"■v'^-vr^ f. -.-><;. t^ar;. . 'jc^'Jm EL^^UU^^ r^- A A = = - U = ^— —1 — = = = ^^ j^ b ^ ^?5 =_ 3 = " :> U ^ ^ S 4 r^ = x 2 ^= = J> 1 ^ ps / UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES The Language of Richard Wagner's Ring des Nibelungen BY JOHN SCHULER Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Decree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Faculty of Philosophy, Columbia University ■"3 '. ' * * LANCASTER. Pa. Steinman & FOLTZ, 1909 • • t- < • J* ' « to c • "« * « « v; 113 7 Library ^\0 355 PREFACE The "Ring des Nibelungen" is not considered in this mono- graph from the viewpoint of the musical critic. Music is a field in which the author has no special training. It is well to state this at the very beginning. The "Ring des Nibelungen/' how- ever, is a great literary production. To show its place in the development of German libretti, and to point out its most prom- inent linguistic features, is the object of this work. This task has not yet been done in a satisfactory manner. Wagner's great- est work has only too often been laid aside with a shrug or a sneer, prompted, perhaps, by the storm of adverse criticism and ridicule which arose soon after it was published. That this assumed formidable dimensions is shown by Tappert's pamphlet entitled " Wagner-Lexikon " (1877), in which the author has collected newspaper and other comments on Wagner and his works. The ''Ring" was called "Alliterationsgest otter, Casserolengerassel, Knueppeldamm," and many insulting epithets of a personal and opprobrious nature were hurled at the Poet-musician. Two essays against Wagner, one by Dr. W. Luebke (1869), the other by Eduard Hanslick, were published in one pamphlet wit h the following preface: "Richai-d Wagner hat es unternommen , um seiner Eitelkeit willen, den Tempel der Humanitaet zuscha enden und um kuenstlerische Unfaehigkeit zu beschoenigen, die G esetze der Kunst aufzuloesen." Dr. W. Mohr in a little book e ntitled "Richard Wagner und das Kunstwerk der Zukunft," Koeln, 1876, speaks of Wagner's alliteration and underscores one pa ssage in the following manner.: O heilige Goetter, hehre Geshlechter, Weidet eu'r Aug' an dem weihvollen Paar. Getrennt — wer mag es scheiden, Geshieden — trennt es sich nie. This shows that he knew absolutely nothing of the laws of allit- eration, nevertheless he thought it witty, no doubt, to exclaim: "Strabreim dich oder ich fress dich." 2 4 Preface Alexander Mozkowski wrote several long pieces of doggerel, no date, satirizing the "Ring" in the Berhn dialect; and Ludwig Brechter wrote "D'r Hannes viin Boehl in de erschte Mannemer Niewelimge-Uffihrunge vun Richard Wagner, e vier Owend langes Kunschtplaessir in zarde paelzer Reiml'cher g'fasst," which is innocent enough in its way, but ridicule, after all, is at the bottom of it. To give a full history of adverse criticism of Wagner would fill a small volume. The storm, however, has subsided, and the time has come when it is possible to give an unprejudiced account of Wagner's art-ideals and their realization. Wagner in the "Ring" has been defended, of course, from the beginning, but the defence, so far as the author is able to see, has been pursued only along general lines. The task of connecting the "Ring" with other works has hardly been attempted, and little evidence has been drawn from Wagner's sources. Hans von Wolzogen published, in 1878, a monograph on Wag- ner's poetic language which, for the time being, rendered valuable service; it is, however, incomplete, and not always in accordance with fact, since he starts out with the unfortunate proposition that Wagner was a creator of language, which he surely was not. The present work endeavors to give results that were gained by a close comparison of the "Ring" with its sources. The author is free to admit that for the introduction he was compelled to rely on facts published elsewhere. Historians of music have carefully gone over that part of the field, for which no claim to original work other than that of proportion is made. The monograph is the outcome of a paper written for the Ger- manic Seminar at Columbia University. It owes its completion to the untiring interest which Professor William H. Carpenter has evinced in many ways, and the author takes this opportunity to thank him most heartil}^ for his assistance and encouragement. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION The German Libretto Prior to Wagner 9 CHAPTER I Genesis and Conception of the "Ring" 25 CHAPTER II Alliteration 45 Remarks by the critics. Wagner's sources with special refereace to Ettmueller's translation of the Edda. Analysis of various types of alliteration in the "Ring." Proximate position. Approximate position. CHAPTER III The Vocabulary Introductory Remarks 64 I. Analogies With the Translators 66 1. Simrock's Translation of the Edda 67 2. Von der Hagen's Translation of the Voelsunga-Saga 70 3. Fouqu^, Sigurd der Schlangentoeter 75 II. Use and Meaning op Words 76 1. Middle High German Words 76 2. Unusual Words 86 III. The Verbal Prefix 89 1. The Prefix Dropped 90 2. The Prefix Used 91 IV. Stylistic Observ.vtions 92 1. Wagnerian Idioms 92 2. Annomination 93 3. Play Upon Words 94 4. Favorite Forms 94 5. Compound Substantives 94 6. Invectives 95 7. Metaphor and Personification of the Brute and Inanimate World 95 ABBREVIATIONS Wagner's drama is referred to as "Ring," "The Ring." R — Rheingold. W— Walkuere. S — Siegfried. G — Goetterdaemmerung. Other abbreviations are explained in the text. The references are to pages of Dr. Julius Burghold's edition: Der Ring des Niebelungen, Mainz, Verlag von B. Schott's Soehne, no date. INTRODUCTION THE GERMAN LIBRETTO PRIOR TO WAGNER In order to gain an adequate appreciation of Richard Wagner's art -ideals from a linguistic and literary point of view, it is neces- sary to glance at what existed before him. Though the Germans have contributed vastly to the modern opera, they did not create it; that honor belongs to the Italians alone. Its begin- ning in Germany was modest, though royal, since at first it was only a court luxury. Setting aside as irrelevant to our subject the Singspiele of Jalcob AjTer, published, together with his works, in 1618, it may be noted that the first so-called German opera was sung in 1627. This was a translation by Martin Opitz, of Rinucini's libretto "Dafne."^ In a short preface, Opitz excuses himself for having undertaken the task. The dedication follows, written in Alexandrine verse, and addressed to the royal pair for whose wedding celebration it was written. This is followed by the piece proper, in which choruses of shepherds and nymphs alternate with the songs of the principal dramatis personcp,, such as Daphne, Apollo, Venus and Cupid. Though the piece is divided into five acts, the whole contains only about 550 lines; the meter changes often from iambic to trochaic movement; the language is very verbose and artificial. Frequently two or three lines of description must be read before the reader has the con- ception which the simple word "Sun," "Venus," or the like, would have readily conveyed. "Daphne" had no direct influence upon the subsequent devel- opment of the opera, though it mu.«;t be considered as something new in German literature. Some years later, Opitz wrote another Hbretto, "Judith." It differs only sHghtly from the first, and may be dismis.sed here without any further consideration, in 1 M. r)pitz, Geistliche und Weltliche Poemata, 1G4I. (9) 10 The German Libretto Prior to Wagner 1644, seventeen years after Opitz's" Daphne," the first real German Singspiel was made public. The text was written by Harsdoerf- fer, of Nuremberg, the music by Siegmund Gottlieb Staden, organist of the Sebaldus church at the same place. It bears the title: "Geistliches Waldgedicht, oder Freudenspiel Seelewig." The author thus justifies his work: "Efcliche nennen diese Art Strafspiele (Satyrika), wann nehmlich allerhand Waid und Berggeister eingefuehrt, spielweis allerley Laster bestrafen. Weil aber diese meine Arbeit nicht von thoerichten Liebesfanzen handelt, als habe ich es ueberschrieben 'Ein geistHches WaJdge- dicht' und vermeine darinnen vorzustellen, vie der boese Feind den frommen Seelen auf allerley Weise nachtrachtet, und wie selbige wiederum von dem Gewissen und dem Verstand durch Gottes Wort vom ewigen Unheil abgehalten werden. Dement- sprechend ist der Name 'Seelewig' gewaehlt, verstehend die ewige Seele."^ This intention was made good by the author. His chief aim was not art, but utilitarian Christian morals. Harsdoerffer was not the man to lead along new paths. His text closely follows Itahan models; the actors are shepherds, shepherdesses and nymphs, including a satyr, or forest spirit, and a matron. During the unhappy political condition in Germany at this time^ no great development in this direction could reasonably be expected, but there was still a place where conditions were congenial. This was Hamburg. By reason of its geographical position, this city was not touched so severely by the Thirty Years' War, and it presently became the Mecca of musicians. Music had been fostered here for years, and public performances and private concerts were given which had created an interest in this art among the citizens, whatever their social station. Elsewhere the opera existed only through the aid and protection of royalty; here it could flourish without royal favor, and did so as early as 165S. This flourishing condition of the opera was enhanced by the fact that there was no lack of talent of a cer- tain kind, either in a literary or musical direction. The opposi- tion of the clergy was overcome by the promise that, in the case of biblical productions, nothing should offend; the promot- 1 C/. Langhans, Geshichte der Musik, i., 408. The German Libretto Prior to Wagner 11 ers pledged themselves to put all productions before a censor- ship, to keep the theatres closed on the Sabbath and on Feast- days, and to give a part of the receipts to the poor. All this looks very well on paper, and things went smoothly for a while, but gradually the promise was broken. As early as 1679 Harlekin was introduced to make things more interesting.^ In a libretto of unknown origin, entitled "Die Makkabaeische Mutter und ihre sieben Soehne," an apostate Jew feasts on stolen pork and sausage, singing: Sa, lustig gefressen und tapfer gesoffen, So lange die schleckische Gurgel steht offeu. Bei niedlichen Wuersten da kommt es ans Duersten, Bei koestlichen Schinken da schmecket das Trinken; Erfreut euch ihr Brueder, wir habens getroffen, Sa, lustig gefressen und tapfer gesoffen." By 1681 banality had made uncommonly swift progress. A so-called "Intrigue" was given before the opera proper, in total disregard of what followed, even though this was of the most sublime and sacred character. The libretti were mostly puerile productions, which have justly been ignored by historians of German literature. The singers were the best to be had under the circumstances, though cobblers, tailors and fishwives often led in the title roles. Even before the opera in Hamburg had deteriorated, and while such men as Keiser, Mattheson and the young Handel were there, it was customary to introduce French and Italian words into the text. As a work of art, the libretti as a whole had no elevating features. Beheading, while oxen and calf's blood flowed in streams, was a common feature, because "it is more to the point to act these things than to have them reported by a messenger."^ In other libretti, words and ges- tures were so erotic and shameless as to forbid c|Uotation. Con- ditions might have taken a turn for the better, however, as some of Germany's foremost poets, who soon followed, were in- terested in opera as a form of art, had not a great Italian invaded Vienna. This was Metastasio, who took Germany by storm at his first appearance and who reigned supreme for half a century. His first opera, entitled "Didone," was produced in Naples, in 1 Langhans, supra, i, 410. 2 Hotter, in the preface to his opera "Stoerteheckcr und Joedgc MichacLs." 12 The German Libretto Prior to Wagner 1724. In 1730 he was called as court-poet to Vienna, where he remained until his death, in 1782. Several years before his demise came the noted reform by Gluck. There is no evidence that Gluck wrote a single German opera, but this was chiefly the fault of existing conditions. What could a man of his stamp do with such libretti as those that have just been referred to? He held the stringent views upon the relation of text and music which the Florentine Camar- ata had promulgated before him, hence it was natural that he should look about for the very best texts. Of these he found none worthy of consideration at the beginning of his career, and in later life, in a foreign country and engaged with foreign pro- ductions, he felt the impossibility of writing a German opera. Though he seriously thought of putting Klopstock's "Hermans- schlacht" to music, he was never fortunate enough to have a close acquaintance with the great literary men of his time and country, though these were in sympathy with his reform. Wie- land^ writes: "At last w^e have lived to see the time when the mighty genius of Gluck has undertaken the great task of musical reform. The success of his 'Orpheus' would justify the greatest hopes were there no insurmountable difficulties to defeat his best intentions even in those European cities where the fine arts own the foremost temples. It is a great and courageous undertaking to elevate these arts to their original dignity and honor, which the rabble is wont to look upon as a means for sensuality, and to establish nature upon that throne which for so long a time has been usurped by the capricious power of custom, luxury and wanton sensuality." Herder, too, was not insensible to the possibilities which a perfect union of poetry and music might bring about. In his dialogue: "Ob Malerei oder Tonkunst eine groessere Wirkung gewaehre — ein Goettergespraech,"^ he discusses the matter very seriously. ]\Iusic complains that poets often mislead instead of leading her, but she is willing to admit that she and poetry are sisters, belonging inseparably together for the purpose of pro- ducing the greatest effect. But music resents being the hand- maiden of poetry, since she was poetry's tutor from the begin- iWieland, Merkur, 1775. 2 Herder, H^mpel Edition, ii, 237. The German Libretto Prior to Wagner 13 ning. In one of his book-reviews, Herder treats the same sub- ject, using the same terms of appreciation of music. ^ Of far greater importance, however, are his remarks in "Adrastea," under the title of "Tanz. Melodrama."^ Mere gestures, he sa3's, even when accompanied by music, are not sufficient, but music augmented by poetry and supported by gesture opens a new field for poetry. This is exactly what Gluck taught. Yet what a deplorable difference between theory and practice! Herder ridicules the German opera most scathingly. "The librettist," he says, "Is scarcely ever mentioned; his words, very rarely understood nor worthy of being understood, simply give the musician a "musical thought' and an idea to the decorator. Has the composer gained anything by slighting the text? He may think to have improved his score, since he is at liberty to twist and turn his airs to his heart's content, but while creating something really great, he is hampered by worthless, shameless stuff. The music transports one into heaven, the text into pur- gatory — if not still lower." Then, having evident reference to Gluck, Herder lauds him as the man w^ho will do away with this sort of rubbish, demolishing the rickety hut of operatic jingle- jangle and raising an Odeon in which poetry, music, action and decoration are cast from one mold. With such appreciation it is deplorable that Gluck did not become acquainted with a poet with whom he could have worked in co-operation. Though this was not the case, his reform was significant, since it caused the Italian opera to diminish in popu- larity. The Germans, too, felt their national importance more and more. A new day was dawning; before this, however, could shed its full light, there was a short period which claims our attention, namely, the period of the co-operation of Christian Felix Weisse with Johann A. Miller, the composer. In 1740, the Hamburg opera dissolved by reason of its own weakness. Three years later the "Merry Cobbler, or the Devil to Pay" was given in Berlin, under the title: " Der Tcufel its los." The original was imported from England. The Schoenemann troupe gave it for the first time on the 24th of l"el)ruary, 1743, translated (juite vor})ally by Casper W. von Borck, who had ahso ' Supra, xxiv, 670. 2 Ibid., xiv, 27 J. 14 The German Libretto Prior to Wagner put Shakespere's "Julius Caesar" into rhyme.^ The attempt was a decided failure, German taste having been ruined by the introduction of Italian intermezzi. These, as a rule, consisted of two acts, played between the second and third acts of the regular piece. Even Frederick the Great took much delight in these, though some were very obscene, especially in gestures, and translations were printed in Germany as early as 1725. They became so general, and the demand of the public was so urgent, that even Madam Neuber was forced to produce them. Koch, in competition with the Schoenemann troupe, had many intermezzi translated. Such an intermezzo was even put be- tween the acts of Gottsched's "Cato," not at all to the liking of the author. Under such conditions it was natural that men with higher ideals longed for something better, and Koch requested V/eisse to prepare a translation of the "Devil," regardless of Borck's already existing translation. Weisse took up the task with a will and wrote many original songs. The piece was given October 6, 1752, and was received with great applause. Seven years later Weisse translated the second part, under the title: "Der lustige Schuster, eine komische Oper in drei Aufzuegen," which, however, marked a noticeable falling off from the first part, both in technique and content. The piece seems to have been written against Gottsched, who, as we shall see later, took a hostile attitude toward the opera. The composer, Johann Adam Hiller, born in 1728, in Wen- disch Ossig, near Goerlitz, co-operated with Weisse, and from now on they annually gave a new operetta in Leipzig. The most important ones were "Lottchen am Hofe" and "Die Liebe auf dem Lande," which Weisse made after foreign models. Sub- sequently he created original works, such as "Die Jagd," "Der Aerntekranz," "Der Dorfbarbier," "Die Schaefer als Pilgrime," and "Die Jubelhochzeit." All these pieces, however, whether original or worked over, clearly show their source, both as to their location and tendency. This source was Rousseau. The place of action is a rural district, hamlet or town; the tendency is a vain glorification of the naive virtues of the dwellers in those places as compared with the immoral, enervated folk in the IC/. J. Minor, C. F. Weisse, etc., 131. The German Libretto Prior to Wagner 15 higher stations of hfe, especially of those living in cities. They are "Singspiele" at best, intended to be spoken, with here and there a versified monologue or dialogue. The aria is the pre- dominating feature in the singing, though an occasional duet, trio and even a quartet occurs. The productions, as a rule, remind one of Lessing's first dramatic works. A pair of lovers who became separated, a rival to the absent lover, gawky and clumsy; a forged letter, a married couple who quarrel, a second young couple, the return of the departed lover, the wedding celebration, not only of the first pair, but of the second also, this, however, without any previous development in the piece — that is the type which Weisse works on again and again. "Die Jubel- hochzeit," for instance, his last production, has little action. It was severely criticised even by his friends, Knebel,^ Ramler and Thuemmel: "Three awful acts, badly written, without special action, full of base jokes with ordinary and slovenly- written verse."^ It is especially poor in deep psychological moments, and when one of these arises, Weisse misses his oppor- tunity. The piece is full of platitude, and Weisse's technique borders on the ridiculous. It is true, however, that many passable and a few really beautiful passages are to be found. These productions became very popular; various striking songs were caught up and sung by the people and they even became known in Italy and France. Gottsched opposed the opera most vigoroush'.^ In his "Noethiger Vorrath," of the year 1741, he rejoices that the opera has ceased to exist, and now it raised its head again before his eyes, and to him under the most hateful circumstances. That this revival came from England, that the Swiss school looked on complacently, and that Koch, with whom he had a falling out, instigated the whole movement, was more than he could bear. A book on the English theatre, in which consider- able surprise is expressed that the English people had a taste for IC/. Knebel'.s Nachlass, ii, 109. 2C/. J. Minor, supra, p. 178. 3 J. Minor cites a folio at tiie Royal I/iijrary in Berlin in wiiicli tlie wliole controversy is preserved. Cf. .Appendix to iiis i;ook, supra, p. 37o IT. 16 The German Libretto Prior to Wagner such miserable pieces as were then given, fell into his hands.^ Encouraged by this, Gottsched made many comments favorable to the author and hostile to Koch.^ In answer, Koch put the "Devil" on the boards again. An epilogue, written by one Steinel and spoken by Madam Koch, ended thus: Deswegen hatteii wir uns wirklich vorgenommen, Den "Teufel" weg zu thun. Doch hat es uns gereut, Und wir behalten ihn, wenn ihr's zufrieden seid.3 These lines challenged the public to act as judge, which they did in a most boisterous manner. Clapping, stamping and da capo cries, together with wild vocal applause, came from all parts of the house. Koch afterwards had to confess that he did wrong, but Gottsched's leadership was at an end. Subse- quently, the opera flourished in Gotha, Mannheim, Frankfurt, Prao-ue, Berlin, and even in minor places. Heermann as libret- tist and Wolf as composer co-operated in Weimar; in Gotha, Michaelis and Gotter wrote libretti, which Schweizer and Beuda put to music ; Schwan and Faber worked together in Mannheim ; in Frankfurt, Andre composed text and music himself; Henisch was rather productive in Prague; Eschenbach and Engel in Leip- zig and even Nicolai and Thuemmel caught the spirit, which shows how popular the opera had become. All these men fol- lowed Weisse more or less closely, and even Goethe, who did not find it beneath his dignity to write "Singspiele," depended also on Weisse, at least for the form of his productions.^ "Erwin und Elmire" was begun in 1774 and laid away. About 1775, after his acquaintance with Lili, Goethe finished it and had it printed, though seventeen years later it was rewritten in Rome.^ The sub-title of "Claudine von Villa Bella, ' written in its first draft, in 1775, described the piece as "Ein Schauspiel mit Gesang," but when the second version was written, also in Rome, it was merely styled "Ein Singspiel" (1788). The third 1 "Lettre sur le theatre anglois avec une traduction de I'avare, comddie de Mr. Shadwell, et de la Femme de campagne, comedie de Mr. Wicherly, T. I., ii, 1752." 2"Neustes aus der anmuthigen Gelehrsamkeit," Hornung, 1753. 3 From Minor, p. 148. 4W. Martinsen, Goethe's Singspiele im Verhaeltnis zu den Weissischen Oper- etten. Diss., Dresden, 1887. 5C/. Letter to Herder, January 10, 1788. The German Libretto Prior to Wagner 17 piece of this genre, "Lila," was made in 1777, and given in honor of Duchess Louise on her birthday. This is not printed and even the old manuscript is unknown, but Goethe rewrote it, also in Rome, in such a way that it could not be recognized from the first draft. ^ Had we no other evidence relating to Goethe's interest in the operetta, these facts would be proof enough. The fact that these three pieces were made in three successive years, and all worked over in the time of his maturity and in Italy, where he changed his views in more than one respect, compels attention. The matter, however, is readily explained. In Italy he was brought into contact ■\^^th the Opera Buffa, with their trivial texts written to Southern music. He felt himself called upon to give the Northern countries something similar, but with a worthy libretto. Accordingly, when he sent Herder the third act of "Claudine," he writes: "I hope it will please you only half as much as I am pleased to have finished it. Since I now know the needs of the lyric theatre more fully, it has been my endeavor to work into the hands of the composer and actor by means of many sacrifices. The threads in the texture upon which one wishes to embroider must be far apart, and for the purpose of a comic opera it must be woven like Marline; nevertheless I have had a care that my work might also be read with pleasure. At any rate, I did what I conld."^ It was his object to write pieces which were not altogether "senseless," yet he felt that these must be augmented by music in order to express the full intention of the poet. But this was not all. In 1779, seven years before the Italian journey, he wrote "Jeryund Baetly." In sending the produc- tion to Kayser, the composer, he accompanied it with a signifi- cant letter.^ In it Kayser's attention is drawn to the fact that the piece contains three types of songs. First, those in which the auditor infers that the singer had learned them somewhere else, and uses them extemporaneously for the present occasion. These are to have particular, well-defined and rounded-out melodies, which draw sudden attention and are to be easily re- ISchroer, Deutsche Nat. Literalur, Goethe, vii, p. 200. 2 Letter, Februarj- 6, 1788. 3Schroer, ifupra, 247; Duentzer, Neue Goethcstudien, 92; Uurkliardt, Goethe und der Komponisl Ph. Chr. Kayser, 1879, 21. 18 The German Libretto Prior to Wagner membered. Secondly, airs in which the singer expresses the emotions of the present moment, and which, carried away by the melody, he must sing from the depth of his heart. These must be sung with simplicity, truth and clearness, ranging from the sUghtest to the most violent expression of emotion. Thirdly, the rythmical dialogue. This lends action to the whole produc- tion, by means of which the composer is enabled either to retard the movement by spoken declamation in uneven measure, or to accelerate it by a quickly-moving, rolling melody. This rythm- ical dialogue must be properly gauged to the position, action and motion of the performer. This is highly important for the composer; he must never lose sight of it, so that pantomime and action become not too cumbersome. Kayser, furthermore, is advised to take notice that almost all dialogues in this particular piece have the same metre, and should he be fortunate enough to find a leading theme, suited for the purpose, he would do well to let it sound through repeatedly; but great care should be taken not to overdo matters in this respect, since the piece, towards the end, is composed almost exclusively of song. In a second letter to Kayser,^ Goethe goes over the same ground again and gives his conception of the mutual relation between text and music. Though Goethe had not the opportunity to work in co-opera- tion with any of the great composers of his time, he continued to write his ''Singspiele." In 1782, "Die Fischerin" was pro- duced. It opens with "Erlkoenig" and contains several of Herder's folk-songs from "Stimmen der Voelker" in adaptation. "Es war ein Ritter, der reist' durch's Land," ''Ich hab's gesagt schon meiner Mutter," and the final song: "Wer soil Braut sein" are typical examples. In "Scherz, List und Rache" the influ- ence of the Italian intermezzi is noticeable. Kayser had written from Italy that he would gladly write an Opera Buffa in co- operation with him, and in answer to this,^ Goethe confesses to have had the desire to write one, especially since he had heard at least a dozen of them the previous winter. "Scherz, List und Rache" was the result, though it is plainly more than an inter- 1 January- 20, 1780. 2 Letter, Juae 28, 1784. The German Libretto Prior to Wagner 19 mezzo. Under the head of finished operettas, "Proserpina," and "Der Triumph der Empfindsamkeit " may be mentioned. Left fragmentary, or only begun, are "Die ungleichen Hausge- nossen," "Theatrahsche Abenteuer," "Der Zauberfloete Zweiter Teil," "Die Danaiden," and "Der Loewenstul." Goethe could not have written an opera in the sense that Wagner used the term, since he was not a professional musician. His hmitations were too great. His productions were mere "Singspiele" in form, and, viewed in this light, no progress had been made since Weisse, though Goethe wrote this genre from 1774-1795, a period of twenty-one years. It is true, he became tired of the regular metres in verse, and states that he intention- ally avoided the eternal change between the iambic, trochaic and dactylic movements, but as a result of this, some of his verses are merely metrical prose. Most of Goethe's "Singspiele" are farcial. They turn upon related themes: To gain the love of a coy maiden by means of a rough joke in " Jery und Baetely," to teach punctuality by means of a pleasant device in the "Fischerin," to regain possessions fraudulently taken, by means of bold tricks in "Scherz, List und Rache," to cure the wild imaginations of a disordered mind by means of cunning, yet psychologically contrived deceptions, in "Lila." All this was according to Goethe's nature. When all is said, his influence on the opera was small. Another star had arisen in Germany which, for the time being, drew the attention of all Europe — ^lozart. Before he was seventeen years old, Mozart had composed six Italian operas, of which nothing but the titles remain. Though his first important production, "Idomeo, Re di Greta" (1780), was also Italian, he had, as early as 1775, the burning desire to write a German opera. About this time he even had the dream of establishing German opera in Vienna.^ The circumstances for the fulfilment of such a dream were auspicious; Joseph H. was looking for a "Gapellmeister" with a knowledge of German, one possessed of genius and able to produce something new. Gluck had cea.sed composing, and though Italian influence was .still strongly felt, through the works of Salieri, "the idol of the 1 L. Nohl, Lije of Moznrl, trans, hy J. I>. Lalor, p. 88. 20 The German Libretto Prior to Wagner emperor," the time was ripe for German opera. In 1782, Mozart appeared with his first German production, "Die Entfuehrung aus dem Serail." The success of this work was assured from the very beginning. Even Goethe felt that his endeavors in the "Singspiel" went for naught when Mozart's piece appeared.^ He says: "All the pains we took to confine ourselves within narrow limits went for nothing when Mozart appeared. The 'Entfuhrung aus dem Serail" threw all else into the shade, and our carefully worked out piece ('Scherz, List und Raehe') w^as never heard of again at any theatre." This could, certainly, nob have been the fault of Goethe s texts; they were a step in the right direction, and far above any libretti that Mozart put to music. The fact is that Mozart, so far as the texts were con- cerned, had wholly lost sight of the noble inheritance of Gluck. This marks a decided retrogression in the development of libretti in Germany. The text of the "Entfuehrung," written by Bretzner,^ was done fairly well, but Mozart tampered with it considerably. The composer's father reproved him for having done so, ana his lettsr in reply gives a clear exposition of his own views. ^ He saj^s: "Now about the text of the opera. . . After all, the poetry must be the handmaid of the music. Why do Italian comic operas always please, in spite of their wretched librettos, even in Paris, as I was witness myself? Because the music is supreme, and everything else is forgotten. All the more, then, will an opera be likely to please in which the plan of the piece is well carried out and the words are written simply to suit the music ; not turned and twisted so as to ruin the com- position for the sake of a miserable rhyme, w^hich does far more harm than good in a dramatic representation." Thus, to use the phraseology of Jahn, Mozart looks upon the text as a co-operating, and not as a dominating element; he justifies his position by pointing out that perfect poetry is weak when joined to bad music, whereas bad poetry becomes cjuite respectable when com- bined with excellent music. Leasing, too, makes several remarks ^ Brief wechsel mil Zelter, ii, 121; Riemer, Mitieilungen, ii, 292. 2 "Belmont und Constanze, oder die Entfuehrung aus dem Serail." Eine Operetti in drei Akten von C. F. Bretzner, Leipzig, 1781. 3 Letter, October 13, 1781 ; cf. Jahn, Das Leben Mozart's, trans, by Pauline D. Townsend, London, 1891, ii, 226. The German Libretto Prior to Wagner 21 on this important subject.^ He observes that there was a time when music and poetry were united; he is not ready, however, to assert that their separation was not a natural process. He laments that one is usually treated as a mere auxiliary to the other, where they ought to be united for the purpose of creating the greatest possible effect; nevertheless, he finds it reasonable that bad poetry is used by composers, not because it is bad, but, in not being succinct and terse, it better fits their purpose. Lessing merely theorizes, but has no suggestions to offer. Mozart's two most important German operas are very poor from the viewpoint of their texts. The " Entfuehrung" is slightly constructed as a drama, and the story is put together with weak materials. It was presented to a full house for the first time on July 13, 1782, and the people went wild with enthusiasm. In spite of Mozart's protest that he did not want it run to death, it was repeatedly given, regardless of the intense summer heat. From now on the German opera was firmly established; all criticism was silenced, and it is easily understood why Goethe complains that all else in this line, even his own "Singspiele," was put into the shade. An English version of the piece was given at Covent Garden, in 1827, under the title of "The Ser- aglio," but so many liberties were taken, both with text and music, that it can hardly be identified. Mazart's last German work was the famous "Zauberfloete," finished shortly before his death, in 1791. Schinkaneder, born in poverty, in 1751, almost illiterate, but possessed of wit and a good talent, gave the text to Mozart with the request to put it into music. The piece, really supposed to have been written by K. L. Gieseke, is based on Wieland's "Dschinnistan." The plot is weak, it contains many contradictions and the characters are anything but human. The verse is poor, Schikaneder's stage effects and Mozart's music make it what it is, else it would not be worth mentioning. There was a great contrast between its reception and that of the "Entfuehrung," in tiiat it came dangerously near to being a failure. Repeated performances, however, increased its popularity, and on October 22, 1795, Schikaneder reported its two hundredth representation. This 1 Laokoon, Entwuerfe und Fragmente, Cotta Ed., x, p. 222 f. 22 The German Libretto Prior to Wagner popularity, no doubt, attracted the attention of Goethe, who made the following statement on the subject to Wranitzky, on January 24, 1796: "The favor with which the 'Zauberfioete' has been received, and the difficult}^ of writing a piece able to compete with it, has suggested to me the idea of finding in it the subject for a new work. I wish to meet the preference of the public half way, and to simplify the performance of a new and complicated piece, both for the actors and the theatrical man- agement. I believe I shall best attain this end by writing a second part to the 'Zauberfloete.' The characters are familiar to the public and the actors, and, having the earlier piece before me, it will be possible to heighten the climax in the situations and events without exaggerating them. Thus, I expect to give life and interest to the whole piece." That Goethe wrote this second part in fragmentary form is well known, but it has rightly been pointed out ^ that there is something pathetic in the author of "Faust" thus taking up Schikaneder's production. Both Goethe and Schiller were enough interested in the opera as a form of art to give it their attention even when it had been carried out with such miserable craftsmanship. They speak of it repeatedly in their letters,^ and it is deplorable that circum- stances never brought them together with some one of the great composers. Herder defends the moral tendency of the "Zauber- floete,"^ speaking of its theme as "Light in the struggle with darkness," and calling attention to the fact that, though the verse is mere doggerel, some of its songs have taken a strong hold on the public conscience. The next composer to consider is Beethoven. When sixteen years old, he was introduced to Mozart and played a piece for him, which he received rather coldly, whereupon the young man asked the master for a theme. Having received it, he played so remarkably, giving such flight to phantasy, that Mozart went into an adjoining room and said to his friends assembled there, "Keep an eye on him, some day he will make the whole world 1 Kuerschner Edition, Goethe, vii, 415. ^Goethe and Schiller Brief wechsel, Cotta Ed., letters 144, 396, 426, 543, 815, 860, 868. ^Adrastea Hempel Edition, xiv, 286. The German Libretto Prior to Wagner 23 speak of him." This prophecy has been fulfilled long since, though so far as our subject is concerned, Beethoven comes into consideration only with one work — "Fidelio." Curiously enough, it was Schikaneder again who instigated the creation of a Ger- man opera in this case. Beethoven always had special interest in this form of art and he was easily persuaded to undertake the task. He had many plans and intended even to put Shakes- pere's "Macbeth" and Goethe's "Faust" into music. Once in his life he even offered himself to the directors of the theatre with the promise to write at least one great opera annually and besides, one operetta, divertissement and choruses. Collin began with the arrangement of the text of "Macbeth," which was never finished, but no one was found willing to arrange "Faust" as an opera text. In 1815, Beethoven began the com- position of Treitschke's "Romulus," but never finished it. At the time of his death he was engaged upon Grillparzer's "Melu- sina," but it never saw the light, and since his death nothing has been heard of it. Beethoven's field was in another direction; in spite of his many plans, he had not the strong inward prompt- ings for the opera vv^hich characterized Mozart. His only production, "Fidelio," is based on Bouilly's "Leonore, ou I'amour conjugal." This seemed to be a worthy subject to the artist, who confessed that he had a strong desire to glorify conjugal love. The text, as it is now known, went through several changes. Written by Sonnleithner, it seems to have been composed of three acts, which Stephen Breuning worked over into two, causing Beethoven no little trouble to adapt the music anew. After the opera had been given several times, not with the success which it deserved, it remained neglected for almo.st eight years. Beethoven then requested Fr. Treitschke to revise the text once more, which he did, with Sonnleithner's permission. He rewrote the dialogue almost entirely,^ but the opera, in its present form, was not finished until 1814. The neces.sity of these repeated changes in the text gives evidence of its poverty, and even now "Fidelio" is great only in music. As yet there is no advance in the quality of the libretto. It is not surpri.sing that the Romantic movement, whicii in- 1 For the whole revision, cf. Treitschke's report, reprinted in Wasielewski, L. von Beethoven, Berlin, p. 2.59. (/ 24 The German Libretto Prior to Wagner fluenced so many other fields of human thought and activity, should also have touched that of music. Zelter, in his relation to Goethe's lyrics, Franz Schubert, Loewe and, in a certain sense, Mendelssohn, Schumann and Robert Franz, are the foremost lyrical composers. Somewhat later, but none the less intense, this influence came upon the operatic stage, brought about chiefly by Spohr and Weber. Louis Spohr, though only two years older than Weber, was the first to follow in the path of Romanti- cism. His chief operatic works were "Faust" (1815), "Zemire und Azor" (1821), and "Jessonda" (1823), but, like so many others, he was unfortunate in the choice of his texts.^ Spohr made a decided mistake when he took Kotzebue's old and forgotten play for an opera. When Gounod's "Faust" displaced Spohr's opera of the same name, it was not alone the music of the French- man which gave greater prominence to his production, for the extremely weak libretto was much to blame. The Romantic movement brought no change for the better along these lines, a fact which is also illustrated in C. M. von Weber's works. "Pre- ciosa," written by Alexander Wolff, would be lost in utter obliv- ion were it not for Weber's music. "Euryanthe" never had the success it deserved because the libretto is too weak to carry it through; Helmine von Chezy, its author, lacked in dramatic craftsmanship from more than one point of view. "Abu Hassan," written by Hiemer and taken from the "Arabian Nights," is full of nonsense, though it amuses by its ligtitheartedness and gaiety of spirit.^ The text of "Oberon" is adapted from Wieland's poem of the same name, it is most fantastic, without any strict order of succession either in the matter of time or locality.'^ The "Frieschuetz" has outlived all of Weber's operas. It was written by Friedrich Kind,* and is Romantic in every sense of the term. Thus, we have seen that now and then new German operas were appearing, but the quality of the texts remained ever the same. We are now ready to look into Wagner's work. iDr. H. M. Schletterer: "L. Spohr," in Sammlung Musikalischer Vor- traege, Dritte Reihe, p. 129. 2C/. Annesley, Stawlard Opera Glass, London, p. 1. 3 Cf. Annesley, supra, p. 185. *For the relation of Kind's opera to Apel's novel, "Der Freischuetz," cf- Ambros, Bunte Blaetter, p. 1 ; and Bunte Blaetter, Neue Folge, p. 93. Cf. also , Langhans, supra, ii, 361. CHAPTER I RICHARD WAGNER — GENESIS AND CONCEPTION OF HIS WORK. STATEMENT OF THE SUBJECT In 1821, when the "Freischuetz" was written, Richard Wagner was eight years old. He had a natural gift for language, which, in his earlier years, drew him more to poetry than to music. In 1822, he entered the "Kreuzschule" and made rapid progress in the study of the classical languages, and especially of Greek. When eleven years old, one of his poems outclassed all others, and was subsequently printed. He learned English with ease, and as a mere lad read Shakespere. He presently wrote a tragedy based on "Hamlet" and "Lear." This was crude enough, to be sure, for he relates, humorously, that forty-two persons died in the first acts, forcing him to let most of them re- turn as ghosts, else he would not have had enough persons for the last act.^ His relatives spoke of him as a coming poet until, when fourteen years old, his real musical gifts were shown. In the "Gewandhaus Concerts" he heard Beethoven's music and at once the desire came to him to create something similar. In his subsequent development, nevertheless, he was neither ex- clusively poet nor exclusively musician. Later in life he says:^ "In my musical studies I could never rid myself of the poetic impulse, though it became subservient to music. Thus I recall, having been incited by a pastoral symphony, that I set to work on a pastoral which in its dramatic aspects was influenced by Goethe's "Laune des Verliebten." I made no draft of the text, but wrote text and music simultaneously, intrusting the develop- ment of the various situations to chance." When Wagner was twenty-one years old he sounded for tiie first time the key-note to his subsequent reform of the opera. In a magazine article he complained that the Germans, liad no 1 Gesammelle Schriften, x, 8. 2/Wrf., iv, 312. 25 26 Genesis and Conception of Wagner's Work opera. ^ This was literally true. The operatic stage had again deteriorated. Most musical theatres were supplied with trans- lations of French and Italian operas, and in Dresden, German operas were even translated into Italian before they were pro- duced, until Weber insisted that they be given in the original.^ But this was not all. Wagner was convinced that if the opera was to achieve something effective, it would have to be liberated from the thralldom of miserable libretti. In 1833, he went to Wuerzburg, where his older brother, Albert, was engaged as singer, actor and manager. Here he made his first acquaintance with the theatre and wrote his first opera, "Die Feen," following Gozzi's fairy tale, "La donna serpente." In 1834, he composed his second opera, "Das Liebesverbot," founded on Shakespere's "IMeasure for Measure." Both works were unsuccessful; the "Feen" was never produced, and the "Liebesverbot" only once, in Magdeburg, March 29, 1836. While hving in Koenigsberg and Riga, he struggled for existence and had to do work which was extremely uncongenial to him, but he was never without great plans. Thus, "Die hohe Braut," a novel of H. Koenig, inspired him to make of it a great opera of five acts. He actually sent a complete draft of it to Scribe, in Paris/-with the request to work it out in French for the grand opera there, and to see that he be appointed to write the music. This scheme failed, but un- daunted, Wagner worked the material over into the form which was subsequently set to music by Johann Fr. Kittl (1809-68), under the title, "Bianca und Giuseppe, oder die Franzosen von Nizza." ^ Soon after this he read Bulwer's "Rienzi," which he used for an opera, and with the completion of this ends the first period of Wagner, the librettist. The three pieces so far men- tioned were made after the manner of the regular libretti. Finding no stage for "Rienzi," Wagner resolved to try his fortunes in Paris, where Gluck, fifty years before him, and Meyer- beer, his contemporary, were so eminently successful. On his four week's journey thither by sea he resolved to use "Der fliegende Hollaender" for an opera. Disappointments in France iZeitung fuer die elegante Welt, Wagner's article: "Die Deutsche Oper." ^Bayreuther Blaetter, viii, 203. 3Langhans, supra, u, 470. Genesis and Conception of Wagner's Work 27 came heavy and fast, and as a last resource, prompted b}- ]\Ieyer- beer, he offered the draft of the "Hollaender" to the director of the grand opera. He expected, of course, to receive the commis- sion of setting it to music. After waiting a whole year for an answer, he learned that the subject had indeed been used for a French text, but someone else had been entrusted with the com- position of the music. His anger was somewhat assuaged when he was offered five hundred franks and the privilege of using the material himself if he chose to do so. He immediately set to work on a German text and completed the music in seven weeks. This is the opera in which Wagner found himself. He knew that his conceptions were at variance with the traditional opera in Germany, and from a mere librettist he now became a poet. His work was not received with the enthusiasm which it deserved, but unmindful of the outcome, he wrote "Tannhaeuser," in 1844, continuing along the same lines. In 1845, he drafted "Lohengrin" and the "Meistersinger zu Nuernberg." Then came the year 1848, which was of such great importance to him and to his future. He had already conceived the plan of working the Nibelung material into dramatic form, but felt that before, or at least while doing so, he would have to explain his newly-conceived views on art in special essays. "Art and Revolution," accord- ingly, was printed in September, 1849. In a letter dated Septem- ber 16, he advised Uhlig, an intimate friend, to get a copy so soon as it should leave the press, since it was intended merely as a precursor to works of greater detail, namely, "The Art Work of the I^uture" and "The Artists of the Future." "If I accom- plish this to my satisfaction, I shall then set to work at the music of my 'Siegfried,' for that is what I desire with all the sincerity of my soul." "Siegfried's Death" was all that at this time existed of the "Ring." This was subsequently considerably changed, and is now known as "Goetterdaemmerung." The work was dropped, however, because it was no longer in har- mony with Wagner's inner life, nor with the unhapi)y political condition at the time. liesides several other plans, Wagner had conceived a dramatization of "Jesus of Nazareth," ' which 1 Cf. Letter to Uhlig, August 9, 1849. 28 Genesis and Conception of Wagner's Work though quite maturely thought out, was also dropped because he felt the impossibility of receiving a public hearing for such a subject.^ On a spring morning Wagner left Dresden, went to Paris and from there to Switzerland, where he remained for nine years, returning then to Paris. Almost simultaneously with the con- ception of "Siegfried's Death," he had conceived the idea of creat- ing an opera on "Wieland der Schmied." In a letter to Uhlig, dated December 27, 1849, he states that he will be in Paris by the sixteenth of the next month, and will then take up the com- pleted opera scheme of ''Wieland." That this intention was not carried out is shown by a letter, written about one month later, in which, among other things, he says: "From the Alps I will write you a German 'Wieland' which the people, some day, will understand." Even in Paris he worked at it, however, though with slight progress and under difficulties. "With endless trouble," he writes, "I forced myself to my 'Wieland;' it sounded to me like comment vous portez-vous? The ink would not flow, the pen scratched, the weather was bad and dull." Eight months later he was entirely estranged from this subject, as a letter to Princess Wittgenstein shows.^ In it he writes: "The poem ('Wieland') in its present condition, and as I now hand it over to you, is the production of a painful and deeply-moving inspiration. ... It takes me back to a time in which I no longer wish to be placed, I cannot now finish the work, either in poetry or music ; even if I should find tranquillity to work at it again, I fear to have grown cold toward it. Thus I have recently accustomed myself to the thought of giving it up entirely." In his exile and sojourn from place to place, in his conceptions of ever new plans, Wagner had never wholly given up the Nibelung material. The year 1848 was important to Wagner in another respect. Before leaving Dresden he formed a closer acquaintance with Franz liszt, to whom he had been introduced eight years before.^ 1 Published in 1887, by Siegfried Wagner, under the title: Ein dichter- ischer Entwurf aus dem Jahre 1848." Breitkopf und Haertel. ^Wagner-List Briefwechsel, i, 101. 3 Letter, March 24, 1841. Genesis and Conception of Wagner's Work 29 This friendship has been compared with that of Goethe and Schiller, and rightly so.^ Liszt continually urged Wagner to complete his "Siegfried," though he naturally was unconscious of the wealth of material which the poet-musician would yet produce. Misunderstood by the public in general and ridiculed by his enemies, Wagner at this time was sick at heart. The time had not yet come to give his ideas an appreciative hearing. Referring both to his theoretical writings and to the operas so far produced, he writes:^ "My literary attempt to set myself right with the world, and to explain these ideas of mine, could only be looked upon in my own country as the outpourings of an eccentric opera-composer — performances to be as promptly as possible consigned to oblivion, and coming from a man whom the fever of the revolution had hurried into the wildest fancies; and whose exile, besides, had already put a complete end to his possibilities as an artist. I was in a fair way to become utterly isolated . . . and to be driven back to absolute despair . . . but for that craving which is always active in the human mind for some possibility of communicating its feelings to a sympathetic intelligence, when suddenly the brightest hopes were rekindled in me ... by the discovery of a new, and only, artist friend. In Weimar, the little poet-town of Thuringia, something had happened which was to have the most important and lasting effect upon my art life. A great artist, who under- stood me and my work fully and thoroughly, Franz Liszt, had for the first time produced my 'Lohengrin,' which I had already learned to lament over as a work the hopes of whose appearance mu.st be finally abandoned. . . . This bold venture was the beginning of the formation of an association of friends and co-workers which at first clustered around the honored person of the great master. Taught and encouraged by him, a l)an(l of adherents sprang up to support my aims in art, neglected and despised though they were by the world at large. Though my writings migiit not be read in Germany, and my works never produced there, here was a true art-life for me; here was the foundation laid for a future; here was something beginning to ^Schiller-Goethe Brief wechscl, Cotta Edition, i, 4. 2"Wori< and .Mission of My Life," North American Review, 1870, article 2. 30 Genesis and Conception of Wagner's Work develop which might give me a hopeful presage of my long- dreamed-of idea of a nation art-inspired. And from this circle there now came to me my friend's appeal to finish for him, and this people gathered about him, my new work formed from the vast Nibelung legend — my tragedy of 'Siegfried.'" To show Wagner's moods and Liszt's untiring encouragement, and hence, the important part which he, no doubt consciously, played in the development of our drama, it may suffice to add a few extracts from the correspondence of the two men. Liszt writes:^ "I am very happy that you will not give up your 'Siegfried,' which certainly will be 'una gran bella cosa!' as the Italians say. I rejoice to think of it." And, "Germany is your inheritance — and you its glory! Finish your 'Siegfried' soon: you are richly endowed with power and genius, but be sure not to lose patience." Moods of despondency came over Wagner at this time, due to absolute financial destitution, but Liszt com- forted him in every extremity, not only with glowing words, but with material aid. To this "Siegfried"^ owes much. "I had again become cold and diffident, and the thought of entering upon a new work of art created in me but disdainful mockery. Artistic indolence far and wide about me is so great, my mood so hopeless, that just now I can only consider myself a joke when thinking of the compositions of my 'Siegfried.' This mood affected all my other works. . . . But now you come near me again, you have touched and transported, you have warmed and inspired me so that I swam in tears and suddenly knew no higher passion than to be an artist and to create works. The influence you have had upon me is simply inexpressible; round about me I see nothing save verdant spring, germinating and sprouting life; and along with this, so passionate a grief, such painfull}^ intoxicating passion, such joy to be a human being and to feel a palpitating heart, that I only lament the necessity of having to write you all this."^ That Wagner worked sincerely at his Nibelung material, thoroughly revising his old conceptions and gaining new ones, 1 Briefwechsel, October, 1850, i, lO-t. 2 Briefwechsel, January ,3, 1851, i, 114. 3 Briefwechsel, April 18, 1851, i, 122. Genesis and Conce'ption of Wagnefs Work 31 is made evident by the fact that he now meets difficulties which are always a sign of progress. His former plan threatens to go to pieces in two respects: He does not yet know how to give his material other than epic form, and the action of the play presup- posed too many things ye.i unmentioned, which, in some way or other, he must present to the spectator. Thereupon he con- ceived the idea of creating "Der junge Siegfried" which was to precede "Siegfried's Death." and was to explain much that is merely alluded to in the latter drama. But even this was not satisfactory, and "tortured by these feelings," he hit upon the idea of a trilog}' with an introduction, as we now have it. Dis- closing these difficulties to his friends,^ he bids them farewell, with the prediction that they will not see him again until he shall appear with his completed work. We have another reference to Wagner's works where he ex- plains his difficulties and the subsequent solution of his problem even more clearly than in the one just mentioned. In a long letter to Liszt ^ he says: "This young 'Siegfried,' too, is only a fragment, and as a unit in itself, it can in no wise make a posi- tive and undoubted impression until it receives its proper place in the completed work which, according to my present plan, I shall assign to it in 'Siegfried's Death.' In both of these dramas an abundance of necessary relations was assigned to mere narra- tion or given to the auditor in such a manner that he had to make his own combinations; all those details which gave the action and the actors such infinite, stirring and far-reaching importance, had to be omitted from presentation and com- municated to mere thought. According to my present inmost conviction, it is possible for the drama to have its true effect only when the intention of dramatic poetry is exclusively im- parted to the senses in all important aspects; hence I, least of all, dare to transgress against this truth. Now, in order to be fully understood, this very observation forces me to present the whole mythos in its deepest and broadest signihcation, in its highest artistic lucidity. Nothing nmst remain to be sui)plo- mented either by thought or reflection; through its own artistic • "Mitteiluii^ an inoine Freunde." ^ Brief wechsel, November 20, 1.S51, i, 147. 32 ' Genesis and Conception of Wagner's Work perceptibility, each unaffected human emotion must be able to comprehend the whole work, and when this is accomplished, each unit of the whole will be rightly understood. In my mj^hos, therefore, two chief aspects remain to be presented, both of which are alluded to in 'Joung Siegfried': the first in the narration of Brunnhild after her awakening (third act), the second in the scene between Alberich and the Wanderer, in the second, and between the Wanderer and Mime, in the first act. If you ex- amine these materials somewhat closely, you can easily under- stand that it was not only artistic reflection, but chiefly the excellent and productive material which led me to present it. Think of the wonderful, disastrous love of Siegmund and Sieg- linde, of Wotan, in his deep, mysterious relation to this love; think of him in his estrangement from Fricka, in his infuriated self-control when he, in accordance with custom, decrees Sieg- mund's death; think of the stately valkyr, Brunnhild, how she, apprehending Wotan's inmost thoughts, defies the God and is punished by him; think of this wealth of suggestions as material for a drama preceding 'Siegfried,' as I refer to it in the scene between Wanderer and Wala, and again, with greater elucidation, in Brunnhild's narration, and you will understand that it was not only mere reflection, it was inspiration which gave me my newest plan. Now this plan is intended for three dramas: 1. 'Die Walkuere;' 2. 'Die junge Siegfried;' 3. 'Siegfried's Tod.' But to give these dramas completely, it is necessary to supply them with a great prelude: 'Der Raub des Rheingolds.' This prelude is to contain everything that appears as narration in 'Jung Siegfried:' The robbery of the Rheingold, the origin of the Nibelungenhort, its abduction by Wotan, and the curse of Albe- rich. Through this lucidity of presentation all broad narration will be dropped, or will at least be concentrated into concise moments; moreover, I shall thus gain abundant space to inten- sify most thrillingly the wealth of relationships, whilst in my earlier, half epic presentation, I was obliged to curtail everything most laboriously, thereby weakening the whole." This was written in 1851, and gives a fair idea of the vast development of the drama within the last three important A'ears. In letters to Uhlig, in October, 1851, and especially in the one dated November 12, 1851, he also discusses his difficulties in a Genesis and Conception of Wagner's Work 33 manner to throw additional light on our knowledge of the genesis of the work. Here we learn that he had sketched the whole mythos in its gigantic sequence before writing "Siegfried's Death," and in thus working it up, all changes had to come slowly, but logically, one step necessitating the next. What he calls, in his correspondence with Liszt, a substitution of presen- tation for narration, he here describes as "Plastic Style." Then, again, he asks for a copy of the Voelsunga-Saga (probably the translation made by von den Hagen). On November 20, 1851, he sent "Joung Siegfried" to Liszt. In December, 1851, he was still hard at work on the whole poem, it being his "only salva- tion." In March, 1852, he again complained of being "fright- fully fagged," but says that in the face of spring, and going to work on his poem, he takes fresh courage. In Juh', 1852, he thought the poem would not be done before fall.^ "I must care- fully retouch the two 'Siegfrieds,' especially in everything con- cerning the myth of the Gods, for this has now assumed a more precise and imposing aspect. I greatly rejoice at the thought of the music." In November he still worked at "Joung Sieg- fried," but now he hoped to have it printed soon: "then I shall attack 'Siegfried's Death.' This will take me longer. I have two scenes in it to write afresh (the Norns and that of Brunnhild w'ith the Valkyries), and above all, the close. Besides these, everything needs most important revision." On July first, "Walkuere" was finished; on November ninth, "Rheingold" received the last stroke of the pen; and in the last weeks of this important year, 1852, the text of the whole work was practically completed. On February 11, 1853, he sent the complete poem to' Liszt. ^ About six months previously he had the idea of print- ing it in twenty or thirty copies for his friends, but hesitated, for financial reasons. On July 22, the Haeitels, to whom he had addressed himself about the printing, answered that it would afford them the greatest pleasure and honor if he would give them his work for publication when ready. On August 9, he begs Uhlig to he more careful in handling the MS. of "Joung Siegfried" about, for he had rc;ul a joke in tiie Krcuzzrilung^ 1 Letter to UhliR, July 2, 1S52. 2 Brief icechftel, February 28, 1S,'",3, i, 223. 3 Tliis new.spaper joke cliscourag«'il liiin frrcatly. He seem.s to have accused 34 Geriesis and Conception of Wagner's Work about the Lindwurm Fafner, an experience which made him very averse to carry out his intention of distributing copies of the whole poem, even among his friends.^ Early in 1853 the drama was printed, for a letter in March of that year to Ferdi- nand Heine announces that Wagner will send him a copy.^ From now on little was done on the work for ten years, when, in 1863, it was published. Changes were made here and there, and it is thus made clear that the author wrote, recast and revised plan and text for a period of almost fifteen years. The musical composition went through a similar process. In the letter just referred to, he tells Liszt that the composition is not yet begun, but the prospect of setting music to all this has a great charm. Though nothing had yet been scored, form and outline of the music were vividly before him; and early in March, 1853, expecting a visit from Liszt in the near summer months, he expresses the hope of being able to show him a few musical sketches. Again he is seized with despondency — a mood in which it is difficult to write music like that in the Nibe- lung drama. "Surrounded by tedium and dullness, I am doomed to perish. Why could one not throw all this overboard and begin an entirely new life? How stupid it is, after all, for you to drudge and toil for me — simply to help me? Ah, no! There is no help for me in this fashion — help at best for my 'glory,' and that is a thing entirely distinct from my own real self. No correspondence can be profitable for me now, and my whole inter- course with the world exists on paper only — what can help me? My nights are mostly sleepless — fagged and miserable I leave my couch to stare into the face of another day which is destined to bring me not one single satisfaction! An intercourse which only torments me, one from which I withdraw only to be again tormented within myself! In whatever I undertake, loathing seizes me. Things cannot go on in this way! I do not care to Liszt of carelessness in lending the manuscript. The latter not only cleared himself of the accusation, but urged Wagner on in his usual tender way. Nevertheless, it has not been made quite clear how the newspapers got possession of the facts. 1 Briefwechsel, August 23, 1852, i, 183. 2 For the names of those who received copies of this small edition, c/. Letter to Liszt, February H, 1853, Briefwechsel, i, 214 f. Genesis and Conception of Wagner's Work 35 bear life any longer." ^ Such moods do not further literary- intentions. Lamenting his exile and his various adverse experi- ences, he breaks out from the depth of his soul: "Lord forgive them, for they know not what they do." . . . "My mind is con- fused, I crave for a long, long sleep from which I desire to awake only to embrace you." ^ Liszt's visit a few weeks later gave him great encouragement. L'pon the return of the former to Weimar, he weaves bits of cheer and sunshine into his letters to Wagner: "Con doppio movimento senipre crescendo fffff! This we shall witness at the presentation of your Nibelung drama." Never- theless, the composition did not progress as rapidly as he had expected. On December 17, 1853, he writes to Liszt: "It is now five years since I have written music. Now I am at 'Nibelheim,' Mime lamented his troubles to-day. Last month I was un- happily seized by a severe cold, so that I could not work for ten days; otherwise I should certainly have finished my outlines this year. Yet this must be done by the end of January." ^ This expectation was fulfilled.* "'Rheingold' is finished, and so am I!" Again he broods over and bewails his poverty. "Well, 'Rheingold' is finished — more finished than I believed. With what confidence, with what joy did I go at the music! I con- tinued and finished it with madness of despair; alas, how much was I, too, surrounded by the want of gold — believe me, my music is frightful, it is a quagmire of horrors and sublimity." A month later he wrote the score to "Rheingold" with instrumentation. In March he is working again with great effort and thinks that, if he could get some one to write out his sketches, it might be done in two years.''' Early in June he expects to begin " Wal- kuere;" in Augu.st the second act is scored;'' towards the end of the year he works at the second half of the last act ; in January, 1855, he expects to begin the instrumentation of "Walkuere," but it lingered on for over a year, until, on April 29, 1856, he writes to Uhlig: "At last 'Walkuere' is done. Now I shall soon set to work on my 'Joung Siegfried.'"^ Herein Wagner was ^ Brief wechscl, i, 2.30. 6 Ilnrl., ii. V.i. 2 Ihid., i, 24.5. 7 Ibid., ii, 125. 3/6ieyruth," explains it with reference to music. "No one who ponders and reflects on Wagner the poet must forget that not one of his dramas has been designed to be read, hence they mu.st not be burdenerl with those requirements wiiich arc demanded of the word-draraa. The spectator receives every acti(Mi of i 1 "Work and Mission of My Life," sitf/ra, article 2. 2 Briefwechsel, November 25, 1$50, i, 106. I 38 Genesis oj^^^ception of Wagner's Work a Wagnerian ^aiM^^K three-fold elucidation with highest perfection: ki^fora^eg^re and music, . . . hence the author could dispen§e with all those means which the 'word-poet' finds necessary to give his action warmth and power of illumination. HerevrhetoriQ^* diffusen^qs^Kan be concentrated into compact- ness and strength of rhetorical speech." Hans von Wolzogen^ ites Nietzscl3| views and accepts them without reservation. Anred Ernst " translates^ffi^ above quotation for his country- ra^n. Giving TlWestrict^BBrssent to Nietzsche's view, he con- " tinues: "C'est la musique ici, non la parole, qui doit ampHfier, prolonger, d^velopper les significationes avec une puissance que le drame parle ne connaissait point jusque-la." Chamberlain^ says: "The matter in c^uestion is not some 'beauty' of language, nor a m.ore or less copious use of the spoken word; the decisive factor is the conceptional content of the language. Here arises the first bad misunderstanding. ... In narration this language can be sparing, extremely determinative in characterization, and of great pregnancy in emotional precision, simply because it is connected with music." No one will deny that there is some justification for this opinion, but it does not go far enough, nor does it explain all the difficulties that appear. We are told over and over again not to separate the music from the text in considering the language of the work. The question, there- fore, naturally arises: Is there no other test for Wagner's lan- guage in the "Ring"? Befor proceeding further, we must remember what has been shown thus far, that not a single note had been written when the poem had already been printed and was in the hands of the author's friends. We have also seen that he even showed considerable reluctance about beginning the musical composition, having scored nothing for five full years. / Doubtless his strong creative genius felt the spell of music while the poem was flowing from his pen, but 'to explain his language by music exclusively, and especially under such cir- cumstances, is a poor appreciation of Wagner's technique. For a long time he was at a loss to find what may be called the missing link between poetry and music. What this was we shall pres- 1 Die Sprache in R. Wagner'x Dichtungen. Leipzig. 2 L'art de R. Wagner. Paris, 1893, 65. 3 Das Drama R. Wagners, Leipzig, 1892, 76 f . Genesis and Conception of Wagner's Work 39 * ently see. His one desire was to move the emotions, and he reached the conclusion that neither the "word -drama" alone, nor music alone could do this, but that" both in harmonious unity represent the highest achievement »of dramatic art/' Our personal conviction may not agree with*' him in this respect, nevertheless it is only fair and justiko judge the man from the viewpoint of his own conceptions. It is true tlfat he now dis- cards, on the whole, our conventional po^ic forms, he is coiv vinced that poetry in itself is not ^5oligh/'''b^it must be assis^ro by a life-giving power. "The lyrics of Orpheus could not have brought the wild beasts to silence and peaceful devotion if he had only given them printed poems to read; their ears must be won over by the sympathetic voice of the heart, and their eyes, gluttonously spying about for prey, must be fascinated by the gracefully moving body of the singer, so that, unconsciously, they might behold in this man not an object for their appetite, but one worthy to be heard and seen before they were fit to give due attention to his moral teaching." Again: "When the Greeks ceased to sing and began to make history, they collected their songs in Homer; the same was true of the Germans, so that in the time of the Hohenstaufen their songs were collected in the Nibelungenlied. Likewise, we cannot conceive the 'Volkslied' from any other viewpoint than that of song. To-day, all this is changed. What we have is poetry, fit only to be read silently, fit for the learned discussions of the critics, but not poetry which touches the emotions."' He ridiculed the so-called "Lieder ohne Worte:" "One needs words, poetry for music, but not our tra- ditional poetry, because this refuses to fuse with music." Hence he sought for some other form, a form which answers all these purposes, and that form is the well-known device of alliteration, a device, however, which, as W, uses it, though jieculiar, be- comes a source of strength. This has already been called the missing link, and it is proposed to show that, from this view- point, Wagner's language in the "Ring" is to be explained and, in some of its phases, from this viewpoint alone. That lliis view is fundamentally correct, is made clear when "Siegfried's Tod," of 1848, is compared with the present "Goetterdaemmcrung," 1 Cf. Werkc, iii, 123. 40 Genesis and Conception of Wagner's Work which, as has been shown, is the outcome of the former. In recasting it, various changes were made, the action was intensi- fied, but most important for our argument are those changes of lano-uacie which were made for the evident sake of alhteration. The first quotation of those which follow is always from "Sieg- fried's Tod," the second, from "Goetterdaemmerung." deinem Rat nur zoU ich Lob. deinem Rat nur red' ich Lob. — G. 15. ler dort so herrlich erwuchs, den wuensch ich Gudrun zum Mann, der im Walde so maechitg erwuchs, den wuensch icli . . . — G. 16. welche Tat schuf es so hehr. welche Tat schuf er so tapfer. — G. 16. vernahm ich, er huetet den reichsten Schatz. vernahm ich, er huetet den neidlichsten Scliatz. — G. 17. und Brunnhild gewaenne nur er, sie moechte kein an'drer bestehn. und Brunnhild gewaenne nur er, keinem and'ren wiche die Brunst. — G. 17. nun zeigst du boese Art . . . zwingen soli. was weckst du Zweifel und Zwist . . . zwingen soil. — G. 17. gewaenne sie Siegfried fuer sich. braechte Siegfried die Braut dir heim. — G. 17. in Jagens Lust am Rhein. in rastloser Jagt . . . Rhein. — G. 19. ' ein selt'ner Schlag von muessiger Hand, ein gemaechlicher Schlag, etc. — G. 19. so muehloser Kraft . . . Ruder. so ruestiger Kraft . . . Ruder. — G. 19. den ersten Trunk zu treuer Minne, Bruennhild trink. den ersten Trunk zu treuer Minne, Bruennhild bring ich. — G. 23. wohl gute Runen laesst mich ihr Auge lesen. sind's gute Runen, die ihreni Aug' ich entrate. — G. 23. dort liegt mein Schiff, schnell bringt es zu Bruennhilds Felsen . . . Schnell fuehrt es zum Felsen. — G. 27. eine Xacht am Ufer harrst du mein. eine Nacht . . . harrst du im Nachen. — G. 27. Genesis and Conception of Wagner's Work 41 wissen soUst du, welche Macht du hast, gemahnt sei der Macht, der du gebietest . — G. 40. dich Unverzagten zeugt'. dich Zaglosea zeugt. — G. 42. den Rmg soUst du haben. den Ring sollst du haben, harre in Ruh. — G. 42. der Tarnhelm wirkte das wie Hagen mich es wies. der Tamlielm . . . wie Hagen es tuechtig wies. — G. 45. m m im Fruehnebel vom Felsen folgte sie mir hinab. durch des Feuers verloeschende Lohe. im Fruehnebel vora Felsen folgte sie mir zu Tal. — G. 45. Siegfried . . . wie fuercht ich mich vor dir. Siegfried . . . wie fasst mich Furcht vor dir. — G. 46. du, Hagen, rufe die Mannen. . . . minnig rufe die Mannen. — G. 4G. einsam faehrt er mit ihr allein. einsam faehrt er, keiner folgt. — G. 48. Hagen, was soUen wir dann. Hagen, was heissest du uns dann. — G. 48. tranken wir aus, was treiben wir dann? das Horn zur Hand, wie halten wir es darm? — G. 49. ihm, der zur Frau dich erkor. ihm, der zum Wieb dich gewann. — G. 50. Welche Serge mach' ich dir, Bruennhild. Was mueht Bruennhildens Blick. — G. 51. merket wohl was die Frau euch klagt. merket klug was die Frau euch klagt. — G. 52. zeiget Bruennhild wie ihr Herz sie zerbreche, den zu vernichten, der sie verriet. heis-set Bruennhild ilir Herz zu zerbrechen, den zu zertruenuncni, der sie betrog. — G. 54. treulos, Siegfried, solltest du sein. treulos, Siegfried, saiinst du auf Trug. — G. 55. ein einz'ger BUck seines glaenzendcn Auges. . . . Blick seines blitzenden Auges. — G. 59. dein lichtes -Vug' neideten dann wir nitninor. . . . lichtes .A.ug' . . . niclit laenger. — G. 00. 42 Genesis and Conception of Wagner's Work zu deinem Verderben wahrst du den Ring. zu deinem Wehe wahrst du den Ring. — R. 68. ihr listigen Frauen lasset ab. ihr listigen Frauen lasset das frei. — G. 69. ihn flochten webende Nornen. . . . naechtlich webende Nornen. — G. 69. Eide schwur er und weiss sie nicht. Eide . . . achtet er nicht. — G. 70. ''Runen weiss er und kennt sie nicht. Runen . . . und raet sie nicht. — G. 70. nur den Ring, der Tod ihm bringt, den Reif nur will er behalten. . . . Ring, der zum Tod ihm taugt, den Reif nur will er sich wahren. — G. 70. hei, Gunther, ungemuter Mann. . . . Gunther, graemlicher Mann. — G. 73. jetzt aber hoert Wunder, jetzt aber merkt wohl auf die Maehr. Wunder muss ich euch melden. — G. 74. durchschritt er die Glut . . . Braut. . . . Brunst . . . Braut. — G. 76. selig umschlang . . . Bniennhilde. bruenstig umschlang . . . Bniennhilde. — G. 76. verstehst du auch dieser Raben Spruch. erraetst du auch dieser Raben Geraun. — G. 77. schweigt euren Jammer, eure eitle Wut. schweigt cures Jammers jauchzenden Schwall. — G. 82. If these and other changes support our statement that allitera- tion has influenced Wagner's language, we do not go too far in inferring that it has influenced the whole work even where we have no material for comparison. And here it may be noticed that it requires but little keenness of penetration to under- stand Wagner when he says that he could not use flowery phrases. "In frank emotion, when we let go all conventional consideration for the spun-out modern phrase, we try to express ourselves briefly and to the point, and, if possible, in one breath."^ In his search for a strictly melodic garment for his 1 Werke, Oper und Drama, translated by Ellis, ii, 256; c/., also, Part 3, chap. 2, and Part 2, chap. 6. Genesis and Conception of Wagner's Work 4 3 dialogue, it seemed clear to him that, through an imperfection of our modern verse, it was impossible to find in it a natural melodic source or a standard of musical expression. For this, however, he had not far to seek. "In that primal mythic spring where I found the fair young Siegfried I also lit, lead by his hand, upon the physically perfect mode of utterance wherein alone that man could speak his feelings. This was the alliterative verse, which bends itself into natural and lively rhythm to the actual accents of our speech, and yields itself so readily to every shade of manifold, expression, that 'Stabreim' which 'the folk itself once sang when it was still both poet and myth-maker." He had also noticed that in alliteration "the roots are fitted to one another in such a way that, just as thej'^ sound alike to the ear, they also knit like objects into one collective image in which the feeling may utter its conclusions concerning them." In this connection, attention may be called to an analogy in Mhg. litera- ture — the Leich. The secular Leich was undoubtedly sung with bodily motion. Ulrich von Lichtenstein reports that he sang his Leich with high notes and quick motion, for which many a fiddler thanked him. Several lays close when the fiddle string snaps, or the bow breaks.^ Now in strict keeping with all this is the form of the Leich. It is impossible to go so far as Jakob Grimm^ and to see even some sort of alliteration in it, but the poetic form stands in clear contradistinction to the Minne- song. There is a law in the Leich, though no one has yet been able to show just what it is. To some extent, a parallel is found in Wagner's work, for there, as in the Leich, we have a surprising freerlom of action with striking irregularities of form. One merely needs to recall the old "Tanhuser" and Wagner's study of it, as well as other parts of old German literature, to become convinced at once that he was influenced by it in a markevl degree.^ Speaking of his stay in Paris, he says: "There, in a foreign country, I was made acquainted with the folk-lore of my home land. I read 'TanhCiser' and was intensely moved by IF. Pfeiffcr, Deutsche Clasftiker des Mitlelalters, i, 164; Uhhiud, Volks- lieder, Cotta Edition, iii, 215 f. 2.1. Griinin, Ueber den aUdeulnclica MciMcnjcsntu], p. 63 f. 3 6'/. Oi>er und Drama, wliere he speaks of the beauty of the Volkslied; c/., also, Work and Mission of My Life, supra, article 2. 44 Genesis and Conception of Wagner^ s Work its sympathetic-tragical character, especially as I found it in connection with the ' Saengerkrieg auf der Wartburg,' and I was led to anticipate the possibility of a great, intensely serious musical drama." There is still another reason for Wagner's choice of alliteration. It was his desire to create primitive characters. We shall have occasion to note some of his compound words with the prefix "ur": uriveise, Urgesetz, etc. He created " Urmenschen," and for this reason he did not follow the Nibelungenlied, but used old Norse for his sources. Here, too, he found the alliterative verse. There were, accordingly, three motives for Wagner's choice of alliteration; it leaves room for musical accent, it hightens emotion, it leads back to primitive conditions. These tendencies are the soul of his work, its body is the language with all its apparent pecuharities. CHAPTER II ALLITERATION Nothing definite has yet been written on Wagner's allitera- tion.^ A few general remarks have been made by his friends, adverse criticism has discarded it with a sneer as unworthy of detailed consideration. It is interesting to note that some im- portant critics have unrestricted praise for the poetry of the "Ring" but speak disdainfully of the alliteration; while others extol its merits and condemn the poem. Julian Schmidt calls it " Old-Frankonian tw^addle;" Hanslik, "A frightfully short dog- trot;" and when "Parsifal" appeared, he was glad "to be rid of this childish tittle-tattle."- W. Jordan,^ speaking of the trans- lators of the Edda, says, "Those engaged in this enterprise had no apprehension of the far more vigorous conditions which alliteration had to fulfill in modern German, when, in place of delighting harmoniously, it racks the ear with its unbearable rattUng, disgusts the aesthetic feeling with vulgarity, and shocks the reason with transgression against logic and language, as do some opera-texts of R. Wagner." Geo. Witkowski'* thinks that the vast thought-content and the di-amatic importance of the "Ring" place it in the domain of true elevated tragedy; but the freakish external form which a})plies alliteration with utter want of intelligence, the language which is intentionally anticiuated and distorted by numberless word-plaj's, impair its dramatic value. Dr. Karl Koestlin, on the other hand, holds just the opposite view.^ He sees no value in it from the view])oint of 1 Herrmann, Wa/fner und der Strahreim, which i.s called " Dilcttaniscli," in Paul's Gruiidriss, II Band, 2 Abt., p. 121, could not be Kot by the author. 2 Cj. W. Tappert, R. Wagrur, sein Lcbeii und seine Werke, 1883. 3 Die Eddn, 2 Aufl., Frankfurt a. M., 1S90, p. 4. * Das Deuiscfte Drama dc.i Neunzehnlcn Jahrhunderts, [). 100. 5 It. Wacjner'a Tondrama, Der Ring des Nibelungen, p. OH. 4''> 4() Alliteration tragedy, but has almost unlimited praise for it as a poem. "In- deed, the language of the poem represents a tremendous progress in contrast with all previous opera-texts, especially as to meter and rhythm. The quick succession of words and the short lines give the whole poem a buoyancy and swing which makes it ring and chime spontaneously, and which, when one has become accustomed to it, affords a genuine pleasure by the mere reading of it." He praises the force of expression which excludes all redundancy, the constant use of alliteration, which protects against languor and triviality of expression, and fits excellently into the heroic mood of the poem. A. Ernst^ explains the modern Stabreim, describes the Edda and Simrock's translation of it, and shows how certain consonants predominate in certain passages. Excepting general hints, Ernst's otherwise excellent book adds nothing of importance to our subject. Karl Gjiellerup^ draws attention to the rimeless lines; he considers the old Norse liddahaitr, but refutes the idea of regularity and correspondence with that movement. He points out a crescendo in Wagner's alliteration from a single consonant to groups of two, three, and even four: *Saal:*Sieg, Stock:StQm, *S^rahl:*S^rom, *S^rahl:5^rafe. This exhausts his observations. Hans von Wolzogen^ inveighs against Wagner's critics in characteristic manner and defends his alliteration. Following W. Jordan, he endeavors to prove that Wagner uses not only 1, w, s, but all consonants. He calls Wagner's liodahdttr an imitation of epic law, but contributes noth- ing new to the subject. The same is true of his "Poetische Lautsymbolik."* In this he starts out with the old theory that certain emotions are created by hearing certain sounds, and without further difficulty, he reaches the theory of onomatopeia, which, on the whole, he accepts. With this as a basis, he tra- verses the whole "Ring" and proves for Wagner what the latter himself surely never wished to prove. Though the theory may be plausible, it becomes ridiculous when applied to the poem 1 Supra, chapitre IV, La langue poetique, la metrique, p. 59 f. 2R. Wagner i bans Hovevaerk, Nibelungs Ring, p. 231. 3 Die Tragoedie in Bayreuth und ihr Statyrspiel, Leipzig, Schloemp, 1877; reprinted by the same press, 1878, under new title: Erlaeuterungen zu R. Wagner's Nibelungendrama, p. 51 ff. 4 Poetische Lautsymbolik, psychisclie Wirkungen der Sprachlaute im Stabreime » Alliteration 47 line for line. Thus, "n" is the surly sound, because Alberich uses it: "ihr Nicker, wie seid ihr niedlich, niedliches Volk," and because the dwarf symbolizes the negative spirit (p. 8). "t" represents the "direction whither," hence it is the demonstrative consonant, for does it not occur in the following? "Tauche zur Tiefe mit dumpfem Gedonner" (p. 9). "w" is soft, for it is used in "woge du Welle, walle zur Wiege" — " Winterstuerme wichen dem Wonnemond." Wolzogen does not seem to consider that "w" is also used in "wild wiehert Walvaters Ross; wehe, wehe, wuetend schwingt sich Woten zu Ross." ''Pr" is the sound of spontaneous movement, especially that of sneezing and ridicule, hence physical and psychic relationship; for the Rhuiedaughter says: "pruhstend naht raeines Freiers Pracht" (p. 8). It is not necessary to go into this further. It does not solve the problem of Wagner's method of alliteration. It is not to be understood, however, that no attempt is made in the poem at sound-coloring, which is a matter at once distinct from this psychic relationship of sounds. One other critic, Edmund von Hagen,^ makes only a few general remarks on Wagner's Stabreim, drawing attention to Schleicher' s admiration of it. All these divergent views show that there is no unanimity of opinion with regard to the verse technique of Wagner the poet. It may be that there never will be, but the conditions at hand, and the importance which the poet himself has attached to allit- eration, call for an analysis upon which the further consideration of our subject may be developed. At the outset, it is necessary to show whence Wagner derived his conception of the Stabreim. He could not read the Edda in the original, but he had inti- mate intercourse with a scholar who could, one of the first who made a complete alliterative translation into German, Ludwig Ettmueller.2 It is difficult to prove how much i)ersonal influ- ence Ettmueller had on Wagner's conception of alliteration, though both lived in Zuerich; we know, however, that he u.setl his translation copiously, and the introduction to his book throws light on many details of our subject. Tho Ijook also 1 Ueber die Dichtung der erslen Scene des Rheingolds, MuoncheM, 1876, |).7(>. 2 Die Lieder der Edda von den Nihelungen. Stabreimende Verde utncliuruj nebst Erlaeuterungen, Zuerich, Orell, Fuessli uiij llir (Icrman Lantjuaijr, translated by E. Trofhman, .M..\., London, p. 07. ^Kienzl, W ellijcschidite in Churucktcrbildcrn, It. Wagner, p. 80 f. 66 The Vocabulary into it according to the time, place and circumstances of the action. Wagner's "Ring" reaches back into the dusk of pre- historic times. Even the choice of such a subject betrays no little intellectual heroism. The Old Norse sagas are the celestial fields where he found this atmosphere, but what a tremendous stride from there into the nineteenth century! The mode of living has been changed; the naive belief in the miraculous has made way for realism; ethical views have been reshaped by Christianity. Only by the utmost stretch of the imagination can we place ourselves in the atmosphere of those remote times, vv'hen gods and giants, as facts of existence, determined the destinies of man. Viewed in this light, we are not so much surprised by the use of so-called unusual words in Wagner's drama as by the fact that we do not find more of them. The vocabulary is here considered from two points of view: analogies with translators, and the use and meaning of particular words. I. ANALOGIES WITH TRANSLATORS. In order to show that Wagner avoided many incongruities, a few citations are here given from Ettmueller's translation of the Edda: Nattersturmfuerst, p. 4; Mahlschatz, pp. 5, 88; Guelte, p. 10; Wift, p. 11; Schwertbaum, p. 25; Gaden, p. 62; Enke, p. 63; Mannleichbraten, p. 71; Schwich, p. 117, etc. The foot-notes in Ettmueller's book take up more space on many pages than the text. He finds it necessary to translate his translation for the general reader, the reason for which is clear in a passage like the following: Gestete sie mit Golde und guten Wiften eh' ich sie gaebe zum Gothenvolk. Meiner Harms der haerteste mir ist dass sie die lichten Locken Swanhilds im Hor mit Hufen der Hengste traten. — P. 95. He uses: gellendes Gold, p. 16; schwinde Schlaege, p. 44; ueber luetzel und laenger, pp. 78, 99; denksam, p. 54; wutgrimm wer- den, p. 79; lasch, p. 82; hungerwuetig, p. 105; blomig, p. 116; gelsen, p. 99. Wagner wisely avoided these and similar expres- sions. With a very few exceptions, every word used by him is recognized by Grimm and Sanders in their dictionaries. Where The Vocabulary 67 he depends on others, he is usually careful to choose expressions which even the general reader can understand. A. Simrock's Translation of the Edda. 1. The various designations of Wotan: Walvater, Woeluspa, 1, ich mil Walvaters Wirken kuenden; 22, Meth trinkt . . . aus Walvaters Pfand, etc. Heervater, Woeluspa, 23, ihr gab Heervater Halsband und Ringe; cf. 35, 40; Grimnismal, 25, Heidrun heisst die Ziege vor Heervatres Saal; cf. 26; Vafthrudnismal, 2, daheim zu bleiben, Heervater, nahm ich dich in der Asen Gehegen, cf. 40; Hyndluliod, 2, laden (wir) Heervatern in unsere Herzen. Siegvater, Woeluspa, 54, nicht saeumt Siegvaters erhabener Sohn; Oegisdrecka, 58, den Wolf bestehn, der den Siegvater schlingt. Wagner's work is full of these designations. 2. The Ash-tree, an exclusive Norse feature, is repeatedly mentioned: Woeluspa, 19; Grimnismal, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 44. All this corresponds to "Walkuere," where the house is built around the tree. Wagner borrowed many features and added others. 3. Several passages betray a striking resemblance to Simrock's translation. Vafthrudhnismal, 19, das Haupt stehe hir in der Halle zur Wette um weise Worte; S. 22, hir sitz ich am Herd und setze mein Haupt der Wissenswette zum Pfand. Gaugrader, 20, sage zum ersten. . . . S. 26, nun, ehrlicher Zwerg, sag mir zum ersten. . . . Gaugrader, 44, viel erfuhr ich, viel versucht ich. S. 20, auf der Erde Ruecken ruehit ich mich viel, Wan- derer, weisst, du. . . . Wafthrudnir, 55, du wirst immer dor Weisseste sein. S. 27, der Witzigste bist du unter den Weisen. Grogalder, I, wache, Groa, erwache gutes Weib. S. 74, wache, wache, Wala erwach'; cf. Hyndluliod 1, with S. 89, G. 51. WOc- lundarkwida, 31, erst sollst du alle VAdc mir Icistcn bei Scluvortes Spitze. G. 56, meines Schwcrtes Spitze wag' ich d'ran, sic wahr' in Ehren den Eid — bei des Speeres Spitze .sj)rcch ich den I'^id. Spitze, achte des Spruchs. Fafnismal, 35 (die vierte Adlerin) er daeuchte mich klug, gen Wagner was acquainted with this work, and we have reason to assume that he studied it closely. Some scenes nearly re- semble those of the "Ring," such as the killing of the dragon and Gunther's house and home in the first scene of G. There are also similarities of language and vocabulary, but so few, after all, that they are apparently wholly accidental, in that both writers used similar sources. After carefully weighing the results of the comparison, it is apparent that, though Wagner at times follows his sources rather closely, he, nevertheless, stands aloof from any modern Nibelung-poem. Foucjuc! no- where rises to the height of Wagnerian description. For Hin- derfiall he has found only one word, repeating it time and again — Flammenzaun. One of the loftiest descriptions is given oti p. 126 f. He calls the sleeping person on the mountain: ein JuenglingslMid — why not even Mannsbild or Frauciizimmer — mein Knab', du bist ein traeger Ilueter diesein Jiau; O iiiir, os ^Der Held des Nordens, von Fr. Baron de la Motte-Fouqu<^', Erster Tcil, Berlin, 1810. 76 The Vocabulary ist kein Knab' — eiu Jungfraeulein, das Abbild aller Huld und Lieb'sgewalt. It is a weak figure compared with Wagner's sleeping Bruennhild. Equally weak is Fouque's Sigurd — a poor benedick. He doubts whether he can go along to get Bruenn- hild, he feels he ought to stay at home with wife and child. He even resorts to a subterfuge, claiming that King Giuke is not in favor of such an expedition (p. 121). What a tame hero com- pared with Wagner's Siegfried even in G., from the drink of Blutbruederschaft down to the bitter end! It has already been mentioned that Wagner happily avoided the explanation of the runes and the motherly advice of Bruennhild; Fouque's Bryn- hildis begins with Siegrunen and continues down through the list. His passage describing the drinking of Blutbruederschaft runs thus: ... so mir Odhin hilfreich sei . . . gelob ich, Sigurd, dir Genossenschaft, gelob ich dir zur Hilfe meine Hand, mein Gold, mein Reich, und meine Kriegsgesellen (p. 115). This sounds as though a modern lawyer had written it in full accord- ance with the law. Cf., on the other hand, G. 26, for dramatic action and glowing color of description. II. USE AND MEANING OF WORDS A. Middle High German Words Bruenne Appears several times, W. 73, S. 88, 93, 94. Twice it alliter- ates with Bruennhilde, once with Brunst, twice with p, prangend, Panzer. Kluge calls it a recently-borrowed word from mhg. Jordan uses it. Ettmueller and Simrock use it exclusively in the Edda, the latter almost exclusively in Nibelungen Not. Grimm often uses Panzer, Panzerhemd. Ettmueller, p. 20: was schnitt die Bruenne; 33 in die Goldbruenne fuhr sie; 55 und die Bruenngehuellten . . . ; 105 der Bruennkuehne ; 110 Breunn- brecher; Simrock: Helgakwida 6, wie ist dir mit Blut die Bruenne bespritzt. Cf., also, 43; Gripispa, 15. Friedel Is used four times, R. 8, 10, 63; G. 66. In mgh. it is always a masc. substantive: der vriedel; cf. Kudrun 775, es habe einen vriedel diu herliche maid; Walther v. d. Vogelw., "Unter der Linde," the young woman says: do was min friedel komen e; The Vocabulary 77 cf., also, Dietmar v. Aist, Tageliecl: slafest du, min vriedel. Wagner uses it as a masculine, but once as a feminine, R. 8, Alber- ich to Woglinde: mein Friedel sei. Most translators use it; Simrock, Edda. p. 195, doch hiess ich der Friedl nun seiner Frau; Ettmueller, Edda, p. 30, doch seiner Frauen Friedl hiess ich. The word is not used outside of this field, it is even rare in older Mhg., Gesta Rom., und die nam eines Nachts ihrem mann die sluessel aus dem haupt (from under the pillow) und tet die tuer heimlichen auf und gieng aus zu irem friedel. Wagner also uses the word frieden, which is obsolete; G. 18, ist er der herrlichste Held der Welt, der Erde holdeste Frauen fried et en laengst ihn schon; G. 57, doch Frauengroll friedet sich bald. Also used by the translators: Hagen, Wilkina, chap. 25, . . . befreite und friedete das Fand; Voelsunga, ihr Land frieden; Simrock feels the necessit}^ of using the modern prefix: Nib. Not, die iu vriden helfen: die euch befrieden helfen. Gesell Is used twice, W. 46, S. 86. In mhg. it had a two-fold meaning: (a) companion, Nib. Not. 64, 343, 769, 1153, etc.; in 2082 Hagen calls Volker his geselle, in 582 geverte is used. In Iwein 2115 Landine the queen calls her maid geselle: Weistu aber, geselle, rehte ob er mich welle, thus being used as mascl. and fem. (b) as lover, husband. In 2339 Iwein has at last the opportunity to speak to the queen, he assures her that this is his happiest day: got ruoche nur das heil bewarn, das wir gesellen muesen sin. The situation in W. is almost identical, lioth meanings are further illustrated by Walther v. d. Vogelweide, " Unlu.st der Zeit:" wan das ich nicht gesellen han (companion) and Ereck 1124, 1141, where the wife of Artus calls her husband geselle. Wagner uses the word in its old sense as lover, but in* the mascl. and neuter. Siegmund calls himself the Ge.sell of his betrothed: Siegmund ist dir Gesell, and S. 86, Siegfried: jotzt lock ich ein liebes Gesell. No examples are found in the trans- lators, but l>avarian has it, cf. Schmeller: Gcsoll, ami Cicsclliii for the beloved one, Gelieljte. Geschmeide. Von der Hagen: Amilias and Wicland at the court of Nidung vie with one another as to whom should belong the honor of 78 The Vocabulary being the best smith. Amilias says in Wilkina, chap. 21: und nimmer will ich das zugeben, dass dein Geschmeide besser sei. Here used in its old meaning, gesmide, a forged metal. Simrock, Nib. Not, 1269: si heten noch gesmide, das man devor riet — sie haetten noch Geschmeide, meaning metal ornaments for horses. Edda, Regismal 26: im Schleier sass sie, ein Geschmeid auf der Brust; cf. 34: nun sass er und beschenkte mit Schmuck und Geschmeide. Thus Wagner. Mime remonstrates with Sieg- fried for destroying the sword which he forged, S. 5: er knickt und schmeisst es entzwei, als schuef ich Kindergeschmeid — not a toy for children, but a sword so weak as though forged by children; S. 9, Siegfried still angered by Mimi's poor workman- ship: waer mir nicht schier zu schaebig der Wicht, ich zer- schmiedet' ihn selbst mit seinem Geschmeid. Mannen Is invariably used by von der Hagen in Wilkina, meaning, of course, a vassal (Lehnsmann). Simrock in Nib. Not, usually writes Bann, not always with good judgment. Wagner reaches back to the old word, G. 46: rufe die Mannen . . . ihr Gibichs Mannen, machet euch auf . . . ihm folgen der Magen feindliche Mannen, G. 48. Mage Appears twice. W. 13, vermaehlen woUte der Magen Sippe, and G. 48, cited a few lines above. As a modern word, it is rare. In the sixteenth century it is occasionally used. Brant, Narren- schiff: das kind sein eltern btrugt und mog. In the seventeenth century it was less frequentl)^ used in literature, but retained as a legal term; cf. Grimm, Wtb. The eighteenth century tried to revive it, but without success; Wieland and Buerger use it. No one did more to rehabilitate it than the translators. Ett- mueller uses it throughout in the Edda, about fifteen times: nun ist Yngwis Mag zu uns kommen, II Sigl. ; und den werten Soehnen, den mutigen Magen, Lied von Hamdir; wird der Maenner Mag- schaft dann auch Freundschaft werden, I Sigl.; maechtige Mag- schaft warb ich, Groenl. Lied von Atli. Wagner's use of it is, nevertheless, unfortunate. Even Ettmueller feels constrained to explain it in a foot-note. Wagner's passage, W. 13, is so peculiar that an acquaintance with historical German is necessary to The Vocabulary 79 make it intelligible. The only justification for the use of the word by Wagner is the fact that the translators have used it and its environment in the text. The whole passage bears the mark of martial description; Tross, Kampf, Grimm, ilord, Rache — words expressing the mood and intention of the avenger. Minne. Grimm, Simrock, Ettmueller, von der Hagen and others use it without reservation. It is treated here because Wagner uses it in a peculiar sense, with its verb, adjective, adverb and in various compounds. ]\Ihg. had no word which could convey the deep, soulful and pure love toward God or woman as did this one. The Court Epics and the Minnesong, especially that of Walt her and Kuerenberg, give ample proof of this. Mlmar notes that the word contains "the meaning of love of enraptured youth, it is German love, a silent, longing meditation upon the beloved one, a sweet contemplation of the gracious one whose name dare not even be uttered." In the sad decay of mhg. classicism, the word began to lose its pure meaning, so that in Luther's time it conveyed the idea of lewdness (Bufilschaft), which compelled him to reject it. Sincere efforts have been made by modern writers to restore it, but they have unhapj)ily used it as a designation for love in general. Wagner gives it its old specific meaning. It is not necessary to quote every instance of it. Substantive, W. 28, der Minne Zauber entzueckte sie; cf. R. 10, 18; W. 13; G. 11, 23, 58, 69, 87. Verb, R. 13, das Maedchen das du minnst; cf. W. 46, 77. Adjective, S. 13, dein minniges Weibchen. Adverb, W. 84, und darf nicht minnig mein Gruss dich mehr gruessen; cf. G. 46. Besides these he has a feminine formation: die Minnige, R. 65, 8. 91; also the plural compound: Wasserminnen, G. 68. Wagner did not employ the \vn haett' ich erraten. erlahen. S. '.')^, von dor ^^ueh erlab ihn ein Trunk. 92 The Vocabulary erheben. G. 75, ihm sollt er den Hort nur erheben, seems to stand for the well-known idiom: den Schatz heben, entfragen. W. 41, so leicht ja entfrug mir Fricka den Trug. enttagen. G. 17, so ungeheurer Tat enttagte des Helden Ruhm. Cf. Grimm, Wtb., under ertagen, but notice that Wagner uses this latter also, W. 31, nichts lerntest du eh' dir ertagte die Tat. enttrinken. W. 80, ueppigen Rausch enttrankst du lachend der Liebe Trank. entschlagen. W. 81, du zeugtest ein edles Geschlecht, kein Zager kann je ihm entschlagen. umhangen. S. 95, Nacht umbangt gebundene Augen. Goethe, wie des Persers Bulbul Rosenbusch umbangt. verwaehnen. G. 70, so weise und stark verwaehnt sich der Held. zergreifen. S. 9, mit einem Griff zergreif ich den Quark. zerschmieden. S. 9, waer mir nicht schier zu schaebig der Wicht, ich zerschmie- det ihn selbst. zerschwingen. S. 5, es gibt ein Schwert, das er nicht zerschwaenge ; G. 69, mein Schwert zerschwang einen Speer. zertrotzen. S. 5, Nothungs Truemmer zertrotzt er nicht; S. 86, zerfochtene Waffe. IV. STYLISTIC OBSERVATIONS (1) Wagnerian Idioms darhen. R. 38, an den Aesten darbt und dorrt das Obst ; S. 54, rufe mich auch, darbst du des Rats; G. 6, falb fielen die Blaetter, duerr The Vocabulary 93 darbte der Baum. Cf. Simrock. Oegisdrecka, 39 der Hand muss ich darben; Voeluspa 8 imd darbten goldener Dinge noch nicht. magern. S. 25, vor Wotan magert mein Muttrwitz. hungeni. S. 49, mich himgert sein. faul gelingen. S. 31, Liebe zu mir sollte er lernen, das gelang nun leider faul. heissen. S. 52, doch heisse mich das, hat auch der Wurm ein Herz; otherwise heissen is commonly used : S. 53, soil das etwa Fuerch- ten heissen; cf. R. 13, W. 18, 2-4; G. 7; but S. 80: wohin, luiabe, heisst dich dein Weg. jach. G. 27, um die Rueckkehr ist's mir jach. taugen For geUngen, geraten, S. 57, auf dem Rohre taugt die wonnige Weise mir nicht. He avoids this word on the same page; auf dem dummen Rohre geraet mir nichts. loahr weisen. G. 69, Siegfried, wir weisen dich wahr. werter gelten. G. 35, ein Blitz aus dem hehren Glanz gilt mir werter als . . . uehen. S. 75, Weisen ueb' ich, dass weithin wache was fester Schlaf verschiiesst ; cf. S. 47, anders als dumme Riesen ueb' ich des Ringes Kraft. The first means bewirken, the second, gebrau- chen. Notice the following: die Schwertstuecke zerspinnen, S. IS; ein Werk aus Erz weben, R. 45; den Zuernendcn an mir iiir zoegern, W. 69. Ettmueller has a few of these phrases: Sicg- munds Schiffe schritten, p. 44; zaehe Zaehrcn, etc. Here, as with Wagner, the influence of alliteration is quite evident. (2) Annomination Ettmueller shows a preference for the.se, taken over literally from old Norse: Rat ist dir geraten, ratct nun Rat, der Tag 94 The Vocabulary tagt, eine Bitte bitt' ich, Schwuere schwurst du, ich hoerte sagen in Sagen der Vorzeit, Kampf war gekaempft, mit Harfe harfte Gimnar, Spiele spielen; Grimm, Edda: Schlaf schlafst du nicht, etc. Wagner; nie sann dies ernstlich mein Sinn, Rache raeche den Fehl, mit keinem Gruss gruesst, Braten briet, Rat mir riet, mit Rate riet, der Gedanke den ich nicht dachte. (3) Play Upon Words R. Freia die holde, Holda die Freie; vertragen ist's, sie tragen wir heim ; wollen sie f rei'n, ein Haus soil sie erf reu'n ; Loge heisst du, doch nenn ich dich Luege; versank ich in Sinnen, bis unter den Sitz warst du versunken. Cf. 66, 70, 75. W. Friedmund darf ich nicht heissen, Frohwalt moecht ich wohl sein; als Waelse woelfisch im Walde du schweiftest; zu Walvater, der dich gewaehlt ; c/. 44, 70, 76, 82, 85. S. He Mime, du Memme; nun schwitze noch einmal, dass ich dich schweisse. Cf. 20, 40, 71. G. Wie heisst deine Schwester — Gutrun — sind's gute Runen; Hagen — der Hagedorn sticht nun nicht mehr; wie den Wurm du faelltest, so faellst auch du. (4) Favorite Forms. (a) With zu: zu eins, zu zwei, zu Leib, zu Ross, zu Heer, zu Grund, zu Nutz, zu Recht, zu End', zu Tal, zu Hauf, zu best, zu ganz, etc. (6) With -ur: urweise, urwissend, Urmuetter, Urmuetter Weis- heit, Urmuetter Furcht, Ursorge,Urgestz, etc. (c) Substantives in Ge-: Geduenst, Gedueft, Gedaempf, Ge- neck, Gewoelk, Gestimm, Gekeif, Geraun, Gestemm, Gefrage, Gewirk, Geaest, Geheiss, Gewell, Gewog. (d) Substantives in -er: Bauer (Erbauer, one who builds), Haeufer, Zager, Angstversehrter, Gieriger, Verbieter, etc. (e) Compound Substantives: Gaunergezuecht, Nickergezuecht, Wassergezuecht, Riesengezuecht, Goettergehchter, Gewitter- brunst, Glimmerschein, Minnetraum, Widdergespann, Goeter- gesetz, Ahauner, Nachthueter, Wonneentzuecken, Wunsch- maedchen, Wotanskind, Schildmaid, Looskieserin, Heldenreizerin, Ohnmachtsschmerz, Hoffnungssehnen, Weltenwonne, Fratzen- schmied, Nabelnest, Wurmsgeschlecht, Zwergenzwecke, Zwergen- The Vocabulary 95 frohne, Wogengewoelk, Lustfreie, Leidbelastete, Niederboste, Mannesgemahl, etc. (/) Invectives: schaebiger Knecht, Lungerer, frevelnder Gauch, Geek, Garstige, Kauz, schleckes Geschluepfer, glitscher- iger Glimmer, kalter, graetiger Fisch, Wicht, Hund, feiger Wicht, garstiger Gauch, raeudiger Kerl, Memme, verfluchte Klemme, Toelpel, Ruepel haariger hoeckriger Geek, schwieliges Schwefel- gezeug, schmaehlich schlaues luederlich schlechtes Gelichter, fauler Sehuft. (gr) Metaphor and personification of the brute and inanimate world. In her denunciation of Wotan for engendering the Waelsung, Fricka calls the twin couple merely a brood, a litter — dem Wurfe der Woelfin wirfst du zu Fuessen dein Weib, W. .31. Siegmund has been fascinated by the lustre of Sieglind's eyes; night falls quickly, he is left alone with a threat from Handing for to-morrow's combat; entire darkness now envelops him and within him is the gloom of dire apprehension, when, suddenly, a gleam of light breaks through the tree where Nothung is securely thrust: welch ein Strahl bricht aus der Esche Stamm? 1st es der Blick der bluehenden Frau . . ., W. 16. Spring breaks in upon the loving couple: der Lenz lacht, sein Atem weht, weit geoeffnet lacht sein Auge, aus sel'ger Voeglein Sange suess er toent, holde Luefte haucht er aus, aus seincm warmen Blue entbluehen wonnige lilumen, mit zarter \A'alTcn Zier bezwingt er die Welt, W. 20. Fricka's Widder aechzen vor Angst, wild rasseln die Raeder. Sieglinde suddenly becomes aware of her tragic guilt, she despises not only her lover, she abhors herself wil h extreme repugnance. When Siegmund enfolds her to his bosom, she cries: flieh die Leiche. Cf. Fouqu(§, p. 241; Guiinar embracing Brynhild: fort, bin Leiche sciion. Ilunding comes with his dogs for the ap|)()inted combat ; in the yelps of dumb beasts Sicglind hears an accusation of her guilt crying to heaven: mutig gehetzt heult die Meute, wild bollt sie zum Himmel um der Ehe gebrochenen Eid — Ruedcn fletschon die Zaehne nach Fleisch, sie achten nicht deines cdlcn liluts, W. 48. Grtlind's mare is being pushed by the stallion, (!(>rhii(l Ix'lieves that the hatred of the heroes creates mischief even among the 96 The Vocabulary horses: der Recken Zwist entzweit noch die Rosse der Helden Grimm huesste schon die Graiie, W. 64. Cf. Wilkina, chap. 41, where Falke fights for his master, breaking Ecke's back; in chap. 43, Falke repeats this feat as his master is waging a losing combat with an elephant. Fouque also makes use of this, p. 197. When Wotan comes, enraged by Bruennhild's attitude, to mete out to her the fullest measure of his w^ath, even the elements of nature are in sympathy with his mission: Gewittersturm naht vom Norden, starkes Gewoelk staut sich auf, Heervater reitet sein heilig Ross, W. 65. The repose of the Rheingold is described as : des Goldes Schlaf, der Rhein ist des Schlummernden Bett, die Weckerin Gruesst den Wonnigen Schlaefer (meaning the gold) jetzt kuesst sie sein Auge, dieses laechelt. Das Rheingold selbst ist: leuchtende Lust, glue- hender Glanz, der Freund, der Wassertiefe wonniger Stern, der klare Hort. Fuer Loge ist es: ein Tand; fuer Alberich, nachdem er es hat: zwingende Kraft, nachdem er es verloren hat: ver- fluchtes Gold; fuer Siegfried: ein wertloses Ding; fuer Bruenn- hilde: verfluchter Reif, furchtbarer Ring. The sword Nothung is called upon as a witness to Siegmund's integrity, he (for here the sword is mascuhne) is admonished: zeig deiner Schaerfe schneidenden Zahn, Nothnug zernagt das Herz, W. 47. Again he is admonished, this time to take life: zwei Leben lachen in dir, nimm sie, Nothung; Hunding is to taste its sharp edge, seine Schneide schmecke jetzt du. When Sieg- fried has welded the pieces of the broken sword he throws it, still glowing, into the water to temper it: in das Wasser floss sein Feuerfluss, grimmiger Zorn zischt ihm da auf. He speaks to the sword as one would to an unrelenting friend ; einst faerbte Blut dein falbes Blau— kalt lachtest du da, das Warme lecktest du kuehl — zornig spruehst du mir Funken, weil ich dich Sproeden gezaehmt, lustig lachst du mich an — nun schwinde deine rote Scham — werde kalt und hart wie du kannst — tot lagst du, jetzt leuchtest du trotzig \md hehr. Of the fire around Bruennhild's mountain is said (die Lohe) es lecW ihre Zung', es fresse ihr Zahn den Zagen — wer die Braut begehrt, dem brennt entgegen die Brunst — as though the fire knew that he who longs for the sleeping maiden is near. Then follows a crescendo which reminds one of the fire scene in Schiller's The Vocdbulary 97 "Bell:" es waechst der Schein, es schwillt die Glut, sengende W'olken, wabernde Lohe waelzen sich brennend und prasselnd herab; ein Lichtmeer iimleuchtet dein Haupt, bald jrisst und zehrt dich zuendendes Feuer — zunieck denn, rasendes Kind! S. 85. Again, the fire is made the intelligent guard at Siegfried's second approach, G. 36, beginning with the soft evening gleam, and growing into surging, fearful billows of flame: abendlich Daemmern deckt den Himmel, heller leuchtet die huetende Lohe — was leckt so wuetend die lodernde Welle zum Wall — zur Feuerspitze wealzt sich der feurige Schwall. Again, the fire is made a moral agent, this time influencing Siegfried. His whole frame is thrilled by the first startling emotions of human love: ein zehrendes Feuer ist mir entzuended — with exquisite innocence he explains this heretofore unknown rapture due to the fire: die Glut, die Bruennhilds Felsen umbrann, die brennt mir nun in der Brust. Hagen speaks as though the blood in his veins were aware of its ignoble extraction, for that reason it is storrisch, nicht will's die Wange mir roeten, G. 27. When Gunther sails down the Rhine with Siegfried to gain possession of Bruennhild, even the wind is propitious: Gibichs Solm wehet der Wind, G. 28. Wotan's ravens feel the speedy and irresistible approach of disaster, ^^'ould that they returned with good news, he would have reason to hope once more — but they do not return. s- 1 '■; 4 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. MAY 1 8J966 ^ 1/lA TrWD WUS-LfP JUN8 1973 I Form L9-17m-8.'.'.T(B3:!39s4)444 ^UAMR LOAH^^f^g ^,SS\ 0^1 ».|?r^i T ^.^ /i ^/< JAN y^M HEC'O MUS lIB FEB 1 boa IMAR22 1^ fsnwam MAR 31991 MAY 31 19* MAY 4 1992 FEB 8 1992 JUN 1 6 1993 THB LIBRART DMVERsrrr or califobnei LOS ANGSUSa Music Library .JJL ML 410 W19S3 Schiilor UlO The languar^ o f Richard — '!^agner's Ring de c Nibolungort i Music Library IxlO L 007 014 901 8 AA 000 530 421 7 UNIVERSITY of CAUFOPVM ■ l^RARY 1 ^^^^^^H 1 ^^^^^^^^H ■ '^^H ^ 1 1 ^^T^J^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H