war and the 
 prosecution of war, as contemplated in this bill. The overtaxed and inhumanly 
 burdened people would cry against it. This army, however, will be used to repress 
 the efforts of the people to throw off their burdens and bring about reforms. 
 
 "I can not but regard it as a deep-laid scheme to enslave the American people 
 under the present domination of plutocracy. English influence has been thus far 
 successfully exerted in fixing upon our people the English gold standard. The
 
 602 CLEVELAND AND OTHERS NOT FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 power of the Bank of England, the wealth of that country, over the banks and mon- 
 eyed institutions of this country has brought to bear the combined power of the 
 capitalists of England and America to control our financial system. The next move 
 is to put our army and navy at the service of England in the prosecution of Asiatic 
 conquest, the end of which no man can see. We have no use whatever for the Phil- 
 ippine Islands. To annex them is to practically abandon the Monroe Doctrine." 
 
 SENATOR CAFFERY NOT FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 '^e ought to know whether or not the sugar, the rice, the hemp, and other 
 products coming from the islands can come in with a duty or without a duty. That 
 is a very material consideration for the people of my State. Some of them down 
 there seem to be under the impression that the products of the islands can be taxed 
 by the Congress of the United States as if they did not belong to the domain of 
 the United States. I believe that is a wrong impression. I believe that taxation 
 must be uniform. I know there are judicial precedents holding that view, and I 
 believe that the precedents are in exact conformity with the Constitution of the 
 United States. 
 
 "The Senator from Nevada says that there is no danger of competition from 
 these islands; that the labor of the Tropics does not come to the temperate zone, 
 and vice versa. That may be true, but if there is a condition of free trade existing 
 between the United States and the Philippine Islands, what is to prevent American 
 capital from exploiting the resources of that country through Malay labor and 
 bringing the product here to compete with American labor? 
 
 "Given the conditions of free trade, given the conditions of a stable govern- 
 ment, given the conditions of American capital and American ability to organize, 
 why not make the Tropics flourish? Why not develop the resources of the Tropics 
 in the Philippines to their highest extent? They already export 250,000 tons of 
 sugar. They export a vast quantity of manila hemp, the best in the world. Under 
 the conditions that American enterprise and capital and skill could create in those 
 islands, all these products and many more to be developed would come in competi- 
 tion with the products of American labor right here at home. 
 
 "There is no opportunity there, as the Senator well remarks, for any hard- 
 working, industrious white man to go to the Philippines. He can not stand the 
 climate. If that were an uninhabited country in the temperate zone, notwithstand-
 
 CLEVELAND AND OTHERS NOT FOR EXPANSION. 603 
 
 ing it is 7,000 miles away from our coast, if it could afford a place where the Amer- 
 ican workman, the American yeoman could settle and better his fortunes, it would 
 not be a great evil; but as it is 7,000 miles from our coast, inhabited by a people 
 who perhaps will, at least to a small extent, come here while certain it is that our 
 people can not go there except as capitalists and exploiters." 
 
 SENATOR TILLMAN AGAINST EXPANSION. 
 
 The Senator said: 
 
 "There appeared in one of our magazines a poem by Rudyard Kipling, the 
 greatest poet of England at this time. This poem, unique, and in some places too 
 deep for me, is a prophecy. I do not imagine that in the history of human events 
 any poet has ever felt inspired so clearly to portray our danger and our duty. It is 
 called 'The White Man's Burden.' With the permission of Senators I will read a 
 stanza, and I beg Senators to listen to it, for it is w^ell worth their attention. This 
 man has lived in the Indies. In fact, he is a citizen of the world, and has been all 
 over it, and knows whereof he speaks: 
 
 a ( 
 
 Take up the White Man's burden — 
 
 Send forth the best ye breed — 
 Go, bind your sons to exile. 
 
 To serve your captives' need; 
 To wait, in heavy harness_, 
 
 On fluttered folk and wild — 
 Your new-caught sullen peoples. 
 
 Half devil and half child.' 
 
 "I will pause here. I intend to read more, but I wish to call attention to a fact 
 which may have escaped the attention of Senators thus far, that with five exceptions 
 every man in this chamber who has had to do with the colored race in this country 
 voted against the ratification of the treaty. It was not because we are Democrats, 
 but because we understand and realize what it is to have two races side by side that 
 can not mix or mingle without deterioration and injury to both and the ultimate 
 destruction of the civilization of the higher. We of the South have borne this 
 white man's burden of a colored race in our midst since their emancipation and 
 before.
 
 604 CLEVELAND AND OTHERS NOT FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 "It was a burden upon our manhood and our ideas of liberty before they were 
 emancipated. It is still a burden, although they have been granted the franchise. 
 It clings to us like the shirt of Nessus, and we are not responsible, because we inher- 
 ited it, and your fathers, as well as ours, are responsible for the presence amongst 
 us of that people. Why do we as a people want to incorporate into our citizenship 
 ten millions more of different or of differing races, three or four of them? 
 
 "But we have not incorporated them yet, and let us see what this English poet 
 has to say about it, and what he thinks: 
 
 " Take up the White Man's burden — 
 
 No iron rule of kings. 
 But toil of serf and sweeper — 
 
 The tale of common things. 
 The ports ye shall not enter. 
 
 The roads ye shall not tread. 
 Go, make them with your living 
 
 And mark them with your dead.^ " 
 
 SENATOR TURNER AGAINST EXPANSION. 
 
 The Senator said Senator Eoraker, while asserting the power of the Govern- 
 ment, in the broadest terms, to acquire dominion over other peoples in any manner 
 known to the law of nations, and for any purpose, and to govern them without re- 
 spect to the Constitution, says that the resolutions presented by the senior Senator 
 from Missouri present a moot question and are unimportant, because no person in 
 the administration, from the President down, has the remotest idea of denying to the 
 Filipinos the utmost liberty and independence in forming their government. 
 
 It was noted extensively in the press of the country, while our commissioners 
 were in Paris, that they were in daily touch with the President, and were acting 
 wholly and entirely under his guidance and direction. I find in the treaty, nego- 
 tiated by our commissioners under this direction of the President, evidence of such 
 a character that it must override the opinion of the distinguished Senator from Ohio. 
 I find in that solemn instrument not only a cession to us by Spain of sovereignty 
 over the Philippines, but an acceptance by us of that sovereignty, the language 
 with respect to the Philippines differing so radically from that employed with refer- 
 ence to Cuba as to preclude the idea that it was intended to treat both countries 
 alike.
 
 CLEVELAND AND OTHERS NOT FOR EXPANSION. 605 
 
 It is true that the Senator asserts that there were grave state reasons for the 
 difference in phraseology employed with respect to the two countries, which can 
 be stated with propriety only behind closed doors. But to the plain, average Amer- 
 ican citizen it is difficult to see why we may not protect the Filipinos in the pursuit 
 of life, liberty and happiness while forming their government, and afterwards, for 
 the matter of that, as well as we may protect the people of Cuba.
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 PEOMOTION AND ADVOCACY OF EXPANSION. 
 
 Ex-President Harrison^s Policy of Territorial Permanency and Message on the 
 Annexation of Hawaii — Senator Lodge Says We Succeeded to the Sov- 
 ereignty of Spain in Manila, and Philippine Patriots Have Never Been 
 Oppressed by Any American Act — Senator Stewart Says Filipinos Can 
 Never Come Here to Interfere with Labor — Senator Piatt of Connecticnt 
 Says the Doctrine of Senator Hoar Would Have Prevented Our Possession 
 of the Pacific Coast States — General Grosvenor Vindicates General Otis — 
 Senator Piatt of New York Says We Are Not Forcing Our Government 
 Upon an Unwilling People — Senator Foraker Says Opposition Senators 
 Talk About Theory — Mr. Brosius of Pennsylvania Quotes a Pearl of Poetry 
 — Governor Oglesby Expands — Two of Kipling's Poems Much Quoted in 
 Congress. 
 
 EX-PRESIDENT HARRISON PROMOTES EXPANSION. 
 
 In his exceedingly instructive book, "This Country of Ours/' p. 277, Ex- 
 President Harrison makes way in principle for territorial expansion. Speaking of 
 the admission of territories into the Union, he says: 
 
 "Out of this habit of dealing with the public domain has come the common 
 thought that all territory that we acquire must, when sufficiently populous, be 
 erected into States. But why may we not take account of the quality of the people 
 as well as of their numbers, if future acquisitions should make it proper to do so? 
 A territorial form of government is not so inadequate that it might not serve 
 for an indefinite time." 
 
 In his message to the Senate on the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands 
 President Harrison said: 
 "To the Senate: 
 
 "I transmit herewith, with a view to its ratification, a treaty of annexation 
 
 concluded on the 14th day of February, 1893, between John W. Foster, Secretary 
 
 of State, who was duly empowered to act in that behalf on the part of the United 
 
 States, and Lorrin A. Thurston, W. R. Castle, W. C. Wilder, C. L. Carter, and 
 
 Joseph Marsden, the commissioners on the part of the Government of the Hawaiian 
 
 Islands. The provisional treaty, it will be observed, does not attempt to deal in 
 
 detail with the questions that grow out of the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands 
 
 to the United States. The commissioners representing the Hawaiian Government 
 
 C06
 
 PEOMOTION AND ADVOCACY OF EXPANSION. 607 
 
 TiSLve consented to leave to the future and to the just and benevolent purposes of 
 the United States the adjustment of all such questions. 
 
 "I do not deem it necessary to discuss at any length the conditions which 
 have resulted in this decisive action. It has been the policy of the adminis- 
 tration not only to respect, but to encourage the continuance of an independent 
 government in the Hawaiian Islands so long as it afforded suitable guaranties for 
 the protection of life and property, and maintained a stability and strength that 
 gave adequate security against the domination of any other power. The moral 
 support of this Government has continually manifested itself in the most friendly 
 diplomatic relations and in many acts of courtesy to the Hawaiian rulers. 
 
 "The overthrow of the monarchy was not in any way promoted by this Gov- 
 ernment, but had its origin in what seems to have been a reactionary and revo- 
 lutionary policy on the part of Queen Liliuokalani which put in serious peril not 
 only the large and preponderating interests of the United States in the islands, 
 but all foreign interests, and indeed the decent administration of civil affairs and 
 the peace of the islands. It is quite evident that the monarchy had become effete 
 and the Queen's government so weak and inadequate as to be the prey of designing 
 and unscrupulous persons. The restoration of Queen Liliuokalani to her throne is 
 undesirable, if not impossible, and unless actively supported by the United States 
 would be accompanied by serious disaster and the disorganization of all business 
 interests. The influence and interest of the United States in the islands must be 
 increased and not diminished. 
 
 "Only two courses are now open — one the establishment of a protectorate by 
 the United States, and the other annexation full and complete. I think the latter 
 course, which has been adopted in the treaty, will be highly promotive of the 
 Best interests of the Hawaiian people, and is the only one that will adequately 
 secure the interests of the United States. These interests are not wholly selfish. 
 It is essential that none of the other great powers shall secure these islands. Such 
 a possession would not consist with our safety and with the peace of the world. 
 This view of the situation is so apparent and conclusive that no protest has been 
 heard from any government against proceedings looking to annexation. Every 
 foreign representative at Honolulu promptly acknowledged the Provisional Gov- 
 ernment, and I think there is a general concurrence in the opinion that the deposed 
 Queen ought not to be restored. 
 
 "Prompt action upon this treaty is very desirable. If it meets the approval 
 of the Senate, peace and good order will be secured in the islands under existing 
 laws until such time as Congress can provide by legislation a permanent form of
 
 G08 PROMOTION AND ADVOCACY OF EXPANSION. 
 
 government for the islands. This legislation should be, and I do not doubt will 
 be, not only- just to the natives and all other residents and citizens of the islands, 
 but should be characterized by great liberality and a high regard to the rights of 
 all people and of all foreigners domiciled there. The correspondence which 
 accompanies the treaty will put the Senate in possession of all the facts known 
 to the Executive. 
 
 "Executive Mansion, 
 
 "Washington, February 15, 1893." 
 
 SENATOR LODGE FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 The junior Senator from Massachusetts says: 
 
 "There was an insurrection in the Philippines imder the lead of Aguinaldo. 
 The insurrection was dealt with ruthlessly by the Spaniards and was substantially 
 put down. They made an agreement with Aguinaldo and the other chiefs by which 
 on the payment of a certain sum of money and the establishment of certain reforms 
 the chiefs were to withdraw and the insurrection come to an end. In a perfectly 
 characteristic manner, in fact just as they behaved in Cuba in 1878, after the chiefs 
 had yielded and the insurrection was substantially over, the Spaniards failed to 
 make the reforms and paid only half the money. With that money Aguinaldo and 
 his chiefs retired to Hongkong, and, although there was guerrilla warfare here and 
 there in the outlying districts, the insurgent Filipinos were absolutely at the mercy 
 of the Spaniards and the Spanish authority was complete as it always had been 
 over those islands. There was no other sovereignty there. There was no belligerent 
 there. 
 
 "Aguinaldo was brought to the islands on the 19th of May in the steamer Nan- 
 shaw, under American auspices. There was at that time no organized Filipino force. 
 At first the results of his appeal were so discouraging that he was disinclined to con- 
 tinue. But he did remain, on representations of support made by our commanders. 
 Then the Filipinos began to come in. They found a very great difEerence between 
 the situation when they had last faced it and the situation after Admiral Dewey's 
 destruction of the Spanish fleet. So long as there were Spanish ships of war in
 
 PROMOTION AXD ADVOCACY OF EXPAXSION. 609 
 
 Manila Bay it was absolutely hopeless for the insurgents to think for one moment 
 of besieging the city or of making any effective attack upon the capital which was 
 the center of the whole Philippine system. But with the Spanish fleet destroyed, 
 with the bay in the hands of the American fleet, they were enabled to draw their 
 forces gradually about the city, and they did so. When Aguinaldo first came into 
 connection with our consuls he said to them that his desire was for annexation to 
 the United States and for freedom from the Spanish rule. After he had got over 
 again to Luzon and found how much the situation had changed, he gradually began 
 to increase his ideas of his own importance. He had never adjusted his own rela- 
 tions to the universe, and they remain unadjusted, I think, at the present time. 
 
 "But the essential point I desire to make is simply this: The insurgent force, 
 as an effective force, and the insurgent rebellion, as an effective rebellion, existed 
 solely because of the victory of Admiral Dewey, and the Admiral, as you may see 
 by reading his dispatches, said to our Government, '1 have been extremely careful 
 in all my dealings with these people. I have never made them the allies of the 
 United States. I have never recognized them. I have simply aided them because 
 they were fighting the common foe.' Admiral Dewey can be trusted, I think, to 
 manage a matter of that sort without committing the United States to any position 
 to which it should not be committed. 
 
 "Now, to-day we are there in the city of Manila rightfully by all the laws of 
 war and by all international law. We hold it, as we have a right to hold it, under 
 the agreement with Spain. There was no sovereignty there whatever except the 
 sovereignty of Spain, and we succeeded to that sovereignty in the city of Manila and 
 its suburbs. There has never been an act of oppression against the Filipinos by 
 any American soldier or by the American forces of any kind in the Philippine Is- 
 lands. Those patriots have never been oppressed by any American in the active ser- 
 vice of the country, or by any American act. Their oppression exists solely in 
 speeches in the United States Senate. They have been treated with the utmost 
 consideration and the utmost kindness, and, after the fashion of Orientals, they 
 have mistaken kindness for timidity.'' 
 
 A'^-vi^^
 
 610 PEOMOTION AND ADVOCACY OF EXPANSION. 
 
 SENATOE PLATT OF CONNECTICUT FOE EXPANSION. 
 
 Mr. Piatt said of Senator Hoar: 
 
 "He holds me up here as opposed to applying to the people of this acquired 
 territory the principles of legislation in accordance with the spirit of the Declaration 
 of Independence and of the Constitution. The United States never have legislated 
 in opposition to the Declaration of Independence and to the Constitution, and it 
 never will. I want to say that an application of the doctrines of the Senator from 
 Massachusetts would have prevented our expansion westward across this continent 
 to the Pacific coast. AVe found here this continent in the hands of the Indians, 
 who did not want us here, nor did they want to be placed under our government. 
 Notwithstanding that condition, we established our government here, and now, at 
 last, we have brought many Indians to a state of civilization and citizenship. 
 
 "We propose to proclaim liberty and justice and human rights in the Philip- 
 pines or wherever else the flag of this country shall be planted. Who will haul 
 those principles down?" 
 
 SENATOE STEWAET FOE EXPANSION. 
 
 Senator Stewart of Nevada says of the labor question in our new possessions: 
 
 "I have heard it suggested here that the Filipinos would interfere with our 
 labor system. It seems to me that impression is founded in profound ignorance or 
 want of investigation. There never has been in the history of the world emigration 
 of laborers from the tropical to the temperate zone. I have heard the Chinese 
 alluded to as if they had done it. That is not true. The Chinese who have come 
 to this country come from a climate entirely similar to ours. You never see any 
 of the Formosans, or southern Chinese, who live in a tropical climate, coming here. 
 
 "Such a thing never happened, and it never will. They do not go from India 
 to England, nor from the tropical portions of Africa to England, although they 
 are under the English Government. A case can not be cited where the inhabitants 
 of the Tropics have gone to a temperate zone to labor, and they are not coming here 
 to labor. The difficulty is they do not labor enough at home. It has frequently 
 happened that men have gone from temperate to tropical zones to labor, but not 
 with great success; they do not stay there long. So the labor question is eliminated 
 by nature. 
 
 "Then, again, if we have these islands with their tropical productions, which
 
 PEOMOTION AND ADVOCACY OF EXPANSION 611 
 
 are our main imports, we shall have the balance of trade in our favor. Heretofore 
 it has been against iis, owing to the importations of tropical products, such as 
 sugar, coffee and tobacco. The balance of trade against us of two or three hundred 
 million dollars a year, perhaps, has come from these tropical productions. I do not 
 propose at this time to go into details. These products come from that source 
 where we can be supplied, and if we are supplied by a part of our own country, we 
 should not have to pay the money out to foreigners. 
 
 "Besides that so far from being against American labor, it would be greatly in 
 favor of American labor, for we would manufacture everything that those people 
 require. Manufacturing is always done in the temperate zone, always has been, and 
 always will be, and it will not be done elsewhere. We would have the exclusive 
 trade, and we should have an enormous trade in supplying them with our produc- 
 tions and our manufactures. The American people, in view of these facts, may 
 come to the conclusion that we want to keep all the islands when that question is 
 open to consideration. It seems premature to preclude ourselves as to the question 
 by any resolution when no action is required. Let us wait until action is required, 
 and then act in view of the condition of things that may then be developed and 
 understood." 
 
 GENEEAL GROSVENOR FOR EXPANSION 
 
 General Grosvenor quotes the proclamation by authority of the President of 
 the United States, at Manila, January 4th, by General E. S. Otis, Military Governor, 
 saying that his instructions direct him to publish and proclaim to the inhabitants 
 of these islands that in the war against Spain the United States forces came here 
 to destroy the power of that nation and to give the blessings of peace and individual 
 freedom to the Philippine people; that we are here as friends of the Filipinos, to 
 protect them in their homes, their employments, their individual and religious lib- 
 erty; and that all persons who, either by active aid or honest endeavor, co-operate 
 with the Government of the United States to give effect to these beneficent purposes 
 will receive the reward of its support and protection. 
 
 The President concluded his instructions in this language: 
 "It should be the earnest and paramount aim of the administration to win 
 the confidence, respect and affection of the inhabitants of the Philippines by insur- 
 ing to them, in every possible way, the full measure of individual rights and liberty 
 which is the heritage of a free people, and by proving to them that the mission of
 
 612 PEOMOTION AND ADVOCACY OF EXPANSION. 
 
 the United States is one of beneficent assimilation, which will substitute the mild 
 sway of justice and right for arbitrary rule. In the fulfillment of this high mission, 
 while upholding the temporary administration of affairs for the greatest good of the 
 governed, there will be sedulously maintained the strong arm of authority to re- 
 press disturbance, and to overcome all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings of 
 good and stable government upon the people of the Philippine Islands." 
 
 General Otis added: 
 
 "It is also my belief that it is the intention of the United States Government 
 to draw from the Philippine people so much of the military force of the islands as 
 is possible and consistent with a free and well-constituted government of the coun- 
 try, and it is my desire to inaugurate a policy of that character. 
 
 'T am also convinced that it is the intention of the United States Government 
 to seek the establishment of a most liberal government for the islands, in which the 
 people themselves shall have as full representation as the maintenance of order and 
 law will permit, and which shall be susceptible of development on lines of increased 
 representation and the bestowal of increased powers into a government as free and 
 independent as is enjoyed by the most favored provinces of the world. 
 
 "It will be my constant endeavor to co-operate with the Philippine people, 
 seeking the good of the country, and I invite their full confidence and aid." 
 
 It was this that wounded the feelings of the sensitive Aguinaldo and caused 
 him to make war. 
 
 General Grosvenor also quoted the President's letter to the Secretary of State, 
 to commissioners sent to Manial, Schusman, Dewey, Otis, "Worcester and Derby, 
 saying: 
 
 "The commissioners were enjoined to announce their presence and the mission 
 entrusted to them and to consider what amelioration in the condition of the inhab- 
 itants was practicable. The President's instructions, the orders of General Otis, all 
 official language on the part of the United States, was most pacific, and Aguinaldo's 
 agony of wrath rose because the Americans did not submit to his dictatorship, which 
 was impossible under the articles of capitulation of the Spanish army, held as pris- 
 oners of war." 
 
 SENATOK PLATT OF NEW YORK FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 The Senator says the talk about forcing our government upon an unwilling 
 people, all the eloquent invocation of the spirit of the Declaration of Independence, 
 is far and away from any real point that concerns the Senate in this discussion.
 
 PROMOTION AND ADVOCACY OF EXPANSION. 613 
 
 There are reasons why the natives of those islands, after their experience with Span- 
 ish misrule, should misunderstand the presence at Manila of an American army, 
 but tliere is no reason why an American Senator should misunderstand it and no 
 justification of his course in misrepresenting it. He knows that there is no Amer- 
 ican in all this broad land who wishes any other fate to any single native of the 
 Philippine Islands than his free enjoyment of a prosperous life. He knows that 
 close in the wake of American rule there would come to the Filipinos a liberty 
 that they have never known and a far greater liberty than they could ever have 
 under the arrogant rule of a native dictator. He knows, moreover, that it would 
 be self-rule, the rule of the islanders to the full extent of their capacity in that 
 direction, and that each successive American President would welcome the time 
 when he could recommend new leases of self-government to an advancing and im- 
 proving people. 
 
 The Filipinos may not know these things yet, but every American Senator 
 knows them and puts himself and his country in a false position when, by attrib- 
 uting the spirit of conquest and aggression to those whose policy has rescued the Fil- 
 ipinos from Spain and would now rescue them from native tyrants, he encourages 
 them to doubt the generous sentiment of our people. 
 
 SENATOR FORAIvER FOR EXPANSION. 
 
 The Senator declared the right of the Government to establish a colonial sys- 
 tem had never been before called in question. He asserted that at the time of the 
 Louisiana purchase grave doubts were entertained by the distinguished statesmen 
 of that era as to the constitutional power of Congress to confer statehood upon the 
 new possessions. It was generally conceded, he said, that they could be held as 
 dependencies and governed at the pleasure of Congress. 
 
 He further declared that in every instance where the United States acquired 
 territory the Constitution of the United States was extended over it and that all 
 legislation provided by Congress for such acquired territory must and always is dis- 
 tinctly in accordance Avith the Constitution. 
 
 The Senator maintained that the Government of the United States had ample 
 power to acquire territory by treaty, and he demanded to know of Mr. Hoar if he did 
 not think territory so acquired was acquired constitutionally. 
 
 "The trouble," continued the Senator, "is that Senators are talking about a 
 theory instead of a practical condition. VThat have the Senators who have dis-
 
 014 PEOMOTION AND ADVOCACY OF EXPANSION. 
 
 cussed these theories proposed? Nothing. You all know the precedents of the 
 condition we face. We had made war and its fortunes had carried us to the Philip- 
 pines. When the end came those islands were in our possession. What was to be 
 done? Pour possibilities existed. We might return the islands to Spain, allow 
 some other country to seize or gobble them up, the people of the islands might be 
 left to themselves and the anarchy that existed there or we ourselves might take 
 possession of them. The unanimous voice of the country was opposed to the return 
 of the islands to the tyrannical government of Spain. 
 
 "The return of the islands to Spain was, therefore, not to be considered. 
 Were they then to be left to themselves? About the time this question was con- 
 fronting us I saw repeated newspaper statements from Aguinaldo and his asso- 
 ciates among the insurgents to the effect that all the countries of Europe would be 
 on their backs before breakfast if the United States deserted them at that Juncture. 
 We could not leave the islands at the mercy of other countries. Such a course would 
 have been cruel. We could not desert the people of the islands, and subject them to 
 the risks of disorder, anarchy, misrule and mob rule while they might be still unfit 
 for self-governm.ent. But occupation was not to be permanent. 
 
 "I do not understand that anyone desires anything but the ultimate independ- 
 ence of the people of the Philippines," said he emphatically, "neither the President 
 nor any one in this chamber." 
 
 "But what about our right if we chose to hold them permanently, with no 
 thought of their ultimate independence?" inquired Mr. Hoar. 
 
 "We have an unquestioned right to do so," was the reply. 
 
 "It had been asserted here in debate, as I understood, that it was the purpose 
 of the administration and the purpose of those supporting the administration to 
 take those islands and hold and govern them as a colony by force of arms forever in 
 violation of the declaration of that resolution. That is what I was speaking to, and 
 the language I employed should be interpreted in the light of the resolution which 
 I was discussing. 
 
 "I did not say anything about anybody's present purpose except only as that 
 might be inferred from the statement I made that I knew nobody had the partic- 
 ular purpose in mind which had been ascribed to the .administration by those who 
 had spoken in favor of the resolution. 
 
 ^^liat I said was in reply to interruptions and questions, repeated questions, 
 and there is, therefore, a good deal of repetition in my remarks, but the spirit in 
 which I spoke will appear from the following. In answer to the Senator from Mas- 
 sachusetts (Mr. Hoar), I said:
 
 PEOMOTION AND ADVOCACY OF EXPANSION. 615 
 
 " 'I do not understand anybody to be proposing to take the Philippine Islands 
 with the idea and view of permanently holding them and denying to the people there 
 the right to have a government of their own if they are capable of it and want to 
 establish it, I do not understand that anybody wants to do that. I have not heard 
 of anybody who wants to do that. The President of the United States does not, I 
 know, and no Senator in this chamber has made any such statement.' 
 
 "When I spoke of what I knew of the mind of the President of the United 
 States in that particular, I was speaking simply of his public declarations and of his 
 ofiicial acts as well, all of which were in contradiction of the idea that by sword and 
 bayonet and shot and shell he meant to hold those islands without regard to the 
 conditions that might exist there and without regard to whether or not the people 
 of those islands consented or objected. 
 
 "Speaking again, I said that 'only two things were left' for us to do with 
 respect to the Philippines. I was speaking on that point. This is my language: 
 
 " 'Only two things were left — to leave them to themselves at once and retire 
 immediately, taking no responsibility whatever for the condition there obtaining, 
 or else take charge of them by cession from Spain, asking the world to have confi- 
 dence in this great Government, which has ever sought to do right, that we will 
 deal with them as they should be dealt with.' 
 
 "In answer to another question from the Senator from Massachusetts, I said: 
 
 " 'What I have said in ansvv-er to the Senator is in the Eecord, and will show 
 that I do not know of anybody who wants to take possession of the Philippine Is- 
 lands and govern the people of those islands indefinitely against their will by force 
 of arms.' " 
 
 HON. MAPtEIAT BEOSIUS OF PENNSYLVANIA FOE EXPANSION. 
 
 Mr. Brosius expressed himself pleased with a gentleman from Indiana because 
 he did not revise, revamp, and reiterate the argument heard so often, that it would 
 be very wicked and wrong ay,d unpatriotic for this Eepublic to compel by force, 
 against the will of the people, the annexation of the Philippine Islands to the 
 United States. Since no one has ever proposed such a policy, I sweep from the floor 
 of debate all that kind of argument in the simple language of Abraham Lincoln, 
 in replying to his distinguished rival, Senator Douglas, when he said : 
 
 "Does the gentleman expect to stand in majestic dignity and pass through his 
 apotheosis and become a god by his antagonism to a proposition which neither man 
 nor mouse in all God's creation has ever advocated?"
 
 616 PROMOTION AND ADVOCACY OF EXPANSION. 
 
 As to tradition, it was the wise reflection of the philosophic Buckle "that of all 
 the ways in which truth has been distorted, there is none that has worked so much 
 harm as an exaggerated respect for the past." 
 
 Jefferson, the original American expansionist, suggested that this country 
 would not tolerate the Gothic idea of looking backward instead of forward for our 
 improvements in government or religion, or consulting the annals of our ancestors 
 for the duties we owe the present. 
 
 History abounds in illustrations of the fatality of submissive acquiescence in 
 the traditions of the fathers. 
 
 After the obstacles the geographic traditions of the patriotic fathers had 
 thrown in the way of maritime adventure and discovery were overcome, says Dr. 
 Draper, their ethnological traditions led to one of the monumental tragedies of his- 
 tory. It was believed by the Spaniards, for the fathers had so declared it, that the 
 people of Asia, Africa, and Europe, descending through the sons of Noah, Shem, 
 Ham, and Japheth, comprised all the people on the earth of Adamic descent. When 
 they found the New World inhabited, a question arose: What was the lineage of 
 these new people? 
 
 The voice of the fathers was altogether against their Adamic descent. St. Au- 
 gustine had denied the globular form of the earth; and there could be no human 
 beings outside of Asia, Africa, and Europe, since none are mentioned in the Scrip- 
 tures. So the Spaniards, following the traditions of the fathers, proceeded to treat 
 the natives of South America as outside the pale of the Adamic race and enslaved 
 and murdered them by the millions. 
 
 The fathers themselves knew that each century must do its own thinking. They 
 would have agreed with Dr. Abbott, that if one generation has no Washington or 
 Jefferson or Hamilton it must create them or die. They were wise enough to judge 
 opinions as they judged coins — considering much less whose inscriptions they have 
 than what metal they were made of; that soundness of opinion was more to be -val- 
 ued than their antiquity. Their minds were free from the shackles of the past. 
 They knew that new occasions teach new duties. 
 
 To-day, and not a hundred years ago, is the judgment day for the question of 
 American expansion. 
 
 But it remains to be said that this policy is not in violation of the traditions of 
 the fathers of the Republic, as strenuously contended in some quarters. Our policy 
 for a hundred years has been one of expansion. We have expanded from the Alle- 
 ghenies to the Golden Gate and far out into the Pacific Sea. The eagle's wings 
 have grown until they are 8,000 miles from tip to tip.
 
 PROMOTION AND ADVOCACY OF EXPANSION. 617 
 
 Jefferson not only desired Cuba, but Canada as well, and saw no insuperable 
 difficulties in the Constitution to the attainment of so desirable an acquisition. Not 
 only the fathers, but the sons of the fathers had the same hunger and thirst for the 
 righteousness of empire. In 1854 President Pierce directed Buchanan, Mason, and 
 Soule, our ministers at London, Paris, and Madrid, to meet in some European city 
 to confer in regard to the best means of getting possession of Cuba. Jefferson had 
 some scruples at first about the constitutional warrant for the purchase, but he soon 
 disposed of them, and in his message to the special session of Congress convened to 
 act on the treaty no allusion was made to the subject. He entertained no doubt 
 of the wisdom of the purchase, and was not alarmed at the growth of our domain. 
 Alluding to the apprehension some were under of danger to the Union, from the 
 enlargement of our territory, he said: "But who can limit the extent to which the 
 federative principle can operate effectively? The larger the association the less will 
 it be shaken by local passions." 
 
 I have faith to believe that we will be equal to our opportunities and 
 worthy the grand and noble destiny that awaits us. We have but to remember 
 what it is the primal duty of Americans never to forget, "That man is more than 
 nations, that wisdom is more than glory, that virtue is more than dominion of 
 the sea, and that justice is the supreme good." 
 
 "Lord, God of hosts, be with us yet. 
 Lest we forget, lest we forget." 
 
 In closing I give my countrymen this sentiment: 
 
 "And so I give you all the ship of state. 
 Freedom's last venture is her priceless freight, 
 God speed her, keep her, bless her, while she steers 
 Amid the breakers of unsounded years. 
 Lead her through danger's paths with even keel 
 And guide the honest hand that holds her wheel." 
 
 In the lap of the Orient, mother of nations, I fling this pearl of poesy: 
 
 "Mother Asia, we stand at your threshold. 
 
 In far immemorial yore 
 "We left you, great Mother of Nations, 
 
 And now we return to your door. 
 We have circled the seas and their islands. 
 
 We have found us new worlds in the main. 
 We have found us young brides o'er the alien tides — 
 
 Now we come to our mother again.
 
 618 PKOMOTION AXD ADVOCACY OF EXPANSION. 
 
 "We wandered through ages unnumbered, 
 
 We were mad with the fever to roam, 
 But the new flag that waves at Manila 
 
 Proclaims that your sons have come home. 
 There are weeds in the Gardens of Morning, 
 
 There are mildew and dearth and decay, 
 And your blind days are drear and your heart has grown sere. 
 
 The years that your sons were away. 
 
 "But turn your old eyes to the seaward 
 
 Where the flag of the West is discerned. 
 Be glad, gray old Mother of Nations, 
 
 The youth of the world has returned. 
 They come with the wealth of their wanderings. 
 
 They come with the strength. of their pride; 
 Now, old mother, arise and lift up your dim eyes — 
 
 Behold your strong sons at your side. 
 
 "They will toil in your Gardens of Morning, 
 
 They will cleanse you of mire and fen; 
 You shall hear the glad laughter of children, 
 
 You shall see the strong arms of young men. 
 New hope shall come back to your borders. 
 
 Despair from your threshold is spurned, 
 A new day shall rise in your Orient skies — 
 
 The youth of the world has returned." 
 
 GOYEENOE OGLESBY EXPANDS. 
 
 The venerable ex-Governor and Senator made these expansive remarks: 
 "We have got to meet this question about the Philippines. Now, just what in 
 the devil to do I don't know. We have got them and I am ever so much obliged to 
 Senator Davis for the information about the origin and growth and con- 
 clusion of the treaty and of the commissioners upon both sides. I know more 
 about it than I ever did before, yet I knew enough about it before to be in favor 
 of it. I didn't hemstitch or backstitch on it particularly. I was for it. So were 
 you all, I suppose. Yes, I thought so. Now, we have got these Philippines. We 
 don't know what kind of people they are. But they are people — made in the 
 image of God, it is said. I don't think that was the sentiment when the original
 
 PROMOTION AND ADVOCACY OF EXPANSION. 619 
 
 scheme was put on foot. I don't think it was any part of the programme in the 
 Garden of Eden. But there they are, human beings. They aren't animals. They 
 merely have intelligence enough to have risen in rebellion against Spain, and they 
 have sense enough to still remain so against us. It is going to take time to tell 
 them what to do. They are a long way from us. I wish it wasn't so far. It costs 
 a good deal to get there. I could go to Minnesota and back ten times for one-fifth 
 of the fare. 
 
 "They are away off in front of China, not far from the equator, I don't know 
 how they would have stood this cold spell we have had here. I think a little dose 
 of that kind of weather would put a republic into them. They have got to lay 
 down their arms. "We have got to put that rebellion down. We have got to tackle 
 the subject. The President says he will leave it to Congress. So would I if I could 
 get out on that doctrine. But I am behind Congress. Congress is responsible to 
 me and to you and to all of us private citizens. We are the power behind the 
 throne."
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 Area of Our Territory When Jefferson Wrote the Declaration of Independence — 
 The Westward Course of Acquisition — The Northwest Territory Added 
 — Acquiring All Territory East of the Mississippi River — Exploring Expe- 
 ditions Into Western Territory — The Louisiana Purchase — Views of 
 Jefferson and Congress in 1803 — Annexation of Texas — Acquiring Cali- 
 fornia and New Mexico — The Alaska Purchase — Expansion Opinions of 
 Law Writers — Decisions of the Supreme Court on the Subject of Acquiring 
 Territory — Beneficial Effects of Expansion — We Need Not Fear the Future, 
 and We Dare Not Step Backward — The Dream of Columbus Will Soon 
 Be Realized. 
 
 The expansion of the United States since the thirteen original colonies became 
 the nation has been vast and various. Our enlargement has been steady. Each 
 generation has gathered under our flag more land for the people. The credit of 
 the latest and most applicable, exact and excellent, pertinent, apt to time and 
 up-to-date history of these transactions belongs to the Hon. James R. Mann 
 of Illinois. He says: 
 
 "When Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence we had but a little 
 more than 400,000 square miles, and now we have nearly ten times that area. The 
 original thirteen States cover an area of 341,752 square miles, but included in 
 them were the present States of Vermont, Maine and Kentucky, an area of 82,892 
 square miles, which, added to the area of the thirteen original States, aggregates 
 424,644 square miles. This was the real area of the colonies which revolted from 
 Great Britain and adopted the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 "The territory included within the present States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, 
 Michigan, Wisconsin, Tennessee, that part of Minnesota lying east of the ]\Iissis- 
 sippi River, and those parts of Alabama and Mississippi lying north of the thirty- 
 first parallel of latitude were, by the treaty with Great Britain of 1783, acknowl- 
 edged to belong to our country. Various parts of this territory were, claimed by 
 Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Virginia, South Carolina, North Carolina, 
 and Georgia under the colonial grants or patents from England, and by Virginia 
 as discovered and conquered territory. 
 
 "The various interests of these States were afterwards ceded to the General 
 
 Government. New York was the first State to make a cession to the General 
 
 Government, but her claim was an indefinite, undefined one of no merit, to the 
 
 country lying west of Pennsylvania and north of the Ohio River, Massachusetts 
 
 and Connecticut also claimed the territory lying w^est of Pennsylvania between 
 
 620
 
 THE HISTOEY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 621 
 
 their respective north and south boundary lines extended west to the Mississippi 
 Eiver. But it is now generally conceded that the State of Virginia was the State 
 which had the best title to the territory lying north of the Ohio River, called the 
 Northwest Territory and now embracing the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, 
 Michigan, Wisconsin, and that part of Minnesota east of the Mississippi River. 
 
 "In the original charters and grants to the various colonies Massachusetts 
 and Connecticut had each been granted lands running westerly to the Pacific Ocean, 
 then known as the South Sea. It was under these grants that those States claimed 
 the portions of the Northwest Territory lying between their north and south 
 boundary lines, respectively, extended west to the Mississippi, which river had, prior 
 to that time, been fixed as the boundary line between the British and the Spanish 
 possessions. Virginia also claimed a large portion of the Northwest Territory by 
 reason of a similar grant. 
 
 "But prior to the war of the Revolution no settlements had been made by 
 either of these colonies in this Northwest Territory, and, on the contrary, that 
 territory had been taken possession of and settled by the French, and the rights of 
 France had been, with the rest of Canada, surrendered to Great Britain by the 
 treaty of 1762 in a way which made it free from the claims of the colonies. 
 
 "Kentucky had been more or less settled by expeditions from Virginia, as 
 well as Tennessee, to a certain extent, from North Carolina. South Carolina 
 claimed a small strip of land a few miles wide running westerly from her western 
 boundary through what is now the extreme north end of the States of Georgia, 
 Alabama, and Mississippi to the Mississippi River. Georgia claimed the larger 
 portion of what is now Alabama and Mississippi. 
 
 "The different States interested ceded their interests in this western territory 
 to the General Government. In 1781 New York ceded its indefinite claim, as well 
 as some land now in Erie County, Pennsylvania, comprising 315 square miles. 
 The cession by Virginia, made in 1784, including Kentucky, amounted to 256,562 
 square miles. The cession of Massachusetts, made in 1785, was for a claim cover- 
 ing about 54,000 square miles. Connecticut, by her acts of 1786 and 1800, ceded 
 her claim covering about 40,000 square miles. The cession of South Carolina, 
 in 1787, covered 4,900 square miles; that of North Carolina, in 1790, 45,600 
 square miles, and that of Georgia, in 1802, 88,578 square miles. 
 
 "By virtue of the several acts of cession from these seven original States, as 
 well as by virtue of its claims under the treaty of 1783, the National Government 
 came into possession of all that territory lying south of the British domain, east 
 of the Mississippi River, and north of the thirty-first parallel of latitude.
 
 623 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 "EXPANSION" DURING REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 
 
 "But the area thus ceded by the various States to the National Government, 
 and embraced within the limits of the Northwest and Southwest Territories, did 
 not constitute a part of the revolting colonies when the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence was adopted. A large share of this area had been once, constructively at least, 
 a part of Florida. Subseqviently it became a French possession and was considered 
 a part of Louisiana and Canada. When, following the fall of Quebec, the French 
 possessions in North America were surrendered by the treaty of 1762 to Great 
 Britain, the forts and settlements in the Northwest Territory were governed as 
 a part of Canada. The British had one fort at Detroit, one in Kaskaskia, in 
 southern Illinois, and one at Vincennes, on the Wabash, in southern Indi-^na. 
 
 "The story of how this western territory east of the Mississippi River became 
 a part of our country is one of the most dramatic and instructive lessons of our 
 history. It is worth the reciting here somewhat in detail, because it illustrates the 
 position taken by the founders of our nation at the time of the adoption "of the 
 Declaration of Independence, and prior to and at the time of the reorganization 
 of the National Government under the Constitution. 
 
 "It was owing to the intrepidity of one man. He gained for the revolting 
 colonies the right to claim the easterly half of the Mississippi Valley. That man 
 was George Rogers Clark, who was born in Virginia, November 19, 1752. He 
 became a surveyor, and in 1775 emigrated to Kentucky and was soon selected by 
 his fellow-colonists to attend the Virginia Legislature, to which, however, he was 
 not admitted as a member. 
 
 "When the Revolutionary war broke out no effort was made by the revolt- 
 ing colonies to gain any foothold in the far West or to capture any of the British 
 forts in that region. But George Rogers Clark, traveling back and forth between 
 Kentucky and Virginia, conceived the enterprise of adding to the revolting colonies, 
 which he believed would surely win their struggle, the great British possessions 
 lying east of the IVIississippi and north and south of Kentucky. Those possessions 
 were wild, almost a wilderness, but inhabited by numerous tribes of Indians. 
 
 "Clark laid before Governor Patrick Henry, of Virginia, and the members of 
 the governor's council, including Thomas Jefferson, his plan of capturing the 
 British forts north of the Ohio River, and thereby acquiring for Virginia the im- 
 mense domain north of that river. He was authorized by Governor Henry to raise 
 seven companies of fifty men each to attack the British forces at Kaskaskia.
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 633 
 
 Colonel Clark made his rendezvous at the Falls of the Ohio, where now stands 
 Louisville, and gathered together such men as he could readily obtain. 
 
 "On June 34, 1778, his command, consisting of 153 men, broke camp at Louis- 
 ville and started down the Ohio River in rowboats. Relays of oarsmen kept the 
 boats moving during both night and day for four days and nights, when the com- 
 mand landed at a point on the Ohio River somewhat east of where Cairo, 111., now 
 is — a distance of about 130 miles southward from Kaskaskia. Kaskaskia was then 
 a town of about 1,000 French inhabitants, located at or near where Chester, 111., 
 now is. There was no road between the Ohio River and Kaskaskia, and the way 
 was a wilderness — much of it a very swampy or rough country. 
 
 "Colonel Clark's command had no wagons or pack horses with which to carry 
 their baggage, supplies, or ammunition. On the evening of July 4, 1778, the 
 command had arrived within three miles of the town of Kaskaskia, but with the 
 Kaskaskia River yet to cross to reach there. After dark some boats were obtained, 
 the river crossed, the town surrounded, the fort broken into, the British governor 
 and troops captured, and before daylight Colonel Clark had possession of the entire 
 place. His command had been six days on the road from the Ohio River to Kas- 
 kaskia, moving at the rapid rate of twenty miles per day, and during the last two 
 days almost without food. 
 
 "Discovery by the British scouts or the Indians would probably have resulted 
 in their annihilation, but this little band of less than 300 men, after rowing by 
 turns for four days down the Ohio River and marching for six days through an 
 unknown wilderness, without supplies, without a road, and without transportation 
 facilities, had captured the military capital of the West, well provided with provi- 
 sions, cannon, and soldiers, without the firing of a gun. Such a daring of purpose 
 and celerity of execution has seldom been equaled in the world's history. Follow- 
 ing the capture of Kaskaskia, the British post at Yincennes surrendered to an 
 officer whom Clark sent there to demand its surrender. 
 
 "The governor of Virginia was informed of the success, and in October, 1778, 
 an act was passed by the Legislature of Virginia organizing the county of Illinois, 
 which included all the territory of the Commonwealth northwest of the Ohio 
 River, 
 
 "It is proper to add that the French settlers in the territory were not con- 
 sulted by the Virginia Legislature, nor was the question asked whether they con- 
 sented to or desired the change of government. 
 
 "But this new territory was not to be so easily won. Hamilton, who was the
 
 624 THE HISTOEY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 British governor of the territory and located at Detroit, heard of the success of 
 Clark's invasion with surprise and indignation. 
 
 "He hurriedly collected a force and on December 15, 1778, appeared before 
 the fort at Vincennes with an army numbering five or six hundred and consisting 
 mostly of Indians. There were only two American soldiers at the fort to defend 
 it — a Captain Helm and a private by the name of Henry. They planted a cannon 
 in the open gateway of the fort, and as Governor Hamilton and his command 
 approached Captain Helm cried out, ^Halt !' standing by the cannon with a lighted 
 match. The British officer demanded the surrender of the fort, whereupon Helm 
 asked what terms of surrender would be given, and Hamilton replied that they 
 might surrender with all the honors of war. The American garrison thereupon 
 capitulated and Captain Helm and his force of one man marched out before the 
 British command. 
 
 "The fall of Vincennes was soon communicated to Colonel Clark at Kaskaslda, 
 who was not in an easy position. He was without money, provisions, or supplies, 
 and so far away from Virginia that he could not even get word there in time to 
 receive assistance. Hamilton had a larger force and had, besides the assistance of 
 the Indian tribes, sufficient supplies, ammunition, and money. It was obvious that 
 in the spring Hamilton would be enabled, with his superior force, to crush Clark 
 and regain possession of the western capital at Kaskaskia for England. 
 
 "The control and destiny of an empire in extent and importance depended 
 upon the action to be taken. Fortunately for the history of our country, there 
 was a Colonel George Rogers Clark at Kaskaskia. To wait at that point was to 
 invite inevitable defeat. He conceived the hazardous enterprise of marching 
 across the country, surprising and capturing Governor Hamilton and his command 
 at Vincennes. 
 
 "On February 5, 177'9, Colonel Clark, with a force of about 175 men, started 
 from Kaskaskia to march to Vincennes, a distance of 175 miles, though it was 
 estimated by Clark that he traversed a distance of 240 miles by the way taken. 
 It was at the worst possible season of the year. The snows had melted, and a large 
 portion of the ground was under water. The creeks and swamps were enlarged to 
 wide dimensions. The weather was stormy and rainy. Much of the time there 
 was a cold drizzling rain. Part of the time, when crossing the creeks, the men 
 would be compelled to push aside the floating blocks of ice. At night there was 
 no dry place to lie down, and they had no tents for shelter. 
 
 "The supply of provisions ran out, and during the last few days the men 
 were almost without food, and as they came toward the end of the march it was
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 635 
 
 imperative that discovery should be avoided, and hence the shooting of game was 
 prohibited. On February 21, when they were trying to get through swamps and 
 marshes and the overflow of the ^Yabash River, they were compelled to wade 
 through water in some places up to the neck, and the weather was so cold that 
 in the morning the ice had frozen from one-half to three-quarters of an inch in 
 thickness. 
 
 "But on February 23, 1779, Clark and his command attacked Governor Ham- 
 ilton in Fort Sackville at Vincennes, surprising him, and on the next day Hamilton 
 surrendered. 
 
 "The possession thus acquired was never lost. No rhetoric can add to a simple 
 recital of the facts. In hazard of undertaking, in celerity and hardship of execu- 
 tion, and in the success and importance of its results this short campaign of Colonel 
 Clark in the winter month of February, 1779, has seldom, if ever, been equaled. 
 Through the daring and the genius of one man the great Northwest had come into 
 the possession of Virginia, From that time on the Continental Congress, in its 
 discussion of a possible treaty of peace with Great Britain, insisted that the North- 
 west Territory, from the Great Lakes southward, as well as the remainder of the 
 British possessions east of the Mississippi River, should be considered as belonging 
 to the revolting colonies. 
 
 "And in the year 1779, while the w^ar was in progress, but it seemed as though 
 peace were possible, the Continental Congress considered in secret the terms upon 
 which it would agree to peace with Great Britain, and in March, 1779, it was agreed 
 by Congress that in case of peace it would insist upon the Mississippi River for 
 the western boundary of the revolting colonies, from the source of the Mississippi 
 to the thirty-first parallel of north latitude. Again, in x\ugust, 1779, instructions 
 were agreed on by the Congress to give to a commission to be appointed for the 
 purpose of negotiating peace, and again it was insisted that the Mississippi River 
 should be the western boundary line. 
 
 "The natives of that vast tract of country, mostly unexplored, were tribes of 
 Indians. Most of the settlements were French. But it was not proposed or 
 discussed that it was necessary to have an expression by vote or otherwise of the 
 desires of the inhabitants of the territory acquired, nor was any tender senti- 
 mentality indulged in by these makers of the Declaration of Independence. They 
 saw that they had captured the British forts and capitals; they saw a valuable 
 domain which might be added to their territory, and they promptly saw the value 
 of keeping it. 
 
 "But all of the colonies did not have colonial claims to portions of the newly
 
 626 THE HISTORY OF AMEEICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 acquired territory. It soon became evident that the new domain might easily 
 become either a cause of dissension or a cause of closer union. If the States which 
 claimed the new territory insisted upon their respective claims, then the new terri- 
 tory might easily cause disputes or even war. But if the newly acquired territory 
 should be turned over to the General Government, then there would be a domain 
 of great value belonging to the central Government which would give it stability 
 and strength. 
 
 "I have already referred to the claims and the grants by the separate States 
 to the General Government, but before those grants were made seven of the original 
 States claimed colonies for themselves. Virginia had claimed and exercised the 
 right of increasing her territory by conquest under Colonel Clark. 
 
 "The cession from Virginia, by the act of December 20, 1783, contained the 
 provision that the cession was upon condition that the territory so ceded should 
 be laid out and formed into States, and that the States so formed should be admit- 
 ted as members of the Federal Union, having the same rights of sovereignty, free- 
 dom, and independence as the other States. 
 
 "THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 "The Constitutional Convention met in 1787. The Federal Government at 
 that time had acquired the western territory, which it was understood would 
 eventually be admitted as separate States in accordance with the Virginia cession. 
 The ordinance of 1787 for the government of the Northwest Territory by a governor 
 and judges had just been considered and passed. The question of the acquisition 
 and government of new territory was therefore a live and familiar question with 
 the framers of the Constitution. 
 
 "Let me recall the circumstances connected with the adoption of section 3, 
 Article IV, of the Constitution, providing that — 
 
 " 'New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union. * * * The 
 Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regu- 
 lations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States.' 
 
 "The Constitutional Convention adopted various preliminary resolutions con- 
 cerning the form of government and constitution to be adopted, and on July 26, 
 1787, referred them to a committee of detail as the basis for a draft of a con- 
 stitution. Among these preliminary resolutions was: 
 
 " '17. Resolved, That provision ought to be made for the admission of States 
 lawfully arising within the limits of the United States, whether from a volun-
 
 THE HISTOEY OF AMERICx\N EXPANSION. 627 
 
 tary junction of government and territory or otherwise, with the consent of a 
 number of voices in the National Legislature less than the whole.' 
 
 "There was no other provision relating to government of territory or admis- 
 sion of new States in these preliminary resolutions. On August 6 the committee 
 of detail reported a draft of a constitution, which contained — 
 
 " 'Art. 17. New States lawfully constituted or established within the limits 
 of the United States may be admitted by the Legislature into this Government; 
 but to such admission the consent of two-thirds of the members present in each 
 House shall be necessary. If a new State shall arise within the limits of any 
 of the present States, the consent of the Legislatures of such States shall be also 
 necessary to its admission. If the admission be consented to, the new States shall 
 be admitted on the same terms with the original States. But the Legislature may 
 make conditions with the new States concerning the public debt which shall be 
 then subsisting.' 
 
 "When this article came up for consideration in the convention, after some 
 discussion Gouverneur Morris moved as a substitute: 
 
 " 'New States may be admitted by the Legislature into the Union; but no 
 new States shall be erected within the limits of any of the present States without 
 the consent of the Legislature of such State as well as of the General Legislature.' 
 
 "This substitute was amended by the convention so as to read as follows: 
 
 " 'New States may be admitted by the Legislature into the Union; but no 
 new State shall be hereafter formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any of 
 the present States without the consent of the Legislature of such State, as well 
 as of the General Legislature.' 
 
 "This substitute as amended was adopted, though New Jersey, Delaware, 
 and Maryland voted against it. The following clause was then added: 
 
 " 'Nor shall any State be formed by the junction of two or more States or 
 parts thereof without the consent of the Legislature of such States, as well as of 
 the Legislature of the United States.' 
 
 "Mr. Carroll of Maryland thereupon moved to add: 
 
 " 'Provided, nevertheless, that nothing in this Constitution shall be construed 
 to affect the claim of the United States to vacant lands ceded to them by the 
 treaty of peace.' 
 
 "ITp to this time in the constitutional convention there had been no sugges- 
 tion of any provision granting to the General Government authority to control 
 or regulate the acquired territory. This could not have been, because the subject 
 was not in the minds of the members of the convention. They had adopted reso-
 
 628 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 lution after resolution in reference to the form of government; tliey had proceeded 
 in the consideration of the report of the committee of detail; they were thoroughly 
 acquainted with the fact that Congress had assumed control of the newly acquired 
 western territory; they knew well that Virginia had ceded her claim to the North- 
 west Territory to the Federal Government, but it seems to have been assumed 
 as a matter of course that any government organized under the Constitution would 
 have authority to deal with its own property and its own domain. But some of 
 the members of the convention were insistent that no provision should be inserted 
 in the Constitution which should injure the claim of the United States to the 
 lands ceded by the treaty of peace, and hence the provision which Mr. Carroll, 
 of Maryland, moved to add. 
 
 "After some discussion, however, Mr. Carroll withdrew his motion and moved 
 the following: 
 
 " 'Nothing in this Constitution shall be construed to alter the claims of the 
 United States, or of the individual States, to the Western Territory; but all such 
 claims shall be examined into, and decided upon, by the Supreme Court of the 
 United States.' 
 
 "Gouverneur Morris was the member of the convention who most frequently 
 appeared as the draftsman of the various provisions agreed upon, and he moved 
 to postpone the amendment of Mr. Carroll in order to take up the following: 
 
 " 'The Legislature shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules 
 and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United 
 States; and nothing in this Constitution contained shall be so construed as to 
 prejudice any claims, either of the United States or of any particular State.' 
 
 "This provision was adopted the same day and is practically identical with 
 the provision in the Constitution. The history of its adoption seems to strongly 
 indicate that it was intended to confer upon Congress full, absolute, and unre- 
 stricted authority over the territory or other property belonging to the United 
 
 States. 
 
 "THE ORDINANCE OF 1787. 
 
 "The Constitution was framed and adopted at a time when the question of 
 government of the Northwest Territory was being discussed and decided upon. 
 The ordinance of 1787, for the government of the Northwest Territory, provided 
 for the appointment of a governor and three judges; and it was provided that — 
 
 " 'The governor and judges, or a majority of them, shall adopt and publish in 
 the district such laws of the original States, criminal and civil, as may be neces- 
 sary and best suited to the circumstances of the district, and report them to
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMEIHCA^T EXPAXSIOX. 629 
 
 Congress from time to time; which, laws shall be in force in the district until 
 the organization of the General Assembly therein, unless disapproved of by Con- 
 gress/ 
 
 "The General Assembly or Legislature was to be organized when the district 
 contained a voting population of 5,000. It was to consist of the governor, a 
 legislative council of five, appointed by Congress from ten persons named by the 
 territorial House of Eepresentatives, and that house to be elected by the people. 
 An act was required to be passed by the representatives and a majority of the 
 council and to receive the assent of the governor, who was given an absolute veto 
 power. 
 
 "The ordinance of 1787 was approved by the Congress elected under the 
 new Constitution. That ordinance gave to the people of the Northwest Territory 
 no choice in the selection of their governor or judges, who were to select and modify 
 laws for them. And even when the poj)ulation should become 5,000, they could 
 only elect one branch of the Legislature, and the governor appointed by the 
 General Government was to have an absolute power of veto. No scruples about 
 the just powers of government depending upon the consent of the governed hin- 
 dered these practical men, who had organized a revolution for liberty, adopted 
 a Declaration of Independence, framed a new Constitution, and inaugurated a 
 new Government, from adopting practical common sense in the government of a 
 new Territory. 
 
 "THE INDIANA AND MISSISSIPPI TEEEITOEIES. 
 
 "The Indiana Territory was organized out of 'the territory of the L^nited 
 States northwest of the Ohio Eiver' by act of Congress, May 7, 1800, with a govern- 
 ment *in all respects similar to that provided by' the ordinance of 1787. 
 
 "The Mississippi Territory was organized with a similar government. 
 
 "THE LOUISIANA PUECHASE. 
 
 "But the men who framed the Declaration of Independence and the Consti- 
 tution not only had an opportunity to give practical effect to their construction of 
 those instruments by the organization of Territories in the new possessions east 
 of the Mississippi Eiver, but they also had a still more conspicuous opportunity 
 to construe those instruments in the acquisition and government of Louisiana. 
 
 "In 1541, De Soto had reached the Mississippi Eiver. Father Marquette
 
 630 THE HISTORY OF AMEEICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 descended it to its mouth in 1673, and in 1680 La Salle descended the Mississippi 
 and took possession of the country adjacent in the name of Louis XIV. of France 
 and called it Louisiana. 
 
 "In 1706 the French colonists settled on the site of what is now New Orleans. 
 In 1717 the Louisiana country was granted by Louis XIV. to the company upon 
 which was based John Law's great Mississippi scheme. But this charter, after the 
 failure of the company, was surrendered in 1730. By the treaties of 1763 and 
 1763 all of the French possessions west of the Mississippi, as well as the city of New 
 Orleans, on the easterly side, were ceded to Spain, and the French possessions 
 east of the Mississippi, excepting the island of New Orleans, and also the Spanish 
 possessions east of the Mississippi were ceded to Great Britain. During the war of 
 the Revolution Spain had recaptured the British possession of East and West 
 Florida, and these were ceded back to her by the treaty of 1783. The Spanish, 
 therefore, came to control both sides of the Mississippi River at its mouth and 
 the west side throughout its entire length. 
 
 "By the treaty with Spain of October 27, 1795, the southern boundary line 
 of our country was fixed at 31° north latitude from the Mississippi River east, 
 giving Spain control of the Mississippi from that line southward, but it was pro- 
 vided in that treaty that the King of Spain — 
 
 " 'will permit the citizens of the United States, for the space of three years from 
 this time, to deposit their merchandise and effects in the port of New Orleans 
 and to export them from thence without paying any other duty than a fair price 
 for the hire of the stores; and His Majesty promises either to continue this per- 
 mission if he finds, during that time, that it is not prejudicial to the interests 
 of Spain, or if he should not agree to continue it there, he will assign to them, 
 on another part of the banks of the Mississippi, an equivalent establishment.' 
 
 "This was for the accommodation of the settlements along the east side of 
 the Mississippi River and along its tributaries. 
 
 "But France still looked with covetous eyes upon this great colonial possession 
 which years before she had ceded to Spain, and by the secret treaty of San Ilde- 
 fonso, October 1, 1800, Spain retroceded the province of Louisiana to France, 
 though France did not then take possession, and the world was not made aware of 
 the treaty for a year and a half. 
 
 "While the Spanish were still in possession of New Orleans and Louisiana, 
 but after the execution of the treaty ceding that province back to France, the 
 Spanish intendant at New Orleans, who had charge of such matters, declared by 
 a proclamation October 16, 1802, that the right of deposit no longer existed, which
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 031 
 
 meant that the citizens of our country could no longer ship their farm or other 
 produce down the Mississippi River in river boats and deposit the same there until 
 it should be shipped away by vessel free of duty or other imposts. 
 
 "About the same time it became known that Spain had ceded the province 
 of Louisiana back to France and it was generally believed by the American citizens 
 that this policy was one agreed upon between Spain and France for the purpose 
 of taking away from the Americans the right of free navigation on the Mississippi 
 River. 
 
 "At that time river navigation was the only practicable method of shipment 
 from a large share of the Mississippi valley, and if the right of deposit should 
 remain suspended our nation's interests in the Mississippi valley would be bottled 
 up tighter even than Cervera's fleet at Santiago. 
 
 "The opposition to President Jefferson wanted to declare war and take forcible 
 possession of New Orleans. Jefferson himself came to the conclusion that it was 
 necessary for the United States to own at least one side of the Mississippi from its 
 source to its mouth in order to maintain free navigation, and he commissioned 
 James Monroe, afterv/ards President, to act with Robert Livingston, then minister 
 to France, in an effort to purchase New Orleans and the rest of Louisiana lying 
 east of the Mississippi River from France, and Congress appropriated the sum of 
 $2,000,000 to be applied for that purpose. 
 
 "The critical condition of affairs is strongly shown by the letter which Presi- 
 dent Jefferson wrote on January 13, 1803, to Mr. Monroe, informing him of his 
 appointment, and in which he said: 
 
 " 'On the event of this mission depend the future destinies of this Republic. 
 If we can not by a purchase of the country insure to ourselves a course of perpetual 
 peace and friendship with all nations, then, as war can not be distant, it behooves 
 us immediately to be preparing for that cause.' 
 
 "Fortunately for our country, France and England were then on the verge of 
 another war. England looked with grave objection upon the acquirement by France 
 of the immense Louisiana province, and Napoleon, who was then the first consul 
 of France and its ruler, quickly saw that in case of war the English, with their 
 superiority at sea, would soon take possession of New Orleans and obtain control 
 of the Mississippi River territory. 
 
 "On Easter Sunday, April 10, 1803, Napoleon called two of his counselors 
 who were best acquainted with the French foreign possessions and asked their 
 advice. He said: 
 
 " 'I know the full value of Louisiana, and I have been desirous of repairing the
 
 632 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 fault of the French negotiator who abandoned it in 1763. A few lines of a treaty- 
 have restored it to me, and I have scarcely recovered it when I must expect to 
 lose it. But if it escapes from me it shall one day cost dearer to those who oblige 
 me to strip myself of it than to those to whom I wish to deliver it. The EngUsh 
 shall not have the Mississippi, which they covet.' 
 
 "And after hearing from his advisers, one in favor of selling the province to 
 the United States and the other in favor of retaining it. Napoleon said: 
 
 " 'Irresolution and deliberation are no longer in season. I renounce Louisiana. 
 It is not only New Orleans that I will cede. It is the whole colony, without any 
 reservation. I know the price of what I abandon, and I have sufficiently proved 
 the importance that I attach to this province, since my first diplomatic act with 
 Spain had for its object the recovery of it. I renounce it with the greatest regret. 
 To attempt obstinately to retain it would be folly. I direct you to negotiate this 
 affair with the envoys of the United States.' 
 
 "A treaty of purchase was agreed upon by which the United States was to 
 acquire not only New Orleans on the east bank of the Mississippi, but the vast 
 province of Louisiana, extending from the Gulf along the west bank of the Mis- 
 sissippi its entire length, reaching in its northern part, as claimed by many, across 
 the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean. 
 
 "For this territory the United States was to pay France the sum of $11,250,000 
 of principal, payable within fifteen years with interest, and also pay the sum of 
 $3,750,000 to American citizens having valid claims against France. 
 
 "The treaty was not received with favor by all classes in this country. The 
 purchase went far beyond the authority which had been granted to Monroe and 
 Livingston. They had been compelled to act on their own judgment. Napoleon 
 was not willing to wait for instructions from home. It would take three months 
 for our commissioners in Paris to communicate with their home Government. 
 Delay was dangerous both to France and to the United States. It was known by 
 both Monroe and Livingston that the President, who had appointed them, was a 
 believer in a strict construction of the powers granted by the Constitution. They 
 had been commissioned by him to purchase a small bit of territory on the eastern 
 bank of the Mississippi near its mouth, for a moderate sum, purely in aid of river 
 commerce and navigation, and now they were offered a vast empire, which in 
 time must become settled and governed, and for this they were asked to pay a 
 sum which in those days was no inconsiderable amount, and to accept a provision 
 in the treaty that the inhabitants would be incorporated as citizens of the United 
 States.
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. G33 
 
 "Possibly if there had been cable connection between Paris and Washington 
 in that day the result would have been different. Perhaps if daily instructions 
 could have been sent by wire from Jefferson to his commissioners in Paris, there 
 would have been no treaty agreed upon. Probably we should never have acquired 
 the domain west of the Mississippi River. There might have been there now a 
 province of France, a colony of England, or an independent French or English 
 speaking nation to limit our western growth and dispute with us the national 
 superiority on the Western Hemisphere. 
 
 "The opponents of Jefferson did not take kindly to the treaty. The price 
 paid, the character of the people acquired, the quality of the land purchased, the 
 danger of unduly extending the limits of a republic, the violation of the Consti- 
 tution by the provisions of the treaty, the lessons to be drawn from the growth 
 and destruction of the Roman republic, in tine, all the objections to the expansion 
 of a nation or the acquisition of new territory which the ingenuity of the human 
 mind has been able to devise, seem to have been the subject of severe and 
 learned comment by the opponents of the treaty for the Louisiana purchase. 
 
 "Jefferson himself was not free from constitutional scruples. 
 
 "In a letter from President Jefferson to Senator Breckenridge, dated August 
 12, 1803, he said: 
 
 " 'The treaty must, of course, be laid before both Houses, because both have 
 important functions to exercise respecting it. They, I presume, will see 
 their duty to their country in ratifying and paying for it, so as to secure a good 
 which would otherwise probably be never again in their power. But I suppose 
 they must then appeal to the nation for an additional article to the Constitution 
 approving and confirming an act which the nation has not previously authorized. 
 The Constitution has made no provision for our holding foreign territory, still less 
 for incorporating foreign nations into our Union. The Executive, in seizing the 
 fugitive occurrence, which so much advances the good of their country, has done 
 an act beyond the Constitution.' 
 
 "VIEWS OF PRESIDENT JEFFERSON. 
 
 "In a letter to Senator Nicholas, of Virginia, September 7, 1803, President 
 Jefferson said: 
 
 " 'I am aware of the force of the observations you make on the power given 
 by the Constitution to Congress to admit new States into the Union without 
 restraining the subject to the territory then constituting the United States.
 
 634 THE HISTOEY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 But when T consider that the limits of the United States are precisely fixed 
 by the treaty of 1783, that the Constitution expressly declares itself to be made 
 for the United States, I can not help believing that the intention was not to 
 permit Congress to admit into the Union new States which should be formed 
 out (outside) of the territory for which, and under whose authority alone, they 
 were then acting/ 
 
 "In a letter from President Jefferson to Secretary of State James Madison, 
 dated August 25, 1803, Jefferson said: 
 
 " 'Further reflection on the amendment to the Constitution necessary in the 
 case of Louisiana satisfies me it will be better to give general powers, with specified 
 exceptions, somewhat in the way stated below. * * * 
 
 « 'P. s. — Louisiana, as ceded by France to the United States, is made a part 
 of the United States. Its white inhabitants shall be citizens and stand as to their 
 rights and obligations on the same footing with other citizens of the United States 
 in analogous situations. Save only as to the portion thereof lying north of the 
 latitude of the mouth of the Oreansa Eiver, no new State shall be established nor 
 any grants of land made therein other than to Indians, in exchange for equivalent 
 portions of land occupied by them, until amendment to the Constitution shall be 
 made for these purposes. 
 
 " 'Florida also, whenever it may be rightfully obtained, shall become a part 
 oi the United States. Its white inhabitants shall thereupon be citizens and shall 
 stand, as to their rights and obligations, on the same footing with other citizens of 
 the United States in analogous circumstances.' 
 
 "In a letter from JefHerson to Levi Lincoln, his Attorney-General, dated 
 August 30, 1803, he proposed the following draft of an amendment to the Con- 
 stitution: 
 
 " 'Louisiana, as ceded by France to the United States, is made a part of the 
 United States. Its white inhabitants shall be citizens and stand as to their rights 
 and obligations on the same footing with other citizens of the United States in 
 analogous circumstances. Save only as to that portion thereof lying north of an 
 east-and-west line drawn through the mouth of the Arkansas Eiver, no new State 
 shall be established, nor any grants of land made other than to Indians in exchange 
 for equivalent portions of land occupied by them, until an amendment of the Con- 
 stitution shall be made for these purposes.' 
 
 "These letters from President Jefferson, in the light of present claims, are 
 very instructive. Jefferson at that time was taking the position that under the 
 Constitution there was no authority for that provision of the treaty providing that
 
 .., THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 635 
 
 the inhabitants of the ceded territory should be incorporated into the Union. He 
 could not have believed there was no authority to acquire new territory by purchase, 
 because he had appointed Monroe and Livingston as commissioners for the purpose 
 of effecting a purchase of Nev/ Orleans and had obtained from Congress authority 
 to expend $2,000,000 in that undertaking. 
 
 "It must, therefore, have been the opinion of Jefferson that, under the Con- 
 stitution, the Government had authority to purchase New Orleans and hold it as 
 a possession of the United States, but did not have authority to admit its inhab- 
 itants to all the rights of citizens or to subsequently create the new acquisition 
 into a State or States to be admitted into the Union on equal terms. 
 
 "The inference is irresistible that Jefferson believed that under the Constitu- 
 tion our Government had authority to acquire new territory to be governed by 
 Congress as a possession or colony. 
 
 "This view is strengthened by the draft of amendment proposed by Jefferson. 
 Jefferson's proposition was that the Constitution should be amended so as to permit 
 the admission of new States to be formed out of a part of the Louisiana purchase, 
 but that a portion of the new acquisition should not be admitted. As to a portion 
 ol the territory acquired by the treaty, he proposed that no new State should 
 be established out of it without a further amendment to the Constitution. 
 
 ' "The claim is now frequently made that under the Constitution Congress has 
 authority only to legislate for Territories for the purpose of subsequently creating 
 them into States to be admitted on equal terms into the Union. Such certainly 
 was not the view of President Jefferson, who proposed to adopt an amendment 
 providing that a portion of the territory acquired should never be admitted as a 
 State except by further amendment of the Constitution. Here again is an irre- 
 sistible inference that Jefferson believed Congress had the power under the Con- 
 stitution to control, regulate and legislate for Territorial possessions or colonies 
 without any view of forming them into new States. 
 
 "VIEWS OF CONGRESS IN 1803. 
 
 "The treaty for the Louisiana purchase was ratified by the Senate in October, 
 1803, at a special session of Congress called by the President for the purpose of 
 considering it; and immediately bills were introduced to authorize the President 
 to take possession of and govern the new province, and to provide for the pa3'ment 
 of the sum agreed to be paid to France. 
 
 "The discussion of these measures in the House and Senate gave to the mem- 
 bers of those bodies an opportunity to express their views both as to the advisability
 
 636 THE HISTORY OF AMEEICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 and the constitutionality of the treaty and the purchase. No study of the subject 
 of our national growth would be at all complete without a full and careful reading 
 of the debates at the extra session of 1803. The statesmen who then sat in 
 Congress were near enough, in point of time, to the Declaration of Independence 
 and the formation of the Constitution to feel in touch with the real spirit of those 
 documents. And what is very remarkable in the discussion was that the oppo- 
 nents of the treaty did not once in the course of a most determined opposition 
 refer to the sacred rights of man proclaimed by the Declaration of Independence 
 or to the proposition that the just powers of government depend upon the consent 
 of the governed and the proposed overriding of those principles by the provisions 
 of the treaty. They had far less imagination than gentlemen of the present day. 
 
 "One of the provisions in the Louisiana purchase treaty was that — 
 
 " 'The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated in the Union 
 of the United States and admitted as soon as possible according to the principles 
 of the Federal Constitution to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and 
 immunities of citizens of the United States.' 
 
 "The insertion of such a provision in the treaty would seem to indicate 
 that at least the draftsman of the treaty did not believe that the mere cession 
 of the territory to the United States would make it such a part of the United 
 States as to extend the jurisdiction of the Constitution and the rights, advantages, 
 and immunities of citizens of the United States to the inhabitants of the ceded 
 territory. 
 
 "The treaty also contained a provision giving a discrimination in favor of 
 French and Spanish ships coming into the ports of entry within the ceded territory 
 for the space of twelve years. 
 
 "Let me direct your attention to the constitutional provisions upon the sub- 
 jects of uniformity of duties and discrimination between ports. 
 
 "Section 8 of Article I of the Constitution provides that Congress shall have 
 the power — 
 
 " 'To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises; to pay the debts and 
 provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all 
 duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.' 
 
 "Section 9 of Article I provides that — 
 
 " TSTo tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. No 
 preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports 
 of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to or from one State 
 be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.'
 
 THE IIISTOliY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. G37 
 
 "Notwithstanding these provisions of the Constitution, it was provided by 
 Article VII of the treaty that — 
 
 " "^As it is reciprocally advantageous to the commerce of France and the 
 United States to encourage the communication of both nations, for a limited time, 
 in the country ceded by the present treaty, until general arrangements relative to 
 the commerce of both nations may be agreed on, it has been agreed between 
 the contracting parties that the French ships coming directly from France or any 
 of her colonies, loaded only with the produce or manufactures of France or her 
 said colonies, and the ships of Spain coming directly from Spain or any of her 
 colonies, loaded only with the produce or manufactures of Spain or her colonies, 
 shall be admitted during the space of twelve years in the port of New Orleans, and 
 in all other legal ports of entry within the ceded territory, in the same manner 
 as the ships of the United States coming directly from France or Spain or any 
 of their colonies without being subject to any other or greater duty on the mer- 
 chandise or other or greater tonnage than those paid by the citizens of the United 
 States. * * *^ 
 
 "Although the treaty had been ratified by the Senate, it was strongly attacked 
 in the House of Eepresentatives on the ground that it was unconstitutional, and 
 hence illegal, and that Congress was not therefore bound to consider it as the 
 law of the land or make appropriations or enact legislation for the purpose of 
 carrying out its provisions and giving it full effect. The discussion in the House 
 and the legislation which Avas enacted are most instructive. I take the liberty of 
 calling attention to full and fair extracts from speeches by leaders both on the 
 side of the Presidential party, which favored the treaty, and the opposition, which 
 denounced it. I quote from the Annals of Congress. 
 
 "IN HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, OCTOBER, 1803. 
 
 "In discussing the effect of the treaty Mr. Mitchell, of Massachusetts, in the 
 House of Representatives, in October, 1803, said: 
 
 " 'There is nothing compulsory upon the inhabitants of Louisiana to make 
 them stay and submit to our Government. But if they choose to remain, it has been 
 most kindly and wisely provided that until they should be admitted to the rights, 
 advantages, and immunities of citizens of the United States they shall be main- 
 tained and protected in the enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion 
 which they profess. What would the gentleman propose that we shall do with 
 them? Send them away to the Spanish provinces, or turn them loose in the
 
 638 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 wilderness? No, sir; it is our purpose to pursue a much more dignified system 
 of measures. 
 
 " 'It is intended, first, to extend to this newly acquired people the blessings 
 of law and social order; to protect them from rapacity, violence, and anarchy; 
 to make them secure in their lives, limbs, and property, reputation, and civil 
 privileges; to make them safe in the rights of conscience. In this way they are 
 to be trained up in a knowledge of our laws and institutions. They are thus to 
 serve an apprenticeship to liberty; they are to be taught the lessons of freedom; 
 and by degrees they are to be raised to the enjoyment and practice of independ- 
 ence. All this is to be done as soon as possible — that is, as soon as the nature 
 of the case will permit, and according to the principles of the Federal Constitution. 
 
 " '^Strange that proceedings declared on the face of them to be constitutional 
 should be inveighed against as violations of the Constitution! 
 
 " 'Secondly, after they shall have been a sufficient length of time in this proba- 
 tionary condition, they shall, as soon as the principles of the Constitution permit, 
 and conformably thereto, be declared citizens of the United States. Congress will 
 judge of the time, manner, and expediency of this. The act we are now about 
 to perform will not confer on them this elevated character. They will thereby 
 gain no admission into this House, nor into the other House of Congress. There 
 will be no alien influence thereby introduced into our councils. 
 
 " 'By degrees, however, they will pass on from the childhood of Republican- 
 ism, through the improving period of youth, and arrive at the mature experience 
 of manhood. And then they may be admitted to the full privileges which their 
 merit and station will entitle them to. At that time a general law of naturalization 
 may be passed. For I do not venture to affirm that, by the mere act of cession, 
 the inhabitants of a ceded country become, of course, citizens of the country to 
 which they are annexed. It seems not to be the case, unless specially provided 
 for. By the third article it is stipulated that the inhabitants of Louisiana shall 
 hereafter be made citizens; ergo, they are not made citizens of the United States 
 by mere operation of treaty.' 
 
 "Mr. Smilie, of Pennsylvania, stated that he — 
 
 " 'Agreed in opinion with the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Varnum] 
 that the Constitution of the United States did not extend to this territory any 
 further than they were bound by the compact between the ceding power and the 
 people. On this principle they had a right, viewing it in the light of a colony, to 
 give it such government as the Government of the United States might think 
 proper, without thereby violating the Constitution; when incorporated into the
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMEEICAN EXPANSION. 639 
 
 Union, the inhabitants must enjoy all the rights of citizens. He would thank 
 gentlemen to show any part of the Constitution that extends either legislative, 
 executive, or Judicial power over this territory. If none such could be shown, 
 it must rest with the discretion of the Government to give it such a system as 
 they may think best for it.' 
 
 "Mr. John Randolph said: 
 
 " 'A stipulation to incorporate the ceded territory does not imply that we are 
 bound ever to admit them to the unqualified enjoyment of the privileges of citizen- 
 ship. It is a covenant to incorporate them into our Union, not on the footing of the 
 original States, or of States created under the Constitution, but to extend to them, 
 according to the principles of the Constitution, the rights and immunities of 
 citizens, being those rights and immunities of jury trial, liberty of conscience, 
 etc., which every citizen may challenge, whether he be a citizen of an individual 
 State or of a Territory subordinate to and dependent on those States in their 
 corporate capacity. In the meantime they are to be protected in the enjoyment 
 of their existing rights. There is no stipulation, however, that they shall ever be 
 formed into one or more States. 
 
 " 'Do not the United States possess Territories now? Is the possession of 
 Territories confined by the Constitution to those they now hold? I believe not; 
 for in the Constitution it is stated that "Congress shall have power to dispose 
 of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other 
 property belonging to the United States." Here is a clear recognition of territory 
 belonging to the United States, and not merely of territory then held, but of 
 territory which might in future be acquired by treaty or purchase. And if this 
 territory be ceded to the United States, Congress have power, as soon as it is 
 ceded, to make rules and regulations respecting it.' 
 
 "Roger Griswold, of Connecticut, one of the leaders of the opposition, made 
 the most elaborate argument against the constitutionality of the treaty: 
 
 "'The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Smilie], however, has said that it 
 is competent for this Government to obtain a new territory by conquest, and if a 
 new territory can be obtained by conquest he infers that it can be procured in 
 the manner provided for by the treaty. While I admit the premises of the 
 gentleman from Pennsylvania, I deny his conclusion. 
 
 " 'A new territory and new subjects may undoubtedly be obtained by conquest 
 and by purchase; but neither the conquest nor purchase can incorporate them 
 into the Union. They must remain in the condition of colonies and be governed 
 accordingly. The objection to the third article is not that the province of Louis-
 
 640 THE HISTOKY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 iana could not have been purchased, but that neither this nor any other foreign 
 nation can be incorporated into the Union by treaty or by law; and as this country 
 has been ceded to the United States only under the condition of an incorporation 
 it results that if the condition is unconstitutional or impossible the cession itself 
 falls to the ground.' 
 
 "The opposition to the treaty of peace with Spain seems to be largely based 
 upon the proposition that this country can not, in accordance with the letter and 
 spirit of the Constitution, accept territory to be governed as colonies. This argu- 
 ment has probably been urged with more force than any other. It is the basis of 
 most of the opposition to the acquisition of the Philippine Islands. 
 
 "It has been insisted with eloquence, earnestness, and learning that it was 
 contrary to both the policy and the spirit of our form of government that we 
 should enter upon a colonial system, or that we should possess any territory or 
 province to be governed upon the idea of a colony without merely considering 
 such government as temporary in character and preparatory to statehood. 
 
 "It is now urged most strenuously that any suggestion of the right to govern 
 a possession as a colony is a violent departure from the plans and policies of our 
 forefathers. 
 
 "As I understand the opposition to the present treaty, the claim is made that 
 the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands ought never to be permitted to form 
 separate States to be admitted into the Federal Union, and that therefore we are 
 violating the spirit of the Constitution if we annex them, because it was not 
 contemplated that any territory should be annexed except what should be finally 
 admitted into the Federal Union as States. 
 
 "The opposition in 1803, when the Government was young, when the men 
 who sat in Congress were those who had been present at the formation of the 
 Constitution and the birth of the Eepublic, seem to have had a different idea. 
 I again call attention to the remarks of Mr. Griswold, the leader of the opposition 
 in the House. He said: 
 
 " 'A new territory and new subjects may undoubtedly be obtained by conquest 
 and by purchase, but neither the conquest nor purchase can incorporate them 
 into the Union. They must remain in the condition of colonies and be governed 
 accordingly.' 
 
 "Let me now call your attention to what Mr. Nicholson, of Maryland, one of 
 the leaders of the Presidential party in the House, and who defended the treaty 
 in an elaborate argument, said: 
 
 " 'The other constitutional objection is raised upon the seventh article of
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMEKICAN EXPANSION. 641 
 
 the treaty, which provides that the ships of France and Spain shall be admitted 
 for twelve years into the ports of the ceded territory without paying higher duties 
 than the ships of the United States. 
 
 " 'To this gentlemen have opposed that part of the Constitution which de- 
 clares that no preference shall be given to the ports of one State over those of 
 another, and that all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the 
 United States. There appears to be a strange inconsistency in the arguments 
 of the gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. E. Griswold]. He tells you that this 
 Territory is not a State, and that it never can become a State; yet he afterwards 
 declares that the treaty violates the Constitution by giving the port of New Orleans 
 a preference over the ports of the Atlantic States. There is surely a contradiction 
 here. 
 
 " 'Whatever may be the future destiny of Louisiana, it is certain that it is 
 not now a State. It is territory purchased by the United States in their confederate 
 capacity, and may be disposed of by them at pleasure. It is in the nature of a 
 colony whose commerce may be regulated without any reference to the Consti- 
 tution. 
 
 " 'Had it been the Island of Cuba which was ceded to us under a similar 
 condition of admitting French and Spanish vessels for a limited time into Havana, 
 could it possibly have been contended that this would be giving a preference to 
 the ports of one State over another, or that the uniformity of duties, imposts, 
 and excises throughout the United States would have been destroyed? And 
 because Louisiana lies adjacent to our territory, is it to be viewed in a different 
 light? Or can the circumstance of its being separated by a river only, instead ^of 
 the sea, constitute any real difference in regard to commercial relations which we 
 may think proper to establish?' 
 
 "It seems almost strange that while the leaders in favor of the Louisiana 
 purchase and those opposed to its disagreed upon almost every proposition of fact 
 and constitutional law, yet upon one vital point both Mr. Griswold, for the 
 opposition, and Mr. Nicholson, in favor of the treaty, were in complete accord. 
 Both were of the opinion that we had a right to acquire territory by purchase, and 
 the right to govern such territory as a colony. Mr. Nicholson stated: 
 
 ^' 'It is territory purchased by the United States in their confederate capacity; 
 may be disposed of by them at pleasure. It is in the nature of a colony whose 
 commerce may be regulated without any reference to the Constitution.' 
 
 "This was the opinion of the man who, by his argument, sustained and 
 justified the treaty when it vras attacked in Congress. He not only believed that
 
 64S THE HISTOEY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 we had the right to govern the newly acquired territory as a colony, but that we 
 had a right to govern it without any reference to the Constitution. Upon this 
 latter jDoint Mr. Griswold did not agree. He said: 
 
 " 'As to the idea of some gentlemen that this territory not being a part of 
 the United States, but a colony, and that therefore we may do as we please with 
 it, it is not correct. If we acquire a colony by conquest or purchase — and I believe 
 we may do both — it is not consistent with the Constitution to delegate to the 
 President, even over a colony thus acquired, all power, legislative, executive, and 
 judicial, for this would make him the despot of the colony.' 
 
 "But in saying this he reiterated his belief that Congress had the right to 
 govern the new territory as a colony without regard to its future admission as 
 a State, and the rest of his opinion was not adopted by Congress in the legislation 
 then enacted. 
 
 "Do not forget that these were the expressions and beliefs of men who were 
 the leaders in the national House of Representatives in 1803, at the time when 
 Thomas Jefferson was President and James Madison his Secretary of State. Do not 
 forget that these were the opinions of the men who were living in the very dawn 
 of the Eepublic, who were acquainted with the sentiment and spirit and policy 
 of the people which had founded a new govermnent, who themselves had partaken 
 in the formation of our nation. 
 
 "A great deal of very earnest and patriotic language has been used recently 
 urging our country not to depart from the policy indicated by the Declaration 
 of Independence and the spirit of the Constitution. 
 
 "Strange, is it not, that the knowledge of this spirit and policy was unknown 
 to the men who legislated in the days of Jefferson and Madison, but has recently 
 been acquired by those who now ardently oppose American control in Porto Rico 
 and the Philippine Islands? 
 
 "But I do not wish to digress; I am simply desirous of calling attention to the 
 history of the policy and spirit of our country as denoted by facts. 
 
 "Article VII of the treaty gave a preference to French and Spanish vessels 
 entering the port of New Orleans for twelve years, and it was urged by those 
 opposed to the treaty that this was a violation of the Constitution which rendered 
 the treaty invalid and illegal. 
 
 "Upon this subject Mr. Griswold of New York, in opposition, after declaring 
 that the Constitution gave no authority to annex territory by treaty, said: 
 
 " 'This article gives to the ships of France and Spain the same right of enter- 
 ing the ports of the ceded territory with our own vessels, and it precludes the
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMEEICAN EXPANSION. 643 
 
 ships of all other nations from the same right. Now, if, as gentlemen contend, 
 the new ceded territory with the inhabitants should become incorporated with the 
 United States, there will be ports of entry in the United States into which French 
 and Spanish vessels may enter on terms different from those on which they may 
 enter other ports of the United States. 
 
 " 'The inference was that here was a favor granted to the ports of New 
 Orleans over other ports. This was against an important principle of the Con- 
 stitution, for in the ninth section of the first article we find, "No preference shall 
 be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State over 
 those of another." This treaty, then, becomes the law of the land. It has made 
 a commercial regulation. It gives to the ports of the ceded territory a preference 
 to any other ports, because the produce of France and Spain can be carried cheaper 
 to their ports than to any other. K the principle contended for by gentlemen 
 in favor of the treaty is admitted, I think I see a fatal blow proposed against the 
 Constitution of the United States by destroying the reciprocity of interest that 
 unites at present the different members of the Union. Perhaps I see wrong.' 
 
 "Mr. Griffin, of Virginia, said that — 
 
 " 'He was correct, he believed, in stating that under the present regulations 
 of trade Spanish vessels pay 50 cents per ton, while American vessels paid only 
 6 cents. Here, then, the President and Senate undertake to destroy this pro- 
 vision made by law. For, according to the treaty, Spanish and French vessels 
 entering the ports of New Orleans will hereafter pay only 6 cents a ton, while 
 similar vessels coming to all the other ports of the United States will be obliged 
 to pay 50 cents a ton. The difference between 6 and 50 constitutes the preference 
 given to New Orleans.' 
 
 ^'Mr. Eodney, of Delaware, sustained the treaty, and said: 
 
 « < <<j^o preference," says the Constitution, "shall be given by any regulation 
 of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another." In 
 what way, under this treaty, is there any preference of one port over another? 
 I would be glad to see it pointed out, and to be shown whether there is any prefer- 
 ence of Delaware over Massachusetts, or of Virginia over Georgia. No. The Con- 
 stitution adverts to States themselves; and that the distinction between States 
 and Territories is bottomed upon reason. Whence the necessity of the distinction? 
 
 " 'When Territories grow into States and become represented in the public 
 councils, a majority of them may league together and carry into effect regulations 
 prejudicial to other States. Hence the Constitution provides that in all commercial 
 regulations all the States shall be equally affected. But such a league can not be
 
 eU THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 effected by Territories, which have no Senators in the other branch, and in this 
 only the voice, without the vote, of a single Delegate, Independent of this con- 
 sideration is this: If by any particular Territorial regulation the territory of the 
 United States is benefited, that territory being the common property of the United 
 States, a public stock in which they all share, every State in the Union reaps alike 
 the benefit.' 
 
 "Mr. Mitchell, of Massachusetts, said: 
 
 " 'By the treaty there is no preference given to one State over another in any 
 commercial regulations. The port of New Orleans is not a part of any State 
 in the Union. The abolition of the discriminating duties in favor of the two 
 European nations is confined absolutely to the ports of Louisiana. They have no 
 preference in the ports of any of the States. Nor is there given to one an advan- 
 tage over the other.' 
 
 "Mr. Elliott, of Vermont, said that— 
 
 " 'It was not contemplated that this provision would have application to 
 colonial or territorial acquisitions. But it is said that the treaty obliges us to 
 receive the inhabitants of the ceded territory into the Union and, of course, to 
 form them into new States. * * * ^ complete discretion is left to the United 
 States as to the time and manner of admission, and I have no idea that it will 
 be necessary to admit them within the twelve years during which France and 
 Spain are to enjoy those privileges.' 
 
 "The gentlemen who opposed the treaty of that day had the same fears which 
 have been excited by the gentlemen who have opposed the treaty with Spain. 
 
 "Mr. Griffin, of Virginia, said, in the House of Representatives in 1803, 
 that he — 
 
 " 'did not feel a disposition to discuss the merits of the treaty or to go at large 
 into the consequences which it might produce. He did, however, fear those conse- 
 quences; he feared the effects of the vast extent of our empire; he feared the 
 effects of the increased value of labor, the decrease in the value of lands, and the 
 influence of climate upon our citizens, who should migrate thither. He did fear 
 (though this land was represented as flowing with milk and honey) that this Eden 
 of the New World would prove a cemetery for the bodies of our citizens.' 
 
 "While Mr. Thatcher, of Massachusetts, said that he — 
 " 'was not disposed to discuss the causes which have produced the dismemberment 
 of empires, though all history showed that great empires, whether monarchies or 
 republics, had been ultimately broken to pieces by their magnitude. * * * 
 
 " 'This acquisition of distant territory will involve the necessity of a con-
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPAXSION. 645 
 
 siderable standing army, so justly an object of terror. Do gentlemen flatter them- 
 selves that by purchasing Louisiana we are invulnerable? No, sir; Spain will 
 still border on our southern frontier, and so long as Spain occupies that country 
 we are not secure from the attempts of another nation more warlike and ambi- 
 tious/ 
 
 "Mr. Roger Griswold said: 
 
 " 'This subject was much considered during the last session of Congress, but 
 it will not be found either in the report of the secret committee which has recently 
 been published or in any document or debate that any individual entertained the 
 least wish to obtain the province of Louisiana. Our views were then confined to 
 New Orleans and the Floridas, and, in my judgment, it would have been happy for 
 this country if they were still confined within those limits. The vast and unman- 
 ageable extent which the accession of Louisiana will give to the United States, 
 the consequent dispersion of our population, and the destruction of that balance 
 which it is so important to maintain between the Eastern and the "Western States 
 threatens at a no very distant day the subversion of our Union.' 
 
 "\Miile Mr. Gaylor Griswold, of New York, another one of the leaders of the 
 opposition, said: 
 
 " 'If the principle contended for by gentlemen in favor of the treaty is ad- 
 mitted, I think I see a fatal blow proposed against the Constitution of the United 
 States, by destroying the reciprocity of interest that unites at present the diiierent 
 members of the Union. Perhaps I see wrong.' 
 
 "I recently heard it said by a member of the House in the debate here that 
 he would rather give Spain $100,000,000 and not keep the Philippines than to take 
 them for nothing. His remark was not exactly original. Senator White, of Dela- 
 ware, in discussing the Louisiana treaty, made much the same remark in 1803. In 
 the course of the debate at that time Senator White said: 
 
 " 'Louisiana must and will become settled if we hold it, and with the very 
 population that would otherwise occupy part of our present territory. Thus our 
 citizens will be removed to the immense distance of two or three thousand miles 
 from the capital, where they will scarcely ever feel the rays of the General Gov- ■ 
 ernment. Their affections will become alienated; they will gradually begin to view 
 us as strangers; they will form other commercial connections, and our interests 
 will become distinct. These, with other causes that human wisdom may not now 
 foresee, will in time effect a separation, and I fear our bounds will be then fixed 
 nearer to our houses than the waters of the Mississippi. We have already terri- 
 tory enough, and when I contemplate the evils that may arise to these States from
 
 646 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 this intended incorporation of Louisiana into the Union, I would rather see it 
 given to France, to Spain, or to any other nation of the earth upon the mere 
 condition that no citizen of the United States should ever settle within its limits, 
 than to see the land in the territory sold for $100,000,000 and we retain the sover- 
 eignty.' 
 
 ''VIEWS OF GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 
 
 "I have already called your attention to the history of the provision in the 
 Constitution relating to the Government of the territory of the United States by 
 Congress and to the fact that this provision of the Constitution, as well as many 
 other provisions, was drafted by Gouverneur Morris. I now wish to call your 
 attention to two letters written by Gouverneur Morris. He was a Federalist, a 
 supporter of President Adams and a bitter opponent of President Jefferson. He 
 had been a member of the Constitutional Convention, and the proceedings of that 
 body show that he was one of its most active and influential members. 
 
 ''WTien the Louisiana treaty was promulgated, Mr. Henry W. Livingston wrote 
 to Morris asking him in regard to his construction of the provision relating to 
 government of Territories. Morris replied; but his first reply was not fully satis- 
 factory to himself, and a few days thereafter he sent another letter to Henry W. 
 Livingston, dated December 4, 1803, in which he said: 
 
 " 'A circumstance which turned up in conversation yesterday has led me again 
 to read over your letter of the 3d of November and my answer of the 28th [25th]. 
 I perceive now that I mistook the drift of your inquiry, which is substantially 
 whether Congress can admit, as a new State, territory which did not belong to 
 the United States when the Constitution was made. 
 'In my opinion they can not. 
 
 'I always thought that when we should acquire Canada and Louisiana it 
 would be proper to govern them as provinces and allov/ them no voice in our 
 councils. In wording the third section of the fourth article I went as far as circum- 
 stances would permit to establish the exclusion. Candor obliges me to add my 
 belief that, had it been more pointedly expressed, a strong opposition would have 
 been made.' 
 
 "And in a letter dated January 7, 1804, written to Jonathan Dayton, Gou- 
 verneur Morris said: 
 
 " 'As to the cession of Louisiana, I should indeed have lost all shame as well 
 as pretense to understanding if I did not approve of it. A few millions more 
 or less in the price might be a fit subject for Democrats to bawl about if the treaty 
 
 "']
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 64? 
 
 had been made by their opponents, but it really seems unworthy of Lotice when 
 the subject is taken up on a great scale. I see with you that it will not be easy 
 to find a proper governor for the newly acquired territory, supposing always the 
 Administration to know the kind of a man necessary to the office and to seek him 
 without motives of party or partiality. 
 
 " 'Let me add my belief that no man, without the support of at least 1,000 
 American bayonets, can duly restrain the inhabitants of that region. * * * 
 
 " "There are two points which do not meet my approbation. * * * 
 My other objection is more serious. The stipulation to admit the inhabitants into 
 our Union will, I believe, prove injurious to this coimtry. (Diary and Letters 
 of Gouverneur Morris, by Anne Cary Morris, volume 2, page 453,)' 
 
 "Here we have the construction of one of the leading framers of the Consti- 
 tution. Although politically opposed to President Jefferson, he was in favor of 
 the purchase of Louisiana; he believed that we had the right to govern it as a 
 pro\ince; that we had no constitutional right to admit the acquired territory as 
 new States; that it would be necessary to govern the annexed territory by force 
 of bayonets and arms; and his only objection to the treaty was that it provided 
 for the eventual admittance of the inhabitants into the Union. 
 
 "ACT TO TAKE POSSESSION OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 "The discussion of the treaty at the special session in October, 1803, resulted 
 in the passage of an act authorizing the President to take possession of the ceded 
 territory and providing for the temporary government thereof. The bill for this 
 act passed the House of Representatives by a vote of 89 yeas to 23 nays. It passed 
 the Senate by an almost unanimous vote. Permit me to call your attention to 
 its terms. It provided: 
 
 " 'That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, authorized 
 to take possession of and occupy the territory ceded by France to the United States 
 by the treaty concluded at Paris on the 30th of April last between the two nations; 
 and that he may for that purpose, and in order to maintain in the said territories 
 the authority of the United States, employ any part of the army and navy of the 
 L^nited States, and of the force authorized by an act passed the 3d day of March 
 last, entitled "An act directing a detachment from the militia of the United States, 
 and for erecting certain arsenals,^' which he may deem necessary, and so much 
 of the sum appropriated by the said act as may be necessary is hereby appro- 
 priated for the purpose of carrying this act into effect; to be applied under the 
 direction of the President of the United States.
 
 n48 THE HISTORY OF AMEEICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 " 'Sec. 2. And be it further enacted. That until the expiration of the present 
 session of Congress, or unless provision be sooner made for the temporary govern- 
 ment of the said Territories, all the military, civil, and judicial powers exercised 
 by the officers of the existing government of the same shall be vested in such 
 person and persons, and shall be exercised in such manner, as the President of 
 the United States shall direct for maintaining and protecting the inhabitants of 
 Louisiana in the full enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion.' 
 
 "The other act, which was referred to in section 1 of the above act, was the 
 act of March 3, 1803, authorizing the President, whenever he shall judge it expe- 
 dient, to take effectual measures to organize, arm, equip, and hold in readiness 
 to march at a moment's warning, a detachment of militia not exceeding 80,000. 
 
 "In the recent debate in the House upon the bill for the increase of the army 
 a great deal was said by the opponents of the treaty about the danger of granting 
 authority to the President to control an army of between fifty and one hundred 
 thousand, with authority to send them into the territory ceded by Spain for the 
 purpose of obtaining and maintaining forcible possession. It will be noted that, 
 although the inhabitants of New Orleans and the rest of the province of Louisiana 
 had not been consulted about the cession of their territory to the United States, 
 yet Congress, in 1803, under the inspiration of President Jefferson and James 
 Madison, enacted this law authorizing the President to call out troops to the 
 number of 80,000 for the purpose of taking forcible possession of New Orleans. 
 
 "It was well known at that time that Spain was inclined to object to the 
 cession of Louisiana by France to this country, and it was also known that the 
 inhabitants of the ceded territory did not desire to come under the sovereignty 
 and control of the United States. 
 
 "It will be noticed that the act of 1803 gave to President Jefferson despotic 
 and unlimited power over the newly ceded territory for its temporary government. 
 
 "ORGANIZATION OF GOVERNMENT FOR LOUISIANA. 
 
 "The United States took possession of New Orleans December 20, 1803, and 
 a little later Congress proceeded to the enactment of legislation for the organiza- 
 tion of Territorial government for the newly acquired possessions. 
 
 "One of the disputed propositions at present in regard to the annexation of 
 the Philippine Islands is whether by the ratification of the treaty and the annexa- 
 tion of those islands to the United States the Constitution, with all of its provisions, 
 is thereby extended over the annexed territory. I have already called attention to
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 649 
 
 the preference given to Spanish and French ships for twelve years at the port of 
 New Orleans by the treaty, contrary to an expressed provision of the Constitution, 
 if that provision were held to apply in the new territory. 
 
 "I have also called attention to the opinions of the various members of Con- 
 gress expressed in the debate. Permit me to now call your attention to the act 
 which was passed for the organization of Territorial government for the Louisiana 
 purchase and to the consideration of the bill for that purpose in the House of 
 Representatives. And first note that section 2 of Article III of our Constitution 
 provides that — 
 
 " 'The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury.' 
 
 "The sixth amendment to the Constitution provides that — 
 
 " 'In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy 
 and public trial by an impartial jury.' 
 
 "The seventh amendment provides that — 
 
 " 'In all suits at common law where the value in controversy shall exceed 
 $20 the right of trial by jury shall be preserved.' 
 
 "It seems almost patent that if the Constitution was, by the consummation of 
 the acquisition, extended over the new territory, then these constitutional provisions 
 became at once in force in the new territory, and that Congress could not pass any 
 valid act in any way limiting the rights thus guaranteed. And yet that is precisely 
 what Congress proceeded to do. I call your attention to the act of March 26, 
 1804, for the organization of a government for the newly acquired Louisiana 
 territory. 
 
 "In section 5 of the act as it was finally passed is the provision — 
 
 " 'In all criminal prosecutions which are capital the trial shall be by a jury 
 of twelve good and lawful men of the vicinage; and in all cases, criminal and civil, 
 in the superior court the trial shall be by a jury if either of the parties require it.' 
 
 "The same provision was in the bill when first introduced in the Senate. 
 During the consideration of this section of the bill in the Senate, in January, 
 1804, it was moved to amend that clause of the fifth section reading 'In all criminal 
 prosecutions which are capital the trial shall be by a jury of twelve good and lawful 
 men of the vicinage,' by striking out the words 'wdiich are capital;' but the motion 
 was defeated by a vote of 11 yeas to 16 nays. 
 
 "When the same section was under consideration in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives in March, 1804, Mr. G. W. Campbell moved to strike out of that clause 
 the words 'which are capital the trial shall be by a jury of twelve good and lawful 
 men of the vicinage; and in all cases, criminal and civil, in the superior court the
 
 650 THE HISTOEY OF AMEEICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 trial shall be by a jury if either of the parties require it,' and to insert in place 
 thereof the words 'the trial shall be by jury, and in all civil cases above the value 
 of $20,' for the purpose of making the clause comply with the provisions of the 
 Constitution. 
 
 "And Mr. Campbell said, in support of his motion, that he — 
 " 'conceived that in legislating for the people of Louisiana they were bound by 
 the Constitution of the United States, and that they had not a right to establish 
 courts in that Territory on any other terms than they could in any of the States. 
 "Wherever courts were established in a Territory, they must be considered as 
 courts of the United States, and of consequence can not be otherwise constituted 
 than as courts in the States. The Constitution expressly declares that in criminal 
 cases the trial shall be by jury, and in all civil cases where the sum in controversy 
 exceeds the value of $20 the trial shall be likewise by jury. In the ninth article 
 of the amendments to the Constitution we find the following words: "In suits at 
 common lav/ where the value in controversy shall exceed $20 the right of trial by 
 jury shall be preserved." The eighth article says: "In all criminal prosecutions 
 the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury." 
 
 " 'I will observe that the right of trial given by this section, to v/it. "If either 
 of the parties require it," is a dangerous mode of proceeding and may tend unwarily 
 to entrap them. The person brought before the court for a misdemeanor, asked 
 if he requires a jury trial, may be ignorant of the evidence and may not know the 
 benefits of a trial by jury; he must at all events show a want of confidence in the 
 court or waive a jury trial. If he does the first, he may sour the minds of the 
 court. The party is thus put in a situation which may be worse than if he was 
 deprived altogether of the right of a trial by the necessity of making a choice 
 which may operate more against him. The bill, therefore, does not secure the 
 right of a jury trial as contemplated by the Constitution.' 
 
 "It seems apparent that if the contention of Mr. Campbell that the Con- 
 stitution did apply to the new territory was correct, then his amendment was 
 necessary in order to make the proposed enactment constitutional. And yet his 
 amendment was defeated by an overwhelming majority. 
 
 "The act erecting Louisiana into tv/o Territories and providing for the tem- 
 porary government thereof became a law by the approval of President Jefferson 
 (author of the Declaration of Independence and founder of the Democratic party) 
 March 26, 1804. The provisions of that act are very instructive at the present 
 time. I have already referred to the ordinance of 1787 and the acts organizing 
 the Territories of Indiana and Mississippi.
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMEEICAN EXPANSION. 651 
 
 "But this was the first act organizing a government in territory acquired by 
 the United States subsequent to the adoption of the Constitution, and it emphasizes 
 the opinion of the statesmen of that day as to the rights and power of Congress 
 in the government of the acquired territory. 
 
 "By that act what is now the State of Louisiana was organized into the Terri- 
 tory of Orleans. Section 4 of the act provided as follows: 
 
 " 'Sec. 4. The legislative powers shall be vested in the governor and in 
 thirteen of the most fit and discreet persons of the Territory, to be called the 
 legislative council, who shall be appointed annually by the President of the United 
 States from among those holding real estate therein, and who shall have resided 
 one year at least in the said Territory and hold no office of profit under the Terri- 
 tory or the United States. The governor, by and with advice and consent of the 
 said legislative council, or of a majority of them, shall have power to alter, modify, 
 or repeal the laws which may be in force at the commencement of this act. Their 
 legislative powers shall also extend to all the rightful subjects of legislation, but 
 no law shall be valid which is inconsistent with the Constitution and laws of the 
 United States, or which shall lay any person under restraint, burden, or disability 
 on account of his religious opinions, professions, or worship; in all which he shall 
 be free to maintain his own, and not burdened for those of another. 
 
 " 'The governor shall publish throughout the said Territory all the laws which 
 shall be made, and shall from time to time report the same to the President of the 
 United States, to be laid before Congress, which, if disapproved of by Congress, 
 shall thenceforth be of no force. The governor or legislative council shall have 
 no power over the primary disposal of the soil, nor to tax the lands of the United 
 States, nor to interfere with the claims to land within the said Territory. The 
 governor shall convene and prorogue the legislative council whenever he may deem 
 it expedient. It shall be his duty to obtain all the information in his power 
 in relation to the customs, habits, and dispositions of the inhabitants of the said 
 Territory, and communicate the same from time to time to the President of the 
 United States.' 
 
 "In other words, Congress, in the early days of the Eepublic, organized a 
 government in newly acquired territory not only without asking for the consent 
 of the governed, but absolutely without regard to their wishes and without giving 
 to them any local legislative influence. 
 
 "The legislative powers were vested in a governor and a legislative council 
 of thirteen, all to be named by the President of the United States. And the gov- 
 ernor, by and with the consent of this legislative council, might enact such legis-
 
 652 THE HISTOKY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 lation as he saw fit. He could convene and prorogue the legislative council to 
 suit his whim. 
 
 "History compels us to say that it was Thomas Jefferson, the author of the 
 Declaration of Independence, the founder of the Democratic party, who signed 
 his approval to this law as President; and he made the appointments in accordance 
 with its term. And when he did so, his Secretary of State and confidential adviser 
 was James Madison, the member and historian of the Constitutional Convention. 
 
 "Nor- was this all. As to the remainder of the Louisiana province, it was 
 organized into the district of Louisiana, and by section 12 of the act it was provided 
 that the executive power to be exercised in the said district should be vested in 
 the governor of the Indiana Territory, and that the governor and Judges of the 
 Indiana Territory should have power to make all laws which they might deem 
 conducive to the good government of the inhabitants of the district of Louisiana. 
 And yet no complaint is now made that President Jefferson and the Congress 
 which enacted this law acted foolishly or unwisely, or that their act was a breach 
 of the principles of self-government expressed in our form of government. 
 
 "The people of New Orleans, however, did not like the new form of govern- 
 ment. Martin, the historian of Louisiana, says, referring to the transfer to the 
 United States: 
 
 " 'The people of Louisiana, especially in New Orleans, were greatly dissatis- 
 fied at the new order of things. They complained that the person whom Congress 
 [President Jefferson] had sent to preside over them was an utter stranger to their 
 laws, manners, and language, and had no personal interest in the prosperity of 
 the country; * * * ^^^Lt in the new court of pleas, most of the judges of which 
 were ignorant of the laws and language of the country, proceedings were carried 
 on in the English language, which Claiborne had lately attempted to introduce 
 into the proceedings of the municipal body, and the suitors were in an equally 
 disadvantageous situation in the court of last resort, in which he sat as sole judge. — 
 Martin's History of Louisiana, page 322,' 
 
 "The dissatisfaction of the people of New Orleans increased. Meetings were 
 held, committees were appointed, and a deputation of three was sent before 
 Congress to obtain redress. Martin says the deputation was not successful in their 
 application to Congress. In March, 1805, Congress passed an act to establish a 
 Territorial government similar to that of the Mississippi Territory. This provided 
 for the appointment by the President of a governor, with an absolute veto power. 
 In vain did the New Orleans deputation plead for an amendment to the bill
 
 THE HISTOEY OF AMEEICAN EXPANSION. 653 
 
 providing that the governor should be chosen by the President out of two indi- 
 viduals selected by the people. 
 
 "The conclusion is almost irresistible that the position taken by the President 
 and Congress, on the consideration of the subject at the time, was that before 
 being made into States the newly acquired territory had no rights under the Con- 
 stitution; that it was to be governed independently of the Constitution and 
 entirely outside of its limiting provisions; that it had no benefits from the Con- 
 stitution except such as Congress, in its discretion, chose to extend; that it was 
 to be governed as property; 'the soil, as a sovereign would govern his property; 
 the inhabitants, as a father would take care of his children.' 
 
 'The statesmen of that day attempted to govern the new possession in the 
 only common-sense method. They acquired a vast possession which required some 
 form of suitable government. Who now wishes that they had rejected the Louisiana 
 purchase on the ground that they could not govern it except by despotic methods? 
 It is true that the territory was sparsely settled outside of the city of New Orleans, 
 but do the Constitution and Declaration of Independence only apply to thick settle- 
 ments or large aggregations of people and not to the pioneers who take up their 
 abode and make a fight for civilization in the sparsely settled Territories? 
 
 "Is there any reason why, if Congress can give a sufficient and suitable govern- 
 ment to a region too sparsely settled to admit of self-government without asking 
 the consent of the inhabitants, the same Congress can not give a sufficient and suit- 
 al)le government to a region settled by a people who have not proven their capacity 
 for self-government? Wliat is the difference in principle, either as to the rights 
 enunciated by the Declaration of Independence or the liberties guaranteed by the 
 
 Constitution? 
 
 "THE ACQUISITION OF FLORIDA. 
 
 "But I do not wish to wander from my historical nctrrative. In April, 1818, 
 General Andrew Jackson, one of the patron saints of the Democratic party, in 
 the prosecution of the Indian war, took possession of the Spanish fort at St. 
 Marks, Fla., by force of arms, and, when remonstrated with by the Spanish gov- 
 ernor, replied by entering Pensacola in May and capturing the Spanish fort at 
 Barancas. Negotiations were then pending for the purpose of settling the boundary 
 lines between the United States and the Spanish possessions on the west and 
 south. 
 
 "A treaty was concluded February 22, 1819, by which the boundary lines 
 between the United States and the Spanish possessions were agreed upon, and at 
 the same time Spain ceded the Spanish province of East Florida and the Spanish
 
 654 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 title of West Florida to the United States for the consideration of $5,000,000. This 
 treaty was not ratified by the King of Spain until October 29, 1820, after which 
 it was again ratified by the Senate on February 19, 1821. 
 
 "Article VI of the Florida treaty provided that — 
 
 " 'The inhabitants of the territories which His Catholic Majesty cedes to the 
 United States by this treaty shall be incorporated in the Union of the United 
 States as soon as may be consistent with the principles of the Federal Constitution, 
 and admitted to the enjoyment of all the privileges, rights, and immunities of the 
 citizens of the United States.' 
 
 "And Article XV provided that — 
 
 " 'The United States, to give His Catholic Majesty a proof of their desire to 
 cement the relations of amity subsisting betw^een the two nations and to favor 
 the commerce of the subjects of His Catholic Majesty, agree that Spanish vessels 
 coming laden only with productions of Spanish growth or manufactures directly 
 from the ports of Spain or of her colonies shall be admitted, for the term of 
 twelve years, to the ports of Pensacola and St. Augustine, in the Floridas, without 
 paying other or higher duties on their cargoes, or of tonnage, than will be paid 
 by the vessels of the United States. During the said term no other nation shall 
 enjoy the same privileges within the ceded territories. The twelve years shall 
 commence three months after the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty.' 
 
 "ANNEXATION OF TEXAS. 
 
 "The treaty with Spain fixed the boundary line between the United States and 
 the Spanish possessions at what is now the easterly line of Texas. The present 
 State of Texas was originally a part of the French or Spanish possessions west of 
 the Mississippi River. In 1827 Henry Clay, then Secretary of State under Presi- 
 dent Adams, instructed the United States minister to Mexico to ofi;er $1,000,000 
 for the Mexican territory east of the Rio Grande. 
 
 "In 1829 Martin Van Buren, Secretary of State under President Jackson, 
 instructed our minister to Mexico to offer $5,000,000 for the portion of Texas 
 this side of the Neuces River, but Mexico refused the ofl:er. In 1830 orders were 
 issued by our Government to prevent any further emigration from the United. 
 States to Texas. On May 27, 1836, the Republic of Texas was proclaimed, and 
 on March 3, 1837, it was recognized by the United States. 
 
 "In 1844 the President negotiated a treaty with the new Republic of Texas 
 for the annexation of Texas to the United States and her admission as a State
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 655 
 
 in the Federal Union. When this treaty was presented to the Senate for its ratifi- 
 cation, instead of receiving the necessary two-thirds vote to secure a ratification, 
 it was rejected in the Senate by a vote of 16 ayes to 35 nays. 
 
 "But on February 25, 1845, the House of Representatives, by a vote of 
 120 ayes to 98 nays, passed a joint resolution for the annexation of Texas, and 
 on March 1, 1845, this resolution was passed by the Senate by a vote of 27 ayes to 
 25 nays. It will be noticed that this was a Senate consisting of the same mem- 
 bers who in the previous year had rejected the treaty for annexation by more 
 than a two-thirds vote in the negative. It will also be noticed that a change of 
 one vote from aye to nay on the passage of the joint resolution would have de- 
 feated that resolution. 
 
 "Texas on July 4, 1845, consented to annexation upon the terms named in 
 the joint resolution, and on December 29, 1845, she was admitted as a State into 
 the Union. At the time of the passage of the joint resolution, and also at the time 
 of the admission of Texas as a State, Texas was considered as in rebellion by the 
 Republic of Mexico, and her independence had not then been acknowledged by 
 the Mexican Government, against which she had revolted. 
 
 "THE ACQUISITION OF CALIFORNIA AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 "War with Mexico seemed imminent on account of the admission of Texas, 
 and under date of November 10, 1845, James Buchanan, then Secretary of State, 
 instructed our minister to Mexico to offer the Mexican Government $5,000,000 
 for the cession of New Mexico, $25,000,000 for the cession of the province of Cali- 
 fornia as far north as San Francisco, and $20,000,000 for the bay and harbor of 
 San Francisco and the Spanish territory to the northward. It is not necessary 
 for me to recite the events leading up to the war with Mexico, which was declared 
 to exist by a declaration of Congress passed on May 13, 1846. Nor is it necessary 
 To call attention to the history of the Mexican war, which resulted in the treaty 
 of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which was made February 2, 1848, amended by the Senate 
 in ratification, and proclaimed July 4, 1848. 
 
 "It will be recalled that there was quite a Spanish settlement in California 
 at the time of its acquisition by this country. In New Mexico was Santa Fe, 
 the second oldest town in the United States. When Florida had been acquired 
 there came with it St. Augustine, the oldest town in our country. But in neither 
 case had any expression been given by the inhabitants of the ceded territories 
 showing that they desired annexation to this country. They had not been in
 
 G56 THE HISTORY OF AMEEICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 any way consulted. The Spanish people of California did not desire annexation. 
 They were living happily under Mexican dominion, and they had no desire to 
 be taken away from their own country. Their wishes or their inclinations were 
 not considered when making the treaty of peace. 
 
 "Although the United States had defeated the Mexican Government and was 
 in possession of the capital of Mexico at the time the treaty was entered into, one 
 of the provisions was that this country was to pay to Mexico, in consideration 
 of the cession of New Mexico and California, the sum of $15,000,000, and this sum 
 was afterwards paid in pursuance of the treaty. 
 
 "I have heard considerable said upon the floor of the House in denunciation 
 of the provision of the present treaty with Spain for the payment by us to Spain 
 of $20,000,000 as part consideration of the cession of the Philippine Islands. We 
 have been told by gentlemen here representing the Democratic party that it was 
 beneath the dignity of this country, after having defeated Spain in war, to now 
 turn around and pay to Spain a large sum of money for that which, if we take 
 at all, we ought to take purely and solely as victors. And I have wondered whether 
 their denunciation extended far enough back to take in the Democratic President 
 and Secretary of State under whose guidance and direction the provision was 
 inserted in the treaty with Mexico for the payment of $15,000,000. 
 
 "But again I do not wish to digress. 
 
 "Article VIII of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, providing for the rights of 
 the inhabitants in the ceded territory, was as follows: 
 
 " 'Mexicans now established in territories previously belonging to Mexico, and 
 which remain for the future within the limits of the United States, as defined by 
 the present treaty, shall be free to continue where they now reside or to remove 
 at any time to the Mexican Republic, retaining the property which they possess in 
 the said territories, or disposing thereof, and removing the proceeds wherever 
 they please, without their being subjected, on this account, to any contribution, 
 tax, or charge whatever. 
 
 " Those who prefer to remain in the said territories may either retain the 
 title and rights of Mexican citizens or acquire those of citizens of the United States. 
 But they shall be under the obligation to make their election within one year from 
 the date of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty; and those who shall remain 
 in the said territories after the expiration of that year, without having declared 
 their intention to retain the character of Mexicans, shall be considered to have 
 elected to become citizens of the United States. 
 
 'In the said territories property of every kind now belonging to Mexicans 
 
 « n
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMEEICAX EXPANSION. 657 
 
 not established there shall be inviolably respected. The present owners, the heirs 
 of these, and all Mexicans who may hereafter acquire said property by contract shall 
 enjoy with respect to it giiaraijties equally ample as if the same belonged to citizens 
 of the United States.' 
 
 "Article IX of the treaty, as negotiated and presented to the Senate for ratifi- 
 cation, was as follows: 
 
 " 'The Mexicans who in the Territories aforesaid shall not preserve the char- 
 acter of citizens of the Mexican Republic, conformably with what is stipulated in 
 the preceding article, shall be incorporated into the Union of the United States 
 and be admitted at the proper time (to be judged of by the Congress of the United 
 States) to the enjoyment of all the rights of citizens of the United States, accord- 
 ing to the principles of the Constitution; and in the meantime shall be maintained 
 and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty and property, and secured in 
 the free exercise of their religion without restriction.' 
 
 "This provision was somewhat different from the provisions covering the same 
 point in the treaties for the acquisition of Louisiana and Florida, and when the 
 treaty came before the Senate for ratification, for some reason, which does not 
 seem fully disclosed, but probably was simply to maintain uniformity, it was 
 ordered by the Senate that the treaty be ratified with an amendment, inserting 
 in place of article 9, as it read in the original draft of the treaty, the third 
 article of the Louisiana treaty. 
 
 "The treaty with Spain, which has just been ratified by the Senate, after a 
 memorable campaign for and against its ratification in this country, has created 
 only a mild discussion compared with the bitter and violent debate in the country 
 over the annexation of Texas and the acquisition of California and New Mexico. 
 Great leaders of the country then as now were opposed to expansion. Men whose 
 names will ever live in the history of- our country as noble patriots and broad- 
 minded statesmen then as now believed that the enlargement of our national 
 domain and the expansion of our national sovereignty were fraught with the gravest 
 of danger. But the discussion was not carried on so coolly then as now. The 
 opposition was more determined and more embittered. In the minds of the oppo- 
 nents at that time the dangers were even more clearly seen (apparently) than they 
 seem to be now. 
 
 "To no man who ever has sat in the Congress of the United States do the people 
 of our country owe a greater debt of gratitude than to the distinguished Senator 
 from Massachusetts, who opposed with all his wonderful might and splendid 
 mind the acquisition of California and New Mexico. Permit me to call your
 
 658 THE HISTOKY OF AMEEICAN EXPANSIOiT. 
 
 attention to a few of the expressions used by the great Daniel Webster, the de- 
 fender of the Constitution, concerning the admission of Texas and the acquisition 
 of New Mexico and California: 
 
 " 'The Government is very likely to be endangered, in my opinion, by a further 
 enlargement of the territorial surface, already so vast, over which it is extended.' 
 
 "And again he said, referring to the same subject: 
 
 " *I say, sir, that, according to my conscientious conviction, we are now fixing 
 on the Constitution of the United States and its frame of government a mon- 
 strosity, a disfiguration, an enormity. 
 
 " 'Sir, I hardly dare trust myself. I do not know but I may be under some 
 delusion. It may be the weakness of my eye that forms this monstrous apparition. 
 I hold it to be enormous, flagrant, an outrage upon all the principles of popular 
 republican government, and on the elementary provisions of the Constitution under 
 which we live and which we have sworn to support. * * * I think I see a course 
 adopted which is likely to turn the Constitution of the land into a deformed 
 monster, into a curse rather than a blessing. * * * And I think that this process 
 will go on, or that there is danger that it will go on, until this Union shall fall 
 to pieces. I resist it to-day and always. Whoever falters or whoever flies, I con- 
 tinue the contest.' 
 
 "And again he said: 
 
 " 'On other occasions in debate here I have expressed my determination to 
 vote for no acquisition or cession or annexation north or south, east or west. My 
 opinion has been that we have territory enough, and that we should follow the 
 Spartan maxim, "Improve, adorn what you have;" seek no further. * * * There 
 may be in California, and no doubt there are, some tracts of valuable land. But 
 it is not so in New Mexico. * * * There are some narrow strips of tillable land 
 on the borders of the rivers, but the rivers themselves dry up before midsummer 
 is gone. All that the people can do in that region is to raise some little articles, 
 some little wheat for their tortillas, and that by irrigation.' 
 
 "I particularly commend the speech of Webster to the distinguished gentle- 
 man who represents on the floor of the House the Territory of Arizona, a part of 
 the New Mexico to which Mr. Webster referred. That gentleman is known as a 
 bitter opponent of expansion. He opposed with all his might the annexation of 
 the Hawaiian Islands. But Webster in his speech said that there might be some 
 excuse for annexing the Hawaiian Islands, but he could see no possible excuse 
 for taking in such a barren territory as he said Arizona was, from which the gen- 
 tleman comes, and which he so well represents.
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 659 
 
 "The Senator from Massachusetts has been reversed by history. He did not 
 see aright the signs of the times as to expansion. If Daniel Webster were now 
 alive, he would be the last man in the Republic to admit that this country could 
 afford to lose a single foot of the territory embraced in the cession from Mexico 
 in 1848. He would be the quickest to admit that the acquisition of that territory 
 has done much to cement the Union into closer unity; has done much to knit 
 more tightly the bands which hold our country together; that the sunny land on 
 the other side of the Rocky Mountains, which was so far away in 1848, and which, 
 throiigh the .genius of our citizenship, has been brought into close and quick touch 
 with the rest of the Union, has made our whole country feel that distance no 
 longer separates the utmost parts from quick communication with the Central 
 Government, which responds constantly to every feeling of danger or joy, of poverty 
 or prosperity, in every part of our domain. 
 
 "Following the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, we entered into another treaty 
 with Mexico December 30, 1853, under the administration of President Pierce, by 
 which we purchased from Mexico a strip of land known as the Mesilla Valley, lying 
 in the southern parts of New Mexico and Arizona, and embracing an area of 45,535 
 square miles, for which we paid to Mexico $10,000,000. 
 
 "This treaty was negotiated on the part of the Union by Mr. James Gadsden, 
 our minister to Mexico, and is usually referred to as the Gadsden purchase. This 
 purchase was intended partly for the purpose of aiding in the settlement of a 
 difference between the two countries as to the boundary line of the previous cession, 
 but more for the purpose of showing the kindly feeling of our country to the Gov- 
 ernment in Mexico. The tract of land acquired by the purchase is probably worth 
 less and cost more per square mile than any other territory ever acquired by our 
 Government. 
 
 "DEMOCRATIC PRESIDENTS ON EXPANSION. 
 
 <' . 
 
 'AW of the annexations to our country since the adoption of the Constitution 
 up to the time of the Gadsden purchase had been under Democratic administrations. 
 May I ask the gentlemen on the Democratic side of the House to consider for a 
 moment the names of those who were connected with the administrations acquir- 
 ing new territory for the expansion of our domain and sovereignty: President 
 Thomas Jefferson and his Secretarj'- of State, James Madison, afterwards President; 
 President James Monroe, who negotiated the treaty with France, and under whose 
 administration Florida was acquired; President Andrew Jackson, who, while a gen-
 
 660 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 eral in the army, had taken possession of Florida without orders and without 
 regard to the rights of Spain; President Tyler, President Polk and his Secretary 
 of State, James Buchanan, afterwards President, and President Pierce. 
 
 "These are the men who were at the head of our Government during nearly 
 all the time when the Democratic party has been in power in our Government. 
 And permit me to say that in no ease and upon no occasion did a single one of 
 these great men ever propose to consult the wishes of the inhabitants in the new 
 territory, except in the case of Texas. 
 
 ^'^They were the men who determined the historic policy of our country. It 
 was their ambition and their desire to add to the other acquisitions of this country 
 the island which we have just freed from the oppression of Spain. They believed 
 not only that we had the right to add new territory to our country between the 
 oceans and to govern it according to the dictates of the best judgment of Con- 
 gress, unrestricted by the limitations of the Constitution, but they believed also, 
 in reaching across the water and taking in the Island of Cuba. 
 
 "Let me recall to your attention what has been done in the way of the 
 acquisition of new territory during these Democratic administrations. 
 
 "The Louisiana purchase added to our territory 1,182,752 square miles, at an 
 expense of 3| cents per acre. The Florida purchase added 59,268 square miles, 
 at an expense of 17 cents per acre. The annexation of Texas added to our area 
 371,063 square miles, of which 274,356 square miles is included within the present 
 State of Texas, and of which 96,707, lying outside of the limits of the present 
 State of Texas, were purchased from Texas by the National Government in 1850, 
 at an expense of $16,000,000, or 26 cents per acre. 
 
 "The cession from Mexico in 1848 contained 522,568 square miles, which cost 
 4^ cents per acre. The Gadsden purchase of 45,535 square miles was acquired 
 at a cost of 34 cents per acre. 
 
 "THE ALASKA PURCHASE. 
 
 "The first duty of the Republican party was not to add new territory, but save 
 to the country a portion of the old. Without regard to the doctrine that the just 
 powers of government depend upon the consent of the governed, the National 
 Government determined, by the issue of war, that neither the individual States 
 nor a concerted movement of the Southern States or their people were entitled 
 to separate themselves from our national sovereignty and organize a government 
 apart from us for themselves. The right of revolution, asserted by the Declara-
 
 THE HISTOEY OJ^ AMEEICAN EXPANSION. 661 
 
 tion of Independence successfully, was again asserted Tjy the Southern Confederacy, 
 but this time without success. 
 
 "It was not long, however, after the Civil War until under the administration 
 of President Johnson, by the treaty made March 30, 1867, at Washington, by Sec- 
 retary of State William H. Seward, in behalf of his country, the United States 
 acquired the cession from Eussia of all her possessions on the continent of America 
 and adjacent islands, which we now refer to as Alaska. 
 
 "The Alaska purchase added 577,390 square miles to the area of our country, 
 at a cost of $7,200,000. 
 
 "The territory acquired by this purchase has, up to the present time, been 
 governed without any local Legislature and wholly by direction and under the 
 control of Congress. And, though its government may not have been excellent, 
 it probably has been much better than it would have been if conducted by a local 
 Legislature elected in that sparsely settled territory. 
 
 "The power of Congress to give a fitting character to the particular legisla- 
 tion enacted for the special government of Alaska has seldom, if ever, been ques- 
 tioned, and has invariably, I believe, been exercised whenever Congress has seen fit. 
 
 "OPINIONS OF LAW WEITEES. 
 
 "I have referred to some of the events in history concerning annexation, and 
 to the opinions of some of the men who had much to do with the Eepublic and 
 its policies in its early days. Permit me to call attention to a few legal opinions. 
 Probably the two greatest writers of our country upon legal subjects have been 
 Chancellor Kent and Judge Story. The Commentaries of one and text-books by 
 the other are studied by every law college in our land. These men speak with 
 authority equal to that of learned judges in deciding cases of grave importance. 
 
 "Chancellor Kent, in referring to the various acts of Congress in relation to 
 the organization and government of the various Territories under the provision of 
 the Constitution, empowering Congress 'to dispose of and make all needful rules 
 and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United 
 States,' said: 
 
 " 'It would seem from these various Congressional regulations of the Terri- 
 tories belonging to the United States that Congress have supreme power in the 
 government of them, depending on the exercise of their sound discretion. That 
 discretion has hitherto been exercised in wisdom and good faith and with an 
 anxious regard for the security of the rights and privileges of the inhabitants.
 
 662 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 as defined and declared in the ordinance of July, 1787, and in the Constitution 
 of the United States. 
 
 " ' "All admit/' said Chief Justice Marshall, "the constitutionality of a Ter- 
 ritorial government." But neither the District of Columbia nor a Territory is 
 a State within the meaning of the Constitution or entitled to claim the privileges 
 secured to the members of the Union. This has been so adjudged by the Supreme 
 Court. Nor will a writ of error or appeal lie from a Territorial court to the 
 Supreme Court unless there be a special statute provision for the purpose. If, 
 therefore, the Government of the United States should carry into execution the 
 project of colonizing the great valley of the Columbia or Oregon River to the 
 west of the Rocky Mountains, it would afford a subject of grave consideration 
 what would be the future civil and political destiny of that country. 
 
 " 'It would be a long time before it would be populous enough to be created 
 into one or more independent States, and in the meantime, upon the doctrine 
 taught by the acts of Congress, and even by the judicial decisions of the Supreme 
 Court, the colonists would be in a state of the most complete subordination and 
 as dependent upon the will of Congress as the people of this country would have 
 been upon the King and Parliament of Great Britain if they could have sustained 
 their claim to bind us in all cases whatsoever. (Kent's Commentaries, Volume I, 
 page 385.' 
 
 "While Judge Story, in his work on constitutional law, said: 
 
 " 'The power of Congress over the public territory is clearly exclusive and 
 universal, and their legislation is subject to no control, but is absolute and unlim- 
 ited, unless so far as it is affected by stipulations in the cessions or by the ordinance 
 of 1787, under which any part of it has been settled. (Story on the Constitution, 
 section 1328).' 
 
 "Story also said: 
 
 " 'What shall be the form of government established in the Territories depends 
 exclusively upon the discretion of Congress. Having a right to erect a Territorial 
 government, they may confer on it such powers — legislative, judicial, and execu- 
 tive — as they may deem best. (Story on the Constitution, section 1325.)' 
 
 "That these distinguished jurists and authors thoroughly understood the 
 absolute and broad opinion of the power of Congress as thus expressed by them is 
 shown by the statement of Chancellor Kent in expressing the following opinion 
 concerning the danger of the despotic power thus conferred upon Congress, to wit: 
 
 " 'Such a state of absolute sovereignty on the one hand and of absolute 
 dependence on the other is not congenial with the free and independent spirit
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 663 
 
 of our native institutions; and the establishment of distant Territorial governments, 
 ruled according to will and pleasure, would have a very natural tendency, as all 
 proconsular governments have had, to abuse and oppression. (Kent's Commen- 
 taries, Volume I, page 385.)' 
 
 "And Judge Story, in his work, refers to this opinion of Chancellor Kent. 
 The opinion of Chancellor Kent that such a despotic power was a dangerous one 
 is not, of course, a legal opinion. That is purely a matter of policy and not a 
 matter of legal construction. The opinions of Chancellor Kent and Judge Story are 
 entitled to the greatest weight so far as they refer to matters of constitutional 
 law. Kent's opinion as to the propriety of such a despotic power has no greater 
 weight than the opinion of many persons unlearned in the law, but tlie fact that 
 he called attention to the dangers Avhich might arise from the exercise of such 
 absolute sovereignty and power by Congress shows conclusively that when he ex- 
 pressed his legal opinion that Congress had such authority, he was fully convinced 
 that the power granted by the Constitution was broad, full, and absolute in its 
 character. 
 
 "DECISIONS OF THE SUPREME COURT. 
 
 "Mr. Chairman, it is proper to say that the decisions of the United States 
 Supreme Court in reference to the power of Congress over the Territories of the 
 United States are somewhat conflicting and contradictory in character, but there 
 is no decision of the Supreme Court denying such authority to Congress. Let me 
 refer briefly to some of the cases decided by the Supreme Court. 
 
 "In the case of The American Insurance Company vs. Canter (1 Peters, 517), 
 
 relating to the acquisition of Florida, Mr. Justice Johnson, in deciding the case 
 
 on the circuit, said: 
 
 " 'The right, therefore, of acquiring territory is altogether incidental to the 
 
 treaty-making power, and, perhaps, to the power of admitting new States into 
 
 the Union, and the government of such acquisitions is, of course, left to the 
 
 legislative power of the Union so far as that power is uncontrolled by treaty. By 
 
 the latter (treaty) we acquire either positively or sub modo, and by the former 
 
 (legislative power) dispose of acquisitions so made, and in case of such acquisitions 
 
 I see nothing in which the power acquired over the ceded territories can vary from 
 
 the power acquired under the law of nations by any other Government over acquired 
 
 or ceded territory.' 
 
 "Mr. Justice Johnson's decision was affirmed in January, 1828, by the Supreme 
 
 Court (The American Insurance Company vs. Canter, 1 Peters, 541), the opinion
 
 G64 THE HISTORY OF AMEEICAX EXPANSION. 
 
 being delivered by Chief Justice Marshall, who said (referring to the Florida treaty 
 of cession): 
 
 " 'This treaty is the law of the land, and admits the inhabitants of Florida 
 to the enjoyment of the privileges, rights, and immunities of the citizens of the 
 United States, It is unnecessary to inquire whether this is not their condition 
 independent of stipulation. They do not, however, participate in political power; 
 they do not share in the government till Florida shall become a State. In the 
 meantime Florida continues to be a Territory of the United States, governed by 
 virtue of that clause in the Constitution which empowers Congress "to make all 
 needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging 
 to the United States." * * * 
 
 "'The right to govern may be the inevitable consequence of the right to 
 acquire territory. Whichever may be the source, whence the power is derived, 
 the possession of it is unquestioned.' 
 
 "In Loughborough vs. Blake (5 Wheat., 317) it was decided by the Supreme 
 Court, the opinion being delivered by Chief Justice Marshall, that the provision 
 in section 8 of Article I of the Constitution, giving the 'power to lay and collect 
 taxes, duties, imposts, and excises' extends to the District of Columbia; and the 
 court expressed the opinion that such power extends to all places over which the 
 Government extends, including the Territories. It is manifest, however, that it 
 was not necessary to refer to the Constitution for such power, because, if the Con- 
 stitution covered the Territories expressly, then the power would cover the Terri- 
 tories; and if the Constitution does not cover the Territories expressly, then the 
 absolute authority of Congress would include the power given by that section of 
 the Constitution. 
 
 "In Fleming vs. Page (9 How., 617), decided in 1850, the Supreme Court 
 said: 
 
 " 'After Florida had been ceded to the United States, and the forces of the 
 United States had taken possession of Pensacola, it was decided by the Treasury 
 Department that goods imported from Pensacola before an act of Congress was 
 passed erecting it into a collection district and authorizing the appointment of a 
 collector were liable to duty — that is, that although Florida had, by cession, actually 
 become a part of the United States, and was in our possession, yet under our 
 revenue laws its ports must be regarded as foreign until they were established as 
 domestic by act of Congress; and it appears that this decision was sanctioned 
 at the time by the Attorney-General of the United States, the law officer of the 
 Government.
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMEEICAN EXPANSION. 665 
 
 « ' , 
 
 ^And, although not so directly applicable to the case before us, yet the deci- 
 sions of the Treasury Department in relation to Amelia Island and certain ports 
 in Louisiana were both made upon the same grounds, and in the latter case, after 
 a custom-house had been established by law at New Orleans, the collector at that 
 place was instructed to regard as foreign ports Baton Rouge and other settlements 
 still in the possession of Spain, whether on the Mississippi, Iberville, or the sea- 
 coast. The Department in no instance that we are aware of since the establish- 
 ment of the Government has ever recognized a place in a newly acquired country 
 as a domestic port from which the coasting trade might be carried on, unless it 
 had been previously made so by act of Congress. 
 
 " 'The principle thus adopted and acted upon by the executive department 
 of the Government has been sanctioned by the decisions in this court and the 
 circuit courts whenever the question came before them. We do not propose to 
 comment upon the different cases cited in the argument. It is sufficient to say 
 there is no discrepancy between them. And all of them, so far as they apply, 
 maintain that under our revenue laws every port is regarded as a foreign one 
 unless the custom-house from which the vessel clears is within a collection district 
 established by act of Congress and the officers granting the clearance exercise 
 their functions under the authority and control of the laws of the United States.' 
 
 "Daniel Webster, in his argument before the Supreme Court in the fore- 
 going case of Fleming vs. Page (9 Howard, 612), stated: 
 
 " 'That there was a difference between the Territories and other parts of the 
 United States. Judges were there appointed for terms of years, which the Con- 
 stitution forbade as to other parts of the country. Hence the part of the Consti- 
 tution which directs that duties must be equal in all the ports of the United States 
 does not apply to Territories.' 
 
 "And in discussing the bill to organize a government for the Territory of 
 Oregon, Daniel Webster said, in the Senate of the United States, August 12, 1848: 
 
 " 'The question now is, whether it is not competent to Congress, in the exer- 
 cise of a fair and just discretion, considering that there have been five slave- 
 holding States added to this Union out of foreign acquisitions, and as yet only 
 one free State, to prevent their further increase. That is the question. I see no 
 injustice in it. As to the power of Congress I have nothing to add to what I said 
 the other day. Congress has full power over the subject. It may establish any 
 such government and any such laws in the Territories as in its discretion it 
 may see fit. It is subject, of course, to the rules of Justice and propriety, but it 
 is under no constitutional restraints.'
 
 666 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 "The case of Cross vs. Harrison (16 Howard, 164) refers to the condition of 
 California between the time when the treaty of peace of Guadalupe Hidalgo was 
 signed, on February 3, 1848, and the time when a collector of customs at San 
 Francisco entered upon the duties of his office, in the latter part of 1849, by 
 appointment by the President under an act of Congress creating California into 
 a customs district. 
 
 "At the time the treaty of peace was signed, in March, 1848, California was 
 in possession of the military branch of our Government, and military officers were 
 collecting customs. Notice of the ratification of the treaty did not reach the mili- 
 tary officers in California until some time after the middle of the year 1848. 
 When such notice did reach the military authorities in California they received 
 no instructions from the Government regarding the course they should pursue. 
 They thereupon, by military order, provided that the duties to be paid on imports 
 at San Francisco should thereafter be the same as provided by law for the United 
 States, 
 
 "In the early part of 1849 an act of Congress was passed creating California 
 into a customs district, with the port at San Francisco, but it was not until the 
 latter part of 1849 that a collector, appointed by the President, entered upon the 
 discharge of his duties. Persons who had paid duties on imports into California 
 between the date of the signing of the treaty and the date of the creation of 
 California into a customs district, as well as between the latter date and the date 
 when the collector of customs qualified, under written protest, urged that the col- 
 lection of duties by the military authorities after the date of the signing of the 
 treaty and its ratification was illegal and unlawful. 
 
 "The Supreme Court held that the military authorities had the right to keep 
 in force the rate of duties previously fixed by military order up to the time when, 
 by further military order, a different rate was put in force equal to the rate fixed 
 by law in the United States, and then had authority to collect the duties as fixed 
 by the new military order up to the time when a collector was appointed and 
 qualified under an act of Congress creating the territory into a customs district 
 and fixing a port of entry. In the course of the argument in the opinion sustain- 
 ing the proceedings taken by the military government of California, the court 
 uses several expressions indicating that the tariff laws of the United States might 
 be considered as extended over the newly acquired territory by virtue of the ratifi- 
 cation of the treaty. 
 
 "For instance. Justice Wayne, in denying the right of the importers to land 
 goods at San Francisco free of duty between the time of the ratification of the
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 667 
 
 treaty and the time when a collector of customs was qualified to act, states that 
 to permit this would be — 
 
 " 'a violation of that provision of the Constitution which enjoins that "all duties, 
 imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States." Indeed, 
 it must be clear that no such right exists and that there was nothing in the condi- 
 tion of California to exempt importers of foreign goods into it from the payment 
 of the same duties which were chargeable in the other ports of the United States.' 
 
 "Such expressions of opinion as this one were not necessary to the decision of 
 the case which was reached by the court, and, though entitled to considerable 
 weight upon that side of the question, are not to be taken as expressing the con- 
 sidered decision of the Supreme Court upon a question of such vast importance as 
 the one we are now discussing, and a decision of which was not required in the case 
 before the court. 
 
 "I crave indulgence to refer to a few more recent decisions of the Supreme 
 Court. I do not think it is necessary for us to pay much attention to the Dred 
 Scott case. After the lapse of a generation, during which that case was only 
 referred to for the purpose of pointing at it with the finger of scorn, the gentle- 
 men on the other side of the House now begin to bring it out to fortify their 
 position upon the subject of territorial expansion. 
 
 "Let us not forget that the whole point involved in the Dred Scott case was 
 the question of the extension of slavery. There was then going on in our country, 
 as there had been from the time of the foundation of the Republic, that wonderful 
 conflict of interest and ideas concerning the extension or restriction of slavery. 
 It became necessary for the party which was then in control of the Government 
 to take the position that the United States had no right to exclude slaves from any 
 of the territory of the United States. For years the people of our country had 
 acquiesced in the idea embodied in the Missouri compromise. There was to be and 
 was a line north of which slavery should not exist and south of which slavery 
 should not be interfered with. 
 
 "The anti-slavery sentiment was not only becoming stronger in the hearts of 
 the people of our country, but the numbers who expressed its ideas were becom- 
 ing greater with the growth of the free States. To continue to keep out slavery 
 north of the Missouri compromise line meant the admission of free States which 
 would send to Congress Representatives and Senators opposed to slavery, so that 
 the so-called balance of power between the slave and the free States would be 
 destroyed and the free States would have a majority control of the Government. 
 
 "In the minds of the keenest thinkers and leaders for the slavery party there
 
 G68 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 was but one way in which to obviate the impending doom of slavery, and that 
 was to secure a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States holding that 
 under the Constitution the Government could not interfere with the right of a 
 citizen to take his slave or other property in^o any part of our Territories over 
 which the Constitution was effective, and to hold that the Territories were covered 
 by the provisions of the Constitution and guaranteed such right. It became 
 necessary, in the development of this carefully laid scheme, for the Supreme Court 
 to decide that the Territories of the United States were covered and protected by 
 the guaranties in the Constitution, and that negro slaves might be carried by their 
 masters into and kept in any of these Territories. 
 
 "Every line of the decision by Chief Justice Taney was written for the pur- 
 pose, and solely for the purpose, of effecting the result of permitting slaveholding 
 in any and all of the Territories of the United States. That decision was blotted 
 over by the blood of both North and South. It is not a decision of the Supreme 
 Court of the United States. It was a decision demanded and received by the 
 slaveholding power of the Southern States. With the passing of that slaveholding 
 power as a result of civil war the decision of the court in the Dred Scott case also 
 passed forever. 
 
 "In Murphy vs. Ramsey (114 U. S., 44), relating to the Territory of Utah, 
 Mr. Justice Matthews, delivering the opinion of the court, said: 
 
 " 'It rests with Congress to say whether in a given case any of the people 
 resident in the Territory shall participate in the election of its officers or the 
 making of its laws; and it may, therefore, take from them any right of suffrage 
 it may previously have conferred or at any time modify or abridge it as it may 
 deem expedient. * * * 
 
 " 'Their political rights are franchises which they hold as privileges' in the 
 legislative discretion of the Congress of the United States.' 
 
 "And in the case of Mormon Church vs. United States (136 U. S. Reports, 42) 
 Mr. Justice Bradley, delivering the opinion of the court, said: 
 
 " 'The power of Congress over the Territories of the United States is general 
 and plenary, arising from and incidental to the right to acquire the Territory 
 itself, and from the power given by the Constitution to make all needful rules and 
 regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United 
 States. It would be absurd to hold that the United States has power to acquire 
 territory and no power to govern it when acquired. * * * The power to make 
 acquisitions of territory by conquest, by treaty, and by cession is an incident of 
 national sovereignty.
 
 THE HISTORY OF xVMEEICAN EXPANSION". 669 
 
 " The Territory of Louisiana, when acquired from France, and the Territories 
 i\est of the Eocky Mountains, when acquired from Mexico, became the absolute 
 property and domain of the United States, subject to such conditions as the Gov- 
 ernment in its diplomatic negotiations has seen fit to accept relating to the rights 
 of people then inhabiting these Territories. * * * Doubtless Congress in legis- 
 lating for the Territories would be subject to those fundamental limitations in 
 favor of personal rights which are formulated in the Constitution and its amend- 
 ments; but these limitations would exist rather by inference and the general 
 spirit of the Constitution, from which Congress derives all its power, than by any 
 express and direct application of its provisions.' 
 
 "I wish to call particular attention to three recent cases decided by the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, because they have been so often referred 
 to in the recent discussion of the question. 
 
 "In the case of American Publishing Company vs. Fisher (166 U. S., 464) the 
 question was whether litigants at common law in Utah while it remained a Terri- 
 tory had a right to trial by jury requiring unanimity for a verdict. 
 
 "The Supreme Court, by Mr. Justice Brewer, said: 
 
 " 'Whether the seventh amendment to the Constitution of the United States, 
 which provides that "in suits at common law where the value in controversy shall 
 exceed $20 the right of trial by jury shall be preserved," operates ex proprio vigors 
 to invalidate this statute, may be a matter of dispute. * * * 
 
 " 'But if the seventh amendment does not operate in and of itself to invalidate 
 this Territorial statute, then Congress has full control over the Territories irre- 
 spective of any express constitutional limitations, and it has legislated in respect 
 to this matter. In the first place, in the act to establish a Territorial form of 
 government for Utah, act of September 9, 1850 (C. 51, section 17, 9 Statutes, 453, 
 458) it enacted "that the Constitution and laws of the United States are hereby 
 extended over and declared to be in force in said Territory of Utah, so far as the 
 same, or any provision thereof, may be applicable." A subsequent statute has more 
 specific reference to jury trials. * * * 
 
 " 'Therefore, either the seventh amendment to the Constitution, or these acts 
 of Congress, or all together, secured to every litigant in a common-law action in 
 the courts of the Territory of Utah the right to a trial by jury, and nullified any 
 act of its Legislature which attempted to take from him anything which is of the 
 substance of that right.' 
 
 "It will be noted that in the above case the Supreme Court expressly declines 
 to say that the Constitution and the seventh amendment thereof were in opera-
 
 G70 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 tion in the Territory of Utah irrespective of the legislation of Congress. The 
 Supreme Court in that case leaves the matter open as one which is not determined. 
 The language of the court is that whether the seventh amendment to the Con- 
 stitution is, hy virtue of the Constitution, extended over the Territories *may be 
 a matter of dispute.' I call especial attention to this language and this state- 
 ment of the court because of the opinions in two cases which followed it, and 
 which two cases are now claimed as authority for the proposition that the Con- 
 stitution, by its own virtue, extends itself over new territory acquired by our 
 Government. 
 
 "The Fisher case, just cited, was decided by the Supreme Court x\pril 13, 
 1897. A few days thereafter, on April 36, 1897, the Supreme Court decided 
 the case of Springville vs. Thomas (166 U. S., 707). The opinion in the latter 
 case is about one page long. The question involved was precisely the same as in 
 American Publishing Company vs. Fisher, and, naturally, the judgment of the 
 court was the same. But in delivering the opinion of the court Mr. Chief Justice 
 Fuller said: 
 
 " *In these three cases judgments were entered on verdicts returned by less 
 than the whole number of jurors by which they were tried. It has been decided 
 by this court that the Territorial act of March 10, 1893, permitting this to be 
 done * * * was invalid, because in contravention of the seventh amendment 
 to the Constitution and the act of Congress of April 7, 187-1. * * * (American 
 Publishing Company vs. Fisher, ante, 464.) * * * 
 
 " 'The Supreme Court of the Territory held * * * that the act of Con- 
 gress of September 9, 1850, * * * the organic act of the Territory, vested in 
 the Territorial Legislature such unlimited legislative power as enabled it to pro- 
 vide that unanimity of action on the part of jurors in civil cases was not necessary 
 to a valid verdict. * * * 
 
 " 'In our opinion the seventh amendment secured unanimity in finding a 
 verdict as an essential feature of trial by jury in common-law cases, and the act of 
 Congress could not import the power to change the constitutional rule, and could 
 not be treated as attempting to do so.' 
 
 "It will be noted that in American Publishing Company vs. Fisher the 
 Supreme Court called attention to the fact that in the act passed by Congress 
 to establish a Territorial form of government for Utah it was expressly enacted 
 that the Constitution of the United States was thereby extended over the said 
 Territory so far as applicable; and the court held in that case that by virtue
 
 THE HISTOEY OF AMEBIC AX EXPANSION. CTl 
 
 of this provision in the act of Congress the seventh amendment of the Consti- 
 tution became in force in Utah if it had not been so previously. 
 
 "It seems very unlikely that the Supreme Court, which on April 12, 1897, 
 had stated that it was still a matter of dispute whether the Constitution extended 
 itself over newly acquired territory and declined in that case to settle the dispute, 
 should on April 26, 1897, in an appeal involving precisely the same question, have 
 intended, in a one-page decision and by four or five lines of an opinion, to decide 
 this great constitutional question. 
 
 "It is admitted that the seventh amendment of the Constitution was in force 
 in the Territory of Utah and governed the decision in the case, because the act of 
 Congress organizing the Territory of Utah so provided. But the statement in 
 the opinion that an 'act of Congress could not import the power to change the 
 constitutional rule' was entirely unnecessary for a decision of the case, and can 
 hardly be held sufficient authority for the determination of a great constitutional 
 question which, two weeks before, had expressly been left undecided by the Supreme 
 Court. 
 
 "The case of Thompson vs. Utah (170 U. S., 343, 346) was another case 
 involving trials by jury in the Territory of Utah. The opinion of the court was 
 delivered by Mr. Justice Harlan, one of the most distinguished jurists of our 
 country. An opinion by such a judge, carefully considered, would be entitled 
 to great weight. But in this case the decision is simply based upon the authority 
 of the two cases which I have just referred to. 
 
 "In the opinion Mr. Justice Harlan said: 
 
 " 'That the provisions of the Constitution of the United States relating to 
 the right of trial by jury in suits at common law apply to the Territories of the 
 United States is no longer an open question. (Webster vs. Eeid, 11 How., 437, 
 460; American Publishing Company vs. Eisher, 166 U. S., 464, 468; Springville vs. 
 Thomas, 166 U. S., 707.)' 
 
 "And then, after specially referring to the last above-cited case, it is added: 
 
 " 'It is equally beyond question that the provisions of the National Consti- 
 tution relating to trials by jury for crimes and to criminal prosecutions apply to 
 the Territories of the United States.' 
 
 "This case is decided upon the authority of the Thomas case above, and that 
 case was decided upon the authority of the American Publishing Company case, 
 and that case expressly left the question open and undecided. 
 
 "Here is no pretense of giving consideration or particular thought to the grave 
 conetitutional question which, by the language of the opinion, is apparently die-
 
 i.rrZ THE HISTOEY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 posed of offhand. The judgment of the Supreme Court was undoubtedly correct, 
 but it was correct because the act of Congress had extended the Constitution over 
 the Territory of Utah. The court was not required to determine whether the pro- 
 visions of the Constitution apply to the Territories without regard to Congressional 
 action. No conclusion was reasoned out, and apparently no consideration given to 
 the opinion, except to find that it was governed by the cases which I have referred 
 to. Those cases did not decide that the Constitution of itself extends itself to 
 the Territories, and in the first case, American Publishing Co. vs. Fisher, that 
 question is expressly left open and undecided. 
 
 "While it is unfortunate that the Supreme Court of the United States should 
 have been led into carelessly expressing an inconsiderate opinion — that the Con- 
 stitution is, by its own virtue, extended over all Territories acquired by the 
 United States — still it is not a matter of grave importance. The Supreme Court, 
 composed, as it now is and as it probably ever will be, of judges of high 
 character, great learning, patriotic impulses, and without the stubborn pride of 
 opinion, will readily give to this question, when it shall properly arise before 
 them, a new, complete, and unbiased consideration, and the result of that con- 
 sideration can hardly be a matter of much doubt. 
 
 "The Supreme Court has consistently held from the beginning that the pro- 
 visions of the Constitution in relation to the character of the courts and the life 
 tenure of judges did not apply to the courts created by acts of Congress in the 
 Territories. Such a conclusion could only have been reached by the holding that 
 the Constitution did not apply of its own virtue to the Territories. 
 
 "The history of the country which I have cited, the history of the various 
 annexations of new territory, the history of the government of the Territories by 
 Congress, all show that the Constitution of the United States, in its general limita- 
 tions and provisions, does not apply to or in the Territories. In one sense the Con- 
 stitution extends over the Territories because of the constitutional provision that 
 Congress shall have authority to make rules and regulations for the government 
 thereof. But the other provisions, limiting the authority of Congress, has no 
 application to the Territories, which are the common property of all of the States. 
 
 "It has been recently claimed on the floor of the House and elsewhere that 
 if we annex the Philippine Islands we shall have no right or power under the 
 Constitution to prevent the children of the present inhabitants of the Philip- 
 pines from coming to our country and its capital when and how and as often 
 as they please. And this contention has been based upon some decisions of the
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMEKICAN EXPANSION. 673 
 
 court and upon section 1 of the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution, which 
 provides that — 
 
 " ''All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the 
 jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein 
 they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the 
 privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State 
 deprive any person of life, liberty, or property; without due process of law, nor 
 deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the law.' 
 
 "I am aware of the learned decisions which have been made by our Supreme 
 Court, based upon this amendment; but I call attention to an exception not 
 provided for by the amendment, but which is recognized by every one familiar 
 with the actual facts. The provision is that 'all persons born or naturalized in 
 the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the 
 United States.' 
 
 "The jurisdiction of the United States extends to every person within its 
 limits except the representatives here of foreign governments. I am aware that 
 in a certain sense we treat various Indian tribes as foreign powers; but after 
 all we undertake by legislation to control their actions, and our jurisdiction is ex- 
 tended over them; and yet no one pretends that under the fourteenth amend- 
 ment of the Constitution or any other provision of the Constitution that the 
 members of an Indian tribe, living in the tribal relation, can at his own sweet will 
 have the power to leave the reservation upon which our Government places him 
 and hie himself o2 to the capital of the country. "We deal with but we also legis- 
 late for the Indian tribes. Sometimes we deal with them by treaty, sometimes 
 without; but there is not a single foot of land in our country, occupied by or 
 belonging to Indian tribes, over which our country does not claim the right of 
 government and the right of jurisdiction as against a foreign power. 
 
 "The fourteenth amendment to the Constitution has never been held to 
 apply to the Indian tribes. We had dealt with the Indians for years before the 
 fourteenth amendment was adopted. The custom of our country in dealing with 
 the Indian tribes was well understood. The debates in Congress and in the 
 various State Legislatures show that it was not the intention by the fourteenth 
 amendment to change the relations between the General Government and the 
 Indian tribes, and hence it is held that that amendment does not apply to such 
 tribes. It can and will be as easy for the courts to hold that the fourteenth 
 amendment was not intended to apply and does not apply to any tribes or settle- 
 ments or other inhabitants of the Philippine Islands.
 
 674 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 "My position is that when the ratifications of the treaty shall have been 
 exchanged and our country shall have acquired from Spain her title of sovereignty 
 over the Philippine Islands we shall hold them as a common possession, province, 
 colony, Territory, or whatever it may be called, belonging to the States which, in 
 their confederate capacity, constitute the national Union. We may deal with 
 and govern these new possessions as we please, unrestricted except by our intelli- 
 gent ideas of humanity, civilization, liberty, and good government. We shall 
 have the authority, if we wish, to sell the Philippines, because they have not 
 become by the treaty a constituent part of our country. 
 
 "We may exchange them if that is desirable. We may govern them with 
 a government absolutely despotic in its character, or we may give to them such 
 form of local self-government as will appeal to our best judgment, as will be 
 in liue with the history of our country, as will tend to educate the inhabitants 
 of those islands for more complete government by themselves. The mere fact 
 that we may have absolute and autocratic power is no reason against our taking 
 the islands. Within its constitutional limits the power of Congress is already 
 autocratic and despotic. Within their constitutional limits the powers of the 
 different officers of our country are autocratic and despotic. We rely somewhat 
 upon the good judgment of the men who are elected to office, and we also rely 
 upon the right of the people, in their discretion to correct an exercise of ill judg- 
 ment by electing other and different officials. 
 
 "EXPANSION HAS PROVEN BENEFICIAL. 
 
 "Shall we shrink from the problems which are thus thrust upon us? Shall 
 we attempt to shift the burden from our shoulders for fear we may not be strong 
 enough to bear it? Shall a nation which in a century and a quarter of time has 
 increased its area from 400,000 to 4,000,000 square miles be now afraid of one more 
 addition? 
 
 "Why, when, through the daring courage and the wonderful campaign of 
 George Rogers Clark and his little band of less than 200 men, the British pos- 
 sessions in the Mississippi Valley were captured for the State of Virginia and the 
 new Confederacy of States, the Continental Congress at once claimed that the 
 empire thus gained, lying east of the Mississippi, should never be relinquished; and 
 when the treaty of peace with Great Britain was signed in 1783, the territorial 
 extent of the revolting colonies had already been nearly doubled. 
 
 "The Revolutionary patriots of that day, while they may have had doubts
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAX EXPANSION. 675 
 
 about the future, wliile they were more afraid of a strong central government 
 than we are now, while they could not even imagine the splendid triumphs which 
 human genius would accomplish — welding together into a solid whole the scat- 
 tered parts of a great empire — never faltered in their daring to believe that the 
 empire which had been won by the gallantry and hardships of their soldiers, should 
 remain a possession of their country. 
 
 "From that day to this no generation has come and gone without adding 
 to the extent of our national territory. And who can wonder? Does the history 
 of the past count for nothing? Did the pilgrim fathers and mothers leave their 
 homes and cross a trackless sea and settle on almost barren soil, in an inhospitable 
 clime, in the midst of savage Indians, in order that their descendants should 
 be frightened by the unsolved problems of an enlarging nation? Were there 
 no trials and tribulations in the life an,d death of the early settlers who planted 
 the fringe of States along the Atlantic coast from Maine to Georgia? 
 
 "Were their problems less hard to solve than the problems which now con- 
 front us? Were the dangers which threatened them less fearful than the dangers 
 which we may see as possible before us? Have we forgotten the losses which they 
 suffered, the savage foes which they encountered, and the splendor of their 
 achievements which overcame the obstacles of the wilderness iti a new land, which 
 defied the terrors of bloody border warfare, and which set up a new and inde- 
 pendent government against the arms and power of the English throne? 
 
 "No doubt when the early settlers left their homes in Europe to cross the 
 Atlantic there were croakers and doubters who despaired of the successful ending 
 of these new ventures. No doubt there were conservatives who pleaded terrors 
 to be encountered and urged the certainty of failure; but lives there a man to-day 
 so mean in spirit and so small in daring that he regrets the sailing of the Pilgrims 
 for our shore? Unfortunately there be some who have come to us now, while 
 the flush of prosperity and peace and comfort mantles our land, who pour out 
 their souls and cry out their eyes fearful lest we, too, may be imbued by some 
 of the spirit of adventure and liberty and gain which first brought the white race 
 to build up this wonderful country and this noble Republic. 
 
 "But the example of the early settlers has ever been an inspiration which gave 
 to our people the hope, the heart, and the courage to accept the responsibilities of 
 national gro^vih and progressive expansion. 
 
 "It was Thomas Jefferson, the author of the Declaration of Independence, 
 who when President of the United States, with James Madison, the historian of the 
 Constitutional Convention, for his Secretary of State, and James Monroe, also a
 
 676 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 President of the United States, made the first and the greatest expansion of terri- 
 tory after the adoption of our Constitution. There were doubters then. There 
 were men then who feared and who trembled for the future of the Republic. There 
 were pessimists in those days who did not believe that a republic could live with 
 a domain so vast. 
 
 "Jefferson put aside his conscientious scruples about a strict construction of 
 the Constitution, and, rising equal to the emergency and the opportunity which 
 had come, looked dimly through the years and faintly saw the wonderful progress 
 to liberty and to the life of the young nation by adding the western bank of 
 the Mississippi to our domain. 
 
 "It was Daniel Webster, the greatest Senator who ever sat in the United 
 States Senate from Massachusetts, if not from all the States, who, in 1848, saw 
 lurking in the annexation of California the dissolution of our nation. 
 
 "But again the will and the wish of the people were better and wiser than the 
 foresight of the great Webster. Who would now blot out from our map the States 
 of Ohio, Illinois, and others which were gained by the prowess and genius of George 
 Rogers Clark? Who would now part with Iowa, with Kansas, Nebraska, Missouri, 
 and the other States vi^hich came to us through the Louisiana purchase made by 
 Thomas Jefferson? Who would now yield up a foot of ground in Texas, which 
 caused the Mexican war, or in California or in New Mexico, which were the result 
 of that war? 
 
 "We have suddenly learned that our nation has grown to the stature of full 
 manhood. In the length of a year we have discovered that our nation is one 
 of the great forces of government in the world; that it can not stand idly by; that 
 in the inevitable destiny of government it must move forward. Almost without 
 knowing it, and certainly v.dthout previous full appreciation of it, we have become 
 one of the greatest factors in the world's commercial relations, which are so 
 intricately interwoven and intertwined that no nation can now shirk the respon- 
 sibilities of government which time or opportunity puts upon her. 
 
 "Who does not know that dangerous problems and possibilities lie in the 
 annexation of the Philippine Islands? Who did not know that dangers and prob- 
 lems would come with the early settlements on our shores? Who did not know 
 that dangers and problems would come with the Louisiana purchase? Who did 
 not know that dangers and problems would come with the annexation of Texas and 
 the acquisition of Mexican territory? Shall we fear where our fathers dared? 
 Shall we doubt and stop where they faced destruction and death and went ahead? 
 Do we think that because we have reached from ocean to ocean we can circum-
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 677 
 
 scribe the sphere of our activity by the waters which border our present shores? 
 
 "In 1803, when Jefferson made the Louisiana purchase, the exports from 
 our country of all kinds were $55,000,000. In 1848, when we acquired California, 
 the exports from our country were $138,000,000. Last year the exports were 
 $1,255,000,000. Of our exports last year $981,000,000 went to Europe, $149,- 
 000,000 went to other countries in North America, and $47,000,000 went to 
 Asia. The exports last year from our country to Asia were nearly as large and 
 the exports to Asia and Oceanica together were considerably larger than the total 
 exports from our country when Jefferson purchased Louisiana, and yet they were 
 a mere bagatelle compared either with the total exports from our country or the 
 total imports of Asia and Oceanica. 
 
 "Who could foresee in 1803 that the exports from our country in less than 
 a century of time would increase from $55,000,000 to $1,255,000,000? \Ylio can 
 read the future for us? In a century and a quarter our nation has spread from 
 a mere coast line on the Atlantic until it has covered a continent across to the 
 Pacific Ocean. It is the ascendant nation on the Western Hemisphere. Shall 
 it now stop its progressive growth because a few pessimists fear danger and a 
 few partisans play politics? 
 
 "When the century began it took six weeks to cross the Atlantic Ocean. Can 
 you read into the future and tell how long it will take a hundred years from now 
 to cross the Pacific ocean? When the Territory of Oregon was organized in 1848 
 it took Governor Lane, the first governor of that Territory, more than six months 
 to reach the mouth of the Columbia River, 
 
 "But with the enlargement of our territorial extent came the enlarged genius 
 of man, came the quickened wits of man, came the inspiration to greater deeds, 
 to more splendid achievements in science, in mechanics, in arts. 
 
 "Our country possesses to-day one-third of the railroad mileage of the world; 
 more than one-half of the telegrajoh mileage. We have bounded into prosperity 
 because we took up manfully the burdens which we assumed, and we attempted, 
 like brave and daring men, the solution of the problems which we accepted. The 
 civilization which has girdled the world is now reaching, with the hand of the 
 American nation, across the waters of the Pacific to the land from which civiliza- 
 tion started. The innate forces of human nature have decreed the opening of 
 China and the Chinese Empire to the forces of modern genius and modern 
 civilization. 
 
 "In like manner as we have, by steady acquisition of territory, become the
 
 678 THE HISTOEY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 supreme leaders on the Western Continent, so we should become the supreme 
 leaders on the Pacific Ocean. 
 
 "When Webster negotiated the Ashburton treaty and settled our northwestern 
 boundary line with Great Britain, we had a bare outlet on the Pacific Ocean. Since 
 then we have acquired the coast line of California, the coast line of Alaska, and 
 the Aleutian Islands, giving us the ascendant influence on the easterly and north- 
 erly sides of that ocean. By the recent acquisition of the greatest strategic point 
 in the Pacific, the Hawaiian Islands, we now need bvit a foothold of territory and 
 friendly inhabitants on the other side to give us the supremacy for defense or 
 offense for war or peace, for trade and commerce, in that greatest of bodies of 
 water, which can not escape in the future from being the scene of a more splendid 
 development than any yet attained in history. 
 
 "Will it be said that we are taking the Philippine Islands against the wish 
 of the inhabitants? Did the Continental Congress ask the consent of the inhab- 
 itants of Kaskaskia and Vincennes? Did Thomas Jefferson and James Madison 
 ask the consent of the inhabitants of New Orleans? Did James Monroe or Andrew 
 Jackson ask the consent of the inhabitants of Pensacola and other points in Florida? 
 Did President Polk ask the consent of the inhabitants of Santa Fe or of California? 
 They did not doubt their ability to give to the inhabitants of those territories 
 better government than they previously possessed. Do we doubt the ability of 
 our country to give to the Filipinos better government than Spain has ever given 
 them? 
 
 "For a hundred years they have been weakly struggling for additional privi- 
 leges and greater liberty. They have never succeeded; they were never on the 
 point of success; they were disheartened and defeated until the greatest hero of 
 our war steamed by the forts and into the bay at Manila. If they are fit for local 
 self-government, can we not give it to them under our central Government? If 
 they are unfitted now for local self-government, can we not give them better 
 government than they have had and better government than they can maintain 
 for themselves? Do we fear that we are making a departure if we inaugurate a 
 colonial system of government for them? 
 
 "Jefferson, who drafted the Declaration of Independence, who was the founder 
 of the Democratic party, urged an amendment to the Constitution which would 
 keep a part of the Louisiana purchase in the condition of a colony or a province. 
 
 "Gouverneur Morris, who was the draftsman of the Constitution, believed that 
 we not only had the right, but that it was our duty to govern all of the Louisiana 
 purchase as a colony. The opposition to the Louisiana purchase in Congress in
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. (57!) 
 
 1803 denounced the treaty of purchase for the very reason, as they said, that it 
 provided for the admission of the inhabitants of the annexed territory to equal 
 rights and privileges with the citizens of our country, and they claimed that 
 ^ve only had the right to govern annexed territory as colonies. 
 
 ''We need not fear for the future. Our race surmounts the obstacles which 
 it meets. The greater America has come, because it is for the mutual interest 
 of those who take and of those who are taken. We shall not the less continue 
 to solve the problems coming with increased population in our local affairs. We 
 shall not the less continue to preserve the independence of thought and liberty 
 within the individual States and the General Government; but with the spread 
 of our power, with the enlargement of our domain, we shall take loftier view of 
 the affairs of men. We shall strive to mount to higher rounds; we shall enlarge 
 the blessings of individual liberty; we shall increase the comforts of those who 
 come under our influence; we shall take a step forward in the progress of enlight- 
 ened liberty, civilization, and humanity. 
 
 "And we would not dare to step backward. If we have not the genius and 
 the statesmanship to give good government to the people of the Philippine Islands 
 under the direction of our central Government, then we acknowledge that a repub- 
 lican form of government is unequal to the emergency which confronts it and is 
 less capable than would be the government of a monarchy. I deny it. We can 
 give to the Philippine Islands, under some form of partial local government, more 
 liberty, more enlightenment, more comforts, more privileges, more prosperity, more 
 happiness than they have ever yet received — more than they ever would receive 
 either under a government conducted wholly by themselves or some form of gov- 
 ernment supplied for them by some European power. 
 
 "Let men prate no longer about their tender solicitude for the inhabitants 
 of those islands when they say Ave have no right to govern them against their 
 will. No patriot who is a citizen of our country will honestly say he believes 
 we can not give them better government than they have had or than they can 
 give to and maintain for themselves alone. 
 
 "It is the selfish side of the opponents of expansion which causes them to weep 
 tears for the supposed injury to be done to the Filipinos. It is not because they 
 love or care for the Filipinos; it is because they love and care for themselves only. 
 They are thinking, not of the interests of the inhabitants on the other side of the 
 world; they are thinking only of their pessimistic, d3^speptic fears of the future 
 of our own land — fears which are not new, but are the ghosts of fears born in 
 the human heart and mind thousands of years ago, and which ever since have
 
 680 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 
 
 been stalking abroad, endeavoring to block the progress of the hnman race and 
 of human government. 
 
 "I do not know what the fntiire will bring forth, but I do not believe that 
 wisdom will die with the present generation. What has been accomplished during 
 this century will be more than duplicated in the next. Let us not make the 
 mistake of believing that the Asiatic people are naked savages or poverty-stricken 
 barbarians. Over there one form of civilization has reached a higher plane than 
 we have yet attained. Scholarship and learning are not wanting there. Wealth 
 and culture are found also there. Religion and philosophy will not be first taught 
 by us to them. This wonderful people, which has isolated itself from the world 
 since the dawn of what is to us ancient history, will shortly enter into competition 
 and commerce with the rest of mankind. 
 
 ''The Chinese Empire, with its more than 4,000,000 square miles of territory, 
 greater in extent than ours even with Alaska included, with its 400,000,000 of 
 population, with its form of civilization, will soon be opened to the world, whether 
 we wi'll it or not. Then there will meet across the Pacific seas, in active competi- 
 tion, the two greatest intellectual forces of the world — the modern civilization of 
 Europe and America and the ancient and modern civilization of China. What will 
 result from the competition ensuing no one can foretell. It may be strife or it 
 may be peace; it may result in a bloody warfare for final supremacy or it may 
 excite the genius of mankind to a higher pitch than yet known, and produce a 
 civilization, a prosperity, a comfort, a happiness, a means of communication, a 
 splendor of the material, the intellectual, the philosophic forces of mankind not 
 even yet faintly dreamed of. 
 
 "Wliatever the future may produce out of this great reopening and reawaken- 
 ing of ancient Asia, it is the opportunity now, as it is the duty now, of the United 
 States to secure for herself a resting place for her navies, for her armies, for her 
 trade and commerce, for her civilization, for her arts and industry, on the other 
 side of the Pacific Ocean in close proximity to the coast of Asia. 
 
 "As against the wonderful possibilities of the future, as against the splendid 
 destinies of our people and our nation, as against our final supremacy on the waters 
 of the Pacific Ocean in the confiict of civilization, in the combat of races, in the 
 growth of trade and commerce in peaceful amity, in the inspiration to higher art 
 and higher thought and nobler genius, I would brush aside the objections offered 
 by the opponents of the greater America as mere loose chaff flying unguided 
 in the winds. 
 
 "The dream of Columbus will soon be a realization. In 1493 he sailed west-
 
 THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN EXPANSION. 681 
 
 ward from Spain to reach the East Indies. The country which he discovered and 
 added to the map of the world has now reached to the East Indies, and within 
 a few days, or years at most, another Columbus, sailing westward from Spain to 
 find the East Indies, will discover that greater America has already begun to pro- 
 vide a route by which a ship can sail from Spain westward to the East Indies 
 through an isthmian canal, and to a government placed upon the Philippine 
 Islands of liberty, of love, and of strength by the United States of America, which 
 set up the first independent and liberty-serving government for itself on the 
 continent which Columbus had discovered. 
 
 "And when this second Columbus shall sail he may stop with his vessel for 
 supplies at the Island of Porto Rico, a possession of our country; he may pass 
 through the Nicaragua Canal, under the control of our country; he can stop at 
 the Hawaiian Islands, a part of our land; he can stop at the Ladrone Islands, 
 belonging to us, and he can reach the Philippines and still be under the flag of 
 the country which the first Columbus made known to the world. 
 
 "We shall take no steps backward. The treaty has been ratified. The Amer- 
 ican flag will never come down from Manila. It will not remain flying there because 
 we are afraid to haul down the flag when it ought to be hauled down. It will 
 not remain there because mere sentiment prevents us from hauling down the 
 flag when once raised; but the flag will remain flying there because it is for. the 
 interest of all parties, because it is for the benefit of humanity, because it is a 
 part of the plan of Divine Providence which, in some mysterious way, governs 
 the destinies of the nations. 
 
 "It will not remain there because we dare not haul it down, but because we 
 dare to keep it flying and dare to face the problems which are before us. 
 
 "May God give us the courage and the heart, the wisdom and soul, to properly 
 administer enlightened government with intelligent progress in the more than 
 4,000,000 square miles, on both sides of the ocean, constituting the newer and 
 the greater America.'^
 
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