i i! i ! If^ — ( n U . oo > ypp^ ^VlOSANCELfi^ '^'^'^HlMMn iwv \RY^x- >^UIBRARYQ<^ ^ so ^^. <; ,V^' "^>' » V £? .^MEUNIVER% J0^^ >;,OFCAllFOff^ 6: '■ •< CO ■' This happy breed of men " Let us now praise famous men and our fathers ^ that begat us." — Ecclesiasticus, xliv. L n r58Hi77 PREFACE A PATHETIC interest attaches to this book owing to the circumstances in which it was written ; to his friends there is a melancholy satisfaction in feeling that the author's heroic struggle to carry on his work, through months of increasing illness, has been rewarded. He did not succeed in completing the task he had set himself ; but he has left behind him a summary of English experience that ought to command the atten- tion of all who are anxious for guidance in regard to the poUtical issues of the present day. More than this, he has set many of the episodes of Enghsh history in a fresh light, so that no serious student of our political hfe in the past can afford to neglect this masterly sketch. The essay has double importance because it is a valuable contribution to the economic interpretation of English political history. Other writers have been contented to treat the development of Enghsh re- sources and the changes in industrial and commercial organisation, as if they were a separate growth and as if political affairs could be left in the background ; viii THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND but Mr. Welsford had a more statesmanlike view. He has recognised that political and economic changes are constantly reacting upon each other, and has set himself to show how deeply our political Hfe has been influenced by economic forces and commercial con- ditions. The late Professor Thorold Rogers had called attention to the importance of this enquiry, but he had much to do in laying the foundations for the historical study of economics in this country by his monumental work on ' Agriculture and Prices,' and he could only make an occasional excursion into this field. Since his time historical students have been ready to recognise that economic forces were combined with other influences in bringing about such events as the Peasants' Revolt in 1381 or the Reform Bill of 1832. There must always be a danger, however, that attention will only be drawn to economic causes in a haphazard and occasional fashion, unless they are studied systematically, and their bearing is noted, not merely in violent upheavals, but in the ordinary course of life as well. This is the step Mr. Welsford has taken ; he has examined the commercial relations of England — the dominant feature in the economic life of an island realm — and has endeavoured to show how changing commercial relationships affected the owners of English resources and the industrial popula- tion respectively. We are thus helped to understand how the economic interests of different classes in the community tended to bring about the formation of parties, and to influence their attitude in political PREFACE ix questions. The curious line of cleavage between the Scotsmen who opposed the claims of Edward I. and those who did not, and the persistence of the struggle for independence, become much more intelligible when the manner in which trading interests were affected is carefully taken into account. Success in prosecuting this line of enquiry demands the highest qualities of the historian ; it depends not merely on skill in testing and arranging the materials, but also on insight to interpret them. The study of history, as habitually prosecuted in this country, does not tend to the cultivation of this particular form of insight. The romantic and dramatic interest which attaches to the story of the past is always strong ; but apart from this, the main motive for the serious study of English history has been that of discovering con- stitutional and legal precedents. The criticism of historical documents and the weighing of historical evidence have been carried on in a lawyer-like spirit, with the hope of obtaining the sort of proof that would satisfy a special jury. When we go behind the documents and ask why some commercial treaty was made at all, and why it embodies the provisions it contains, we enter on a field of enquiry where a com- plete proof can hardly be obtained. Consciously or unconsciously we argue from what we know of human motives in the present to probable conduct in the past. The actual motives at work have not been constantly recorded ; we are forced to try to pene- trate through the silence of chroniclers, by framing an X THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND hypothesis and looking for any scraps of confirmatory evidence which help to verify it. Owing to the fact that there is not a mere uniformity, but progress, in the affairs of men, the conclusions of the historical investi- gator can never have such a high degree of certainty as those of the student of chemical science, who finds that his hypothesis is proved or disproved by actual experiment. Besides this, there is a serious danger that the hypothesis of the historian, though plausible, may be wholly inapplicable ; the spirit of a bygone age was often so different from that of our own day that we cannot habituate ourselves to it intelligently or look at hfe from the point of view of contemporaries. There has, indeed, been a great change in religious and political sentiment since the Middle Ages, but the difficulty is not so great in regard to commercial life. We cannot doubt that the force of economic interest, as we know it, has been a vera causa in the political changes of bygone times ; material needs can never have been wholly overlooked. In so far as buying and seUing and opportunities for exchange had come into vogue among any people, the interests at work were doubtless similar to those which operate at the present day, though the conditions may have been wholly different. It can never be easy to take such account of the conditions as to recognise in retrospect what were the precise interests, immediate or ultimate, of any class of the people in any particular part of the country ; it may be still more difficult to see how far they were conscious of these interests and had a PREFACE xi definite policy. But as our knowledge of the past accumulates, the possibility of giving a well-founded answer to such questions will be increased. The present essay does not pretend to say the last word on any of the questions which the author has raised ; the main importance of his achievement hes in the skill with which he has pointed out a fruitful line of investigation for other students to follow, so that our knowledge of the economic factor in the political life of bygone ages may become more and more complete. Owing to the point of view which he has taken, the author has avoided two dangers which beset the writer of English history ; his treatment of the subject is neither merely insular, nor unduly antiquarian. The constitutional lawyer has but httle need to look beyond the shores of England ; he may find an extraneous interest in noting analogies with changes in other lands, but they do not come directly within his pur- view. On the other hand, the student of commercial relationships is closely concerned with the intercourse between England and other lands ; he is compelled to look at this realm as a part of the great world, and as affected by the conditions of life in other countries. So far as the internal economic history is concerned, the discussion of the organisation of the manor and the powers of craft gilds appears to be mere antiquarianism — an unearthing of curious relics from the past. But so far as commerce is concerned, there are close parallels between the story of England in the Middle Ages and the accounts we get of the conditions xii THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND of rich but undeveloped lands at the present time. It is a great thing to bring the past into relation with our own actual experience ; nothing renders history more vivid than an indication that the forces with which we are familiar in the present were actively operative in the past. In so far as the gulf between the past and the present is thus bridged, we can obtain valuable guid- ance from experience in regard to many of the problems which lie before us. Experience is so dearly pur- chased that the lessons it teaches ought to be highly prized. An inestimable service is rendered by anyone who calls attention to the heritage of economic experience which is stored up for us in the history of our country, and enables us to see how we can draw upon it — not to settle our difficulties for us, but to help us to deal with them in the wisest way. A conviction that an accurate knowledge of the conditions of the past was necessary for a right under- standing of the problems of the present was one of the striking features of Arnold Toynbee's ' Lectures on the Industrial Revolution.' Instructive as that book has been, it was a bitter disappointment to those who had known him well, to realise how Uttle of his accurate learning had been put on record and saved from oblivion. There must be the same pathetic sense of regret in reading Mr. Welsford's book on ' The Strength of England ' ; he had read so widely and so intelli- gently. He had collected materials in regard to struggles for the control of the great trade routes of PREFACE Xlll Europe ; but much of this was deUberately laid on one side in order that the attention of readers might be concentrated on points where English interests were concerned. It is more unfortunate that we should be deprived of his full treatment of the seven- teenth century, when England had come to be fully conscious of her strength, and the great era of expan- sion began. He was not even able to revise his manu- script for press, and to insert definite references to his authorities. But we prize what is left us all the more because we cannot forget that so much has been lost. W. Cunningham. Trinity College, Cambridge : December 22, 1909. INTRODUCTORY This royal throne of kings, this scepter'd isle, This earth of majesty, this seat of Mars, This other Eden, demi-paradise ; This fortress built bv Nature for herself Against infection and the hand of war ; This happy breed of men, this little world ; This precious stone set in the silver sea. Which serves it in the office of a wall Or as a moat defensive to a house. Against the envy of less happier lands ; This blessed plot, this earth, this realm, this England, This nurse, this teeming womb of royal Kings, Fear'd by their breed, and famous by their birth, Renowned for their deeds as far from home — For Christian service and true chivalry — As is the sepulchre, in stubborn Jewry, Of the world's ransom, blessed Mary's Son ; This land of such dear souls, this dear dear land. Dear for her reputation through the world. Is now leas'd out — I die pronouncing it — Like to a tenement, or pelting farm ; xvi THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND England, bound in with the triumphant sea, Whose rocky shore beats back the envious siege Of watery Neptune, 's now bound in with shame, With inky blots, and rotten parchment bonds : That England, that was wont to conquer others. Hath made a shameful conquest of itself. King Richard II., Actii. Scene i. CONTENTS CHAP. PAGE I. THE ROMAN SETTLEMENT I II. THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE 8 III. SAXON ENGLAND 32 IV. THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 34 V. NORMAN AND ENGLISH 55 VI. BECKET'S fight FOR ENGLISH FREEDOM . . . . 71 VII. ENGLAND ACQUIRES NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE . . 79 VIII. THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE ASSERTED BY A PRO- TECTIONIST 91 IX. THE MAGNATES LOSE THEIR DEMOCRATIC SYMPATHIES. IO7 X. CARTA MERCATORIA AND ITS INFLUENCE. . . . 121 XI. ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 1 36 XII. STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS . . . 1 50 XIII. CAUSES WHICH LED TO THE WAR OF THE ROSES . . 165 XIV. THE WAR OF THE ROSES 179 XV. ENGLAND'S PROTECTIVE POLICY INITIATED . . -193 XVI. SPAIN ENTERS INTO TRADE COMPETITION . . . 20S XVII. SUPPRESSION OF THE MONASTERIES .... 219 XVIII. ENGLAND FREES HERSELF FROM PAPAL SUPREMACY . 233 XIX. INCREASE OF ENGLAND'S NAVAL POWER . . . 246 XX. THE ARMADA. ENGLISH AND DUTCH OBTAIN CONTROL OF THE SEA 2CO xviii THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND CHAP. PASE XXI. TRADE RIVALRY BETWEEN ENGLISH AND DUTCH. 273 XXII. RELIGIOUS CONTENTIONS IN ENGLAND AND HER COLONIES 287 XXIII. CAUSES WHICH LED TO CIVIL WAR .... 3OI XXIV. CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE UNDER CHARLES I. . . 316 XXV. THE POLICY OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD .... 33O XXVI. KING CHARLES I. AND HIS EARLS 344 ENVOI 351 LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED 353 INDEX 357 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND I HOW THE GOLDEN FLEECE CAME TO ENGLAND THE ROMAN SETTLEMENT 55 B.C.-449 A.D. Students of Carlyle's writings are familiar with Dr. Dryasdust, the historian who took infinite pains to examine the records of the past. It is curiously characteristic of the middle of last century that such historians, whose work is of the utmost value, should have been considered fit objects for scorn and derision. It was, however, perhaps natural that England should have adopted this attitude towards patient seekers after truth when she was not ashamed to greet Darwin's discoveries with a torrent of ridicule, inspired by superstitious fear. The earliest historians were men after Carlyle's own heart. Unfettered by musty documents, they recited or sang to royal hsteners the deeds of heroes who founded the line of kings. The tale they told had to be consistent with such facts as came within B 2 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND the knowledge of their hearers ; but this was the only restriction imposed upon the bards. Thus, when they told the Greeks the story of the voyage of the Argo- nauts to Colchis on the shores of the Black Sea, the listeners accepted the tale in spite of its miraculous incidents. It was the same tale they had heard in the nursery from their parents ; and it explained the existence of the great trade route to the East by way of the Black Sea. So many thousand years have elapsed since the legend of the Quest of the Golden Fleece was originally told that it is impossible to say what the Golden Fleece at first meant to the Greeks. Some have conjectured that the Golden Fleece was actual gold found in the streams of Colchis ; but since no Dryasdust is at hand to guide the seeker after truth, the guess may be hazarded that the Argonauts brought back an im- proved breed of sheep to be fed on the fields of Thessaly, or perhaps a wise Medea returned with the Argonauts to teach a better way of weaving cloth. For wool was golden before cotton became king. Long after the immediate results which had come from Jason's voyage were forgotten, the legend con- tinued to fascinate the Greek mind, because it seemed to account for the Black Sea trade with the East, which for thousands of years enriched the whole Balkan peninsula. For much the same reason the Greeks were never tired of telling the story of the fall of Troy, the city which commanded the entrance to the Black Sea, as Byzantium, or Constantinople, for thousands of years after the fall of Troy, stood sentinel over the Bosphorus. THE ROMAN SETTLEMENT 3 The Arthurian legends, which tell the story of part of England's infancy, were written thousands of years later than the Greek legends. The voyage of the Argonauts and the siege of Troy are descriptions of the attacks made by a less civilised race upon richer and more firmly established Powers ; the story of Arthur is the record of a gallant struggle made by a weak people to keep their treasure from strong invaders. The treasure which^the Anglo-Saxon Argonauts sought in England was a Golden Fleece. They saw that England was a pleasant land with fields of com, flocks of sheep, herds of cattle, rich mines, and well-built, even luxurious, houses. They found that this wealth was in the hands of men who were so barbarous that they had not learned to write their history. The explanation of this anomalous condition is the first portion of the history of England. About the middle of the century which preceded the birth of Christ, Caesar, having apparently con- quered Gaul, determined to compel the kinsfolk of the Gauls who hved in Britain to submit to the rule of Rome. In 55 B.C. and again in 54 b.c. Caesar invaded Britain, only to find that there was no Golden Fleece or anything else worth taking. " Of all the natives, far the most civihsed are those who inhabit the district of Kent, which is all situated on the coast ; nor do these differ greatly in their manners from the in- habitants of Gaul. Those who live farther inland sow no com, but live on milk and flesh, and are clothed in skins." This was Caesar's description, and Cicero wrote : " We already know that there is not an ounce of silver in that island nor any hope of booty except )! 2 4 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND slaves, among \vhom I do not think you will expect to find any skilled in literature or music." For seventy-nine years the poverty of the island was its protection from Roman invaders. Thrice the Emperor Augustus contemplated the conquest of Britain ; but he decided that, by levying customs duties on the trade between Britain and the Continent, he could extract as much tribute from the island as could be extorted after a successful invasion. It is a curious coincidence that the foreigner to-day shares the view of the Roman of two thousand years ago, that when the British fail to reply to Continental tariffs, these Continental customs duties are equivalent to a tribute paid by Britain. The British meekly paid the tribute until the time came when the Romans were prepared to invade their island. In 43 A.D., during the reign of the Emperor Claudius, the Romans again invaded Britain ; and this time they came to stay. Slowly but surely they overcame the resistance of the British, and about 120 a.d., under the Emperor Hadrian, they built their first wall from the Tyne to the Firth of Solway. Forty years later the lowlands of Scotland were a Roman province, and a second wall was built between the Firths of Forth and of Clyde. For nearly three centuries Rome ruled Britain and many of Rome's greatest emperors learned the art of war in this turbulent province. Thus Constantine the Great left his father's death-bed at York to assume the purple and move the centre of Empire from Rome to Byzantium ; and Theodosius the Great, who definitely established the supremacy of Christianity and of Constantinople, owed his imperial THE ROMAN SETTLEMENT 5 title to the fame his father had gained in wars with the Britisli. During three centuries Rome did in Britain the work which Britons are now doing in barbarous lands. They found an undeveloped country, whose inhabi- tants sacrificed human beings to their gods, and who, according to Caesar's statement, practised a system of polyandry similar to that which at present exists in Tibet. In this barbarous island the Romans built cities and made roads which have been preserved for nearly two thousand years. They introduced domestic animals and useful plants and trees. Instead of a narrow fringe of cultivation round the coast, the whole island was so thoroughl}' tilled that on one occasion eight hundred vessels were sent to Britain to procure corn for the Roman cities in Germany. From time to time English ploughmen unearth the foundations of the luxurious Roman villas which at one time must have been so conspicuous a feature in Britain. Rome brought the Golden Fleece to Britain. The transformation of Britain is well illustrated in the town of Bath, the old Roman Aquae Sulis. To this town the wealthy went in search of health or pleasure, and there the great bath was placed in a hall III feet 4 inches long by 66 feet 6 inches wide. The bath was 6 feet 8 inches deep, and its bottom measured "jZ feet 2 inches by 29 feet 6 inches, " The still existing masonry and lead work show how large and costly was the actual bathing institution." So luxurious a health resort is only possible in a wealthy country. But this prosperity and luxurj' were exotic growths, and they vanished when Rome's fiscal policy destroyed the 6 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND metropolis of the Empire. Britain was merely a Roman province, and her production was stimulated and forced in order to feed the idle citizens in Rome. The untamed Britons were driven into the moun- tains of Wales or beyond the great wall. The tamed Britons tilled the fields, worked in the mines, and built the baths, towns and villas. The Roman saw that the work was done : the Briton did the work. Some Britons amalgamated with their conquerors and became masters instead of serfs ; but the mass of the popula- tion remained in a servile condition, mere hewers of wood and drawers of water. The tamed Britons were disarmed, and the island was kept in subjection by legions drawn from other parts of the Empire. Britons who became soldiers were sent to distant provinces where patriotism would not tempt them to be disloyal to Rome. In 383 a general in Britain, Maximus, " was almost against his will declared Emperor by the arm3^" He united Britain, Gaul and ^ Spain in a great Western Empire, and would have anticipated Charles the Great by making Rome its metropolis, had he not been defeated by Theodosius the Great. To carry out this ambitious scheme Britain was denuded of its Roman legions and these were never fully replaced. In 407 the Roman army in Britain raised a private soldier, Constantine, to the purple, and followed him to Gaul. From this date the island appears to have been undefended bj^ the legions of Rome. Rome had now too many sorrows to be able to attend to the affairs of a distant province. For centuries the Empire had been maintaining the line of THE ROMAN SETTLEMENT the Rhine and the Danube against the nomadic tribes who pressed in from the East. Of these some, the Angles, Jutes and Saxons, had drifted into Northern Germany and Frisia, where they could find some pastur- age for their flocks ; others had migrated northwards to the Scandinavian lands, where they were forced to find other means of subsistence than the keeping of flocks and herds. From the sea, by fair means or foul, by fishing and trading or by plundering others, the Danes and Northmen drew their hvelihood. As the pressure from the East increased and the strength of Rome decayed, the Roman barrier was broken, and Goths, Huns and Slavs poured into the Empire. The civilisation of Rome w^as submerged beneath this influx of barbarians. This is why, in the fifth century, when the legions were drawn from Britain, they went never to return. The Romanised Britons who were left behind were a feeble folk. Their wealth was great but their strength \vas little. They were too weak to resist their neighbours in Wales and beyond the wall. In'446 they are represented as making a pitiful appeal to Rome. " The barbarians drive us to the sea : the sea drives us back upon the barbarians." This appeal may or may not have been made, but in any case no answering legions came from Rome. In 449 Vortigern invited the Angles to come to Britain to preserve his feeble subjects from the Picts. II THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE 476-843 The Angles, who were invited by Vortigern, found a rich island inhabited by a weak people. Their kinsfolk across the sea learned the good news and con- tinued their pilgrimage towards the West. The invasion of Britain was merely an incident in that movement of barbarian tribes which, during the fifth century, broke through Rome's barriers and enabled wandering herdsmen to pasture their flocks over the Western Empire. The coming of the Anglo-Saxons to Britain destroyed every link between the island and Rome. The land which the Romans had transformed into a granary was described by inland Europeans as a dim mysterious island whose fishermen visited the coasts of Gaul to carry back with them the souls of the dead to their shadow isle. In the fighting which accompanied the Anglo- Saxon invasion the towns which the Romans had built were utterly destroyed. The invaders were herdsmen, not dwellers in towns, and they destroyed all places which could serve as shelters for their enemies. Nevertheless, contact with Roman civilisa- tion affected the Anglo-Saxons. They ceased to THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE 9 wander and began to farm the land. Saxon vills replaced the villae in which Roman rulers had lived and from which they controlled the cultivators of their estates. In time the Saxon vills became the old English manors, and later on English villages. When Anglo-Saxons abandoned their nomadic Hfe they had a far larger supply of grain ; but, against this advan- tage, there was the difficulty of keeping their flocks and herds during the winter on their more limited pastures. This difficulty was partly met by killing sheep and cattle in the autumn and salting their flesh. Owing to the absence of documentary evidence the early constitution and development of the Anglo- Saxon vills is a much debated question. It is, how- ever, known that they became almost self-contained communities, ruled by Lords of the Manor whose private lands or demesnes were cultivated for them by their dependents. Under these rulers there were villeins, holding about thirty acres of land on an average and owning oxen and ploughs, cotters with smaller holdings, and slaves. There were few slaves, except in the West ; and absolute slavery disappeared in the eleventh century. Beyond the village fields there were waste lands on which the cattle and sheep grazed. These wastes have a romantic interest for Englishmen, since on the wool of the sheep they fed England's greatness was founded. The simple wants of the dwellers in these vills were for the most part sup- plied by their own labour. Two articles, however, had to be imported — salt, which they consumed and used to preserve meat for winter use, and iron for their weapons and ploughs. To pay for these the}' had the hides of 10 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND their slaughtered animals and wool. These articles which each vill sold in early times were for centuries also the chief export from England to the Continent. For two hundred years England was isolated from the civilisation of Europe. Nearly a century before this isolation began the Emperor Constantine had made Constantinople the metropolis of the Roman Empire. Three years after the departure of the Roman legions from Britain, Rome was sacked by the Goths. The provinces of the Empire were overrun by barbarian tribes, and it seemed as if Rome was destined to share the fate of Babylon and other imperial centres, which had for a while reigned supreme and then perished utterly. Yet there were some whose faith in Rome was not destroyed. One of her poets wrote that " Rome would rise again as the lawgiver of the ages ; she alone need not fear the web of the Fates ; to her all countries would again pay tribute ; her harbours would once more be filled with the spoils of the bar- barian ; for her the Rhineland would ever be tilled, and the Nile overflow ; Africa would provide her with abundant harvests, and even the Tiber, crowned as a conqueror with bulrushes, would bear Roman fleets upon his waves." Had the Crusades succeeded this prophecy would have been entirely fulfilled. It was a true forecast of the future of Europe, though not of Africa. Nationality and patriotism were conceptions beyond the intellects of Europeans at the time of Rome's fall. Wandering herdsmen had doubtless tribal feeling, but they could not have understood the meaning of love of the land in which they settled. The conquered pro- THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE ii vincials had been taught to look towards Rome. Hence when victors and vanquished intermarried the people had but a vague feeling of patriotism. Where one great wave of conquest rolled over a province the petty chieftains might acknowledge one overlord ; but where the conquest was gradual, as in England, even this sentimental bond of union was lacking. The feudal system grew naturally from this beginning. The need of union for offence or defence in case of an attack was recognised from the first, but the higher conception of economic union was too subtle for un- developed minds. The bond of union was found in religion. The invaders in the South embraced Arian Christianity, a form which separated them from the Trinitarians of Rome and Byzantium. In the North and in England they adhered to their pagan creed. The octroi paid at the gates of some continental cities is a survival from the time when portions of a com- munity could frame their own fiscal system, whilst divergence from the national Church was treated as treason. Imperial Rome had grown by destro3''ing primitive nationality, and absorbing in her cosmopolitan sj'stem the peoples she conquered. Her provinces were forced to produce in order that the dwellers in Rome might live in idleness. The world learned that it was im- possible to resist her all-conquering legions, and seemed to acquiesce in her rule. But economic forces are stronger than armies. From the time of Solomon the Jews and Greeks had been the international traders of the old world. These traders found a bond of union in Christianity. " Tiie Greek Church had grown to be 12 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND almost equal in power to the Roman State before Constantine determined to unite the two in strict alliance." When Byzantium became Constantinople, military strength fled from Rome and the Western Empire was lost to the barbarians, Rome had, how- ever, one great advantage over her conquerors. In her was stored the traditionary wisdom of the past ; and in time her superior knowledge triumphed over all obstacles. The ancient boundaries of the Roman Empire were the Rhine and the Danube. Britain was a later acquisition. The barbarians who settled within the ancient boundaries were largely affected by the civilisa- tion of the peoples with whom they mingled. Chris- tianity was spreading throughout the Empire just before its fall. Many of the barbarian invaders on the Continent accepted Christianity, whilst the Anglo- Saxons remained pagan. The Christian Churches in Wales and Ireland were as independent of Rome as the Church of England is to-day ; and this inde- pendence was shared by the Arian Churches in the Gothic kingdoms formed from the Roman provinces. In Rome itself the Bishop succeeded to the power of the Senate, and became the largest landowner in Italy. As Pope he distributed food to the idle citizens as their emperors had done. But St. Peter's patri- mony was none too large for the hungry mouths in Rome ; hence the Popes were forced to aim at re- gaining Rome's former power of levying tribute on Europe. The turning point in Rome's fortune came in 496 when Clovis, a pagan Prankish princelet who was THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE 13 forming a Frankish Empire, was converted to the orthodox Roman form of Christianity. The Pope regained the lost legions of the Empire, and the Frank had at his service the wisdom of ancient Rome. Before the death of Clovis in 511 the larger part of the lands between the Atlantic and the Rhine acknowledged the temporal sovereignty of the Frankish King and the spiritual dominion of the Pope. During the sixth century Rome achieved a still greater success. The religious enthusiasm of isolated monks and hermits was utilised. In accordance with the teaching of St. Benedict monks were bidden to dwell together in monasteries and devote their lives to useful work — agriculture, industry, or study. The Benedictines so increased the productiveness of the lands in which they settled that they were welcomed by both Catholic Frank and Arian Goth. Their influence changed the Arians of Spain into fervent Catholics before the end of the sixth century. As missionaries they penetrated into pagan lands and paved a way for the Frankish warriors. The Rhine was once more Rome's boundary, and, eager for new lands to conquer, in 597 St. Augus- tine, with a little band of monks, sailed across the Channel to bring Saxon pagans and British Christians into the Roman fold. During the sixth century an Irish missionary, St. Columba, had founded a mission station in lona, and the dwellers in Scotland were learning the Christian faith from teachers who were not connected with Rome. Surrounded by Christian neighbours a national church might have been created had the Anglo-Saxons accepted Christianity from their fellow- 14 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND countrymen. Instead of listening to their teaching, Ethelfrid, King of Northiimbria, inflicted a crushing defeat on Aidan, King of the Scots, in 603, and, at a later date, attacked and routed the Christian Welsh at Chester. Before their defeat at Chester St, Augus- tine had met the Welsh bishops in conference. He had urged them to abandon the British ritual and accept the supremacy of Rome. When the bishops refused St. Augustine warned them that " if Welshmen would not be kith and kin (sibbe) with us, they should by Saxon hands perish." This prophecy was supposed to have been fulfilled when the Welsh were slaughtered at Chester. The rapid success of St. Augustine, after his landing in Thanet, was probably due to the influence of the wife of the King of Kent. She was a daughter of the Frankish king, and must have been familiar with the civilisation which Benedictines brought with them. Adherence to paganism would have kept the Anglo-Saxons in communion with their kinsfolk in the north ; acceptance of British Christianity might have led to msular union ; but close intercourse with the civilisation of Rome was only to be gained by accepting the teaching of St. Augustine. The defeat of the pagan English at Winwaed in 654 secured the triumph of Christianity. By this time the Northum- brians had accepted that form of Christianity which their Irish neighbours professed. Ten years after the battle of Winwaed a conference was held at Whitby at which the Northumbrians decided to accept the ritual of Rome, For some time the old faith hngered in Scotland, but ultimately Great Britain acknow- THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE 15 ledged Rome's supremacy in religion, whilst the Irish retained the faith of their fathers. St. Wilfrid was the champion of Rome at the Whitby conference, and his life is instructive to those who wish to understand the condition of England in the seventh century. Educated by Irish monks, St. Wilfrid, at the age of seventeen, went on pilgrimage to Rome, At the age of twenty-six he was appointed Abbot of Ripon, and at once expelled the monks as Irish schismatics. This act led to the conference which ended in a triumph for Rome, Wilfrid was then appointed Bishop of York, and obtained per- mission to go to the Continent where he could be consecrated by bishops whose orthodoxy was un- impeachable. During Wilfrid's absence his opponents filled the see of York with a bishop who was consecrated in England. At this time the see of Canterbury was vacant, and the Pope consecrated a Greek, Theodore of Tarsus, Archbishop of Canterbury. Theodore in- stalled Wilfrid at York and compensated the intruding bishop by reconsecrating him and giving him the see of Mercia. Half-pagan, ignorant kings were not able to contend with Roman ecclesiastics, who were armed with the strength which knowledge gives. The rapidity with which wealth was created by the Benedictines soon made the Bishop of York, with his Abbeys in Ripon and Hexham, a power in the land. Both Wilfrid's King and Archbishop Theodore began to fear a rival whose authority threatened to over- shadow their own, Wilfrid was deposed by the Archbishop, and hurriedly left England to carry an appeal to Rome, Landing on the coast of Holland, i6 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND Wilfrid spent some time in preaching to the Saxons of Frisia. He was the first of a hne of English mis- sionaries who preached Christianity to the Saxons across the sea, and thus paved the way for their absorption in the Frankish Empire and subjection to the power of Rome. Wilfrid returned to England with papal letters annulling his deposition. These letters were treated as invalid on the plea of their having been obtained by bribery. After nine months' imprisonment Wilfrid was forced to seek refuge in Sussex amongst the only pagan Saxons who survived in England. During his exile Wilfrid completed the conversion of England by bringing his hosts into the Christian fold. The death of the King of Northumbria enabled Wilfrid to spend the last years of his life in the home of his boyhood. He died rich as befitted the Abbot of Ripon and Hexham, and left a quarter of his wealth to Rome. Had the money Rome drew from England been confined to such voluntary gifts, little objection could be made. H monks received large gifts of land from English kings, they could make the land more productive than their lay neighbours, and the wisdom of the monks came from Rome. But when ecclesiastics claimed exemption from national taxa- tion and left the burden of defending England to the laity whilst they took the tenth part of England's production for the Church, and when, in the eighth century, Rome succeeded in re-establishing the ancient tribute under the new name of Peter's Pence, there was little economic difference between the new papal and old imperial rule. The emperors, like the popes, THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE 17 gave civilisation to England-; both imparted the wisdom of Rome and increased English production ; and both levied tribute. In time papal Rome drew from England a larger revenue than the king could collect. During the seventh century the monasteries were tightening their hold over the land and agricultural production of Europe, which was becoming a land like Tibet where the monks have annihilated the secular power. England was divided into petty kingdoms, whilst the Catholic kings of France and Spain were mere puppets in the hands of ecclesiastics. The shock of the Saracenic invasion saved Europe. A move- ment of Arabian tribes developed into a force which tore Asiatic and African provinces from the Eastern Empire, overspread Spain, and threatened to absorb Western Christendom. The revival of the military power of the Franks was necessary for the defence of Rome's ecclesiastical system. Under Charles Martel a Christian army, in 732, defeated the Saracens near the monastery of Tours and preserved both Europe and Christianity from the invader. A few years before the battle of Tours the j\Iahomedans were defeated in their attempt to seize Constantinople. Christians and Mahomedans learned that neither creed could absorb the other, and sullenly acquiesced in a division of the shores of the Mediterranean. The international middlemen of the ancient world, the Jews, basked in the sunshine of prosperity when they were able to monopolise trade between the followers of Christ and those of Mahomed. After the victory of Tours the Pope had still need c i8 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND of Prankish soldiers. The Saxons in Northern Europe were pagans and therefore paid nothing to Rome, One branch of the Saxons had migrated to the plains of Lombardy. Like their brethren in England the Lombards accepted the creed of Rome ; but the Lombard king and the Pope put forward rival claims to sovereignty over Italy. A forged document, the Donation of Constantine, was used by the Popes as the foundation for their claim to compel Italians to feed the idle citizens of Rome as they had done when Rome was the centre of a world empire. English missionaries played almost as important a part as Frankish soldiers in bringing Saxons into the Roman fold. An Englishman, Willibrord, followed Wilfrid as missionary to the Saxons in the Low Countries, and became Bishop of Utrecht. Then the army of Charles Martel added the Netherlands to the Frankish Empire. Wynfrith of Crediton, better known as St. Boniface, carried the Christian faith into the heart of Germany. Supported by the soldiers of Charles Martel, he desecrated the groves in which Germans met for their religious rites and hewed down their sacred oaks. St. Boniface survived Charles Martel, and, in the reign of his son, Pipin, became Patriarch of the Franks. Pipin' s reign was mainly occupied in defeating the Lombards and founding the temporal power of the Pope in Italy. The labours of Charles Martel and Pipin were brought to a trium- phant conclusion by Pipin's son, Charles the Great, whose confidential friend and adviser was Alcuin, an English monk. Thus the Enghsh devoted their best and wisest to the service of foreigners, whilst THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE 19 England was distracted by incessant civil wars, caused by the absence of a central government. In 772 Charles the Great led a great army against the Saxons of Northern Germany. He advanced accompanied not only by " Prankish soldiers, but by bishops, abbots and presbyters — a numerous train of the tonsured ones." Thus commenced a war which lasted thirty-two years and ended in the complete defeat of the Saxons. The trees and groves which the Saxons held sacred were destroyed, and those Saxons who would not abandon their religion and race were forced, with their chieftain, Widukind, to seek refuge in Denmark. In 782 Charles thought that fire and sword had done their work so thoroughly that it was safe to promulgate a law punishing with death Saxons who failed to obey the rules of the Catholic Church or hid in order to escape baptism. \\'idukind then returned and the Saxons rose in rebellion. In the merciless campaign which followed, Charles massacred 4500 Saxon prisoners by the banks of the Aller. In 785 Widukind submitted and was baptised. In 799 Charles transported Saxons to distant parts of his empire, and repeopled Saxonia with Franks. When the Saxons were completely subdued Charles attacked the Danes, but after a short cam- paign this new missionary enterprise was happily ended by a peace in 810. In the intervals between his Saxon campaigns Charles completed the destruction of the Lombard kingdom, and endowed the Pope with land. In return he was, in 800, crowned Emperor by the Pope. It is recorded that Charles did not seek this honour but c 2 20 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND was surprised into allowing the ceremony to be per- formed. The coronation was an assertion of Rome's right to grant what had been won by the sword. The long struggle between ecclesiastic and temporal rule over Europe dates from the coronation of Charles the Great. This contest was reproduced in miniature in every country in the West of Europe. Charles's son, Louis the Pious, was crowned by his father without any reference to Rome ; but, after the death of Charles, Louis undid the work of his father by sub- mitting to the Pope. The civil wars of Louis' reign weakened the Prankish Empire. There was great slaughter in the battle which preceded the Treaty of Verdun in 843. The Prankish army was destroyed and the empire permanently divided. Like Napoleon, Charles the Great was more successful in extending his empire than in carrying out his commercial designs. When he tried to seize Venice, the gate through which Eastern products entered Europe from Constantinople, a Byzantine fleet sailed up the Adriatic and Venice retained her independence. The attempt to open up a trade route to the East by way of the Danube also failed. The commanding position of the Jews in the commercial world is shown by Charles' choice of a Jew as his ambassador to the court of Caliph Haroun al Raschid at Bagdad. West of the Caspian there was a Jewish colony in the eighth century. It is even supposed that the Khazars, who lived in that region, embraced Judaism. These Jews were able to facilitate com- merce between the East and Wisby on the island of Gothland, the commercial centre of the Scandinavians THE SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE 21 The extent and character of the trade which passed up the long Russian rivers to the Baltic is proved by the finding in Gothland of German, Hungarian, and Anglo-Saxon coins, together with Arabian coins issued by eleven different Caliphs. The Scandinavians were beginning that career which made them masters of Normandy, Sicily, and England, which led them to discover America, and all but gave them Constanti- nople, the commercial metropolis of the European world. For two centuries England and Western Europe paid dearly for Charles' attempt to add this trade route to his possessions by conquering the Danes. Ill SAXON ENGLAND 779-1016 During the reign of Charles the Great, Off a, King of Mercia, estabHshed a sort of supremacy over the other EngHsh kings. Alcuin, the EngHsh monk who advised Charles the Great, was probably the mediator who smoothed over the one commercial quarrel which disturbed the otherwise peaceful relations between England and Frankland. Small duties on imports and exports were levied in the Frankish Empire as they had been in the days of imperial Rome. In England, also, prises, or small portions of the cargoes of incoming and outgoing ships, were taken at the ports in return for the king's peace which traders enjoyed. Like modern English customs they were levied for revenue. The idea of protecting the work of the poor was a much later conception. Pilgrimages to Rome were popular in England, and traders " under the guise of holiness transacted a profitable business in the transport of specie and merchandise." These English merchant-pilgrims evaded Charles' duties ; he therefore forbade all intercourse with England, and England replied to these old-world Berlin Decrees by primitive Orders in Council. A compromise was SAXON ENGLAND 23 ultimately arranged by which bona-fide English pilgrims were exempted from tolls, whilst Charles reserved the right of levying duties on impostors. Alcuin, to whose counsel the compromise is attri- buted, gave Charles excellent advice during the Saxon wars. The Emperor was urged to purify Rome and to deal gently with the conquered Saxons ; in particular, to abstain from exacting tithes from these recent converts. This advice was not followed, and the Danes made use of their sea power to deliver a counter- attack when Charles threatened to destro}- their homes and their faith. Whilst the Prankish Empire was united, its fleet was able to preserve Frankland and England from actual invasion ; but the Northmen established themselves in neighbouring islands and attacked the coasts. After the Treaty of Verdun in 843, which definitely divided the Prankish Empire, the Normans began to invade Prankland and England. In the " Anglo-Saxon Chronicle " it is written that, probably about 790, ''' first came three ships of North- men. And then the reeve rode thereto and would fain drive them to the king's vill, for he knew not w'hat they were, and there they slew him." The reeve wished either to collect the customary prise or to learn the king's wishes with regard to these strange visitors. The Northmen found the Enghsh Saxons very unlike their allies whom Charles the Great had been slaugh- tering at the Aller. Monks, priests, and Christian buildings proved that the English were in close touch with the Pranks. When they returned to their homes the Northmen told their neighbours tliat vengeance could be wreaked on Christian foes, and a rich reward 24 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND was awaiting those who would attack England. In 793 the Northmen destroyed the monastery of Lindis- fame and sailed away with their booty. The Frankish navy, built by Charles the Great, appears for a time to have driven the Northmen from the Channel, but they sailed into the Irish Sea and plundered Irish monasteries. In Dublin and on the islands off the west coast of Scotland the Northmen established convenient bases for their invasion of England and Frankland, when the Frankish fleet perished during the civil wars which followed the death of Charles. During this respite of forty-one years England enjoyed something like national union under Egbert, King of Wessex ; but the English failed to recognise the importance of building an adequate national fleet, although Egbert's son, King Ethelwulf, was rich enough to earn distinction by his generosity when he visited Rome in 855. When Alfred, Ethelwulf 's youngest ■ son, ascended the throne in 871, England was almost entirely conquered by the Danish invaders. Under Alfred the English rallied and peace was made by the surrender of half England to the Danes. The London and North-Western Railway approximately divides Danish England, or the Danelaw, from that southern part of England which Alfred governed. Reinforcements for the Danes came to England from the North in long boats, called aescas, and, before Alfred's death, the war began afresh. "Then King Alfred commanded ships to be built against them, which were full nigh twice as long as the others. Some had sixty oars, some more. They were both swifter and steadier and also higher than the others ; they SAXON ENGLAND 25 were shapen neither as the Frisian nor as the Danish, but as it seemed to himself that they might be most useful." As the Danes who had settled in England were beginning to amalgamate with the English and accept Christianity, Alfred's navy was able to do such service that King Edward, Alfred's son, was ruler of a united England, and, perhaps, though this is un- certain, of a united Great Britain. A further happy result was the establishment of friendly relations with the Scandinavian kingdoms during the reign of Athelstan, Edward's son. During the latter half of the ninth century the Saracens also took advantage of the decadence of the Franks. They gained a footing in Southern Italy and threatened Rome. To avert this danger the Pope gave his blessing to a union of Western Europe under Charles the Fat ; but it soon became evident that it was impossible to recreate the military power of Charles the Great. Rome ultimately obtained the assistance she required from a temporarily united Italy and the navy of Constantinople. The Northmen advanced up the Seine as far as Paris in the reign of Charles the Fat. The separate nationaUty of France began with the heroic defence of Paris by its local ruler Eudes. Charles the Fat contributed to this defence by bribing the Northmen to abandon the siege and gather plunder in other parts of his dominions. For a century the descendants of Eudes, calhng them- selves Dukes of the French, increased their hold over the territory which surrounded Paris until they finally absorbed the sovereign power of the descendants of Charles the Fat. 26 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND Before their extinction the Carlovingian rulers gave their sanction to the creation of two provincial govern- ments which profoundly affected England. In 911 Charles the Simple gave Rolf, a chief of the Northmen, the province of Normandy with the title of duke. In their new territory pagan Northmen became in time French-speaking Christians. King Ethelwulf, Alfred's father, returned from his visit to Rome with Judith, the child of another Carlovingian ruler, Charles the Bald. This child-bride of an old man was for some months the wife of Ethelwulf's son King Ethelbald, who died in 860, soon after his accession to the throne of England. Judith then returned to her father's Court, from which she eloped with Baldwin, one of her father's officials. Ultimately the young couple were married, and Baldwin was created Count of Flanders, not the small strip of Belgian coast which now bears this name, but a province extending from the Scheldt to Normandy, and thus including all the coast of Europe which is nearest to England. The son of this romantic marriage, Baldwin II., married King Alfred's daughter. Thus close ties united the rulers of Flanders and England, whilst the Flemish and EngHsh peoples were united by ties no less close. Both were of Saxon origin and spoke the same language. The English and Flemish were not only bound by race and language but there was a commercial bond of union which was growing in importance and was destined to mould the development of both peoples. The weaving industry of Flanders began long before the Norman Conquest of England. In the ninth century the Flemish were learning to depend on SAXON ENGLAND 27 English shepherds to supply their looms with wool. This economic interdependence closely resembles that which exists between Lancashire and the United States. This resemblance is increased by the kinship of American cotton-growers and English cotton- spinners and by their common tongue. The Anglo- Flemish economic bond and the forces called into play to prevent it from developing into poHtical union affected England's policy for many centuries, until the bond was broken by the development of English weaving. In the middle of the ninth century Pope Nicholas L put forward a claim to absolute sovereignty over the Papal States and suzerainty over the rest of Europe. This claim was made before the Saracenic invasion of Italy, and was based on the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, a forgery Uke the pretended Donation of Constantine. The claim was at first of little practical importance on account of Rome's weakness, which continued after the Saracens were expelled from Italy in 916. Before that time storm clouds were threatening from the North. Pagan Hungarians invaded Germany and Italy, entering Italy in 899 and devastating the country as their Hunnish ancestors had done. In Germany the Hungarians were driven back by the Saxons under their duke, Henry the Fowler. In 936 Henry was succeeded by his son, Otto the Great, who completed the defeat, and then attempted to rescue Italy from tlie chaotic condition to which it had been reduced by the Saracens and Hungarians. In theory the Pope claimed to be suzerain of Europe ; in prac- tice his authority over Rome was re-established by a 28 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND Saxon who called himself over-lord of Germany and Italy. Before the end of the tenth century the papacy " seemed to have reached the utmost limit of its degradation," The power of papal Rome had been founded on the production of the monasteries ; in the tenth century the monastic system was dying and dragging the papacy into its tomb. Popes, bishops, abbots and monks were enjoying the wealth of Europe without performing those duties which should fall to the lot of the wealthy. Monasteries were losing their religious character when men and women embraced the religious life in order to find more worldly comfort in monas- teries and convents than they could find in the world outside. Pilgrimages to Rome degenerated into com- mercial voyages. When the pilgrims were hindered from approaching Rome by the Hungarians, and when the Pope ceased to be able to command tribute from Europe, he also ceased to have value in the eyes of his Roman subjects. When the papacy was sick unto death relief was at hand. In 910 Berno of Cluny inaugurated a monastic reformation which spread throughout Europe and raised the papacy to an even greater height than it had reached before. St. Dunstan was the apostle of the Cluniac reforma- tion in England ; and the work he did in restoring the English monastic system was part of a general European movement which again drew Saxon, Frank and Norman towards Rome. There is a curious resemblance between the histories of the Carlovingian and Saxon Empires. Both Charles the Great and Otto the Great failed to realise that the economic SAXON ENGLAND 29 power, which Rome possessed in monastic production, would ultimately prove stronger than force of arms. Like his predecessor Charles, the Saxon Emperor freed the papacy from its foes and enabled it to reassert its control over its landed possessions in Europe. Otto the Great also neglected to establish imperial autho- rity in Rome and attacked the pagan North. King Harold Bluetooth of Denmark met the attack of Otto the Great and his son Otto II by the traditional counter-attack on Normandy. The Cluniac reforma- tion reunited the producing monasteries to Rome, and thus closed markets which had been open to Danish trade. Two parties sprang up in Normandy, a monastic party, who desired to establish close rela- tions with Rome, and an anti-monastic party, who wished to retain their old connexion with Denmark. Similar parties came into existence in England at a later date. In 945 Harold Bluetooth, with the aid of Norman allies, won a victory on the banks of the Dive ; and for a while Normandy was restored to the sphere of Danish influence. A dual alliance of the Saxon Emperors and the Carlovingian Kings of Laon was met by a triple alliance of Flanders, Normandy, and the Dukes of the French, who reigned at Paris. In the North the Germans defeated the Danes and com- pelled Harold Bluetooth to accept Christianity ; but the conquest of Denmark was far from complete. Their Carlovingian allies fared badly. In 987 the dynasty of the descendants of Charles the Great was extinguished, and the Dukes of the French inherited an almost nominal sovereignty over powerful vassals, 30 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND amongst whom were the Dukes of Normandy and the Counts of Flanders. In 940 Athelstan was succeeded by his brother Edmund, and six years later another brother, Edred, became King of England. It was during their reigns that St. Dunstan acquired power. At first Edmund appears to have feared the young monk ; but he finally yielded and made him Abbot of Glastonbury. Edred, a chronic invalid, allowed Dunstan to keep the royal deeds and treasures at Glastonbury. On his death- bed in 955 Edred called for the treasure ; but the king died before Dunstan's arrival. Then Edred's nephew, a boy of fifteen, became king. The chronicles are silent as to the fate of the treasure, but they tell of a violent quarrel between St. Dunstan and the King's mother-in-law. Edwy's marriage was dissolved ; and, after a very short reign, Edwy died. The scanty records of this short reign suggest a furious contest between the two parties. On the one hand Glaston- bury Abbey was attacked, probably by searchers for the royal treasure, and Dunstan was banished ; on the other hand Edwy made lavish grants of land to other monasteries. When Edgar, Edwy's brother, became king, St. Dunstan was recalled and the monks continued to increase their hold over England's soil. Grants of monastic lands were made by written books or con- veyances which the kings signed by making their mark in the form of a cross. The consideration or price paid for the land was often the promised salvation of the king's soul ; and the lands were called boclands to distinguish them from the folclands held by the SAXON ENGLAND 31 people. Sometimes monastic lands were subject to the threefold obhgation of repairing roads and bridges, maintaining fortifications, and mihtary service ; but it was the lay tenants not the monks who could be asked to fight. Since even this threefold obligation was not always imposed, the area on which secular taxation could be levied was narrowed, and Alfred's navy was neglected by his successors. Edward, surnamed the Martyr, became king when Edgar died in 975. His reign was short and troubled. The chronicler's statement that, in 976, " Alphere commanded the monasteries to be demolished, which King Edgar had before commanded the holy bishop Ethelwold to found," proves that there was active op- position to Edward's ecclesiastical coimcillors. Two years later the chronicle relates that "in this year King Edward was slain (martyred), and Ethelred Atheling, his brother, succeeded to the Kingdom." This is the king who was called Redeless, i.e. without counsel, a name naturally given to a king placed on the throne to free England from monkish advisers. This epithet has been distorted into Unready ; and all the misfortunes which befel England during Ethelred 's reign have been attributed to Ethelred's lack of political foresight, although he was only ten years old when he began to reign. Thus the lesson which England's history in the tenth century teaches is obscured. Then, as in subsequent centuries, the diversion of money from England's army and navy lias tempted the foreigner to attack her shores. The Danes came in Ethelred's time ; in England the invaders found many Christians who preferred 32 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND alliance with the pagan to submission to monkish rule. The chronicle records repeated acts of treachery for which no other explanation seems possible. St. Dunstan died in 988, nine years after the accession of Ethelred. His last years were embittered by an attempt, made by his opponents, to seize Church land in the diocese of Rochester ; but the cause of St. Dunstan was upheld by his successors. In 995 the monastic party regained power, and the secular clergy in Canterbury Cathedral were replaced by monks. The struggle in England was political rather than rehgious. The question at issue was not whether Christianity was to flourish in England, but whether cehbate monks, whose chief interest was their order, and who looked to Rome as their centre, should be allowed to transform their hold over English land into complete control over the secular government of England. The secular clergy, or married parish priests, were on the other hand bound to England by family ties. When monks replaced secular priests in the cathedral chapters, they obtained a predominant voice in the appointment of bishops ; and completely to control the Church was a long step towards the absorp- tion of all authority over England, Civil war in Denmark followed the baptism of Harold Bluetooth. The nationalist or pagan party found a leader in Harold's son, Sweyn, who succeeded to the Danish throne when his father was killed. In concert with Olaf of Norway, Sweyn invaded England, where he could count upon a certain amount of sym- pathy from the anti-monastic party. In the absence of an adequate navy Viking ships were able to select SAXON ENGLAND 33 undefended points on England's coast where they could land unopposed. Again and again the invaders were bribed to withdraw. During one of these attacks Olaf accepted Christianity and abandoned his alliance with Sweyn ; but the Danes continued to attack England. Ship money was levied in England ; but, owing to internal discord, the hurriedly collected fleet proved unequal to the defence of England's coast. After leaving England Olaf became King of Norway only to lose his life and throne when attacked by Sweyn and King Olaf of Sweden. Then, in 1013, Sweyn began a serious invasion of England. By this time a change had occurred in Normandy ; its con- nexion with the North had almost disappeared. Up to the commencement of the eleventh century the Danes found shelter in Normandy after harrying England. Two years later, in 1002, Ethelred married the daughter of Duke Richard of Normandy. Hence the English national party came to rely on the Danes whilst the cosmopolitans turned towards Normandy. Ethelred fled to Normandy when Sweyn invaded England in force. In 1014 Sweyn died, and Ethelred, recalled from Normandy, succeeded in expelling Canute, the son of Sweyn. Two years later Canute was pre- paring a fresh invasion when Ethelred died. After some fighting an arrangement was made between Canute and Edmund, Ethelred's successor, which, before the end of 1016, gave Canute undisputed possession of England on Edmund's death. When England thus became part of a Great Scandinavia, the Normans began to plan their scheme of conquest which was carried into effect by William I. D IV THE COMING OF THE NORMAN I 000- 1087 In the beginning of the eleventh century the Normans were estabhshing themselves in Southern Italy, where they were preparing for their daring attack upon the Byzantine Empire, whose capital, Constantinople, was the trading centre of the ancient world. To men with such ambitions it must have been bitterness itself to see the trade of England passing through Scandinavian hands ; but at first the sea-power of Normandy was not equal to the task of snatching England from the Danes. Canute began his reign by trying to conciliate his actual and potential enemies. In the first year of his reign he married Emma, the widow of Ethelred and daughter of Duke Richard of Normandy. The presence of his stepsons Alfred and Edward at the Norman Court was not resented. Like a later King of France, Canute thought London worth a mass, and became a Christian. The remarkable manner in which Canute could adapt himself to circumstances is illustrated by his atrocious murder of a brother-in- law when the king was in his northern realm, and by his pious pilgrimage to Rome in the following year, 1026. In Rome Canute witnessed the coronation of THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 35 the first Franconian emperor, the Saxon line having ended with Henry the Saint, Canute's brother-in-law Robert, who became Duke of Normandy in 1026, cultivated the friendliest rela- tions with his neighbour, the Count of Flanders, and his overlord the King of France. In 1035 Canute died, shortly after the death of Duke Robert. Both were succeeded by sons born out of wedlock. William the Conqueror became Duke of Normandy and Harold Harefoot ascended the English throne. Harthacnut, the son of Canute and Emma, obtained the kingdom of Denmark. Thus the English again enjoyed an independent ruler. Canute's successful reign was largely due to his minister, Earl Godwine, who by birth and marriage seems to have been connected with both Danes and Saxons. When Canute died, Godwine supported Harthacnut's claim to the crown of England ; but he accepted Harold Harefoot, when the English chose him as king. The murder of Emma's son Alfred, when that prince imprudently crossed from Normandy to England, was supposed to have been contrived by Godwine. This murder was followed, in 1037, by Emma's expulsion from England. She sought the usual refuge for English exiles, Flanders, or, as it was then called, Baldwin's land. Two years later Hartha- cnut answered his mother's appeal, and was on the eve of invading England, when Harold Harefoot died. Harthacnut invited his half-brother Edward to share his throne. In 1042 " died Harthacnut as he stood at his drink, he suddenly fell to the earth with a terrible struggle. . . . And all the people then received D2 36 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND Edward for king, as was his natural right." The sudden deaths of two young kings, Harold and Har- thacnut, fitted in with the Norman scheme. England was thus brought under the rule of a king who was half Norman by birth and wholly Norman by education. Before the Normans could supplant Scandinavian influence in England it was necessary for them to secure the neutrality of Flanders in the inevitable war. With persistence, which overcame all obstacles, Duke Wilham sought and finally obtained the hand of Matilda, daughter of the Flemish Count. A religious movement in Normandy, guided by Duke WiUiam, formed part of the scheme of conquest. The Norman bishops were chosen from the ducal family, and, like William's half-brother, Odo, were more at home on the field of battle than in their cathedrals. Monasteries were founded throughout Normandy. " A Norman noble of that age thought that his estate lacked its chief ornament if he failed to plant a colony of monks in some corner of his possessions." Freeman regarded these founders as often actuated by motives other than religious, since " many a man must have founded a religious house, not from any special devotion or any special liberality, but simply because it was the regular thing for a man in his position to do." Thus Norman dukes controlled their Church, while they gained the goodwill of the monastic party in England. The condition of the papacy favoured the creation of a Norman Church under ducal control. In 1033 the Pope was a dissolute boy twelve years of age, and, at a THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 37 later date, there were three rival Popes. As the papacy emerged from this degradation it became involved in a desperate struggle with the Normans of Southern Italy. In 1053 the papal army was utterly defeated by the Normans at Civita Vecchia. Like his imperial predecessor, the Pope spent two days bewailing his lost legions, and then set to work to replace them by enlisting his conquerors in the service of Rome. The Italian Normans were confirmed in their possessions as vassals under the suzerainty of the Pope ; and they turned their attention to the boundless wealth which awaited those who could conquer Constantinople and the Eastern Empire. The Cluniac Reformation had already produced the monk Hildebrand who was destined to restore the glory of Rome. Before Hilde- brand became Pope Gregory VII. in 1073, his policy was being carried out by Pope Alexander II. The banner of William the Conqueror was blessed by Alexander, and the Conquest of England was the real First Crusade. To ensure a successful invasion the Normans neglected no opportunity of creating disunion in England during the reign of Edward the Confessor. The central figure in this period of English history is not the weak king but Earl Godwine and, after the Earl's death in 1053, his eldest surviving son, Harold. During the early years of Edward's reign Godwine was in power ; and such attention was paid to the navy '' that no man had seen any greater force in the land." But Ntjrman ecclesiastics followed Edward to England ; among these the most prominent was Robert, Abbot of Jumieges, whom Edward appointed Bishop of 38 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND London. Since the production of wool, the chief export of England, was mainly in the hands of the monks, it is probable that Scandinavian traders suffered from this Norman ecclesiastical influence. About this time the Chronicle records the coming of hostile sailors from the north, who took " whatever they could find ; and then went east to Baldwin's land and there sold what they had plundered." In 105 1 the Norman Bishop of London was made Archbishop of Canterbury ; and foreigners began to treat the English as an already conquered race. Count Eustace of Boulogne quarrelled with the men of Kent when he was returning from a visit to King Edward. When Godwine refused to punish the Kentish men, whom he regarded as peculiarly his own folk, he and his sons were forced to take refuge in flight from England. Godwine's daughter, whom Edward had married, was sent to a nunnery ; and for a while Norman influence reigned supreme. Three interesting events occurred during this period of England's peaceful penetration by the Normans. In 1049 " King Edward discharged nine ships from pay, and they went away ships and all ; and five ships remained behind, and the King promised them twelve months' pay." Next year all the ships were dis- charged. This policy was so successful financially that in 1052 " King Edward abolished the military contribution which King Ethelred had before imposed ; that was in the nine-and-thirtieth year after he had begun it. That tax distressed all the English nation during so long a space as is here above written." After Godwine's flight, " soon came Count William from THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 39 beyond sea, \\ith a great body of Frenchmen, and the King received him and as many of his companions as it pleased him, and let him go again." This meeting of King Edward and his great neigh- bour William, while the navy was being weakened that the burden of taxation might be lessened, did not please the English. A popular movement restored Godwine to his old position, and sent the Norman Archbishop and his brethren in hurried flight across the sea. Godwine died soon after his return ; and his eldest surviving son, Harold, continued Godwine's work. Stigand, an Enghshman, replaced the Norman Archbishop of Canterbury ; and Harold governed England with such ability that it seemed as if the Norman scheme would come to nought when party strife wrecked England's hopes. The latent antagonism between the Danish North and the Saxon South became acute in 1065, and Harold's brother, Tostig, who had been Earl of Northumbria since 1055, was compelled to betake himself to Baldwin's land. There he entered into negotiations with William of Noi-mandy and Harold, King of Norway. From his brother-in-law. Count Baldwin, Tostig obtained men and ships for an expedition to England. In January 1066 King Edward died, and Harold was elected and crowned King of England. " He then gathered so great a naval force and also a land force as no king here in the land had before gathered ; because it had for truth been said to him that Count William from Normandy, King Edward's kinsman, would come hither and subdue this land." But Tostig came first, and was driven out by the Northumbrians. 40 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND Tostig then joined Harold of Norway, entered the Humber, and captured York. Harold of England hurried north. The allies were defeated ; Tostig and Harold of Norway were killed, while Olaf, the Nor- wegian king's son, was allowed to return to Norway. Immediate danger seemed to have passed away ; but Edward's policy of reducing the navy accomplished its perfect work. The enthusiasm which had extem- porised a fleet evaporated when provisions ran short through lack of funds. The Enghsh fleet disappeared ; and in September WilHam came again to England. This time he came not as an honoured guest but as a conqueror. In October 1066 a great battle was fought near Hastings. Harold of England with his brothers and many another Englishman died for England with the same burning patriotism as filled Nelson's soul at Trafalgar. But Nelson had an adequate fleet, while the English in Harold's time enjoyed remission of taxation ; hence, although there were about two milUon Englishmen, William and some fifty thousand con- querors took possession of the land. The peasants, deprived of their natural leaders, were forced to accept their foreign masters. The English were compelled to build castles which the Norman lords filled with their own followers. When these strongholds were built the power of the Norman was irresistible. Where the people fought hard for freedom, as in Yorkshire, the English were exterminated and their land was made a desert waste. The bravest of the English were killed or forced to leave their island. About this time the Waring bodyguard of the Emperor at Constantinople received a large number of recruits from England ; THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 41 these English soldiers were held in the highest esteem for their loyalty and courage. Before the Conquest a large part of the land of England was owned by monks and the clergy. William sailed with a banner which the Pope had blessed, and the invasion received papal approval because the English Church was becoming too independent of Rome. After the Conquest England's Church was pillaged, the Normans were astonished at the plunder sent across the Channel. Norman abbeys and churches were made splendid with spoil taken from the religious foundations of England. English bishops and abbots were replaced by ecclesiastics from Normandy, so that foreigners ruled over the English Church as well as over the English peasant. Stigand was deposed from the Archbishopric of Canterbury, and the see was filled by William's friend, Lanfranc. Other English bishops and abbots shared Stigand's fate until there was only one English bishop left, the saintly Wulfstan of Worcester ; he it was who prevailed upon the merchants of Bristol to abandon their trade in Irish slaves. In the half-mythical story of Wulfstan's life it is easy to see that his personal holiness conquered England's conqueror : " William was mild to the good men who loved God." Yet England survived in her towns. Many of these suffered during the invasion ; but some, and among these London, the greatest of all, escaped without injury. With London, William made a treaty guaranteeing to her citizens the liberties which they had enjoyed under their late King Edward. The Londoners asked to be allowed to trade in their own 42 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND way without interference, and when this was granted to them, they appear to have been careless about the fate of other Enghshmen. The success of the Normans was largely due to this lack of unity in England. Men cared for their shire or their town, the larger conception of duty to England was very imperfectly recognised. Yet while England was governed by foreign masters speaking a different tongue from that of their English serfs, and while peasants learned to acquiesce in the rule of the stranger and kill one another at the bidding of their alien rulers, patriotism developed in England, and an English nation was born. Just as the English of Chaucer differs from the Anglo-Saxon of the Chronicle, so the new English folk differed from the shepherds whom William had enslaved. Both the English race and the English language have a strong Anglo-Saxon element, and both have been changed by influences from outside. Chaucer wrote in the speech of London, and the town was the birthplace of the new English. The reason for this is not difficult to discover. The towns of England protected their home trade ; and by their protective system they gained such strength that in time they conquered their conquerors. Though the land and agricultural production of England was owned by the Church and the Normans, English ultimately replaced monkish Latin and Norman French. England owes the commencement of her national life to the protective policy of her towns. The Benedictine monks who came to England with St. Augustine in 597 believed that work was as sacred as prayer. It was, doubtless, partly owing to the THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 43 excellent use they made of the land that Anglo-Saxon kings granted them so much of the soil of England. For centuries after the Norman Conquest monks continued to flock to England, and wherever they settled sheep-farming flourished. Some of the wool was woven in England into coarse cloth for peasants, but much of it was exported to Flanders, where it was increased in value eightfold by being woven into good cloth. It is known that during the twelfth century lists were kept in Flanders giving the names of 102 English abbeys with the minimum value of the wool they produced. The English were not devoid of skill. Anglo-Saxon gold embroidery had a great reputation. But the English were not progressive ; they were content to grow wool and leave the weaving to the Flemish. Flanders was once a land which extended from the Scheldt to the frontier of Normandy, and included a considerable portion of Northern France with all the nearest coast to England. The Flemish were a branch of the Saxons. In the twelfth century English and Flemish peasants could talk to each other without the aid of an interpreter. Flanders was the Lancashire of the Middle Ages when wool held the place which cotton now holds. The Anglo-Flemish wool trade was of importance as far back as the tenth century ; for five centuries it moulded the destinies of England and Flanders. When they settled in England the Anglo-Saxons lost the love of the sea which had been their charac- teristic. There was, however, a considerable amount of trade between England and Frankland, and the coming 44 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND of the Danes partly broke down the isolation of the Anglo-Saxon villages. The Anglo-Saxons were con- nected with the East by the great Baltic trade route, whose centre was at Wisby on the island of Gothland, and which ran down the long Russian rivers to the Caspian and the Baltic. This connexion ceased when the Normans subdued England. One body of middle- men were more fortunate. Merchants from Cologne obtained a footing in England in the reign of Ethelred the Redeless. The reason for the welcome given them is not hard to discover. The English left their foreign trade to others ; but they bitterly resented any invasion of their home trade. Hides and wool were sold in market towns and carried down the rivers to ports, such as London, where foreign shippers waited for their cargoes. The manufactures of England were of a primitive character, suited only to the wants of tillers of the soil, and England's foreign trade was monopolised by aliens, Easterlings and others ; but the English protected the one thing left to them, the inland trade. To this protection England owes the preservation of her nationality in her towns and the freedom which ultimately spread from the towns to the country. Briefly stated, the ideal the English trader had always in view was to keep the foreign merchant at the wharf head. If the foreigner entered the town he had to choose an English host, who was responsible for his guest's behaviour. The foreigner was to deal with none but citizens of the town, and retail trade was forbidden him. The length of his stay was limited to forty days, and he was required to buy English produce equal in amount to the goods he sold. THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 45 This policy in its entirety was a counsel of perfection, and was seldom completely attained. The wool- growing magnates continually tried to get into direct touch with the foreign buyer, and were steadily resisted by the English trader. Much of England's early history is made up of this struggle between magnate and merchant. It culminated in the War of the Roses, which led to the protection of industry as well as of inland trade, and to the splendour of the. Tudor period. Under England's foreign kings, protective associa- tions for inland trade, or merchant gilds, sprang into existence in every considerable English town, except London and the Cinque Ports. " Nevertheless London, and probably some of the Cinque Ports, virtually exercised all the rights attached to this franchise, though the name and formal organisation were un- known in these towns." The granting of "good laws even as we ourselves " to German merchants by King Ethelred implies that natives enjoyed advantages denied to foreigners. In the Conqueror's charter to London he declared that it was his " will that you be all law-worthy, as you were in the days of King Edward." When other towns obtained the right of Gild Merchant they were given the privilege which London already possessed. Jews came to England with the Conqueror. They were not fettered by ecclesiastical regulations which forbade the lending of money on interest or the taking more than a just price for goods. These restrictions, like modern factory regulations, were imposed in the interest of the community But, even under foreign 46 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND kings, the English trader had a protection from his unrestricted rival which is denied to English workers to-day. The Jew was wise in trade matters with the wisdom of ages ; but neither his wisdom nor his freedom enabled him to penetrate the Merchant Gild. The inland trade was kept in English hands, and the towns grew strong. Like all human institutions England's first pro- tective system was far from perfect. It protected the trader, not the worker. This was of little importance in early times, since English industry was almost non-existent, and her production of raw material did not need protection. The worst fault of the Merchant Gild was its parochial character. The citizen of one town treated an Englishman from a neighbouring town as a foreigner. In this respect there is a marked resemblance to the treatment which Great Britain now extends to her Colonies. But before long a system of preferential treatment arose by means of arrangements between the gilds. Then England was covered with a linked network of protective associa- tions which baffled Jew and foreigner, but gave freedom to the English. Anglo-Saxon, Dane and Norman became gild brethren, and thus learned to be brother Englishmen. Sheltered within their protec- tive associations the new English grew to be so strong that in time they moulded the character of the dwellers in England. The conquered island became an inde- pendent nation. When protection of industry was added to protection of trade the foundation of the British Empire was well and truly laid. The character of William the Conqueror is given THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 47 in the Chronicle. " If any one desires to know what kind of man he was, or what worship he had, or of how many lands he was lord, then we will write of him so as we understood him who have looked on him, and, at another time, sojourned in his court. The King William, about whom we speak, was a very wise man, and very powerful, more dignified and strong than any of his predecessors were. He was mild to the good men who loved God ; and over all measure severe to the men who gainsayed his will. ... In his days was the noble monastery at Canterbury built, and also very many others over all England. This land was also plentifully supplied with monks, and they lived their lives after the rule of St. Benedict. . . . Amongst other things is not to be forgotten the good peace that he made in this land ; so that a man who in himself was aught might go over his realm, with his bosom filled with gold, unhurt. " Wales was in his power, and he therein wrought castles and completely ruled over that race of men. In like manner he also subjected Scotland to him by his great strength. The land of Normandy was natur- ally his ; and over the country which is called Le Maine he reigned, and if he might yet have lived two years he would, by his valour, have won Ireland, and without any weapons. ... He planted a great preserve for deer, and he laid down laws therewith, that whosoever should slay hart or hind should be blinded. He forbade the harts and also the boars to be killed. As greatly did he love the tall deer as if he were their father. He also ordained concerning the hares that they should go^free. His great men 48 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND bewailed it, and the poor men murmured thereat ; but he was so obdurate, that he recked not of the hatred of them all ; but they must wholly follow the King's will, if they would live, or have land, or property, or even his peace." This was the view of the Southern Englishman, whose laws and customs the Conqueror respected, when they did not clash with the rights he had acquired by conquest. Nevertheless the English suffered the woe of the vanquished. Some fled to the East, and in the Varangian guard of the Byzantine Emperor had the satisfaction of preventing the Normans of Sicily from seizing the Eastern Empire. Others fled to the fenlands, and continued an heroic resistance until their leader, Hereward, was killed in 1072. But in the end England was subdued. The motley host of Normans, Flemings and Franks who followed William were rewarded with grants of land on which the English toiled as serfs. As the Conqueror was recog- nised as the supreme landowner of all England these grants were perpetual leases for which rent in the form of military service was paid. In this way an important step was taken towards the unitication of England. In the middle of the eleventh century war between Norway and Denmark weakened both kingdoms. The Danes in Denmark and England tried to remain neutral during the Conquest. They were rescued by Harold of England from Tostig and his Norwegian ally, but they gave little or no aid to Harold of England when William landed. If they hoped that William would be satisfied with THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 49 the conquest of Saxon England they were soon un- deceived. The Flemish also realised their mistake when England became subject to the Normans. As a reward for the services which he had rendered to William, Baldwin V. obtained a grant of 300 marks a year, and, after his death in 1067, the annuity was paid to his younger son, Baldwin VI., during the three years of his rule over Flanders. It is almost im- possible to deny the existence of an economic cause for the change in Danish and Flemish policy which followed the Conquest of England. In the reign of Ethelred the Redeless, merchants from Flanders, Normandy, France and Germany were allowed to trade at the port of London subject to the payment of customs' duties of about 5 per cent. Wool, hides and metals were exported from England. William's grandfather, the tanner of Falaise, must often have dressed English hides. Most of the ex- ported wool went to feed the looms of Flanders, and the Anglo-Flemish trade was principally carried on by merchants from Cologne. In Ethelred's laws the men of the Emperor are singled out " as worthy of good laws, even as we ourselves." This privileged position the Germans retained until the reign of Elizabeth. Their concession, the Steelyard, once stood where Cannon Street Station now stands, and for centuries the Easterlings of the Steelyard almost monopolised England's, trade with Flanders and Northern Europe. In return for England's exports she received wine from Normandy carried down the Seine, cloth from Flanders, and such Eastern luxuries as found their way along the great commercial route which, starting E 50 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND from Venice, crossed the Alps and passed down the Rhine to Cologne. Less is known of the Scandinavian trade with England. Its centre was probably York, and the " incredible number" of Anglo-Saxon coins found at Wisby proves that it was of much importance. In Canute's reign Scandinavian traders must have gained at the expense of their Norman rivals ; but after the accession of Edward the Confessor, the Normans appear to have regained their position in Southern England. The Scandinavian harryings in Edward's reign took place in Essex and Kent : it seems probable that these markets had been closed to Northern traders. The Northern English, dreaming perhaps that the Conqueror would not interfere with their local auto- nomy, idly watched the conquest of the South and West of England. But in 1068 York was captured and garrisoned by Normans. In io6g, when the Danes realised that their con- nexion with England was being destroyed, a Danish fleet sailed to England. The men of Yorkshire joined the Danes, and William hurried north to crush the movement. He was " over all measure severe to the men who gainsaid his will." By fire and sword Yorkshire was made a desert, to wait in its desolation for the Cistercian monks who made wildernesses blossom like the rose. The death of Baldwin VI. in 1070, whilst WilHam was exterminating the shepherds of Northern England, was followed by civil war in Flanders. In spite of the intervention of WilUam and Philip I. of France, the ruler and the policy of Flanders were changed. Robert the Frisian became THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 51 Count and friendly relations with England ceased. On the other hand, Philip of France recognised the new Count and formed an alliance with him by marrying Bertha of Frisia. The Cluniac reformation was at this time extending its influence over Northern Europe. The Olaf who was allowed by Harold to return to Norway aided the movement, and Saint Canute, who ruled over Denmark until his martyrdom in 1086, was canonised for his devotion to the cause of the Church. When Canute became King of Denmark in 1080 he was the husband of the daughter of Count Robert of Flanders, and Arnold, a missionary monk, was bringing the Flemish into close communion with Rome. Strained relations between William and Gregory VH. enabled the Northern kingdoms to serve Rome whilst they evolved a scheme for the destruction of the Norman rule over England. The monk Hildebrand began his reign, as Pope Gregory VH., in 1073, by enunciating the papal claims in their most extreme form. He asserted that the Pope w^as the supreme sovereign with the right of deposing all secular rulers. From the weaker king- doms, including England, he asked for an immediate acknowledgment of his suzerainty. He sought to use the strength which the Church possessed in her vast estates by making the clergy free from all secular control and entirely dependent on Rome. To separate the clergy from the people amongst whom they dwelt he commanded all priests to adopt the monkish custom of cehbacy. His first and greatest antagonist was the Emperor Henry IV., who claimed to be over- E 2 52 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND lord of Italy and Germany. The Emperor was excommunicated, and the loose feudal organisation over which he ruled declined to support a stricken leader. In 1077 Gregory's victory seemed complete, when Henry in the robes of a penitent begged for pardon at Canossa. But there followed a swift re- action, and with it a fierce struggle between Emperor and Pope. The Church and Christendom were both rent asunder in this quarrel. An anti-Pope and a second Emperor added to the confusion. The married clergy ranged themselves against the monks ; and in 1084 Henry was master of all Rome except the stronghold of St. Angelo, in which Gregory waited for Guiscard and the Italian Normans, who had become his most trusted alhes. Henry retired as the Normans ap- proached the sacred city, and Gregory obtained his freedom when Guiscard sacked Rome with more than Vandal fury. Next year the great Pope died, leaving behind him unsolved problems which even now have scarcely ceased to trouble Europe. The papacy had sanctioned William's invasion in order that the English Church might be brought into complete subjection to Rome ; and Gregory asked for more than this. William refused to admit the Pope's claim of suzerainty ; but he granted to the clergy the right of being tried in their own courts, and thus created an almost independent body within his dominions. The ancient tribute of Peter's Pence was again sent to Rome, and the question of the celibacy of the clergy was compromised. The cathedral clergy, who had a voice in the election of bishops, were for- THE COMING OF THE NORMAN 53 bidden to marry, and bishops were warned not to ordain married men ; but the parochial clergy were allowed to keep their wives. The question of the King's right of appointment to bishoprics and abbacies was not raised. The tact of Archbishop Lanfranc made this compromise possible ; but it merely post- poned the inevitable conflict between Church and King, and William was almost drawn into this conflict shortly before his death. Odo, Bishop of Bayeux and Earl of Kent, as well as the Conqueror's half-brother, raised an army in 1082 which he intended to lead from the Isle of Wight to Italy. He hoped to win the papal throne when he and Guiscard had driven the Emperor from Italy ; but William had no wish for a Pope who knew England as Odo did. Odo was impeached, and, when the barons hesitated to judge a bishop, William sent his brother to a castle in Normandy, explaining his con- duct by saying that he arrested the Earl of Kent, not the Bishop of Bayeux. Gregory sent a gentle remonstrance, of which no notice was taken. There were others ready to defend the Church. An armada of more than a thousand ships was prepared by the devout rulers of Denmark, Norway and Flanders. Had William been less resourceful there might have been another conquest of England. Mercenary soldiers were imported from Normandy ; the English coast was devastated that the invader might not be able to obtain supplies. That he should be unable to dis- tinguish friend from foe, the English were forced to shave and dress like Normans ; and WiHiam's agents carried gold to Denmark to foster mutiny. St. Canute 54 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND was killed in the mutiny, and the armada never reached the shores of England. A year later, in 1087, William died, whilst fighting Philip of France. On his deathbed the Conqueror gave Normandy to his eldest son Robert, England to William Rufus, and a gift of money to his youngest son Henry. He thus separated the lands which he had tried to unite. William Rufus was accepted as king by the citizens of London, but he trampled on the unprotected peasants when he had estabhshed his power. • V NORMAN AND ENGLISH 1087-1155 Seventeen days after the Conqueror's death in Normandy WilHam Rufus was crowned in West- minster, to the great joy of the EngHsh. The Norman magnates appear to have been taken by surprise. As soon as they could combine they rose in rebelUon, and were reinforced by their brethren from Normandy. The object of the rising was to prevent the separation of England and Normandy by making Robert ruler of both lands. Under one ruler wealth wrung from English serfs could be used, as in the Conqueror's reign, to pay a Norman army which could keep the English in perpetual subjection. Few Norman barons supported the King, but, by a promise of good laws, WilUam won over the Enghsh. A fleet was collected which severed communication with Normandy, and Wulfstan, the last of the EngHsh bishops, led an army which defeated the Norman barons and their followers. When the insurrection was crushed WiUiam treated the rebel barons with marked leniency, whilst he treated the Enghsh with greater severity than his father. This sudden uprising of an apparently conquered race and its equally sudden relapse into a condition of 56 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND servitude can be explained by the difference which existed between the town and country districts of England. In the English language there is a per- manent record of the subjugation of the countryside of England. The English country folk became servants who tended cattle, sheep and pigs, which were served to Norman masters as beef, veal, mutton, and pork. The military leaders, who obtained estates, had to supply the King with soldiers when need arose ; hence English sub-tenants must have been largely replaced by Normans. The Conqueror extended this feudal obliga- tion to Church lands, and, when Normans governed the Church, ecclesiastical farms must have been given, to some extent, to Norman farmers. Deprived of leaders the English peasantry became oppressed tillers of the soil. But, from the first, the Conqueror tried to conciliate the towns. London surrendered without a struggle, and obtained a charter promising its citizens the good laws of King Edward. Though the Tower was built to overawe the Londoners it was not used. There was peace within London's walls while the English were being subdued. After the Conquest, merchants came to London from the towns of Normandy, and Jews settled in EngHsh Jewries under the guardianship of the foreign King. The Church afforded a certain amount of shelter to the conquered English. It was the one institution of which the feudal magnates stood in awe. Although the English bishops and abbots were replaced by Normans, the parochial clergy and the monks were English. The past and the present of Ireland illustrate the way in which a priesthood, NORMAN AND ENGLISH 57 anti-national in the sense that it regards an ItaHan Pope as its head, can yet identify itself with the national aspirations of a subject people. The Pope and his claims were mere abstractions, while the tyranny of the King and his Norman magnates was a very present trouble. The gilds were partly shielded from attack by their semi-religious character, as the son of an Enghsh peasant gained comparative freedom by taking holy orders. Wilham II. realised that the power of the Church threatened the arbitrary rule of the Normans. He has been handed down in history as one who delighted in oppressing both his Church and his Enghsh subjects. When Lanfranc died in 1089 the vacant archbishopric was not filled. Wilham declared that no one but he should be Archbishop of Canterbury, and the revenue of the see filled the royal purse. Conscience-smitten during an illness in 1092, the King appointed Anselm, abbot of a Norman monastery, to the vacant see ; but even before his enthronement Anselm quarrelled with his King about their respective rights over Church lands. The Archbishop maintained Gregory's theory of the absolute independence of the Church, and sought to extend episcopal power over abbeys which the Norman King looked upon as part of the royal posses- sions. On the other hand, the King shocked his contemporaries by his contempt for religion and his determination to establish the royal supremacy. After a long conflict the Archbishop left England in 1097 to carry an appeal to the Pope. A new king was on the throne when Anselm returned. Wilham II. might have succeeded in unifying 58 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND Great Britain if he had not devoted his energy to re-uniting England and Normandy. Wales was made somewhat more subject to Norman rule ; but Scotland kept her autonomy under the vague suzerainty of the Norman King. Many Norman barons obtained fiefs in Scotland. In the lowlands of the northern kingdom the people peacefully accepted these Normans as leaders. In Scotland there was not that gulf between conquerors and conquered, between landlords and serfs, which was so keenly felt in England. Though the English took only a small part in the crusades, the indirect influence of these wars on EngHsh history was great, and their commencement was the most important event in the reign of William II. The overthrow of the Cahphate of Egypt by the Seljouks in 1077 made a profound impression on Christendom. Religion, politics, and commerce were inseparably connected in the Middle Ages, and all three were affected. The Pope could bestow pardon for sin to the religious. Eastern principaUties to feudal lords, the restoration of the lucrative Eastern trade to merchants if they would attempt to rescue the Holy Land. The Flemish and Venetians, who owned the gates of the trade route which passed by way of the Rhine from the Adriatic to the North Sea, were the most prominent members of the First Crusade. Robert the Frisian had made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and had learned the views of the Byzantine Emperor when he visited Constantinople. His son Robert II. was therefore carrying out his dead father's policy when he led the First Crusade. Robert II. refused the throne of Jerusalem, but it was accepted by Godfrey de NORMAN AND ENGLISH 59 Bouillon, whose father the Count of Boulogne was a vassal of Flanders. Duke Robert of Normandy also joined the First Crusade. He appears to have gained nothing in the East, and his crusading zeal cost him the kingdom of England. Money for his expedition was borrowed frorn William Rufus, who became Regent of Normandy in Robert's absence. In 1099, six weeks after the capture of Jerusalem, WiUiam II. was killed in the New Forest. In hot haste, Henry, the youngest of the Conqueror's sons, rode to Winchester and seized the royal treasure. Three days after William's death Henry I. was crowned at Westminster. Thus London and the Church of England again chose a ruler who, though he was a Norman, relied upon English support. Henry began his reign by granting freedom to the Church and the laws of Edward to the people in a formal charter. Although the rights of the Norman barons were also safeguarded in the charter, they took arms against Henry and Robert landed in England. War was averted by Henry's diplomacy ; and Robert waived his claim to the Enghsh crown. Before this invasion Henry had endeared himself to the English by marrying the daughter of the King of Scotland, who through her mother was descended from the Saxon kings. Norman barons, who owned fiefs on both sides of the Channel, were strongly in favour of one monarch for both Norman lands. Discontent in Nonnandy led to anarchy, and Henry intervened. In 1106 the battle of Tinchebrai united England and Normandy under Henry's rule. Duke Robert was placed in 6o THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND honourable confinement in England ; but his son and heir, William Clito, was entrusted to one of Henry's Norman supporters, who, in mi, allowed the young prince to escape to Paris. Though neither the French King nor the Flemish Count viewed with pleasure the union of England and Normandy, the Flemish forced their Count to adopt a peaceful attitude towards Henry when he became ruler of Normand3^ The stint of Eastern fabrics, caused by the Seljouk in- vasion, gave an impetus to the weaving industry of Flanders and rendered the Flemish more dependent on English wool. The sentimental bond of a common ruler, which linked Normandy to England, proved too weak to stand the wear and tear of time, while the commercial union of England and Flanders increased in strength until the English learned to weave. Then Flemish weaving and the commercial tie were both destroyed. The annuity, which bound the Count of Flanders to William the Conqueror, was suspended after the revolution which made Robert the Frisian master of Flanders. William II. renewed the payment to Count Robert II., but it was discontinued while the Count was in the Holy Land. On his return Robert haughtily demanded the money and the arrears from Henry I. In reply the Count was told that the pay- ment was not tribute but a retaining fee for service to be rendered in case of need. In iioi and again in 1 103 treaties were signed promising Flemish aid in certain contingencies, and the annuity was increased. These treaties did not, however, prevent Robert from forming an alliance with the King of France after NORMAN AND ENGLISH 6i Tinchebrai. About the j-ear iioo the sea broke through the d\'kes of Flanders ; and, owing to the inundations and the disease which followed, a number of weavers emigrated to England and settled in Pembrokeshire and elsewhere. This was the com- mencement of cloth-making in England as a definite industry. Its development was, however, very slow. The magnates, who grew the wool, were concerned mainly with obtaining a market for their produce and cared little whether this market was at home or abroad. When England's foreign rulers became national kings they tried to foster home manufacture, but their policy was often opposed by monk and lord. After the introduction of weaving more than three centuries had to elapse and two civil wars had to be fought before the English were able to protect industry as well as inland trade. Then England began the series of industrial conquests which ultimately made her supreme in production and commerce. In 1 1 19 Charles, a Danish prince, became Count of Flanders after the short reign of Baldwin VII. Charles, for a time, abandoned the pro-French policy of his predecessors, in order to conciliate his insurgent subjects. Henry made use of this opportunity by arranging to end the Anglo-French war which com- menced after Tinchebrai with a favourable peace. At the zenith of his success, Henry's plans were shat- tered by the death of his only legitimate son in the wreck of the White Ship. Henry's enemies were encouraged by this accident. William Clito was married to the daughter of the powerful Count of Anjou that he might be a menace to Henry's dominion 62 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND over Normandy ; and Charles of Flanders again became the close ally of the French King. The long wars between France and England prac- tically began after Tinchebrai. No peace, however carefully devised, could permanently end a struggle which was caused by the economic development of the people. Had the Normans become great weavers a commercial bond might have united Nonnandy, instead of Flanders, to England. But the chief factor which made for union between England and Normandy was the possession of estates in both lands by feudal lords. In course of time English and Norman estates passed into different hands, and the motive for union tended to disappear. The actual domain of the King of France was comparatively small and was shut off from the sea by the provinces of his almost independent vassals, of whom the King of England became the greatest. The feudal Anglo-French wars were thus inevitable ; and when the loss of Normandy made peace appear possible, the fight for the market of Flanders supplied a motive for the Hundred Years' War. Even in the earlier feudal wars the market which Flanders afforded to English wool played an important part. Henry was a widower when the White Ship sank. Within two months of the disaster he married the daughter of the Duke of Brabant, thus allying himself with the ruler of a State which had aided the Flemish who had rebelled against Charles of Flanders. William Clito's marriage and the Franco-Flemish alliance fol- lowed naturally. Henry's second marriage proved unfruitful ; nevertheless he pressed on his imperial NORMAN AND ENGLISH 63 scheme. In 11 25 his daughter was left a widow by the death of the German Emperor. She was then recognised as Henry's heiress ; and the spiritual and temporal lords of England swore allegiance to her in 1 127. In the same year Anjou was detached from the French alliance, the Pope was induced to annul William Clito's marriage, Matilda was betrothed to Geoffrey, son and heir of the Count of Anjou, and Charles of Flanders was killed by rebels in Flanders, whose object was to make William of Ypres their Count and thus renew friendly relations with England. The French King suppressed this democratic in- surrection and gave Flanders to William Clito ; but in spite of the severity with which the leaders of the revolt were punished, the Flemish refused to accept the French King's nominee, protesting that, since English merchants had ceased to visit Flanders, ruin was close at hand. It can be claimed for Henry that he was the originator of the policy of influencing the Flemish by stinting their supply of wool, as well as the founder of the English weaving industry. Henry put forward candidates for the countship. His nephew Stephen of Boulogne, a fief of Flanders, and another candidate failed, but a third candidate, Thierry of Alsace, ultimately succeeded. The burghers of Flanders espoused Thierry's cause ; and William CHto was killed in the fighting which ensued. Another candidate then appeared ; and Henry was asked to decide between the claimants. In order to retain even his nominal suzerainty the French King was forced to acquiesce in a decision which assigned the countship to Henry himself as the lawful heir ; but in the same 64 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND decision Henry ceded his rights to Thierry. In the words of a Belgian historian, Flanders was treated as "a. fief completely dependent on the crown of England." Stephen of Boulogne was compelled to do homage to the new count ; but he showed his ill-will by har- bouring William of Ypres, one of the rival claimants. Under Thierry the burghers gained many political rights. Their weaving cities were growing rapidly and becoming more powerful. As their power increased they became more independent of their lords. The Flemish, whose industrial development preceded that of the Normans, French, and English, were naturally the first to acquire free institutions. Their example inspired their neighbours with a longing for freedom ; and feudalism began to decay. The last years of Henry's life were years of peace. In 1133, two years before the king's death, his daughter Matilda gave him a grandson and future heir. Much of Henry's success was due to his diplomacy in dealing with Rome. After the death of William Rufus, Anselm was recalled to England ; and, in his charter, Henry promised that the Church should be free. Anselm interpreted this promise literally, but Henry found that this liberty was incompatible with his royal power. In 1103 Anselm again left England. He returned in 1106, when the dispute was settled by a compromise which formed a precedent for the Concordat of Worms, agreed to by Pope and Emperor in 1122. This compromise allowed the Pope to instal bishops in their spiritual offices, while the King granted them their worldly possessions. Anselm died in 1109, NORMAN AND ENGLISH 65 fighting to the verj^ last for the rights of the Pope and the Church of England. While supporting a body which afforded some protection to the conquered English, Anselm enforced celibacy on all clergy and weakened the bond between the Church and the people of England. During the rest of Henry's reign the see of Canterbury was filled in succession by two foreigners who succeeded in serving Pope and King. While Henry appeared to be making the power of Norman royalty irresistible, two other forces were growing in England with even greater rapidity. The Cluniac reformation had not spent its force. New monasteries were being founded ; and, with each foundation, the power of the Church and her hold over the production of wool was strengthened. The towns, too, were growing. London was becoming a residential city for magnates as well as a great centre of commerce. The charters, which gave towns and merchant gilds the right of protecting their commerce, were producing their natural effect. When Henry died in 1135 his nephew, Stephen of Boulogne, put himself forward as a candidate for the throne. Stephen went at once to London and secured the support of the citizens. His two uncles had made the securing of Winchester and the royal treasury their first concern. Stephen's brother, Henry, who had been a monk in the Abbey of Cluny, was appointed to the see of Winchester in 1130. Stephen may, therefore, have thought that his interests were safe in his brother's hands. After some hesitation the clerical magnates were induced to violate their oath to Matilda ; and Stephen was crowned at West- minster three weeks after Henry's death. F 66 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND At first both in England and in Normandy there was less opposition to Stephen than there had been to his uncles William Rufus and Henry I. After some hesitation the barons of Normandy accepted Stephen and repulsed Geoffrey and Matilda when they came to claim the duchy. Baronial revolts in Devon and Norfolk were easily suppressed, though the Welsh threw off the Norman yoke and King David of Scot- land declared for Matilda. One writer describes an attempted insurrection of the English, but nothing came of this. The subjugation of the peasants was so complete that, in that part of Yorkshire which had been ravaged by the Conqueror, Saxon archers helped Normans and Flemings to defeat the Saxons of Scot- land in 1 138 at the battle of the Standard. The civil wars in England were not complicated by servile in- surrections, and there were no more invasions from the north. The civil wars were fought by mercenary soldiers, such as the men from the Low Countries, who, with their leader, William of Ypres, were imported by Stephen. Parts of England, which were not the actual scenes of battle, appear to have been little affected. King Stephen tried to conciliate interests which were incompatible with his sovereignty. In a second charter he granted complete independence to the Church. The see of Canterbury fell vacant in 1136. Stephen opposed the election of his brother, Henry of Winchester, and, in 1139, Theobald, a foreign monk, was consecrated Archbishop, while Henry was appointed papal legate. Then followed a quarrel be- tween Church and King, general anarchy in England, and the landing of Matilda. In 1141, Matilda won a NORMAN AND ENGLISH 67 decisive victory at Lincoln, and for a few days London accepted her as sovereign ; but when she declined to guarantee to the citizens the laws of Edward, and asked for a subsid}', London drove her out, and again de- clared for Stephen. It was not until 1154 that the civil war was ended b}" a compromise which granted the kingdom of England to Stephen for life with reversion to Matilda's son Henr3^ In 1155 Stephen died and Henry II. succeeded to the throne. The reign of Stephen is generally regarded as nineteen years of anarchy, vividly pictured by the monkish historian, who has left a terrible record of the condition of the country districts of England in Stephen's reign. " When the traitors perceived that he was a mild man, and soft, and good, and did no justice, then did they all wonder. They had done homage to him, and sworn oaths, but held no faith ; they were all forsworn and forfeited their troth ; for every powerful man made his castles and held them against him ; and they filled the land full of castles. They cruelly oppressed the wretched men of the land with castle works. When the castles were made they filled tliem with devils and evil men. Then took they those men that they imagined had any property, both by night and by day, peasant men and women, and put them in prison for their gold and silver and tortured them with unutterable tortures ; for never were martyrs so tortured as they were . . . The bishops and clergy constantly cursed them, but nothing came of it ; for they were all accursed, and forsworn, and lost. However a man tilled, the earth bare no com, for the land was all fordone by such F 2 68 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND deeds ; and they said openly that Christ and His saints slept. Such and more than we can say we endured nineteen winters for our sins." Here is a picture of what the magnates could do when the royal power was weak and the Church unable to protect the peasant from his lord. Froude has described the imperfections of the ecclesiastical courts ; he has laid stress on the mildness of their punishments, which often allowed the guilty to escape, and has shown that civil law was much more consonant with modern ideas. But the Chronicler gives the other side of the picture. The condition of England in the twelfth century bears little or no resemblance to the present condition of England. The parish priest might be, and usually was, the son of a serf. Once in holy orders he was free of his lord, and could excom- municate the oppressor of his peasant kinsfolk. The peasant had no defender but the Church. She was to him his one sure refuge. Rome was far away and her claim to overlordship was not felt. Peter's Pence was a small price to pay for protection against a feudal lord. The magnate was very near, and he had little sympathy with the race his father had conquered. In striking contrast to the picture drawn by the Chronicler is one left by FitzStephen, a citizen of London, of that great city in the reign of Henry IL To the north were cornfields, pastures, and meadows producing luxuriant crops, and beyond these was a great forest filled with game, stags, bucks, boars and wild bulls. The citizens were distinguished for their manners, their dress, and their good fare. From the most distant lands ships came bringing luxuries of NORMAN AND ENGLISH 69 all kinds to the port. FitzStephen wrote that London was able to supply twenty thousand horse and sixty thousand foot when King Stephen called for a muster of the citizens. He described with pride the schools of London and the amusements of the Londoners. The wealthy indulged in hawking and hunting, pastimes of kings and lords. He wrote that the dwellers in London were called barons, not citizens. So great prosperity had followed from the protection of inland trade. Both the Chronicler and FitzStephen appear to have been guilty of some exaggeration. It is certain that in many parts of England there was prosperity during Stephen's reign. It is known that during these nineteen years more abbeys were built than during the preceding century, and that these buildings were distinguished by the grace and exquisite beauty of their architecture. This was the period when the Cistercians came to England and covered Yorkshire with sheep farms. These monks were the greatest of sheep farmers, and the wool they produced became the most important part of England's chief export. In this reign also an Anglo-Flemish fleet sailed from Dartmouth to co-operate with the forces which marched overland on the Second Crusade in 1147. This fleet failed to reach the Mediterranean, but its sailors did some service by driving the Moors from Lisbon and helping to found the kingdom of Portugal. But, when the narratives are discounted, the strength of London and the weakness of the country districts are yet most marked features of Stephen's reign, and although London suffered from a great fire in 1136, it enjoyed 70 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND such prosperity that not long after Stephen's death it was described by a contemporary writer as one of the most flourishing towns in Christendom. The pride of London's citizens contrasts strangely with the meekness of the conquered peasantry of England. She claimed and maintained the right of making and unmaking kings. In London the fusion of Norman, Dane, and Saxon into Enghshmen was being rapidly accomplished. She was an oasis of freedom in a conquered land, and the secret of her power, that which made her even stronger than the Church, was her wise protective policy which kept the home trade for her citizens. VI BECKET's fight for ENGLISH FREEDOM 1 154- 1 189 Henry II. devoted the first years of his reign to re-establishing the royal power in England. The royal lands, which Stephen had given to his Flemish supporters, were resumed by the Crown, and the foreign soldiers were expelled. The unlawful castles were demohshed. Once more the King of Scotland and Prince of Wales became close allies, if not the actual vassals of England's King, and served in his army when he tried to annex Toulouse. From his father Henry inherited Anjou, and his marriage with Eleanor, Duchess of Aquitaine, made him ruler of lands which stretched to the Pyrenees, and were separated from the Mediterranean by the country of Toulouse, which he attacked in 1159. Had he become master of Toulouse, Henry would have owned a through way to the East by Bordeaux and the Garonne. Louis VII. of France, however, came to the aid of the threatened county, and Henry abandoned his scheme. This cautious policy was probably a wise one. Count Thierry of Flanders was Henry's friend. He 72 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND had recently entrusted the guardianship of Flanders and of his young son to Henry when he paid a visit to the Flemish settlements in the East. In 1157 Flanders fought with Holland over a trade dispute ; and the Flemish would have felt the opening of a new trade route to the Mediterranean. An open breach with Flanders and France was avoided for some years, which gave Henry time to consolidate and increase his possessions in Western France and in the British Isles. Brittany was drawn into his sphere of influence, and a papal bull was obtained which authorised the con- quest of Ireland. In the full tide of his success the King determined to Hmit the freedom of the Church of England, and in 1162 he made Thomas Becket Arch- bishop of Canterbury, believing that he could rely upon one who had faithfully served him as Chancellor. But the new Archbishop was the son of Gilbert Becket, formerly portreeve of London, and in a Londoner born and bred the greatest monarch of Western Europe found the man who made him miss his destiny. Henry summoned a Great Council, and the bishops and barons accepted a code of laws called the Con- stitutions of Clarendon, which, amongst other pro- visions, would have enabled the King to shield the greater barons and royal servants from excommunica- tion, would have empowered the civil courts to punish the clergy, and would have prevented the son of a serf from becoming a priest without his lord's consent. Becket was the first of the new English to rise to the dignity of Archbishop of Canterbury. His colleagues came from the class whose ancestors had subdued England. They were ready to obey the King's will. BECKET'S FIGHT FOR ENGLISH FREEDOM 73 and the Englishman was deserted and alone. For a moment Becket faltered. Then, supported only by the love of the poor of England, he began the fight which ended with his murder in 1170. Becket fled from England in 1164, but lie maintained his cause in poverty and exile. There was at the time a schism in the papacy, and Pope Alexander, who was acknowledged by the West, was also a fugitive in France. Becket's quarrel embarrassed Alexander, and the Archbishop obtained very lukewarm support from his Pope. But Becket resolutely trod the path of duty to the English serfs who had been entrusted to his care. The path had a glorious ending when the four Norman knights murdered the unarmed EngHsh Archbishop in the Cathedral of Canterbury. Becket's ancestors were possibly as foreign as those of his murderers, but London had taught him to die for English rights and liberty. The modern reader is tempted to misunder- stand the great issue for which Becket lived and died. The principles for which he fought — the freedom of the clergy from the law of the State and the right of appeal to Rome — continued to exist long after they ceased to be of service to the English. In time both principles became anachronisms and abuses. There is, therefore, a temptation to regard Henry as the originator of reform and Becket as its opponent. But this view finds little support in the verdict pronounced by the English in the twelfth century. They regarded Becket as the champion of the rights of the poor against the tyranny of the rich. In London, the centre of English freedom, St. Thomas the Martyr was greatly honoured. " For many years after his death it was the custom of 74 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND the mayor of the City for the time being, upon entering into office, to meet the aldermen at the Church of St. Thomas of Aeon . . . and thence to proceed to the tomb of Gilbert Becket, the father, in St. Paul's Church- yard, there to say a De Profundis, after which both mayor and aldermen returned to the Church of St. Thomas, and, each having made an offering of two pence, returned to his own home," Londoners evidently believed that the portreeve had taught his son to live and die for English freedom. The miracles wrought by St. Thomas point in the same direction. The saint was never weary of showing kindness to peasant children. The eyes of the thief, destroyed by the cruel law of the State, were restored by the martyr. The marriage of parish priests had been forbidden in the days of Anselm ; but St. Thomas, though Rome had made him saint, took the illegal home circle of the English parish priest under his pecuhar care. The EngHsh, at least, did not associate the memory of the man who had withstood both King and Pope with undue subservience to Rome. That Henry did good service to England by continuing the policy of his grandfather none can doubt. He fur- thered the unification of Great Britain and the estab- lishment of the supremacy of the King's law. From his reforms the EngHsh jury grew. But Becket's great work was to force the King to ally himself with the people instead of with his magnates. After Becket's death Henry continued his reforms ; but he tried to harmonise the increase of royal power with the interests of the English. Six months before Becket's death the King's BECKET'S FIGHT FOR ENGLISH FREEDOM 75 eldest son, Prince Henry, was crowned King of England. In the same yeai " a clean sweep was made of the corrupt local sheriffs, and royal officials substituted." In 1 171 Henry took formal possession of Ireland, which some of his magnates had already invaded. In May 1 172 he was solemnly forgiven for his share in Becket's murder and reconciled to the Church. Prince Henry was again crowned in 1172 ; and at the same time the King tried to settle the affairs of his vast empire by delegating authority over provinces to his other sons. To Richard was given Aquitaine, to Geoffrey Brittany, whilst a marriage was arranged for John which would have made him lord of valuable fiefs in Provence. The Count of Toulouse was then induced to accept Henry as suzerain. It was a moment of triumph which preceded a storm. Count PhiUp, who had succeeded to Flanders in 1168, joined Louis VII. in opposing Henry. David of Scotland and a number of discontented barons also took arms with the object of making Prince Henry King of England in fact as weU as in name. When the wool trade was disturbed it was not difficult to enlist an army of unemployed Flemish weavers. The men poured into England saying, according to a contem- porary historian, " We have not come into this country to sojourn, but to destroy King Henry the old warrior, and to have his wool, which we long for." The historian adds : " Lords, that is the truth : the greater part of them were weavers." Throughout the graphic narrative of Jordan Fantosme these Flemings play an important part. The war was one in which the English fought an allied army of Scotchmen and Flemings. 76 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND When the Bishop of Winchester carried grave news to the King, who was holding his own with some difficulty in Normandy, " ' Fair lord,' said the King, ' tell me the truth, how are the brave men of my city of London acting ? ' " The answer to this question was : " ' They are the most loyal people of all your kingdom. There is no one in the town who is of age to bear arms who is not well armed. You would wrongly believe any evil of them.' ' O God,' so said the King, ' now have pity, preserve the brave men of my city of London. Depart, lord bishop, to your country. If God give me health, and I be alive, you will have me in London before fifteen days are past, and I will take vengeance on all my enemies.' " To make assurance doubly sure the King, on his way to London, walked barefoot to the shrine of St. Thomas at Canterbury, and was scourged by the monks. Reconciled thus to his English subj ects Henry had a royal reception when he reached London. A few days later he received news of the defeat and capture of the King of Scotland. It was not long before the Flemings were expelled from England ; and civil war did not disturb England during the rest of Henry's reign. But he had trouble enough in his continental dominions. Men sought peace then as at all times they have sought peace. War is always uncomfort- able ; and to Flemish weavers who had been taught tliat they could not obtain Henry's wool by force, peace with England was absolutely necessary. But the divergent economic interests of the provinces of Henry's empire made a prolonged peace impossible. In 1 174 all differences appeared to have been adjusted . BECKET'S FIGHT FOR ENGLISH FREEDOIil 77 The western peoples sheathed their swords, and the King of Scotland was released when he had fuUy acknowledged Henry as his suzerain. In 1 179 Louis of France was stricken with paralysis, and his son, Philip II., became the ruler of France. He married the niece of the childless Count Philip of Flanders, who was made regent of France during the minority of Philip II. During this peace a curious presentiment of fast approaching war prompted the Flemish, French and English to make ready for battle. In 1181, by the Assize of Arms, every English freeman was bound to be prepared to defend his country in case of need. Similar edicts were simultaneously promulgated in France and Flanders. The hold which Henry had acquired over his English subjects by his reconciliation with St. Thomas was shown when he bade his English furnish themselves with arms. The later years of Henry's life were fuU of the trouble inseparable from his vast possessions on the Continent. Richard gave expression to the desire of those over whom he ruled in Aquitaine for independence and access to the Mediterranean through Toulouse. This brought him into conflict with Prince Henry, who wished to succeed to an undivided empire. For reasons of his own the French King encouraged these disputes amongst Henry's sons, which continued after Prince Henry's death in 1183, and that of his brother Geoffrey in 1186. Jerusalem was captured by the Turks in 1187 ; and the Kings of the West agreed to forget their differences and join in the Third Crusade. But before arrangements could be made war began again over the seizure of merchants from Richard's 78 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND dominions by the Count of Toulouse, England and France became involved in the quarrel. Henry was unsuccessful in the fighting, and lost the to\vn of Le Mans. He died soon after peace was signed in 1189, cursing his children and his God because he had failed to unite lands whose economic interests were opposed to union. VII ENGLAND ACQUIRES NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE 1190-1226 Three rulers led the Third Crusade ; of these the first to take the cross and the most enthusiastic was Richard I., King of England, who had but recently been ruling over Aquitaine. Since England's foreign trade was conducted by aliens, the expedition was not conceived in the interest of England ; but the merchants of Aquitaine might have gained had it been a success. With Richard, the two Philips of Flanders and of France went on crusade in 1190. An Anglo-Flemish fleet sailed in advance of the main expedition, and devoted some time to attacking the Moors and driving them from Southern Portugal. The Christian kings who ruled over the provinces into which the Spanish peninsula was divided were gaining importance in the eyes of the Western rulers ; since they commanded the gateway to the golden East. Eleanor, daughter of Henry II., married the King of Castile. A Portuguese princess became the wife of Philip of Flanders ; and, whilst the Crusaders rested in the island of Sicily, Richard married Berengaria of Navarre. The cordial relations which united France and Flanders were of short duration. Territorial disputes 8o THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND led to war by which Philip of France increased his possessions at the expense of his namesake of Flanders. The alliance of the Third Crusade was supposed to have reconciled the three leaders. It needed, however, no gift of prophecy to see that France was destined to increase at the expense of England and Flanders, unless the English and Flemish formed a close alliance. But, although the industrial interests and racial sympathies of the English and Flemish made for this alliance, the commercial ambition of the Flemish merchants and those of Aquitaine led their rulers to waste strength in distant conquests and neglect the treasure they possessed in the wool of England and the looms of Flanders. The crusading kings quarrelled over the conquests that were made. When Cyprus was taken, Philip of France asked for half of the island, and was told by Richard that he could not have it unless he promised to divide Flanders. It was thus clearly understood that the Flemish were to be the real victims of the Third Crusade. Shortly before the Crusaders captured the seaport of Acre, Phihp of Flanders died, and, after a brief interval, Philip of France left the East, bent on increasing his possessions at the expense of the new Count. But news of the death travelled faster than the King ; and Count Baldwin VIII. was allowed to succeed after surrendering Artois and paying a large fine. Richard, dazzled by the prospect of capturing Jerusalem, remained in the East. But in October 1192 the intrigues of his brother John with the French King compelled Richard to abandon his design and leave the East. On his journey home Richard was NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE ACQUIRED 8i seized by the Germans and the English paid an enor- mous ransom for their King. On his return Richard pkmged into war with France. In 1195 Baldwin VIII. was succeeded by his son Baldwin IX., a young man twenty-three years of age. Philip took advantage of the young Count's inexperience, obtaining from him the fiefs of Boulogne and Guines ; in other words, access to the coast nearest to England. Baldwin IX. also signed papers requesting certain bishops to excommuni- cate him if he failed in his duty towards his suzerain. The indignation of the Flemish at this peaceful annexation, which would have imperilled their com- merce with England in the event of an Anglo-French war, was so great that Baldwin was forced to alter his policy. In 1197 the Flemish concluded an offensive and defensive alliance with England and engaged in war with France. The allies were meeting with great success in the war when Richard died in 1199. John became ruler of the Angevin Empire, although many of his subjects supported the claim of Arthur, son of Geoffrey of Brittany, to the Crown. The allied powers, England and Flanders, were able to make satisfactory treaties with France in 1200. John's reign might have been a successful one but for the Fourth Crusade. There was a curious mixture of physical courage and moral cowardice in the Flemish character. Whilst they retained many of their pagan superstitions, they were paralysed when Flanders was placed under inter- dict and Christian services were forbidden. The Arch- bishop of Rheims placed Flanders under interdict during the war between Baldwin IX. and Philip II., G 82 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND but the Pope removed the interdict. Gratitude to the Pope may have prompted Baldwin to march to the East in 1202 on the Fourth Crusade ; but for this, as for the other Crusades, there were other than rehgious motives. Instead of fighting the infidel, the Venetians and Flemish seized and sacked Constantinople, the greatest commercial city in Europe and the bulwark of Christianity in the East. When, in defiance of the Pope's commands, this crime was committed in 1204 and the Count of Flanders became Emperor of Con- stantinople, the merchants of Flanders had reason to hope that the Flemish had secured a monopoly of trade with the East. The Flemish learned their mistake when within a year their Count lost his life fighting Bulgarians. The fortunes of Flanders then depended upon two young girls, Jean and Marguerite, doubly orphaned since their mother. Count Baldwin's wife, had died of fever on board a Flemish fleet which was lying off the coast of Syria. It was long before the Flemish could believe that their great speculation had ended in disaster. More than twenty years after Baldwin's death an impostor was hanged for leading all Flanders astray by pretending to be the Emperor miraculously restored to a people who longed for his return. Philip II. as suzerain of Flanders at once took possession of the Flemish heiresses, and the people were unable to be of assistance to the English whilst Jean and Marguerite were in Paris under Philip's control. When Flanders was drained of her fighting men, John was summoned to Philip's court at Paris over a feudal dispute, and his continental fiefs were forfeited NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE ACQUIRED 83 to Philip, ^^'hilst Baldwin was winning an empire in the East, Philip took possession of Nonnandy almost without resistance. The provinces of an empire cannot continue to be patriotic when their interests are systematically neglected. England's continental possessions had caused heavy taxation, while Nor- mandy had been often devastated by wars waged in the interests of the merchants of Aquitaine. More English wool was sold to Flanders than to Normandy, and the Norman wine trade must have been affected when Gascony was united to England, The wine which the Normans sent to England came from central France. Their trade as middlemen would suffer when Paris and Rouen were separated by Chateau Gaillard, which Richard I. built on the banks of the Seine. It was but natural that the separation of England and Normandy caused little emotion in either land. John, however, did not view with unconcern the loss of revenue and prestige which came from his continental possessions. The basin of the Loire, as well as the basin of the Seine, had seceded from John's empire. The only continental possession which re- mained to him was the favoured region of the Garonne. John showed great ability in grappling with his diffi- culties, although in the end force of circumstances proved stronger than he. He established precedents which were afterwards followed by his more fortunate successors. The wool-growing Cistercians claimed ex- emption from national taxation on the ground that they were not English but foreigners settled in England. John declared that if those who lived in England would not contribute to the expense of government they G 2 84 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND should not have the protection of EngUsh law. This quarrel led to a conflict between Church and State ; during this conflict England was under interdict and the usual religious services were suspended from March 1208 until July 1214. The see of Canterbury fell vacant in 1205. The Pope, asked to decide between the candidates of the King and of the monks of Canterbury, gave Canterbury to his own nominee, Stephen Langton. John refused to allow Langton to enter England, so that for some years the Church had no leader. In the midst of his many difficulties John proved himself a great ruler of men. While England was suffering under interdict, a sentence which had humbled his great rival, Philip of France, in less than a year, John was able to exercise greater authority over both Great Britain and Ireland than any of his predecessors. His private character is described as infamous, but he was loyally obeyed. His throne was supported by a foreign mercenary army recruited largely in Flanders. But the burden of taxation fell lightly on the English, since John confiscated the property of the Church and thus obtained ample funds. During the minority of Countess Jean, the King of England entered into direct relations with the burghers of the Flemish towns. Thus London's wool trade did not suffer. This precedent was also followed by England's kings. There was a strong Flemish party opposed to union with France ; but, whilst the Countess of Flanders was in Philip's keeping, a new crusade drained Flanders of her fighting men. In the rich and prosperous county of Toulouse there were many who held views NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE ACQUIRED 85 now generally accepted by Protestants. Against these men, who denied the authority of the Pope, Rome preached a new crusade. Before Flanders had time to gather strength after the Fourth Crusade, in 1208 her feudal lords joined those of Northern France in an attack on Toulouse. Urged on by the fiery St. Dominic and led by Simon de Montfort, who by this act for- feited his English earldom of Leicester, an army devastated Toulouse, shouting, as they indiscriminately slew orthodox and heretics, " Kill all ; the Lord will know His own." This was the first of the invasions which determined the fate of Toulouse. Henceforward the land was open to the French invader. In 1229 it was finally annexed to the possessions of St. Louis, King of France. As soon as they had recovered from the madness of the Crusade against Toulouse, the Flemish threatened that they would seek a protector in King John if their Countess was not restored to them. In 1212 she was married to Ferdinand of Portugal, who bound himself to act as the faithful servant of Philip II. But the national feeling of the Flemish forced the Count to form an alliance with John. War between France and the allied powers of England and Flanders was inevitable. The shipping of Normandy had become French. If to this was added the fleet of Flanders a successful invasion was more than probable. The English who had refused to help John to retain his continental possessions came forward with enthusiasm when their island was threatened. But the Flemish alliance was the weak point which John feared. The English had shown that interdict could not 86 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND conquer them, but its effect on the Flemish was well known. In January 1213, John, who had already been excommunicated, was formally deposed, and Philip was authorised by the Pope to invade England. It then became certain that Flanders would have to abandon her English ally or brave the anger of Rome, unless John made terms with the Pope. In May 1213, when the French army was about to embark for England, John yielded. With the consent of his barons, he acknowledged the Pope as his suzerain, and England became a vassal kingdom. Langton and the exiled bishops came to England. Compensation was promised to the Church, and Philip was forbidden to attack Rome's vassal. Under these circumstances the Flemish had to be crushed before it was safe for the French to cross the Channel. Philip's army at once invaded Flanders, and his fleet sailed to Damme, where it blocked the entrance to Bruges. John acted promptly. In less than three weeks after his submission to the Pope, an English fleet destroyed or captured four hundred French ships in the harbour of Damme. This was the first of England's victories on the sea. With the destruction of the French fleet all danger of an invasion of Eng- land passed away ; but Philip continued his attack on Flanders. When John tried to aid his allies, his magnates refused their help. It was not until Feb- ruary 1 214 that John was able to sail for La Rochelle with few followers but with money to pay foreign recruits. Meanwhile the Flemish had been placed under interdict by French bishops, and, in despair, they joined a great confederation, which included the NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE ACQUIRED 87 excommunicated Emperor of Germany, Otto IV. John's attack on Anjou was successful mainly because Philip refused to be diverted from his campaign against Flanders and her allies. In July 1214, at Bouvines, the French King won a decisive victory. Count Ferdinand was taken prisoner ; Flanders was crushed ; and John was compelled to make peace with Philip by abandoning his lost continental dominions. On his return to England John was confronted by a combination of bishops, lords, and merchants. They demanded the Great Charter which John signed at Runnymede in June 1215. This Charter left the English serf in bondage, but John was forced to promise to observe the feudal obligations which were imphed in the Charter of Henry I. Thus, whilst the Great Charter is mainly feudal, it safeguarded the rights of all classes of free Englishmen. When the feudal lords made common cause with ecclesiastics and merchants, the new English nation was born. A halo of romance grew round the Great Charter, so that in time men came to believe that the principles of trial by jury and of free trade were contained in it. But this belief is not shared by modern students of history. Henry II. estabhshed juries of accusation — parents of the modern grand jury — which sent those they deemed guilty to the ordeal. The accused was then punished if he failed to hold hot iron unharmed or sink when thrown into water. It was a form of appeal to God after man had given his decision. In 1215 the Fourth Lateran Council condemned ordeals, and forbade priests to countenance them. After this the petty jury replaced the ordeal ; but the change was 88 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND not connected with the Great Charter. Nor did the Great Charter sanction free trade. London merchants would never have assented to so revolutionary a change. Chapter XHL promises " that the citizens of London shall have all their ancient liberties and free customs as well by land as by water ; furthermore, we decree and grant that all other cities, boroughs, towns, and ports shall have all their liberties and free customs." Chapter XLL decrees that " all merchants shall have safe and secure exit from England, and entry to Eng- land, with the right to tarry there and to move about as well by land as by water, for buying and selling by the ancient and right customs, except (in time of war) such merchants as are of the land at war with us. And if such are found in our land at the beginning of the war, they shall be detained, without injury to their bodies or goods, until information be received by us, or by our chief justiciar, how the merchants of our land found in the land at war with us are treated ; and if our men are safe there, the others shall be safe in our land." The inland trade was fully protected by the " ancient and right customs," and it was endangered when the King arbitrarily interfered, as John had often done, with the coming and going of foreign merchants. But even this chapter was found to be injurious to the interests of the nation ; and, in subsequent confirma- tions of the Charter, the Crown was allowed to suspend its operation by proclamation. In the Charter John promised to send away his foreign mercenaries. At first he fulfilled his promise. Then the Pope released him from his oath, and he not NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE ACQUIRED 89 only recalled those he had sent away but enlisted more in Flanders. A multitude of Flemish, anxious to escape from French rule, sailed for England. Many were wrecked off the east coast, but a sufficient number landed there and at Dover to spread panic throughout England. The fleet and the Cinque Ports remained faithful to John. Before long the barons had practically lost all the land except London. In their extremity they offered the kingdom to Louis, the son and heir of Philip of France. John died in October 1216 during the civil war, six months after the death of Innocent III., his papal suzerain. England's new suzerain, Honorius III., reaped from England the harvest which Innocent sowed. John's son and heir, Henry III., was nine years old in 1216. The papal legate at once received the boy's homage and placed him under papal protection. Philip could not officially recognise his son's claim to the English throne, and in 12 17 Louis returned to France. There was peace between England and France until Philip died in 1223 and his son became Louis VIII. During Philip's life Count Ferdinand remained in a French prison. It was not until Henry III. had offi- cially recognised the impostor who pretended that he was Baldwin of Constantinople, when it also seemed probable that the Pope would annul Jean's marriage and thus allow her to choose another protector, that, in 1226, Ferdinand was released. Whilst their French suzerain was exercising an ever-increasing influence over the rulers of Flanders the Kings of England began to negotiate directly with the weaving cities of Flanders ; and this pr)jicy was continued when, after Ferdinand's 90 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND release, Henry HI. also paid the Count his traditional English annuity by way of ensuring an Anglo-Flemish cordial understanding. The reign of Henry HI. marks the transition from the purely feudal government by foreign kings to the mixed feudal and commercial government by the first national Kings of England since the Conquest. A new era then began in which England gradually learned to value and ultimately to protect the production of her workers as well as the trade of her merchants. During this era many mistakes were made, and there was a great crisis — the War of the Roses — which ushered in the protection of industry in much the same way as the War of the Barons led to the entrance of the mercantile class into the governing body of England. But in spite of mistakes and wars it is easy to trace a steady growth of freedom. Serfdom disappeared, and, as the people became free, they obtained from their rulers that protection for their labour without which their freedom would have been worthless. VIII THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE ASSERTED BY A PROTECTIONIST 1218-1265 Originally royal revenue was derived from land. Domesday Book was written by order of the Con- queror in order to equalise and facilitate the collection of this revenue. In ordinary times the King was supposed to live of his own ; that is, from the rents of the crown estates, supplemented by prises levied in kind on exports and imports, payments made by the Jews in return for royal protection, and certain feudal dues. On extraordinary occasions the King's needs were supplied by special taxes. When he went on circuit the localities visited had to supply his wants. This right of purveyance was often grossly abused. During war the King's vassals were obliged to come to his aid, and he could take shipping or goods at a fixed price. It was also the duty of vassals to contribute towards the cost of knighting the king's eldest son, marrying his eldest daughter, and ransoming his person from tlie enemy. The Danegeld, or general tax on land, could be levied if there was need, and tlie coast towns could be required to provide ships for England's defence. After the reign of Henry II. the most usual 92 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND form of special tax was a fraction of the agricultural and other products which remained for sale after the wants of the producer were satisfied. In theory all the land of England belonged to the King. In practice he only owned certain royal estates, whilst he had valuable rights over large tracts of country called forests. Dwellers within the forests were subject to a special code of laws. The game belonged to the King ; and owners of land within the forests were not allowed to cut more timber than they required for their own use. The King owned the right of selling wood from the forest. Before coal was used as fuel the royal forests served a useful purpose in preserving the timber required for the navy. At first the King's forest rights were maintained by cruel laws, but these were abohshed before the reign of Henry III. Fines or imprisonment for a year and a day were the later penalties inflicted for breaches of the forest law. Within the forests the poor enjoyed valuable rights of free fuel and pasture ; but the richer landowners objected to laws which prevented them from selling timber or killing game. When lands were disafforested property of great value passed from the King, who represented the nation, into private hands. The anarchy of Stephen's reign led to encroachments on the royal forests. Much land was afforested by Henry II. and his sons. The long quarrel between King and magnates began as a dispute over the legality of these afforestations. It was ended in the nineteenth century, when the rights of the people in the royal forests had almost disappeared. In Henry's reign there were two parties in England, THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE 93 Nationalists and anti-Nationalists. The former in- cluded the majority of the English people, who viewed with pleasure the loss of Normandy and England's continental possessions. The latter, though numeric- ally weak, were constantly strengthened by immigrants from the Continent. Their aim was the recovery of the Angevin Empire, and, perhaps, the acquisition of the through route to the East b}^ way of the Garonne. From the first the anti-Nationalists had great influence over Henry HI. The Nationalists were not united, some wished to increase the power of the magnates at the expense of the Crown ; whilst others sought to unify the country by strengthening the King's authority. William Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, acted as Regent for the boy-king. He conciliated the mag- nates by advising Henry to sign the Great Charter and the Charter of the Forests, which sanctioned extensive disafforestations. Pembroke died in 1218. He was succeeded by Hubert de Burgh, a Nationalist who worked for the Crown. The Pope's attempt to govern England as a subject province was foiled by his efforts and those of Archbishop Langton ; but the papacy was able to treat England as a well of wealth from which Rome could draw an unlimited supply. Under de Burgh order was re-established. In 1222 he incurred the hostility of the Londoners by his severity in suppressing a local riot which, owing to the cries raised, appeared like an attempt at again assert- ing Louis' claim to the throne of England. In 1223 Philip of France died and his son became Louis VIII, Henry was in this year declared of age, and the sur- render of royal castles held during the King's minority 94 THE STRENCxTH OF ENGLAND was demanded. There was a short civil war, after which de Burgh was able to strengthen the royal power. War with France recommenced in 1224. The Enghsh possessions in Gascony were retained, owing to the fact that the French directed most of their attention to the complete subjugation of Toulouse. In 1226, whilst Toulouse was being crushed, Louis VIIL died. His twelve-year-old son became Louis IX. with his mother Blanche of Castile as Regent. The accession of a child to the throne of France gave the French feudal lords an opportunity for checking the growth of their suzerain's authority, which had been greatly increased by Philip II. and Louis VIII. Henry tried to turn this disunion to good account, but the tact of the Regent of France con- ciliated the French barons for a time, and Henry was forced to make a truce with France in 1228. The French barons, however, insisted that Ferdinand of Flanders should be released so that the Flemish had a man to lead them. In 1229 the question of Toulouse was finally settled by its definite union with the king- dom of France. Next year the barons of France were again in arms against the Regent ; and Henry crossed the Channel. But, in spite of his annuity, the Count of Flanders refused to join the insurgent French barons. The Regent was able to make terms with the barons ; and Henry signed a fresh truce with France. The position of the Count of Flanders was a difficult one. Over a part of his territory the French King was over-lord ; part was held as a German fief ; and some land was his own domain. In the time of William the Conqueror, a fresh obligation was added : in return for THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE 95 an annual money payment, the Counts entered into complicated feudal relations with the kings of England. As Dukes of Normandy, the English kings were vassals of France like the Flemish Counts ; and the Anglo- Flemish treaties which for many years were enacted and re-enacted bear witness to the Counts' keen desire to live on the most friendly terms with England, and yet avoid giving offence to their suzerain, or com- promising themselves with Normandy. The war of 1230 was accompanied by a stoppage of commercial relations between England and Flanders. The inconvenience was evidently felt in both countries, since in 1237 an Anglo-Flemish arrangement was con- cluded which guaranteed the neutrality of Flanders in the event of an Anglo-French war. Nevertheless, although the Countess of Flanders married, after the death of Ferdinand in 1233, a husband who proved loyal to England and his annuity, the poHtical con- nexion between France and Flanders still deprived Flemish looms of Enghsh wool when England and France were at war. A regular supply of Enghsh wool was so important to the weavers of Ghent that in the middle of the thirteenth century they made a canal connecting their city with Damme, a seaport at the mouth of the Zwyn. Among those who volunteered for the war of 1230 there was one who was destined to mould the infant nation of England. A marriage contracted in the twelfth century between the Anglo-Norman house of de Beaumont and the Franco-Norman house of de Montfort gave the earldom of Leicester to that Simon de Montfort who led the Albigensian crusade. 96 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND In this crusade he was fighting against John's brother- in-law, the Count of Toulouse, and blocking the English king's access to the Mediterranean. He therefore forfeited his earldom ; but his younger son, also called Simon, made amends when he offered his sword to Henry in 1230. As a reward Simon de Montfort received the forfeited earldom of Leicester and the hand of the king's sister, Eleanor, thus be- coming one of the most important of England's magnates. Henry HL, a devoted servant of the Church of Rome, was unfortunate in the choice of two of his sisters' husbands. De Montfort was excommunicated by the Pope, and the same fate was shared by the Emperor Frederic IL, who married Henry's sister Isabel in 1235. The war between Emperor and Pope culminated in Frederic's reign. The papacy needed money for this war and made repeated demands on its vassal kingdom, England. Papal financiers, called Caorsines, from Cahors, came to aid in the collection of this tribute. These Caorsines were soon hated as heartily as the Jews were. The English clergy were the chief victims. Not only were they heavily taxed, but the well-paid livings were given to foreigners. Papal taxation and that caused by the Anglo-French wars caused such discontent that in 1232 a vast secret society was formed in England to drive foreign eccle- siastics out of the island. Acts of violence were com- mitted, and no one was arrested. Already de Burgh had lost Henry's favour owing to his having opposed the Anglo-French war. After these disturbances de Burgh was driven from office and persecuted by the THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE 97 King. The anti-Nationalist des Roches became Henty's adviser, but his term of office was cut short by the outbreak of civil war. In 1234 Henry was forced to banish des Roches and govern England without an adviser. Having obtained the right bank of the Rhone the French coveted the German fiefs which lined the left bank. The Count of Provence had no sons, and Louis IX. married the eldest of the Count's four daughters. In 1236 Henry III. married Eleanor of Provence, and the two remaining daughters found husbands in Charles of Anjou, the brother of Louis IX., and Richard of Cornwall, the brother of Henry III. Provence, the prize in this matrimonial contest, was ultimately obtained by Charles of Anjou. This was the beginning of the expansion of France at the expense of Germany. After Henry's wedding an attempt was made to reconcile the claims of the King and his magnates by an Act, called the Provisions of Merton, which was " framed in the interest of the great land- owners." The Great Charter and the Forest Charter were confirmed ; but means were still found by which the disafforesting clauses were evaded. On the other hand, in the Provisions of Merton the lord of a manor was allowed " to enclose waste lands, provided that he left enough pasture to meet the wants of the free- holders." This method of satisf3'ing the claims of the rich by assigning to them the rights of the poor formed a precedent often followed in later times. With Henry's Queen there came a swarm of her kinsfolk from Provence. These were given posts in England ; one of Queen Eleanor's uncles, Boniface, H 98 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND obtained the Archbishopric of Canterbury in 1241. War broke out between Louis IX. and the Count of La Marche ; and Henry IIL invaded France in 1242, only once more to suffer defeat. A truce was then signed, and there were no more Anglo-French wars during Henry's reign. When they had access to the Mediterranean the French turned their attention to the East. The emperors who succeeded Count Baldwin at Constantinople were hard pressed. Baldwin IL came in person to ask for French aid in 1236. He received a large subsidy and gave in return a sacred relic. The Pope had begged Frederic IL to attack the Mahomedans, but the Emperor, who was also King of Sicily, found that he could obtain all he wanted by peaceful negotiation with the infidel. In 1248 Louis IX. sailed from Aigues Mortes, a Mediterranean seaport specially constructed by him. His invasion of Egypt ended in disaster. He was taken prisoner, but was allowed to sail to Acre after paying a ransom which emptied his military chest. Henry IIL also took the cross, and the Pope sanctioned a tax to be levied on the Enghsh clergy. But the EngUsh King left the fighting to Louis IX. In 1250 the Emperor Frederic died. With him the power of the empire passed away. The power of France increased as that of Germany declined. Henry III. also hoped to reap gain at the expense of Germany. In 1254 he concluded an offensive and defensive alliance with Alphonso, King of Castile — Edward, Henry's eldest son, was married to Eleanor, Alphonso's daughter. In the same year Henry accepted from the Pope the kingdom of Sicily for his second son, Edmund. THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE 99 In 1256 Richard of Cornwall accepted an invitation to become the Emperor of Germany. To Henry it may have seemed that England would take that place in Europe which Gemiany had held. The English were indifferent to this dazzling future. They only saw with alarm that vast sums of English money were being sent to Rome and Germany. In 1258 the royal treasury was empty. The magnates were summoned to a Great Council at Westminster, and the crisis in the contest between the Nationalists and anti-Nationalists began. At first the Nationalists were united in their action, but they were composed of two sections whose aims were antagonistic. A great movement had been started in the Catholic Church by the friars who followed the teaching of St. Dominic and St. Francis. Both taught that Christians should love righteousness more than worldly wealth, and both tried to reform the Church from within. Whatever may be said of the failings of the mendicant friars when they were overcome by the gold they had denounced, or whatever fault may be found with the acts of cruelty by which the Dominicans proved their fanatical loyalty to Rome, all must admire the Christlike self-surrender of the first Dominicans and Franciscans when they came penniless to England to minister to outcasts for whom nobody cared. At once this saintlincss conquered England, and in all probability postponed the severance of the English Church from Rome for centuries. The Franciscan friars had taught the English that poor and rich were brethren in Christ, the friars practised the religion they preached, and the English gladly accepted n 2 100 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND their Gospel ; from them the EngUsh learned their first lessons in real freedom. Grossteste, one of the holiest of England's bishops, afterguards Bishop of Lincoln, welcomed the Franciscans to Oxford in 1224 ; he retained a close connexion with the Franciscans throughout his life. Grossteste and Adam Marsh, a Franciscan friar, were intimate friends of de Montfort and his wife. Some of the letters which passed between these friends have been preserved, and these breathe a spirit of devotion to Christ and His teaching. Under such teachers de Montfort became the leader of that section of the Nationalist party which aimed at securing freedom for all Englishmen ; while Richard, Earl of Gloucester, led those magnates whose ideal of freedom meant the rule of the barons. The cleavage between the sections did not occur until the united Nationalist party had vanquished their opponents. Behind the barons at the Great Council of West- minster there was a united people. The Church and London supported them, and the King had no option but to agree to a project of reform whose execution should be entrusted to twenty-four councillors to be chosen by himself and his magnates. The Great Council then adjourned to Oxford. There a Petition of Grievances was presented to the King. The barons complained of violation of the Charters, of defects in English law, of corrupt administration of justice, of the power which Henry had entrusted to foreigners, and of the foreign merchants and money-lenders who were allowed to reside and trade in London without contributing to national taxation. A council of fifteen members was then appointed, and the King swore that THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE loi he would act as they advised. The royal proclamation accepting the Provisions of Oxford was published in English, as well as in French and Latin. In the struggle for freedom the Londoners took a prominent part. Freeman has written that, in 1247, " when the nobles, clergy, and people of England put forth their famous letter denouncing the wrongs which England suffered at the hands of the Roman bishop, it was with the seal of the cit}^ of London, as the centre of national Hfe, that the national protest was made." But London, like the barons, was destined, as the struggle deve- loped, to be weakened by strife between the demo- cratic and the anti-democratic Nationalists. After the triumph of the Nationalists at Oxford the foreign policy of England was reversed. The crown of Sicily was declined and the Anglo-French truce was converted into a formal peace. The prin- ciples of the Provisions of Oxford were elaborated in detail by the Provisions of Westminster passed by the barons in 1259. The rights which the great land- lords demanded from their chief landlord, the King, were given to their tenants. A genuine attempt was made at establishing a constitutional monarch}-. If on the one hand the King was asked to govern by the advice of his barons, on the other hand the power of the King, acting under advice, was increased by the baronial surrender of feudal privileges. Although de Montfort's scheme of a constitutional monarchy failed, the King when triumphant in 1267 rc-cnacted the Provisions of Westminster in the Statute of Marl- borough. The failure of de Montfort's scheme was due, not to his Irgnl roforms, but to a vast economic 102 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND change which he tried to carry out while he was engaged in political reform. Economic and political independence are closely allied. It is not wise to depend solely on the sale of raw material to the foreigner, since in times of shortage the people have no manufactures to sell for food, and the land may be afflicted with famine. It is equally unwise to trust to an industry which depends on foreign raw material, since ruin must come if the foreign nation acquires the industry and thus uses her raw material at home. These truths are clearly expressed in the histories of England and Flanders. In all countries peasants wove the rough cloth which served their needs, but the finer cloths of European manufacture were, at first, made almost exclusively in Flanders. Weaving was introduced into that country as a definite industry long before the coming of WiUiam I. to England. At a later date the Flemish had serious competitors in Southern Germany and Florence ; but for a long while England was the country where the wool was grown, Flanders the land where it was made into line cloth, and German merchants the middlemen who bought and sold the wool and cloth. It was part of the policy of the Norman and Angevin kings to encourage these foreign middlemen, and for many centuries English commerce was restricted to buying in the home market and selling to the German for export abroad. Lead, tin, hides, and wool were England's principal exports, particularly wool, which was chiefly sold in Flanders. In 1258 the barons at Oxford " decreed that the wool of the country should be worked up in England, THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE 103 and should not be sold to foreigners, and that every one should use woollen cloth made within the country and not seek over-precious raiment." This attempt at protecting the work of the poor English weaver instead of the trade of the rich English merchant was in keeping with the idealism of the Franciscan friars. It was, at the time, Utopian and visionary. Though woad was imported in considerable quantity, English cloth was for the most part undyed and rough. The weaving industry in England was too small to absorb the immense supply of English wool. Had the decree been carried out, the merchants and wool-growers of England would have been faced with ruin. The mayor and aldermen of London accepted the Provi- sions of Oxford " saving the liberties and customs of the City " ; but there were many who objected to this saving clause. The Craft Gilds united, and in 1261 they elected a democratic mayor, FitzThomas. Thus the suggestion of protection for English industry led at once to disunion in London. De Montfort appears to have yielded to the wishes of the merchants ; since in 1259, when Henry was acting under baronial control, he signed agreements which encouraged Anglo-Flemish trade. The barons were also disunited by de Montfort 's democratic sympathies. Richard of Gloucester aban- doned the baronial cause, and in 1261 Henry felt strong enough to produce papal bulls absolving him from his oath to observe the Provisions of Oxford. But whilst merchants and lords deserted the cause of democracy, the Church of England remained loyal to the cause of progress in dcliance of the papal bulls. 104 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND The repudiation of the Provisions for a time reunited de Montfort and Gloucester. The Royahsts suggested that the dispute between King and barons should be submitted to the arbitration of Louis IX. This was accepted by many of the barons, but de Montfort refused to assent and retired to France. The death of Richard of Gloucester in 1262 weakened the Royalists. The new Earl Gilbert joined de Montfort, who returned from France in 1263. A baronial army swept through England and eventually received a warm welcome in London. Foreigners in England, particularly foreign clergy, were attacked and expelled from the island. Archbishop Boniface sought safety in flight. But once more the triumph of the Nationalists was followed by their disunion. The Sicilian danger passed away in the summer of 1263, when the Pope revoked his grant to Prince Edmund in order that he might give the throne to Charles of Anjou. Before the end of the year Henry and de Montfort agreed to accept the arbitration of Louis IX. Six months later Louis decided in Henry's favour on all the disputed points. This award was immediately followed by civil war. At Lewes in May 1264 the Royalists were defeated, and Henry became de Montfort's prisoner. Though by birth and marriage de Montfort might have aspired to usurp the Crown, no such disloyal attempt was made. Henry continued to reign, but he had to accept again the Provisions. The Queen escaped to France and raised an army for the invasion of England. A papal legate waited at Boulogne for a chance to enter England and pronounce the excom- THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE 105 munication of .the Nationalists. Entering into the growing commercial spirit of the age, the Pope forbade all commerce with England. De Montfort faced the situation with courage. He raised an army to guard the coast. He organised a fleet to sweep the narrow seas. He levied a tax of ten per cent, on the goods of laity and clergy. To those who prophesied England's ruin de Montfort said " that the inhabitants of England could live comfortably of their own with- out foreign trade " ; and patriots wore rough English undyed cloth to show their love for England. These details are recorded by Thomas Wykes, one of the two contemporary historians who opposed de Montfort's policy. To prove that de Montfort oppressed the people, Wykes says that prices rose, but he only quotes the rise in price of wax, vdne, and pepper. These were the luxuries of the rich. When de Montfort and his Franciscan teachers thought of the people of England, their minds instinctively turned to the poor workers, not to the rich merchants and landlords. That the poor could live of their own is proved by the almost idolatrous veneration of de Montfort's memory, which came spontaneously from the Enghsh poor when the great earl was killed at Evesham during the so-called period of distress. The stoppage of trade alienated the merchants and many of the lords ; but the Church and the people remained true to England. In January 1265 the first real Enghsh Parhament met at Westminster. In this Parhament, practically summoned by an excom- municated earl, there were one hundred and twenty of the higher clergy and only tliirty-two barons ; but io6 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND with the Churchmen there sat two members from each shire and town. Of the thirty- two barons nine were Royahsts and these were soon increased by seceders from the ranks of the NationaHsts. Gilbert of Glou- cester abandoned de Montfort, and London gave but a hesitating support in spite of the efforts of Fitz- Thomas and his friends. Civil war ensued. In August 1265 de Montfort and his followers were welcomed by the monks of Evesham. Next day he was surrounded by Prince Edward's army and realised that all was lost. " By the arm of St. James ! they attack wisely ; not of themselves but from me have they learned that method ; let us commend our souls to God since our bodies are theirs," said the Earl of Leicester when he died for England. The monks of Evesham buried in their abbey what remained of de Montfort's body after the victors had mutilated a corpse they no longer feared. To the tomb of the excommunicated earl, as to Becket's shrine, the English flocked to be healed of their ills. In spite of Pope and King the English called de Montfort St. Simon the Martyr. At Evesham the vanquished won the victory ; since Edward learned more than the art of war from the uncle he defeated. From de Montfort King Edward I. learned to trust his people and rule wisely ; and England learned from her great earl to value economic independence and political freedom so dearly that in time she was really able to live of her own. But two centuries had to elapse before the lesson was fully learned. IX THE MAGNATES LOSE THEIR DEMOCRATIC SYMPATHIES 1270-1325 The death of de Montfort wrecked the democratic cause. The property of the insurgent barons was confiscated. London lost her civic rights ; and her democratic mayor, FitzThomas, died in prison. The disinherited continued a hopeless fight against Prince Edward, who undertook the task of reducing England to obedience. After a time more moderate counsels prevailed. The barons were allowed to redeem their estates by the payment of heavy fines. Henry left the government in the hands of his son, who proved that he had learned much from de Montfort. In 1270 the work of pacification was so complete that Edward thought it safe to accept the cross from his father and leave England on crusade. Before he left, London was given her old freedom. England's interest in the crusade was but slight. Charles of Anjou was King of Sicily ; to extend French influence in the Mediterranean his brother, Louis IX., sailed for Tunis on his last crusade. Before he joined Louis, Prince Edward learned that the crusade had failed, that Louis was dead, and that his son, Philip III., had made peace with the infidel. Edward then sailed io8 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND to Acre, where Christians were fighting to keep their only remaining colony in Syria. Recalled to England in 1272 by alarming accounts of his father's health, Edward, on his return journey, visited Charles of Anjou in Sicily, where he could see for himself that Germany had ceased to be the leading European State. A French king ruled the island which had flourished under Frederic's care ; and Frenchmen had taken from Germans the task of alternately protecting and attacking the papacy. Pope Gregory X., Edward's host at Orvieto, could tell his guest that Rome was sanctioning the termination of the imperial inter- regnum in Germany, hoping that the reconciliation of Pope and Emperor would stimulate the waning interest of Europe in the East and lead to a new crusade. But the contrast between the feeble remnant of Christians at Acre and the prosperous burghers of the North Italian cities, who gave the young king a royal recep- tion, must have shown him that the growth of Euro- pean industry had quenched all zeal for the crusades. That Edward loved the old feudal world which was so rapidly changing is shown by his halting, on the way to Paris, to accept a challenge from the Count of Chalons. The King won great renown by unhorsing his opponent ; and then, after paying feudal homage to his suzerain at Paris, he spent some time in settling his complicated feudal relations with his turbulent vassals of Aquitaine. But, even before the King returned to England, he had to give his serious atten- tion to prosaic mercantile disputes which liad been affecting Anglo-Flemish trade. In April 1274 Edward made the exportation of English wool a capital offence. MAGNATES LESS DEMOCRATIC 109 Stint of wool stopped the Flemish looms. On his return from Aqiiitaine he had a consultation with the Mayor of London in Paris ; and then met Count Guy of Flanders, with whom he made a satisfactory com- mercial treaty. In August 1274 Edward had a warm welcome when he entered London. Whether Edward did or did not fully reaMse that the production of the East was being eclipsed by that of the great manufacturing centres of Europe, there is no doubt that the call of the East sounded more faintly to him after his visit to Acre. The thirty-five years of Edward's reign were devoted to the estabUshment of an Enghsh parliament, in which the Commons were represented, to the definition of the respective rights of the King and the people, to securing access to the Flemish wool market, and to the unification of Great Britain. The last object was the one which was nearest Edward's heart ; it was also the only one which he failed to achieve. In 1275 the Parhament of Westminster passed a comprehensive statute codifying Enghsh law. At the request of the merchants the King's ancient right of prise was altered into a definite export duty on wool and leather, England's chief exports. A definite money payment was granted on each sack of wool and last of leather. The export duties were called the Ancient or Great Customs. When prices rose this fixed money payment injuriously affected the royal revenue and led to trouble ; but it was an attempt at removing a cause of friction between the King and his subjects. These export duties, which enhanced the price of Enghsh wool in Flanders, gave a permanent, though no THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND slight, protection to English weavers. Flemish cloth, when sold in the English market, was also burdened with the cost of carrying the wool to Flanders and the cloth to England. In 1278 a statute, Quo Warranto, was passed to compel barons to declare the grounds on which they claimed their feudal rights. The results of the inquiry were recorded so that no new rights could be acquired by custom. In 1279 another statute, Mortmain, was passed to prevent English land from passing into the hands of the clergy without the King's consent. The change effected by the growth of manufacture in Europe is illustrated by this statute. Edward's father began his reign as a vassal of the Pope, although the papacy was engaged in its struggle with the imperial power ; but Edward could pass laws, which at one time would have called forth excommunication and interdict, although Rome had vanquished her imperial rival. The papacy was, however, as seriously weakened as its former foe. The Church still retained her hold over agriculture ; but, when fine cloth was worth eight times the wool from which it was woven, mercliants became richer and more powerful than abbots. When kings, merchants, and artisans worked in concert, they could curb priests and barons. This was, however, not fully realised in England for two centuries after Edward's reign. If England was born at Runnymede, she was an infant until de Montfort and Edward taught her to speak. For two hundred years she learned, as a child learns, by painful experience. Then, under the Tudors, she began her royal career. The Chronicler who wrote that Wales was in the MAGNATES LESS DEMOCRATIC iii power of William the ' Conqueror probably meant little more than that Wales could not have offered serious resistance to his attack. The union of Eng- land and Wales was furthered by the settlement of Flemings at Pembroke under Henry I. The general disintegration of Stephen's reign weakened the con- nexion, which was re-estabUshed by Henry H. and John. The revolutions which produced the Great Charter and the Provisions of Oxford left Wales in a semi-independent position. By force of arms Edward I. united Wales to England, and cemented the union by giving his son the title of Prince of Wales. The Scotch of the Lowlands were, like the Enghsh, a blend of Saxons, Danes, and Normans. Whatever meaning should be attached to the Chronicler's state- ment that William the Conqueror " also subjected Scotland to him by his great strength," it is certain that in 1175 the King of Scotland admitted the over- lordship of Henry II. Richard I. sold his suzerain rights ; but there remained an indefinite acknowledg- ment of the superiority of the Enghsh king. During the reign of Henry III. the royal families of England and Scotland became closely united. Alexander II. married Henry's sister, and Alexander III. married Henry's daughter. In 1286 Alexander III. died, leaving no direct heirs except the child Margaret, the Maid of Norway. Her premature death wrecked the hopes of a peaceful union which had been founded on her betrothal to Edward's heir. After Margaret's death in 1290, two Scotch barons of Norman descent, John Bcdhol and Robert Bruce, submitted their claims to the throne of Scotland to Edward's arbitration. 112 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND In 1292 Balliol became King John of Scotland, and at the same time he accepted Edward's over-lordship. The Scotch, like the English, were growers of wool ; they sold their wool in Flanders as the English did. When in the reign of Edward I., and again in the reign of Edward HI., the union of Great Britain was ap- parently accomplished, the Scotch wool-growers found that union with England was immediately followed by the closure of the Flemish market. To Scotch sheep- farmers union with England came to mean financial ruin, while alliance with France ensured an open door in Flanders for their wool. This condition was not altered until the Flemish weaving industry was ruined by the development of English weaving. Then union with England became a popular policy in Scot- land, and the union of Great Britain was peacefully accomplished. It is commonly asserted that the Scotch rebelled against Edward I. because King John of Scotland was summoned to answer charges brought by merchants in Edward's court ; but this was an ordinary incident of the feudal relation. Edward was summoned to answer charges brought by French sailors to Philip's court in Paris, and admitted the validity of the summons by sending his brother to appear as his deputy. Such a grievance would not have destroyed the friendly relations between Scotland and England ; whereas exclusion from the Flemish market affected every home in Scotland. In 1293 rivalry between the seamen of Normandy and of the Cinque Ports led to a sea fight in which the Norman fleet was destroyed. Edward tried to avert war by sending his brother Edmund to Paris to MAGNATES LESS DEMOCRATIC 113 answer the charges brought against him in PhiUp's court and by acquiescing in the sequestration of six Gascon strongholds for a short period as atonement for the destruction of the Norman fleet. These castles were, however, retained b}^ the French King and war became inevitable. There were Flemish ships in the French fleet, but Edward and Count Guy took immediate steps to secure the continuance of friendly commercial relations. In particular the Count of Flanders promised that trade between Scotland and Flanders should not be interrupted. A project of marrying Edward's heir to a daughter of Count Guy, which had previously been mooted and abandoned, was revived. In June 1294 the marriage treaty was signed. Then the French King intervened. Edward knew that delay was dangerous. The magnates, including King John of Scotland, met in June 1294. War was unanimously agreed on, and money almost enthusiastically promised. The feudal levies were summoned to meet at Portsmouth in September. The national emergency forced the King to resort to unconstitutional methods of taxation. " Even before the June parliament he had seized all the wool of the merchants, releasing it only on the payment of from three to five marks on the sack ; an impost which by some undescribcd process received the legal consent of the owners of wool, and was prolonged to the end of the war. On July 4 he had seized and enrolled all the coined money and treasure in the sacristies of the monasteries and cathedrals. The assembled clergy were no doubt prepared for a heavy demand, when the King appeared in person, and after I 114 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND apologising for his recent violence on the plea of necessity, asked for an aid." After some resistance the clergy submitted. The possessions of alien priories were also seized and small incomes were allotted to the clergy. This step checked the sending of money to the French Chapters, to whom the monasteries owed allegiance. Before the opposition of the clergy was overcome, Edward threatened to deprive them of the protection of the law. The Archbishop of Canterbury, Robert of Winchel- sey, was a Franciscan, and the earnestness with which he defended the possessions of the Church marks a change in the attitude of the friars towards worldly wealth. The Sicilian vespers occurred in 1282. Then the French in Sicily were exterminated b}^ the natives. For a time the papacy was freed from French control, and Pope Boniface VHI. used this freedom to assert again an extreme view of papal rights. In spite of the Act of Mortmain large sums were sent to Rome from England and also from France. Boniface determined that the Anglo-French war should not affect this tribute ; and Winchelsey supported his Pope. The spirit of de Montfort seemed to live only in King Edward. The Church tried to evade taxation. The barons used the King's difficulties as a means by which they could force the surrender of the royal forest rights. The merchants shared the general desire to evade taxation. Even the King's patriotism was tainted by his wish to retain Gascony. Disunion in England delayed the attack on Gascony. The Welsh seized what seemed a favour- able opportunity for rebellion ; and Edward was MAGNATES LESS DEMOCRATIC 115 obliged to lead an army into Wales. It was not until the summer of 1295 that the Welsh insurrection was suppressed. Meanwhile Philip of France was able not only to defeat the weak force which was sent to Gascony, but to create trouble for Edward in Flanders and Scotland. Count Guy was summoned to Paris, and on his arrival was arrested and detained in prison for some months. He was not released until he gave his daughter, who was betrothed to Edward's son, as a hostage to Philip. Commerce between Flanders and Edward's dominions was forbidden. The closing of the Flemish market led to a revolution in Scotland, King John of Scotland was placed under the control of twelve Scotch magnates ; an alliance with France followed ; and then, in June 1295, Philip commanded the Flemish to re-open their market to the Scotch. Although the invasion of Gascony proved a failure, the English navy, which Edward organised, was able to check Philip's attempt to gain control of the Channel. Nevertheless in 1295 the revolt of Scotland added greatly to Edward's troubles. Imitating his uncle de Montfort, Edward, in November 1295, summoned a representative parlia- ment, called the Model Parliament, in order " that what touches all should be approved by all," and that " common dangers should be met by remedies agreed upon in common." Of the common danger the King wrote that Philip " has beset my realm with a great fleet and a great multitude of warriors, and purposes, if his power equal his unrighteous design, to blot out the English tongue from the face of the earth." The laity responded to the appeal ; but the clergy declined 1 2 ii6 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND to vote an adequate grant. Once more, an insufficient force was sent to Gascony. In Scotland Edward had more success. He was again master of Scotland bj^ force of arms in the summer of 1296. The tension between Church and King reached its climax at the parliament of Bury in November 1296. The clergj/ declined to submit to the taxation agreed to by the laity. The}'- pleaded a bull of Boniface VHI., in which, under pain of excommunication, lay rulers were forbidden to tax their clergy and, under the same penalty, the clergy were forbidden to pay such taxes. Edward replied by depriving the clergy of all redress or protection in English law courts. This drastic measure caused many of the clergy to give way ; but the quarrel was still smouldering when Edward sailed for Flanders in 1297. In November 1296 Edward made an alliance against France with the Emperor of Germany, the Duke of Austria, the Counts of Holland, Brabant, and Flanders, and other Teutonic princes. The object of the alliance was the deliverance of Flanders from French control. Philip tried to bribe the Flemish to desert Edward by offering commercial advantages. When this attempt failed a French army moved towards Flanders, and Flemish envoys were sent to beg Edward to come to their Count's assistance. In May 1297 William Wallace became the leader of a Scotch revolt, but neither this nor the disaffection of his barons pre- vented Edward from sailing to Flanders in August. The magnates flatly refused to go to Gascony and showed no great zeal for the expedition to Flanders. Edward was therefore unable to raise the South of MAGNATES LESS DEMOCRATIC 117 France against Philip, whilst he tried to drive the French from Flanders. The magnates were apparently conciliated by Edward's promise to redress their grievances on his return ; but instead of sending Edward the supply they had promised, they took advantage of his absence by obtaining a confirmation of the Great Charter and the Forest Charter from the boy. Prince Edward, who had been appointed Regent. Want of mone}', disunion in Flanders, and the defection of his allies wrecked Edward's scheme. He was reduced to pawning the Crown jewels before he signed a truce with Philip in October 1297, and re- turned to England in March 1298. One reason for the abandomnent of the Flemish campaign was a victory won by Wallace at Stirhng Bridge in September 1297. On his return Edward at once made preparations for the conquest of Scotland. In July 1298 the defeat of the Scotch at Falkirk might have led to the union of Scotland and England ; but the disaffection of the English lords prevented Edward from making use of his victory. The magnates were dissatisfied because the confirmation of the Forest Charter had not led to the surrender of royal rights. The King was unwilling to abandon his rights unless an arrangement was made by which the royal revenue was not diminished. The dispute ended in the surrender of the royal rights in 1301 in return for a small grant of money. The Statute of Mertcjn, which sanctioned enclosures, the partially successful opposition of the magnates to the Statute of Quo Warranto, which was intended to compel them to disclose their titles to the lands the}^ claimed, and their victory over the King in 1301, were ii8 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND the first of a long series of measures by which crown lands passed into private hands. The King obtained the funds he needed for the conquest of Scotland in 1302 by an arrangement made with foreign merchants in a treaty called Carta Mer- catoria. Aliens were allowed to trade freely in England with their fellow aliens or with Englishmen. They were exempted from the pa^^ment of local dues. They were allowed to sell certain articles retail. In case of dispute they were granted the privilege of being tried by a jury of which half the members should be foreigners. The ancient exactions of the Crown were abolished. In return for these privileges the alien merchants agreed to a scale of export duties fifty per cent, greater than those imposed on wool and leather in the Ancient Customs and to certain mode- rate duties on other articles imported and exported. There is no record of the amount paid by the foreigners for these privileges ; but these New Customs were farmed to the Frescobaldi, Italian financiers, who had obtained a monopoly of English finance after the expulsion of the Jews in 1290. After the signature of this, the Merchants' Charter, the war with Scotland was vigorously resumed. The magnates were not asked to contribute towards the expenses of the war ; but in 1304 the King levied a heavy tallage on the royal domains. This was objected to in the parliament of 1305, but the opposition of the magnates ceased when the King gave them leave to tallage their tenants in like manner. In 1305 the alien priories, for whom no one greatly cared, were for- bidden to send money to their foreign parent houses. MAGNATES LESS DEMOCRATIC 119 This money was paid into the royal exchequer. In the autumn of 1305 Scotland was again subdued and Wallace was hanged at Tyburn. Meanwhile the quarrel between Philip of France and the papacy had been strengthening Edward's position. In 1302 the Sicilian vespers were repeated in the matins of Bruges. Philip invaded Flanders to avenge the massacre of Frenchmen, and suffered a crushing defeat at Courtrai. Although this defeat was partially redeemed at Mons en Puelle in the following year, Philip was obliged to acquiesce in the practical autonomy of Flanders whilst he waged war with the Pope. To free his hands for his great struggle Philip restored Gascony to Edward in 1303,' and the Anglo-French peace became an entente coydiale. In 1305 a Gascon became Pope Clement V. For seventy years Popes ruled Chris- tendom from Avignon, where they became the servants of the King of France. At first the entente coydiale gave Edward almost as much influence over Pope Clement as King Philip possessed. The relations between England and Scotland had become so embittered that the union could only be maintained by force of arms. In 1306, and again in 1307, the Scotch were in arms under Robert Bruce, who was crowned King of Scotland. In the latter year Edward I. died whilst fighting the Scotch. One of his last instructions was to urge his son, soon to be Edward II., to continue the war until Scotland was subdued. In 1306 Edward had obtained a papal bull absolving him from his oath confirming the Forest Charter. About the same time Edward obtained from the Pope letters suspending Archbishop Winchelsey 120 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND and summoning him to the papal Court. In 1305 Edward had received petitions from the poorer folk complaining that they had lost their ancient rights when the forests passed into private hands. He then issued an ordinance reforming the administration of the forests and decreeing that " if any of them that be disafforested by the purlieu would rather be within the forest as they were before, than to be out of the forest, as they be now, it pleaseth the King very well that they shall be received thereunto, so that they may remain in their ancient estate, and shall have common and other easement, as well as they had before." This ordinance might have been framed by de Montfort. Edward would probably have regained his forest rights after the Pope had absolved him from his oath but for his death in 1307. Weakened by the loss of their leader, Archbishop Winchelsey, the magnates were unable for the moment to resist the King. Edward II., however, inherited an unfinished war with Scotland, a quarrel with English merchants over the Carta Mercatoria, and one with his barons over the revocation of the Forest Charter. There was peace with France until 1323, when a dispute arose over the question of homage for Aquitaine. But in the fighting the English were little involved, and the dispute was settled in 1325 when Edward's eldest son did homage. Nevertheless, the twenty years of Edward's reign were filled with strife. The King failed to recover his forests and the merchants continued to protect their trade, but the victory of the magnates and merchants was won at a great cost. The loss of Scotland and the murder of the King formed part of the price England paid. CARTA MERCATORIA AND ITS INFLUENCE 1307-1340 One body of foreign merchants in London, the Germans, had Uttle need of the treaty called Carta Mercatoria. They had enjoyed special privileges from the time of Ethelred. These privileges were confirmed by Henry II. and his successors. Their concession in London was the Steelyard. In 1254, when the imperial power decayed after the death of Frederic II., an ancient confederation of Rhine towns, under the head- ship of Cologne, renewed their union. This con- federation ultimately joined a northern federation and became the Hanseatic League, an almost independent State within the Empire of Germany. Liibeck became the centre of the League, and it included the river and coast towns, both German and Dutch, from the Vistula to the Rhine. The Hanse merchants, or Easterlings, as the English called them, missed no opportunity of increasing their privileges, but they were wise enough to remain on friendly terms with the citizens of London. They were responsible for the repair of Bishopsgate and for the payment of one-third of the expense of maintaining its guard. The Easterlings carried to England from the Baltic corn in time of 122 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND dearth, and naval stores, such as masts, tar, and hemp. England came to rely upon the Germans for her navy. As late as Elizabeth's reign the Jesus of Lubeck was one of England's fighting ships. Edward II. commenced his reign by reversing his father's poUcy and disobeying his father's last instruc- tions. The Scotch war was abandoned before the country was completely subdued. Gaveston, a Gascon, who had been banished by Edward I., was recalled, loaded with gifts, and made the King's chief adviser. In one particular Edward II. obeyed his father. He married the French King's daughter Isabella in 1308 at Boulogne. On his return the magnates insisted on the exile of Gaveston. The King's favourite was then sent to Ireland as Regent. Archbishop Win- chelsey returned to England, once again to lead the magnates in their contest with the King. Parliament in 1309 gave the King a small grant of money and a long list of grievances, which included Carta Merca- toria. Carta Mercatoria was disliked not because customs were levied on foreigners, but because in return for these payments to the King foreigners were excused from the pajanent of local dues, murage, pontage, and pavage, and the cities lost the power of preventing them from competing in the internal trade of England by harassing regulations. After the new customs were suspended at the commencement of Edward's reign the King sanctioned a decree which, among other restrictions, forbade foreign merchants to engage in retail trade or to remain more than forty days at a time in England. One of the first acts of Edward III. CARTA MERCATORIA 123 after the abdication of his father was to grant a charter to London which confirmed these privileges. For centuries this drastic method of protection kept the internal trade of England in English hands, thus continuing the work once done by the merchant gilds. External trade was beyond the slender means of the English. They cheerful^ recognised the rights of the powerful Hanseatic merchants, and in English com- mercial legislation the privileges of the Easterlings, which had been granted long before Magna Carta, were always safeguarded. In return the Easterlings did not interfere in the retail trade, nor did they leave the seaports in order to deal directly with the monkish wool growers or the inland wool merchants. In defiance of the wish of the barons, Gaveston returned to England in July 1309. But when Gaveston's return was followed by the King's promise to redress grievances many of the barons sullenly acquiesced. About this time an attempt was made to increase the King's revenue by letting the waste lands in the royal forests. This promising scheme was dropped when the quarrel between King and magnates developed and the storm broke. The King had farmed the Customs to Italians in order to raise money. With the gates of the island in foreign control, the danger which threatened England can only be com- pared with that which menaced the country when John acknowledged the suzerainty of the Pope. In March 13 10 there was held a great council of bishops and barons. In spite of the King's order the barons presented themselves in full military array. Edward II. was forced to submit to be controlled by 124 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND twenty-one magnates, who were called Ordainers. Forty-one rules by which England was to be governed were drawn up by the Ordainers and submitted to a Parliament. The ordinances decreed that the King should live of his own but should not increase his forests, that the Frescobaldi and other alien mer- chants to whom the customs had been farmed should be imprisoned until they had accounted for the money they had received, that the Carta Mercatoria should be rescinded and aliens subjected to the ancient oppressive dues and regulations from which they had been freed, also that Gaveston and other friends of the King should be banished from England. In 131 1, and again in 1317, Edward 11. confirmed the ancient charters to the merchants of the Steelyard, so that, while the Flemish Hanse in England decayed, the Easterlings were able to acquire a practical monopoly of the Anglo-Flemish trade. There is a marked contrast between the policy of the Ordainers and that for which de Montfort died. Whilst the Kings of France were abolishing serfdom, the magnates of England were annexing forest and waste lands and sowing the seeds of civil war by doing nothing for the agricultural serf or the artisan in the towns. The King's party might have done something for the poor, since, when they had power, only a few months before they were overthrown and the King murdered, a proclamation was issued prohibiting the exportation of fuller's earth, teasles, and other sub- stances used in clothmaking, in order to protect English weavers. The Edwards who have worn the crown of England since the Conquest have often CARTA MERCATORIA 125 suffered at the hands of the magnates and middlemen, but of none can it be truly said that they forgot the interests of the poor workers of England. Gaveston fled to Flanders, but soon returned. With his King he tried to rally the North to the roj^al cause. This attempt failed; and Gaveston, on the strength of an oath that he should suffer no bodily harm, surrendered to the barons in 13 12. Among the many dignities which Edward had bestowed on Gaveston was that of Warden of the forests south of the Trent. No oath could protect so dangerous an enemy of the feudal lords. Soon after his surrender Gaveston was murdered by the barons in sight of their leader Thomas, Earl of Lancaster. This act of treachery divided the baronial party, and after protracted negotiations, during which Archbishop Winchelsey died, peace was made between the King and the barons. Gaveston's murderers were pardoned, and the King tried to obtain the support of his barons in settUng the question of Scotland, which had again become acute. The rich order of the Templars was abandoned by the Pope, who, at Avignon, was in the power of the French King. The dissolution of the order enabled the French and English kings to fill their treasuries with the wealth which the Templars had acquired. The magnates obtained a share of the plunder, but Edward II. obtained enough to enable him to lead an army against the Scotch in 13 14. Baronial disloyalty had allowed Robert Bruce to free Scotland from English rule ; it also led to the victory of the Scotch at Bannockburn, Edward II. returned to London 126 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND discredited by his defeat. After 13 14 all power passed into the hands of the barons and their leader, Thomas of Lancaster. The King of Scotland continued to harry the North of England, apparently in collusion with Lancaster, whose estates were spared whilst others were ravaged. Ireland was invaded by the Scotch, and Edward Bruce, the brother of the King of Scotland, assumed the title of King of Ireland. This attempt failed with the death of Edward Bruce in 1318 ; but it weakened EngUsh authority in Ireland. In England the rule of Thomas of Lancaster was accompanied by incessant civil wars, caused by the risings of the poorer folk to re-estabUsh the royal power. The alliance of the prelates and magnates had an injurious effect upon the hierarchy. In the struggle for money and land the spirit of the friars, which had animated Bishop Grossteste, was killed. " They gave up their whole leisure time to carving bits out of the forest and adding them to their own gardens ; sticking up palings round these bits ; here a cantle and there a snippet ; here a slab and there a slice ; a round corner and a square corner ; a bare piece of turf or a wooded clump ; and all so neighbourly, encouraging each other the while with a * Brother, will this be to your mind ? ' or ' Help yourself, neighbour ' ; and ' Let me recommend, sir, another sHce ' ; or ' A piece of the woody part, dear friend.' " This description of the petty forest thieves of modern times will serve for those of olden days, except that then the amount stolen was proportionate to the greatness of the robbers. They had little mercy for those who opposed their designs CARTA MERCATORIA 127 on the common lands, whether in or out of the forest. After Gaveston's death, Hugh Despenser, a son of the justiciar who died with de Montfort at Evesham, was made chief justice of the forests on this side of the Trent. He had been a faithful servant of Edward I. and had obtained the bull which enabled Edward to cancel the forest charter. After the accession of Edward II., Despenser continued to serve the Crown, and he incurred the displeasure of the magnates before Gaveston's murder. He was assisted b}' his son, also named Hugh, and both the Despensers remained in the service of Edward II. after Bannock- burn, although the magnates insisted upon the removal of Despenser from his council. When Thomas of Lancaster failed to establish order in England, the King's party, and in particular the Despensers, ob- tained more control over the government of England. When the citizens of London were united they had still great weight in England ; but they, too, were weakened by disunion. Just before the death of Henry III, they recovered their privilege of electing a Mayor, and the common folk chose Hervy, a demo- crat like FitzThomas. The mercantile aldermen were induced to acquiesce somewhat unwillingly. During his year of office Hervy gave the craft gilds, or medieeval trades unions, increased powers. Hervy's successor annulled these grants, so that craftsmen were unable to protect themselves from competition, while the richer merchants retained their privileges. Edward I. weakened the authority of the merchant magnates when he took the city into his hand from 1285 until 1298, and again when he signed the Carta 128 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND Mercatoria. In 1319, when the influence of the Despensers over Edward II. was becoming paramount, the King signed ordinances which decreed that no stranger could become free of the city unless he belonged to a craft gild or was elected by the votes of the com- monalty of the city. This measure gave London a democratic constitution. A full Parliament in 1320 attacked the Despensers on the ground of their having encroached on the royal power. The younger Hugh was accused of having taught that allegiance was due to the Crown rather than to the person of the King, and that if the King inclined to do wrong it was the duty of a subject to constrain him to do right : a strange charge to bring against a royal favourite. The Despensers were sentenced to lose their estates and to be exiled. Two months later one of the magnates insulted the Queen, and Edward was spurred into action. He defeated the magnates at Boroughbridge with the aid of Lon- doners. His great rival, Thomas of Lancaster, fell into Edward's hands and was beheaded. Thus died one who was in all but name a rival King of England ; for the conquered magnate was Earl of Leicester, Derby, Salisbury, and Lincoln, as well as of Lancaster. Edward's victory was speedily followed by a com- mission to inquire into the question of the forests and by the revocation of the Ordinances. The Carta Mercatoria was thus revived. The disaffection of the magnates continued, and London ceased to support the King. In 1325 the Queen went to France to settle the dispute over Edward's homage for Aquitaine. Next CARTA MERCATORIA 129 j'ear she returned to lead an insurrection against her husband. The Londoners joined the party led by the Queen and her paramour, Mortimer. Deserted by all, Edward abdicated in favour of his son, and was then murdered in Berkeley Castle. Before the murder of the King, the Despensers were put to death. Under the guidance of his mother and Mortimer, the boy- King, Edward III., accepted the forest charter and issued charters to the Londoners granting the city its ancient privileges. Foreign merchants were then compelled to conduct their trade in conformity to the ancient rights of the English merchants by a statute passed in 1328. Much of Gascony was lost during the last years of Edward IL, and this loss was accepted by a treaty with France after the deposition of Edward II. The independence of Scotland was recognised by another treaty. Though externally England was at peace, she was still distracted by internal discord until Edward III., in 1330, at the age of eighteen, took the government into his own hands. Mortimer was then executed, and the Queen-dowager retired into private life. Taught by experience, the early Parliaments of Edward III. gave their young King adequate grants. In 1333 the Scotch were defeated at Hahdon Hill ; the English monarch became again master of Scotland, with Edward Baliol as vassal king. Then once more the Flemish market interposed as an obstacle to the union of Great Britain. After the death of Philip IV. of France in 1314, his three sons, Louis X., Philip V., and Charles IV., reigned in quick succession. These kings left no sons, and, when Charles died in 1328, a nephew of Philip IV. K 130 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND became Philip VI. of France. The Queen-dowager of England claimed the throne for her son, Edward III., but the claim was not seriously pressed, and Edward paid homage to Philip in 1329. Count Louis of Flanders had found refuge in Paris from his rebellious subjects when PhiHp VI. became King. Without delay a French army invaded Flanders, and, before Edward did homage, a French victory at Cassel reduced Flanders to subjection to Philip VI. and his vassal, Count Louis. When Scotland was united to England, both Scotch and English wool came from Edward's dominions. The political connexion of France and Flanders was dwarfed by the Anglo- Flemish economic bond. The French wished to annex the English possessions in Gascony, and in 1336 trouble broke out. To please his suzerain, Count Louis expelled Englishmen from Flanders. Edward replied by depriving the French of wool from his dominions. Again Scotland found that the immediate result of union with England was loss of a market for her wool. Before long the Scotch were in revolt. The Anglo-French war, which began in 1336, resembled that fought by Edward I. ; but, whereas the earlier war ended with the failure of the Flemish campaign, this war was fought to the bitter end and won for itself the name of the Hundred Years' War. For more than a century Flanders, France, and Eng- land had been preparing for this great struggle. In 1181, and again in 1252, the Enghsh were ordered by law to have weapons at hand in case of need. The Flemish and the French had also become nations of potential soldiers. In 1285 Edward I., by the Statute CARTA MERCATORIA 131 of Winchester, made every Englishman personally liable for his fitness to defend England. Edward III. reaped the benefit of his grandfather's legislation at Cre9y, Poitiers, and Neville's Cross, In the Hundred Years' War commerce was frequently used as a weapon. In 1327 English exports to the Low Countries had to be sent to Bruges ; but before they were shipped, they had also to be collected at one of eight English towns called staples. To please the Flemish, Edward III., at the commencement of his reign, allowed them to buy wool in any English town. After the battle of Cassel, Edward issued a proclamation inviting Flemish weavers to settle in England. If it had been possible, in the fourteenth century, to trans- fer an industry rapidly from one country to another, the Scotch could have found a market for their wool in England, and Great Britain might have been unified. But this transference could only be accomplished by inviting individual weavers to settle in a foreign land and then employing them to teach native apprentices. This slow movement was aided by the Count of Flanders, who banished his weavers if they opposed his pro- French policy. Doubtless the Count could not realise that this emigration of weavers could affect so rich and prosperous a land as Flanders. Yet Belgian writers mark this date as the beginning of the ruin of Flanders, Edward III. tried to form an alliance with the Germans and the Flemish against the French. He began his reign by confirming the privileges of the Steelyard, and in 1335 gave foreign merchants the same freedom of trade as Englishmen, "notwithstanding K 2 132 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND charters, usages, and customs which they (the EngUsh) can allege." The Flemish could enjoy these rights if they would separate themselves from the French. On the other hand, Philip VI. offered to forgive debts owed by the Flemish and to give them the monopoly of all wool exported from France if they would remain faithful. The English bribe was the more attractive. The Count of Flanders remained loyal to France ; but the Flemish, led by John Van Artevelde, turned towards England. To tempt Count Louis, Edward made him the offer of the hand of one of his daughters, but the offer was refused, and the Count's army was sent to the island of Cadzand, where it could stop communication between England and Flanders, In November 1337 Louis' army was destro3^ed by an English force which sailed from Gravesend, and the starving weavers of Ghent hailed with great demonstra- tions of joy the arrival of suppHes of English wool. Almost as soon as the wool, two French ecclesiastics appeared in Ghent and pronounced the dreaded sentences of excommunication and interdict. Arte- velde at once appealed to the Pope and entered into communication with the other Flemish cities. The result of Artevelde's action was that at first both England and France agreed to treat Flanders as neutral territory, and the ecclesiastical sentences were repealed. Edward sailed to Antwerp, the seaport of Brabant, where, to his dismay, he found only one-tenth of the twenty thousand sacks of wool which Parliament had promised him. Nevertheless he met his imperial ally at Cologne, and was appointed Vicar-General of the CARTA MERCATORIA 133 Empire. The imperial vassals were ready to obey the Vicar-General on one condition only. They expected paj-ment for their services. The English Parliament sent insufficient supplies of wool and mone}'-, and Edward was forced to borrow from Flemish merchants and Italian financiers, pledging as security the Crown jewels and the Crown itself. Meanwhile, the Leliarts, the pro-French party in Flanders, tried to assert the authority of Count Louis and the French. The miUtia of the cities was then called out, and it became evident that Flanders could not remain neutral. The Pope, irritated by Edward's alliance with a schismatic Emperor, openly espoused the cause of France. An appeal to the Pope could no longer avert interdict if the Flemish rebelled against their lawful suzerain ; but Artevelde suggested a way out of this difficulty. Acting on the advice of the leader of the Flemish, Edward revived his claim to the throne of France and therefore to suzerainty over Flanders. He chose as his royal motto : ' Dieu et mon droict.' The first act of the new suzerain of Flanders was to declare that he would protect Flemish ships, that there should be no restrictions on the sale of Flemish cloth in England, that commercial arrangements made between him and the Flemish cities should hold good against the merchants of England, and that he would continue to be a loyal ally of the Flemish cities whether their Count was friendly or hostile. Then he decreed that the naval forces of England and Flanders should be united, that two-thirds of his army should be recruited in Flanders and Brabant ; that, as King of 134 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND England, he would bear the whole cost of the army and also pay a large sum to the cities ; that for fifteen years Bruges should be the staple for English wool ; that the clauses in former treaties with their French suzerains which dealt with excommunication and interdict should be null and void ; that the lands which the French had taken from Flanders should be restored ; and that there should be a good and common silver and gold coinage in France, Flanders, Brabant, and England. On paper this scheme was excellent ; but funds came with difficulty from England. In the land campaign of 1339 neither Philip nor Edward ventured to take the risk of attacking. To obtain money Edward returned to England in 1340, after having promised the Flemish that he would speedily return with an adequate force. The French fleet was threaten- ing England, and Edward had to collect and equip shipping for England's defence. To obtain money from Parliament the King broke his promise to the Flemish and agreed to a statute which compelled foreigners to submit to the restrictions on the trade of aliens which London and other EngUsh towns had the chartered or customary right of imposing. Money was then voted ; and, in June 1340, Edward's English fleet destroyed the Frenchmen who had anchored off Sluys, the seaport of Bruges. When the danger of invasion was removed, no more money was collected in England. Hence Edward was unable to follow up his naval victory by a vigorous campaign on land. In September 1340 a truce was signed which gave liberty to the Flemish but failed to restore Gascony CARTA MERCATORIA 135 to England. In this truce the King of France re- nounced his right of excommunicating the Flemish. Overwhelmed with debts Edward III. escaped by stealth from his Flemish creditors and returned to England in November, bent on dealing with those who had wrecked his plans. XI ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 1340-1377 Although the interdict of Flanders produced little or no effect in 1340, in another way the pro-French Pope was able to exert a great influence on the cam- paign. Next to the King the most powerful officials in England were John Stratford, Archbishop of Canter- bury, and his brother Robert, Bishop of Chichester. These brothers had been alternately Chancellors of England since Edward began his personal reign. In June 1340 John resigned the great seal to his brother. Just before Edward sailed for Flanders the Archbishop tried to stop the expedition by representing the danger involved in the presence of the French fleet at Sluys. Edward replied that he intended to sail, but that, if the Archbishop was afraid he might remain in England. When in Flanders Edward heard from Sir William de la Pole, Chief Baron of the Exchequer, that the supplies, which Parliament had voted, could not be collected for fear of a revolt. This baron was a wealthy merchant of Hull to whom Edward was greatly in- debted and whom he greatly trusted. On his return Edward imprisoned and fined de la Pole and other lay officials who had neglected to collect ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 137 the taxes. He dismissed the two ecclesiastics from their posts of Chancellor and Treasurer of England, replacing them by lay knights. Then he tried to estabhsh once and for all the doctrine of the supremacy of the King by summoning the Archbishop to account to him for the neglect which had ruined the cam- paign in Flanders. The Archbishop took sanctuary at Canterbury as Becket had done before him. He quoted the Martyr in his sermons and launched general excommunications against breakers of the Great Charter. He further declined to be tried except by his peers in Parliament, and, as these bishops, abbots, and lay lords were the very men who had voted the taxes and then failed to pay, Edward did not accept the Archbishop's challenge. The doctrine that a peer could only be tried by his peers united the baronage, lay and clerical, against the King, and the dispute ended in a compromise. Stratford escaped trial and the King was forced by Parliament in 1341 to assent to a statute which placed him in a somewhat similar position to that of his father under the Ordainers. On the other hand, the King obtained adequate supply which was duly collected. This year, 1341, was a turning-point in English history. Had the magnates and rich merchants succeeded in destroying the unifying influence of the royal power before the weavers had become an influential body and while agricultural workers were still serfs, that dis- union, which destroyed Germany, Italy, and Flanders, might have also claimed Great Britain as its victim. With rare courage, within a few months of the royal assent being given Edward formally revoked the 138 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND statute, boldly asserting that his assent was not real, " but as then it behoved us, we dissimuled in the premisses." The King's courage was rewarded when his next Parliament ratified the revocation. Though Stratford had posed as a second St. Thomas of Canterbury, the incident proves clearly that an immense change had taken place since the reign of Henry H. Becket took his stand on his privilege as an ecclesiastic and boldly denied the right of any English layman to sit in judgment on him. In Becket's time the Archbishop could claim that he was the head of a body whose power was co-ordinate with that of the English nation. But Stratford shielded himself behind his privilege as a peer of England and appealed alike to lay and clerical peers to assert the privilege which they enjoyed in common. The utmost that Stratford dared demand was a trial by his lay and spiritual peers in Parliament, which Becket would have scornfully refused. This change is strikingly illustrated by the subsequent ecclesiastical legislation of Edward's reign. These statutes in theory anticipated the emancipation of the EngUsh Church from the control of Rome ; but theory and practice in the Middle Ages often differed widely, and these statutes were not obeyed. The land hunger of the magnates was appeased for a time by the plunder of the forests. In the reign of Edward II. the alien priories were first attacked. The magnates obtained a large part of the estates of the alien monks as these were gradually confiscated. Although the confisca- tion of all monastic lands was deferred until the six- teenth century, this larger scheme was in the air ; ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 139 hence any union between the lay and clerical magnates could only be short-lived. After the truce of Esplechin, Count Louis seemed to be wiUing to govern Flanders in accord with Arte- velde, who maintained close and cordial relations with England. It soon, however, became evident that the Count was using his position to further the aims of the French King. In 1342 civil war in Brittany diverted Phihp's attention from Flanders, which was at this time weakened by civil strife. In July 1345 the outlook in Flanders seemed brighter ; at least, so Edward was assured by Artevelde when they met at Sluys. Froissart asserts that at this conference it was arranged that the Prince of Wales should re- place Count Louis as ruler of Flanders ; but modem historians regard this as somewhat doubtful. At any rate, Anglo-Flemish relations were intimate and cordial. After their meeting at Sluys Edward returned to England, and Van Artevelde to Ghent, where he was murdered. The Flemish cities hastened to express their horror at a crime which had deprived Edward of a friend and an ally. They also assured Edward that he could still count upon their support. In July 1346 Edward sailed to Normandy and simul- taneously the Flemish marched south. Edward's small army reached the outskirts of Paris, but the Flemish were unable to join him. Forced to retreat Edward won a brilliant victory at Crc9y and then besieged Calais, at that time a town on the frontier of Flanders. Calais surrendered to the EngUsh in August 1347. 140 THE STRENGTH OF lENGLAND Count Louis was killed fighting for the French at Cre9y. His son, Louis de Male, entered at once into negotiations with his Flemish subjects. In 1347 Edward left his army, which was besieging Calais, met the Count in Flanders, and arranged that the young ruler should marry his daughter Isabella. A fortnight before the date arranged for the wedding, Count Louis fled from Flanders to the court of his French suzerain. In May, Flanders was placed under interdict, and Philip offered to secure the removal of the interdict and to grant extraordinary commercial advantages to the Flemish if they would abandon their Enghsh alHance. But the Flemish remained faithful to their English allies. Before the fall of Calais Philip was approaching with a large army to relieve the town, when the advent of a Flemish army forced him to retire in great haste, and Calais became the most prized possession of England. Not only was Calais an open door through which English armies could enter France, but it became the staple at which the Flemish could buy English wool, until England had developed manufactures so that she ceased to sell raw materials. After the capture of Calais a general truce was signed. For eight years, until 1355, England and France were nominally at peace ; in reality these years were full of fighting in France and on the narrow seas. Immediately after the truce was signed the Black Death spread throughout France, and in August 1348 the disease appeared in England. The cessation of war on a grand scale is probably due to the desolation caused by this plague rather than to the formal truce. ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 141 In the interval between the signature of the truce and the appearance of the Black Death Flanders was treacherously attacked by the French. The Flemish appealed to Edward for aid, and were told that English help would be given if they would pay for the expedi- tion. Though England was very prosperous Edward could not rely upon parliamentary grants ; and an English army in Flanders could not live by pillage as it did in France. Before sailing for Normandy Edward had been compelled to repudiate his debts to the Florentine bankers. Florentine distress and the plunder of France paid for the campaign which gave Calais to England. To defend Flanders cost much, to attack France brought wealth to England ; hence the later wars of Edward's reign consisted chiefly of marauding expeditions to France. The invasion of Flanders was stopped by the Black Death ; but a war of intrigue continued until the power of the Flemish cities was fatally weakened at the battle of Rosebeque in 1382. While the Flemish accumulated wealth, their vicious economic system gave them neither rest in the present nor security for the future. Their wealth came from weaving. Their looms were fed with English wool ; and when the English made cloth, the Flemish were forced to rely almost entirely upon the French market for the sale of their finished product. They were also largely dependent on France for their food. This economic division was reflected in Flemish politics. The Leliarts advocated union with France and submission to the counts, while the Blauwaerts favoured a close alliance with England, burgher rule, and a merely nominal 142 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND connexion with count or French suzerain. The absence of a strong unifying force, such as England possessed in her kings, led to strife between towns and between gilds in the same town. It was a simple matter for the French to play one faction against the other and to profit by the internal disunion. A canal connected Ghent with the sea, but the merchants of Bruges induced Louis' father to make Bruges the staple for Enghsh wool so that they could make their profit on it before the weavers of Ghent were supplied. Flanders was fed with grain from Artois ; in 1379 the merchants of Bruges obtained from Count Louis permission to unite two rivers by a canal so that the staple for grain might be at Bruges instead of Ghent. Hence the rich burghers of Bruges, who were international traders, were also Leliarts ; and the burghers of Ghent, who depended mainly on the weaving industry, were Blauwaerts. But both factions were in favour of a close commercial con- nexion with England. The same selfishness was shown in the relation of gilds to each other. Artevelde's death followed a fierce fight between the weavers and the fullers of Ghent. At times the counts opposed any increase of French authority and promoted cordial relations with England. Count Louis de Male all but married into the English royal family, and his daughter and heiress was betrothed to one of Edward's sons before her marriage in 1369 to Philip, Duke of Burgundy and brother of King Charles V. of France. Until 1360 France was weakened and impoverished by English raids. She was engaged in expelling the invaders ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 143 during the next fifteen years. As soon as she felt equal to the task she attacked the Flemish cities. The battle of Rosebeque in 1382 placed Flanders at the mercy of her Count and his Burgundian son-in- law. But Ghent maintained a certain amount of in- dependence ; and the Dukes of Burgundy soon became rivals of the Kings of France. Thus the Flemish market remained open to English wool as long as England allowed it to be exported. In 1346 the Scotch invaded England during Edward's absence in France. At Neville's Cross King David IL of Scotland was defeated and sent a prisoner to the Tower of London. In 1357 David was released on promise of a large ransom which was never fully paid. Scotland was kept poor by internal strife, whilst England grew in strength from the immigration of the Flemish and the development of weaving. For years there were fights on the borderland between England and Scotland, but nothing worthy to be called war. England, however, now began to face a new rival, one with whom she was destined at a later date to wage war for centuries. The production of wool was being rapidly developed in Spain, hence she was competing with England in the Flemish market, as well as with Gascony in the wine trade. Her ships, built to face the stormy Bay of Biscay, were far larger than the English. The disappearance of the naval power of France and the hold England obtained over the Straits of Dover by the capture of Calais gave England such supremacy in the narrow seas as to endanger Spanish trade. Philip VI. of France died in 1350 and was succeedeci 144 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND by his son John IL, who at once allied himself with Peter the Cruel of Castile. A Spanish fleet sailed to Sluys, capturing twenty Anglo-Gascon ships on the way. A defeat of this miniature Armada was enacted when the fleet left Flanders to pillage the coasts of England. Edward III. and his eldest son, the Black Prince, waited for the towering Spaniards off Win- chelsea. In spite of the difference in size the English were victorious. Fourteen Spanish ships were cap- tured and the rest driven off in disorder. Edward boarded and captured one of the largest Spaniards, while his own ship was so badly injured that it was left to founder. In 1355 the Black Prince raided Southern France. Edward III. had intended at the same time to raid Northern France, but he was recalled by a movement of the Scotch, and spent the first few months of 1356 in devastating part of Scotland. In 1356 an English raid reduced Normandy to a state of anarchy, whilst the Black Prince moved towards the north and defeated the French at Poitiers. King John was captured and taken to London. A truce was then signed and negotiations followed which led to the treaty of Bretigny in 1360. By this treaty an enormous ransom was promised for King John ; Aquitaine was given to England, together with territory in the neighbourhood of Calais. The King of Castile, Peter the Cruel, made haste to come to terms with Edward. In 1362 a treaty between England and Castile was signed in London. Peter's bastard half-brother, Henry, entered Castile in 1366 with an army of English and French soldiers. ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 145 who, after the treaty of Bretigny, had been supporting themselves by pillage on their own account. In 1364 King John died, and his son, Charles V., encouraged this expedition and lent it his general, Du Guesclin. In this way Charles freed France from the scourge of bandits and at the same time tried to gain control over the navy of Spain. Peter of Castile fled to Bordeaux, where he sought help from the Black Prince, who had been made Prince of Aquitaine. An army led by the Black Prince won a brilliant victory at Navarete, and placed Peter once more on the throne of Castile. Then the double-dealing of the Castilian King wrecked his own cause and England's power in Aquitaine. Peter had promised to meet the expenses of the army of occupation. This promise was not kept, and the Black Prince led back to Aqui- taine his army wasted by famine and disease. Two years later Peter was killed by his half-brother Henry, and Castile became the ally of France. These facts help to explain the economic policy of the latter half of Edward's reign. In 1351 alien merchants were allowed to trade freely in England in defiance of the charters and privileges of the English merchant gilds. Two years later English merchants were not allowed to export wool, and Gascons were allowed to sell wines freely in England, whilst English- men might only buy wines in Bordeaux and Bayonne. Aliens were ready to pay for royal protection whilst English merchants persisted in trying to avoid taxa- tion. Money was needed by the King, hence there was a strong motive for diverting trade into alien hands. The advantages given to aliens also tended L 146 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND to bind the Flemish and the Gascons to the King of England. But however fascinating this policy may have seemed, it had one grave defect. It was fatal to the growth of an English mercantile marine, and at that date merchant ships were largely used in the navy when war broke out. Disaster has always followed when England has neglected her navy. The failure of Peter the Cruel to pay the money he had promised forced the Black Prince to levy a hearth tax in Aqui- taine. The towns, by reason of their liberties, were exempt from this tax, and the country districts naturally rebelled when called upon to pay for a war waged in order that Gascon and English merchants might not fear an attack by the Spanish. In 1372 an English fleet bearing reinforcements to Aquitaine was destroyed by the navy of King Henry of Spain. England then lost command of the sea, and her oversea empire was doomed. In 1374 the English possessions in Southern France were reduced to little more than the cities of Bordeaux and Bayonne. These cities and Calais were almost all that remained of England's dominions in France when Edward III. died in 1377. Although the outflow of money to Rome was checked by the anti-papal legislation of Edward III., and tribute to Rome was not paid after 1366, these years foreshadowed a sorry future for England. The scarcity of labour, after the Black Death, raised wages and the price of necessaries of life, in spite of the Statutes of Labourers, which were intended to keep wages and prices at their old level. Whilst the Kings of France were emancipating their serfs, English ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 147 Parliaments were doing less than nothing for the poor of England, since forest charters and Statutes of Labourers took from manual workers the little that they had. If contemporary writers are believed, the friars had so far forgotten their early ideals that they took by guile from the weak, whilst others took by force. In the teaching of John Wycliffe and his followers, the Lollards, there was much of the former doctrine of the friars ; and Lollardism spread rapidly in England. To harmonise the feudal system with the national idea which was replacing feudalism in England and France, Edward III. of England and John II. of France, by marriage and royal grants, arranged that the great fiefs should become the property of their children. The Black Prince died before Edward III., leaving a son who, at the age of eleven, became Richard 11. in 1377. Three years later Charles VI., also at the age of eleven, became King of France. Both kings were surrounded by uncles possessing almost independent power. In England, John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and his brother, the Duke of Gloucester, led the barons. In France the most powerful of the King's uncles was the Duke of Bur- gundy. From painful experience both nations had to learn that disunion and decentralisation were followed by civil war and misery. The disunion in England, which ultimately led to the War of the Roses, was partly concealed whilst the EngHsh were engaged in plundering France. The magnates were at times united in opposition to the King, but they had no other bond of union. After L 2 148 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND the Black Death laymen used their lands for sheep- farming, and thus became the competitors of the wool-growing monks. When Wycliffe preached apo- stolic poverty he had eager Hsteners in the feudal lords who coveted the lands of their rival wool-growers. Lay and clerical magnates were, however, at one in wishing to come into direct touch with the foreigner and dispense with the services of English merchants. By thus eliminating a body of EngUsh workers they hoped to buy cheap and sell dear. In the Church there was a conservative party, which was ready to acquiesce in the Roman connexion in order to retain its temporal possessions, and Lollard reformers, who were ready to abandon wealth and make the Church entirely national. Every merchant was anxious to protect his own trade but was reluctant to extend the advantage of protection to his neighbour. Thus when the London fishmongers tried to protect the English fishing industry, other citizens were anxious to buy direct from foreign fishermen. The develop- ment of the English fishing industry was retarded by the opposition of those who wished to buy fish cheap. Before the death of Edward HL the contest between the sections into which the Enghsh were divided began. His grandson Richard succeeded to the rule of an already distracted country. The sections were, roughly speaking, grouped in a baronial and a mercantile party. Lancaster led the baronial party. He had married the legitimate Queen of Castile, and hoped that the reconquest of Aquitaine might help him to expel the bastard Henry from ENGLAND LOSES SEA POWER 149 Spain. The mercantile party, on the other hand, was content with command of the Straits of Dover, and disHked the idea of fighting for Aquitaine. Both parties were, however, fully ahve to the necessity of restoring England's naval power. The nobles deri- sively called Richard the Londoners' King ; and the boy-king probably owed his undisputed succession to the merchants of London. XII STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS 1377-1413 During the later years of Edward's reign the illness of the King and his eldest son threw the government into Lancaster's hands. The statutes which gave foreigners complete freedom of trade in England and forbade the export of wool by English merchants caused much discontent. By favouring Wycliffe, Lancaster tried to find a vent for this discontent in an attack on the Church ; but a year before Edward's death the Good Parliament gave expression to English feeling. Certain officials, acting for Lancaster, had abused their right of selling royal licences to enable English mer- chants to export wool contrary to the statutes. These men were impeached, dismissed from office, and fined. A long list of grievances was drawn up and a standing council was appointed to advise the King. A charter was issued to London restoring protection of inland trade to English merchants. Lancaster was unable to offer effective resistance ; but in the following year he assembled a Parliament packed with his own adherents and thus undid much of the work of the Good Parliament. This ParUament levied a poll-tax STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS 151 graduated according to the wealth of the taxpayers. The minimum tax was fourpence. The result of the mercantile policy of Edward III. was the abandonment by English merchants of their claim to pay no more than the Ancient Custom on the export of wool. The violent measure of 1333, which gave ahens a monopoly of England's foreign trade and made the export of English wool by native merchants a crime, was evaded by royal licences ; but English merchants found that it was better to pay heavier duties than to buy licences. When the English merchants agreed to pay subsidies in excess of the Ancient Custom, they were again allowed to export wool and leather. The subsidies varied, but on an average they increased the Ancient Custom ten to twentyfold for natives and the Hanse merchants of the Steelyard, while other ahens were more heavily taxed. A substantial protection was thus given to Enghsh weaving, since the looms of Flanders had come to depend on Enghsh wool for the making of fine cloth. Spanish and Scotch wool could only be used when mixed with the wool of England. In dressing, dyeing, and finishing cloth England lagged behind Flanders ; but early in the fifteenth century un- finished Enghsh clotli could be placed on the Flemish market at a price which meant ruin to Flemish weavers. In 1434 the Flemish admitted defeat by prohibiting the importation of Enghsh cloth. When English merchants were debarred from foreign trade English shipping declined, and as the navy in those days depended on merchant ships, England lost command of the sea. In the French 152 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND war which began again in 1369 England was forced to defend herself instead of attacking France. In 1372 command of the sea passed to the allied navies of Castile and France, and money had to be raised for the defence of the English coast. When the Isle of Wight had to be ransomed from the French, and Hastings was burned, England's danger forced Richard's early Parliaments to undertake the creation of a navy. In Richard's first Parliament, held at Westminster in 1377, the baronial and mercantile parties appear to have made a temporary truce while measures were taken for the defence of England. Money was voted for the navy, and two merchants were appointed treasurers of the grants. On the other hand, Lancaster was given command of the fleet ; but the internal peace of England had but a short life. While Edward III. was dying, Wycliffe was sum- moned to St. Paul's to answer a charge of heresy. Lancaster intervened on behalf of Wycliffe, and offered violence to the Bishop of London. Although Lollardism was very prevalent in London, the citizens could not miss an opportunity of showing their hatred to Lancaster, who was only saved from a riotous mob by the intervention of the bishop. The dying King succeeded in making peace ; but after Richard's first Parliament a reason for a new quarrel was found. Lancaster's fleet failed to accomplish all that was expected of it, while a private fleet, equipped at the cost of Philipot,''one of the treasurers, captured fifteen French and Spanish ships. In 1378 Parhament sat at Gloucester that it might be free from London's influence. Philipot was accused of using public money for his STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS 153 fleet ; but he had httle difficulty in proving that it had been paid for out of his own resources. The restrictions on foreign merchants were then partially removed by statute, although the preamble describes the dislike felt by English merchants to foreign competition. A contemporary monk, Thomas of Walsingham, who was in favour of foreign competition, has left a record of one result of this statute. At that time, he wrote, all Eastern goods carried by the Genoese were brought to England and sold to English mer- chants who resold them to the Flemish, Normans, and Bretons. A rich Genoese merchant tried to take advantage of the statute. He promised many gifts to the King if Richard would allow him to settle at Southampton, where a castle had recently been built. He pledged himself to make Southampton the finest port in the West, and would probably have succeeded in annexing the profits hitherto made by English merchants had he not been murdered before the door of the house in London at which he was lodging. John Kyrkeby, the instigator of the murder, for a time escaped punishment ; and the chronicler expressed his fear that other foreign merchants would be deterred from imitating the Genoese. In 1380 Parliament met at Northampton that Kyrkeby might be tried away from London. He was tried by Parliament, probably because it was thought that no jury would convict. Kyrkeby was hanged, and Parliament turned its attention to raising money. The parliament of Gloucester had voted a poll-tax, whose minimum was fourpence a head. This tax had proved insufficient. The Parliament of Northampton 154 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND voted a new poll-tax, whose minimum was a shilling a head. The anger of the poor at once found voice. Parliaments had sanctioned enclosures of common lands. The peasants had watched their nobles force the King to surrender his forest rights. They knew that their kinsfolk in the towns had not altogether unsuccessfully contended with merchant princes, who were strong enough to oppose the will of the mag- nates in Parliament. They had doubtless heard that in France and Flanders serfs had acquired rights which were denied to English agricultural labourers. Recently French and Flemish peasants had resisted excessive taxation by taking arms. They had little to expect from submission when Statutes of Labourers limited wages in the interests of the rich. Lollards had been preaching Christian Socialism and had found eager listeners among the oppressed. Ignorant of the modern economic paradox that direct taxation is less oppressive than indirect, the labourers of England saw in the poll-tax a means by which the burden of defending England would be shifted to their shoulders from those of the magnates. The insurrec- tion which followed would probably be repeated if the modern income-tax were extended to those who earn a weekly wage. With no clearly defined object, except the abolition of the poll-tax and the redress of griev- ances which varied according to the locality, the people took arms, and a large body of insurgents were wel- comed by the workers of London. Lancaster's palace was destroyed ; the Archbishop of Canterbury was murdered ; and, among other victims, merchants or bankers who pronounced bread and cheese with a STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS 155 Flemish accent were put to death. This was London's answer to the statute passed at Gloucester and the execution of Kyrkeby. The poll-tax was not levied after the insurrection ; but little else was gained by the poor. To pacify the insurgents the King promised to abolish serfdom, but Parliament insisted upon the King's breaking his promise to the English poor. Serfdom, however, gradu- ally disappeared during the next century. When the revolt of the peasants was suppressed England's atten- tion was diverted to foreign affairs. The Duke of Bur- gundy had married the heiress of Flanders before the accession of his nephew, Charles VI., to the throne of France. Burgundy induced the young King to attack the Flemish cities which had become practically inde- pendent of either count or suzerain. In 1382 Flanders was again made subject to France after the battle of Rosebeque. After Cre9y and Poitiers the popes were able to return from Avignon to Rome. In 1377 the French tried to regain their former control over the papacy by recognising an anti-pope Clement VII. at Avignon in opposition to Urban VI. The French and the Leliarts in Flanders became Clementines, while the English and the Blauwaerts accepted Pope Urban. After Rosebeque, England, owing to the strife of factions, was unable to help the Blauwaerts with a regular army ; but Parliament gave a grant of money to the Bishop of Norwich, who led an Urbanist crusade to Flanders. This crusade did less than was expected ; but it kept alive the resistance of Ghent and contribu- ted largely to ruin an invasion of England which the French had planned. Parliament in 1381 passed the 156 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND first English Navigation Act, which compelled English merchants, who had recovered the right of exporting goods, to use English shipping in order that there might be an adequate reserve of merchant-ships in case of need. There was therefore an English fleet prepared to defend England from invasion ; but the policy of the Navigation Act was abandoned when the magnates obtained power, and, before the end of Richard's reign, England's naval power had again become very weak. Whilst the Flemish were sullenly acquiescing in French rule, England's friends, the Portuguese, routed the CastiUans. To follow up this success ParUament, in 1385, voted money for an army which Lancaster led to Portugal in the following year. In this Par- liament the King refused his assent to a proposed measure confiscating the temporalities of the Church. The attack on the Church, however, was not renewed until merchants and magnates had finished their quarrel. Lancaster took advantage of the disunion in the city between those who wished to buy fish caught by foreigners and those who wished to protect London fishermen. Northampton led those who wished to buy fish from foreigners, and Brembre those who wished to keep the London fish market for Londoners. After the Peasants' Revolt Northampton became mayor. Two years later Brembre was elected. This election was followed by a riot in which Northampton was impUcated, and he was sentenced to be hanged. Owing to Lancaster's influence, this sentence was commuted into imprisonment, from which he was released in 1387. STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS 157 Richard's uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, took Lancaster's place when the latter sailed for Portugal, while Lancaster's son, Henry of Derby, also led the barons. The King made large grants to his uncles, and a cry arose that, if the King would abstain from giving and live of his own, taxation would be lighter. These and other royal grants were bribes paid by the King to secure the loyalty of the magnates. Dis- content was increased when Richard's friend, the Earl of Oxford, was made Marquis of Dublin and received the promise of a grant from England in case the Irish revenue proved insufficient. Little had been done in Ireland since the reign of Henry II. Left to themselves, the settlers in Ireland amalgamated with the Irish. The De Burghs became Burkes ; and Ormonds, Geraldines, and Desmonds were regarded by the Irish as national leaders. In 1387 Irish industry had so far developed that safe conducts were issued by the Flemish to Irish merchants ; and, in 1399, Sluys was made the staple for the sale of Irish cloaks. Richard's chief adviser was the Earl of Suffolk, eldest son of de la Pole, the merchant who played so conspicuous a part in the reign of Edward III. Oxford's mission to Ireland was the prelude to the union of the two islands which Richard would probably have permanently established had the English magnates allowed him to reign in peace. The mercantile party failed to conclude a satisfactory peace with France ; and an unsuccessful campaign against the Scotch, who were in alliance with France, gave the magnates their opportunity. When Parlia- ment met in 1786 Suffolk asked for large grants for 158 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND England's defence. The magnates refused their aid unless Suffolk was dismissed. When Richard refused, the records of the deposition of Edward II. were read to both houses, and, under this menace, the King yielded. Suffolk was impeached and imprisoned. Oxford was ordered to betake himself to Ireland, and Richard was placed under the control of Gloucester and ten other magnates. The King took the opinion of the judges of England, who found that the barons had acted unconstitutionally, and King and barons prepared for civil war. In March 1387 the English fleet engaged the French, who were escorting a wine- fleet to Sluys. The French suffered a crushing defeat. One hundred and twenty-six ships were captured by the English, and all danger of invasion passed away. The glamour of this victory and internal disunion made London hesitate in declaring against the barons. Richard again yielded. In February 1388 the Merciless Parliament met. Five Lords Appellant, led by Gloucester and Derby, impeached Suffolk, Oxford, the Chief Justice, the Archbishop of York, and Brembre. The Archbishop was deprived of his see and his property ; the others were sentenced to be drawn and hanged. This punish- ment was inflicted on the Chief Justice and Brembre ; but Suffolk and Oxford made their escape from Eng- land and died in Ireland. Among other victims, the judges who had given their opinion to the King were sentenced to death ; but this sentence was commuted to perpetual exile in Ireland. Having disposed of their opponents, the magnates re-enacted two statutes of Edward III. which gave foreign merchants complete STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS 159 free trade in England ; they also voted themselves a large sum of money for their services. When in power the magnates adopted the peace policy of the men they had murdered ; and in 1389 a truce for three years with France was signed. Lancaster's war with Castile had not been crowned with success ; but in 1388 he married his daughter to the Castilian King and received a large sum for relin- quishing his claim to the Crown. Before the truce was signed with France Richard declared that he was of age and intended to rule without the aid of his uncle Gloucester. The return of Lancaster to England a few months later enabled Richard to effect this revolution without bloodshed. He then, with great tact, gradu- ally undid the work of the Lords Appellant. In 139 1 a statute was passed restoring inland trade to the English. The preamble of this statute states of those granting free trade " that the statutes, if they be fully holden and executed, shall extend to the great hindrance and damage as well of the city of London as of other cities, boroughs, and towns of this realm." London, however, showed little gratitude for a gift which was marred in the eyes of the faction in power because it gave the same protection to those who sold fish and victuals as to those who dealt in wool and manufactured goods. The King tried to raise money on a valuable jewel ; and the citizens not only refused to lend but attacked and left for dead a Lombard who was ready to help the King. Richard then took the city into his hand, but not for long. In August 1392 I there was a formal reconciliation of the King and his I city during a royal visit. Richard then entreated i6o THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND his Londoners to set an example to other towns by respecting law and order. At the King's request a neutral mayor, Richard Whittington, was appointed, who held office until 1398. Richard tried to make peace in the Church by preventing the Lollards from attacking the bishops and the bishops from violently persecuting their opponents. In 1395 the King received the submission of the Irish chieftains in Ireland. While he esta- blished his authority in the island he endeavoured to reform its government, so that union might be a bless- ing to both England and Ireland. Next year the King married the seven-year-old daughter of Charles VI. of France, arranging at the same time a peace for thirty years. After eight years of wise and just rule, Parlia- ment expressed its thanks by formulating a list of grievances which contained a complaint of the number and expense of the King's household. The ladies who formed the retinue of the child-queen were specially mentioned. This remonstrance was sent by magnates who held courts of their own and had large bodies of armed retainers in readiness to attack the King. It must have seemed as if the days of the Merciless Parliament were going to be revived, and Richard determined to strike first. Gloucester, Warwick, and Arundel were arrested and accused before Parhament in 1397. Gloucester died in prison before his trial. Arundel was executed. Warwick threw himself on the King's mercy and was banished. The estates of the convicted magnates were divided among the eight nobles who managed the coup d'etat. One of these was Henry of Derby, a former Lord Appellant; STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS i6i he became Duke of Hereford. In January 1398 Parliament made large grants to the King for the rest of his Ufe, and then dissolved after giving a small committee power to act for the whole body. During this Parliament Hereford accused the Duke of Nor- folk, a baron who had been rewarded for loyalty to the King, of treasonable conversation. By what appears to be a curiously inconsistent sentence, Norfolk was banished for life and Hereford for six years. Since Lancaster, Hereford's father, acquiesced and re- mained on friendly terms with Richard, it is probable that the sentence would seem more reasonable if all the facts were known. For a short while Richard enjoyed autocratic power, supported by a large body of mercenary soldiers from Wales. To pay the soldiers and bribe the friendly magnates Richard spent money lavishly. In 1398 Lancaster died. The King seized the Lan- castrian estates and altered Hereford's sentence into banishment for life. This bold act alarmed all holders of property ; but the King underestimated the danger which threatened his despotism. Roger, Earl of March and heir apparent to the throne, had been made ruler of Ireland. March was killed during a revolt of the Irish in August 1398. His two infant sons alone stood between the disinherited Duke of Lancaster and succession to the Crown. Richard led an expedition to Ireland to re-establish English rule, and Lancaster landed in Yorkshire. The King's followers abandoned his cause. On his return from Ireland in 1399, Richard, with hardly a struggle, surrendered himself to his victorious cousin. The M i62 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND conquered king was deposed, and died soon after his deposition in Pontefract Castle. It is more than prob- able that he was murdered, Lancaster was elected by Parliament and crowned King Henry IV. To the victors the spoils. The legislation of Henry IV. explains his success. In 1401 ecclesiastics obtained a statute enabling them to burn heretical Lollards who denounced the wealth of the Church. Lancastrian barons were rewarded at the expense of Richard's friends. The wool merchants obtained their heart's desire when, in the first year of Henry's reign, the fish trade was thrown open to foreign competition in spite of the fishmongers' charters. Four years later the Londoners appear to have agreed on a com- promise. Then another statute was passed decreeing " that all the merchant strangers of what estate or condition that they be, coming, dwelling, or repairing within the realm of England, shall be entreated or demeaned in the manner, form, and condition as the merchant denizens be, or shall be entreated or de- meaned in the parts beyond the sea," and that merchant strangers should suffer loss of goods and imprisonment if they accepted greater privileges than their fellow-countrymen accorded to English mer- chants. Foreigners had to lodge with an English host, who was responsible for their not remaining more than a limited time in England and for their buying English goods with the money they received for the goods they sold in England, In this way it was ordained by law that imports should be paid for by real exports. In 1406 the neutral mayor Whittington was again STRIFE BETWEEN KING AND BARONS i6^, J elected, and London showed little concern when Henry raised loans, Lollards were burned, and friars were hanged. Anglo-Flemish trade suffered little when, in 1403, France and England resumed their war, if the ineffective fighting of this period deserves the name of war. Neither England nor France was able to fight. France was divided into parties, one led by Duke John of Burgundy and the other by Louis, Duke of Orleans and brother of the mad King Charles VI. The Anglo- French war was resumed by the Orleanists. When Duke John wished to join, he was stopped by the Flemish towns on whose wealth he depended. During the struggle between the Burgundians and Orleanists, the Duke of Orleans was murdered in 1407. The young Duke of Orleans and his father-in-law, the Count of Armagnac, continued the contest with the Burgundians. During this civil war the Flemish re- gained their ancient semi-independence and traded with the English as if there had been an Anglo-French peace. At home Henry IV. had many troubles. Wars with the Scotch and the Welsh and English insur- rections filled the first ten years of his reign, which lasted only fourteen years. These wars exhausted the royal treasury and made Henry almost as dependent on Parliament as hehad made his cousin Richard on the Lords Appellant in 1387. The post of King of England was one which exhausted the wealth of the richest, and the revenue of the Lan- castrian estates was insufficient to enable the King to balance expenditure and income. Two of his predecessors had been deposed and murdered. M i i64 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND Edward III. might have shared then* fate had he not satisfied the greed of England with the plunder of France. Before Henry IV. died his crown was by no means secure. Henry V., who became King on the death of his father in 1413, appears to have laid this lesson to heart, since it was not long before he followed in the footsteps of his great-grandfather Edward III. XIII CAUSES WHICH LED TO THE WAR OF THE ROSES 1411-I450 During the contest in which magnates wrested the royal forest rights from their King, Edward II. lost his throne and Ufe. Richard II. shared his ancestor's fate when merchants and magnates quarrelled over the protection of England's inland trade. A com- promise was effected when the first Lancastrian kings ruled England. Edward III. impressed on English merchants the wisdom of acquiescing in export duties when he forbade them to engage in foreign trade. After this heavy export duties were paid by the English and the Hanse of the Steelyard, while still larger duties were paid by other aliens. Under Henry IV. the English paid the equivalent of twenty pence of modern money, and ordinary aliens the equivalent of twenty-four pence on each pound of exported wool. Under Henry V. the English paid about seventeen pence, while aliens still paid at their former rate. The question of restrictions on foreign merchants was temporarily settled by a statute which gave foreigners rights similar to those which they granted to Englishmen trading abroad. Henry V., however, sat on an uncertain throne. i66 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND Amidst their internal convulsions the French respected the persons of their kings, whilst the English first humbled and then murdered theirs. It is not sur- prising that Henry V. spent his life trying to succeed to the throne of France after the mad King Charles VI., whose life was held sacred by Burgundian and Orleanist. In 141 1 Henry IV. had sent an English expedition to France, only to abandon his Burgundian allies, when, in 1412, the Orleanists bribed the English King with a promise of Aquitaine. England's double dealing for a time ruined Duke John of Burgundy. His influence in Paris waned ; and the States of Flanders negotiated with England as though they had no ruler. The Duke was forced to accept a treaty signed at Senlis between the States of Flanders and an invading Orleanist army. This treaty stipulated that the Duke should hand Flanders over to his son and retire to Burgundy, Although the rapidly growing weaving industry of England and the Floren- tine market made the Flemish wool market of less importance, yet English merchants must have felt concern when the Orleanists controlled Bruges, the port to which rough English cloth was going in in- creasing quantity to be finished by the expert d3'ers and dressers of Flanders. Without difficulty Henry V. obtained a grant from Parliament in 1414 for an expedition to France. In spite of the treaty of Senlis, Duke John allied himself with the English ; but the Flemish nobles joined the French army. In August 1415 the English landed at the mouth of the Seine and captured Har- fleur, which was rc-peopled with English settlers as CAUSES OF THE WAR OF THE ROSES 167 Calais had been. Henry was then able to block the waterway along which the products of Rouen and Paris found access to the sea, but his army was too small for more ambitious schemes of conquest. In- stead of re-embarking for England he marched b}'^ land to Calais, probably in order to ascertain whether the conquest of the Norman coast between Harfieur and Calais would be a difficult operation. At Agin- court the English were opposed by a French army of about four times the English strength. Once again, not far from Cregy, the English won a brilliant victor3\ The Duke of Orleans was captured at Agincourt, and the Count of Armagnac became the leader of the Orleanists. In November Henry was warmly wel- comed by his Londoners, who dreamed that the plunder of France would again cross the Channel as in the days of Edward III. Parliament cheerfully voted funds for an expedition with which the king sailed to Normandy in 1417. But Henry soon made it evident that he intended to win a kingdom and not to pillage France. English greed and disunion were appropriately rewarded by the campaign of Henry V. From the first Henry made it clear that little plunder would be sent to England. Stringent rules protected the property and lives of non-combatant Frenchmen ; and town after town in Normandy submitted to the English King. But once embarked on this enterprise the English ccjuld not turn back. Had they done so, the Burgundians would have been crushed, and con- trol of the Channel which was necessary for Eng- land's export trade would have passed to France. i68 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND For the policy which gave France access to the Medi- terranean through Toulouse was bearing fruit. The time was at hand when men described a man of colos- sal wealth by saying " He is as rich as Jacques Coeur," the merchant prince who financed the Armagnac and whose Mediterranean fleets rivalled those of Genoa and Venice. The Emperor Sigismund visited England in 1416 ; and his advice that the King should guard Dover and Calais as his two eyes was an oft-told tale in England. French ships could have been moved from the Mediterranean to the Channel more easily than the Genoese galleys which opposed Edward HL Once these had passed the Straits of Dover they could have isolated England. It was of the utmost importance that France should be weakened. Never- theless Englishmen realised that they were pa3dng a heavy price. A contemporary wrote " Woe is me ! Mighty men and the treasure of this realm will be fordone about this business." Fortune favoured Henry. Paris must have suffered when the Seine, her great waterway, was closed. In May 1418, just before Henry laid siege to Rouen, the capital of Normandy, the Burgundian faction in Paris rose against the Armagnacs. The Dauphin escaped, but the Count of Armagnac was murdered, and Duke John became the guardian of the mad King Charles. Rouen, left without adequate support, succumbed ; and Henry became the ruler of Normandy. Negotia- tions were commenced both with the Dauphin and with Duke John ; but Henry's terms were so exorbitant that the war continued. In the summer of 1419 the Dauphin and the Duke agreed to forget CAUSES OF THE WAR OF THE ROSES 169 their feud and join in resisting the English invader. Duke John met the Dauphin at Montereau, and, as the Duke knelt to pay homage, he was murdered by the Dauphin's men. Once again French disunion was England's best ally. John's son and heir, Duke Philip of Burgundy, made peace with the English. Henry married Katherine of France and was recog- nised as the heir of his father-in-law, Charles VI. For little more than two j-ears Henry governed France as Regent for his insane father-in-law. These years were spent in war with the Frenchmen of the South, who supported the Dauphin. In 1422 Henry V. died from dysentery brought on by exposure. His infant son became Henry VI., and the Duke of Bedford, the baby-king's uncle, inherited the impossible task of ruling France and England. When, a few weeks later, Charles VI. died, Bedford's task was not made easier. Paris and the North accepted Henry VI. as King of France, but in the South the Dauphin was proclaimed as Charles VIII. Bedford's brother, the Duke of Gloucester, acted as Bedford's deputy in England, but his rule was nominal. The real power was entrusted by Parliament to a council of magnates. This subordination of the unifying and centralising power of the Crown to the authority of a committee of territorial lords was a marked feature of Lancastrian times. The effect such a policy was likely to produce can be traced in the history of Poland. In that land, governed nominally by elected kings and in fact by great landlords, agriculture was developed and manu- facture stifled. The owners of land insisted on buying cheap foreign goods, and home industries, other than 170 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND agriculture, were not fostered. The people remained in an unprogressive, servile state, until the nation, weakened by internal disunion, ceased to exist. From such a fate England was saved by the victory of the Yorkists in the War of the Roses. In 1423 the Council of Magnates ordered the sale of the navy which Henry V. had created. In 1452 two ships, " rotten and useless, practically constituted the royal navy of England." Statute laws and civic charters protected English merchants if the executive had enforced the law. But the English wool-growing lords supported armies of retainers and defied the law. The Flemish and Italian merchant bought and sold freely to lay and clerical magnates. English merchant shipping declined and England's naval power was further weakened. This is stated in the Libel (or little book) of English Policy, written in 1436 or 1437. In this book the trade of Europe, as far as it affected England, is concisely discussed. The author begins with an earnest exhortation to the English to " cherish Marchandise, keepe the admyraltie, that we bee Masters of the narrowe see," and gives the Emperor's advice to Henry to keep Calais and Dover " as your tweyne eyne." Bruges is described as the great market for European goods. Thither went wool from Spain and Scotland, but this could not be woven into fine cloth without the addition of English wool ; hence the author argues that the Flemish must starve if they quarrel with England. Constant stress is laid on the importance of a strong English navy. With this and her fortresses of Calais and Dover, England could close the narrow seas and CAUSES OF THE WAR OF THE ROSES 171 exclude Scotch, Germans, Portuguese, Spaniards, and Italians from their market in Flanders. Then, the writer says, England could live in peace, since none would dare to face the loss of their trade. The Libel pleads for a united England, Wales, and Ireland ; and, apart from the constant refrain, lord- ship of the sea, attention is called to one " principal matter," that England should abandon her system of unfair trade. The Libel does not find fault with the law of England ; but it states plainly that the law was constantly evaded and broken, so that foreigners had advantages over Englishmen in the English markets, whilst in foreign markets Englishmen were forced to submit to such restrictions as foreigners chose to impose. In the Libel the policy of English fifteenth-century fiscal reformers was thus briefly stated. Henry VI., who became King at the age of one, inherited from his grandfather, Charles VI., a feeble brain. In his reign the royal power, already seriously weakened, almost disappeared. The authority of Parliament dwindled with that of the King. A body passing statutes which were not obeyed could not command respect. Two parties divided England — Lancastrians, who favoured the existing state of things, and Yorkists, who advocated fiscal refonn and centralisation. An appeal was made to the sword. The Yorkist victories paved the way for the protection of industry which gave England the glories of Tudor times. Florence was a great buyer John Dudley, Duke of, 241-2 Noy, Attorney-General, 319 INDEX 361 Octroi, origin of, 1 1 Odo of Bayeux, 53 Off a. King of Mercia, 22 Ordainers, 124 Otto the Great, 27-9 Papal supremacy repudiated, 2 33-45 Parliament, first meeting at Westminster, 105 Parma, Alexander of, 256, 264, 265 Parr, Catherine, 237, 239 Pavia, battle of, 227 Peasant proprietors, 240 Peasants' Revolt, 155 Peasants' War (Germany), 226 Peter's Pence, 16, 52 Petition of Right, 309 Philip II., 242-3, 245-68 Philipot, naval treasurer, 152 Pilgrimage of Grace, 232 Poll-tax, 150, 153 Poor rate, 285 Portugal, 69, 79, 156, 188, 205, 206, 207, 216, 224, 250, 257, 267-8,277,278,279 Poynings Acts, 211-12 Prise, levying of, 22 Protection for English trade, early instances of, 42, 44-6, 69, 70- 90, 151, 171, 186-7, 198, 204, 216-7, 258, 337 Protective policy initiated, 193- 204 Provisions of Merton, 97, 117 ; of Oxford, loi ; of Westminster, lOI Prynne, 332 Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, 27 Puritanism, rise of, 295 Quo Warranto, statute of, 117 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 272, 275, 283, 291 Reformation in England at first economic rather than re- liKious, 231, 242 Religious contentions, 286-300 Rhode Island, 298 Richard I., 75, 77, 79-81 Richard II., 147-62 Richard III., 196-8 Richard, Earl of Gloucester, 100-4 Richelieu, Cardinal, 313, 314, 330, 337 Richmond Park enclosed, 334 Roberts, Lewes, on Manchester, 291, 323-4 Rolf, Duke of Normandy, 26 Roman Settlement of Britain, 1-7 Rome, sack of, 228 St. Albans, 185, 186 St. Augustine, 13-4 St. Bartholomew Massacre, 252 St. Benedict, 13 St. Berno of Cluny, 28 St. Boniface, 18 St. Columba, 13 St. Dominic, 85, 99 St. Dunstan, 28, 30-2 St. Francis, 99 St. Wilfrid, 15-6 St. Willibrord, 18 Saracenic invasion of Europe, 17, 25, 27 Saxon England, 22-33 Scotland referred to, 75, 11 1-2, 115-20, 125, 129-30, 143, 144, 175, 189, 195-6, 212-3, 220-1, 235-7, 244-5, 253-4, 265-6, 284, 295-6, 316, 319- 320, 340-3 Sea-Beggars, 252, 255 Sea-power, increase of, 246-59 Serfdom, disappearance of, 155 Settlement of Europe, 8-21 Seymour, Jane, 231 Ship-money, 308, 328, 338 Sliips and naval stores bought from Germany, 121-2, 172, 249 Short Parliament, 349 Silk, 186, 199 Simnol, Lambert, 209 Six Articles, 234, 239 Slave-trade, 250, 251 Sluys, battles at, (1340) 134, (1387) I5« 362 THE STRENGTH OF ENGLAND Somerset, Duke of, Protector, 237-41 Southampton, 153 Spain, 189, 205-18, 219, 224, 228, 234, 242-4, 246-83, 289- 294, 306, 337-9, 348 Stade, 259, 268 Star Chamber, 201, 322, 330 States-General of France, 312-4 Statute of Marlborough, loi Steelyard, 49, 121, 124, 131, 151, 165, 184, 190, 191, 213, 241, 268, 273. See Hanseatic League Stephen of Boulogne, 63, 64, 65-70 Stigand, 39, 41 Strafford, Thomas Wentworth, Lord, 309, 311, 318, 319, 320, 321-5, 348-9 Stratford, John, Archbp., 137-8 Suffolk, William de la Pole, Duke of, 178, 182-3 Sw«yn, King of Denmark, 32-3 Templars, 125 Tetzel, 225 Theodore of Tarsus, 15 Theodosius the Great, 4 Thirty Years' War, 227, 282, 289, 292, 338 Thomas of Lancaster, 125-28 ' Thorough,' policy of, 321 Tobacco, 298 Toulouse, 85, 94 Tournay, 220, 223 Tours, battle of, 17 Tunnage and poundage, 303, 307, 312 Ulster, Plantation of, 279, 291-2, 300 Utrecht, diet at, 183-4, I93> 204 Venice, 20, 50, 172, 203, 218 Verdun, treaty of, 20, 23 Vills and villeins, Saxon, 9 Virginia Company, 291, 297, 305 Volterra, 187 Wales, iio-i, 114-5, 235 Wallace, William, 11 6-9 War of the Roses, 179-92 Warbeck, Perkin, 210-2 Warwick, Earl of, 185, 190-1 Weavers, immigrant, 271 Westminster, Council of, 99, 100 Whitby Conference, 14-5 Whitelock's ' Memorials,' 320, 328 Whittington, Rich., Lord Mayor, 160, 162 Widukind, 19 WilUam I., 35-54 William IL, 55-9 William of Orange, 251-2, 255-7, 261-2 Winchelsey, Robert of, 114, 119- 120, 122, 125 Winchester, statute of, 131 Winwaed, battle of, 14 Wisby, 44, 50, 173 Witchcraft, belief in, 331, 341 Wolsey, Cardinal, 222-30 Wool and cloth trade, 26-7, 43, 60, 63, 75-6, 84, 95, 102-3, 108-10, 112, 130-4, 141, 142, 143, 166, 176, 177, 186-8, 190, 200-1, 203-4, 206, 223, 239, 337 Wulfstan, 41 Wychffe, John, 147, 148, 150, 152 Yeoman class, 203 York, Richard, Duke of, 178, 182, 183, 185-6 ; Edward, Duke of, see Edward IV. 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