.ESSAYS , BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL BY SIR WILLIAM RAMSAY, K.C.B. COMMANDEUR DE LA LEGION D'HONNEUR COMMENDATORE DELLA CORONA D'lTALIA FELLOW OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY, ETC. NEW YORK E. P. BUTTON ANB COMPANY 29 WEST 23RD STREET 1909 C -BAL PREFACE THESE Essays on Chemical History and Biography, and on chemical topics, have been delivered as lectures, or pub- lished as magazine articles at various times in the course of the last twenty-five years. A little alteration has been necessary to avoid undue repetition, and in some cases footnotes have been added, to correct statements which have been rendered inaccurate by the progress of dis- covery. I have to thank the University of Glasgow for permis- sion to reprint the oration on Black ; the editor of the Youth's Companion for permission to reprint the sketch of Lord Kelvin, ' What is an Element ? ' ' On the Periodic Arrangement of the Elements,' 'Radium and its Pro- ducts,' ' What is Electricity ? ' and ' How Discoveries are Made ' : the editor of the Contempora/^y Review for permission to reprint the article on * The Becquerel Rays ' : and the Royal Society, which has kindly granted similar permission to republish the life of M. Berthelot. WILLIAM RAMSAY. October 1908. 195100 CONTENTS I. HISTORICAL ESSAYS PAGE THE EARLY DAYS OF CHEMISTRY ... 1 THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS I. BOYLE AND CAVENDISH . . 19 II. DAVY AND GRAHAM . . 41 JOSEPH BLACK: HIS LIFE AND WORK . . .67 LORD KELVIN .... 89 PIERRE EUGENE MARCELLIN BERTHELOT . 101 II. CHEMICAL ESSAYS HOW DISCOVERIES ARE MADE . . . .115 THE BECQUEREL RAYS .' 129 WHAT IS AN ELEMENT? . . . . 147 ON THE PERIODIC ARRANGEMENT OF THE ELEMENTS . 161 RADIUM AND ITS PRODUCTS . . . 179 WHAT IS ELECTRICITY? ... 193 THE AURORA BOREALIS .... 205 THE FUNCTIONS OF A UNIVERSITY . 227 vii OF THE UNIVERSITY OF I. HISTORICAL ESSAYS THE EARLY DAYS OF CHEMISTRY IN the early days of the world's history, the study of science was unknown. The state of society was insecure ; nation was constantly invading nation, and men had little leisure for other pursuits save war and the chase. Yet we find, among those nations which were sufficiently powerful to resist the attacks of their neighbours, and sufficiently prosperous to dispense with invasions of the territory of others in quest of plunder, some attempts to inquire into the mysteries of nature. In some countries, as in Egypt, a leisured class of persons, the priests, urged no doubt partly by a desire for knowledge, partly by a wish to impress the people with a sense of their superior powers, made some progress in what may be called 'natural philosophy/ understanding by that term elementary physics and chemistry. To these they added a considerable acquaintance with astronomy and mathe- matics. For practical purposes of life, too, certain of the arts, notably metallurgy and dyeing, which are based on chemical principles, were cultivated. But these were carried on by rule of thumb, and their development was slow. Indeed, they were for the most part in the hands of slaves, the freemen finding it more profitable to engage in commerce, or in administration. The state of Turkey or Morocco, in the present day, gives a good 2 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL idea of the condition of life in the centuries before the Christian era, in so far as pursuit of science is concerned. Even with the example of adjoining nations, whose prosperity is in great part due to the attention they have paid to the cultivation of scientific knowledge, the Turks and the Moors display a total lack of interest. Much less, then, could people such as those be expected to show any eagerness in the discovery of Nature's secrets. Yet from time to time there have been minds who refused to accept the daily drudgery of life as sufficient for their needs. Questions such as : Whence did this world arise ? What does it consist of ? What will be its ultimate fate ? perplexed them, as they perplex us ; and in an endeavour to answer questions like these, scientific discovery was begun. Many nations, however, were instructed by the priests of their religion that it is impious to make such inquiries ; and it is not until the era of the early Greek civilisation, when the current mythology had ceased to retain its hold on abler minds, that we find any serious attempt to grapple with funda- mental problems like those stated. But even among the Greeks we meet with a disinclination to take trouble about matters which were imagined to have little if any relation to human affairs; even Socrates, one of their greatest thinkers, taught that it was foolish to abandon those things which more nearly concern man for things external to him. Plato, who chronicled the sayings of Socrates, wrote in the seventh book of the Republic : 1 We shall pursue astronomy with the help of problems, just as we pursue geometry; but if it is our desire to become acquainted with the true nature of astronomy, we shall let the heavenly bodies alone.' And he states in another place, that even if we were to ascertain these things, we could neither alter the course of the stars, THE EARLY DAYS OF CHEMISTRY 3 nor apply our knowledge so as to benefit mankind. And in Timaeus, Plato remarks, ' God only has the knowledge and the power which are able to combine many things into one, and to dissolve the one into the many. But no man either is, or ever will be, able to accomplish either the one or the other operation.' Even in the middle ages, the same spirit of content with insufficient observation, and the same disposition to draw conclusions from insufficient premises, is to be noticed. It is difficult for us, in this age when a certain acquaintance with scientific methods of thought, if not with scientific facts, is common to almost every one, to imagine the kind of reply to elementary questions which satisfied our predecessors, even those who devoted time and, one would hope, some powers of mind to a con- sideration of the subject. Let us take a few examples. The answer which one of the schoolmen would give to the question : c Of what are bodies composed ? ' is thus paraphrased by Le Febure, apothecary to His Majesty Charles the Second : * If the substance is a body, it must possess quantity ; and of necessity, it must be divisible ; now, bodies must be composed either of things divisible, or indivisible, that is, either of points, or of parts : a body, however, cannot be composed of points, for a point is indivisible, possessing no quantity, and, consequently, it cannot communicate quantity to a body, since it does not itself possess it. Hence it must be concluded that a body must be composed of divisible parts; to this, however, it may be said that such parts must either be divisible or indivisible; if the former, then the part cannot be the smallest possible, since it may itself be divided into others still more minute ; and if this smallest part is indivisible, the same difficulty confronts us, for it will be without quantity, which, therefore, it cannot communicate to a body, for it itself does not possess it, 4 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL seeing that divisibility is the essential property of quantity.' The logic is unanswerable, but we are left where we were. Let us next see what ideas were held by Du Clos, physician to Louis xiv., on the cause of the solidification of liquids. These are his memorable words : ' The reason of the concretion of liquids is obviously dryness ; for this quality, being the opposite of moistness, which renders bodies liquid, may well produce an effect opposite to that produced by the latter, to wit, the concretion of liquids.' Again, we have not gained much information by the profound utterance. One more quotation. It is from a work by Jean Rey, Doctor of Medicine, published in 1630, entitled, 'On an Inquiry wherefore Tin and Lead increase in Weight on Calcination.' He is arguing that 'Nature abhors a vacuum,' a favourite thesis in former days. ' It is quite certain that in the bounds of nature, a vacuum, which is nothing, can find no place. There is no power in Nature from which nothing could have made the universe, and none which could reduce the universe to nothing : that requires the same virtue. Now the matter would be otherwise if there could be a vacuum. For if it could be here, it could also be there ; and being here and there, why not elsewhere ? and why not everywhere ? Thus the universe could reach annihilation by its own forces ; but to Him alone who could make it is due the glory of compassing its destruction.' We must remember, therefore, in studying the early history of chemistry, that not only were facts, familiar to many of us now, wholly unknown ; but we must also bear in mind that the point of view from which the early chemists surveyed the phenomena of nature was entirely different from that to which we are now accustomed. It is evident, from the examples quoted, which are not THE EARLY DAYS OF CHEMISTRY 5 taken from the writings of, those who lived at a very remote time from the present day, but only six or seven generations ago, that our great-great-great-grandfathers differed from ourselves not merely in lack of knowledge, but in the way they regarded the facts which they observed. And it is consequently somewhat difficult for us to adopt their point of view, and to think their thoughts. But we must attempt to do so, if we are to realise the progress of our science. The progress of the science of Chemistry, indeed, forms one phase of the progress of human thought. The ideas which have been held, however, run in certain channels. They may all be referred to speculations on the nature of matter ; but the speculations take different forms. For it may be inquired : What forms is matter capable of assuming ? Or, what is the minute structure of matter ? Or, what changes does matter undergo ? These three questions were for the ancients, as they are still for us, fundamental; and it will be the aim of these essays to endeavour to give the reader some idea of the history of these three lines of thought. We shall see that our present knowledge enables us in some measure to connect these three lines of inquiry by virtue of certain hypotheses ; but it will be convenient to treat of each separately, at least up to a certain stage. THE ELEMENTS The word 'Element/ in the old days, had a meaning different from that which we now ascribe to it ; or, to be more exact, it had two meanings, which were frequently confounded with one another. The suggested derivation of the word indicates one of these meanings ; it is that which we usually give it ; for, just as ' 1,' ' m,' and ' n ' are 6 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL constituents of the alphabet, so an ' element ' was regarded as a constituent of substances. From the use of the word by ancient authors, however, it would appear that an element was often regarded as a property of matter ; and it was evidently supposed that by changing the properties, or in the words of the old writers adding more or less of one or other element to a substance, the substance itself could be transmuted into another wholly different. We shall see examples of the two meanings illustrated later on. It is probable that the original ideas of elements reached Greece from India. The Buddhistic teaching was that the elements are six in number, namely, Earth, Water, Air, Fire, Ether, and Consciousness. But they are given by Empedocles of Agrigent, who lived about 440 B.C., without, the two last; and many disputes arose as to which was to be regarded as the primary one, from which all the others were derived ; for even at that remote date, speculation was rife as to the unity of matter. While Thales contended that the original element was water, Anaximenes believed it to be air or fire; and Aristotle did not regard elements as different kinds of matter, but as different properties appertaining to one original matter. Plato, however, evidently con- sidered elements to be different kinds of matter, for he puts these words into the mouth of Timaeus : 'In the first place, that which we are now calling water, when congealed, becomes stone and earth, as our sight seems to show us [here he refers probably to rock-crystal, then supposed to be petrified ice] ; and this same element, when melted and dispersed, passes into vapour and fire. Air, again, when burnt up, becomes fire, and again fire, when condensed and extinguished, passes once more into the form of air ; and once more air, when collected and condensed, produces cloud and vapour; and from THE EARLY DAYS OF CHEMISTRY 7 these, when still more compressed, comes flowing water ; and from water come earth and stones once more; and thus generation seems to be transmitted from one to the other in a circle.' Aristotle attributed to these elements four properties, of which each possessed two. Thus, Earth was cold and dry ; Water, cold and moist ; Air, hot and moist ; and Fire, hot and dry. A fifth element was also conceived by Aristotle to accompany these four; he termed it V\TJ, translated into the Latin Quinta Essentia ; and this was regarded by alchemists of a later date as of the utmost importance, for it was supposed to penetrate the whole world. The ceaseless strivings of the alchemists after the 'quintessence' were due to the notion that, were it discovered, all transmutations would then be possible. Yet the word ' Chemistry' was not, so far as we know, in use in Aristotle's time. It is said to occur in a Greek manu- script of Zosimus, a resident in Panapolis, a city in Egypt, who wrote in the fifth century. It appeared to mean the art of making gold and silver ; for the title of his work is given by Scaliger as * A faithful Description of the sacred and divine Art of making gold and silver.' M. Berthelot, who has made a detailed study of ancient Greek, Arabic, Syriac, and Latin manuscripts relating to early chemistry, believes that the attempts to transmute metals arose, not from any philosophical notions regarding the nature of elements, but from fraudulent attempts of goldsmiths to pass off base metals on their customers for silver and gold. One of the earliest manuscripts on record dates from the third century, and is preserved at Leiden in Holland. It was found in a tomb in Thebes in 1828. It is a rough and ill-spelt collection of workman's receipts for working in metals, in which frequent reference is made to an alloy of copper and tin an alloy which in many respects resembles gold. It is apparently a manu- 8 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL script which escaped the fate of most of the Egyptian MSS. of that date; for about the year 290, the Emperor Diocletian commanded that all works on alchemy should be burnt, * in order that the Egyptians might not become rich by the art [of making gold and silver] and use their wealth to revolt against the Romans.' But although the idea of transmutation did not arise from such theoretical speculations as Aristotle's on the unity of matter, and on the possibility of converting one kind of matter into another by altering its properties, or in the language of the time, adding or removing more or less of one or other element, yet the later workers did not scruple to use Aristotle's theory in order to make good their case. And for many centuries indeed until our own time there have always existed men who devoted their lives to this object. There was, at the same time, a supposed mystical connection, of Chaldean origin, between the metals and the planets. Thus gold was the sun ; silver, the moon ; copper, Venus ; tin, and afterwards mercury, was associ- ated with the planet of that name ; iron, used in battle, had affinity with ruddy Mars ; electron, an alloy of gold and silver, and subsequently tin, was Jupiter ; and sluggish and heavy lead was the slow-moving Saturn. These analogies were used in casting horoscopes, or predicting the future of those rich and credulous enough to consult astrologers. At the same time as these fantastic notions were held, many processes of manufacture, involving a knowledge of chemical reactions, were carried on. These will be alluded to later ; but it may be noted here that speculation did not take the course of attempting to devise explana- tions of chemical changes, but was indulged in, as before remarked, with little reference to experimental methods. THE EARLY DAYS OF CHEMISTRY 9 The conquest of Egypt by the Arabians in the seventh century put an end for a time to the school of learning of Alexandria, where citizens of all nations met and dis- cussed problems of all kinds. But the spirit of the Grseco- Egyptians was too strong even for the fanaticism of the Arabians ; the conquered became the conqueror ; and an Arabian school of philosophy arose, which carried on the traditions acquired from the Greeks. It has been be- lieved, until M. Berthelot showed the belief to be erro- neous, that Latin works which professed to be translations from the Arabic of the eighth and succeeding centuries were really renderings of the ancient Arabian authors. It appears, however, that they are for the most part forgeries, having little if any resemblance to the originals. Thus Geber, said to have been translated into Latin in 1529, is entirely different from the Arabic writings of the real Geber. The historical Geber lived in the ninth cen- tury. His comment on alchemy is characterised by strong common sense. It is : 'I saw that persons em- ployed in attempts to fabricate gold and silver were working in ignorance, and by false methods ; I then per- ceived that they belonged to two classes, the dupers and the duped. I pitied both of them.' About this time, however, an addition to Aristotle's classification of elements was made ; and it endured until within the last two hundred years. It evidently arose from attempts to account for the properties of the metals, and the changes which they undergo by heat. These additional 'principles,' as they were termed, were salt, sulphur, and mercury. We read that the noble metals contain 'a very pure mercury/ the meaning being, pro- bably, that they possess a high metallic lustre ; while the common metals, such as copper and iron, contain ' a base sulphur,' implying that these metals are easily altered by fire, losing their metallic appearance and changing into 10 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL black scales. These principles were later increased to five, by the addition of ' phlegm ' and of ' earth.' Fanci- ful analogies were drawn between the Divine Trinity of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, the human Body, Soul, and Spirit, and the three principles above-named. At- tempts were incessantly made to draw inspiration from such impossible fancies. Thus the volatilisation of mer- cury, or ' Spirit ' as it was sometimes called, was deemed analogous to the ascension of Christ! In fact, there is no limit to the absurdity and folly of the endeavours of the alchemists. Let us hear a list of their processes, as told by Sir George Ripley, who lived and wrote in 1471. c The fyrst Chapter shalbe of naturall Calcination ; The second of Dyssolution secret and phylosophycall ; The third of our Elemental Separation ; The fourth of Conjunction matrymonyall ; The fifth of Putrefaction then folio we shall ; Of Congelatyon, albyfycative shall be the Syxt, Then of Cybation the seaventh shall follow next. The secret of our Sublymation the eyght shall show ; The nynth shall be of Fermentation ; The tenth of our Exaltation I trow ; The eleventh of our mervelose Multyplycatyon ; The twelfth of Projectyon, then Recapytulatyon ; And so thys treatise shall take an end, By the help of God, as I entend.' These chapters are wearisome and rambling ; and it is impossible to gain a single clear idea from their perusal. Indeed it was part of the creed of the alchemists that their secrets were too precious to be revealed to the baser sort of men. 1 The Philosophers were y-sworne eche one That they shulde discover it unto none, He in no boke it write in no manere For unto Christ it is so lefe and deare : THE EARLY DAYS OF CHEMISTRY 11 That he wol not that it discovered be, But where it liketh to his deite : Man to inspire and eke for to defend Whan that him liketh : in this is his end ' sang Chaucer, and he told a true tale, for the meanings of alchemical expressions are often undecipherable. The green lion, the basilisk, the cockatrice, the sala- mander, the flying eagle, the toad, the dragon's tail and blood, the spotted panther, the crow's bill, blue as lead, kings and queens, red bridegrooms and lily brides, and many more mystical terms which had no doubt some meaning to adepts, were mingled in inextricable con- fusion. Moreover, the alchemists made use, not only of fantastic expressions, in order to preserve their supposed secrets from the common people, but they had also a set of symbols, possibly originating from the Chaldean or Egyp- tian alphabets, by which the substances and many of the processes used were symbolised. While the chief aim of modern science is perspicuity, that of the alchemists was ambiguity and mystery. In many cases they were so successful in preserving their secrets that even modern investigation has failed to reveal them. But there is one grain of comfort, albeit it savours of sour grapes, it is perfectly certain that there was nothing worth revealing ; at least nothing which it could profit a modern student of science to know. Where the descriptions have been interpreted, they refer to imperfect methods of doing what we are now able to do with much greater economy and rapidity. As already pointed out, their theory of elements was erroneous ; they were, moreover, acquainted with very few pure substances, and had no criterion of the purity of those they possessed ; and they failed to realise the existence of gases as forms of matter. 12 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL Yet the interminable experiments which were con- ducted with a view of discovering the ' Philosopher's Stone/ which should convert the baser metals into gold, and the elixir vitce, which should convey undying youth on its happy possessor, led to the discovery of many chemical compounds. The writings of Basil Valentine, reputed to have been a Benedictine monk living in South Germany during the latter half of the fifteenth century, contain a description of many substances, now known as chemical entities, together with the methods of pre- paring them. In a tract entitled ' The Great Stone of the Ancients/ he gives in detail the properties of ordinary sulphur; of mercury, alluding to the medicinal uses of its compounds ; of antimony oxide or ' Spiessglas/ which he conjectures to consist of 'much mercury, also much sulphur, though little salt ' ; of copper- water, or a solution of copper sulphate ; of lima potabilis or solution of silver nitrate; of quick-lime; of arsenious oxide; of saltpetre. The last he makes tell its own story : ' Two elements are found in me, in quantity fire and air ; I contain water and earth in less amount ; therefore am I fiery, burning, and volatile. For a subtle spirit resides in me ; I am likest to mercury inwardly hot but outwardly cold. My chief enemy is common sulphur; and yet he is my greatest friend, for I am purified and refined through him.' Sal- ammoniac, tartar, vinegar, and above all, numerous com- pounds of antimony were also described by Basil Valen- tine, the last in his celebrated work entitled, The Trium- phal Chariot of Antimony. In his writings, however, he points out that many of the substances he describes have medicinal properties ; and his successors, of whom perhaps the best known was Paracelsus, developed this part of his teaching. Yet in spite of his considerable knowledge, he retained belief in transmutation : he also added one to the previously received two principles of THE EARLY DAYS OF CHEMISTRY 13 Geber and his disciples, namely salt, or, as he terms it, ' salt of the philosophers ' ; it is the constituent of matter, which confers solidity, and which remains after the volatile mercury and sulphur have been removed by heat. In the first half of the sixteenth century Paracelsus extended and applied the suggestion of Basil Valentine, and founded what became known as the school of ' iatro- chemists' a body of men who taught that the chief object of chemistry is not the transmutation of metals, but the application of chemical substances to medical uses. He adhered, however, to Valentine's theory of the three principles ; but he applied them to the human body, teaching that the organism itself consists of these principles, and that disease, owing its origin to a deficiency of one of them, is to be combated by its being restored to the system. Increase of sulphur, he taught, gives rise to fever and the plague ; increase of mercury to paralysis and depression ; and of salt, to diarrhoea and dropsy. Too little sulphur in the organism produces gout ; delirium is caused by distilling it from one organ to another, and so on in fanciful theorisings. One of the most fantastic is his attributing the nutrition of the body to a beneficent spirit, named the ' Archseus,' who resided in the stomach, and presided over the function of digestion. But these curious notions have little bearing on the development of chemistry. The teaching of Paracelsus, however, had the good effect of directing attention to an important branch of chemistry its use in pharmacy. And from his time onwards, indeed, up to the middle of last cen- tury, many of the best-known chemists had received a medical training, and the ranks of chemical investigators were largely recruited from the medical profession. Although the alchemists, after the beginning of the seventeenth century, exercised little influence on the progress of chemistry, they continued their fruitless 14 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL quest. The possibility of transmutation has always been associated with speculations concerning the unity of matter. And although there is little evidence as yet to justify the supposition that all substances are ultimately composed of matter of one kind, still the history of our science contains many accounts of attempts to effect transmutation. One such attempt, in modern times, was made by Dr. Samuel Brown, who claimed to have obtained silicon from paracyanogen, a compound consisting of car- bon and nitrogen alone; but subsequent workers failed to substantiate his results. There is, however, no ques- tion as regards the honesty of Dr. Brown's work; the only conclusion is that he must have omitted to take sufficient precautions against contamination of his carbon compounds with silicon. There exist at present in France also secret societies, with such titles as 'L'Ordre de la Rose-Croix,' and ' L' Association alchimique de France,' the latter the successor of one named 'La Societe Her- metique.' One of the latest of their 'researches' was carried out by ' Maitre ' Theodore Tiffereau ; he professed in 1896 to have obtained compounds of carbon ether and acetic acid from the metal aluminium, sealed up with nitric acid in a glass tube, and exposed to the sun's rays for two months. But the attempt to transmute baser materials into gold still holds the field. August Strindberg claims to have produced ' incomplete ' gold from ferrous ammonium sulphate ; and still more recently Emmens, who, however, disclaims the name of alchemist, states that he has converted Mexican silver dollars into gold, or more correctly, increased the small amount of gold actually present in such coins, by hammering the metal exposed to an extremely low temperature. There is reason to suspect the existence of an element which should resemble both gold and silver ; Emmens pro- fesses to have made this element, which he names THE EARLY DAYS OF CHEMISTRY 15 argentaurum, by hammering silver, and to have trans- muted it, by a further process, into gold. He claims, too, that Sir William Crookes has obtained proof, slight it is true, though decisive, of an increase in the quantity of gold in a Mexican dollar, after treating the latter by his process. We have seen from what precedes that the doctrine concerning elements, held from remote times, was that they were four in number, earth, water, air, and fire. That besides these, there exist three chemical or ' hypo- static ' principles, to wit, sulphur, mercury, and salt. In spite of the refutation of such views by the Honourable Robert Boyle, which we shall consider later, they lingered on until the middle of last century, being quoted in almost all treatises on chemistry. Macquer's Chemistry, a text-book which obtained a wide circulation in its day, gives the following description of the ancient elements (1768): 'Air is the fluid which we constantly breathe, and which surrounds the whole surface of the terrestrial globe. Being heavy, like all other bodies, it penetrates into all places that are not either absolutely inaccessible or filled with some other body heavier than itself. Its principal property is to be susceptible of condensation and rarefaction; so that the very same quantity of Air may occupy a much greater or a much smaller space, according to the different state it is in. Heat and cold, or, if you will, the presence or absence of the particles of Fire, are the most usual causes, and indeed, the measure of its condensation and rarefaction : for, if a certain quantity of air be heated, its bulk increases proportionately to the degree of heat applied to it ; the consequence of which is, that the same space now contains fewer particles than it did before.' ' Air enters into the composition of many substances, especially vegetable and animal bodies ; fully analysing most of them, such a considerable quantity 16 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL thereof is extricated, that some naturalists have suspected it to be altogether destitute of elasticity, when thus combined with other principles in the composition of bodies.' After describing some of the physical properties of water, Macquer continues : ' Water enters into the texture of many bodies, both compounds and secondary principles ; but, like air, it seems to be excluded from the composi- tion of all metals and most minerals. For although an immense quantity of water exists in the bowels of the earth, moistening all its contents, it cannot be thence inferred that it is one of the principles of minerals. It is only interposed between their parts ; for they may be entirely divested of it, without any sign of decomposition : indeed, it is not capable of an intimate connection with them.' Of earth he says : ' We observed that the two principles above treated of are volatile ; that is, the action of fire separates them from the bodies they help to compose, carrying them quite off and dissipating them. That of which we are now to speak, namely earth, is fixed, and when it is absolutely pure, resists the utmost force of fire. So that, whatever remains of a body, after it has been exposed to the power of the fiercest fire, must be con- sidered as containing nearly all earthy principle, and consisting chiefly thereof.' ' Earth, therefore, properly so called, is a fixed principle which is permanent in the fire.' He then goes on to distinguish between fusible or vitrifi- able earths, and infusible or unvitrifiable earths, the latter of which are also called absorbent earths, from their pro- perty of imbibing water. Maquer's views regarding fire are as follows : ' The matter of the sun, or of light, the Phlogiston, fire, the sulphureous principle, the inflammable matter, are all of them names by which the element of fire is usually denoted. But it THE EARLY DAYS OF CHEMISTRY 17 should seem that an accurate distinction has not been made between the different states in which it exists ; that is, between the phenomena of fire actually existing as a principle in the composition of bodies, and those which it exhibits when existing separately, and in its natural state : nor have proper distinct appellations been assigned to it in these different circumstances. In the latter state, we may properly give it the names of fire, matter of the sun, of light, and of heat ; and may consider it as a sub- stance composed of infinitely small particles, continually agitated by a most rapid motion, and of consequence essen- tially fluid.' ' The greatest change produced on bodies, by its presence or its absence, is the rendering them fluid or solid; so that all other bodies may be deemed essentially solid; fire alone essentially fluid, and the principle of fluidity in others. This being presupposed, air itself might become solid, if it could be entirely de- prived of the fire it contains ; as bodies of most difficult fusion become fluid, when penetrated by a sufficient quantity of the particles of fire.' An attempt has been made in the preceding pages to show the manner in which the world around us was regarded. People were content to take as true what they were told ; in fact, it was regarded as unfitting that the ' mysteries ' with which we are surrounded should be too minutely inquired into. Great reverence was paid to tradition; and more attention to the celebrity and per- sonal character of those who advocated certain dogmas than to the evidence in favour of their intrinsic probability. This spirit is by no means extinct; the vast majority of the human race are content to gain knowledge at second hand. Whether such knowledge is worth having may well be questioned; it is of course impossible that every man should investigate natural phenomena for himself ; but it is at least possible to place every child in B 18 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL the position of knowing, in however elementary a way, how useful deductions have been drawn from observa- tion and experiment, and of emancipating himself, to some extent at least, from the thraldom of intellectual authority. THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS I. BOYLE AND CAVENDISH THE country which is in advance of the rest of the world in Chemistry will also be foremost in wealth and in general prosperity. For the study of Chemistry is so closely bound up with our development in all kinds of industry, with the arrestment of disease, and with our success in war, that it is essential to a wealthy, healthy, and peaceful nation. The electrician is dependent on the chemist for the iron suitable for his dynamos; the engineer, for the materials which he uses in his con- struction ; and the scouring, bleaching, and dyeing of the fabrics with which we are clothed, the manufacture of the paper on which we write, and the ink with which we soil the paper ; the provision of our food-supply, and the removal of effete matter from our houses; the preparation of our medicines; and the synthesis of the high explosives with which warfare is now conducted ; all these belong to the domain of the chemist, and without them we should lapse into the. semi-barbarism of our ancestors. Still, it must be borne in mind that we are far from perfection. No process is so perfect that there is not plenty of room for improvement. There is no finality in science. And that which to-day is a scientific toy may be to-morrow the essential part of an important industry. This is one, though not in my view the most important, inducement to study the science of Chemistry. 19 20 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL To extend the bounds of human knowledge, and in so doing to glorify our Creator, is surely still more an end to be striven after. To quote from the words of Francis Bacon, prefixed by Charles Darwin to his Origin of Species: 'To conclude, therefore, let no man, out of a weak conceit of sobriety or an ill-applied moderation, think or maintain that a man can search too far, or be too well studied in the book of God's -words, or in the book of God's works, divinity, or philosophy ; but rather let men endeavour an endless progress or proficience in both.' Yet the acquisition of wealth and fame will pro- bably now, as it has in the past, appeal more forcibly to the mind of the ordinary man ; and we must not despise any inducement, which will lead to the furtherance of the object to be gained, provided the motives are not in themselves sordid. The study of science, with the express object of securing wealth and fame, is not likely to secure either. The old story of the desire of King Solomon is often fulfilled in our day. Solomon's request was, ' Give me now wisdom and knowledge ' ; and he was answered, ' Wisdom and knowledge is granted unto thee, and I will give thee riches and wealth and honour.' The reason why an attempt to utilise science for the attainment of wealth often fails is a simple one. It is due to the unfortunate circumstance that the human mind is not omniscient. No man, beginning a research, can know to what it will ultimately lead. It will certainly, if rightly pursued, lead to knowledge ; but whether it will bring riches and fame is beyond his ken. There have been, however, researches expressly directed to some specific object, which have succeeded in their purpose; and we shall see later how the discovery of principles which led to the invention of the safety-lamp by Sir Humphry Davy illustrates this. But as a rule, those chemists who have THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 21 achieved for themselves immortal fame have striven after the nobler goal the increase of the sum of human knowledge. It is to the lives of some of those, who have been more or less connected with London, that I ask your attention. May those of us who follow, at however -far a distance, profit by their example ! In the olden days, science, as we know it now, was non-existent. The minds of most men who were free from the thraldom of incessant labour were occupied with war or statecraft as a business, and with the chase as a recreation. Those to whom such pursuits, from circumstances or mental habit, were repugnant, found occupation in history, poetry, philosophical discussion, or religion. It is true, speculation on the nature of the world around them was indulged in by some; but they were guided in their views by their opinion rather of what ought to be, than what is. The attitude of the modern mind is more humble. We no longer believe that we share enough of the creative power to enable us to construct a system of the universe; we are content if we are able, in however modest a way, to interpret nature, and we call to our aid experiment, as a means of questioning nature. We are prompt in communicating our knowledge to others, and we expect their aid and look for their criticism. In former days, the language of mystery was employed. It concealed secrets too precious to be laid bare to the vulgar crowd. ' In those days/ to quote the words of Dr. Samuel Brown, 1 'the metals were suns and moons, kings and queens, red bridegrooms and lily brides. Gold was Apollo, " sun of the lofty dome"; silver, Diana, the fair moon of his unresting career, and chased him meekly through the celestial grove ; quicksilver was the wing-footed Mercury, 1 Dr. Samuel Brown's Essays. 22 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL Herald of the Gods, "new-lighted on a heaven-kissing hill " ; iron was the ruddy-eyed Mars, in panoply complete ; lead was heavy-lidded Saturn, " quiet as a stone," within the tangled forest of material forms ; tin was the Diabolus Metallorum, a very devil among the metals, and so forth in not unmeaning mystery. ' There were flying birds, green dragons, and red lions. There were virginal fountains, royal baths, and waters of life. There were salts of wisdom, and essential spirits so fine and volatile, that drop after drop, let fall from the lip of the wonderful phial that contained them, could never reach the ground. There was the powder of attraction which drew all men and women after its fortunate possessor ; and the alcahest, or universal solvent and noli-me-tangere of essences. There was the grand elixir that conferred undying youth on the glorious mortal who was pure and brave enough to kiss and quaff the golden wavelet as it mantled o'er the cup of life the fortunate Endymion of a new mythology. There were the Philosophical stone, and the Philosopher's stone ; the former the art and practice, the latter the theory and idea, of turning baser natures into nobler ; the theory and practice of exaltation. The Philosophical stone was younger than the elements, yet at her virgin touch the grossest calx among them all would blush before her into perfect gold. The Philosopher's stone was the first-born of all things, and older than the king of metals. In a word, there was an interminable imbroglio of a few of the hard-won facts of nature, a multitude of traditionary processes and results, several very just analogies, some most fantastical notions, one or two profound, but intract- able ideas, a haze of philosophical mysticism, and an under-current of fervid religiosity.' Such conceptions ruled the minds of philosophers, as they loved to call themselves, until the middle of the THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 23 seventeenth century. But the practice of interrogating nature by experiment had sprung up, and was soon destined to bear good fruit. Although these notions of matter and its elementary forms lingered on until a much later date, and indeed are not wholly extinct at the present day, they received their first great blow about this time ; the first brunt of an attack which was destined ultimately to overthrow them. This attack was made by Boyle. The spirit in which he approached the hostile ranks is best given in his own words: 'For I am wont to judge of opinions, as of coins; I consider much less in any one that I am to receive whose inscription it bears, than what metal 'tis made of. 'Tis indifferent enough to me whether 'twas stamped many years or ages since, or came but yesterday from the mint. Nor do I regard how many or how few hands it has passed through, provided I know by the touchstone whether or no it be genuine, and does or does not deserve to have been current. For if, upon due proof, it appears to be good, its having been long and by many received for such will not tempt me to refuse it ; but if I find it counterfeit, neither the Prince's image nor superscription, nor its date, nor the multitude of hands it has passed through, will engage me to receive it. And one dis- favouring trial, well made, will much more discredit it with me, than all those spurious things I have named can recommend it.' In this spirit the ' Sceptical Chymist, or considerations upon the experiments usually produced in favour of the four elements, and of the three chymical principles of the mixed bodies' was written. In it, the various theories of matter, which, like a river rising in the remotest recesses of time had gathered tributaries as it flowed and presented a formidable flood in Boyle's days, were searchingly criticised. Every postulate was examined ; 24 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL if possible, experimentally tested; if true, kept; if false, rejected. Thus, early in the book, we meet with the phrase, long accepted as true, ffomogenea congregare ; that is, 'Like draws to like.' This Boyle disproved by showing that liquids, like alcohol and water, alike in being colourless and transparent, although they mix with each other, may be easily separated by freezing; for, when cooled, the water freezes, leaving the alcohol unfrozen. Here we find the first record of experiments on a subject which, in Raoult's hands, yielded such extraordinarily important results. Another of Boyle's arguments is, that although liquids and gases mix respectively with each other, yet solids show no such tendency, and do not even cohere, except in cases where the cohesion can be explained by the form of the solid, and the consequent exertion of atmospheric pressure. After making a number of such attacks, Boyle proceeds to consider the hypothesis at that time all-prevalent and universally accepted, of the elements salt, sulphur, and mercury. He opens two distinct lines of attack. His first may be stated thus : If all substances are composed of salt, sulphur, and mercury, and if vegetable and animal substances contain, as is stated, much mercury, little sulphur, and less salt, then it is desirable to show that a vegetable may be constructed of a substance containing none of these principles, but only of water, which was then sometimes termed ' phlegm/ and was ranked among the elements. This he attempted by growing a ' pompion ' in a weighed quantity of earth, and after the pumpkin had grown, he showed it to consist of water, by distilling it ; and by weighing the earth, he proved that it had not lost weight. He then turns to the c vulgar spagyrist/ and triumphantly challenges the truth of his theory. It is now known that the elements carbon and nitrogen, and THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 25 others in small quantity, must be added to those contained in water to produce a ' pompion ' ; but it was a great step to show that no salt, sulphur, or mercury were necessary. Boyle viewed the ' pompion ' as simply transmuted water. He quotes from M. de Roche, who stated that he had transmuted earth into water, and vice versa. Of the correctness of M. de Roche's opinion, he is not quite sure, but he attaches a certain amount of weight to it. His second line of attack is to prove that the so-called elements are themselves further resolvable. And begin- ning with sulphur, he points out that what the chymists understand by sulphur has not always the same properties. It is, however, always inflammable. Sulphur, in the then accepted meaning of the word, was the inflammable portion obtained on distilling an animal or vegetable substance; mercury, another portion, not miscible with the sulphur; but uninflammable, and having taste; the residue on incineration, or, as it was termed, the caput mortuum, was salt. In an old writing on the subject, salt is said to be the basis of solidity and permanency in compound bodies ; oil or sulphur (the two words came to have nearly the same meaning) serves the purpose of making the mass more tenacious ; mercury is to leaven and to promote the ingredients, and earth is to soak and dry up the water in which the salt is dissolved. We note here a change in the manner of regarding elements. They are no longer principles, or abstract qualities of matter, but they exist in the matter, and can be extracted from it by suitable processes. Their number varied ; and phlegm or water was now accepted as elemen- tary, now rejected, as suited the purpose of the theorist. Boyle clearly showed that these elements had not always the same properties; that the sulphur and mercury not only differed in every respect from brimstone and quick- silver, but that one variety, obtained by distilling wood, 26 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL differed from that obtained by submitting bones to the same process. He clinched his point by distilling the distillates themselves in turn in fact by performing what we now call a ' fractional distillation ' and showed that it was possible to divide them in turn into several liquids, differing from each other in properties. In this he antici- pated a process now practised on a very large scale, namely the manufacture of vinegar from wood, which he success- fully separated from wood-spirit and tar. Almost all research, before Boyle's time, employed two processes, ignition or heating in contact with air, and dis- tillation, or heating in a vessel of irregular shape, named an alembic, leading the vapours through a cooled tube, still called a worm, and collecting the liquefied product in a pear-shaped vessel, named a receiver. Heat was assumed to be the universal resolver of bodies ; and the products of the action of heat on compounds were accepted as elements. Boyle doubted this; he questioned whether the products obtained on distillation were pre-existent in the substances distilled, as the theory of elements would require. He found that on distillation the same substances are not always produced, nor the same number ; and he demonstrated that these products themselves are not pure or elementary bodies, but ' mixts.' He says : ' It is to be doubted whether or no there be any determinate number of elements, or if you please, whether all compound bodies do consist of the same number of elementary principles or ingredients.' But Boyle was not merely a destroyer ; he also, if not in so orderly a manner, attempted to construct a theory of his own. He appears to have held the notion of a universal matter, and to have conceived the different varieties to be due, not to the presence of separable pro- perties, but to the form and motion of its minute portions. In supporting this doctrine against the theories prevalent THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 27 in his time, he says : ' I demand also, from which of the chymical principles motion flows, which yet is an affection of matter much more general than can be deduced from any of the three chymical principles.' In an essay entitled ' The history of Fluidity and Firmness,' he endeavours with some success to show that all bodies, even those which appear most rigid, are in motion. For example, he points out that the diamond when rubbed shines in the dark, and in conformity with our present views, attributes that to molecular motion. He also notices that all bodies ex- pand by heat, and is inclined to ascribe the magnetisation of steel to the motion of its minute particles. He attri- butes the varying properties of matter to motion and rest. In yet another passage, he supposes the action of acids on metals to be due to the pointed shape of their atoms, which, by inserting themselves between the more rounded particles of the metal, wedge them asunder, and themselves become blunt during the process. It is difficult to overestimate the value of Boyle's labours in the field of chemistry. Although he was the first to proclaim that chemistry is independent of any art, and must be regarded as part of the great field of nature, yet the practical benefit which has accrued to mankind through Boyle's theoretical as well as his practical work is incalculable. It was not until after his time that it was possible to construct a theory explaining the rule-of- thumb methods of manufacture which were formerly employed, and to render improvement and discovery no longer a matter of chance, but of reasoning. The whole progress of modern manufacture due to the elaboration of scientific discoveries, themselves the result, not of hap- hazard trial, but of careful and systematic investigation, sufficiently attests the benefit conferred by him in the practical application of scientific principles. Time would fail to tell of Boyle's well-known memoir 28 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL ' Touching the Spring of the Air/ in which he describes experiments proving that a volume of air under a pressure of two pounds occupies exactly half the volume that it does under a pressure of one pound. This, although not absolutely true, is yet sufficiently exact to be generalised into a law, which is known by Boyle's name. He finds a reason for this ' spring ' in premising that ' the air abounds in elastic particles, which being pressed together by their own weight constantly endeavour to expand and free themselves from that force ; as wool, for example, resists the hand that squeezes it, and contracts its dimensions ; but recovers them when the hand opens, and endeavours at it even while that is shut.' In truth Boyle delighted in mechanical explanations. The titles of his papers attest this. We find, 'The Mechanical Production of Magnetism ' ; ' The Mechanical Production of Electricity'; 'The Mechanical Causes of Precipitation'; 'The Mechanical Origin of Corrosiveness and Corrosibility ' ; and even, ' The Mechanical Produc- tion of Tastes and Colours.' The series finishes with ' The Mechanical Origin of Heat and Cold.' To produce heat it is necessary ' that the moving particles should be small'; and ' agitation is requisite to heat ' ; in fact, a statement, in language of the time, of modern views. In accounting for the decomposition of bodies by heat, his words are : ' It rather seems that the true and genuine property of heat is to set amoving arid thereby dissociate the particles of matter.' In spite of Boyle's numerous attempts to account for natural phenomena in terms of matter and motion, his modesty led him to make this statement : ' Having met with many things of which I could give myself no probable cause, and some things to which several causes may be assigned, so differing as not to be able to agree in anything unless in their all being probable enough;.! have often THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 29 found such difficulty in searching into the cause and manner of things, and I am so sensible of my own disability to surmount these difficulties, that I dare speak posi- tively of very few things except of matters of fact.' This, I think, is in the main still our position. Boyle's claim to rank as a 'Great London Chemist' rests upon his having taken up his residence here from the year 1668, until his death, which took place on the last day of the year 1691, in the sixty-fifth year of his age. But he was not a Londoner by birth. He was an Irishman, born at Lismore in County Waterford, and of noble parentage, for he was the seventh son, and the fourteenth child, of the Earl of Cork. He was educated as a child at home ; but at the age of eight he was sent to Eton, where, as he says, ' he lost much of that Latin he had got ; for he was so addicted to the more solid parts of knowledge, that he hated the study of bare words natur- ally.' At the age of eleven (they were precocious in those days) his career at Eton was over ; and he was sent with a French tutor, along with his brother, to Geneva, where he pursued his studies for twenty-one months, and then went to Italy. There he stayed until 1642; when his father's finances having become embarrassed, owing to the breaking out of the great Irish rebellion, Boyle returned home, to find his father dead. Two estates had been left to him ; one at Stalbridge, in Dorsetshire, where he pro- ceeded to reside. In 1654, when twenty-seven years of age, he removed to Oxford, in order to associate himself with a number of men who had united themselves into a society, under the name of the 'Philosophical College/ This society afterwards moved its headquarters to London ; and in 1663 it was incorporated by Charles n., under the name of the ' Royal Society of London/ its object being the ' Promotion of Natural Knowledge.' Boyle's name is frequently mentioned in the first few 30 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL volumes of ' The Transactions.' Thus we find on January 2, 1601, that 'Mr. Boyle was requested to bring in his cylinder, and to show at his best convenience the experi- ment of the air ' ; but his convenience was long in arriv- ing, for on March the 20th ' Mr. Boyle was requested to remember his experiment of the air,' and on April 1 ' he was desired to hasten his intended alteration of his air- pump.' On May 15, 'Mr. Boyle presented the Society with his engine,' and with it numerous experiments were made in the presence of members of the Society. In such ' philosophical ' pursuits he spent his uneventful life; and, to quote his own words, from a biographical sketch drawn up by himself at an advanced period of his life, he says : ' To be such parents' son, and not their eldest, was a happiness that our Philarethes [a lover of virtue himself] would mention with great expressions of gratitude ; his birth so suiting his inclinations and designs, that had he been permitted an election, his choice would scarce have altered God's discernment.' Cavendish, like Boyle, was also of noble birth. He was the son of Lord Charles Cavendish, himself the third son of the second Duke of Devonshire. His mother was Lady Anne Grey, fourth daughter of Henry, Duke of Kent. But except in the fact of their both being of the higher rank of society, and in their both being addicted to the pursuit of science, they have little in common. Boyle's mind roamed over the whole domain of nature ; his writ- ings treat of religious, philosophical, and scientific subjects with a fulness and lack of mental reserve which testify to his frank, transparent character. His motto was Nihil humanum a me alienum puto ; and he carried this motto into his life and work. Cavendish, on the other hand, was by nature very shy and reserved ; he had no friends, and few acquaintances; and instead of discussing the whole of nature, as did Boyle, he limited himself to the THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 31 investigation of a few problems of first-rate importance. His work is characterised by the utmost accuracy and elegance ; and he was cautious to an extreme in announc- ing his conclusions. Both types of mind have their good side ; but in their case one might have wished for a little more moderation. Had Boyle not been so many-sided, he might have advanced science more by accurate experi- mental work ; and had Cavendish not been so reserved, he would have done more good to his contemporaries, and he would certainly have been a happier man. Neither was married; and it is perhaps legitimate to draw the conclusion that man's nature does not culminate in its best without the influence of a helpmeet. Like Boyle's, Henry Cavendish's life was an uneventful one, and may be told in a few words. He was born on the 10th October 1731, at Nice, where his mother had gone for her health. She died when he was two years old. In 1742, he became a pupil of Dr. Newcome, at Hackney School, where he stayed until 1749 ; in that year, he matriculated at Cambridge, and entered as a student at Peterhouse. In 1753, he left without taking his degree; he probably went to London ; but all details of his life are lacking for the next ten years, though it is probable that he spent the major part of his time in mathematical and physical studies, and in research in the stables belonging to his father's town house, which he had fitted up as a laboratory. It was not until 1766 that he summoned up resolution enough to publish; although his note-books show that in 1764 he had begun to make experiments which would have been well worth recording. From that time forward, until 1809, the year before his death, his papers appeared in constant succession. There was little interruption to this incessant work, unless we consider a series of journeys made through various parts of England and Wales with the object of studying the geology of the 32 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL country, and the manufactures carried on in the various industrial centres, as a species of holiday. There was no weekly interruptions to his labours; Sunday as well as weekday was devoted to research, and so the years glided past. During his father's lifetime, he is said to have had an income of 500 a year ; but at his father's death in 1783, and afterwards, owing to the legacy of an aunt, he became possessed of enormous riches. Indeed, M. Biot, in pronouncing a biographical oration on Caven- dish, used the phrase : ' II etait le plus riche de tons les savants, et probablement aussi, le plus savant de tous les riches? His town house was at the corner of Montague Place and Gower Street ; visitors, however, were rarely ad- mitted ; and Cavendish kept his library for his own use and for that of the scientific public in a separate house in Dean Street, Soho. To this library he went for his own books, signing a formal receipt, as one would do at a public library, for each one borrowed. His laboratory was a villa at Clapham. The upper rooms were an astronomical observatory. Here he occasionally entertained friends, but in an unostentatious way. His standing dish was a leg of mutton. It is related that on one occasion, when the unprecedented number of five guests had been invited, his housekeeper ventured to point out that one leg of mutton would be insufficient fare for so many ; his answer was, ' Well, then, get two.' Several of his contemporaries have left a record of their personal impressions of him. Professor Playfair described him as of an awkward appearance, without the look of a man of rank. He spoke very seldom, and then with great difficulty and hesitation, but exceedingly to the purpose, his remarks either displaying some excellent information, or drawing some important conclusion. An Austrian gentleman to whom he had THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 33 been introduced, after the fashion of his country, assured him that his principal reason for coming to London was to see and converse with one of the greatest ornaments of his age, and one of the most illustrious philosophers that ever existed. To all these high-flown speeches Mr. Caven- dish answered not a word, but stood with his eyes cast down, quite abashed and confounded. At last, spying an opening in the crowd, he darted through it with all the speed he could muster, nor did he stop until he reached his carriage, which drove him directly home. Sir Hum- phry Davy said of him : ' His voice was squeaking, his manner nervous ; he was afraid of strangers, and seemed, when embarrassed, even to articulate with difficulty. He wore the costume of our grandfathers; was enormously rich, but made no use of his wealth.' And Lord Brougham's recollection was that he would often leave the place where he was addressed, and leave it abruptly, with a kind of cry or ejaculation, as if scared and dis- turbed. ' I recollect/ said Lord Brougham, ' the shrill cry he uttered, as he shuffled quickly from room to room, seeming to be annoyed if looked at, but sometimes approaching to hear what was passing among others/ On occasion, he was not ungenerous, although the thought of giving did not occur to him. When dining one evening at the Royal Society Club, some one present mentioned the name of a gentleman who had previously acted as a temporary librarian in his library. Mr. Caven- dish said, ' Ah ! poor fellow, how does he do ? How does he get on ? ' 'I fear very indifferently/ said this person. ' I am sorry for it/ said Mr. Cavendish. ' We had hopes that you would have done something for him, sir/ ' Me, me, me, what could I do ? ' 'A little annuity for his life ; he is not in the best of health.' 'Well, well, well, a cheque for 10,000, would that do ? ' '0 sir, more than sufficient, more than sufficient/ 34 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL Solitary he lived, and solitary was his death. Having been ill for several days, his valet was called to his bed- side, and told to summon Lord George Cavendish, as soon as he should be dead. In about half an hour he again summoned the servant, and made him repeat the message. He then said, ' Right. Give me the lavender water. Go.' Half an hour later the servant returned to his room, and found that he had expired. If Boyle found interest in all things human, Cavendish appeared to take no thought of anything, except phenomena. As his biographer, Dr. George Wilson, said, his motto was Panta metro, kai arithmo, kai stathmo (Tlavra /jLerpy, Kai apiO/jbw, Kai araOfjiq)). This we shall now learn, from a short consideration of his work. Cavendish's earlier work is only to be found in his un- published papers. It appeared to have been his habit, for some time, to write an account of his experiments, without any intention of bringing them to the notice of the public. An account of two long investigations was found among his papers, after his death, of a date con- siderably prior to that on which his first memoir appeared in the Philosophical Transactions. The first of these deals with the differences between 'regulus of arsenic' (metallic arsenic) and its two oxides. He con- cluded that arsenic oxide was ' more thoroughly deprived of its phlogiston ' (in modern language, more thoroughly oxidised) than arsenious oxide; and the latter, than arsenic itself. The paper also contains speculations on the nature of the red fumes obtained in the conversion of arsenious to arsenic oxide by means of nitric acid ; speculations which were afterwards to bear rich fruit, in his work on the composition of air. Another of his unpublished researches deals with heat. Cavendish discovered independently the laws of specific heat ; and he collected tables of the specific heats of many THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 35 substances. He also was acquainted with what Black termed ' latent heat/ that is, the heat absorbed during the evaporation of liquids, or which is evolved during the condensation of gases or vapours, or the solidification of liquids. As this essay deals with Cavendish as a chemist, I shall treat very shortly of his physical work. One of the most important of his investigations has reference to the cause of the shock given by that curious fish the torpedo. By constructing a species of artificial torpedo, he proved that the shock was due to an electric discharge ; and what is more, he was the first to distinguish between electric quantity and electric intensity. Indeed, these terms are due to him, as Faraday has acknowledged. In 1783, 1786, and 1788, he published three papers on freezing, in which his views on the nature of heat were expounded. The first of these deals with the freezing of mercury ; the second and third, with the congelation of the mineral acids, and of alcohol. He objected to Black's expression, ' the evolution, or setting free of latent heat/ as involving an hypothesis that the heat of bodies is owing to their containing more or less of a substance called the matter of heat. He preferred to adopt Boyle's and Sir Isaac Newton's supposition that heat consists in the internal motion of the particles of bodies. And he therefore uses the expression ' heat is generated.' An interesting part of the last of these papers is a passage in which he anticipates Richter's tables of the equivalents of the acids and bases, not by any elaborate disquisition, but as a device for estimating the strength of sulphuric acid. In 1788 he wrote : ' The method I used was to find the weight of the plumbum vitriolatum formed by the addition of sugar of lead, and from thence to com- pute the strength, on the supposition that a quantity of oil of vitriol, sufficient to produce 100 parts of plumbum 36 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL vitriolatum, will dissolve 33 of marble; as I found by experiment that so much oil of vitriol would saturate as much fixed alkali as a quantity of nitrous acid sufficient to dissolve 33 of marble.' Richter's tables were published in 1792. Cavendish's remarks involve a knowledge of fixity of proportion, and also of reciprocal proportions; doctrines which were after nearly twenty years pro- pounded by Dalton. Perhaps the most important piece of physical work ever performed was Cavendish's determination of the constant of gravitation, or as it is often called, ' the weight of the earth.' The experiment is usually spoken of as the 'Cavendish experiment,' although the method of executing it was first suggested by the Rev. John Mitchell. A delicate torsion balance, suspended by a wire, had leaden balls suspended at each end. Two heavy spherical masses of metal were brought near the balls, so that their attraction tended to draw the two balls aside. The de- viation of the arms was observed, or calculated from the time of vibration ; and from the data found, it is easy to calculate the attraction of a sphere of water, equal in mass to the ball or a similar ball resting on its surface ; and so to determine the density of the earth, knowing the attraction which it exerts on the ball. The results obtained compared very favourably with the best results obtained by other observers, using the utmost precau- tions ; and it is a very remarkable instance of Cavendish's experimental skill and ingenuity. We have here to consider more particularly Caven- dish's chemical work. It was of the highest order, and bears the imprint of a master mind, guiding a master hand. Before Black's time, the word * gas ' had no plural. Indeed, what we now know as a gas was set down as a modification of ordinary air. Black, however, proved that THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 37 a gas could be contained in a solid state, as for instance in carbonate of linie or of magnesia, or in what were then known as the ' mild alkalies ' ; and that it could possess weight. He termed carbonic anhydride 'fixed air.' Cavendish's first published paper deals with 'Factitious Air'; it appeared in 1766, seven years after the publica- tion of Black's memoir on ' Magnesia alba, Quick-lime, and other Alkaline Substances.' ' Factitious air ' was defined by Cavendish as ' any kind of air which is contained in other bodies in an unelastic state, and is produced from thence by art.' He first treats of hydrogen, next of carbon dioxide, and lastly of gases evolved during fermen- tation and putrefaction. Although not the first to prepare hydrogen (for it must have been known for centuries that an inflammable gas was evolved on bringing metals into contact with certain dilute acids), yet he was the first to characterise hydrogen as a definite substance, and not a mere variety of common air. He prepared this gas from zinc, iron, or tin, and weak sulphuric or hydrochloric acid. He found that the substance was identical in each case, by weighing a known volume ; which he did with no great accuracy in a bladder, but with considerable exactitude by weighing a flask containing, for example, zinc and acid, unmixed ; and after mixture, weighing again ; a further experiment served to determine the volume of gas obtainable from a known weight of zinc. Another method of establishing their identity, curious to our notions, was to mix the sample with a known volume of air, and estimate the loudness of the explosion which took place on applying a flame. Cavendish also prepared ' the volatile sulphurous acid,' by substituting concentrated sulphuric acid for dilute; and a non-inflammable air (nitric oxide), by the action of nitric acid. Cavendish did not suppose that the 'air' came from the acid, but from the metal. It must be remembered 38 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL that at that time, the current doctrine was that when substances burn, they lost a principle, to which the name ' phlogiston ' had been applied by Stahl, the propounder of the doctrine. The hydrogen evolved was at first sup- posed by Cavendish to be the long-sought phlogiston itself. But fuller consideration induced him to change his view ; and he subsequently held that hydrogen was a hydrate of phlogiston, or a compound of that hypothetical substance with water. In this paper, too, as well as in one which followed, Cavendish added many facts to those which had been published by Black on the properties of carbonic acid; but as these contain little of theoretical interest, they need not detain us. Seventeen years later, the next of his ' pneumatic ' papers was published. It was entitled, ' An Account of a New Eudiometer.' The eudiometer, which in no way resembled the picture of the instrument usually ascribed to him, was designed, not for the explosion of a mixture of two gases, but for the removal of oxygen from air, by means of nitric oxide. With its aid, he determined the composition of many samples of air, and his final result, translated into our method of statement, gave for the proportion of oxygen in air the extraordinarily accurate number, 20*83 per cent. Cavendish's next paper in order of publication (1784) gave the results of experiments begun in 1781. Its title is ' Experiments on Air.' The object of these experiments was to 'find out the cause of the diminution which com- mon air is well known to suffer by all the various ways in which it is phlogisticated, and to discover what becomes of the air thus lost or condensed.' His first idea was that this treatment might result in the formation of ' fixed air.' But having disproved this, he proceeded to try whether, as some of Priestley's experiments appeared to show, ' the dephlogisticated part of common air might THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 39 nob by phlogistication be changed into nitrous or vitri- olic acid ' ; i.e. whether oxygen, by reduction, might not be converted into nitric or sulphuric acid. Absorbing the oxygen by burning sulphur, he failed to find nitric acid; and using nitric oxide as the absorbent, the re- sulting nitrate and nitrite contained no sulphate. He therefore tried firing a mixture of hydrogen and air by means of an electric spark ; an experiment which led to the discovery of the composition of water. Having burned 500,000 grain measures of inflammable air (hydro- gen) with two and a half times its volume of common air, he collected upwards of 135 grains of water, ' which had no taste nor smell, and which left no sensible sedi- ment when evaporated to dryness.' It is impossible in a short sketch like the present to enter into a description of the exceedingly ingenious experiments devised to show whence the acid was derived which is formed when the hydrogen is present in insuf- ficient amount ; we must be content to remember that in default of hydrogen with which to combine, some of the oxygen unites with the nitrogen, yielding nitrous and nitric acids. Although Cavendish employs the language of the phlogistic theory in stating his conclusions, yet it must not be supposed that he was ignorant of the newer views, propounded by Lavoisier. In the memoir which we have been considering, he states his conclusions in the new phraseology ; but he concludes as follows : ' It seems, therefore, from what has been said, as if the phenomena of nature might be explained very well on this principle without the help of phlogiston; and indeed, as adding dephlogisticated air to a body comes to the same thing as depriving it of its phlogiston, and adding water to it, and as there are perhaps no bodies entirely destitute of water, and as I know no way by which phlogiston can be 40 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL transferred from one body to another without leaving it uncertain whether water is not at the same time trans- ferred, it will be very difficult to determine by experiment which of these opinions is the truest; but as the com- monly received principle of phlogiston explains all phenomena, at least as well as Mr. Lavoisier's, I have adhered to that.' We shall meet with this same difficulty again, when we consider Davy's experiments, which led to true views concerning the nature of chlorine. Cavendish's aim in these experiments, stated in modern language, was to find out what becomes of the oxygen, when substances burn in air ; whether the production of carbon dioxide is a constant accompaniment of com- bustion. He mentions five ways in which air may be deprived of oxygen, namely, by the calcination of rnetals ; by burning in it sulphur or phosphorus; by mixing it with nitric oxide; by exploding it with hydrogen; and lastly by submitting it to the action of electric sparks. In the second series of his experiments on air, he ex- amines in detail the action of a continued rain of sparks on air ; and this led to the discovery of the composition of nitric acid ; for the ' caustic lees ' on evaporation to dryness ' left a small quantity of salt, which was evidently nitre, as appeared by the manner in which paper im- pregnated with a solution of it burned.' But he doubted whether ' there are not, in reality, many different sub- stances confounded by us under the name of phlogisticated air.' He ' therefore made an experiment to determine whether the whole of a given portion of the phlogisticated air of the atmosphere could be reduced to nitrous acid, or whether there was not a part of a different nature from the rest, which would refuse to undergo that change.' On experiment, he found that ' if there is any part of the phlogisticated air of our atmosphere which differs from the rest, and cannot be reduced to nitrous acid, we may THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 41 safely conclude that it is not more than T ^ part of the whole.' Here he was nearly right; about one per cent, is actually left ; and it has been recently recognised as a separate element, and named Argon. And still more recently, the argon has been shown to contain a small proportion of other gases, also elements, to which the names helium, neon, krypton and xenon have been given. This paper was the last on chemical subjects published by Cavendish. These two men, Boyle and Cavendish, both rank as great men. The first has been termed with justice f the father of modern chemistry ' ; the second by ' weighing the earth/ and by establishing the composition of water and of air, has even more decided claims to that title. Each was in advance of his age : Boyle by reason of his calm philosophical spirit, and clear judgment; Cavendish in the power he possessed, in an age of qualitative en- deavours, of carrying out quantitative experiments with the most refined accuracy, and of drawing from them correct conclusions. II. DAVY AND GRAHAM Between a prospect over an extensive landscape, and a retrospect in history, an instructive analogy may be drawn. It is true that when the spectator is removed from the object by a great distance, whether of time or space, its appearance is ill-defined and hazy, as are to us the personalities of the ancient Egyptians, Greeks, and Arabians ; and just as the imagination supplies details to the distant features of a landscape, details which may or may not be in consonance with fact, so through the mists of time we are apt to read into the writings of the 42 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL ancients ideas which have their origin rather in our own brains than in their works. Objects in the middle distance are perhaps most truthfully interpreted. They are not obscured by the haze of perspective nor by the multitudinous aggregations of propinquity. So it is with Boyle and with Cavendish. But with Davy, and with Graham, whose lives and works are to form the subject of this essay, it is difficult to select from their writings those salient features which will, in the course of another half-century, stand out clearly and luminously among the labours of their contemporaries. In chemical and physical work, as in life, safety lies in a happy mean ; and it shall be my endeavour to avoid unimportant details, while presenting the main characteristics of the work of these two remarkable men. The difficulty is to know what to omit ; for that which appears unimportant to-day may to-morrow turn out to be essential to the fundamental doctrines of our science. At the time when Cavendish was beginning his splendid series of experiments on gases, Humphry Davy, an infant of two, was beginning to show signs of that ability which so remarkably distinguished him in after life. At that age, he could speak fluently ; a year or two later, he was sent to school, where he learned to read and write before he was six ; and in his seventh year he was sent to the Grammar School at Truro, his native place. Looking back on his experiences there, from the standpoint of a young man of twenty-two, he wrote : ' I consider it fortu- nate that I was left much to myself when a child, and put upon no particular plan of study, and that I enjoyed much idleness at Mr. Coryton's school.' Do not we err in insisting too much on the systematic employment of time by the boys of our modern schools ? For, be it re- membered, the compulsory cricket and football, so com- mon in our schools, is to some boys the hardest task THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 43 they have to master, and leaves no time for salutary idleness. Like many boys, Davy entered the study of chemistry through the doorway of fireworks. His favourite amuse- ments were fishing, and the art of rhyming. During his whole life, he never lost the taste for these two pursuits ; and though it must be confessed that he was a more successful fisher than poet, still his verses have a certain amount of merit, and betoken a considerable gift of imagination, necessary to the higher achievements in science, as he indicates in the two stanzas which I venture to quote : While superstition rules the vulgar soul, Forbids the energies of man to rise, Raised far above her low, her mean control, Aspiring genius seeks her native skies. She loves the silent, solitary hours ; She loves the stillness of the starry night, When o'er the bright'ning view Selene pours The soft effulgence of her pensive light. In his later efforts he preferred decasyllabics; and though his sentiments thus expressed are praiseworthy, his execution rarely exceeds the level demanded from a poet laureate. At the early age of fifteen, his school education was at an end. For the next year he continued in the ' enjoy- ment of much idleness.' But in the beginning of the year 1795 he was apprenticed to Mr. Borlase, surgeon and apothecary, in his native town. Then the demon of work seized on him, and he threw himself into the task of self- improvement with irresistible ardour. His scheme of study is so remarkable, and so extensive, that I cannot 44 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL resist the temptation to quote it at full length. Here it is : 1 . THEOLOGY OR EELIGION, taught by Nature. ETHICS, or moral virtues, by Revelation. 2. GEOGRAPHY. 3. MY PROFESSION 4. LANGUAGE 1. Botany. 1. English. 2. Pharmacy. 2. French. 3. Nosology. 3. Latin. 4. Anatomy. 4. Greek. 5. Surgery. 5. Italian. 6. Chemistry. 6. Spanish. 5. LOGIC. 7 - Hebrew. 6. PHYSICS. 1. The doctrines and properties of natural bodies. 2. Of the operations of nature. 3. Of the doctrines of fluids. 4. Of the properties of organised matter. 5. Of the organisation of matter. 6. Simple astronomy. 7. MECHANICS. 8. HISTORY AND CHRONOLOGY. 9. RHETORIC AND ORATORY. 10. MATHEMATICS. Which of us has undertaken a course of study so exten- sive, and so inclusive ? Following out this course, not quite in the prescribed order, however, he reached the subject of chemistry in January 1798. His textbooks were Lavoisier's Chemistry and Nicholson's Dictionary of Chemistry. He kept up the study of mathematics during the whole course, having begun in 1796 : for he remarks on its usefulness as a preliminary to the study of chemistry and physics. In his self-imposed task of mastering chemistry, he at once began practical work, having fitted up a small laboratory, furnished with the very simplest and most inexpensive THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 45 apparatus, in Mr. Tonkins's house. About four months after beginning his chemical studies he was in corre- spondence with Dr. Beddoes, a medical man residing at Clifton, on the subject of heat and light. This corre- spondence was fraught with momentous consequences for Davy; for it led to his being offered the position of superintendent of the 'Pneumatic Institution,' founded by the doctor, with the help of Josiah Wedgwood and Mr. Gregory Watt, youngest son of James Watt, with the object of experimenting with the gases, at that time recently discovered, in order to ascertain whether they would prove suitable as remedial agents. In reviewing the career of a man, it is interesting to note the motives which underlie his actions. The latter, indeed, may not always be worthy of the sentiments which give them birth, but it is just to give credit for pure intentions, and to form an estimate of character by taking both motive and action into consideration. In one of the earliest of Davy's notebooks, intended for no eye but his own, there is this entry : ' I have neither riches, nor power, nor birth to recommend me ; yet, if I live, I trust I shall not be of less service to mankind and to my friends than if I had been born with these advantages.' And again, in 1821, nearly twenty-five years later, his diary contains the aspiration, ' May every year make me better more useful, less selfish, and more devoted to the cause of humanity and science.' These are noble words, and they lead one to form a high estimate of the charac- ter of Humphry Davy. In January 1799 he went to the Pneumatic Institute, and worked under the patronage of Dr. Beddoes. By the following year he had finished his classical research on nitrous oxide, and had discovered and investigated its remarkable anaesthetic properties. He also discovered the composition of nitric acid, nitric oxide, nitric peroxide, 46 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL and ammonia. By 1801 he had begun his experiments with the ' galvanic battery,' which was to be so fruitful of important results in his hands. During these two years, he published no fewer than nine papers in the scientific journal of his time, Nicholsons Journal, the predecessor of the Philosophical Magazine, the result of astonishing industry. At this period of his life, Davy's acumen led him to avoid undue theorising, and to endeavour to accumulate facts. His own words are : ' When I consider the variety of theories that may be formed on the slender foundation of one or two facts, I am convinced that it is the business of the true philosopher to avoid them altogether. It is ' more laborious to accumulate facts than to reason con- cerning them ; but one good experiment is of more value than the ingenuity of a brain like Newton's.' In the light of this opinion, it is interesting to examine the programme which he laid down for himself at the time. It was written in the spring of 1799, and is as follows : * To decompose the muriatic, boracic, and fluoric acids ; to try triple affinities, and the contact with heated com- bustible bodies at a high temperature. ' To ascertain all the phenomena of oxydation. ' To discover with accuracy the vegetable process.' The decomposition of the muriatic and the boracic acids was successfully accomplished at a much later date. But the ' phenomena of oxydation ' are even now known only imperfectly. He contributed useful facts, however, as we shall see, to our knowledge of ' the vegetable process.' Consistently with these ideas regarding the relative merits of theory and practice, Davy made his greatest successes in the realm of facts. Where he attempts theorising, the results are not happy. It is true that he did not risk the publication of his theories ; but those THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 47 revealed by his notebooks have not much to recommend them. He allowed his imagination, of which he possessed a rich share, full scope in other directions. Many of his imaginative projects were, however, not realised. Among them may be mentioned an epic poem, in six books, entitled The Epic of Moses, written, what there is of it, in decasyllabics. He possessed a deeply religious nature; and he regarded ' this little earth as but the point from which we start towards a perfection bounded only by infinity.' In 1801 Davy was recommended by Professor Hope of Edinburgh for the lectureship at the Royal Institution, which had been founded a few years previously by Count Rurnford, on the resignation of Dr. Garnet, the first Professor of Chemistry there. He delivered his first lecture in April 1801, and he at once achieved a great success. To quote from an account by a contemporary witness : ' The sensation created by his first course of lectures at the institution, and the enthusiastic admira- tion which they obtained, is at this period hardly to be imagined. Men of the first rank and talent the literary and the scientific, the practical and the theoretical blue- stockings and women of fashion, the old and the young, all crowded, eagerly crowded, the lecture-room. His youth, his simplicity, his natural eloquence, his chemical knowledge, his happy illustrations and well-conducted experiments, ex- cited universal attention and unbounded applause. Com- pliments, invitations, and presents were showered on him in abundance from all quarters ; his society was courted by all, and all appeared proud of his acquaintance.' With all these temptations to neglect his work, he remained faithful to his charge. In 1803 he wrote : ' My real, my waking existence is among the objects of scientific research. Common amusements and enjoyments are necessary to me only as dreams to interrupt the flow of 48 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL thoughts too nearly analogous to enlighten and vivify.' Still many of our scientific workers of to-day would be glad if they could extract as much leisure time from amidst their daily employments. Davy generally entered the laboratory about ten or eleven o'clock, and if uninter- rupted, remained there till about three or four. His evenings were almost invariably spent in dining out, and at evening parties afterwards. ' To the frequenters of these parties he must have appeared a votary of fashion, rather than of science,' as his brother remarked. Yet, during the years which followed, he accomplished an immense amount of very remarkable work. Besides investigating, by the request of the managers of the Royal Institution, the chemistry of tanning, an investigation which led to the use of catechu as a substitute for the old-fashioned oak-bark, he lectured, by the request of the Board of Agriculture, on ' The Connection of Chemistry with Vegetable Physiology.' These lectures were given every year, and in them were incorporated the results of a considerable number of experiments made by him, or under his direction, on the chemistry of plants. In 1813, when he ceased to lecture on the subject, he published his lectures, under the title The Elements of Agricultural Chemistry. For the copyright of this work he received one thousand guineas, and fifty guineas for each subse- quent edition. Truly he was a fortunate man ! Between January 1801 and April 1812 he accomplished two of his most remarkable pieces of work ; first, on the decomposition of the alkalies ; and second, on the nature of chlorine. As his name rives chiefly in connection with these two investigations, and in his research on the nature of flame, which culminated in the invention of the safety-lamp, I shall give some account of them in minuter detail. The Swedish chemist, Scheele, had discovered in 1774, THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 49 that on treating manganese dioxide with hydrochloric acid, or as it was then called ' spiritus salis/ in a flask to which a bladder had been attached, a ' yellow air ' filled the bladder, which possessed a suffocating smell, which bleached litmus paper and flowers, and which attacked metals, even gold. He named this new gas ' dephlogisti- cated marine acid/ imagining that the manganese had deprived the marine acid of its ' phlogiston,' and that it had consequently been converted into the yellow gas. Count Berthollet, in 1788, prepared this gas, and on saturating with it water cooled with ice, he discovered that a solid crystalline hydrate separated from the water. Having exposed a solution, thus obtained, to sunlight, he noticed the evolution of oxygen, and he, therefore, con- cluded that the dephlogisticated marine acid was in reality a compound of marine acid with oxygen, since, under the action of sunlight, oxygen was evolved, and marine acid left. This idea, according to Berthollet, readily explained the action of the solution of the yellow gas on metals; for it might be supposed to give up to metals its oxygen, and the metallic oxide would then, as usual, dissolve in the marine acid. In consequence of this observation, M. de Morveau, in conjunction with Lavoisier, Berthollet, and de Fourcroy, in drawing up their Meihode de nomenclature chimique, proposed for the gas the name 'Oxymuriatic acid.' To follow the further history of chlorine, it will be advisable to pause, and consider Davy's researches on the^alkali metals. Before leaving Bristol, Davy had* begun experiments with the galvanic battery. On reaching London, he con- tinued his electrical work; and in 1807 he published a remarkable paper on the 'Chemical Agencies of Elec- tricity.' It had been shown that when the two poles of a battery with platinum terminals were plunged into two vessels of water, connected together by wet asbestos, or D 50 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL cotton wick, an acid appeared round the positive wire, and an alkali round the negative wire. Davy showed by a series of convincing experiments that the alkali is usually potash or soda derived from the glass, and the acid usually hydrochloric acid from the common salt present as an impurity in the water. From experiments such as these he evolved a theory that all substances which have a chemical affinity for each other are in opposite states of electrification, and that the positive pole attracts those constituents of the solution which possess a negative charge, while the negative pole attracts the positively charged component. The more powerful the battery, the greater the force of these attractions and repulsions. For example, oxygen and acids are negative bodies, for they are attracted by the positive pole, and liberated there; whereas metals and their oxides, and hydrogen, nitrogen, carbon, and selenium are positive, because they separate at the negative pole. It ought, therefore, to be possible, by help of a sufficiently strong electric current, to decompose any compound whatsoever. Davy carried his inference farther, and suggested that the reason of chemical attraction is the oppositely charged state of the components of a compound. A compound is an elec- trically neutral body, for the constituents of the com- pound, in uniting, have respectively equal and opposite charges, which neutralise each other by the act of com- bination. But a current of electricity, passing through such a compound, might neutralise the electricity in each, and so, by overcoming their attractions, decompose the compound. By applying these ideas, he succeeded in decomposing the ' fixed alkalies,' as caustic soda and potash used to be called, into oxygen, hydrogen, and the metals sodium and potassium. Having failed to obtain any products from aqueous solutions of these compounds, except oxygen and THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 51 hydrogen, he next attempted to pass a very powerful current through the fused alkalies. Potash was fused in a platinum spoon, connected with the positive side of a battery ; and a platinum wire, connected with the negative pole of the battery, was dipped into the fused alkali. The result was an intense light at the negative wire, and a column of flame from the point of contact. On reversing the current, 'aeriform globules, which inflamed in the atmosphere, rose through the potash.' The substance produced was evidently inflammable, and was destroyed at the moment of liberation. Better results were obtained by the use of slightly moist potash ; and small metallic globules were collected, ' precisely similar in visible char- acteristics to quicksilver.' c These globules numerous ex- periments soon showed to be the substance I was in search of, and a peculiar inflammable substance, the basis of potash.' Soda gave an analogous result; and thus the metals of the alkalies were discovered. These new metals burned in oxygen, forming the alkalies from which they had been obtained ; they also burned in ' oxymuriatic acid/ forming ' muriates ' of potash or soda. They decompose water with evolution of hydro- gen, giving solutions of the respective alkalies ; and they form compounds with sulphur and with phosphorus. They reduce metals such as copper, iron, lead, and tin from their oxides ; and they attack glass, apparently liberating the ' basis of the silex.' Fairly accurate estimations were made of the proportion of these new metals in the alkalies, which were believed by Davy to be oxides ; and thus the approximate composi- tion of these compounds, which at one time were believed to be elements, was definitely established. Although similar phenomena were seen with the alka- line earths 'barytes' and ' strontites,' it was not found possible to isolate the metals ; but on electrolysing with a 52 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL negative pole of mercury, amalgams were obtained, con- taining the new metals barium and strontium ; while from lime and magnesia, evidence was similarly obtained that they consisted of metals, named by Davy calcium and 'magnium.' On removing the mercury by distilla- tion, white metallic residues were obtained, still containing mercury, but oxidising rapidly in the air, to the respective oxides. An account of these results was published in 1807 and 1808, in the Philosophical Transactions. In December 1808, the celebrated paper on the elemen- tary nature of chlorine was read. Having failed to obtain any other products than hydrogen and oxygen on passing a current through an aqueous solution of muriatic acid gas in water (why, is not so apparent, unless only dilute solutions had been employed), Davy treated dry muriatic acid gas with potassium. The gas was absorbed, yielding -% of its volume of hydrogen. He concluded from this that dry muriatic acid gas contained at least one-third of its weight of water, and that it had not been ' decom- pounded ' by the potassium. His first attempt, therefore, was directed to obtaining really dry muriatic gas. For this object, he heated dry muriate of lime with dry sul- phate of iron, with phosphoric glass, and with dry boracic acid ; but without any evolution of gas, although when water was added to the ignited mass, quantities of muriatic gas were liberated. After numerous attempts of the same kind, during which the chlorides of sulphur and phosphorus were discovered, these substances were them- selves submitted to the action of potassium, but without the formation of any gaseous product. In an appendix to these observations, which were pub- lished as the Bakerian Lecture, Davy announces the view that 'muriatic acid gas is a compound of a substance, which as yet has never been procured in an uncombined state, and from one-third to one-fourth of water, and that THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 53 oxymuriatic acid is composed of the same substance (free from water), united to oxygen.' His idea then was that ' when bodies are oxidated in muriatic acid gas, it is by a decomposition of the water contained in that substance, and when they are oxidated in oxymuriatic acid, it is by combination with the oxygen in that body.' Davy believed that the chlorides all contained oxygen. In a later paper, read in November 1809, he arrived at the true explanation of these facts. It was based on experiments on the ignition of charcoal to whiteness in muriatic and oxymuriatic gases. No action occurred ; and Davy began to doubt whether, as universally sup- posed, these bodies contain any oxygen. He therefore tried whether compounds produced by the action of oxy- muriatic acid on tin, phosphorus, and sulphur would give with ammonia precipitates of the oxides of these elements, or any compounds containing oxygen; and his experi- ments were attended with negative results. He next con- sidered one argument that the so-called ' oxymuriatic acid ' contained oxygen, viz. the fact that on treatment with rnetals, hydrogen is evolved ; and in a further paper, read in November 1810, he proved that on heating barium or strontium in the gas, one volume of oxygen is liberated for every two volumes of oxymuriatic acid absorbed. This is exactly the amount of oxygen contained in the oxide ; and experiments with other oxides of metals resulted in similar liberation of all the oxygen previously combined with the metal. From ttfese facts, Davy concluded that ' to call a body which is not known to contain oxygen, and which cannot contain muriatic acid, oxymuriatic acid, is contrary to the principles of that nomenclature in which it is adopted ' ; and he therefore proposed for the gas the name chlorine. Many derivatives of chlorine were made by Davy for the first time ; among them were the oxygen compounds 54 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL of chlorine. But he did not commit himself to the dog- matic assertion that this gas is an element; on the con- trary, he writes : ' In the views that I have ventured to develop, neither oxygen, chlorine, nor fluorine are asserted to be elements ; it is only asserted that, as yet, they have not been decomposed.' It would be well, were all chemists to imitate Davy's caution. These views were combated by Gay-Lussac and The- nard; but it would take too much time to follow the contest. Suffice it to say, that Davy came off with flying colours. During all these years, honours were being showered on Davy. In 1803, he was made a Fellow of the Royal Society ; in 1807, he was chosen for its secretary, an office which he held until 1812 ; and in the latter year he was knighted. In his private diary, in which he transcribed his inmost thoughts, there is a pleasant little sentence, recording sentiments on the subject of honours: ' A man should be proud of honours, not vain of them.' But besides honours, wealth was also his portion ; for two courses of lectures in Dublin, he was paid no less a sum than 11 70! In 1812, his Elements of Chemistry was published. It was dedicated to his wife; for in that year he married Mrs. Apreece. In the same year, he nearly lost his sight by experi- menting with chloride of nitrogen, which had recently deprived its discoverer, Dulong, of a finger. In 1813, he established the true nature of fluorine, and demonstrated its analogy with chlorine; and towards the end of the same year, he paid a visit to Paris, conveying with him a portable laboratory, by help of which he proved the simi- larity of iodine to chlorine. That element, which had been discovered about two years previously by Courtois, was supposed by Gay-Lussac to yield an acid identical THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 55 with hydrochloric acid. Davy communicated his dis- covery to Gay-Lussac, who by no means agreed with his conclusions; and it was not until a considerable time had elapsed, and the latter chemist had carried out his masterly researches on iodine and its compounds, that he became convinced of the correctness of Davy's views. On his return from this Continental tour, he devoted his time to the investigation of the nature of flame, with the result that he discovered how to prevent flame from spreading into the adjoining atmosphere, by surrounding it with a sheath of wire-gauze ; the conducting power of the gauze so cooling the explosive mixture of gases, that they no longer inflame after traversing the gauze dia- phragm. This invention was hailed with the greatest satisfaction by the public, as well as by those whose interest was bound up in mines; and in 1817, he was pre- sented with a service of plate, valued at 2500, by the owners of many important collieries. His services to humanity were, indeed, valued so highly, that in the following year a baronetcy was bestowed on him. And in 1820, on the death of Sir Joseph Banks, who had presided over the meetings of the Royal Society for no less than forty- one years, Sir Humphry Davy received the highest honour which can be bestowed on a scientific man, in being elected his successor. He resigned the presidency in 1827. His own view regarding honours was : ' It is not that honours are worth having, but it is painful not to have them ' ; and again, ' It is better to deserve honours and not to have them, than to have them and not deserve them.' These sentiments remind one of Burns's rhyming grace before meat : Some hae meat, and canna eat, And some wad eat that want it ; But we hae meat, and we can eat, And sae the Lord be thankit. 56 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL During these years, Davy published many papers, having relation to the preservation of metals by electro-chemical means, with special reference to the preservation of the copper sheathing of ships. In 1826, these, and other similar inquiries, were summed up in the ' Bakerian ' Lecture, on the Relation of Electrical and Chemical Changes. His scientific work, however, was nearly at an end ; for in 1826 he had a slight shock of paralysis, and though he lived until 1829, it was in a continual search for health. He travelled much on the Continent, and made partial recoveries ; but he was seized by a final stroke at Geneva in May 1829, where he died, in his fifty-first year. Sir Humphry Davy's work is well summed up in a notice published in Silliman's American Journal of Science and Arts: 'To conclude, we look upon Sir Humphry Davy as having afforded a striking example of what the Romans called a man of good fortune ; whose success, even in their view, was not however the result of accident, but of ingenuity and wisdom to devise plans, and of skill and industry to bring them to a successful issue. He was fortunate in his theories, fortunate in his discoveries, and fortunate in living in an age sufficiently enlightened to appreciate his merits/ But let him speak his own epitaph; it is: 'My sole object has been to serve the cause of humanity; and if I have succeeded, I am amply rewarded in the gratifying reflection of having done so.' Fortunately for your patience, my task to-day is limited to sketching the lives of those chemists who have gone from among us. And confining myself to the names of those who must pass without cavil as 'great/ that of Graham presents itself. There have been men of con- siderable ability, who have in their day done good and THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 57 useful work ; such men as Turner, Graham's predecessor ; Daniel, who gave us the battery known by his name; Miller, to whose painstaking labours we owe the revision of our standards of weight and measure ; and many others of less eminence. But of these I can only mention the names. The city of Glasgow gave Graham to London ; Boyle was an Irishman; Cavendish was born in France; and Davy came from Cornwall. But London made some return for depriving Glasgow of Graham ; for Penny was a Londoner, who passed the major part of his life in Glasgow, having been called thither as successor to Graham. He, too, did good work in his day; he was an extremely attractive lecturer, and may be said to have brought the art of giving professional evidence to perfec- tion. In the eyes of many, this last may prove no recom- mendation; but if it be regarded as unworthy of the character of a true man of science, voluntarily to abandon that most precious heritage of a genuine philosopher, an open mind, Penny atoned for his sins by many beautiful investigations, the most important of which are perhaps his determinations of atomic weights, determinations which even to-day rank among the most reliable. Thomas Graham was the son of a Glasgow manu- facturer, and was born towards the end of the year 1805. He was educated in the Glasgow High School, and after- wards at the university there. His university career lasted an unusually long time ; for entering when he was four- teen years of age, he did not graduate until he had reached the mature age of twenty-one. I am well aware that to an Oxford or Cambridge ' man,' the age of fourteen appears a ridiculously early one at which to enter the university; but in many cases, as for instance in that of a late president of the Royal Society, Lord Kelvin, it is amply justified in its results. There are many boys who 58 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL develop early, and whom it is unfair to measure by the uniform standard of a public school. Graham's teacher of chemistry was Dr. Thomas Thomson, a man of European reputation. It was in his textbook of chemistry that Dalton's atomic theory was published, before its author had committed his own ideas to the press ; and he was a man who maintained the liveliest interest in his science, and whose teaching was most stimulating. His teacher of physics, Professor Meikleham, was also, I have heard, an attractive lecturer ; and during his student career, Graham devoted much attention to physics and to mathematics. At the end of his student career, however, Graham had an unfortu- nate difference of opinion with his father, who had designed him for the Church ; with that reserve which is frequently a characteristic of the Scottish nature, neither had made the other aware of his wishes in the choice of a profession ; and having made the discovery, with that 'dourness,' also characteristic of the race, neither would yield up his will to the other. Graham therefore left his native city, and pursued his studies in Edinburgh, kept from want . by the self-sacrifice of his mother and his sister Margaret, for his father had cut off supplies. There he studied with Dr. Hope, the discoverer of stron- tium, working diligently the while at mathematics and physics, and so preparing himself for his life-work. Before his student days were over, however, he had begun to earn a little money ; and it is recorded that the first six guineas which he earned were spent in presents for his mother and sister. Having returned to Glasgow, and started a small private laboratory, it was not long before he was asked to become lecturer in the Mechanics' Institute, taking the place of Dr. Clark, the inventor of the process for softening water, who had been appointed to the Chair of Chemistry at THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 59 Aberdeen. And in 1830, he succeeded Ure, the author of the Dictionary of Chemistry, as professor in 'The Andersonian University/ an institution which had been founded in rivalry to the University of Glasgow, towards the end of the eighteenth century. In 1837, Edward Turner, the Professor of Chemistry at the then newly founded University of London, now University College, died ; and Graham was chosen from among many candidates as his successor. He was much elated at the change, and in a letter to my grandmother (for he was an intimate friend of the family), he tells her that he has suddenly risen to affluence, being in receipt of the fees of no fewer than 400 students who attended his lectures ! Graham was neither a fluent nor an elegant lecturer ; but his accuracy, his conscientiousness, the philosophical method in which he treated his subject, and his en- thusiasm for his science are said to have proved very attractive to his audience, and without doubt contributed to fill his classroom. The same characteristics are to be noted in his textbook, which I venture to think is the best textbook on chemistry ever written, although it is now completely out of date. No longer republished in English, it still survives in Germany, under the name of ' Graham-Otto.' Until 1854, Graham retained his Chair at University College ; but in that year, Sir John Herschel resigned his office as Master of the Mint, and Graham was chosen to occupy that position, held by so many men of eminence, foremost among whom was Sir Isaac Newton. During his tenure of the office, Graham's conscientiousness proved a sore thorn in the side of the minor officials ; and he had a hard struggle to introduce necessary reforms. His strength of character, however, stood him in good stead ; and after some years of active combat, he left the field 60 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL victorious, with leisure to resume the scientific work which the state of warfare had interrupted. In this office he remained until his death, which took place in 1869. Unlike Davy, Graham was of a modest and retiring disposition. His gentleness endeared him to all those whom he admitted within the circle of his friends ; and his calm judgment rendered him an invaluable counsellor. Yet he received his full meed of honour ; he was the first president of the Chemical Society ; a Fellow of the Royal Society; the 'Keith' Medallist of the Royal Society of Edinburgh; he twice received a Royal Medal of the Royal Society of London, and in 1862 the Copley Medal, given as the reward of a life successfully devoted to scientific discovery ; he was a Corresponding Member of the Institute of France; and he received from that august body the Prix JecJcer. Graham's scientific work admits of division into two groups, one relating to the physical behaviour of gases and liquids, and the other to the constitution of salts. Besides papers on these subjects, he published a number of miscellaneous papers. In the second of these groups, his earliest communica- tion was on the existence of compounds containing alcohol of crystallisation, analogous to the well-known water of crystallisation. The analogy between water and alcohol was thus shown ; an analogy which, in the hands of his successor Williamson, played an important part in the development of modern views on the constitution of the carbon compounds, and indirectly on the whole of chemistry. In 1833, Graham published his remarkable memoir on the phosphoric acids, in which he argued that as alcohol could replace water in hydrated salts, so water could replace bases, in such salts as the phosphates. The acids of phosphorus had previously been a puzzle to THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 61 chemists. Graham proved that orthophosphoric acid consists of a compound of the anhydride, P 2 5 , with three molecules of water, and that each molecule is capable of replacement by the oxide of such a metal as sodium ; that pyrophosphoric acid may be regarded as composed of a molecule of anhydrous phosphoric acid with two molecules of water, each of which is replaceable by an oxide; and that metaphosphoric acid is to be represented as a compound of one molecule of anhydride with one molecule of .water. The general term, which came to be used for this behaviour of acids was basicity, and an acid was termed monobasic, dibasic, or tribasic, according as it was capable of uniting with one, two, or three molecules of base; yet it might contain the same anhydrous oxide in each case. These views of Graham's made it possible to account for the fact, at that time most mysterious, that on mixing nitrate of silver, with its neutral reaction, with alkaline phosphate of sodium, an acid liquid was the result. These experiments of Graham's paved the way for the later theory, that acids are salts of hydrogen. In Graham's language, the three phosphoric acids were ' terphosphate, biphosphate, and phosphate of water ' ; for he understood by the term ' phosphoric acid ' what we nowadays name phosphoric anhydride. The word phosphate, however, is now applied to the group P0 4 , and hence the name phosphates of hydrogen. Graham was the first to recognise that (to quote his own words) ' when one of these compounds (the phosphoric acids) is treated with a strong base, the whole or a part of the water is supplanted, but the amount of base in combina- tion with the acid remains unaltered! We should now say, ' the whole or a part of the hydrogen of the acid is supplanted, but the total number of atoms of hydrogen plus metal in the salt remains'unaltered.' Continuing the train of ideas aroused by his researches 62 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL on the phosphoric acids, Graham next advanced the sug- gestion that certain salts may be substituted, molecule for molecule, for water of crystallisation. Thus, sulphate of zinc ordinarily crystallises with seven molecules of water, forming the heptahydrate, ZnS0 4 .7H 2 0. It is possible to replace one of these molecules of water with a mole- cule of potassium sulphate, obtaining the double salt, ZnS0 4 .K 2 S0 4 .6H 2 0. It appeared, too, with this and similar salts, that six molecules of water may be expelled at a lower temperature than the seventh, which may be supposed to be the one which is replaced by the potassium sulphate in the double salt. Experiments were also made on the heat evolved on neutralising bases with acids, and on the solution of salts in water. Such experiments on salt were carried on until 1843. But Graham had all the while another set of re- searches in progress, in which he attempted to arrive at some definite knowledge regarding the constitution of matter. Recognising that the gaseous state represents matter in a simpler condition than that of liquid or solid, his experiments were largely directed towards elucidating the properties of gases. These experiments were started in 1836. From an observation of Doebereiner's, that in a cracked cylinder, containing hydrogen, and standing over water, more gas escaped than entered, so that the level of the water rose in the cylinder, Graham was led to make his experiments on the diffusion of gases, and also on the rate of the escape of gases through narrow openings. Both sets of experiments led to the same law, viz. that the rates of escape are inversely proportional to the square roots of the densities of the gases. Under equal physical conditions, hydrogen moves four times as quickly as oxygen, which is sixteen times as heavy as the former. And since the densities are proportional to the weights of THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 63 the molecules, it follows that a molecule of hydrogen moves through space four times as rapidly as a molecule of oxygen. This law was confirmed by measurements made on many other gases. These experimental re- searches of Graham's have been one of the chief supports of the kinetic theory, devised long afterwards, on the assumptions that the pressure of gases is due to the im- pacts of their molecules on the walls of the containing vessel, and that their temperature is to be ascribed to the rate of motion of the molecules. Much later, in 1849, Graham investigated the rate of flow of gases through narrow tubes, and obtained results which have also been found of incalculable service to the theory of gaseous matter. A few years later, in 1851 and 1852, Graham published investigations on the diffusion of liquids, a subject follow- ing close on the lines of his former work on the diffusion of gases. His plan of experiment was as simple as it was well adapted to furnish the information sought. A wide- mouthed bottle was filled with the solution of a salt, and placed inside a wider jar; the jar was then carefully filled with water, care being taken not to disturb the level of the solution in the bottle. The apparatus was then left to itself for a considerable time. It was found that the salt did not stay within the bottle, but gradually escaped into the jar. The amount escaping in different times and at different temperatures was measured. Experiments made on a great variety of substances soon revealed the fact that some substances escape much more rapidly than others. For instance, Graham found that 69 parts of sulphuric acid, 58 of common salt, 26 of sugar, 13 of gum-arabic, and only 3 of egg-albumen escape in equal times, other circumstances being equal. Some other substances, such as potassium and ammonium chlorides, potassium and ammonium nitrates, magnesium 64 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL and zinc sulphates, take equal times to diffuse. More- over, some salts may be decomposed into their constitu- ents by diffusion ; among these are ordinary alum, where the more easily diffusible potassium sulphate passes away from the less quickly diffusing aluminium sulphate. And even potassium sulphate itself shows signs of yielding potassium hydroxide and sulphuric acid on diffusion. It was known that a solution, placed on the outside of a porous diaphragm, on the inside of which was pure water, tended to pass through the septum; and if the inner vessel, containing the water, were fitted with a pressure-gauge, the pressure would rise in the interior. This pressure had been named ' osmotic pressure/ Graham attempted to connect this phenomenon with diffusion, but found that ordinary salts, as well as sugar, tannin, alcohol, urea, and similar bodies, had little effect in raising pressure. On the other hand, osmotic pheno- mena were well marked when strong acids, or tartaric, citric, or acetic acids, were present in the cell. In all cases of osmotic pressure, it was found that the porous cell was strongly attacked, and Graham was inclined to ascribe the phenomenon to chemical action. It is in all pro- bability due to the fact that such diaphragms present very little of what we now term 'semi-permeability' to the salts in question. From the year 1852 to the year 1861, Graham's duties at the Mint absorbed nearly all his time, so that there is a long gap in the series of his publications. But in the latter years he published the results of experiments on the transpiration of liquids, a subject which has lately been successfully treated by numerous investigators. And with his practical bias, Graham devised a plan of applying osmotic phenomena to the separation of crystalline substances, which easily pass through a THE GREAT LONDON CHEMISTS 65 porous diaphragm, such as the common acids and salts, from ' colloid ' or gum-like substances, the rate of passage of which is much slower. Especially useful was this pro- cess for the separation of poisons such as the alkaloids and metallic salts from the contents of the stomach in medico-legal inquiries. Time allows me only to mention Graham's most in- teresting experiments on the absorption of gases by metals, and the passage of hydrogen through a thin sheet of palladium; the retention of hydrogen by palladium led him to surmise that the metallic substance was a true alloy of palladium, with metallic hydrogen, and to form the theory that hydrogen itself should be ranked among the metals. He even tried to impress the view by terming the element ' hydrogenium,' in consonance with the nomenclature of most metals. But I must conclude this imperfect sketch of Graham's work, trusting that what I have said may induce some of my readers to make acquaintance with it at first hand. Graham's conscientiousness in all he did, his enthusiasm, and his great ability render his style in writing a most fascinating one; and his papers will always remain a model to those who publish on similar subjects. He possessed a truly philosophical mind ; and in this he more resembled Boyle, than Cavendish or Davy. Indeed, it may be guessed that if Graham had lived in the seven- teenth century, and Boyle in the nineteenth, the results of their labours would not have differed very widely from those which bear their respective names. Contrasting Graham's character with those of Cavendish and Davy, it may be said that while Cavendish carried his devotion to science to such a height that it deprived him of the ordinary pleasures of a human being, and while Davy took perhaps too prominent a part in the world of fashion E 66 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL to escape the accusation of 'playing to the gallery/ Graham pursued a happy mean, beloved by the few whom he chose for his intimate friends, and esteemed and respected by all. Of him, as of Faraday, it might have been said with no shade of misgiving, ' He was a good and a true man.' JOSEPH BLACK: HIS LIFE AND WOKK THERE are some natures so happily constituted that they escape many of the trials which beset most men. Marcus Aurelius thanked his adopted father for having taught him the advantages of ' a smooth and inoffensive temper ; constancy to friends, without tiring or fondness; being always satisfied and cheerful ; reaching forward into the future, and managing accordingly ; not neglecting the least concerns, but all without hurry, or being embarrassed.' Such a character had Joseph Black. Dr. Robison, the editor of his lectures, his successor in Glasgow University, and his biographer, wrote : ' As he advanced in years his coun- tenance continued to preserve that pleasing expression of inward satisfaction, which, by giving ease to the beholder, never fails to please. His manner was perfectly easy and unaffected and graceful. He was of most easy approach, affable, and readily entered into conversation, whether serious or trivial. His mind being abundantly furnished with matter, his conversation was at all times pertinent and agreeable. He was a stranger to none of the elegant accomplishments of life.' His friend Dr. Ferguson said of him : ' As Dr. Black had never anything for ostentation, he was at all times precisely what the occasion required , and no more. Never did any one see Dr. Black hurried at one time to recover matter which had been improperly neglected on a former occasion. Everything being done in its proper season and place, he ever seemed to have leisure in store ; and he was ready to receive his friend or acquaint- ance, and to take his part with cheerfulness in any con- 67 68 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL versation that occurred.' His successor, Dr. Thomas Thomson, found Dr. Robison's estimate of Black's char- acter so just that he appropriated it almost verbatim in his History of Chemistry without the formality of quota- tion marks. His pupil, Henry Brougham, one of the founders of the college in which I have the honour to hold a chair, por- trays him in his Philosophers of the time of George III. as 'a person whose opinions on every subject were marked by calmness and sagacity, wholly free from both passion and prejudice, while affectation was only known to him from the comedies he might have read. His temper in all the circumstances of life was unruffled. . . . The sound- ness of his judgment on all matters, whether of literature or of a more ordinary description, was described by Adam Smith, who said he " had less nonsense in his head than any man living." ' Brougham, writing as an old man, said: 'I love to linger over these recollections, and to dwell on the delight which I well remember thrilled me as I heard this illustrious sage detail the steps by which he made his discoveries, illustrating them with anecdotes sometimes recalled to his mind by the passages of the moment, and giving them demonstration by performing before us the many experiments which had revealed to him first the most important secrets of nature. Next to the delight of having actually stood by him when his victory was gained, we found the exquisite gratification of hearing him simply, most gracefully, in the calm spirit of philosophy, with the most perfect modesty, recount his difficulties, and how they were overcome; open to us the steps by which he had successfully advanced from one part to another of his brilliant course ; go over the same ground, as it were, in our presence, which he had for the first time trod so many long years before ; hold up per- haps the very instruments he had then used, and act over JOSEPH BLACK: HIS LIFE AND WORK 69 again the same part before our eyes which had laid the deep and broad foundations of his imperishable renown. Not a little of this extreme interest certainly belonged to the accident that he had so long survived the period of his success that we knew there sat in our presence the man now in his old age reposing under the laurels won in his early youth. But take it altogether, the effect was such as cannot well be conceived. I have heard the greatest understandings of the age giving forth their efforts in its most eloquent tongues have heard the com- manding periods of Pitt's majestic oratory the vehe- mence of Fox's burning declamation have followed the close compacted chain of Grant's pure reasoning been carried away by the mingled fancy, epigram, and argu- mentation of Plunket; but I should without hesitation prefer, for mere intellectual gratification (though aware how much of it is derived from association) to be once more allowed the privilege which I in those days enjoyed of being present while the first philosopher of his age was the historian of his own discoveries, and be an eye-witness of those experiments by which he had formerly made them, once more performed with his own hands.' Truly, Scotland in the last half of the eighteenth century was the home of many great men. Adam Smith, the first political economist ; David Hume, the historian ; James Hutton, the geologist; and James Watt, the engineer : all these were intimate friends of Black's, and each in his way was an originator of the first order. And it is my pleasant task to present to you an account of Black's discoveries and their consequences, and to attempt to show that his work began a new epoch for chemistry and physics. There is little to tell of Black's early history; nor, indeed, was his life even remotely adventurous. His career may be told in a few words. 70 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL Joseph Black was born on the banks of the Garonne, near Bordeaux, in 1728. His father, John Black, was a native of Belfast, descended from a Scottish family which had settled there; he resided at Bordeaux, where he carried on a business in wine ; he was an intimate friend of President Montesquieu. Joseph was one of thirteen children, of whom eight were sons. In 1740, at the age of twelve, he was sent to school in Belfast ; and like many other boys of the north of Ireland, he crossed to Glasgow to attend its University, for in those days, of course, Queen's College, Belfast, had not been founded. This was in the year 1746. Dr. Robison mentions letters from Mr. Black to his son Joseph, from which it would appear that he was in every respect a satisfactory son and a diligent student. He received a general education ; we find, at least, that he could write good Latin ; and he was taught ethics by Adam Smith. His leanings for natural science, however, were probably encouraged by his intimate friendship with the son of the Professor of Natural Philosophy, Dr. Robert Dick, later successor to his father in the chair, who, un- fortunately, occupied it only a few years, for he was early cut off by death. Black also owed much to Cullen, of whom a very interesting account is given by Thomas Thomson in his History. Cullen was Lecturer in Chemistry in the University of Glasgow from 1746 to 1756 ; and in' 1751 he was appointed Professor of Medicine; at that time, and, indeed, until Thomas Thomson taught chemistry, that subject was taught only by a lecturer. Thomson attributes to Cullen a singular talent for arrangement, dis- tinctness of enunciation, vivacity of manner, and profound knowledge of his science in short, enthusiasm qualities which made him adored by his students. He took especial pains to gain their friendship by frequent social intercourse with them, and no doubt early recognised Black's great promise. Cullen's single contribution to JOSEPH BLACK: HIS LIFE AND WORK 71 chemico-physical literature dealt with the boiling of ether on the reduction of pressure, and its growing cold during the process. The reason of this behaviour, however, was later discovered by Black, for Cullen confined himself to recording the observation. It was not long before Black rendered help to Cullen as his assistant ; and Black's name was frequently quoted by Cullen in his lectures as an authority for certain facts. Black's methodical habits led him to keep a sort of commonplace book, in which not merely the results of his experimental work was entered, but also notes on medicine, jurisprudence, or matters of taste; and he practised 'double entry/ for he also kept separate journals in which these notes were distributed according to their subjects. From these notebooks the dates of his most important discoveries can be traced. Chemistry, in these days, was handmaid to medicine ; the influence of the iatro-chemists, founded by Paracelsus, still held its sway, although certain bold investigators among them Boyle, Mayow, and Hales a century before, had shaken themselves free from its thraldom. And the lectureship on chemistry in Glasgow was regarded as a step to a more remunerative position, and was held, along with the Crown professorship of medicine, by Cullen from 1751 to 1756. It was probably owing to Cullen's advice that Black went to Edinburgh in 1750 or 1751 to finish his medical studies ; perhaps another reason may be found in his having had a cousin in the University, Mr. James Russel, as Professor of Natural Philosophy, with whom he lived. There he took the degree of doctor of medicine in 1754. It is true that he might have graduated in Glasgow three years earlier ; but no doubt his thoroughness made him wish to offer a thesis worthy of praise, and it was this thesis which established his reputation. More of this hereafter. 72 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL In 1756 Dr. Cullen was called to fill the Chair of Chemistry in Edinburgh, and Black, who had been prac- tising as a physician since he had graduated, was called to succeed him in the Chair of Anatomy and the lectureship in Chemistry; for his reputation in the subject which he had made his own was even then a high one. Black did not retain the Chair of Anatomy for long, however ; his tastes lay more in the direction of medicine ; and with the concurrence of the University he and the professor of medicine exchanged chairs. While he held these offices he also engaged in medical practice ; and Robison says that his countenance at that time of life he was then about thirty-two was equally engaging as his manners were attractive ; and in the general popularity of his character he was in particular a favourite with the ladies. No one, so far as we know, was singled out by his preference ; and to the end of his days he remained unmarried. It appears that the ladies regarded themselves as honoured by his attentions, and we are told that these attentions were not indiscriminately bestowed, but exclusively on those who evinced a superiority in mental accomplishments or propriety of demeanour, and in grace and elegance of manners. In 1766, Dr. Cullen exchanged the Chair of Chemistry at Edinburgh for that of Medicine ; and with one accord University and town united in calling Dr. Black to the vacant chair. Indeed, in 1756, he had been recom- mended for the chair by the University; but the Town Councillors who were the electors did not agree with the recommendation, and Cullen was appointed. Now, however, unanimity prevailed, and Black removed to Edinburgh, where he spent the rest of his days. From this date, he devoted himself to tuition, and spared no pains to make his lectures attractive and useful. He illustrated them by numerous experiments. OF JOSEPH BLACK: HIS LIFE AND WORK 73 Robison tells us that, ' while he scorned the quackery of a showman, the simplicity, neatness, and elegance with which they were performed were truly admirable/ And Brougham also praises his manipulation. 'I have seen him/ he writes, 'pour boiling water or boiling acid from one vessel to another, from a vessel that had no spout into a tube, holding it at such a distance as made the stream's diameter small, and so vertical that not a drop was spilt. The long table on which the different pro- cesses had been carried on was as clean at the end of the lecture as it had been before the apparatus was planted upon it. Not a drop of liquid, not a grain of dust remained/ Black had a profound influence on the attitude of the Edinburgh public towards science. The reputation which he established as a lecturer induced many to attend his lectures without any particular wish to learn chemistry, but merely to enjoy an intellectual treat ; and it became the fashion to hear him. The study of the chemistry of gases, after Black's dis- covery of carbonic acid, made rapid progress; but Black did not take part in its advance. His health had never been good; he was very subject to dyspepsia; and on several occasions his lungs or his bronchise appear to have narrowly escaped being affected, for he was troubled with spitting of blood. But he had learned the lesson yva>0e o-eavrov know thyself; and he regulated his exercise and his diet with the result that he lived a quiet, and a fairly long life. 'Happy is the nation that has no history'; and Dr. Black's uneventful life was passed in happiness. He held his chair for more than thirty years, and grew old gracefully, living amongst many intimate friends. He at one time acquired a reputation for parsimony ; but Brougham, while suggesting a reason for this report, namely that he kept a pair of scales on his study table 74 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL with which he used to weigh the guineas paid in as fees, defends this perhaps somewhat curious practice, and refutes the imputation ; and Robison, who also alludes to it, states in a footnote that he could give more than one or two instances in which a great part of Black's fortune was at risk for a friend. As his strength decreased, the care of his health occupied more and more of his attention; he became more and more abstemious in his diet. One of his intimate friends, Dr. Ferguson, gives the following account of his death, one worthy of such a calm and placid philo- sopher: 'On the 26th November 1799, and in the seventy- first year of his age, he expired, without any convulsion, shock, or stupor to announce or retard the approach of death. Being at table, with his usual fare, some bread, a few prunes, and a measured quantity of milk, diluted with water, and having the cup in his hand when the last stroke of his pulse was to be given, he had set it down on his knees, which were joined together, and kept it steady with his hand in the manner of a person perfectly at ease, and in this attitude expired, without spilling a drop, and without a writhe in his countenance, as if an experiment had been required to show his friends the facility with which he departed.' He left more money than any one thought he could have acquired in the course of his career. His will was a somewhat fantastic one ; he divided his property into ten thousand shares ; and he distributed it among numerous individuals in shares or in fractions of shares, according to his conception of their needs or deserts. A tale is told in Kay's Edinburgh Portraits of Black and Hutton, who were almost inseparable cronies. Having had a disquisition as to the waste of food, it occurred to them that while testaceous marine animals were much esteemed as an article of diet, those of the land were neglected ; JOSEPH BLACK: HIS LIFE AND WORK 75 they resolved to put their views in practice, and having collected a number of snails, had them cooked, and sat down to the banquet. Each began to eat very gingerly ; neither liked to confess his true feelings to the other. 'Dr. Black at length broke the ice, but in a delicate manner, as if to sound the opinion of his messmate: "Doctor," he said, in his precise and quiet manner, "Doctor, do you not think that they taste a little a very little queer?" "Queer, queer indeed! tak them awa', tak them awa' ! " vociferated Dr. Hutton, start- ing up from table, and giving vent to his feelings of abhorrence.' The portraits of the subject of this biography reveal Black as possessing a calm, contemplative nature; but Kay's caricatures indicate that he could take a some- what humorous view of life, and perhaps might even display a vein of caustic sarcasm. A portrait of him while lecturing may well have been sketched, we may suppose, while he was making scathing comments on the objections raised by a German chemist named Meyer to his doctrine of causticity, which ' that person,' as Brougham tells us, ' explained by supposing an acid, called by him acidum pingue, to be the cause of alkaline mild- ness. The unsparing severity of the lecture in which Black exposed the ignorance and dogmatism of this foolish reasoner cannot well be forgotten by his hearers.' It appears to me, however, that Meyer's theory cannot have been correctly stated by Brougham (for it is remark- ably like Black's own explanation), or must have been misunderstood by Black. Another of Kay's portraits exhibits Black and Hutton, under the title of 'The Philosophers ' ; and here again the caricaturist has made it obvious that Black could appreciate a joke. A third portrait represents him taking a gentle walk ; it conveys an idea of his appearance in his fifty -ninth year. 76 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL The portrait of Dr. Cullen, Black's predecessor both in Glasgow and Edinburgh, and his life-long friend, is also given by Kay. Cullen died in 1790, at the age of eighty-one. In the olden days it was considered quite as marvellous that a gas could be made to occupy a small volume, or that ' air ' could be produced in quantity from a stone, as that an Arabian 'djinn' of enormous size and ferocious mien could issue from a bottle, as related in the ' Tale of a Fisherman,' one of the charming stories of the Arabian Nights Entertainments. It is true that in the middle of the seventeenth century Robert Boyle had enunciated his famous discovery, ' Touching the Spring of the Air ' ; in which he proved that the greater the pressure to which a gas is exposed the smaller the volume it will occupy. But however great the pressure, Boyle's air remained air. It might have been thought that the boiling of water into steam should have convinced men that a liquid, at least, could be changed into a gas; but the fact that steam changed back to water probably prevented attention being paid to its comparative large volume while hot. It was Black's discovery of the production of carbonic acid gas from marble, or as he named it, 'fixed air,' which first directed notice to this possibility of the production of a gas from a solid; and further, the peculiar property of this gas its power of being fixed was one which com- pletely differentiated it from ordinary air. Stephen Hales the botanist, it is true, had distilled many substances of vegetable, animal, and mineral origin; among them he treated many which must have produced impure hydrogen, marsh-gas, carbonic acid gas, and oxygen; but Hales contented himself with measuring the volume of gases obtained from a known weight of material, without con- cerning himself about their properties. And as the result of many experiments, he concluded that ' our atmosphere JOSEPH BLACK: HIS LIFE AND WORK 7*7 is a chaos, consisting not only of elastick, but also of unelastick air-particles, which in plenty float in it, as well as the sulphureous, saline, watry, and earthy particles, which are no ways capable of being thrown off into a permanently elastick state, like those particles which constitute true permanent air/ This was the current belief as regards the nature of air. The cause which gave rise to Black's famous research is a curious one. Sir Robert Walpole, as well as his brother Horace, afterwards Lord Walpole, were troubled with the stone. They imagined that they had received benefit from a medicine invented by a Mrs. Joanna Stephens; and through their influence she received five thousand pounds for revealing the secret, which was published in the London Gazette on the 19th June 1739. It was described as follows : 'My medicines are a Powder, a Decoction, and Pills. The powder consists of Egg-shells 1 and Snails, 2 both calcined. The decoction is made by boiling some Herbs 3 (together with a Ball, which consists of Soap, 4 Swines'- Cresses, burnt to a Blackness, and Honey) in water. The Pills consist of Snails calcined, Wild Carrot seeds, Burdock seeds, Ashen Keys, Hips and Hawes, all burnt to a Black- ness, Soap and Honey.' Dr. Cullen and his colleagues held opposing views as to the efficacy of such quaint and caustic remedies ; and it was with the object of discovering a ' milder alkali,' and bringing it into the service of medicine, that Black began 1 ' Egg-shells and Snails calcined in a crucible surrounded with coal for 8 hours. Then left in an earthenware pan to slake in a dry room for 2 months. The Shells thus become of a milder taste, and fall into powder.' 2 ' Snails left in a crucible until they have done smoaking, then rubbed up in a mortar. Take 6 parts of Egg-shell to 1 of Snail-powder. Snails ought only to be prepared in May, June, July, and August.' 3 ' Herbs of decoction : Green Chamomile, Sweet Fennel, Parsley, and Burdock ; leaves or roots.' 4 'Soap: Best Alicant Soap.' 78 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL his experiments on magnesia. They are described in a paper entitled ' Experiments upon Magnesia Alba, Quick- lime, and some other Alcaline Substances'; it was the chemical contents of his thesis for the degree of M.D., which he took at Edinburgh in 1754 ; he had been making the experiments since 1752. The actual thesis was in Latin : ' De Humore Acido a Cibis orto, et Magnesia Alba ' ; the pamphlet was published in the following year. The medicines in vogue as solvents of the urinary cal- culus were all caustic ; the lapis infernalis, or caustic potash, and the ley of the soap-boilers, or caustic soda. These substances are made from mild alkali, or carbonates, by boiling their solutions with slaked lime, itself produced by slaking quicklime with water. Now quicklime is formed by heating lime-stone in the fire; it thereby acquires its burning properties, or causticity ; and this it was supposed to derive from the fire, of which it absorbed, as it were, the essence. The act of boiling the mild alkalies with lime was supposed to result in a transference of this educt of fire to the alkalies, which themselves became caustic, Lime-water, or a solution of caustic lime was used as a solvent for the calculus; and it was an attempt to produce a less caustic solvent from Epsom salts that induced Black to begin his researches. As his notes show, Black began by holding the old view. He attempted to catch the igneous matter as it escaped from lime, as it becomes ' mild ' on exposure to the air : he appears to have made some experiment with this view ; but his comment was, 'Nothing escapes the cup rises considerably by absorbing air/ Two pages further on in his notebook he records an experiment to compare the loss of weight sustained by an ounce of chalk when it is calcined with its loss when dissolved in ' spirit of salt/ or hydrochloric acid ; and he then evidently began to suspect the reason of ' mildness ' and ' causticity/ JOSEPH BLACK : HIS LIFE AND WORK 79 Another memorandum, a few pages later, shows that he had solved the mystery. ' When I precipitate lime by a common alkali there is no effervescence. The air quits the alkali for the lime, but it is not lime any longer, but c.c.c. It now effervesces, which good lime will not.' But we must trace the chain of reasoning which led him to come to this conclusion. Having prepared ' mild ' magnesia by mixing Epsom salt or sulphate of magnesia with carbonate of potash, or ' pearl- ashes/ he found that it is ' quickly dissolved with violent effervescence or explosion of air by the acids of vitriol, nitre, and of common salt, and by distilled vinegar ' ; that the properties of these salts the sulphate, nitrate, chloride, and acetate of magnesium differ greatly from those of the common alkaline earths; that when boiled with 'salt-ammoniac,' or chloride of ammonium, volatile crystals of smelling-salts were deposited on the neck of the retort, which, on mixing with the chloride of mag- nesium remaining in the retort, reproduced the 'mild' magnesia; that a similar effect is produced by boiling ' mild ' magnesia with ' any calcareous substance ' ; while the acid quits the calcareous salt to unite with the mag- nesia, ' mild ' magnesia is again precipitated on addition of a dissolved alkali. On igniting ' mild ' magnesia, it changed into a white powder, which dissolved in acids without effervescence. And the process of ignition had deprived it of seven- twelfths of its weight. Black next turned his attention to the volatile part ; he attempted to restore it by dissolving the magnesia in a sufficient quantity of ' spirit of vitriol ' or dilute sulphuric acid, and separated it again by the addition of alkali. The resulting white powder now effer- vesced violently with acids, and 'recovered all those properties which it had lost by calcination. It had acquired besides an addition of weight nearly equal to 80 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL what had been lost in the fire; and as it is found to effervesce with acids, part of the addition must certainly be air.' Black here made an enormous stride ; he had weighed a gas in combination. He argues further : ' It seems there- fore evident that the air was forced from the alkali by the acid, and lodged itself in the magnesia/ We may repre- sent the change diagrammatically thus : Magnesia \ x Alkali^-Yitriolated alkali. Spirit of vitriol ' ^ Air->Mild magnesia. The next step was to try whether mild magnesia lost the same weight on being mixed with acid as it did when heated in the fire. But owing probably to the solubility of the fixed air in the water, a much less loss was found on dissolving the magnesia (35 grains out of 120) than by heating it (78 grains out of 120). The amount of acid required to expel the fixed air was, however, practically the same as that required to dissolve the magnesia usta, or heated magnesia (267 and 262 grains). Turning his attention next to chalk, he dissolved some in muriatic acid, and having precipitated with fixed alkali no difference could be detected between the recovered and the original chalk. He had thus first separated the fixed air from the chalk, and then recombined the two. These experiments led Black to conclude that fixed air must be of the nature of an acid, for it converts quick-lime the acrid earth, as he termed it into crude lime, or mild earth, the mildness being due to its union with fixed air. The explanation is thus given of the curious fact that mild magnesia, mixed with lime-water, gives pure water ; for the fixed air leaves the magnesia and unites itself to the lime, and both the magnesia usta and the chalk which are formed are insoluble in water. And the action JOSEPH BLACK: HIS LIFE AND WORK 81 of quick-lime in causticising alkali is similarly explained by its removing the fixed air from the alkali, thus render- ing the latter caustic, while itself becoming mild. Reasoning further, Black foresaw that caustic alkali, added to Epsom salt or vitriolated magnesia, should give a precipitate of magnesia which should not effervesce with acids, for here fixed air is excluded ; and, also, that caustic alkali should separate from acids lime in the quick state, only united with water. Similar experiments of treating chalk with acids and heating it, which had been performed with magnesia, showed similar results. But it had yet to be demonstrated that fixed air did not share the properties of ordinary atmospheric air. So Black placed four fluid ounces of lime-water, as well as four ounces of common water, under the receiver of an air-pump, and exhausted the air; air rose from each in about the same quantity ; it therefore appeared that the air which quick-lime attracts is of a different kind from that which is mixed with water. Quick-lime does not attract air when in its most ordinary form, but is capable of being joined to one particular species only, 'which is dispersed through the atmosphere, either in the state of a very subtle powder, or, more probably, in that of an elastic fluid. To this I have given the name of fixed air, and perhaps very improperly ; but I thought it better to use a word already familiar in philosophy than to invent a new name, before we be more fully acquainted with the nature and properties of this substance.' The next step was to examine the nature of caustic alkali, and to prove whether it gained weight on being made ' mild.' This was achieved indirectly, by finding the amount of acid required to neutralise the same weight of caustic alkali, and ' salt of tartar ' what we know as potassium carbonate. Six measures of acid were required F 82 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL to saturate the former, and five the latter ; and Black was very near the truth ; indeed his error was only about four per cent. He proved, by addition of sulphuric acid, that the caustic alkali contained no lime, and therefore that its causticity was not due to an admixture of that substance. To prove that lime-stone, or magnesia, ' loses its air ' when dissolved in an acid, but regains it on addition of a mild alkali, the acid in which the lime was dissolved passing to the alkali, Black added caustic ley to a solution of Epsom salt, the result being a precipitate of magnesia ; this dissolved in vitriol without effervescence, showing that no fixed air had taken part in the change. He also, on adding caustic alkali to a solution of chalk in spirit of salt (or hydrochloric acid), produced lime, which on being dissolved in water produced lime-water, indistinguishable from that produced from quick-lime and water. He goes on to say that ' had we a method of separating the fixed alkali from an acid, without at the same time saturating it with " air " we should then obtain it in a caustic form.' It can be done, it is true, by heating nitre with charcoal, but the alkali is then found saturated with air; and again, by heating the alkali-salts of vegetable acids, the same occurs. Black conjectures that the fixed air must be derived either from the nitre or the charcoal in the first case (indeed it is derived from both, the nitre supply- ing the oxygen to the carbon); and in the second, he remarks that the vegetable acid is not really separated, but rather destroyed by the fire. How nearly he came to the discovery that fixed air is produced from carbon ! Such was Black's research on fixed air. And now having shown that a gas can be retained by a solid, and can be made to escape by treatment with acid or by heat, he attacked somewhat later the problem of the cause of this fixation. He discovered it to be due to what he JOSEPH BLACK: HIS LIFE AND WORK 83 termed ' latent ' or hidden heat. But his research was not made with this object; the connection of the two was fortuitous, although of a fundamental nature. Between the years 1759 and 1763, he formed opinions regarding the quantity of heat necessary to raise equally the temperatures of different substances. Boerhaave imagined that all equal portions of space contain equal amounts of heat, irrespective of the nature of the matter with which they are filled ; and his reason for this state- ment was that the thermometer stands at the same height if placed in contact with objects near each other. Here we have a confusion between heat and temperature ; and this was perceived by Black, for he pointed out that a distinction must be drawn between quantity and inten- sity of heat : the latter being what we now call tempera- ture. He quotes Fahrenheit to show that while equal measures of water at different temperatures acquire a mean temperature when mixed, it requires three measures of quicksilver at a high temperature to convert two measures of water at a low temperature to the mean of the two temperatures; and this corresponds to twenty times the weight of the water. Black expressed this by the statement that the capacity for heat of quicksilver is much less than that of water. But before this, in 1757, Black had made experiments leading up to these views. He had noticed that when ice or any solid substance is changing into a fluid, it receives a much greater amount of heat than what is perceptible in it immediately afterwards by the thermometer. A great quantity of heat enters into it without making it perceptibly warmer. Conversely, in freezing water or any liquid, a large amount of heat comes out of it, which again is not revealed by a thermometer. He then proceeded to estimate the quantity of heat which had to be absorbed by a known weight of ice in 84 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL order to melfc it. He hung up two globes side by side, about 18 inches apart, in a large empty hall, in which the temperature remained practically constant ; each globe contained 5 ounces ; one of ice at 32 F., the other water at 33. The latter had a delicate thermometer suspended in it. The temperature of the hall was 47 F. In half an hour, the water had attained the temperature 40 F. ; and the ice took ten hours and a half to attain the same temperature, that is, twenty-one times as long as the water. The heat, which the ice absorbed during melting was (40 33) x 21 or 147 units; that is, had it been absorbed by the five ounces of water it would have made it warmer by 147. The temperature of the ice, however, was 8 warmer than its melting-point, after the 21 half- hours ; hence 139 or 140 ' degrees had been absorbed by the melting ice, and were concealed in the water into which it had changed.' The method of experiment was next varied. Black weighed a lump of ice, and added it to a weighed quantity of warm water of which the temperature was known. The warm water was cooled to a much lower degree by the melting of the ice, than if it had been mixed with a quantity of water of 32 F., equal in weight to the ice. The quantity of heat absorbed by the ice in melting ap- peared from this second experiment to have been capable of heating an equal quantity of water through 143 F. A third experiment was made, in which it was proved that a lump of ice, placed in an equal weight of water at 176, lowered the temperature of the water to 32. Now 176 32=144 again a similar result. The latent heat of water is therefore about 142 or 143, in Fahrenheit units. The result of the most careful measurements give 79*5 centigrade units, which corresponds with 143 units of Fahrenheit's scale. Curiously enough, this fundamental datum has not yet been determined with the accuracy JOSEPH BLACK: HIS LIFE AND WORK 85 which is customary nowadays, and it is still uncertain to one seven-hundredth of its value. Black's determination was a remarkably good one, especially if we consider the crude appliances which he used. The substance of this research was communicated to the ' Philosophical Club/ or Society of Professors and others in the University of Glasgow in the year 1762, and was expounded yearly by Black in his lectures to his students. Black suggested to Irvin, his pupil, and afterwards his successor in the Glasgow chair, to determine the latent heat of fusion of spermaceti and bees'-wax ; and he found that these substances, too, absorb heat, insensible to the thermometer, on assuming the liquid state. In this manner, he made his thesis general. But in attempting to extend it beyond the case of liquids and solids, he went astray. For example, he imagined that the great rise of temperature, which may even reach redness, caused by the hammering of iron by a skilled smith, was due to the ' extrication of the latent heat of the iron by hammering/ He did not realise that heat can be produced from mechanical work; that work can be quantitatively trans- formed into heat; a discovery made more than eighty years later, by Joule, although it had been anticipated by Count Rumford, and by Sir Humphry Davy, in the begin- ning of last century. Similar experiments were made by Black on the latent heat of steam, in which he compared the time required for a known weight of water to rise through a definite interval of temperature when exposed to a constant supply of heat with that required to dissipate the water into steam, But his estimate of 830 units required to evaporate one part of water was not so accurate ; the actual figure is 967 units on the Fahrenheit scale. Black cited experiments by Boyle, by Robison, his successor in the Glasgow chair, and by 86 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL Cullen, his predecessor, in which the boiling-point of liquids had been found to be lowered by reduction of pressure; he rightly ascribes this to the freer escape of the vapour, and to the absorption of heat by the vapour, and the consequent cooling of the liquid from which it is escaping. These conceptions of Black's were utilised by his friend James Watt in' his work on condensers, and, as every one knows, effected a revolution in the structure of steam- engines, and as a consequence in the whole of our indus- trial and social life ; and further, they were developed by many men of science, until in the hands of the masters Joule, Clerk-Maxwell, Rankine, James Thomson, and Kelvin, on the physical side, and of Willard Gibbs, the American, on the chemical side they form the very groundwork of the sister sciences, physics and chemistry. Black's great chemical discovery that a gas exists which is clearly not a modification of atmospheric air, seeing it can be ' fixed ' by alkalies and alkaline earths, led the way to ' pneumatic chemistry,' as it was called, and was followed by the discovery of oxygen by Priestley, of nitrogen by Rutherford, of hydrogen by Cavendish and Watt, and of the more recent discoveries of argon and its congeners, all of them constituents of the atmosphere. In fact, the gases of the atmosphere have been discovered entirely by Scots- men and Englishmen. 1 And Black's proof, that the change of a complex com- pound to simpler compounds, and the building up of a complex compound from simpler ones, can be followed successfully by the use of the balance, has had for its consequence the whole development of chemistry. It is only in the most recent years, since Becquerel observed the effect of uranium ores and salts in discharging an 1 In justice to the Swede Scheele, it should be said that his discovery of oxygen was contemporaneous with Priestley's. JOSEPH BLACK: HIS LIFE AND WORK 87 electroscope, and since Madame Curie discerned one of the causes of the discharge by uranium ore, namely, the existence in it of a new element, radium, and since Ruther- ford and Soddy's isolation of the gases evolved from radium and from thorium, that a new and more sensi- tive instrument has been placed at the disposal of chemists in the electroscope. We are at the beginning of a new era. Every discovery of a new principle of research heralds a new departure; and the compound nature of many of the so-called elements begins to appear from their electrical behaviour, in much the same manner as Black demonstrated the decomposability of compounds in the year 1752. LORD KELVIN ON June 16, 1896, there took place in the University of Glasgow an almost unique ceremony. On that day the jubilee of Lord Kelvin was celebrated ; he had been Professor of Natural Philosophy at Glasgow University for fifty years. The Prince of Wales, now King Edward, sent him a letter of congratulation ; twenty-eight univer- sities, twelve colleges, and fifty- one learned societies sent delegates with addresses, wishing Lord Kelvin many more years of health and happiness, and mentioning in terms of profound admiration his magnificent achieve- ments in the domain of physics. What were these, and why did they deserve and obtain such universal admira- tion ? To answer that question fully would require a much longer space than is at my disposal; but I shall try to give a short sketch of William Thomson's life and work. In 1812, James Thomson, William's father, was a teacher in the Royal Academic Institute of Belfast. He was one of the descendants of a number of Scotsmen who emigrated to North Ireland in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. He had two sons, James and William, both of whom were born in Ireland, and both of whom became illustrious. When William was eight years old, his father was appointed to the Chair of Mathematics in the Uni- versity of Glasgow. My father was one of his students ; and I remember well his allusions to Professor Thomson's kindliness and sense of humour. 90 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL It was" his habit to cross-examine his students, at the beginning of each lecture, on the subject of the preceding day's work ; and it was customary in his junior class to begin with very elementary questions. One day he asked a certain Highlander : ' Mr. M'Tavish, what do you under- stand by a " point " ? ' The answer was, ' It 's just a dab ! ' Again, Mr. M'Tavish was asked, in the course of the con- struction of some diagram : ' What should I do, Mr. M'Tavish ? ' ' Tak a chalk in your hand/ ' And next ? ' ' Draw a line.' Professor Thomson complied, and pausing, said : ' How far shall I produce the line, Mr. M'Tavish ? ' ' Ad infinitum ! ' was the astounding reply. At the mature age of ten William entered the university. His training had been wholly in his father's hands ; Pro- fessor Thomson was clear-sighted enough to recognise that he had two very remarkable sons. They were brought up on Classics and Mathematics, Logic and Philosophy. In May 1907, at the annual dinner of the London ' Glasgow University Club,' I had the good fortune to hear Lord Kelvin express his views on education. His theme was the ' University of Glasgow ' ; and he commended the universality of the training which it used to give. By the age of twelve, said he, a boy should have learned to write his own language with accuracy and some elegance; he should have a reading knowledge of French, should be able to translate Latin and easy Greek authors, and should have some acquaintance with German. ' Having learned thus the meaning of words/ continued Lord Kelvin, ' a boy should study Logic/ In his charming discursive style, he went on to descant on the advantages of a knowledge of Greek. ' I never found,' he said, ' that the small amount of Greek I learned was a hindrance to my acquiring some knowledge of Natural Philosophy/ It certainly was not in his case. And it may here be remarked that it is surely a mistake to lay down a hard and fast rule that no youth LORD KELVIN 91 should enter a college until he has reached the age of fifteen or sixteen; William Thomson took the highest prizes in Mathematics and Physics before he reached that age. It may be said that his precocity was phenomenal ; no doubt it was; but it is precisely those boys who are unique and unlike their fellows who are of value to the race, and every chance should be given to exceptional talent. Although William Thomson spent six years at Glasgow University, he did not graduate : in those days the aim of a student's ambition was not a degree, but the acquisition of knowledge. Before he had reached the age of seventeen, he went to Cambridge, where he passed four years. There the examination system was in full swing; and to the disgrace of the examiners, Thomson was not the ' Senior Wrangler '; he was not regarded as the best mathematician of his year ; and this, in spite of the remark made by one of his examiners, that ' the Senior Wrangler was not fit to cut pencils for Thomson.' It is known that success in this examination depends largely on rapidity in writing and on accuracy of memory, ratter than on originality ; and the tale is told that on Thomson's ' coach/ or tutor, asking him why he had spent so much time in answering a particular question, he replied that he had to think it all out from first principles. ' But it is a problem of your own discovery/ said the coach. Thomson had to confess that he had quite forgotten his own handiwork, and that while his competitor had learned the answer by heart, Thomson had had to rediscover the solution. However, he was successful in gaining the ' Smith's Prize/ a reward for inventiveness rather than memory. That same year, he was elected Fellow of his College, and had an income of about 200, which enabled him to continue his studies in France. While at Cambridge, Thomson was not only a student ; he always took a keen interest in music, and was president 92 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL of the Musical Society ; he also carried off the ' Colquhoun sculls ' for his excellence as an oarsman. In those days the science of Cambridge was fettered by the bonds which Newton had imposed. It is unfortunate, though perhaps natural, that to the advent of a great man a period of stagnation succeeds. It was thus with the Schoolmen, who subsisted for many centuries on the philosophy of Aristotle; and the science of Cambridge, in 1845, was based on the work of Newton, nearly a century and a half old. Indeed, the spirit was that of Timseus, in Plato's dialogue, who said : ' If we wish to acquire any real acquaintance with astronomy, we shall let the heavenly bodies alone/ In fact, Bacon's advice to proceed by way of experiment and induction had been forgotten. Needless to say, this reproach has long been removed, by the labours of Clerk-Maxwell, Rayleigh, Stokes, and J. J. Thomson. In the 'forties Paris was the home of Fourier, Fresnel, Ampere, Arago, Biot, and Regnault, all physicists and mathematicians of the highest rank ; and Thomson spent a year working in Regnault's laboratory, where experiments on water and steam, their densities, pressure, and specific heats, were being carried on with the utmost refinement. During the next year, 1846, the Chair of Natural Philosophy in Glasgow fell vacant, and, to their credit, the Senate of the day advised Queen Victoria to appoint William Thomson, then a youth of twenty- two, as professor. Never was a choice better justified in its results. For Thomson, by example and by precept, trained many students to be a credit to their old university, and carried out in cellars, which served as laboratories, and which were situated almost next door to that in which James Watt invented the condensing engine, almost all his numerous and important investigations. Thomson was not what would be called a good lecturer ; he was too discursive. I doubt whether any man with a LORD KELVIN 93 brain so much above the ordinary, so much more rapid in action than the average, can be a first-rate teacher. Certainly, in my own case, I gained much more in my second than in my first year's attendance. But Thomson never allowed the interest of his students to flag ; his aptness in illustration and his vigour of language prevented that. Lecturing one day on ' Couples,' he explained how forces must be applied to constitute a couple, and illus- trated the direction of the forces by turning round the gas-bracket. This led to a discussion on the miserable quality of Glasgow coal-gas, and how it might be improved. Following again the main idea, he caught hold of the door, and swung it to and fro ; but, again, his mind diverged to the difference in the structure of English and Scottish doors. We never forgot what a couple was ; but the idea might have been conveyed more succinctly. He held strong views on the 'absurd, ridiculous, time- wasting, soul-destroying system of British weights and measures ' ; and in spite of all the efforts of the ' Decimal Association,' we, the Americans, and the Russians remain examples of irrational conservatism in respect of the awkwardness of our systems. The Cartesian method of locating a point was indelibly impressed on my memory by the following incident: A student, whose position was roughly about the centre of the lecture-room, made that noise so disturbing to a lecturer, yet so difficult to locate, caused by gently rubbing the sole of his foot on the floor. ' Mr. Macfarlane ! ' said Sir William. Mr. Macfarlane, the fides Achates, came, received a whispered communication, and went out of the room. In about ten minutes he returned with a tape-line, and proceeded to measure a length along one wall, on which he made a pencil-mark. He then measured out at right angles another length, and made a chalk-mark on the floor, erecting on it a pointer. ' Mr. Smith, it was you 94 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL who made that noise : be so good as to leave the room/ said Sir William. Mr. Smith blushed and retired. Then came the explanation. Mr. Macfarlane had gone below the sloping tier of seats; had accurately diagnosed the precise position of Mr. Smith's erring foot, and had accurately measured the distance from the two walls. These measurements were reproduced in full view of the students, and the advantages of the system of Cartesian co-ordinates were experimentally demonstrated, while justice was satisfied. Owing to an accident, Sir William was lame ; but it did not interfere with his activity of body. Indeed, it lent emphasis to his amusing class demonstration of ' uniform velocity,' when he inarched backwards and forwards behind his lecture-bench, with as even a movement as his lameness would permit ; and the class generally burst into enthusiastic applause when he altered his pace, and intro- duced us to the meaning of the word ' acceleration.' In his laboratory Sir William was a most stimulating teacher, though his methods were not those which have since been introduced into physical laboratories. I re- member that my first exercise, which occupied over a week, was to take the kinks out of a bundle of copper wire. Having achieved this with some success, I was placed opposite a quadrant electrometer and made to study its construction and use. I was made to determine the potential difference between all kinds of materials, charged and uncharged ; and among others between the external and internal coatings of a child's balloon, black- leaded externally and internally, and filled with hydrogen. Nor was the Professor always prescient. On one occasion I turned the handle of a large electrical machine, while he held a two-gallon Leiden jar by its knob, and charged the outside coating. It was not until it was fully charged that it occurred to one of us that while the jar was quite LORD KELVIN 95 safe as long as it was in his hands, it was impossible for him to deposit it on the table without running the risk of an inconveniently heavy shock. Finally, after rapid de- liberation, two of us held a towel by its corners, and Sir William dropped the jar safely into the middle ; it was then possible to touch the outside without mishap. In short we had little systematic teaching, but were at once launched into knowledge that there is an unknown region where much is to be discovered ; and we were made to feel that we too might help to fathom its depths. Although this method is not without its disadvantages for systematic instruction is of much value there is much to be said for it. On the one hand, too long a course of experimenting on old and well-known lines, as is now the practice among teachers of science, is likely to imbue the young student with the idea that all physics consists in learning the use of apparatus, and in repeating measurements which have already been made. On the other hand, too early attempts to investigate the unknown are likely to prove fruitless for want of manipulative skill, and for want of knowledge of what has already been done. The best of all possible training, however, is to serve as hands for a fertile brain the brain of one who knows what he wishes to discover, who is familiar with all that has already been attempted, and who gradually trains his assistant to take part in the thinking as well as in the manipulation. If at the same time the student is made to read, not merely concerning the problem on which he is immediately engaged, but on all branches of his sub- ject, nothing can be better than such stimulating inter- course with an inventive teacher for those who have ability to profit by it. It is extremely difficult to explain Lord Kelvin's contri- butions to knowledge to those who have not themselves some acquaintance with its problems. Let me begin by a 96 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL quotation from Helmholtz, late Professor of Physics in Berlin, an old and intimate friend of Lord Kelvin : ' His peculiar merit consists in his method of treating problems of mathematical physics. He has striven with great consistency to purify the mathematical theory from hypothetical assumptions, which were not a pure expres- sion of the facts. In this way he has done very much to destroy the old unnatural separation between experimental and mathematical physics, and to reduce the latter to a precise and pure expression of the laws of the phenomena. He is an eminent mathematician, but the gift to translate real facts into mathematical equations, and vice versa, is by far more rare than that to find a solution of a given mathematical problem, and in this direction Sir William Thomson is most eminent and original.' When Lord Kelvin began his work, the equivalence of heat and energy was unrecognised; forces were distinguished as ' conservative ' and ' unconservative ' ; the world was sup- posed to be filled with subtle fluids and effluvia ; and it must have seemed almost hopeless to seek any general explanation of material phenomena. Light, heat, elec- tricity, magnetism, and chemical action were all regarded as distinct 'forces,' each a cause of change. Thomson, and his collaborator Tait, the late Professor of Physics in Edinburgh, in their Treatise on Natural PhilosopJty, did much to emphasise the view that Physics deals with things, not theories ; with relations, not with their mathe- matical expression, equations ; and they tried successfully to free the science from the bonds of formal mathematics. They demonstrated that the principle of ' Least Action ' is universal ; that by its help it is possible to explain the motions of the planets and their satellites, of wheels, lathes, machines of all kinds, of every system of which we can define the moving parts and the forces which act on them. LORD KELVIN 97 In 1893 Lord Kelvin gave a discourse on 'Isoperi- metric Problems ' at the Royal Institution, in which he attempted to describe the nature of this general problem ; it is that technically called ' Determining a' minimum ' ; and he began with the task which faced Dido of old to surround the most valuable piece of land with a cowhide, i.e. to draw the shortest possible line around it. A similar problem is, to build a railway-line through undulating country at the smallest possible cost ; and one very different in appearance, but related to those already cited, owing to Lord Kelvin's consummate power of dis- covering analogies between phenomena apparently uncon- nected, is the condition of stability of water rotating in an ellipsoidal vessel, and a number of similar problems. Kelvin's work on Elasticity is no less far-reaching ; in Karl Pearson's great treatise on that subject, no less than one hundred pages are filled with Kelvin's con- tributions. Lord Kelvin was also the author of a theory of the nature of the ultimate particles of matter the atoms, lie imagined them to consist of 'vortex rings in the ether,' the ether being conceived as a frictionless fluid, all- present, even filling the interstices between the atoms, or ultimate particles of matter. Yortex rings in air, some- times made by smokers, are elastic ; they cannot be cut without being destroyed ; and, in a frictionless fluid, their rotatory motion would be eternal, if once impressed. Recent discoveries may lead to the modification of this theory of the nature of matter ; but it has much in its favour. Kelvin was a strong partisan of Joule's work on the equivalence of heat and work. It was believed up to 1850 that the heat developed on compressing a gas was ' caloric,' squeezed out of the gas, as one might squeeze water out of a sponge ; but Kelvin taught that heat must G 98 ESSAYS BIOGRAPHICAL AND CHEMICAL be due to the motions of the molecules of a gas; and that when the gas is compressed, the impacts of its mole- cules on the walls of the containing vessel are more numerous, and that the work done in compressing a gas appears as heat, owing to the more numerous impacts of its molecules. Following on this, it was necessary to Revise an absolute scale of temperature, and that we also owe to Lord Kelvin. It is based on what is known as the ' Second Law of Thermodynamics ' that heat cannot be transferred from a cold to a hot body without expending work. Following these ideas, Lord Kelvin was led to consider the probable age of the earth, based on an estimate of its original temperature, and the rate at which heat would be lost by radiation. His opinion is that the earth may have been habitable twenty million years ago, but could not have been habitable as long ago as four hundred million years. The province of electro-magnetism owes very much to Lord Kelvin. It was he who developed the medium sug- gested by Faraday into a means of representing electro- magnetic forces by analogy with the distortion of an elastic solid. After he had worked out in this manner the con- nection between energy and electro-magnetism, he devised our present system of electrical units volts, amperes, farads, coulombs, etc., and invented machines to deter- mine their numerical values. If it be permitted to assign their relative importance to his contributions to practical science, this must be pronounced the greatest. Without it the science of electricity would be helpless as commerce without a monetary system, and without weights and measures. His work is the foundation of wireless tele- graphy, and of many applications of the electric current. It was he who taught the world how to transmit rapid and trustworthy signals through cables; and he was a pioneer of cable telegraphy. In the old days of cables LOKD KELVIN 99 attempts were made to ensure rapid signalling by heavy currents; but Kelvin showed that feeble currents, com- bined with delicate instruments, made the difficulty dis- appear. His 'siphon recorder' is still used, and cannot well be improved on. A great social and commercial revolution dates from August 1858, when the message was signalled under the ocean, ' Europe and America are united by telegraphic communication. " Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, goodwill toward men." ' This revolution owed much to Sir William Thomson, who never lost heart and never faltered in the belief that all difficulties would be overcome. His presence on board ship during the laying of the first Atlantic cable directed his attention towards nautical matters ; and to him we owe a deep-sea sounding apparatus, and a compass easily corrected for the magnetic deviations produced by tlie iron or steel used in the construction of ships. We must not estimate Lord Kelvin's greatness, how- ever, merely by his own discoveries and inventions, great as these are ; he has served as a model for many disciples. His sincere and single-minded devotion to truth; his interest in the work of others, and his sympathy with their efforts; his fairness of mind and absence of pre- judice ; and his straightforward and loving character have raised the ideals of the whole scientific world, and have deeply influenced the best minds in all countries. His idea of