I 
 
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 oSS
 
 SACRILEGE OF ANTIOCHUS 
 From the Painting Vjy P. J. Loutherbourg, R. A. Engraved by \V. Bromley.
 
 COMPLETE WORKS 
 
 OF 
 
 JOSEPHUS 
 
 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS 
 THE WARS OF THE JEWS 
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 A NEW AND REVISED EDITION 
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 WITH NOTES, COMMENTS AND REFERENCES FROM 
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 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 VOLUME TAVO. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Sacrilege of Antioclms Frontispiece 
 
 The Angel Destroying the Assyrian Camp 7^ 
 
 Esther Accusing Haman 18-t 
 
 Heroism of Eleazar 272
 
 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 
 
 BOOK IX. 
 
 COXTALVING THE INTERVAL OF ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY- 
 SEVEN YEARS. 
 
 [FROM THE DEATH OF AHAB TO THE CAPTIVITY OF THE 
 
 TEN TRIBES.] 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Concerning Jehoshaphat again; how he constituted 
 judges, and by God's assistance^ overcame his 
 enemies. 
 
 1. When Jehoshaphat the king was come to 
 Jerusalem, from the assistance he had afforded Ahab, 
 the king of Israel, when he fought with Benhadad, 
 king of Syria, the prophet Jehu met him, and accused 
 him for assisting Ahab, a man both impious and 
 wicked; and said to him. That "God was displea.sed 
 with him for so doing, but that he delivered him from 
 the enemy, notwithstanding he had sinned, because 
 of his own proper disposition, which was good." 
 Whereupon the king betook himself to thanksgivings 
 and sacrifices to God: after which he presently went 
 over all that country which he ruled round about; 
 and taught the people, as well the laws which God 
 gave them by Moses, as that religious worship that 
 was due to him. He also constituted judg-es in every 
 one of the cities of his kingdom; and charged them 
 
 1
 
 2 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 " to have regard to nothing so much m judging the 
 multitude as to do justice, and not to ])e moved by 
 bribes, nor by the dignity of men eminent for either 
 their riches or their high birth, but to distribute 
 justice equally to all, as knowing that God is con- 
 scious of every secret action of theirs." When he 
 had himself instructed them thus, and gone over 
 every city of the two tribes, he returned to Jerusalem. 
 He there also constituted judges out of the priests 
 and the Levites, and principal persons of the multi- 
 tude, and admonished them to pass all their sentences 
 with care and justice. And tliat if any of the peoj)le 
 of his country had differences of great consequence, 
 they should send them out of the other cities to 
 these judges, who would be obliged to give righteous 
 sentences concerning such causes; and this with the 
 greater care, because it is proper that the sentences 
 which are given in that city wherein the temple of 
 God is, and wherein the king dwells, be given with 
 great care, and the utmost justice. Xow he set 
 over them Amariah the j^riest, and Zebadiah, [both] 
 of the tribe of Judah: and after this manner it was 
 that the king ordered these affairs. 
 
 2. About the same time the Moabites and Am- 
 monites made an expedition against Jehoshaphat, and 
 took with them a great body of Arabians, and pitched 
 their camp at Engedi, a city that is situate at the lake 
 Asphaltitis, and distant three himdred furlongs from 
 Jerusalem. In tliat place grows the best kind of 
 palm-trees, and the ' opobalsanmm. 'Now Jehosha- 
 phat heard that the enemies had passed over the 
 lake, and had made an irruption into that country 
 which belonged to his kingdom; at which news he was 
 affrighted, and called the people of Jerusalem to a 
 
 * Coiu-cniiiiij llii.s ])rccioii.<5 bal.sani, sec tlic iiulc un Aiiliq. 13. \'11I. ch. 
 vi. sect. (i.
 
 Chap. I. OF THE JP:WS. ' 3 
 
 congregation in the temple, and standing over against 
 the temple itself, he called upon God, "To aflPord him 
 power and strength, so as to inflict punishment on 
 those that made this expedition against them, (for 
 that those who built this his temple had prayed, that 
 he would protect that city, and take vengeance on 
 those that were so bold as to come against it ) , for 
 they are come to take from us that land which thou 
 hast given us for a j^ossession." When he had prayed 
 thus, he fell into tears; and the whole multitude, 
 together with their wives and children, made their 
 supplications also: Upon which a certain prophet, 
 Jahaziel bv name, came into the midst of the assem- 
 bly, and cried out, and spake both to the multitude 
 and to the king, that God heard their prayers, and 
 promised to fight against their enemies. He also 
 gave order that the king should draw his forces out 
 the next day, for that he should find them between 
 Jerusalem, and the ascent of Engedi, at a place 
 called the Eminence, and that he should not fight 
 against them, but only stand still, and see how God 
 would fight against them. When the prophet had 
 said this, both the king and the multitude fell upon 
 tlieir faces, and gave thanks to God, and worshipped 
 him; and the Levites continued singing hymns to 
 God with their instruments of music. 
 
 3. As soon as it was day, and the king was come 
 into that wilderness which is under the city of Tekoa, 
 he said to the multitude. That "they ought to give 
 credit to what the prophet had said, and not to 
 set themselves in array for fighting, but to set the 
 priests with their trumpets, and the Levites, with the 
 singers of hymns, to give thanks to God, as having 
 already delivered our country from our enemies." 
 This opinion of the king pleased [the people], and 
 they did what he advised them to do. So God caused
 
 4 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 a terror and a commotion to arise among the Am- 
 monites, who thought one another to be enemies, and 
 slew one another, insomuch that not one man out of 
 so great an army escaped: and when Jehoshaphat 
 looked upon that valley wherein their enemies had 
 been encamped, and saw it full of dead men; he 
 rejoiced at so surprising an event, as was this as- 
 sistance of God, while he himself by his own power, 
 and without their labour, had given them the victory. 
 He also gave his army leave to take the prey of the 
 enemies' camp, and to spoil their dead bodies; and 
 indeed so thej^ did for three days together, till they 
 were weary, so great was the number of the slain; 
 and on the fourth day, all the people were gathered 
 together, unto a certain hollow place or valley, and 
 blessed God for his power and assistance, from which 
 the place had this name given it, th.e valley of \_Bcr- 
 acliah, or] blessing. 
 
 4. And when the king had brought his army back 
 to Jerusalem, he betook himself to celebrate festivals, 
 and offer sacrifices, and this for manv days. And, 
 indeed, after this destruction of their enemies, and 
 when it came to the ears of the foreign nations they 
 were all greatly affrighted, as supposing that God 
 would openly fight for him hereafter. So Jehoshaphat 
 from that time lived in great glory and splendour, 
 on account of his righteousness and his piety towards 
 God. He was also in friendship witli Ahab's son, 
 who was king of Israel: and he joined with him in 
 the building of ships that were to sail to ' Pontus, 
 
 ' What are here Ponfvs and Thrace, as the phices whither Jehosha- 
 phat's fleet sailed, are in our other copies Ophir and Tarshish, and the 
 place whence it sailed is in them Eziongeber. which lav on the Red Sea, 
 whence it was impossible for any shii)s to sail to Pontus or Thrace; so 
 that Josephus' copy differed froiu our other copies, as is farther plain 
 from his own words, which render what we read, that the ships were 
 broken at Ezionpeber, from their unwieldy f/n'/ituess. But so far we 
 may conclude, that Josephus thought one Ophir to be somewhere in the
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 5 
 
 and the traffic cities of Thrace; but he failed of his 
 gains, for the ships were destroyed by being so great 
 [and unwieldy] ; on which account he was no longer 
 concerned about shipping. And this is the history 
 of Jehoshaphat the king of Jerusalem. 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 Conceniing Ahaziah, the king of Israel, and again 
 concerning the prophet Elijah. 
 
 1. AxD now Ahaziah, the son of Ahab, reigned 
 over Israel, and made his abode in Samaria. He was 
 a wicked man, and, in all respects, like to both his 
 parents, and to Jeroboam, who first of all transgressed, 
 and began to deceive the people. On the second year 
 of his reign, the king of Moab fell off from his 
 obedience, and left off paying those tributes which he 
 before paid to his father Ahab. Now it happened 
 that Ahaziah, as he was coming down from the top 
 of his house, fell down from it, and in his sickness 
 sent to the ^ Fly, which was the god of Ekron, for 
 that was this god's name, to inquire about his recovery : 
 But the God of the Hebrews appeared to Elijah the 
 prophet, and commanded him to go and meet the 
 messengers that were sent, and to ask them, "Whether 
 the people of Israel had not a God of their own, that 
 the king sent to a foreign god to inquire about his 
 recovery? and to bid them return and tell the king, 
 that he would not escape this disease." And when 
 
 Mediterranean, and not in the South Sea, though perhaps there might 
 be another Ophir in that South Sea also, and that fleets might then sail 
 both from Phenicia, and from the Red Sea to fetch the gold of Ophir. 
 ^ This god of flies seems to have been so called, as was the like god 
 among the Greeks; from his supposed power over flies in driving them 
 away from the flesh of their sacrifices, which otherwise would have been 
 verv troublesome to them.
 
 6 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 Elijah had performed what God had commanded 
 him, and the messengers had heard what he said, they 
 returned to the king immediately: and when the king 
 wondered how they could return so soon, and asked 
 them the reason of it, they said, that a "certain man 
 met them, and forbade them to go on any farther; 
 but to return and tell thee, from the command of the 
 God of Israel, that this disease will have a bad end." 
 And when the king bid them describe the man that 
 said this to them, they replied, "that he was a hairy 
 man, and was girt about with a girdle of leather." 
 So the king understood by this that the man who was 
 described by the messengers was Elijah; whereupon 
 he sent a captain to him, with fifty soldiers, and com- 
 manded them to bring Elijah to him; and when the 
 captain that was sent found Elijah sitting upon the 
 top of a hill, he commanded him to come down, and 
 to come to the king, for so had he enjoined, but that 
 in case he refused, they would carry him by force. 
 Elijah said to him, "That you may have a trial 
 whether I be a true prophet, I will pray that ^ fire 
 may fall from heaven, and destroy both the soldiers 
 
 ^ It is commonly esteemed a very cruel action of Elijah's, when he 
 called for a fire from heaven, and consumed no fewer than two captains 
 and a hundred soldiers, and this for no other crime than obeying the 
 orders of their king, in attetnpting to seize iiini. But then we must con- 
 sider that it is not unlikely that these captains and soldiers believed 
 that they were sent to fetch the prophet, that he might be put to death 
 for foretelling the death of the king, and this while they knew him to 
 be the prophet of the true God, the supreme King of Israel (for they 
 were still under the theocracy), which was no less than impiety, re- 
 l)ellii)n, and treason, in the highest degree: Xor would the command of 
 a subaltern, or inferior captain, contradicting the commands of the 
 general, when the captain and the soldiers both knew it to be so, as I 
 suppose, justify or excuse such gross rebellion and disobedience in soldiers 
 at this day. Accordingly, when Saul conmiandcd his guards to slay 
 Ahinielech, and the priests at Xob, they knew it to be an unlawful com- 
 nuind, and would not obey it, 1 Sam. xxii. 17. From which cases both 
 officers and soldiers may learn, that the commands of their leaders or 
 kings cannot justify or excuse them in doing what is wicked in the 
 sight of Ood, or In figliting in an unjust cause, when they know it so to be.
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 7 
 
 and yourself." So he prayed, and a whirlwind of 
 fire [fell from heaven] and destroyed the captain, 
 and those that were with him. And when the king 
 was informed of the destruction of these men, he was 
 very angry and sent another captain with the like 
 number of armed men that were sent before. And 
 when this captain also threatened the prophet, that 
 unless he came down of his own accord, he would 
 take him and carry him away; upon his prayer against 
 him, the fire [from heaven] slew this captain as well 
 as the other. And when upon inquiry, the king was 
 informed of what happened to him, he sent out a 
 third captain. But when this captain, who was a 
 wise man, and of a mild disposition, came to the place 
 where Elijah happened to be, and spake civilly to 
 him; and said, That "he knew that it was without 
 his own consent, and only in submission to the king's 
 command that he came unto him; and that those 
 that came before did not come willingly, but on the 
 same account: He therefore desired him to have pity 
 on those armed men that were with him; and that 
 he would come down and follow him to the king." 
 So Elijah accepted of his discreet words and courteous 
 behaviour, and came down and followed him. And 
 when he came to the king, he prophesied to him, and 
 told him, that "God said. Since thou hast despised 
 him as not being God, and so unable to foretell the 
 truth about thy distemper, but hast sent to the god of 
 Ekron to inquire of him what will be the end of this 
 thy distemper, know this, that thou shalt die." 
 
 2. Accordingly the king in a very little time died, 
 as Elijah had foretold; but Jehoram his brother 
 succeeded him in the kingdom, for he died without 
 children: but for this Jehoram, he was like his father 
 Ahab in wickedness, and reigned twelve years, in- 
 dulging himself in all sorts of wickedness, and impiety
 
 8 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 towards God, for leaving off his worship, he wor- 
 shipped foreign gods: but in other respects he was 
 an active man. Now at this time it was that Ehjah 
 disappeared from among men, and no one knows of 
 his death to this very day; but he left behind him 
 his disciple Elisha as we have formerly declared. 
 And indeed, as to Elijah, and as to Enoch, who was 
 before the deluge, it is written in the sacred books 
 that they disappeared, but so that nobody knew 
 that they died. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 How J Oram and Jehoshapliat made an expedition 
 against the Moahites: As also conceiming the 
 wonders of Elisha; and the death of Jehoshapliat.. 
 
 1. When Joram had taken upon him the king- 
 dom, he determined to make an expedition against 
 the king of Moab, whose name was Mesha; for, 
 as we told you before, he was departed from his 
 obedience to his brother [Ahaziah], while he paid to 
 his father Ahab two hundred thousand sheep, with 
 their fleeces of wool. When therefore he had gathered 
 his own army together, he sent also to Jehoshaphat, 
 and entreated him, that since he had from the begin- 
 ning been a friend to his fatlier, he would assist him 
 in the war that he was entering into against the 
 Moahites, who had departed from their obedience, 
 who not only himself promised to assist him, but 
 would also oblige the king of Edom, who was under 
 his authority, to make the same expedition also. 
 When Joram had received these assurances of assist- 
 ance from Jehoshaphat, he took his army with him, 
 and came to Jerusalem; and when he had been
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 9 
 
 sumptuously entertained by the king of Jerusalem, 
 it was resolved upon by th.em to take their march 
 against their enemies through the wilderness of Edom; 
 And when they had taken a compass of seven days 
 journey, they were in distress for want of water for 
 the cattle, and for the army, from the mistake of 
 their roads by the guides that conducted them, in- 
 somuch that they were all in an agony, especially 
 Joram; and cried to God, by reason of their sorrow, 
 and [desired to know] what wickedness had been 
 committed by them that induced him to deliver three 
 kings together, without fighting, unto the king of 
 Moab. But Jehoshaphat, who was a righteous man, 
 encouraged him, and bid him send to the camp, and 
 know whether any prophet of God was come along 
 with them, that we might by him learn from God 
 what we should do. And wlien one of the servants 
 of Joram said, that he had seen there Elisha, the son 
 of Shaphat, the disciple of Elijah, the three kings 
 went to him at the entreaty of Jehoshaphat; and 
 when they were come at the prophet's tent, which 
 tent was pitched out of the camp, they asked him, 
 "What would become of the army?" and Joram was 
 particularly very pressing with him about it. And 
 when he replied to him, That "he should not trouble 
 him, but go to his father's and mother's prophets, 
 for they [to be sure] were true prophets," he still 
 desired him to prophesy, and to save them. So he 
 swore by God, that he would not answer him unless 
 it were on account of Jehoshaphat, who was an holy 
 and righteous man, and when, at his desire, they 
 brought him a man that could play on the psaltery, 
 the Divine Spirit came upon him as the nuisic played, 
 and he commanded them to dig many trenches in 
 the valley; for, said he, "Though there appear .neither 
 cloud, nor wind, nor storm of rain, ye shall see this
 
 10 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 valley full of water, till the army and the cattle be 
 saved for you by drinking of it: Nor will this be all 
 the favour that you shall receive from God, but you 
 shall also overcome your enemies, and take the best 
 and strongest cities of the Moabites, and you shall 
 ^ cut down their fruit trees, and lay waste their coun- 
 try, and stop up their fountains and rivers." 
 
 2. When the prophet had said this, the next day, 
 before the sun rising, a great torrent ran strongly; 
 for God had caused it to rain very plentifully at 
 the distance of three days' journey into Edom; so 
 that the army and the cattle found water to drink 
 in abundance. But when the Moabites heard that 
 the three kings were coming upon them, and made 
 their approach through the wilderness, the king of 
 IMoab gathered his army together presently, and 
 commanded them to pitch their camp upon the 
 mountains, that when the enemies should attempt to 
 enter their country, they might not be concealed 
 from them. But when at the rising of the sun they 
 saw the water in the torrent, for it was not far from 
 the land of Moab, and that it was of the colour of 
 blood, for at such a time the water especially looks 
 red, by the shining of the sun upon it, they formed 
 a false notion of the state of their enemies, as if 
 they had slain one another for thirst; and that the 
 river ran with their blood. However, supposing that 
 this was the case, they desired their king would send 
 them out to spoil their enemies; whereupon they all 
 
 ' This practice of cutting down, or ]iliiciving np by the roots, the 
 fruit trees, was forbidden, even in ordinary wars, by the law of Moses, 
 Deut. XX. 19, 20, and only allowed by God in this particular case, when 
 the Moabites were to be punished and cut off in an extraordinary n)anner 
 fur their wickedness. See Jer. xlviii. 11, ]2, i;5, and many the like 
 |)ro|)hecies against them. Nothing could therefore justify this practice 
 but a jiarticular commission from (Jod by his proi)het, as in the ])resent 
 case, which was ever a suffici<-nt warrant for breaking any such ritual 
 or ceremonial law whatsoever.
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 11 
 
 went in haste, as to an advantage ah'eady gained, 
 and came to the enemies' camp, as supposing them 
 destroyed already. But their hope deceived them, 
 for as their enemies stood round aljout them, some 
 of them were cut to pieces, and others of them were 
 dispersed, and fled to their own country. And when 
 the kings fell into the land of Moab, they overthrew 
 the cities that were in it, and spoiled their fields, and 
 marred them, filling them with stones out of the 
 brooks, and cut down the best of their trees, and 
 stopped up their fountains of water, and overthrew 
 their walls to their foundations. But the king of 
 Moab, when he was pursued, endured a siege, and 
 seeing his city in danger of being overthrown by 
 force, made a sally, and went out with seven hundred 
 men, in order to break through the enemies' camp 
 with his horsemen, on that side where the watch 
 seemed to be kept most negligently: and when, upon 
 trial, he could not get away, for he light upon a 
 place that was carefully watched, he returned into 
 the city, and did a thing that showed despair and 
 the utmost distress; for he took his eldest son, who 
 was to reign after him, and lifting him up upon 
 the wall, that he might be visible to all the enemies, 
 he offered him as a whole burnt-offering to God, 
 whom, when the kings saw, they commiserated the 
 distress that was the occasion of it, and were so 
 affected, in way of humanity and pity, that they 
 raised the siege, and every one returned to his own 
 house. So Jehoshaphat came to Jerusalem, and con- 
 tinued in peace there, and out-lived this expedition 
 but a little time, and then died, having lived in all 
 sixty years, and of them reigned twenty-five. He 
 was buried in a magnificent manner in Jerusalem, for 
 he had imitated the actions of David,
 
 12 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 J eh Oram succeeds Jehoshaphat: hoxv Joram, liU name- 
 sake, king of Israel, fought tcith the Syrians; and 
 what wonders were done by the prophet EUsha. 
 
 1. Jehoshaphat had a good number of children; 
 but he appointed his eldest son Jehoram, to be his 
 successor, who had the same name with his mother's 
 brother, that was king of Israel, and the son of 
 Ahab. Now when the king of Israel was come out of 
 the land of Moab to Samaria, he had with him Ehsha 
 the prophet, whose acts I have a mind to go over par- 
 ticularly, for they were illustrious and worthy to be 
 related,' as we have set them down in the sacred books. 
 
 2. For they say that the ^ widow of Obadiah, 
 Ahab's steward, came to him; and said, That "he 
 was not ignorant how her husband had preserved the 
 prophets that were to be slain by Jezebel, the wife 
 of Ahab: for she said that he hid a hundred of 
 them, and had borrowed money for their maintenance; 
 that after her husband's death, she and her children 
 were carried away to be made slaves by the creditors; 
 and she desired of him to have mercy upon her on 
 account of what her husband did, and afford her 
 some assistance." And when he asked her what she 
 
 ' That this woman who cried to Elisha, and who in the Bible is 
 styled the wife of one of the sons of the prophets, 2 Kings iv. 1, was 
 no other than the widow of Obadiah, the good steward of Ahab, is con- 
 firmed by the Chaldee paraphrast, and l)y the Rabbins and others. Nor 
 is that unlikely which Josephus here adds, tliat tiiese debts were con- 
 tracted by her husband for the sujijwrt of tiiose hundred of the Lord's 
 prophets, whom he maintained bif fifty in a care, in the days of Ahab 
 and Jezebel, 1 Kings xviii. 4, wtiich circumstance rendered it highly fit 
 that the prophet Elisha should provide her a remedy, and enable her 
 to redeem herself and her sons from the fear of that slavery which in- 
 solvent debtors were liable to by the law of Moses, Lev. xxv. 39, Matt, 
 xviii. <2c>, which he did accordingly, with God's help, at the expense of 
 a miracle.
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 13 
 
 had in the house, she said, Nothing but a very small 
 quantity of oil in a cruse. So the prophet bid her 
 go away, and borrow a great many empty vessels 
 of her neighbours, and when she had shut her chamber 
 door, to pour the oil into them all; for God would 
 fill them full. And when the woman had done what 
 she was commanded to do, and bade her children 
 bring every one of the vessels, and all were filled, 
 and not one left empty, she came to the proj^het, 
 and told him that they were all full: Upon which 
 he advised her to go away, and sell the oil, and pay 
 the creditors what was owing to them, for that there 
 would be some surplus of the price of the oil, which 
 she might make use of for the maintenance of her 
 children. And thus did Elisha discharge the woman's 
 debts, and free her from the vexation of her creditors. 
 3. ^ Elisha also sent an hasty message to Joram 
 
 * Dr.' Hudson with very good reason, suspects that there is no small 
 defect in our present copies of Josephus; just before the beginning of 
 this section, and that chiefly, as to that distinct account which he had 
 given us reason to expect in the first section, and to which he seems to 
 refer, ch. viii. sect. 6, concerning the glorious miracles which Elisha 
 wrought, which indeed are not a few, 2 Kings iv.-ix. but of which we 
 have several omitted in Josephus' present copies. One of these histories, 
 amitted at present, was evidently in his Bible, I mean that of the curing 
 Df Naaman's leprosy, 2 Kings v. for he plainly alludes to it, B. III. ch. 
 si. sect. 4, where he observes. That "there were lepers in many nations 
 who yet have been in honour, and not only free from rej)roach and 
 avoidance, but who have been great captains of armies, and heen in- 
 trusted with high offices in the commonwealth, and have had the priv- 
 ilege of entering into holy places and temples." But what makes me 
 most regret the want of that history in our present copies of Josephus, 
 is this, that we have here, as it is commonly understood, one of the 
 greatest difficulties in all the Bible, that in 2 Kings v. 18, 19, where 
 Naaman, after he had been miraculously cured by a prophet of the 
 true God, and had thereupon promised, ver. 17, that "he would hence- 
 forth offer neither burnt-offering nor sacrifice unto other gods, but 
 unto the Lord, adds. In this thing the I>ord pardon thy servant, that 
 when my master goeth into the house of Himmon to worship there, and 
 he leaneth on my hands, and I bow myself in the house of Rinunon; 
 when I bow down myself in the house of Rimmon, the I>ord pardon thy 
 servant in this thing. And Elisha said, Go in peace." This looks like 
 a prophet's permission for being partaker in idolatry itself, out of 
 compliance with an idolatrous court.
 
 14 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 and exhorted him to take care of that place, for that 
 therein were some Syrians lying in ambush to kill 
 him. So the king did as the prophet exhorted him, 
 and avoided his going a hunting. And when Ben- 
 hadad missed of the success of his lying in ambush, 
 he was wroth with his own servants, as if they had 
 betraved his ambushment to Joram, and sent for 
 them, and said they w^ere the betrayers of his secret 
 counsels; and he threatened that he would put them 
 to death, since such their practice was evident, be- 
 cause he had intrusted this secret to none but them, 
 and vet it was made known to his enemv. And 
 when one that was present said, that "he should not 
 mistake himself; nor suspect that they had discovered 
 to his enemy his sending men to kill him, but that 
 he ought to know that it was Elisha the prophet who 
 discovered all to him, and laid open all his counsels," 
 he gave order that they should send some to learn 
 in what city Elisha dwelt. Accordingly those that 
 were sent brought word, that he was in Dothan: 
 wherefore Benhadad sent to that city a great army, 
 with horses and chariots, to take Elisha; so they 
 encompassed the city round about by night, and 
 kept him therein confined: but when the prophet's 
 servant in the morning perceived this, and that his 
 enemies sought to take Elisha, he came running and 
 crying out after a disordered manner to him, and 
 told him of it; but he encouraged him, and bid him 
 not be afraid, and to despise the enemy, and trust 
 in the assistance of God, and was himself without 
 fear; and he besought God to make manifest to his 
 servant his power and presence, so far as was pos- 
 sible, in order to the inspiring him with hope and 
 courage. Accordingly God heard the prayer of the 
 prophet, and made the servant see a multitude of 
 chariots and horses encompassing Elisha, till he laid
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 15 
 
 aside his fear, and his courage revived at the sight 
 of what he supposed was come to their assistance. 
 After this Elisha did farther entreat God, that he 
 would dim the eyes of their enemies, and cast a mist 
 before them, whereby they might not discern him. 
 When this was done, he went into the midst of his 
 enemies, and asked them who it was that they came 
 to seek^ and when they rephed, the prophet Ehsha, 
 he promised he would deliver him to them, if they 
 would follow him to the city where he was. So these 
 men were so darkened by God in their sight and in 
 their mind, that they followed him very diligently; 
 and when Elisha had brought them to Samaria, he 
 ordered Joram the king to shut the gates, and to 
 place his own army round about them; and prayed 
 to God to clear the eyes of these their enemies, and 
 take the mist from before them. Accordingly when 
 the}' were freed from the obscurity they had been 
 in; they saw themselves in the midst of their enemies; 
 and as the Syrians were strangely amazed and dis- 
 tressed, as was but reasonable, at an action so divine 
 and surprising; and as king Joram asked the prophet, 
 if he would giye him leave to shoot at them: Elisha 
 forbade him so to do; and said, that "it is just to 
 kill those that are taken in battle, but that these men 
 had done the country no harm, but without knowing 
 it, were come thither by the divine power." So that 
 his counsel was to treat them in a hosj)itable manner 
 at his table, and then send them away without hurt- 
 ing them.' Wherefore Joram obeyed the jDro^ihet; 
 and M'hen he had feasted the Syrians in a splendid 
 
 ^ Upon occasion of this stratagem of Elisha's in Josephus, we may 
 take notice that altliou;:;ii Josephus was one of the greatest lovers of 
 truth in the world, yet in a just war he seems to have had no mainuT 
 of scruple upon him hy all such stratagems possible to deceive public 
 enemies. See also Josejiluis' account of Jeremiah's imposition on the 
 great men of the Jews in somewhat a like case. Antiq. B. X. ch. vii. 
 sect, t), and J Sam. xvi. 16, etc.
 
 16 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 and magnificent manner, he let them go to Benliadad 
 their king. 
 
 4. Now when these men were come back, and 
 had showed Benhadad how strange an accident had 
 befallen them, and what an appearance and power 
 they had experienced of the God of Israel, he won- 
 dered at it, as also at that prophet with whom God 
 was so evidently present: so he determined to make 
 no more secret attempts upon the king of Israel, 
 out of fear of Elisha, but resolved to make open 
 war with them, as supposing he could be too hard 
 for his enemies by the multitude of his army and 
 power. So he made an expedition with a great 
 army, against Joram, who, not thinking himself a 
 match for him, shut himself up in Samaria, and 
 depended on the strength of its walls; but Benhadad 
 supposed he should take the city, if not by his en- 
 gines of war, yet that he should overcome the Samari- 
 tans by famine, and the want of necessaries, and 
 brought his army upon them, and besieged the city: 
 and the plenty of necessaries was brought so low 
 with Joram, and from the extremity of want an 
 ass's head was sold in Samaria, for fourscore pieces 
 of silver, and the Hebrews bought a sextary of dove's 
 dung, instead of salt, for five pieces of silver. Now 
 Joram was in fear lest somebody should betray the 
 city to the enemy, by reason of the famine, and 
 went every day round the walls and the guards, to 
 see whether any such were concealed among them; 
 and by being thus seen, and taking such care, he 
 deprived them of the opportunity of contriving any 
 such thing, and if they had a mind to do it, he, by 
 this means, prevented them; but upon a certain 
 woman's crying out, "Have pity on me, my lord," 
 while he thought that she was about to ask for some- 
 what to eat, he imprecated God's curse upon her,
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 17 
 
 and said, "he had neither threshing-floor, nor wine- 
 press, whence he might give her any thing at her 
 petition." Upon Avhich she said, "She did not desire 
 his aid in any such thing, nor trouble him about 
 food, but desired that he would do her justice as 
 to another woman." And when he bade her say on, 
 and let him know what she desired, she said, "She 
 had made an agreement with the other woman, who 
 was her neighbour and her friend, that because the 
 famine and w\ant was intolerable, they should kill 
 their children, each of them having a son of their 
 own, and we will live upon them ourselves for two 
 days, the one day upon one son, and the other day 
 upon the other: and, said she, I have killed my son 
 the first day, and we lived upon my son yesterday, 
 but this other woman will not do the same thing, 
 but hath broken her agreement, and hath hid her 
 son." This story mightily grieved Joram when he 
 heard it; so he rent his garment, and cried out with 
 a loud voice, and conceived great wrath against 
 Elisha the prophet, and set himself eagerly to have 
 him slain, because he did not pray to God to provide 
 them some exit and way of escape out of the miseries 
 with which they were surrounded, and sent one away 
 immediately to cut off his head, who made haste to 
 kill the prophet; but Elisha was not unacquainted 
 with the wrath of the king against him; for as he 
 sat in his house by himself, with none but his dis- 
 ciples about him, he told them, that Joram, ^ who 
 was the son of a murderer, had sent one to take 
 away his head; but, said he, "when he that is com- 
 
 * This son of a murderer was Joram, the son of Ahab, which Ahab 
 slew, or permitted his wife Jezebel to slay the Lord's prophets, and 
 Naboth, 1 Kings xviii. 4, xxi. 19, and he is here called by this name, 
 I suppose, because he had now also himself sent an officer to murder 
 him; yet is Josephus' account of Joram's coming himself at last, as 
 repenting of his intended cruelty, much more probable than that in our 
 copies, 2 Kings vi. 33, which rather implies the contrary.
 
 18 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 manded to do this comes, take care that ve do not 
 let him come in, but press the door against him, and 
 hokl him fast there, for the king himself will follow 
 him, and come to me having altered his mind." Ac- 
 cordingly, they did as they were bidden, when he 
 that was sent by the king to kill Elisha came; but 
 Joram repented of liis wrath against the prophet, 
 and for fear he that was commanded to kill him 
 should have done it before he came, he made haste 
 to hinder his slaughter, and to save the prophet: 
 and when he came to him, he accused him that he 
 did not pray to God for their deliverance from the 
 miseries they lay now under, but saw them so sadly 
 destroyed by them. Hereupon Elisha promised, that 
 the very next day, at the very same hour in which 
 the king came to him, they should have great 
 plenty of food, and that two seah of barley should 
 be sold in the market for a shekel, and a seah of 
 fine flour should be sold for a sliekel. This predic- 
 tion made Joram, and those that were present, very 
 joyful, for they did not scruple believing what the 
 prophet said, on account of the experience they had 
 of the truth of his former predictions; and the ex- 
 pectation of plenty made the want they were in 
 that day, with the uneasiness that accompanied it, 
 appear a light thing to them: but the captain of the 
 third band, who was a friend of the king's, and on 
 whose hand the king leaned, said, "Thou talkest of 
 incredible things, O prophet! for as it is impossible 
 for God to pour down torrents of barley, or fine 
 flour, out of heaven, so is it impossi})le that what 
 thou sayest should come to pass." To which the 
 prophet made this reply, "Thou shalt see these things 
 come to pass, but thou shalt not be in the least a 
 partaker of them." 
 
 5. Xow what Elisha had tlius foretold, came to
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 19 
 
 pass in the manner following: There was a ^ law 
 at Samaria, that those that had the leprosy, and 
 whose bodies were not cleansed from it, should abide 
 without the city; and there were four men that on 
 this account abode before the gates, while nobody 
 gave them any food, by reason of the extremity of 
 the famine: and as they were prohibited from enter- 
 ing into the city by the law, and they considered 
 that if they were permitted to enter, they should 
 miserably perish by the famine, as also, that if they 
 stayed where they were, they should suffer in the 
 same manner, they resolved to deliver themselves 
 up to the enemy, that in case they should spare them, 
 they should live, but if they should be killed, that 
 would be an easy death. So when they had con- 
 firmed this their resolution, they came by night to 
 the enemies' camp. Now God had begun to affright 
 and disturb the Syrians, and to bring the noise of 
 chariots and armour to their ears, as though an army 
 were coming upon them, and had made them suspect 
 that it was coming nearer and nearer to them. In 
 short, they were in such a dread of this army, that 
 they left their tents, and ran together to Benhadad, 
 and said. That "Joram the king of Israel had hired 
 for auxiliaries, both the king of Egypt and the king 
 of the islands, and led them against them, for they 
 heard the noise of them as they ^vere coming." And 
 Benhadad believed what they said (for there came 
 the same noise to his ears as well as it did to theirs), 
 so they fell into a mighty disorder and tmnult, and 
 left their horses and beasts in their camp, with im- 
 mense riches also, and betook themselves to flight. 
 And those lepers who had departed from Samaria, 
 
 Tills law of the Jews, for the exclusion of lepers out of the cam]) 
 in the wilderness, and out of the cities in Judea, is a well known one, 
 Lev. xiii. 4L', and Num. v. l-i.
 
 20 AXTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 and were gone to the camp of the Syrians, of whom 
 we made mention a httle before, when they were 
 in the camp, saw nothing but great quietness and 
 silence: accordingly they entered into it, and went 
 hastily into one of their tents, and when thev saw 
 nobody there they eat and drank, and carried gar- 
 ments and a great quantity of gold, and hid it out 
 of the camp; after which they went into another 
 tent, and carried off what was in it, as they did 
 at the former, and this did they for several times, 
 without the least interruption from any body. So 
 they gathered thereby that the enemies were de- 
 parted; whereupon tiiey reproached themselves that 
 they did not inform Joram and the citizens of it. 
 So they came to the walls of Samaria, and called 
 aloud to the watchmen, and told them in what state 
 the enemies were, as did these tell the king's guards, 
 by whose means Joram came to know of it; who 
 then sent for his friends, and the captains of his 
 host, and said to them. That "he suspected that this 
 departure of the king of Syria was by way of am- 
 bush and treachery, and that out of despair of ruin- 
 ing you by famine, when you imagine them to be 
 fled away, you may come out of the city to spoil 
 their camp, and he may then fall upon you on a 
 sudden, and may both kill you, and take the city 
 without fighting; whence it is that I exhort you 
 to guard the city carefully, and by no means to go 
 out of it, or proudly to despise your enemies, as 
 though they were really gone away." And when 
 a certain person said, That "he did very well and 
 wisely to admit such a suspicion, but that he still 
 ad\nsed him to send a couple of horsemen to search 
 all the country, as far as Jordan, tliat if they were 
 seized by an ambush of the enemy, they might be 
 a security to your army, that tliey may not go out
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 21 
 
 as if they suspected nothing, nor undergo the hke 
 misfortune; and, (said he), those liorsemen may be 
 numbered among those that have died by the famine, 
 supposing they be caught and destroyed by the 
 enemy." So the king was pleased witli this opinion 
 and sent such as might search out the truth, who 
 performed their journey over a road that was with- 
 out any enemies, but found it full of provisions, and 
 of weapons, that they had therefore thrown away, 
 and left behind them, in order to their being light 
 and expeditious in their flight. When the king heard 
 this, he sent out the multitude to take the spoils of 
 the camj); which gains of theirs were not of things 
 of small value, but they took a great quantity of 
 gold, and a great quantity of silver, and flocks of 
 all kinds of cattle. They also possessed themselves 
 of [so many] ten thousand measures of wheat and 
 barlej^ as they never in the least dreamed of; and 
 were not only freed from their former miseries, but 
 had such plenty, that two seahs of barley were bought 
 for a shekel, and a seah of fine flour for a shekel, 
 according to the prophecy of Elisha. Xow a seah 
 is equal to an Italian modius and a half. The cap- 
 tain of the third band was the only man that received 
 no benefit by this plenty; for as he was appointed 
 by the king to oversee the gate, that he might prevent 
 the too great a crowd of the multitude, that they 
 might not endanger one another and perish, by tread- 
 ing on one another in the press, he sufl^ered himself 
 in that very way, and died in that very manner, as 
 Elisha had foretold such his death, when he alone 
 of them all disbelieved what he said concerning that 
 plenty of provisions which they shoidd soon have. 
 
 6. Hereupon, when Benhadad, the king of Syria, 
 had escaped to Damascus, and understood that it 
 was God himself that cast all his army into this fear
 
 22 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 and disorder, and that it did not arise from the in- 
 vasion of enemies, he was mightily cast down at his 
 having God so greatly for his enemy, and fell into 
 a distemper. Now it happened that Elisha the 
 prophet, at that time, was gone out of his own coun- 
 try to Damascus, of which Benhadad was informed; 
 he sent Hazael, the most faithful of all his servants, 
 to meet him, and to carry him presents, and bade 
 him inquire of him about his distemper, and whether 
 he should escape the danger that it threatened. So 
 Hazael came to Elisha with forty camels, that carried 
 the best and most precious fruits that the country 
 of Damascus afforded, as well as those which the 
 king's palace supplied. He saluted him kindly, and 
 said. That "he was sent to him by king Benhadad, 
 and brought presents with him, in order to inquire 
 concerning his distemper, whether he should recover 
 from it or not?" Whereupon the prophet bid him 
 tell the king no melancholy news, but still he said 
 he would die. So, the king's servant was troubled 
 to hear it; and Elisha wept also, and his tears ran 
 down plenteously at his foresight of what miseries 
 his people would undergo after the death of Ben- 
 hadad. And when Hazael asked, what was the oc- 
 casion of this confusion he was in^ he said. That "he 
 wept out of his commiseration for the multitude of 
 the Israelites, and what terrible miseries they will 
 suifer by thee; for thou wilt slay the strongest of 
 them, and will burn their strongest cities, and will 
 destroy their children, and dash them against the 
 stones, and will rip up their women with child." And 
 when Hazael said, "How can it be tiiat I should have 
 power enough to do such things?" the prophet replied, 
 "That God had informed him t!iat he should l)e kin;^- 
 of Svria." So when Hazael was come to Benhadad, 
 he told him good news concerning his distemper;
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 23 
 
 ^ but on the next day he spread a wet cloth, in the 
 nature of a net over hmi, and strangled him, and 
 took his dominion. He was an active man, and had 
 the good-will of the Syrians, and of the people of 
 Damascus to a great degree; by whom both Ben- 
 hadad himself, and Hazael, who ruled after him, are 
 honoured to this day as gods by reason of their bene- 
 factions, and their building them temples, by which 
 they adorned the city of the Damascenes. They also 
 every day do with great pomp pay their worship 
 " to these kings, and value themselves upon their an- 
 tiquity; nor do they know that these kings are much 
 later than they imagine, and that they are not yet 
 eleven hundred years old. Xow when Joram, the 
 king of Israel, heard that Benhadad was dead, he 
 recovered out of the terror and dread he had been 
 in on his account, and was very glad to live in peace. 
 
 * Since Elijah did not live to anoint Hazael king of Syria himself, 
 as he was empowered to do, 1 Kings xix. 1.5, it was most prcjhahly now 
 done, in his name, by his servant and successor Elisha: Xor does it 
 seem to me otherwise, hut that Benhadad immediately recovered of his 
 disease, as the proi)het foretold; and that Hazael, upon his benig anointed 
 to succeed him, though he ought to hftve stayed till he died by the course 
 of nature, or some other way of divine punishment, as did David for 
 many years in the like case, was too impatient, and the very next day, 
 smothered or strangled him, in order to come directly to the succession. 
 
 ^ What ^Ir. Le Clerc pi-etends here, that it is more probable that 
 Hazael and his son were worshijiped by the Syrians, and people of 
 Damascus, till the days of Josephus, than Benhadad and Hazael, because 
 under Benhadad they had greatly suffered, and because it is almost 
 incredible, that both a king, and that king's murderer should be wor- 
 shipped by the same Syrians, is of little force against those records 
 out of which Josejibus drew his history, especially when it is likely that 
 they thought I5enhadad died of the distemper he laboured under, and 
 not by Hazael's treachery. Besides, the reason that Josephus gives for 
 this adoration, and that these two kings had been great benefactors to 
 the inhabitants of Damascus, and had budt them temples, is too re- 
 mote from the political suspicions of I.e Clerc; nor ought such weak 
 suspicions to be deemed of any force against authentic testimonies of 
 antiquity.
 
 24 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Concerning the wickedness of Jehoram king of Jeru- 
 salem. His defeat and death. 
 
 1. Xow Jehoram the king of Jerusalem, for we 
 have said before that he had the same name with 
 the king of Israel, as soon as he had taken the gov- 
 ernment upon him, betook himself to the slaughter 
 of his brethren, and his father's friends, who were 
 governors under him, and thence made a beginning, 
 and a demonstration of his wickedness; nor was he 
 at all better than those kings of Israel who at first 
 transgressed against the laws of their country, and 
 of the Hebrews, and against God's worship. And 
 it was Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab, whom he 
 had married, who taught him to be a bad man in 
 other respects, and also to worship foreign gods. 
 Now God would not quite root out this family, be- 
 cause of the promise he had made to David. How- 
 ever, Jehoram did not leave off the introduction of 
 new sorts of customs, to the propagation of impiety, 
 and to the ruin of the customs of his own country. 
 And when the Edomites about that time had re- 
 volted from him, and slain their former king, who 
 was in subjection to his father, and had set up one 
 of their own choosing, Jehoram fell upon the land 
 of Edom, with the horsemen that were about him, 
 and the chariots, by night, and destroyed those that 
 lay near to his own kingdom, but did not proceed 
 farther. However, this expedition did him no service, 
 for they all revolted from him, with those that dwelt 
 in the countrv of Libnah. He w^as indeed so mad, 
 as to compel the peo^jle to go up to the high places 
 of the mountains, and worship foreign gods.
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 25 
 
 2. And as he was doing this, and had entirely 
 cast his own country laws out of his mind, there 
 was brought him an ^ epistle from Elijah the prophet, 
 which declared that "God would execute great judg- 
 ments upon him, because he had not imitated his 
 own fathers, but had followed the wicked courses 
 of the kings of Israel; and had compelled the tribe 
 of Judah, and the citizens of Jerusalem, to leave 
 the holy worship of their own God, and to worship 
 idols, as Ahab had compelled the Israelites to do, 
 and because he had slain his brethren, and the men 
 that were good and righteous." And the prophet 
 gave him notice in this epistle, what punishment he 
 should undergo for these crimes, namely, "the de- 
 struction of his people, with the corruption of the 
 king's own wives and children, and that he should 
 himself die of a distemper in his bowels, with long tor- 
 ments, those his bowels falling out by the violence of the 
 inward rottenness of the parts, insomuch, that though 
 he see his own misery, he shall not be able at all to 
 help himself, but shall die in that manner." Thus it 
 was which Elijah denounced to him in that epistle. 
 
 3. It was not long after this that an army of 
 those Arabians that lived near to Ethiopia, and of 
 the Philistines, fell upon the kingdom of Jehoram, 
 and spoiled the country and the king's house: ^lore- 
 over, they slew his sons and his wives: one only of 
 his sons M^as left him, who escaped the enemy; his 
 name was Ahaziah: After which calamity, he him- 
 self fell into that disease which was foretold by the 
 prophet, and lasted a great while (for God inflicted 
 
 * This epistle, in some copies of Josephus, is said to come to Joram 
 from Elijah, with this addition, for he was yet upon earth, which could 
 not be true of Elijah, who, as all agree, was gone from the earth about 
 four years before, and could only be true of Elisha: nor, perhaps, is 
 there any more mystery here, than that the name of Elijah has very 
 anciently crept into the text instead of Elisha, by the copiers, there 
 being nothing in any copy of that epistle peculiar to Elijah.
 
 26 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 this punishment uj^on him in his helly, out of his 
 wrath against him), and so he died miserably, and 
 saw Iiis own bowels fall out. The people also abused 
 his dead body: I supjjose it was because they thought 
 that such his death came upon him by the wrath 
 of God, and that therefore he was not worthy to 
 partake of such a funeral as became kings. Accord- 
 ingly, they neither buried him in the sepulchres of 
 his fathers, nor vouchsafed him any honours, but 
 buried him like a private man, and this when he 
 had lived forty years, and reigned eight: And the 
 people of Jerusalem delivered the govermiient to his 
 son Ahaziah. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 How Jehu was anointed king and slew both Joram 
 and Ahaziah; as also what he did for the punish- 
 ment of the wicked. 
 
 1. Now Joram the king of Israel, after the death 
 of Benhadad, hoped that he might now take Ramotli, 
 a city of Gilead, from the Syrians. Accordingly he 
 made an expedition against it, with a great army: 
 but as he was besieging it, an arrow was shot at 
 him by one of the Syrians, but the wound was not 
 mortal: So he returned to have his wound healed 
 in Jezreel, but left his whole army in Ramoth, and 
 Jehu tlie son of Nimshi for their general, for he 
 had already taken the city by force; and he pro- 
 posed, after he was healed, to make war with the 
 Syrians; but Elisha the prophet sent one of his 
 disciples to Ramoth, and gave him holy oil to anoint 
 Jehu, and to tell him, that God had chosen him to 
 be their king. He also sent him to say other things
 
 Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 27 
 
 to him, and bid him to take his journey as if he 
 fled, that when he came away he might escape the 
 knowledge of all men. So when he was come to 
 the city, he found Jehu sitting in the midst of the 
 captains of the army, as Elisha had foretold he should 
 find him. So he came up to him, and said, that he 
 desired to S23eak with him about certain matters; 
 and when he was arisen, and had followed him into 
 an inward chamber, the yoimg man took the oil, and 
 poured it on his head, and said, that "God ordained 
 him to be king, in order to his destroying the house 
 of Ahab, and that he might revenge the blood of 
 the prophets, that were im justly slain by Jezebel, 
 that so their house might utterly perish, as those of 
 Jeroboam the son of Xebat, and of Baasha, had 
 perished for their wickedness, and no seed might 
 remain of Ahab's family." So when he had said 
 this, he went away hastily out of the cliamber, and 
 endeavoured not to be seen by any of the army. 
 
 2. But Jehu came out, and went to the place 
 Avhere he before sat with the captains: and when 
 they asked him, and desired him to tell them, where- 
 fore it was that this young man came to him? and 
 added withal that he was mad: he replied, you guess 
 right, for the words he sjjake were the words of 
 a madman: and when they were eager about the 
 matter, and desired he would tell them, he answered, 
 that God had said, he had chosen him to be king 
 "over the multitude." AVhen he had said this, every 
 one of them ^ put off his garment, and strewed it 
 under him, and blew with trumpets, and gave notice, 
 tfeat Jehu was king. So when he had gotten the 
 army together, he was preparing to set out immedi- 
 
 * Spanheim here notes that this putting off men's garments and 
 strewing them under a king, was an eastern custom, which lie elsewhere 
 explained.
 
 28 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 ately against Joram, at the city Jezreel, in which 
 city, as we said before, he was heahng of the wound 
 which he had received in the siege of Ramoth. It 
 hapj^ened also that Ahaziah, king of Jerusalem, was 
 now come to Joram, for he was his sister's son, as 
 we have said already, to see how he did after his 
 wound, and this upon account of their kindred; but 
 as Jehu was desirous to fall upon Joram and those 
 with him on the sudden, he desired that none of the 
 soldiers might run awaj^ and tell to Joram what had 
 happened, for that this would be an evident demon- 
 stration of their kindness to him, and would show 
 that their real inclinations were to make him king. 
 
 3. So they were pleased with what he did, and 
 guarded the roads, lest somebody should privately 
 tell the thing to those that were at Jezreel. Now 
 Jehu took his choice horsemen, and sat upon his 
 chariot, and went on for Jezreel, and when he was 
 come near, tlie watchman whom Joram had sent 
 there to spy out such as came to the city, saw Jehu 
 marching on, and told Joram that he saw a troop 
 of horsemen marching on. Upon which he immedi- 
 ately gave orders, that one of his horsemen should 
 be sent out to meet them, and to know who it was 
 that was coming. So when the horseman came up 
 to Jehu, he asked him, in what condition the army 
 was? for that the king wanted to know it; but Jehu 
 bid him not at all to meddle with such matters, but 
 to follow him. When the watchman saw this, he 
 told Joram that the horseman had mingled himself 
 among the company, and came along with them. 
 And when the king had sent a second messenger, 
 Jehu commanded him to do as the former did; as 
 soon as the watchman told this also to Joram, he 
 at last got upon his chariot himself, together with 
 Ahaziah, the king of Jerusalem; for, as we said
 
 Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 29 
 
 before, he was there to see how Joram did, after he 
 had been wounded, as being his relation. So he 
 went out to meet Jehu, who marched ^ slowly, and 
 in good order; and when Joram met him in the field 
 of Xaboth, he asked him, if all things were well in 
 the camp ? but Jehu reproached him bitterly, and 
 ventured to call his mother a witch, and an harlot. 
 Upon this the king fearing what he intended, and 
 suspecting he had no good meaning, he turned his 
 chariot about as soon as he could, and said to Ahaziah, 
 we are fought against by deceit and treachery: But 
 Jehu drew his bow, and smote him, the arrow going 
 through his heart: so Joram fell down immediately 
 on his knee, and gave up the ghost. Jehu also gave 
 orders to Bidkar, the captain of the third part of 
 his army, to cast the dead body of Joram into the 
 field of Xaboth, putting him in mind of the prophecy 
 which Elijah prophesied to Ahab his father, when 
 he had slain Xaboth, that both he and his family 
 should perish in that place, for that as they sat 
 behind Ahab's chariot, they heard the prophet say 
 so, and that it was now come to pass according to 
 his prophecy. Upon the fall of Joram, Ahaziah was 
 afraid of his own life, and turned his chariot into 
 another road, supposing he should not be seen by 
 Jehu; but he followed after him, and overtook him 
 at a certain acclivity, and drew his bow, and wounded 
 him, so he left his chariot, and got ujjon his horse, 
 and fled from Jehu to INIegiddo, and though he was 
 
 * Our copies say, that this "driving of the chariots was like the 
 driving of Jehu the son of Ximshi, for he driveth furiously," 2 Kings 
 ix. 20, whereas Josephus' copy, as he understood it, was this, that, on 
 the contrary, Jehu marched slowly and in good order. Nor can it be 
 denied, that since there was interval enough for king Joram, to send 
 out two horsemen, one after another, to Jehu, and at length to go out 
 with king Ahaziah to meet him, and all this after he was come within 
 sight of the watchman, and before he was come to Jezreel, the proba- 
 bCity is greatly on the side of Josephus' copy or interpretation.
 
 30 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 under cure, in a little time he died of that wound, 
 and was carried to Jerusalem, and buried there, after 
 he had reigned one year, and had proved a wicked 
 man, and worse than his father. 
 
 4. Now when Jehu was come to Jezreel, Jezebel 
 adorned herself and stood upon a tower, and said, 
 "he was a fine servant that had killed his master." 
 And when he looked up to her, he asked who she 
 M'as? and commanded her to come down to him. 
 At last he ordered the eunuchs to throw her down 
 from the tower, and being thrown down, she be- 
 sprinkled the wall with her blood, and was trodden 
 upon by the horses, and so died. When this was 
 done, Jehu came to the palace with his friends, and 
 took some refreshment after his journey, both with 
 other things, and by eating a meal. He also bid 
 his servants to take up Jezebel and bury her, because 
 of the nobility of her blood, for slie was descended 
 from kings; but those that were appointed to bury 
 her found nothing else remaining but the extreme 
 parts of her body, for all the rest were eaten by dogs. 
 When Jehu heard this, he admired the prophecy of 
 Elijah, for he foretold that she should perish in this 
 manner at Jezreel. 
 
 5. Now Ahab had seventy sons brought up in 
 Samaria. So Jehu sent two epistles, the one to 
 them that brought up the children, the other to the 
 rulers of Samaria, which said, That "they should 
 set up the most valiant of Ahab's sons for king, for 
 that they had abundance of chariots, and horses, 
 and armour, and a great army, and fenced cities, 
 and that by so doing they might avenge the nmrder 
 of Ahab." This he wrote to try the intentions of 
 those, of Samaria. Now when the rulers, and those 
 that had brought up the children, had read the letter, 
 they were afraid, and considering that they were
 
 Chap. VI. 01' THE JEWS. 31 
 
 not at all able to oppose him, and that he had al- 
 ready subdued two very great kings, they returned 
 him this answer. That "they owned him for their 
 lord, and would do whatsoever he bade them." So 
 he wrote back to them, such a reply as enjoined them 
 to obey what he gave order for, and to cut off the 
 heads of Ahab«s sons, and send them to him. Ac- 
 cordingly, the rulers sent for those that brought up 
 the sons of Ahab, and commanded them to slay them, 
 to cut off their heads, and send them to Jehu. So 
 they did whatsoever tliey were commanded, without 
 omitting any thing at all, and ])ut them up in wicker 
 baskets, and sent tliem to Jezrecl. And when Jehu, 
 as he was at supper with his friends, was informed 
 that the heads of Ahab's sons were ])rought, he or- 
 dered them to make two heaps of them, one before 
 each of the gates, and in the morning he Ment out 
 to take a view of them, and when he saw tliem, he 
 began to say to the people tliat were present, That 
 "he did himself make an expedition against his master 
 [Joram], and slew him, but that it was not he that 
 slew all these: and he desired them to take notice, 
 that as to Ahab's family, all things had come to 
 pass according to God's prophecy, and his house 
 was perished, according as Elijah had foretold." 
 And when he had farther destroyed all the kindred 
 of Ahab that were found in Jezreel, he went to 
 Samaria; and as he was upon the road, he met the 
 relations of Ahaziah king of Jerusalem, and asked 
 them, whither they were going? they replied, that they 
 came to salute Joram, and their own king Ahaziah, 
 for they knew not that he had slain them both: So 
 Jehu gave orders that they should catch these, and 
 kill them, being in number forty-two persons. 
 
 6. After these, there met him a good and a right- 
 eous man, whose name was Jchonadahj and who had
 
 32 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 been his friend of old. He saluted Jehu, and began 
 to commend him, because he had done every thing 
 according to the will of God, in extirpating the house 
 of Ahab. So Jehu desired him to come up into 
 his chariot, and make his entry with him into Samaria; 
 and told him, That "he would not spare one wicked 
 man, but would punish the false prophets, and false 
 priests, and those that deceived the multitude, and 
 persuaded them to leave the worship of God Al- 
 mighty, and to worshij) foreign gods; and that it 
 was a most excellent and most pleasing sight to 
 a good and a righteous man to see the wicked pun- 
 ished." So Jehonadab was persuaded by these argu- 
 ments and came up into Jehu's chariot, and came 
 to Samaria. And Jehu sought out for all Ahab's 
 kindred, and slew them. And being desirous that 
 none of the false prophets nor the priests of Ahab's 
 god, might escape punishment, he caught them 
 deceitfully by this wile: for he gathered all the people 
 together, and said, That "he would worship twice 
 as many gods as Ahab worshipped, and desired that 
 his priests, and prophets, and servants might be 
 present because he would offer costly and great 
 sacrifices to Ahab's god, and that if any of his 
 priests were wanting, they should be punished with 
 death." Now Ahab's god was called Baal. And 
 when he had appointed a day on which he would 
 offer those sacrifices, he sent messengers through all 
 the country of the Israehtes, that they might bring 
 the priests of Baal to him. So Jehu commanded 
 to give all the priests vestments; and when they had 
 received them, he went into the house [of Baal,] 
 with his friend Jehonadab, and gave orders to make 
 search whether there were not any foreigner or 
 stranger among them, for he would have no one of 
 a different religion to mix among their sacred offices.
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 33 
 
 And when they said that there was no stranger there, 
 and they were beginning their sacrifices., he set four- 
 score men without, they being such of liis soldiers 
 as he knew to be most faithful to him, and bid them 
 slay the prophets, and now vindicate the laws of 
 their country, which had been a long time in dis- 
 esteem. He also threatened, that if any one of 
 them escaped, their own lives should go for them. 
 So they slew them all with the sword, and burnt the 
 house of Baal; and by that means purged Samaria 
 of foreign customs, [idolatrous worship.] Now this 
 Baal was the god of the Tyrians; and Ahab, in 
 order to gratify his father-in-law, Ethbaal, who was 
 the king of Tyre and Sidon, built a temple for him 
 in Samaria, and appointed him prophets, and wor- 
 shipped him with all sorts of worship, although, when 
 this god was demolished, Jehu permitted the Israel- 
 ites to worship the golden heifers. However, be- 
 cause he had done thus, and taken care to punish 
 the wicked, God foretold by his prophet, that his 
 sons should reign over Israel for four generations: 
 And in this condition was Jehu at this time. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 How AthaUah reigned over Jerusalem for five [^/.r] 
 years, when Jehoiada the high priest slew her, and 
 made Jehoash the son of Ahadah king. 
 
 1. Now when Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab, 
 heard of the death of her brother Joram, and of 
 her son Ahaziah, and of the royal family, she en- 
 deavoured that none of the house of David might 
 be left alive, but that the whole family might be
 
 34 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 exterminated, that no king might arise out of it 
 afterward; and, as she thought, she had actually 
 done it; but one of Ahaziah's sons was preserved, 
 who escaped death after the manner following: 
 Ahaziah had a sister by the same father, whose name 
 was Jehosheha, and she was married to the high 
 priest Jehoiada. She went into the king's palace, 
 and found Jehoash, for that was the little child's 
 name, who was not above a year old, among those 
 that were slain, but concealed with his nurse; so she 
 took him with her into a secret ])ed-chamber, and 
 shut him up there, and she and her husband Jehoiada 
 brought him up privately in the temple six years, 
 during which time Athaliah reigned over Jerusalem 
 and the two tribes. 
 
 2. Now on the seventh year, Jehoiada communi- 
 cated the matter to certain of the captains of hun- 
 dreds, five in number, and persuaded them to be 
 assisting to what attempts he was making against 
 Athaliah, and to join with him in asserting the king- 
 dom to the child. He also received such oaths from 
 them as are proper to secure those that assist one 
 another from the fear of discovery; and he was then 
 of good hope that they should depose Athaliah. Now 
 those men whom Jehoiada tlie priest had taken to 
 be his partners, went into all the coimtry, and gath- 
 ered together the priests and the Levites, and the 
 heads of the tribes out of it, and came and brought 
 them to Jerusalem to the high priest. So he de- 
 manded the security of an oath of them, to keep 
 private whatsoever he should discover to them, which 
 required both their silence and their assistance. So 
 when they had taken the oath, and had tliereby made 
 it safe for him to sj)eak, lie produced the chikl that 
 he had l)rought up of the family of David, and 
 said to them, "This is your king, of that house which
 
 Chap. Yii. OF THE JJ^W'S. 35 
 
 you know God hath foretold should reign over you 
 for all time to come: I exhort you therefore that 
 one third part of you guard him in the temple, and 
 that a fourth part keep watch at all the gates of 
 the temple, and that the next part of you keep 
 guard at the gate which opens and leads to the 
 king's palace, and let the rest of the multitude be 
 unarmed in the temple, and let no armed person 
 go into the temple, but the priest only. He also 
 gave them this order besides, that a part of the 
 priests and the Levites should be about the king 
 himself, and be a guard to him, with their drawn 
 swords, and to kill that man immediately, whoever 
 he be, that should be so bold as to enter armed into 
 the temple; and bid them be afraid of nobody, but 
 persevere in guarding the king." So these men 
 obeyed what the high priest advised them to, and 
 declared the reality of their resolution l)v their ac- 
 tions. Jehoiada also opened that armoury which 
 David had made in the temple, and distributed to 
 the captains of hundreds, as also to the priests and 
 Levites, all the sj^ears and quivers, and what kind 
 of weapons soever it contained, and set them armed 
 in a circle round about the temple; so as to touch 
 one another's hands, and by that means excluding 
 those from entering that ought not to enter. So 
 they brought the child into the midst of them, and 
 put on him the royal crown, and Jehoiada anointed 
 him with the oil, and made him king; and the multi- 
 tude rejoiced; and made a noise, and cried, "God 
 save the king." 
 
 3. When Athaliah unexpectedly heard the tumult 
 and the acclamations, she was greatly disturbed in 
 her mind, and suddenly issued out of the royal palace 
 with her own army; and when she was come to the 
 temple, the priests received her, but as for those
 
 36 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 that stood round about the temple, as they were 
 ordered by the high priest to do, they hindered the 
 armed men that followed her from going in. But 
 when Athaliah saw the child standing upon a pillar, 
 with the royal crown upon his head, she rent her 
 clothes, and cried out vehemently, and commanded 
 [her guards] to kill him that had laid snares for 
 her, and endeavoured to deprive her of the govern- 
 ment: But Jehoiada called for the captains of hun- 
 dreds, and commanded them to bring Athaliah to 
 the valley of Cedron, and slay her there, for he 
 would not have the temple defiled with the punish- 
 ment of this pernicious woman; and he gave order, 
 that if any one came near to help her, he should 
 be slain also: wherefore those that had the charge 
 of her slaughter, took hold of her, and led her to 
 the gate of the kings' mules, and slew her there. 
 
 4. iVow as soon as what concerned Athaliah was 
 by this stratagem, after this manner despatched, 
 Jehoiada called together the people and the armed 
 men into the temjDle, and made them take an oath 
 that they would be obedient to the king, and take 
 care of his safety, and of the safety of his govern- 
 ment; after which he obliged the king to give se- 
 curity [upon oath] that he would worship God, and 
 not transgress the laws of Moses. They then ran 
 to the house of Baal, which Athaliah and her hus- 
 band Jehoram had built, to the dishonour of the 
 God of their fathers, and to the honour of Ahab, 
 and demolished it, and slew ]\Iatan, that had his 
 priesthood. But Jehoiada entrusted the care and 
 custody of the temple to the priests and Levites, 
 according to the appointment of king David, and 
 enjoined them to bring their regular burnt-offerings 
 twice a-day, and to offer incense according to the 
 law. He also ordained some of the Levites, with
 
 Chap. Yiii. OF THE JEWS. 37 
 
 the porters, to be a guard to the temple, that no 
 one that was defiled might come there. 
 
 5. And when Jehoiada had set these things in 
 order, he, with the captains of hundreds, and the 
 rulers, and all the people, took Jehoash, out of the 
 temple into the king's palace, and when he had set 
 him into the king's throne, the people shouted for 
 joy, and betook themselves to feasting, and kept 
 a festival for many days; but the city was quiet upon 
 the death of Athaliah. Xow Jehoash was seven years 
 old when he took the kingdom: His mother's name 
 was Zibiah, of the city Beersheba. And all the 
 time that Jehoiada lived, Jehoash was careful that 
 the laws should be kept, and very zealous in the 
 worship of God; and when he was of age, he married 
 two wives, who were given to him by the high priest, 
 by whom were born to him both sons and daughters. 
 And thus much shall suffice to have related con- 
 cerning king Jehoash, how he escaped the treachery 
 of Athaliah, and how he received the kingdom. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Hazael makes an eocpedition against the people of 
 Israel, and the inhabitants of Jerusalem. Jehu 
 dies, and Jehoahaz succeeds in the government. 
 Jehoash, the king of Jerusalem, at first is careful 
 about the 'worship of God, but afterwards becomes 
 impious, and commands Zachariah to be stoned. 
 When Jehoash [king of Judah] was dead, Amaziah 
 succeeds him in the kingdom. 
 
 1. Xow Hazael, king of Syria, fought against 
 the Israelites and their king Jehu, and spoiled the
 
 38 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 eastern parts of the country beyond Jordan, which 
 belonged to the Reubenites and Gadites, and to [the 
 half tribe of] Manassites; as also Gilead and Bashan, 
 burning and spoiling, and offering violence to all 
 that he laid his hands on; and this without im- 
 peaclmient from Jehu, who made no haste to defend 
 the country when it was under this distress: nay, 
 he was become a contemner of religion, and a despiser 
 of holiness, and of the laws; and died when he had 
 reigned over the Israelites twenty-seven years. He 
 was buried in Samaria: and left Jehoahaz his son 
 his successor in the govermiient. 
 
 2. Now Jehoash, king of Jerusalem, had an in- 
 clination to repair the temple of God; so he called 
 Jehoiada, and bid him send the Levites and priests 
 through all the country, to require half a shekel of 
 silver for every head, towards the rebuilding and 
 repairing of the temple, which was brought to decay 
 by Jehoram, and Athaliah, and her sons. But the 
 high priest did not do this, as concluding that no 
 one would willingly pay the money; but on the 
 twenty-third year of Jehoash's reign, when the king 
 sent for him and the Levites, and complained that 
 they had not obeyed what he enjoined them, and 
 still commanded them to take care of the rebuilding 
 the temj^le, he used this stratagem for collecting the 
 money, with which the multitude was pleased. He 
 made a wooden chest, and closed it up fast on all 
 sides, but opened one hole in it; he tlien set it in the 
 temple beside the altar, and desired every one to 
 cast into it, through the hole, what he pleased, for 
 the repair of the temple. This contrivance was ac- 
 ceptable to the people, and they strove one with 
 another, and brought in jointly large quantities of 
 silver and gold: and when the scribe and the priest 
 that were over the treasuries had emptied the chest,
 
 Chap. Yiii. OF THE JEWS. 39 
 
 and counted the money in the king's presence, they 
 then set it in its former place, and thus did they 
 every da3\ But when the multitude appeared to 
 have cast in as much as was wanted, the high priest 
 Jehoiada, and king Jehoash, sent to hire masons and 
 carpenters, and to luiy large pieces of timber, and 
 of the most curious sort, and when they had repaired 
 the temple, they made use of the remaining gold 
 and silver, which was not a little, for bowls, and 
 basons, and cups, and other vessels, and they went 
 on to make the altar every day fat with sacrifices 
 of gi-eat value. And these things were taken suit- 
 able care of, as long as Jehoiada lived. 
 
 3. But as soon as he was dead, w^hich Avas when 
 he had lived one hundred and thirty years, having 
 been a righteous, and in every respect, a very good 
 man, he was buried in the king's sepulchre at Jeru- 
 salem, (because he had recovered the kingdom to 
 the family of David), king Jehoash })etrayed his 
 [want of] care about God. The jDrincipal men of 
 the people were corrupted also together with him, 
 and offended against their duty, and what their 
 constitution determined to be most for their good. 
 Hereupon God was displeased with the change that 
 was made on the king, and on the rest of the people; 
 and sent prophets to testify to them what their 
 actions were, and to bring them to leave off their 
 wickedness: but they had gotten such a strong affec- 
 tion, and so violent an inclination to it, that neither 
 could the examples of those that had offered affronts 
 to the laws, and had been so severely punished, they 
 and their entire families, nor could the fear of what 
 the prophets now foretold, bring them to repentance, 
 and turn them back from their course of trans- 
 gression, to their former duty. But the king com- 
 manded that Zachariah, the son of the high priest
 
 40 ANTIQUITIES . Book ix. 
 
 Jehoiada, should be stoned to death in the temple, 
 and forgot the kindnesses he had received from his 
 father; for when God had appointed him to prophesy, 
 he stood in the midst of the multitude, and gave 
 this counsel to them and to the king, that they 
 should act righteously, and foretold to them, that 
 if they would not hearken to his admonitions, they 
 should suffer a heavy punishment: But as Zachariah 
 was ready to die, he appealed to God, as a witness 
 of what he suffered, for the good counsel he had 
 given them, and how he perished after a most severe 
 and violent manner for the good deeds his father had 
 done to Jehoash. 
 
 4. However, it was not long before the king 
 suffered punishment for his transgression; for when 
 Hazael, king of Syria, made an irruption into his 
 country, and when he had overthrown Gath, and 
 spoiled it, he made an expedition against Jerusalem: 
 upon which Jehoash was afraid, and emptied all the 
 treasures of God, and of the kings [before him], 
 and took down the gifts that had been dedicated, 
 [in the temple], and sent them to the king of SjTia, 
 and procured so much by them, that he was not be- 
 sieged, nor his kingdom quite endangered, but Hazael 
 was induced by the greatness of the sum of money 
 not to bring his army against Jerusalem: yet Jehoash 
 fell into a severe distemper, and was set upon by 
 his friends, in order to revenge the death of Zachariah 
 the son of Jehoiada. These laid snares for the king 
 and slew him. He was indeed buried in Jerusalem, 
 but not in the royal sepulchres of his forefathers, 
 because of his impiety. He lived forty-seven years, 
 and Amaziah his son succeeded him in the kingdom. 
 
 5. In the one and twentieth year of the reign 
 of Jehoash, Jehoahaz, the son of Jehu, took the gov- 
 ernment of the Israehtes in Samaria, and held it
 
 Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 41 
 
 seventeen years. He did not [properly] imitate his 
 father, but was guilty of as wicked practices as 
 those that first had God in contempt: but the king 
 of SjTia brought him low, and by an expedition 
 against him did so greatly reduce his forces, that 
 there remained no more of so great an army than 
 ten thousand armed men, and fifty horsemen. He 
 also took away from him his great cities, and many 
 of them also, and destroyed his army. And these 
 were the things that the people of Israel suffered, 
 according to the prophecy of Elisha, when he fore- 
 told that Hazael would kill his master, and reign 
 over the SjTians and Damascenes. But when Je- 
 hoahaz was under such unavoidable miseries, he had 
 recourse to prayer and supplication to God, and 
 besought him to deliver him out of the hands of 
 Hazael, and not overlook him, and give him up 
 into his hands. Accordingly, God accepted of his 
 repentance instead of virtue, and being desirous 
 rather to admonish those that might repent, and not 
 to determine that they should be utterly destroyed, 
 he granted him dehverance from wars and dangers. 
 So the country having obtained peace, returned again 
 to its former condition, and flourished as before. 
 
 6. Xow after the death of Jehoaliaz, his son Joash 
 took the kingdom, in the thirty-seventh year of 
 Jehoash, the king of the tribe of Judah. This Joash 
 then took the kingdom of Israel in Samaria, for he 
 had the same name with the king of Jerusalem, and 
 he retained the kingdom sixteen years. He was a 
 ^ good man and in his disposition was not at all 
 
 * This character of Joash, the son of Jehoahaz, that he was a good 
 man, "and in his disposition not at all like to his father," seems a direct 
 contradiction to our ordinary copies, which say, -2 Kings xiii. 11, that 
 "he did evil in the sight of 'the Lord; and that he departed not from 
 all the sins of Jerohoam, the son of Xchat, who made Israel to sin, he 
 walked therein." Which copies are here tlic truest, it is hard positively 
 to determine. If Josephus' be true, this Joash is the single instance of
 
 42 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 like his father. Now at this time it was, that when 
 Ehsha the prophet, who was ah-eady very old, and 
 was now fallen into a disease, the king of Israel 
 came to visit him; and when he found him very near 
 death he began to weep in his sight, and lament, 
 "to call him his father, and his weapons, because it 
 was by his means that he never made use of his 
 weapons against his enemies, but that he overcame 
 his own adversaries by his prophecies, without fight- 
 ing; and that he was now departing this life, and 
 leaving him to the Syrians, that were already armed, 
 and to other enemies of his that were inider their 
 power: so he said it was not safe for him to live 
 any longer, but that it v^ould be well for him to 
 hasten to his end, and depart out of this life with 
 him." As the king was thus bemoaning himself, 
 Elisha comforted him, ar.d bid the king bend a bow 
 that was brought him; and when the king had fitted 
 the bow for shooting, Elisha took hold of his hands 
 and bid him shoot; and when he had shot three arrows, 
 and then left off, Elisha said, "If thou hadst shot 
 more arrows thou hadst cut tlic kingdom of Syria 
 up by the roots, but since thou hast been satisfied 
 with shooting tlu'ce times only, thou shalt fight and 
 beat the Syrians no more times than three, that thou 
 mayest recover that country wliich tliey cut off from 
 thy kingdom in the reign of thy father." So when 
 
 a good king o\er the ten tril)es: If tlie other he true, we have not one 
 such example. The account that follows in all eojiies, of Elisha the 
 ])roi)het's concern for him, and his concern for Elisha, greatly favour 
 .losephus' copies, and suppose this king to have heen then a good man, 
 and no idolater, with whom God's jjrophets used not to he so familiar. 
 Upon the whole, since it a])pears even hy Josej)hus' own account, that 
 Anuiziah the good khig of Judah, while he was a good king, was for- 
 l)idden to make use of the 100,000 auxiliaries, lie had of this Joash 
 the king of Israel, as if he and they were then idolaters, .2 Chron. xxv. 
 0-9. It is nu)st likely that these different characters of .loasli suited 
 the different j)arts of his reign, and that according to our common 
 copies, he was at first a wicked king, and afterwards was reclaimed, and 
 hecame a good one, according to Josephus.
 
 Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 43 
 
 the king had heard that, lie departed; and a httle 
 while after, the prophet died. He was a man cele- 
 brated for righteousness; and in eminent favour with 
 God. He also performed wonderful and surprising 
 works by prophecy, and such as were gloriously pre- 
 served in memory by the Hebrews. He also ob- 
 tained a magnificent funeral, such a one indeed as 
 it was fit a person so beloved of God should have. 
 It also happened, that at that time certain robbers 
 cast a man whom they had slain into Elisha's grave, 
 and upon his dead body, coming close to Elisha's 
 body it revived again. And thus far have we en- 
 larged about the actions of Elisha the prophet, both 
 such as he did while he was alive, and how he had 
 a divine power after his death also. 
 
 7. Now upon the death of Hazael, the king of 
 SjT'ia, that kingdom came to Adad his son, with 
 whom Joash king of Israel made w^ar, and when he 
 had beaten him in three battles, he took from him 
 all that country, and all those cities and villages 
 which his father Hazael had taken from the kingdom 
 of Israel, which came to pass however according to 
 the prophecy of Elisha. But when Joash happened 
 to die, he was buried in Samaria, and the govern- 
 ment devolved on his son Jeroboam.
 
 44 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 How Amaziali made an ewpedition against the Edom- 
 ites and Amalehites, and conquered them; hut when 
 he afterwards made xvar against Joash, he was 
 beaten, and not long after was slain, and Uzziah 
 succeeded in the government. 
 
 1. Now in the second year of the reign of Joash 
 over Israel, Amaziah reigned over the tribe of Judah 
 at Jerusalem. His mother's name was Jehohaddan, 
 who was born at Jerusalem. He was exceeding care- 
 ful in doing what was right, and this when he was 
 very young; but when he came to the management of 
 affairs, and to the government, he resolved that he 
 ought first of all to avenge his father Jehoash, and 
 to punish those his friends that had laid violent hands 
 upon him; so he seized vipon them all, and put them 
 to death, yet did he execute no severity on their 
 children, but acted therein according to the laws of 
 Moses, who did not think it just to punish children 
 for the sins of their fathers. After this he chose him 
 an army out of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin of 
 such as were in the flower of their age, and about 
 twenty years old; and when he had collected about 
 three hundred thousand of them together, he set 
 captains of hundreds over them. Pie also sent to 
 the king of Israel, and hired an hundred thousand of 
 his soldiers for an hundred talents of silver, for he 
 had resolved to make an expedition against the na- 
 tions of the Amalekites, and Edomites, and Gebalites: 
 But as he was preparing for his expedition, and ready 
 to go out to the war, a prophet gave him counsel to 
 dismiss the army of the Israelites, because they were
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 45 
 
 bad men, and because God foretold that he should 
 be beaten, if he made use of them as auxiliaries; but 
 that he should overcome his enemies, though he had 
 but a few soldiers, when it so pleased God. And 
 when the king grudged at his having already paid 
 the hire of the Israelites, the prophet exhorted him 
 to do what God would have him, because he should 
 thereby obtain much wealth from God. So he dis- 
 missed them, and said, that he still freely gave them 
 their pay, and went himself with his own army, and 
 made war with the nations before mentioned; and 
 when he had beaten them in battle, he slew of them 
 ten thousand, and took as many prisoners alive; whom 
 he brought to the great rock which is in Arabia, and 
 threw them down from it headlong. He also brought 
 away a great deal of prey, and vast riches, from those 
 nations. But while Amaziah was engaged in this 
 expedition, those Israelites whom he had hired, and 
 then dismissed, were very uneasy at it, and taking 
 their dismission for an affront, as supposing that this 
 would not have been done to them but out of con- 
 tempt, they fell upon his kingdom, and proceeded to 
 spoil the country as far as Beth-horon, and took much 
 cattle, and slew three thousand men. 
 
 2. Now upon the victory which Amaziah had got- 
 ten, and the great acts he had done, he was puffed 
 up, and began to overlook God, who had given him 
 the victory, and proceeded to worship the gods he had 
 brought out of the country of the Amalekites. So a 
 prophet came to him and said. That "he wondered 
 how he could esteem these to be gods, who had been 
 of no advantage to their own people, who paid them 
 honours; nor had delivered them from his hand, but 
 had overlooked the destruction of many of them, and 
 had suffered themselves to be carried captive; for 
 that thev had been carried to Jerusalem, in the same
 
 46 AXTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 manner as any one might have taken some of the 
 enemy ahve, and led them thither." This reproof 
 provoked the king to anger, and he commanded the 
 prophet to hold his peace, and threatened to punish 
 him if he meddled with his conduct. So he replied, 
 "That he should indeed hold his peace; but foretold 
 withal, that God would not overlook his attempts 
 for innovation." But Amaziah was not able to con- 
 tain himself under that prosperity which God had 
 given him, although he had affronted God thereupon; 
 but in a vein of insolence he wrote to Joash, the 
 king of Israel, and "commanded that he and all his 
 people should be obedient to him, as they had for- 
 merly been obedient to his progenitors, David and 
 Solomon; and he let him know, that if he would 
 not be so wise as to do what he commanded him, he 
 must fight for his dominion." To which message 
 Joash returned this answer in writing: "King Joash 
 to king Amaziah. There was a vastly tall cypress 
 tree in mount Lebanon, as also a thistle: this thistle 
 sent to the cypress tree to give the cypress tree's 
 daughter in marriage to the thistle's son; but as the 
 thistle was saying this, there came a wild beast, and 
 trode down the thistle: And this may be a lesson 
 to thee, not to be so ambitious, and to have a care, 
 lest upon thy good success in the fight against the 
 Amalekites, thou growest so proud, as to bring 
 dangers upon thyself and upon thy kingdom." 
 
 3. When Amaziah had read tliis letter, he was 
 more eager upon this expedition, which, I supj^ose, 
 was by the im])ulse of God. tliat he might be pun- 
 ished for his offence against him. But as soon as 
 he led out his army against Joasli, and they were 
 going to join battle with him, there came such a 
 fear and consternation u])on tlie army of Amaziah, 
 as God when he is displeased, sends upon men, and
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 47 
 
 discomfited them, even before they came to a close 
 fight. Now it hap^^ened, that as they were scattered 
 about by the terror that was upon them, Amaziali 
 was left alone, and was taken prisoner by the enemy; 
 whereupon Joash threatened to kill him, unless he 
 would persuade the people of Jerusalem to open 
 their gates to him, and receive him and his army 
 into the city. Accordingly, Amaziah was so dis- 
 tressed, and in such fear of his life, that he made 
 his enemv to be received into the city. So Joash 
 overthrew a part of the M-all, of the length of four 
 hundred cubits, and drove his chariot through the 
 breach into Jerusalem, and led Amaziah captive 
 along with him: by which means he became master 
 of Jerusalem, and took away the treasures of God, 
 and carried off all the gold and silver that was in 
 the king's palace, and then freed the king from 
 captivity, and returned to Samaria. Xow these 
 things happened to the people of Jerusalem in the 
 fourteenth year of the reign of Amaziah, who after 
 this had a conspiracy made against him by his friends, 
 and fled to the city Lachish, and M'^as there slain by 
 the conspirators, w^ho sent men thither to kill him. 
 So they took up his dead body, and carried it to 
 Jerusalem, and made a royal funeral for him. This 
 was the end of the life of Amaziah, because of his 
 innovations in religion, and his contempt of God, 
 when he had lived fifty-four years, and had reigned 
 twenty-nine. He was succeeded by his son, whose 
 name was Uzziah.
 
 48 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Concerning Jeroboam, king of Israel, and Jonah the 
 prophet; and how, after the death of Jeroboam, 
 his son Zechariah took the government. How 
 Uzziah, king of Jerusalem, subdued the nations, 
 that were round about him; and ijdhat befell him 
 when he attempted to offer incense to God. 
 
 1. Ix the fifteenth year of the reign of Amaziah, 
 Jeroboam, the son of Joash, reigned over Israel and 
 Samaria, forty years. The king was guilty of ^ con- 
 tumely against God, and became very wicked in 
 worshipping of idols, and in many undertakings that 
 were absurd and foreign. He was also the cause of 
 ten thousand misfortunes to the people of Israel. 
 Now one Jonah, a prophet, foretold to him, that he 
 should make war with the Syrians, and conquer their 
 army, and enlarge the l)ounds of his kingdom on 
 the northern parts, to the city Ha math, and on the 
 southern, to the lake Asphaltitis, for the bounds of 
 the Canaanites originally were these as Joshua their 
 general had determined them. So Jeroboam made 
 an expedition against the Syrians and overran all 
 their country, as Jonah had foretold. 
 
 2. Now I cannot but think it necessary for me, 
 
 ' What I have above noted concerning Jelioash, seems to me to 
 have been true also concerning his son Jeroboam II. viz. that although 
 he began wickedly, as Josephus agrees with our other copies, and, as he 
 adds "was the cause of a vast number of misfortunes to the Israelites," 
 in those his first years, (the particulars of which are unhap})ily wanting 
 both in Josephus and in all our copies), so does it seem to me that he 
 was afterwards reclaimed, and became a good king, and so was en- 
 couraged by the pr()j)hct Jonah, and had great successes afterward, when 
 "God had saved the Israelites by tlie hand of .Feroiioam, the son of 
 Joash," 2 Kings xiv. 2't, which encouragement l)y Jonah, and great suc- 
 cesses arc etjually observable in Josephus, and in the other copief
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 49 
 
 who have promised to give an accurate account of 
 our affairs, to describe the actions of the prophet, so 
 far as I have found them written down in the Hebrew 
 books. Jonah had been commanded by God to go 
 to the kingdom of Xineveh; and when he was there, 
 to pubKsh it in that city, how it should lose the do- 
 minion it had over the nations. But he went not, 
 out of fear; nay, he ran away from God to the 
 city of Joppa, and finding a ship there, he went 
 into it, and sailed to ^ Tarsus in Cilicia, and upon 
 the rise of a most terrible storm, which was so great 
 that the ship was in danger of sinking, the mariners, 
 the master, and the pilot himself, made prayers and 
 vows, in case they escaped the sea; but Jonah lay 
 still and covered [in the ship], without imitating 
 any thing that the others did: but as the waves grew 
 greater, and the sea became more violent by the 
 winds, they suspected, as is usual in such cases, that 
 some one of the persons that sailed with them, was 
 the occasion of this storm, and agreed to discover 
 by lot which of them it was. When they had ^ cast 
 
 * When Jonah is said in our Bibles to have gone to Tafshish, Jonah 
 i. 3, Josephus understood it that he went to Tarshish in Cilicia, or to 
 the Mediterranean Sea, upon which Tarsus lay: so that he does not 
 appear to have read the text, 1 Kings xxii. 48, as our copies do, that 
 ships of Tarshish could lie at Ezion-Geber, upon the Red Sea. But 
 as to Josephus' assertion that Jonah's fish was carried by the strength 
 of the current, upon a storm, as far as the Euxine Sea, it is no way 
 impossible: and since the storm might have driven the ship, while Jonah 
 was in it, near to the Euxine Sea, and since in three more days while 
 he was in the fish's belly, that current might bring him to the Assyrian 
 coast, and since withal that coast could bring him nearer to Xineveh 
 than could any coast of the Mediterranean, it is by no means an im- 
 probable determination in Josephus. 
 
 ^ This ancient piece of religion, of supposing there was (freat sin 
 where there was (freat m'lscrr/, and of casting lots to discover great 
 smners, not only among the Israelites, but among these heathen mariners, 
 rrems a remarkable remains of tl;e ancient tradition which prevailed of 
 old over all mankind, that prnvulrnce used to interpose visibly in all 
 human affairs, ;;nd r.ever to bring, or at least not long to continue, 
 i.otorious Judgnents but f"r notorious sins, which the most ancient 
 book of Job shows to have been the state of mankind for about the 
 former 3000 years of the 'vorld, till the days of Job and Moses.
 
 50 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 lots, the lot fell upon the prophet; and when they 
 asked him, Whence he came? and what he had done? 
 he replied. That he was an Hehrew by nation, and 
 a prophet of Almighty God; and he j^ersuaded them 
 to cast him into the sea, if they would escape the 
 danger they were in, for that he was the occasion 
 of the storm which was upon them. Now at the 
 first they durst not do so, as esteeming it a wicked 
 thing to cast a man who was a stranger, and who 
 had committed his life to them, into such manifest 
 perdition; but at last, when their misfortune over- 
 bore them, and the ship was just going to be drowned, 
 and when they were animated to do it by the prophet 
 himself, and by the fear concerning their own safety, 
 they cast him into the sea ; upon which the sea be- 
 came calm. It is also related that Jonah was swal- 
 lowed down by a whale, and that when he had been 
 there three days, and as many nights, he was vomited 
 out upon the Euxine Sea, and this alive, and without 
 any hurt upon his body; and there, on his prayer 
 to God, he obtained pardon for his sins, and went 
 to the city Nineveh, where he stood so as to be 
 heard; and preached, That "in a very little time 
 they should lose the dominion of Asia." And when 
 he had published this, he returned. Now, I have 
 given the account about him, as I found it written 
 [in our books]. 
 
 3. When Jeroboam the king had passed his life 
 in great happiness, and had ruled forty years, he 
 died and was buried in Samaria, and his son Zechariah 
 took the kingdom. After the same manner did 
 Uzziah, the son of Amaziah, begin to reign over the 
 two tribes in Jerusalem, in the fourteenth year of 
 the reign of Jeroboam. He was born of Jecoliah, 
 his mother, who was a citizen of Jerusalem. He 
 was a good ijislu, and by nature righteous an4
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 51 
 
 magnanimous, and very laborious in taking care of 
 the affairs of his kingdom. He made an expedition 
 also against the Philistines, and overcame them in 
 battle, and took the cities of Gath and Jabneh, and 
 brake down their walls: after which expedition, he 
 assaulted those Arabs that adjoined to Egypt. He 
 also built a city upon the Reel Sea, and put a garri- 
 son into it. He after this overthrew the Ammonites, 
 and appointed that they should pay tribute. He 
 also overcame all the countries as far as to the 
 bounds of Egypt, and then began to take care of 
 Jerusalem itself for the rest of his life, for he re- 
 built and repaired all those parts of the wall which 
 had either fallen down by length of time, or by 
 the carelessness of the kings, his predecessors, as 
 well as all that part which had been thrown down 
 bv the king of Israel, when he took his father 
 Amaziah prisoner, and entered with him into the 
 city. Moreover, he built a great many towers, of 
 one hundred and fifty cubits high, and built walled 
 towns in desert places, and put garrisons into them, 
 and dug many channels for conveyance of water. 
 He had also many beasts for labour, and an immense 
 number of cattle; for his country was fit for pas- 
 turage. He was also given to husbandry, and took 
 care to cultivate the ground, and planted it with 
 all sorts of plants, and sowed it with all sorts of 
 seeds. He had also about liim an army composed 
 of chosen men, in number three hundred and seventy 
 thousand, who were governed by general officers 
 and captains of thousands, who were men of valour, 
 and of unconquerable strengtli, in number two thou- 
 sand. He also divided his whole army into bands, 
 and armed them, giving every one a sword, witli 
 brazen bucklers and breast-])iates, with bows and 
 slings; and besides these, he made for them many
 
 5^ ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 engines of war, for besieging of cities, such as cast 
 stones and darts, with grapplers, and other instru- 
 ments of that sort. 
 
 4. While Uzziah was in this state, and making 
 preparation [for futurity], he was corrupted in his 
 mind by pride, and became insolent, and this on 
 account of that abundance which he had of things 
 that will soon perish, and despised that power which 
 is of eternal duration (which consisted in piety 
 towards God, and in the observation of his laws), 
 so he fell by occasion of the good success of his 
 affairs, and was carried headlong into those sins of 
 his fathers which the splendour of that prosperity 
 he enjoyed, and the glorious actions he had done, 
 led him into, while he was not able to govern him- 
 self well about them. Accordingly, when a remark- 
 able day was come, and a general festival was to 
 be celebrated, he put on the holy garment, and went 
 into the temple to offer incense to God upon the 
 golden altar, which he was prohibited to do by 
 Azariah the high priest, who liad fourscore priests 
 with him, and who told him that it was not lawful 
 for him to offer sacrifice, and that "none besides the 
 posterity of Aaron were permitted so to do." And 
 when they cried out, that he must go out of the 
 temple, and not transgress against God, he was 
 wroth at them, and threatened to kill them, unless 
 they would hold their peace. In the mean time a 
 great ' earthquake shook the ground, and a rent 
 
 ' This account of an earthquake at Jerusalem at the very same time 
 when Uzziah usurped the priest's office, and went into the sanctuary to 
 hum incense, and of the consequences of that eartliqualie, is entirely 
 ■wanting in our other copies, though it be exceeding like to a prophecy 
 of Jeremiah's now in Zech. xiv. 5, in which prophecy, mention is made 
 of "fleeing from that earthquake, as they fled from this e;)rthquake in 
 the days of Tzziah king of Judah;" so thnt there seems to have Oeen 
 son.e (onsiderable rc.scml)lan;e Itei^-een these historical and projjhetical 
 earthquakes.
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 53 
 
 was made in the temple, and the bright rays of the 
 smi shone through it, and fell upon the king's face, 
 insomuch that the leprosy seized upon him immedi- 
 ately. And before the city, at a place called Eroye, 
 half the mountain broke off from the rest on the 
 west, and rolled itself four furlongs, and stood still 
 at the east mountain, till the roads, as well as the 
 king's gardens, were spoiled by the obstruction. 
 Now, as soon as the priests saw that the king's face 
 was infected with the leprosy, they told him of the 
 calamity he was under, and commanded that he 
 should go out of the city as a polluted person. Here- 
 upon he was so confounded at the sad distemper, 
 and sensible that he was not at liberty to contradict, 
 that he did as he was commanded, and underwent 
 this miserable and terri})le punishment for an in- 
 tention beyond what befitted a man to have, and 
 for that impiety against God which was implied 
 therein. So he abode out of the city for some time, 
 and lived a private life, while his son Jotham took 
 the government; after which he died with grief and 
 anxiety at what had happened to him, when he had 
 lived sixty-eight years, and reigned of them fifty- 
 two; and was buried by himself in his own gardens.
 
 54 ANTIQUITIES Book ix/ 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 How Zechariah, Slicdhim, Menahem, Pekahiah, and 
 Pekah took the govcrnmcut over the Israelites; 
 and hoiv Put and Tiglath-PUeser made an expedi- 
 tion against the Israelites. Ilotc Jotham, the son 
 of Uzziah, reigned over the tribe of Judah: and 
 what things Nahiim prophesied against the As- 
 syrians. 
 
 I. Xow when Zecliariah, the son of Jeroboam, 
 had reigned six months over Israel, he was slain by 
 the treachery of a certain friend of his, whose name 
 was ShaUum, the son of Jabesh, who took the king- 
 dom afterward, but kept it no longer than thirty 
 days; for IMenahem, the general of his army, who 
 was at that time in the city Tirzah, and heard of 
 wliat had befallen Zechariah, removed thereupon 
 witli all his forces to Samaria, and joining battle 
 with Shallum, slew him; and when he had made 
 himself king, he went thence, and came to the city 
 Tiphsah, but the citizens that were in it, shut their 
 gates, and ])arred them against the king, and M^ould 
 not admit him; ])ut in order to be avenged on them, 
 he burnt the country round about it and took the 
 city by force, upon a siege; and l)eing very mucli 
 displeased at what the inhabitants of Tiphsah had 
 done, he slew them all, and spared not so much as 
 the infants, without omitting the utmost instances 
 of cruelty and barbarity; for he used such severity 
 upon liis own coimtrymen, as would not be pardon- 
 able with regard to strangers, who had ])een con- 
 quered ])y him. And after this manner it was that
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 55 
 
 this Menahem continued to reign with cruelty and 
 barbarity for ten years: But when Pul, king of As- 
 syria, had made an exj^edition against him, he did 
 not meet to fight or engage in battle with the As- 
 syrians, but he persuaded him to accept of a thousand 
 talents of silver, and to go away, and so put an 
 end to the war. This sum the multitude collected 
 for Menahem, by ^ exacting fifty drachmae as poll 
 money for every head: after which he died, and was 
 buried in Samaria, and left his son Pekahiah his 
 successor in the kingdom, who followed the barbarity 
 of his father, and so ruled but two years only, after 
 M'hich he was slain with his friends at a feast, by 
 the treachery of one Pclxdh, the general of his horse, 
 and the son of Remaliah, who laid snares for him. 
 Now this Pekah held the government twenty years, 
 and proved a wicked man, and a transgressor. But 
 the king of Assyria, whose name was Tiglath-Pileser, 
 when he had made an expedition against the Israel- 
 ites, and had overrun all the land of Gilead, and 
 the region beyond Jordan, and the adjoining country, 
 which is called Galilee, and Kadesh and Hazor, he 
 made the inhabitants prisoners, and transplanted 
 them into his own kingdom. And so much shall 
 suffice to have related here concerning the king of 
 Assyria. 
 
 2. Xow Jotham, the son of Uzziah, reigned over 
 the tribe of Judah in Jerusalem, being a citizen 
 
 ^ Dr. Wall in his critical notes on 2 Kings xv. 20, observes, "That 
 when this Menahem is said to have exacted the money of Israel of 
 all the mighty men of wealth, of each man 50 shekels of silver, to give 
 Pul, the king of Assyria, 1000 talents, this is the first public money 
 raised by any [Israelite] king by tax on the people; that they used 
 before to raise it out of the treasures of the house of fhe Lord, or of 
 their own house; that it was a poll monev on the rich men [and them 
 only] to raise £353,000, or as others count' a talent £400,000 at tlie rate 
 of £6 or £7 per head; and that God commanded, by Ezckiel, ch. xlv. 8, 
 and xlvi. 18, that no such thing should be done [at the Jews' restoration,] 
 but the king should have land of his own."
 
 56 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 thereof by his mother, whose name was Jerusha. 
 This king was not defective in any virtue, but was 
 rehgious towards God, and righteous towards men, 
 and careful of the good of the city, (for what parts 
 soever wanted to be repaired or adorned, he magnifi- 
 cently repaired and adorned them.) He also took 
 care of the foundations of the cloisters in the temple, 
 and repaired the walls that were fallen down, and 
 built very great towers, and such as were almost 
 impregnable; and if any thing else in his kingdom 
 had been neglected, he took great care of it. He 
 also made an expedition against the Ammonites, 
 and overcame them in battle, and ordered them to 
 pay tribute a hundred talents and ten thousand cori 
 of wheat, and as manv of barlev, every vear, and 
 so augmented his kingdom, that his enemies could 
 not despise it, and his own people lived happily. 
 
 3. Now there was at that time a prophet, whose 
 name was Nahum, who spake after this manner con- 
 cerning the overthrow of the Assyrians, and Nineveh: 
 " ^ Nineveh shall be a pool of water in motion; so 
 shall all her people be troubled, and tossed, and 
 go away by flight, while they say one to another. 
 Stand, stand still, seize their gold and silver, for 
 there shall be no one to wish them well, for thev will 
 rather save their lives than their money; for a terrible 
 contention shall possess them one with another, and 
 lamentation; and loosing of the members, and their 
 countenances shall be perfectly black with fear. And 
 there will be the den of the lions, and the mother 
 of the young lions! God says to thee, Nineveh, 
 
 * This passage Is taken out of the prophet Nahum, ch. ii. 8-13, and 
 is the principal, or rather the only one that is given us almost verbatim, 
 hut a little abridged, in all .losephus' known writings: By which quota- 
 tion, we learn that he himself always asserts, viz. that he made use of 
 the Hebrew original, [and not of the Greek version] ; as also we learn, 
 that his Hebrew copy considerably differed from ours.
 
 Chap. XII. OF THE JEWS. 57 
 
 that they shall deface thee, and the lion shall no 
 longer go out from thee to give laws to the world." 
 And indeed this prophet prophesied many other 
 things besides these concerning Nineveh, which I do 
 not think necessary to repeat, and I here omit them 
 that I may not appear troublesome to my readers; 
 all which things happened about Nineveh a hundred 
 and fifteen years afterwards; so this may suffice to 
 have spoken of these matters. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 How upon the death of Jotham, Ahaz reigned iri his 
 stead; against whom Rezin, king of Syria, arid 
 Pekah, king of Israel, made war; and how Tiglath- 
 Pileser, king of Assyria, came to the assistance of 
 Ahaz, and laid Syria waste, and removing the 
 Damascenes into Media placed other nations in 
 their room. 
 
 1. Now Jotham died when he had lived forty- 
 one years, and of them reigned sixteen, and was 
 buried in the sepulchres of the kings; and the king- 
 dom came to his son Ahaz, who proved most impious 
 towards God, and a transgressor of the laws of his 
 country. He imitated the kings of Israel, and 
 reared altars in Jerusalem, and offered sacrifices upon 
 them to idols; to which also he offered his own son 
 as a burnt-offering, according to the practices of 
 the Canaanites. His other actions were also of the 
 same sort. Now as he was going on in this mad 
 course, Rezin, the king of Syria and Damascus, and 
 Pekah the king of Israel, who were now at amity 
 one with another, made war with him; and when
 
 58 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 they had driven him into Jerusalem, they hesieged 
 that city a long while, making ])ut a small progress, 
 on account of the strength of its walls; and when 
 the king of Syria had taken the city Elath, upon 
 the Red Sea, and had slain the inhabitants, he peopled 
 it with Syrians, and when he had slain those in the 
 [other] garrisons, and the Jews in their neighbour- 
 hood, and had driven away much prey, he retm-ned 
 with his army back to Damascus. Now when the 
 king of Jerusalem knew that the Syrians were 
 returned home, he supposing himself a match for 
 the king of Israel, drew out his army against him, 
 and joining battle with him was beaten; and this 
 happened because God was angry with him, on ac- 
 count of his many and great enormities. Accordingly, 
 there was slain by the Israelites one hundred and 
 twenty thousand. of his men that day, whose general, 
 Amaziah by name, slew Zechariah the king's son 
 in his conflict with Ahaz, as well as the governor 
 of the kingdom, whose name was Azricam. He also 
 carried Elcanah, the general of the troops of the 
 tribe of Judah, into captivity. They also carried the 
 women and children of the tribe of Benjamin cap- 
 tives; and when they had gotten a great deal of 
 prey, they returned to Samaria. 
 
 2. Now there was one Obed, who was a prophet 
 at that time in Samaria, he met the army before 
 the city walls, and with a loud voice told them, "that 
 they had gotten the victory not by their own strength, 
 but by reason of the anger God had against king 
 Ahaz. And he complained, that they were not satis- 
 fied with the good success they had against him, but 
 were so bold as to make captives out of their kinsmen 
 the tribe of Judah and Benjamin. He also gave 
 them counsel to let them go home without doing 
 them any harm, for that if they did not obey God
 
 Chap. XII. OF THE JEWS. 59 
 
 herein, they should be punished." So the people of 
 Israel came together to their assembly, and con- 
 sidered of these matters, wlien a man whose name 
 was Berechiah, and who was one of chief reputation 
 in the government, stood up, and three others witli 
 him, and said, "We will not suffer the citizens to 
 bring these prisoners into the city, lest we all be 
 destroyed by God: we have sins enough of oin- own 
 that we have committed against him, as the prophets 
 assure us; nor ought we therefore to introduce the 
 practice of new crimes." When the soldiers heard 
 that, they permitted them to do what they thought 
 best. So the forenamed man took the captives and 
 let them go, and took care of them, and gave them 
 provisions, and sent them to their own country, with- 
 out doing them any harm. However, these four went 
 along with them, and conducted them as far as 
 Jericho, which is not far from Jerusalem, and re- 
 turned to Samaria. 
 
 3. Hereupon king Ahaz having been so thor- 
 oughly beaten by the Israelites, sent to Tiglath- 
 Pileser, king of the Assyrians, and sued for assistance 
 from him in his war against the Israelites, and 
 Syrians, and Damascenes, with a promise to send 
 him much money; he sent him also great presents 
 at the same time. Now this king, upon the reception 
 of those ambassadors, came to assist Ahaz, and made 
 war upon the Syrians, and laid their country waste, 
 and took Damascus by force, and slew Rezin their 
 king, and transplanted the people of Damascus into 
 the upper Media, and brought a colony of Assyrians, 
 and planted them in Damascus. He also afflicted 
 the land of Israel, and took many captives out of 
 it. While he was doing thus witli the Syrians, king 
 Ahaz took all the gold that was in the king's treas- 
 ures, and the silver, and what was in the temple of
 
 60 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 God, and what precious gifts were there, and he 
 carried them with him, and came to Damascus, and 
 gave it to the king of Assyria, according to his agree- 
 ment. So he confessed that lie owed him thanks 
 for all they had done for him, and returned to Jeru- 
 salem. Now this king was so sottish, and thoughtless 
 of what was for his own good, that he would not 
 leave off worshipping the Syrian gods when he was 
 beaten by them, but he went on in worshipping them, 
 as though they would procure him the victory: and 
 when he was beaten again he began to honour the 
 gods of the Assyrians; and he seemed more desirous 
 to honour any other gods than his own paternal and 
 true God, whose anger was the cause of his defeat; 
 nay, he proceeded to such a degree of despite and 
 contempt [of God's worship], that he shut up the 
 temple entirely, and forbade them to bring in their 
 appointed sacrifices, and took away the gifts that 
 had been given to it. And when he had offered 
 these indignities to God, he died, having lived thirty- 
 six years, and of them reigned sixteen; and he left 
 his son Hezekiah for his successor. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 How Pekah died by the treachery of Hoshea, who 
 was a little after subdued by Slialmaneser: And 
 how Hezekiah reigned instead of Ahaz; and what 
 actions of piety and justice he did. 
 
 1. About the same time, Pekah, the king of 
 Israel, died, by the treachery of a friend of his, 
 whose name was Hoshea, who retained the kingdom 
 nine years time, but was a wicked man, and a de-
 
 Chap. XIII. OF THE JEWS. 61 
 
 spiser of the divine worship. And Shahnaneser, the 
 king of Assyria, made an expedition against him, 
 and overcame him, (which must have been because 
 he had not God favourable or assistant to him), and 
 brought him to submission, and ordered him to pay 
 an appointed tribute. Now in the fourth year of 
 the reign of Hoshea, Hezekiah, the son of Ahaz, 
 began to reign in Jerusalem; and his mother's name 
 was Abijah, a citizen of Jerusalem. His nature was 
 good, and righteous, and religious; for when he 
 came to the kingdom, he thought that nothing was 
 prior, or more necessary, or more advantageous to 
 himself, and to his subjects, than to worship God. 
 Accordingly, he called the people together, and the 
 priests and the Levites, and made a speech to them, 
 and said, "you are not ignorant, how by the sins of 
 my father, who transgressed that sacred honour 
 which was due to God, you have had experience of 
 many and great miseries, while you were corrupted 
 in yoin* mind by him, and were induced to worship 
 those which he supposed to be gods: I exhort you 
 therefore, who have learned by sad experience how 
 dangerous a thing impiety is, to put that immediately 
 out of your memory, and to purify yourselves from 
 your former pollutions, and to oj^en the temple to 
 these priests and Levites who are here convened, 
 and to cleanse it with the accustomed sacrifices, and 
 to recover all to the ancient honour which our fathers 
 paid to it; for by this means we may render God 
 favourable, and he Avill remit the anger he hath had 
 to us." 
 
 2. When the king had said this, the priests opened 
 the temple; and when they had set in order the vessels 
 of God, and cast out what was impure, they laid the 
 accustomed sacrifices upon the altar. The king also 
 sent to the country that was under him, and called
 
 62 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 the people to Jerusalem to celebrate the feast of 
 unleavened bread, for it had been intermitted a long 
 time, on account of the wickedness of the foremen- 
 tioned kings. He also sent to the Israelites, and 
 exhorted them to leave off their present way of 
 living, and return to their ancient practices, and to 
 worship God, for that he gave them leave to come 
 to Jerusalem, and to celebrate, all in one body, the 
 feast of unleavened bread; and this, he said, was 
 by way of invitation only, and to l)e done of their 
 own good-will, and for their own advantage, and 
 riot out of obedience to him, because it would make 
 them happy. But the Israelites, upon the coming 
 of the ambassadors, and upon their laying before 
 them what they had in charge from their own king, 
 were so far from complying therewith, that they 
 laughed the ambassadors to scorn, and mocked them 
 as fools: as also they affronted the prophets which 
 gave them the same exhortations, -and foretold what 
 they would suffer if they did not return to the worship 
 of God, insomuch that at lengtli they caught them, 
 and slew them: nor did this degree of transgressing 
 suffice them, but they had more wicked contrivances 
 than what have been described: Nor did they leave 
 off, before God, as a punishment for their impiety, 
 brought them under their enemies; but of that more 
 hereafter. However, many there were of the tribe 
 of Manasseh, and of Zebulon, and of Issachar, who 
 were obedient to what the prophets exhorted them 
 to do, and returned to the worship of God. Now 
 all these came running to Jerusalem, to Hezekiah, 
 that they might worship God [there]. 
 
 3. When these men were come, king Hezekiah 
 went up into the temple, with the rulers and all the 
 people, and offered for himself seven bulls, and as 
 many rams, with seven lambs, and as many kids
 
 Chap. XIII. OF THE JEWS. 03 
 
 of the goats. The king also himself, and the rulers, 
 laid their hands on the heads of the sacrifices, and 
 permitted the priests to complete the sacred offices 
 ahoiit them. So they both slew the sacrifices, and 
 burnt the burnt-offerings, while the Levites stood 
 round about them, with their musical instruments, 
 and sang hymns to God, and played on their psal- 
 teries, as they were instructed by David, to do, and 
 this while the rest of the priests returned the music, 
 and sounded the trumpets which they had in their 
 hands: and wlien this was done, the king and the 
 multitude threw themselves down upon their face 
 and worshi])ped God. He also sacrificed seventy 
 bulls, one hundred rams, and two hundred lambs. 
 He also granted the multitude sacrifices to feast 
 upon, six hundred oxen, and three thousand other 
 cattle; and the priests performed all things according 
 to the law. Now the king was so pleased herewith, 
 that he feasted with the people, and returned thanks 
 to God: But as the feast of unleavened bread was 
 now come, when they had offered that sacrifice which 
 is called the Passover, thev after that offered other 
 sacrifices for seven days: When the king had be- 
 stowed on the multitude, besides what they sanctified 
 of themselves, two thousand bulls, and seven thousand 
 other cattle, the same thing was done by the rulers; 
 for they gave them a thousand bulls, and a thousand 
 and forty other cattle. Nor had this festival been 
 so well observed from the days of king Solomon, as 
 it was now first observed with great splendour and 
 magnificence: and when the festival was ended, they 
 went out into the country, and ]jurged it; and cleansed 
 the city of all the ])ollution of the idols. The king 
 also gave order that the daily sacrifice should be 
 offered, at his own charges, and according to the 
 law; and appohited that the tithes, and the first
 
 64 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 fruits should be given by the multitude to the priests 
 and Levites, that they might constantly attend upon 
 divine service, and never be taken off from the 
 worship of God. Accordingly, the multitude brought 
 together all sorts of their fruits to the priests and 
 the Levites. The king also made garners and recep- 
 tacles for these fruits, and distributed them to every 
 one of their priests and Levites, and to their children 
 and wives. And thus did they return to their old 
 form of divine worship. Xow wlien the king had 
 settled these matters after the manner already de- 
 scribed, he made war upon the Philistines, and beat 
 them, and possessed himself of all the enemies' cities 
 from Gaza to Gath; but the king of Assyria sent 
 to him, and threatened to overturn all his dominions, 
 unless he would pay him the tri])ute which his father 
 paid him formerly; ])ut king Hezekiah was not con- 
 cerned at his threatenings, but depended on his piety 
 towards God, and upon Isaiali the prophet, by whom 
 he inquired, and accurately knew all future events. 
 And thus much shall suffice for the present con- 
 cerning this king Hezekiah. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 How Slialmanescr took Samaria by force, and how 
 he transplanted the ten tribes into Mediae and 
 brought the nation of the Cutheans into their 
 conntry [in their room~\. 
 
 1. When Shalmaneser, the king of Assyria, had 
 it told him, that [Hoshea], the king of Israel, had 
 sent privately to So, the king of Egypt, desiring his 
 assistance against him, he was very angry, and made
 
 Chap. XIV. OF THE JKWS. 65 
 
 an expedition against Samaria, in the seventh year 
 of the reign of Hoshea; but when he was not ad- 
 mitted [into the city] by the king, ' he besieged 
 Samaria three vears, and took it bv force in the ninth 
 year of the reign of Hoshea, and in the seventh 
 year of Hezekiah king of Jerusalem, and quite de- 
 mohshed the government of the Israehtes, and trans- 
 planted all the people into Media, and Persia, among 
 whom he took king Hoshea alive; and when he had 
 removed these people out of this their land, he 
 transplanted other nations out of Cuthath, a place 
 so called, (for there is [still] a river of that name 
 in Persia) into Samaria, and into the country of 
 the Israelites. So the ten tribes of the Israelites 
 were removed out of Judea, nine hundred and forty- 
 seven years after their forefathers were come out of 
 the land of Egypt, and possessed themselves of this 
 country, but eight hundred years after Joshua had 
 been their leader, and, as I have already observed, 
 two hundred and fortv vears, seven months, and 
 seven davs, after thev had revolted from Rehoboam, 
 the grandson of David, and had given the kingdom 
 to Jeroboam. And such a conclusion overtook the 
 Israelites, when they had transgressed the laws, and 
 would not hearken to the prophets, who foretold that 
 this calamity would come \\\w\\ them, if they would 
 not leave off their evil doings. What gave birth to 
 these evil doings, was that sedition which they raised 
 against Rehoboam the grandson of David, when "they 
 
 ' The siege of Samaria, though not given a particular account of, 
 either in our Hebrew or Greelv Bibles, or in Josephus, was so very long, 
 no less than three years, that it was no way improbable but parents, 
 and particularly mothers, might therein he reduced to eat their own 
 children, as the law of Moses had threatened upon their disobedience, 
 Levit. xxvi. 29, Deut. xxviii. 53-57, and as was accomplished in the other 
 shorter sieges of both the capital cities, Jerusalem and Samaria; the 
 former mentioned, Jer. xix. 9, Antiq. B. IX. ch. -1, sect. 4, and the latter, 
 2 Kings vi. L>6-i.'9.
 
 66 ANTIQUITIES Book ix. 
 
 set up Jeroboam his servant to be their king, who, 
 by sinning against God, and bringing them to imi- 
 tate his bad example, made God to be their enemy, 
 while Jeroboam underwent that punishment which 
 he justly deserved. 
 
 2. And now the king of Assyria invaded all Syria 
 and Phenicia in a hostile manner. The name of this 
 king is also set down in the archives of Tyre, for 
 lie made an expedition against Tyre, in the reign of 
 Eluleus; and ^Nlenander attests to it, who, when he 
 wrote his Clu'onology, and translated the archives 
 of Tyre into the Greek language, gives us the fol- 
 lowing history: "One whose name was Eluleus, 
 reigned thirty-six years: this king upon the revolt of 
 the Citteans, sailed to them, and reduced them again 
 to a submission. Against these did the king of As- 
 s^Tia send an army, and in a hostile manner overrun 
 all Phenicia, but soon made peace with them all, 
 and returned back : but Sidon and Ace, and Pala?tyrus, 
 revolted; and many other cities there were which 
 delivered themselves up to the king of Assyria. Ac- 
 cordingly, when the Tyrians would not submit to 
 him, the king returned, and fell upon them again, 
 while the Phenicians had furnished him with three- 
 score ships, and eight hundred men to row them; 
 and when the Tyrians had come upon tliem in twelve 
 ships, and the enemies' ships were dispersed, they 
 took five hundred men prisoners, and tlie reputation 
 of all the citizens of T\Te was thereby increased: but 
 the king of Assyria returned, and ])hiced guards at 
 their river and acjueducts, who should hinder the 
 Tyrians from drawing water. This continued for 
 five years, and still the Tyrians bore the siege, and 
 drank of tlie water they had out of the wells they 
 (Kig." And this is what is written in the Tyrian 
 archives concerning Shahnaneser, the king of Assyria.
 
 Chap. xiv. OF THE JEWS. 67 
 
 3. But now tlie Cutheans who removed into 
 Samaria (for that is the name they have been called 
 by to this time, because they were brought out of 
 the country called Cuthath, which is a country of 
 Persia, and there is a river of the same name in it), 
 each of them, according to their nations, which were 
 in number five, brought their own gods into Samaria; 
 and by worshipping them, as was the custom of their 
 own coimtries, they provoked Almighty God to be 
 angry and displeased at them, for a plague seized 
 upon them, by which they were destroyed; and when 
 they found no cure for their miseries, they learned 
 by the oracle that they ought to worship Almighty 
 God, as the method for their deliverance. So they 
 sent ambassadors to the king of Assyria, and desired 
 him to send them some of those priests, of the Israel- 
 ites whom he had taken captive. And when he there- 
 upon sent them, and the people were by them taught 
 the laws, and the holy worship of God, they wor- 
 shipped him in a respectful manner, and the plague 
 ceased immediately; and indeed they continue to 
 make use of the very same customs to this very time, 
 and are called in the Hebrew tongue Cutheans. but 
 in the Greek tongue Samnrifaus. And when they 
 see the Jews in prosperity, they pretend that they 
 are changed, and allied to them, and call them kins- 
 men, as though they were derived from Joseph, and 
 had by that means an original alliance with them: 
 but when they see them falling into a low condition, 
 they say they are no way related to them, and that 
 the Jews have no right to expect any kindness or 
 marks of kindred from them, but they declare that 
 they are sojourners, that come from other countries. 
 But of these we shall have a more seasonable oppor- 
 tunity to discourse hereafter.
 
 BOOK X. 
 
 CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ONE HUNDRED AND 
 EIGHTY-TWO YEARS AND A HALF. 
 
 [FROM THE CAPTIVITY OF THE TEN TRIBES TO THE FIRST 
 
 OF CYRUS.] 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 How Sennacherib made an ex'pedition against Heze- 
 kiah; what threatenings Rabshakeh made to Heze- 
 Jdah when Sennacherib was gone against the 
 Egyptians; how Isaiah the prophet encouraged 
 him; how Sennacherib, having failed of success in 
 Egypt, returned thence to Jerusalem; and how, 
 upon his finding Ids army destroyed, he returred 
 home; and what befell him a little afterward. 
 
 1. It was now the fourteentli year of the gov- 
 ernment of Hezekiah, king of the two tribes, when 
 the king of Assyria, whose name was Sennacherib, 
 made an expedition against liim with a great army, 
 and took all the cities of the tribe of Judah and 
 Benjamin by force; and when he was ready to bring 
 his army against Jerusalem, Hezekiah sent ambas- 
 sadors to him beforehand, and ])romised to submit, 
 and pay what trilmte he should appoint. Hereupon 
 Sennacherib, when he heard of what offers the am- 
 
 68
 
 Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 69 
 
 bassadors made, resolved not to proceed in the war, 
 but to accept of the proposals that were made him; 
 and if he might receive three hundred talents of 
 silver, and thirty talents of gold, he promised that 
 he would depart in a friendly manner; and he gave 
 security upon oath to the ambassadors that he would 
 then do him no harm, but go away as he came. So 
 Hezekiah submitted, and emptied his treasures, and 
 sent the money, as supposing he should be freed 
 from his enemy, and from any farther distress about 
 his kingdom. Accordingly, the Assyrian king took 
 it; and yet had no regard to what he had promised; 
 but while he himself went to the war against the 
 Egyptians and Ethiopians, he left his general Rab- 
 shakeh, and two other commanders, with great forces, 
 to destroy Jerusalem. The names of the two other 
 commanders were Tartan and Rabsaris. 
 
 2. Now as soon as they were come before the 
 walls, they pitched their camp, and sent messengers 
 to Hezekiah, and desired that they might speak with 
 him: but he did not himself come out to them for 
 fear, but he sent three of his most intimate friends, 
 the name of one was Eliakim, who was over the 
 kingdom, and Shebna, and Joah the recorder. So 
 these men came out, and stood over against the com- 
 manders of the Assyrian army; and when Rab- 
 shakeh saw them, he bid them go and speak to 
 Hezekiah in the manner following: That "Sennach- 
 erib the ^ great king, desires to know of him, on 
 whom it is that he relies and depends in flying from 
 his lord, and will not hear him, nor admit his army 
 into the city? Is it on account of the Egyptians, 
 and in hopes that his army would l)e beaten by 
 
 * This title of Great King, both in our Bibles, 2 Kings xviii. 19, Isa. 
 xxxvi. t, and here in Josephus, is the very same that Herodotus gives 
 this Sennacherib as Spanheim takes notice on this place.
 
 70 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 them? Whereupon he lets him know, that if this 
 be what he expects, he is a foohsh man, and hke 
 one who leans on a broken reed, while such a one 
 will not only fall down, but will have his hand 
 pierced and hurt by it. That he ought to know, he 
 makes this expedition against him by the will of 
 God, who hath granted this favour to him, that he 
 shall overthrow the kingdom of Israel, and that in 
 the very same manner he shall destroy those that 
 are his subjects also." When Rabshakeh had made 
 this speech, in the Hebrew tongue, for he was skilful 
 in that language, Eliakim was afraid lest the multi- 
 tude that heard him should be disturbed, so he de- 
 sired him to sjDcak in the Syrian tongue; but the 
 general understanding what he meant, and perceiv- 
 ing the fear that he was in, he made his answer with 
 a greater, and a louder voice, but in the Hebrew 
 tongue; and said, that "since they all heard what 
 were the king's commands, they would consult their 
 own advantage in delivering up themselves to us, 
 for it is plain that both you and j^our king dissuade 
 the people from submitting by vain hopes, and so 
 induce them to resist: but if you be courageous, and 
 think to drive our forces away, I am ready to de- 
 liver to you two thousand of these horses that are 
 with me for your use, if you can set as many horse- 
 men on their backs, and show your strength, but 
 what you have not, you cannot produce. Why there- 
 fore do you delay to deliver up yourselves to a 
 superior force, who can take you witliout your con- 
 sent? although it will be safer for you to deliver 
 yourselves up voluntarily, while a forcible capture, 
 when you are beaten, must appear more dangerous, 
 and will bring farther calamities upon you." 
 
 3. When the ])eople, as well as the ambassadors, 
 heard what the Assyrian commander said, they re-
 
 Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 71 
 
 iated it to Hezekiah, who thereupon put off his royal 
 apparel, and clothed himself with sackcloth and took 
 the habit of a mourner; and, after the manner of 
 his country, he fell u^^jon his face, and besought God, 
 and entreated him to assist them, now they had no 
 other hope of relief. He also sent some of his 
 friends, and some of the priests, to the prophet Isaiah, 
 and desired, that he would pray to God, and offer 
 sacrifices for their common deliverance, and so put 
 up supplications to him, that he would have indig- 
 nation at the expectations of their enemies, and have 
 mercy on his people. And when the prophet had 
 done accordingly, an oracle came from God to him, 
 and encouraged the king and friends that Avere about 
 him; and foretold, that "their enemies should be 
 beaten without fighting, and should go away in an 
 ignominious manner, and not with that insolence 
 which they now show, for that God would take care 
 that they should be destroyed." He also foretold, 
 that "Sennacherib the king of Assyria, should fail 
 of his purpose against Egypt, and that when he 
 came home he should perish by the sword." 
 
 4. About the same time also, the king of AssjTia 
 wrote an epistle to Hezekiah, in which he said, "he 
 was a foolish man in supposing that he should escape 
 from being his servant, since he had already brought 
 under many and great nations; and he threatened, 
 that when he took him, he would utterly destroy him, 
 unless he now opened the gates, and willingly re- 
 ceived his army into Jerusalem." When he read this 
 epistle, he despised it on account of the trust that 
 he had in God, but he rolled up the epistle, and 
 laid it up within the temple. And as he made his 
 farther prayers to God for the city, and for the 
 preservation of all the people, the prophet Isaiah 
 said, that "God had heard his prayer, and that h^
 
 72 AXTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 should not be ^ besieged at this time by the king of 
 Assyria; that for the future he might be secure of 
 not being at all disturbed by him; and the people 
 might go on peaceably, and without fear, with their 
 husbandry and other affairs." But after a little 
 while, the king of Assyria, when he had failed of 
 his treacherous designs against the Egyptians, re- 
 turned home without success, on the following oc- 
 casion: He spent a long time in the siege of Pelusium; 
 and when the banks that he had raised over against 
 the walls were of a great height, and when he was 
 ready to make an immediate assault upon them, 
 but heard that Tirhaka, king of the Ethiopians, was 
 coming and bringing great forces to aid the Egj^p- 
 tians, and was resolved to march through the desert, 
 and so to fall directly upon the Ass^Tians, this king 
 Sennacherib was disturbed at the news, and, as I 
 said before, left Pelusium, and returned back with- 
 out success. Xow concerning this Sennacherib, 
 Herodotus also savs, in the second book of his his- 
 tories, "How this King came against the Egyptian 
 king, who was the priest of Vulcan, and that as he 
 was besieging Pelusium, he broke up the siege on 
 the following occasion; this Egyptian priest prayed 
 to God, and God heard his prayer, and sent a judg- 
 ment upon the Arabian king." But in tliis Herod- 
 otus was mistaken when he called this king not king 
 
 ^ What Josephus says here, how Isaiah the prophet assured Hezekiah, 
 that "at this time he should not l)e besieged by the king of Assyria, that 
 for the future he might be secure of being not at all disturbed by him; 
 and that [afterward] the people might go on peaceably, and without 
 fear, with their husbandry and other affairs," is more distinct in our 
 other copies, both of the Kings and of Isaiah, and deserves very great 
 consideration. The words are these: "This shall be a sign unto thee; ye 
 shall eat this year such as groweth of itself; and the second year that 
 which springeth of the same; and in the third year sow ye, and reap, 
 and plant vineyards, and eat the fruit thereof," 2 Kings xix. 20, Isa. 
 xxxvii. 30, which seem to me ])lainly to design a sabbatic year, a year of 
 Jubilee, next after it, and tlie succeeding usual labours and fruits of therq 
 on the third and following years.
 
 THE AN'GEL DESTROYING THE ASSYRIAN CAMP 
 From the Painting by P. T. Loutherbourg, R. A. Engraved by \V. Sharpe.
 
 Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 73 
 
 of the AssjTians, but of the Arabians; for he saith, 
 that "a multitude of mice gnawed to pieces in one 
 night both the bows and the rest of the armour of 
 the Assyrians, and that it was on that account that 
 the king, wlien he had no bows left, drew off his 
 army from Pelusium." And Herodotus does indeed 
 give us this history; nay, and Berosus, w^ho wrote 
 of the affairs of Chaldea, makes mention of this 
 king Sennacherib, and that he ruled over the As- 
 syrians, and that he made an expedition against all 
 Asia and Egypt; and ^ says thus: 
 
 5. "Xow when Sennacherib was returning from 
 his Egyptian war to Jerusalem, he found his army 
 under Babshakeh his general, in danger [by a 
 plague], for God had sent a pestilential distemper 
 upon his army; and on the very first night of the 
 siege, a hundred fourscore and five thousand, with 
 their captains and generals, were destroyed: So the 
 king was in a great dread, and in a terrible agony 
 at this calamity; and being in great fear for his 
 whole armv, he fled with the rest of his forces to 
 his own kingdom, and to his city Xineveh: And 
 when he had abode there a little while, he was 
 treacherously assaulted, and died by the hands of 
 his elder sons ^ Adrammelech and Seraser, and was 
 slain in his own temple, which was called Araske. 
 Now these sons of his were driven away on account 
 of the murder of their father bv the citizens, and 
 went into Armenia, while Assarachoddas took the 
 
 * That this terrible calamity of the slaughter of the 185,000 Assyrians 
 is here delivered in the words of Berosus the Chaldean ; and that it was 
 certainly and frequently foretold by the Jewish prophets, and that it 
 was certainly and undeniably accomplished, see Authentic. Rec. Part II. 
 p. 858. 
 
 ^ We are here to t ike notice, that these two sons of Sennacherib, that 
 ran away into Armenia, became the heads of two famous families there, 
 the Arzerunii and Genunii; of which see the particular histories in Moses 
 Chorenensis, p. 60.
 
 74 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 kingdom of Sennacherib." And this proved to be 
 the conclusion of this Assyrian expedition against 
 the people of Jerusalem. 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 How Hezehiah was sick and ready to die; and how 
 God bestowed upon him fifteen years longer life, 
 [and secured that promise^ by the going back of 
 the shadow ten degrees. 
 
 1. Now king Hezekiah being thus delivered, after 
 a surprising manner, from the dread he was in, 
 offered thank-offerings to God, with all his people, 
 because nothing else had destroyed some of their 
 enemies, and made the rest so fearful of undergoing 
 the same fate, that they departed from Jerusalem, 
 bv that divine assistance: Yet, while he was very 
 zealous and diligent about the worship of God, did 
 he soon afterward fall into a severe ^ distemper, 
 insomuch that the physicians despaired of him, and 
 expected no good issue of his sickness as neither did 
 his friends; and besides the distemper itself, there 
 was a very melancholy circumstance that disordered 
 tlie king, which was the consideration that he was 
 
 * Josephus, and all our copies place the sickness of Hezekiah after 
 the destruction of Sennacherib's army, because it appears to have been 
 after his first assault, as he was going into Arabia and Egypt, where he 
 pushed his conquests as far as they would go; and in order to despatch 
 his story altogether; yet does no copy but this of Josephus say it was 
 after that destruction, but only that it happened in those days, or about 
 the time of Hezekiah's life. Nor will the fifteen years prolongation of 
 his life after his sickness, allow that sickness to have been later than the 
 former j);irt of the l.Hh year of liis reign, since chronology does not 
 allow him in all above 39 years juk! a few months, whereas the first 
 assault of Sennacheril) was on the litii year of Hezekiah, but the de- 
 struction of Sennacherib's army was not till the 18th jear.
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 75 
 
 childless, and was going to die, and leave his house 
 and his government without a successor of his own 
 body; so he was troubled at the thoughts of this his 
 condition, and lamented himself, and entreated of 
 God that he would prolong his life for a little while 
 till he had some children, and not suffer him to 
 depart this life before he was become a father. Here- 
 upon God had mercy upon him, and accepted of 
 his supplication, because the trouble he was under 
 at his supposed death was not because he was soon 
 to leave the advantages he enjoyed in the kingdom, 
 nor did he on that account pray that he might have 
 a longer life afforded him, but in order to have sons, 
 that might receive the government after him. And 
 God sent Isaiah the prophet, and commanded him 
 to inform Hezekiah, that "within three days' time 
 he should get clear of his distemper, and should 
 survive it fifteen years, and that he should have 
 children also." Now upon the prophet's saying this, 
 as God had commanded him; he could hardly believe 
 it, both on account of the distemper he was under, 
 which was very sore, and by reason of the sur- 
 prising nature of what was told him, so lie desired 
 that Isaiah would give him some sign of wonder, 
 that he might believe him in what he had said, and 
 be sensible that he came from God: for things that 
 are beyond expectation, and greater than our hopes, 
 are made credible by the actions of like nature. And 
 when Isaiah had asked him. What sign he desired 
 to be exhibited^ he desired that he would make the 
 shadow of the sun, which he had alreadj^ made to 
 go down ten steps [or degrees] in his house, to 
 ^ return again to the same place, and to make it as 
 
 ' As to this regress of tlie sliadow, either upon a sun-dial, or the steps 
 of the royal palace built by Ahaz, whetlier it were ])hysically done by 
 the real miraculous revolution of the earth in its diurnal motion hack-
 
 76 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 it was before. And when the prophet prayed to 
 God to exhibit this sign to the king, he saw what 
 he desired to see, and was freed from his distemper, 
 and went up to the temple where he worshipped 
 God and made vows to him. 
 
 2. At this time it was that the dominion of the 
 Assyrians ^ was overthrown by the Medes, but of 
 these things I shall treat elsewhere. But the king 
 of Babylon, whose name was BaJadon, sent am- 
 bassadors to Hezekiah, with presents, and desired 
 he would be his ally and his friend. So he received 
 the ambassadors gladly, and made them a feast, and 
 showed them his treasures, and his armoury, and 
 the other wealth he was possessed of, in precious 
 stones, and in gold, and gave them presents to be 
 carried to Baladon, and sent them back to him. 
 Upon which the prophet Isaiah came to him, and 
 inquired of him, "Whence those ambassadors came?" 
 To which he replied, That "they came from Babylon, 
 from the king; and that he had showed them all he 
 
 ward from east to west, for a while, and its return again to its old 
 natural revolution from west to east, or whether it were not apparent 
 only; and performed by an aerial phosphorus, which imitated the sun's 
 motion backward, while a cloud hid the real sun, cannot now be de- 
 termined. Philosophers and astronomers will naturally incline to the 
 latter hypothesis. However, it must be noted, that Jose])hus seems to 
 liave understood it otherwise than we generally do; that the shadow was 
 accelerated as much at first forward as it was made to go backward 
 afterward, and so the day was neither longer nor shorter than usual, 
 which it must be confessed, agrees best of all to astronomy, whose eclipses 
 older tlian that time were observed at the times of the clay as if this 
 miracle had never happened. After all, this wonderful signal was not, it 
 seems, peculiar to Judea, but either seen, or at last heard of, at Babylon 
 also, as appears by 2 Chron. xxxii. 31, where we learn, that the Babylonian 
 ambassadors were sent to Hezekiah among other things, to inquire of the 
 wonder that was done in the land. 
 
 ^ This expression of Josephus' that the Medes, upon this destruction 
 of the Assyrian army, overthrew the Assyrian empire, seems to be too 
 strong, for although they immediately cast off the Assyrian yoke, and 
 set up Dcioces a king of their own, yet it was some time before the Medes 
 «nd 15al)yloniaiis overthrew Nineveh, and some generations ere the Medes 
 and Persians under Cyaxares and Cyrus overthrew the Assyrian or Baby- 
 lonian empire.
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 77 
 
 had, that by the sight of his riches and forces they 
 might thereby guess at [the plenty he was in], and 
 be able to inform the king of it." But the propiiet 
 rejoined, and said, "Know thou, that, after a little 
 while, these riches of thine shall be carried away to 
 Babylon, and thy posterity shall be made eunuchs 
 there, and lose their manhood, and be servants to 
 the king of Babylon, for that God foretold such 
 things would come to pass." Upon which words 
 Hezekiah was troubled, and said, That "he was him- 
 self unwilling that his nation should fall into such 
 calamities, yet since it is not possible to alter what 
 God had determined, he prayed that there might be 
 peace while he lived." Berosus also makes mention 
 of this Baladon king of Babylon. Now as to this 
 prophet, [Isaiah], he was by the confession of all 
 a divine and wonderful man in speaking truth; and 
 out of the assurance that he had never written what 
 was false, he wrote down all his prophecies, and 
 left them behind in books that their accomplishment 
 might be judged of from the events, by posterity: 
 nor did this prophet do so alone, but the others, 
 which were twelve in number, did the same. And 
 whatsoever is done among us, whether it be good, 
 or whether it be bad, comes to pass according to 
 their prophecies; but of every one of those we shall 
 speak hereafter.
 
 78 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 How Manasseli 7'eigned after Hezekialt; and how, 
 when he was in captivity, he returned to God, and 
 was restored to his kingdom, and left it to [his 
 son] A 711 on. 
 
 1. When king Hezekiah had survived the in- 
 terval of time ah'eady mentioned, and had dwelt all 
 that time in peace, he died, having completed fifty- 
 four years of his life, and reigned twenty-nine: but 
 when his son Manasseh, whose mother's name was 
 Hephzibah, of Jerusalem, had taken the kingdom, 
 lie departed from the conduct of his father, and fell 
 into a course of life quite contrary thereto, and 
 showed himself in his manners most wicked in all 
 respects, and omitted no sort of impiety, but imi- 
 tated those transgressions of the Israelites, by the 
 commission of which against God, they had been 
 destroyed; for he was so hardy as to defile tlie temple 
 of God and the city, and the whole country; for, 
 by setting out from a contempt of God, he bar- 
 barously slew all the righteous men who were among 
 the Hebrews, nor would he spare the j^i'ophets, for 
 he every day slew some of them, till Jerusalem was 
 overthrown with blood. So God was angry at these 
 procee(Hngs, and sent prophets to the king, and to 
 the multitude, by whom he threatened the very same 
 calamities to them, which their brethren the Israel- 
 ites, upon the like affronts offered to God, were now 
 imder. But tlicse men would not believe theii words, 
 by which })elief they might have reaped the advantage 
 of escaping all those miseries, yet did they in earnest 
 learn that what the prophets had told them was true.
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 79 
 
 2. And when they persevered in the same course 
 of Hfe, God raised up war against them, from the 
 king of Babylon and Chaldea, who sent an army 
 against Judea, and laid waste the country; and 
 caught king Manasseh by treachery, and ordered him 
 to be brought to him, and had him under his power 
 to inflict what punishment he pleased upon him. 
 But then it was that ^lanasseh perceived what a 
 miserable condition he was in, and esteeming himself 
 the cause of all, he besought God to render his 
 enemy humane and merciful to him. Accordingly, 
 God heard his prayer, and granted him what he 
 prayed for. So Manasseh was released by the king 
 of Babylon, and escaped the danger he was in: 
 And when he was come to Jerusalem, he endeavoured, 
 if it were possible, to cast out of his memory those 
 his former sins against God, of which he now re- 
 pented, and to apply himself to a very religious 
 life. He sanctified the temple, and purged the city, 
 and for the remainder of his days he was intent on 
 nothing Init to return his thanks to God for his 
 deliverance, and to preserve him propitious to him 
 all his life long. He also instructed the multitude 
 to do the same, as having very nearly experienced 
 what a calamity he was fallen into by a contrary 
 conduct. He also rebuilt the altar, and offered tlie 
 legal sacrifices, as Moses commanded. And when he 
 had re-established what concerned the divine worship, 
 as it ought to be, he took care of the security of 
 Jerusalem: he did not only repair the old walls with 
 great diligence, but added another wall to the former. 
 He also built very lofty towers, and the garrisoned 
 places before the city he strengthened, not only in 
 other respects, but with provisions of all sorts that 
 they wanted. And indeed, wlien he had changed his 
 former course, he so led liis life for the time to
 
 80 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 come, that from the time of his return to piety 
 towards God, he was deemed a happy man, and a 
 pattern for imitation: when therefore he had lived 
 sixty-seven years, he departed this Hfe, having reigned 
 fifty-five years, and was buried in his own garden; and 
 the kingdom came to his son Anion, whose mother's 
 name was Meshumeleth, of the city of Jobath. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 How Anion reigned instead of Manasseh; and after 
 Anion, reigned Josiah; he was both righteous and 
 religious. As also coneerning HnJdah the prophet- 
 ess. 
 
 1. This Anion imitated those works of his father 
 which he insolently did when he was young: so he 
 had a conspiracy made against him by his own 
 servants, and was slain in his own house, when he 
 had lived twenty-four years, and of them had reigned 
 tv/o: But the multitude punished those that slew 
 Anion, and buried him with his father, and gave 
 the kingdom to his son Josiah, who was eight years 
 old. His mother was of the city of Boscath; and 
 her name was Jedidah. He was of a most excellent 
 disposition, and naturally virtuous, and followed the 
 actions of king David, as a pattern and rule to him 
 in the whole conduct of his life. And when he was 
 twelve years old, he gave demonstrations of his re- 
 ligious and righteous behaviour; for he brought the 
 people to a sober way of living, and exhorted them 
 to leave off the opinion they had of their idols, be- 
 cause they were not gods, but to worship their own 
 God. And by reflecting on the actions of his pro-
 
 Chap. IT. OF THE JEWS. 81 
 
 genitors, he prudently corrected what they did wrong, 
 Uke a very elderly man, and like one abundantly able 
 to understand what was fit to be done, and when 
 he found they had well done, he observed all the 
 country over, and imitated the same. And thus he 
 acted in following the wisdom and sagacity of his 
 own nature, and in following the laws it was that 
 he succeeded so well in the order of his government, 
 and in piety with regard to the divine worship. And 
 this happened because the transgressions of the 
 former kings were seen no more, but quite vanished 
 away; for the king went about the city, and the 
 whole country, and cut down the groves which were 
 devoted to strange gods, and overthrew their altars; 
 and if there were any gifts dedicated to them by 
 his forefathers, he made them ignominious and 
 plucked them down, and by this means he brought 
 the people back from their opinion about them to 
 the worship of God. He also offered his accustomed 
 sacrifices and burnt-offerings upon the altar. More- 
 over, he ordained certain judges and overseers, that 
 they might order the matters to them severally be- 
 longing, and have regard to justice above all things, 
 and distribute it with the same concern they would 
 have about their own soul. He also sent over all 
 the country, and desired such as pleased to bring 
 gold and silver for the repairs of the temple, ac- 
 cording to every one's inclinations and abilities. And 
 when the money was brought in, he made one 
 Maaseiah the governor of the city, and Shaphan the 
 scribe, and Joash the recorder, and Eliakim the high 
 priest, curators of the temple, and of the charges 
 contributed thereto: who made no delay, nor put 
 off the work at all, but prepared architects, and what- 
 soever was proper for those repairs, and set closely 
 about the work. So the temple was repaired by
 
 82 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 this means, and became a public demonstration of 
 the king's piety. 
 
 2. But when he was now in tlie eighteenth year 
 of his reign, he sent to Eihakim the higli priest, and 
 gave order, tliat out of Mhat money was overplus, 
 he should cast cups and dishes, and vials, for minis- 
 tration [in the temple]; and besides, that they should 
 bring all the gold and silver which was among the 
 treasures, and expend that also in making cups and 
 the hke vessels: But as the high priest was bring- 
 ing out the gold, he light upon the holy books of 
 JMoses that were laid up in the temple, and when 
 he had In-ought them out, he gave them to Shaphan 
 the scribe, who, when he had read them, came to 
 the king, and informed him that all was finished 
 which he had ordered to be done. He also read 
 over the books to him, who, when he had heard them 
 read, rent his garment: and called for Eliakim the 
 high priest, and for [Shaphan] the scribe, and for 
 certain [other] of his most particular friends, and 
 sent them to Huldah the pro^jhetess, the wife of 
 Shallum, (which Shallum was a man of dignity and 
 of an eminent famih^), and bid them go to her and 
 say. That [he desired] "she would appease God, 
 and endeavour to render him propitious to them, for 
 that there was cause to fear, lest, upon the trans- 
 gression of the laws of INIoses by their forefathers, 
 they should be in peril of going into captivity, and 
 of being cast out of their own country; lest they 
 should be in want of all things, and so end their 
 days miserably." When the prophetess had heard 
 this from the messengers that were sent to her by 
 the king, she bid them go back to the king, and 
 say, that "God had already given sentence against 
 them, to destroy the people, and cast them out of 
 their country, and deprive them of all the happiness
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 83 
 
 they enjoyed; which sentence none could set aside 
 by any j^rayers of theirs, since it was passed on 
 account of the transgressions of the laws, and of 
 their not having repented in so long a time, while 
 the prophets had exhorted them to amend, and had 
 foretold the punishment that would ensue on their 
 impious practices; which threatening God would cer- 
 tainly execute upon them that they might be per- 
 suaded that he is God, and had not deceived them 
 in any respect as to what he had denounced by his 
 prophets: that yet because Josiah was a righteous 
 man, he would at present delay those calamities, but 
 that after liis death, he would send on the multitude 
 what miseries he had determined for them." 
 
 3. So these messengers upon this prophecy of the 
 woman, came and told it to the king; whereupon he 
 sent to the people every where, and ordered that 
 the priests and the Levites should come together to 
 Jerusalem; and commanded that those of every age 
 should be present also: And Avhen they had gathered 
 together, he first read to them the holy books; after 
 wliich he stood upon a pulpit, in the midst of the 
 multitude, and obliged them to make a covenant, 
 with an oath, that they would worship God, and 
 keep the laws of ]Moses. Accordingly, they gave 
 their assent M^illingly, and undertook to do what 
 the king had recommended to them. So they im- 
 mediately offered sacrifices, and that after an ac- 
 ceptable manner, and besought God to be gracious 
 and merciful to them. He also enjoined the high 
 priest, that if there remained in the temple any 
 vessel that was dedicated to idols, or to foreign gods, 
 they should cast it out: So when a great number of 
 such vessels were got together, lie biu-nt tliem, and 
 scattered their ashes abroad, and slew the })riests 
 of the idols, that were not of the family of Aaron.
 
 84 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 4. And when he had done thus in Jerusalem, he 
 came into the country, and utterly destroyed what 
 buildings had been made therein by king Jeroboam, 
 in honour of strange gods; and he burnt the bones 
 of the false prophets upon that altar which Jeroboam 
 first built. And as the prophet [Jadon], who came 
 to Jeroboam when he was offering sacrifice, and 
 when all the people heard him, foretold what would 
 come to pass, viz. That "a certain man of the house 
 of David, Josiah by name, should do what is here 
 mentioned." And it happened that those predictions 
 took effect after three hundred and sixty-one years. 
 
 5. After these things, Josiah went also to such 
 other Israelites as had escaped captivity and slavery 
 under the Assyrians, and persuaded them to desist 
 from their impious practices, and to leave off the 
 honours they paid to strange gods, but to worship 
 rightly their own Almighty God, and adhere to him. 
 He also searched the houses and the villages, and 
 the cities, out of a suspicion that somebody might 
 have one idol or other in private; nay, indeed, he 
 took away the ^ chariots [of the sun] that were set 
 up in his royal palace, which his predecessors had 
 framed; and what thing soever there was besides, 
 which they worshipped as a god. And when he had 
 thus purged all the country, he called the people to 
 Jerusalem, and there celebrated the feast of un- 
 leavened bread, and that called the Passover. He 
 also gave the people for Paschal sacrifices, young 
 kids of the goats and lambs, thirty thousand, and 
 
 * It is hard to reconcile the account in the second hook of Kings, ch. 
 xxiii. 11, with this account of Josephus, and to translate this passage 
 truly in Josephus, whose cojiies are sup])osed to be here inijierfect: How- 
 ever, tlie general sense of l)oth seems to he tliis, lliat there were certain 
 chariots with their horses, dedicated to the idol of the sun, or to Moloch: 
 which idol must be carried about in procession, and worsiiipped by the 
 people; which chariots were now taken away, as Josephus says, or as 
 the book of the Kings says, burnt with fire bij Josiah.
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 85 
 
 three hundred oxen for burnt offerings. The prin- 
 cipal of the priests also gave to the priests against 
 the passover, two thousand and six hundred lambs; 
 the principal of the Levites also gave to the Levites 
 five thousand lambs and five hundred oxen, by which 
 means there was great plenty of sacrifices; and they 
 offered those sacrifices according to the laws of Moses, 
 while every priest explained the matter, and min- 
 istered to the multitude. And indeed there had been 
 no other festival thus celel)rated by the Hebrews 
 from the times of Samuel tlie prophet; and the plenty 
 of sacrifices now was the occasion that all things were 
 performed according to the laws, and according to 
 the custom of their forefathers. So when Josiah had 
 after this lived in peace; nay, in riches and reputation 
 also among all men, he ended his life in the manner 
 following. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 How Josiah fought tcith Neco [king of Egypt'\, and 
 was wounded and died in a little afterward: As 
 also how Neco carried Jehoaha:^, who had been 
 made king, into Egypt, and delivered the kingdom 
 to Jehoiakim: And [lastly^ concerning Jeremiah 
 and Ezekiel. 
 
 1. Now Neco, king of Egypt, raised an army, 
 and marched to the river Euphrates, in order to 
 fight with the Medes and Babylonians, who had 
 ^ overthrown the dominion of the Assp'ians, for he 
 
 * This is a remarkable passage of chronology in Josephus, that about 
 the latter end of the reign of Josiah, the Medes and Babylonians over- 
 threw the empire of the Assyrians; or in the words of Tobit's con-
 
 86 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 had a desire to reign over Asia. Now when he was 
 come to the city Mendes, which belonged to the king- 
 dom of Josiah, he brought an army to hinder him 
 from passing through his own country, in his ex- 
 pedition against the JNIedes. Now Neco sent a 
 herald to Josiah, and told him. That "he did not 
 make this expedition against him, but was making 
 liaste to Euphrates; and desired that he would not 
 provoke him to fight against him, because he ob- 
 structed his march to the place whither he had re- 
 solved to go." But Josiah did not admit of this 
 advice of Neco's, but put himself into a posture to 
 hinder him from this intended march. I suppose it 
 was fate that pushed him on to this conduct, that 
 it might take an occasion against him; for as he 
 was setting his ^ army in array, and rode about in 
 his chariot, from one wing of his army to another, 
 one of the Egyptians shot an arrow at him, and put 
 an end to his eagerness of fighting: for being sorely 
 wounded, he commanded a retreat to be sounded for 
 his army, and returned to Jerusalem, and died of 
 that wound; and was magnificently buried in the 
 sepulchre of his fathers, when he had lived thirty- 
 nine years, and of them had reigned thirty-one. But 
 all the people mourned greatly for him, lamenting 
 and grieving on his account many days: and Jere- 
 miah the prophet " composed an elegy to lament 
 
 tinuator, that "before Tobias died, he heard of tlie destruction of 
 Nineveh, which was taken by Xebuciiodonosor tlic Babylonian, and As- 
 suerus tlie Mcde," Tob. xiv. 15 — See Prideaux' Connection at the year 61-3. 
 
 * This battle is justly esteemed the very same that Herodotus, B. II. 
 sect. 156, mentions, when lie says, that "Xeco Joined battle with the 
 vSyrians [or Jews] at Magdoluin (Mejjriddo,) and beat them," as Dr. 
 Hudson here observes. 
 
 ^ Whether Jose])luis, from ^ Clu-on. xxxv. 25, here means the book cf 
 the Lamentations of Jeremiah, still extant, which chiefly l)elongs to tV.;* 
 destruction of Jerusalem under X('l)nchadnc/.zar, or to any other like 
 melancholy poem now lost, i)ut extant in tlie days of Joscphus, belonging 
 peculiarly to Josiah, cannot now ))c determined.
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 87 
 
 him, which is extant till this time also. Moreover, 
 this prophet denounced beforehand the sad calamities 
 that were coming upon the city. He also left behind 
 him in writing a description of that destruction of 
 our nation which has lately happened in our days, 
 and the taking of Ba})yl()n; nor was he the only 
 pr()])het who delivered such predictions beforehand 
 to the multitude, but so did Ezekiel also, who was 
 the first person that wrote, and left behind him in 
 writing two books concerning these events. Xow 
 these two prophets were jiriests by birth; but of them 
 Jeremiah dwelt in Jerusalem, from the thirteenth 
 year of the reign of Josiah, until the city and temple 
 were utterly destroyed. However as to what befell 
 this prophet, we will relate it in its proper place. 
 
 2. Upon the death of Josiah, which we have al- 
 ready mentioned, his son, Jehoahaz by name, took 
 the kingdom: being about twenty-three years old: 
 He reigned in Jerusalem; and his mother was Hanm- 
 tal, of the city Libnah. He was an impious man, 
 and impure in his course of life; but as the king of 
 Egypt returned from the battle, he sent for Je- 
 hoahaz to come to him, to the city called ^ Hamath, 
 which belongs to Syria; and when he was come, he 
 put him in bonds, and delivered the kingdom to a 
 brother of his, by the father's side whose name was 
 Eliakim, and changed his name to Jelioialdm, and 
 laid a tribute upon the land of a hundred talents of 
 silver, and a talent of gold, and the sum of money 
 Jehoiakim paid by way of tribute: but Xeco carried 
 away Jehoahaz into Egypt, where he died when he 
 had reigned three months and ten days. Now Je- 
 hoiakim's mother was called Zebudah, of the city 
 
 * This ancieixt city Hamath, which is joined with Arpad, or Aradus, 
 and with Damascus, 2 Kings xviii. IS, Isa. xxxvi. 19, Jer. xlix. 2\i, cities 
 (if Syria and Phenicia near the borders of Judea, was also itself evi- 
 dcntlv near the same borders though long ago utterly destroyed.
 
 88 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 Rumah. He was of a wicked disposition, and ready 
 to do mischief: nor was he either rehgious towards 
 God, or good natured towards men. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Hotv Nebuchadnezzar, when he had conquered the 
 king of Egypt, made an eccpedition against the 
 Jews, and slew Jehoiakim, and made Jehoiachin 
 his son king. 
 
 1. Now in the fourth year of the reign of Je- 
 hoiakim, one whose name was Nebuchadnezzar, took 
 the government over the Baliylonians, who at the 
 same time went up with a great army to the city 
 Carchemish, which was at Euphrates, upon a reso- 
 lution he had taken to fight with Neco king of 
 Egypt, under whom all Syria then was. And when 
 Neco understood the intention of the king of Baby- 
 lon, and that this expedition was made against him, 
 he did not despise his attempt, but made haste with 
 a great band of men to Euphrates to defend himself 
 from Nebuchadnezzar; and when they had joined 
 battle, he was beaten, and lost many ten thousands 
 [of his soldiers] in the battle. So the king of Baby- 
 lon passed over Euphrates, and took all Syria, as 
 far as Pelusium, excepting Judea. But when Neb- 
 uchadnezzar had already reigned four j^ears, w^hich 
 was the eighth of Jehoiakim's government over the 
 Hebrews, the king of Babylon made an expedition 
 with mighty forces against the Jews, and required 
 trilmte of Jehoiakim, and threatened on his refusal 
 to make war against him. He was affrighted at his 
 threatening, and bought his peace with money, and
 
 Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 89 
 
 brought the tribute he was ordered to bring for 
 three years. 
 
 2. But on the third year, upon hearing that the 
 king of the Babylonians made an expedition against 
 the Egyptians, he did not pay his tribute, yet was 
 he disappointed of his hope, for the Egyptians durst 
 not fight at this time. And indeed the prophet 
 Jeremiah foretold every day, how vainly they relied 
 on their hopes from Egypt, and how the city would 
 be overthrown by the king of Babylon, and Jehoiakim 
 the king would be subdued by him. But what he 
 thus spake proved to be of no advantage to them, 
 because there were none that should escape; for 
 both the multitude, and the rulers, when they heard 
 him, had no concern about what they heard; but 
 being displeased at what was said, as if the prophet 
 were a diviner against the king, they accused Jere- 
 miah, and bringing him before the court they required 
 that a sentence and a punislmient might be given 
 against him. Xow all the rest gave their votes 
 for his condemnation, but the elders refused, who 
 prudently sent away the prophet from the court of 
 [the prison] and persuaded the rest to do Jeremiah 
 no harm; for they said, that "he was not the only 
 person who foretold what would come to the city, 
 but that Micah signified the same before him, as 
 well as many others, none of which suffered any 
 tiling of the kings that then reigned, but were hon- 
 oured r.3 the prophets of God." So they moHified 
 the multitude with these words, and delivered Jere- 
 miah from the punishment to which he was . con- 
 demned. Now when this prophet had written all 
 his prophecies, and the people were fasting, and 
 assembled at the temple, on the ninth month of the 
 fifth year of Jehoiakim, he read the book he had 
 composed of his predictions, of what was to befall
 
 00 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 the city, and the temple, and the multitude. And 
 when the rulers heard of it, they took the book from 
 him, and bid him and Baruch the scribe to go their 
 ways, lest they should be discoyered by one or other; 
 but they carried the book, and gaye it to the king, 
 so he gaye order, in the presence of his friends, that 
 his scribe should take it, and read it. When the 
 king heard what it contained, he was angry, and 
 tore it, and cast it into the fire, where it was con- 
 sumed. He also commanded, that they should seek 
 for Jeremiah and Baruch the scribe, and bring them 
 to him, that they might be punished. Howeyer they 
 escaped his anger. 
 
 3. Xow a little time afterward, the king of Baby- 
 lon made an expedition against Jehoiakim, whom he 
 receiyed [into the city,] and this out of fear of the 
 foregoing predictions of this prophet, as supposing 
 that he should suffer nothing that was terrible, be- 
 cause he neither shut the gates, nor fought against 
 him; yet Avhen he was come into the city, he did not 
 
 'ft ft 
 
 obserye the coyenants he had made, ])ut he slew such 
 as were in the flower of their age, and such as were 
 of the greatest dignity, together with their king 
 Jehoiakim, whom he commanded to be thrown before 
 the walls, without any burial; and made his son 
 Jelioiachin king of the country, and of the city: he 
 also took the principal persons in dignity for cap- 
 tiyes, three thousand in number, and led them away 
 to Babylon; among whom was the prophet Ezekiel, 
 who was then but young. And this was the end 
 of king Jehoiakim, when he had liyed thirty-six years, 
 and of them reigned eleyen: but Jelioiachin succeeded 
 him in the kingdom, whose mother's name was Ne- 
 huslita: she was a citizen of Jerusalem. He reigned 
 three months and ten days.
 
 Chap. vii. OF THE JEWS. 01 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 That the king ■ of Babylon repented of making Je- 
 hoiacJiin king, and took liim axvai/ to Babylon, 
 and delivered the Jringdom to Zedekiah. This king 
 would not believe tchat ica,s predicted by Jeremiah 
 and Ezekiel. but joined himself to the Egyptians; 
 who, when they came into Judea, were vanquished 
 by the king of Babylon: as also ichat befell Jere- 
 miah. 
 
 1. But a terror seized on the king of Babylon, 
 who had given the kingdom to Jehoiachin, and that 
 immediately: he was afraid that lie should bear him 
 a grudge, because of his killing his father, and 
 thereupon should make the country revolt from him; 
 wherefore he sent an army, and besieged Jehoiachin 
 in Jerusalem; but because he was of a gentle and 
 just disposition, he did not desire to see the city 
 endangered on his account, but he took his mother, 
 and kindred, and delivered them to the commanders 
 sent by the king of Babylon, and accepted of their 
 oaths, that neither should thev suffer any harm, 
 nor the city; which agreement they did not observe 
 for a single year, for the king of Babylon did not 
 keep it, but gave orders to his generals to take all 
 that were in the city captives, both the youth and 
 the handicraftsmen; and bring them bound to him; 
 their number was ten thousand eiglit hundred and 
 thirty-two; as also Jehoiachin, and his mother and 
 friends: And when these were brought to him, he 
 kept them in custody, and a])pointed Jehoiacliin's 
 uncle Zedekiah to be king; and made him take an
 
 92 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 oath, that he would certainly keep the kingdom for 
 him, and make no innovation, nor have any league 
 of friendship with the Egyptians. 
 
 2. Now Zedekiah was twenty and one years old 
 when he took the govermiient: and had the same 
 mother with his brother Jehoiakim, but was a de- 
 spiser of justice and of his duty, for truly those of 
 the same age with him were wicked about him, and 
 the whole multitude did what unjust and insolent 
 things they pleased; for which reason the prophet 
 Jeremiah came often to him, and protested to him, 
 and insisted, That "he must leave off his impieties 
 and transgressions, and take care of what was right, 
 and neither give ear to the rulers, (among whom 
 were wicked men), nor give credit to their false 
 prophets, who deluded them, as if the king of Baby- 
 ion would make no more war against them, and as 
 if the Egyj^tians would make war against him, and 
 conquer him, since what they said was not true, and 
 the events would not prove such [as they expected]." 
 Xow as to Zedekiah himself, while he heard the 
 prophet speak he believed him, and agreed to every 
 thing as true, and supposed it was for his advantage; 
 but then his friends perverted him, and dissuaded 
 him from what the prophet advised, and obliged him 
 to do what they pleased. Ezekiel also foretold in 
 Babylon what calamities were coming upon the people, 
 which when lie heard, he sent accounts of them into 
 Jerusalem: But Zedekiah did not believe their proph- 
 ecies, for the reasons following: It happened that 
 the two prophets agreed with one another in what 
 they said, as in all other things, that the city should 
 be taken, and Zedekiah himself should be taken 
 captive; but Ezekiel disagreed with him, and said 
 that "Zedekiah should not see Babylon," while Jere- 
 miah said, to him, Tliat "the king of Babylon should
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 93 
 
 carry him away thither in bonds." And because they 
 did not both say the same thing as to this circmn- 
 stance, he disbeheved what they both appeared to 
 agree in, and condemned them as not speaking 
 trutli therein, although all the things foretold him 
 did come to pass according to their prophecies, as 
 we shall show upon a fitter opportunity. 
 
 3. Xow when Zedekiah preserved the league of 
 mutual assistance he had made with the Babylonians, 
 for eight years, he brake it, and revolted to the 
 Egyptians, in hopes, by their assistance, of over- 
 coming the Babylonians. When the king of Babylon 
 knew this, he made war against him; he laid his 
 country waste, and took his fortified towns, and came 
 to the city Jerusalem itself to besiege it: But when 
 the king of Egypt heard what circumstances Zede- 
 kiah his ally was in, he took a great army with him, 
 and came into Judea, as if he would raise the siege: 
 upon which the king of Babylon departed from 
 Jerusalem, and met the Egyptians, and joined battle 
 with them, and beat them, and when he had put them 
 to flight, he pursued them, and drove them out of all 
 S\Tia. Xow as soon as the king of Babvlon was 
 departed from Jerusalem, the false ^^rophets deceived 
 Zedekiah, and said. That "the king of Babylon would 
 not any more make war against him or his people, 
 nor remove them out of their own country into 
 Babylon, and that those then in captivity would 
 return, with all those vessels of the temple, of which 
 the king of Babylon had despoiled that temple." 
 But Jeremiah came among them, and prophesied 
 what contradicted those predictions, and what proved 
 to be true. That "they did ill, and deluded the king; 
 that the Egyptians would be of no advantage to 
 them, but that the king of Babylon would renew the 
 war against Jerusalem, and besiege it again, and
 
 94 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 would destroy the people by famine, and carry away 
 those that remained into captivity, and would take 
 away what they had as spoils, and would carry off 
 those riches that were in the temple; nay, that, be- 
 sides this, he would burn it, and utterly overthrow 
 the city, and that they should serve him and his 
 posterity seventy years; that then the Persians and 
 the Medes should put an end to their servitude, and 
 overthrow the Babylonians, and that we shall be dis- 
 missed, and return to this land, and ' rebuild the 
 temple and restore Jerusalem." When Jeremiah 
 said this, the greater part believed him, Init the rulers, 
 and those that were wicked#^ despised him, as one 
 disordered in his senses. Now he had resolved to 
 go elsewhere, to his own country, which was called 
 Anatlwth, and was twenty furlongs distant from 
 Jerusalem; and as he was going, one of the rulers 
 met hnn, and seized upon him, and accused him 
 falsely, as though he were going as a deserter to 
 the Babylonians: but Jeremiah said, that he accused 
 him falsely, and added, that he was only going to 
 his own country, but the other would not believe 
 him, but seized upon him, and led him away to the 
 rulers, and laid an accusation against him, under 
 whom he endured all sorts of torments and tortures, 
 and was reserved to be punished; and this was the 
 condition lie was in for some time, wliile he suffered 
 what I have already described unjustly. 
 
 4. Now in the ninth year of the reign of Zede- 
 kiah, on the tenth day of the tenth month, the king 
 of Babylon made a second expedition against Jeru- 
 salem, and lay before it eighteen months, and be- 
 
 * Josephus says here, that Jeremiah prophesied not only of the return 
 of the Jews from the Babylonian captivity, and this under the Persians 
 and Medes, as in our other c()])ics; but of their rebuilding the temple, 
 and even the city Jerusalem, M'hich do not appear in our copies under 
 his name, see the note on Antici. B. XI. eh. i. sect. -2.
 
 Chap. VII. OV 'VllK .IKWS. 95 
 
 siegefl it with the utmost application. There came 
 upon them also two of the greatest calamities at the 
 same time that Jerusalem was besieged, a famine 
 and pestilential distemper, and made great havock 
 of them: And though the prophet Jeremiah was in 
 prison, lie did not rest, but cried out, and proclaimed 
 aloud, and exhorted the multitude to open their 
 gates, and admit the king of Babylon, for that if 
 they did so, they should be preserved, and their 
 whole families, but if they' did not so, they should 
 be destroyed, and he foretold, that if any one stayed 
 in the city, he should certainly perish by one of 
 these ways, either be consumed })y the famine, or 
 slain ])v tlie enemv's sword, but that if he would flv 
 to the enemy he should escape death: Yet did not 
 these rulers who heard believe him, even when they 
 were in the midst of their sore calamities, but they 
 came to the king, and in their anger, informed him 
 what Jeremiah said, and accused him, and complained 
 of the prophet as of a madman, and one that dis- 
 heartened their minds, and ])y the denunciation of 
 miseries, weakened the alacrity of the multitude, who 
 were otherwise ready to expose themselves to dangers 
 for him, and for their country, while he, in a way of 
 threatening, warned them to fly to the enemy, and 
 told them that the city should certainly be taken, 
 and be utterly destroyed. 
 
 5. But for the king himself, he was not at all 
 irritated against Jeremiah, such was his gentle and 
 righteous disposition; yet that he might not be en- 
 gaged in a quarrel with those rulers at such a time, 
 by opposing what they intended, he let them do with 
 the prophet, whatsoever they would: Whereupon, 
 when the king had granted them such a permission, 
 they presently came into the prison and took him; 
 and let him down with a cord into a pit full of mire,
 
 96 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 that he might be suffocated, and die of himself. So 
 he stood up to the neck in the mire, which was all 
 about him, and so continued: but there was of the 
 king's servants, who was in esteem with him, an 
 Ethiopian by descent, who told the king what a 
 state the prophet was in, and said, that his friends 
 and his rulers had done evil in putting the prophet 
 into the mire, and by that means contriving against 
 him that he should suffer a death more bitter than 
 that by his bonds only. When the kinff heard this, 
 he repented of his having delivered up the prophet 
 to the rulers, and bid the Ethiopian take thirty men 
 of the king's guards, and cords with them, and what- 
 soever else they understood to be necessary for the 
 prophet's preservation, and draw him up immedi- 
 ately. So the Ethiopian took the men he was or- 
 dered to take, and drew up the prophet out of the 
 mire, and left him at liberty [in the prison]. 
 
 6. But when the king had sent to call him pri- 
 vately, and inquired what he could say to him from 
 God, which might be suitable to his present cir- 
 cumstances, and desired him to inform him of it, 
 Jeremiah replied, that "he had somewhat to say:" 
 but he said withal; he "should not be believed, nor 
 if he admonished them, should be hearkened to; for, 
 said he, thy friends have determined to destroy me, 
 as though I had been guilty of some wickedness: 
 and where are now those men who deceived us, and 
 said that, the king of Babylon would not come and 
 fight against us any more; but 1 am afraid now 
 to speak the truth, lest thou shouldst condemn me 
 to die." And when the king had assured him upon 
 oath, that he would neither himself put him to death, 
 nor deliver him up to the rulers, he became bold 
 upon that assurance that was given him; and gave 
 him this advice, that "he should deliver the city up
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 97 
 
 to the Babylonians; and he said, that it was God 
 that prophe'sied this by him, tliat (he must do so) 
 if he would be preserved and escape out of the dan- 
 ger he was in, and that then neither should the 
 city fall to the ground, nor should the temple be 
 burned; but that (if he disobeyed,) he would be the 
 cause of these miseries coming upon the citizens, 
 and of the calamitj^ that would befall his whole 
 house." When the king heard this, he said, that 
 "he would willingly do what he persuaded him to, 
 and what he declared would be to his advantage, 
 but that he was afraid of those of his own country 
 that had fallen away to the Babylonians, lest he 
 should be accused by them to the king of Babylon, 
 and be punished." But the prophet encouraged him, 
 and said, "He had no cause to fear such punishment, 
 for that he should not have the experience of any 
 misfortune, if he would deliver all up to the Baby- 
 lonians, neither himself, nor his children, nor his 
 wives, and that the temple should then continue 
 unhurt." So when Jeremiah had said this, the king 
 let him go, and charged him, "To betray what they 
 had resolved on to none of the citizens, nor to tell 
 any of these matters to any of the rulers, if they 
 should have learned that he had been sent for, and 
 should inquire of him what it was that he was sent 
 for, and what he had said to him? Init to pretend to 
 them, that he besought him that he might not be 
 kept in bonds and in prison." And indeed he said 
 so to them; for they came to the prophet, and asked 
 him, what advice it was that he came to give the 
 kiner relating to them? and thus 1 have finished what 
 concerns this matter.
 
 98 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 How the Mug of Bahijlon took Jerusalem and burnt 
 the temple, and removed the people of Jerusalem, 
 and Zedekiah to Bahijlon. As also, who they were 
 that had succeeded in the high priesthood under 
 tihe kings. 
 
 1. Now the king of Babylon was very intent and 
 earnest upon the siege of Jerusalem: and he erected 
 towers upon great banks of earth, and from them 
 repelled those that stood upon the walls: he also 
 made a great number of such banks round about 
 the whole city, whose height was equal to those walls. 
 However, those that were within, bore the siege 
 with courage and alacrity, for they were not dis- 
 couraged, either by the famine, or by the pestilential 
 distemper, but were of cheerful minds in the prose- 
 cution of the war, although those miseries within 
 oppressed them also, and they did not suffer them- 
 selves to be terrified, either by the contrivances of 
 the enemy, or by their engines of war, but contrived 
 still different engines to oppose all the other withal, 
 till indeed there seemed to be an entire struggle 
 between the Babylonians, and tlie people of Jeru- 
 salem, which had the greater sagacity and skill; the 
 former party supposing they should be thereby too 
 hard for the other, for the destruction of the city; 
 the latter placing their hopes of deliverance in 
 nothing else but in persevering in such inventions in 
 opposition to the other, as miglit demonstrate the 
 enemies' engines were useless to them. And this 
 siege they endured for eighteen months, until they
 
 Chap. Yiii. OF THE JEWS. 00 
 
 were destroyed by the famine, and by the darts which 
 the enemy threw at them from the towers. 
 
 2. Now the city was taken in the ninth day of 
 the fourth month, in the eleventh year of the reign 
 of Zedekiah. They were indeed only generals of 
 the king of Babylon, to wdiom Xebuchadnezzar com- 
 mitted the care of the siege, for he abode himself 
 in the city of Riblah. The names of these generals 
 who ravaged and subdued Jerusalem, if any one 
 desire to know^ them, were these, Xergal Sharezer, 
 Samgar Xebo, Rabsaris, Sarsechim, and Rabmag. 
 And when the city was taken about midnight, and 
 the enemies' generals were entered into the temple, 
 and when Zedekiah was sensible of it, he took his 
 wives and his children, and his captains and his 
 friends, and with them fled out of the city, through 
 the fortified ditch, and through the desert: and when 
 certain of the deserters had informed the Baby- 
 lonians of this, at break of day, thev made haste 
 to pursue after Zedekiah, and overtook him not far 
 from Jericho, and encompassed him about; but for 
 those friends and captains of Zedekiah who had 
 fled out of the city with him, wlien they saw their 
 enemies near them, they left him and dispersed 
 themselves, some one w^ay and some another, and 
 every one resolved to save himself: so the enemy 
 took Zedekiah alive, when he was deserted by all 
 but a few, with his children and his wives, and 
 brought him to the king. When he was come, Xeb- 
 uchadnezzar began to "call him a wicked wretch, 
 and a covenant breaker, and one that had forgotten 
 his former words, when he promised to keep the 
 country for him. He also reproached him for his 
 ingratitude, that when he had received the kingdom 
 from him, who had taken it from Jehoiachin, and 
 given it him, he had made use of the power he gave
 
 100 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 him against him that gave it, but, said he, God is 
 great, who hated that conduct of thine, and hath 
 brought thee under us." And when he had used 
 these words to Zedekiah, he commanded his sons 
 and his friends to be slain, while Zedekiah and the 
 rest of the captains looked on, after which he put 
 out the eyes of Zedekiah: and bound him, and carried 
 him to Babylon. And these things happened to 
 him,^ as Jeremiah and Ezekiel had foretold to him, 
 that he should be caught, and brought before the 
 king of Babylon, and should speak to him face to 
 face; and should see his eyes with his own eyes; and 
 thus far did Jeremiah prophesy; but he was also 
 made blind, and brought to Babylon, but did not 
 see it, according to the prediction of Ezekiel. 
 
 3. We have said thus much, because it was suffi- 
 cient to show the nature of God to such as are ig- 
 norant of it, that it is various, and acts many different 
 ways, and that all events happen after a regular 
 manner, in their proper season, and that foretells 
 what must come to pass. It is also sufficient to 
 show the ignorance and incredulity of men, whereby 
 they are not permitted to foresee any thing that is 
 future, and are, without any guard, exposed to 
 calamities, so that it is impossible for them to avoid 
 the experience of those calamities. 
 
 4. And after this manner have the kings of 
 David's race ended their lives, being in number 
 twenty-one, until the last king, who altogether reigned 
 five hundred and fourteen years, and six months, 
 and ten days; of whom Saul, who was their first 
 
 ' This observation of .TosepTiiis' about the seeming disagreement of 
 Jeremiah, ch. xxii. 4, and xxxiv. 3, and Ezek. xii. 13, but real agreement 
 at last, concerning the fate of Zedekiah, is very true, and very remark- 
 able. See cii. vii. sect. 2. Nor is it at all unlikely that the courtiers 
 and false i^rophcts might make use of this seeming contradiction to 
 dissuade Zedekiah from believing either of those prophets, as Josephus 
 here intimates he was dissuaded thereby.
 
 Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 101 
 
 king, retained the government twenty years, though 
 he was not of the same tribe with the rest. 
 
 5. And now it was that the king of Babylon 
 sent Nebuzaradan, the general of his army, to Jeru- 
 salem, to pillage the temple, w^ho had it also in com- 
 mand to burn it and the royal palace, and to lay 
 the city even with the ground, and to transplant 
 the people into Babylon. Accordingly, he came to 
 Jerusalem in the eleventh year of king Zedekiah, 
 and pillaged the temple, and carried out the vessels 
 of God, both gold and silver, and particularly that 
 large laver which Solomon dedicated, as also the 
 pillars of brass, and their chapiters, with the golden 
 tables and the candlesticks; and when he had carried 
 these off, he set fire to the temple in the fifth month, 
 the first day of the month, on the eleventh year of 
 the reign of Zedekiah, and in the eighteenth year 
 of Nebuchadnezzar; he also burnt the palace, and 
 overthrew the city. Xow the temple was burnt four 
 hundred and seventy years, six months and ten days, 
 after it was built. It was then one thousand and 
 sixty-two years, six months and ten days, from the 
 departure out of Egypt; and from the deluge to 
 the destruction of the temple, the whole interval 
 was one thousand nine hundred fiftv-seven years, 
 six months and ten days; but from the generation 
 of Adam, until this befell the temple, there were 
 three thousand five hundred and thirteen vears, six 
 months and ten days; so great was the number of 
 years hereto belonging. And what actions were 
 done during these years, we have particularly re- 
 lated. But the general of the Babylonian king now 
 overthrew the city to the very foundations, and re- 
 moved all the people, and took for prisoners the 
 high priest Seraiah, and Zephaniah the priest that 
 was next to him, and the rulers that guarded the
 
 102 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 temple, who were three in number, and the eunuch 
 who was over the armed men, and seven friends of 
 Zedekiah, and his scribe, and sixty other rulers, all 
 which, together with the vessels which they had pil- 
 laged, he carried to the king of Babylon to Riblah, 
 a city of Syria. So the king commanded the heads 
 of the high priest and of the rulers to be cut off 
 there; but he himself led all the captives, and Zede- 
 kiah to Babylon. He also led Josedek the high 
 priest away bound. He was the son of Seraiah 
 the high priest, whom the king of Babylon had slain 
 in Riblah, a city of Syria, as we have just now 
 related. 
 
 6. And now, because we have enumerated the 
 succession of the kings, and who they were, and 
 how long they reigned, I think it necessary to set 
 down the names of the high priests, and who they 
 were that succeeded one anotlier in the high priest- 
 hood under the kings. The first high priest then at 
 the temple which Solomon built, was Zadoc; after 
 him his son Achimas received tliat dignity; after 
 Achimas was Azarias; his son was Joram, and Joram's 
 son was Isus, after him was Axioramus; his son 
 was Phideas, and Phideas' son was Sudeas, and 
 Sudeas' son was Juelus, and Juelus' son was Jotham, 
 and Jotham's son was Urias, and Urias' son was 
 Nerias, and Nerias' son was Odeas, and his son was 
 Sallumus, and Sallumus' son was Elcias, and his 
 son ^ [was Azarias, and his son] was Sareas, and 
 his son was Josadoc, who was carried captive to 
 Babylon. All these received tlie high priesthood 
 by succession, the sons from their father. 
 
 ^ I have here inserted in l)r;ici<ets this high priest Azarias, though 
 lie be omitted in all Joseplnis' copies, out of tiie Jewish elirouicle, Sedar 
 Olani, because we know i"roin Jose))iuis liiniself, tliat the nunil)er of 
 the higli priests belonging to this interval was eighteen, Antiq. B. XX. 
 ch. X. whereas his coi)ics lia\c here but sc\cntecn.
 
 Chap. IX. OF TIIK .TEWS. 10.3 
 
 7. When the king was come to Babylon, lie kept 
 Zedekiah in prison until he died, and buried him 
 magnificently, and dedicated the vessels he had pil- 
 laged out of the temple of Jerusalem to his own 
 gods, and planted the people in the country of Baby- 
 lon, but freed the high priest from his bonds. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Hoxi) Nehuzaradan set Gedaliah over the Jews thai 
 tvere left in Juclea, rchich Gedaliah tvas a little 
 afterward slain hij Ishviael: and, how Johanan, after 
 Ishmael was driven away, went down into Egypt 
 with the people, which people Nebuchadnezzar, 
 when he made an eivpedition against the Egyptians, 
 took captive, and brought them away to Babylon. 
 
 1. Now the general of the army, Nebuzaradan, 
 when he had carried the people of the Jews into 
 captivity, left the poor, and those that had deserted, 
 in the country, and made one, whose name was 
 Gedaliah, the son of Ahikam, a person of a noble 
 family, their governor; which Gedaliah was of a 
 gentle and righteous disposition. He also com- 
 manded them that they should cultivate the ground, 
 and pay an appointed tribute to the king. He also 
 took Jeremiah the prophet out of prison, and would 
 have persuaded him to go along with him to Babylon, 
 for that he had been enjoined by the king to supply 
 him with whatsoever he wanted: and if he did not 
 like to do so, he desired him to inform him M^here 
 he resolved to dwell, that he might signify the same 
 to the king: but the prophet had no mind to follow
 
 104 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 him, nor to dwell any where else, but would gladly 
 live in the ruins of his country, and in the miserable 
 remains of it. When the general understood what 
 his purpose was, he enjoined Gedaliah, whom he 
 left behind, to take all possible care of him, and 
 to supply him with whatsoever he wanted: So when 
 he had given him rich presents, he dismissed him. 
 Accordingly, Jeremiah abode in a city of that country, 
 which was called Mis pah; and desired of Xebuzara- 
 dan, that he would set at liberty his disciple ^ Baruch, 
 the son of Neraiah, one of a verv eminent familv, 
 and exceeding skilful in the language of his country. 
 2. When Xebuzaradan had done thus, he made 
 haste to Babylon: But as to those that fled away 
 during the siege of Jerusalem, and had been scat- 
 tered over the countrv, when thev heard that the 
 Babylonians were gone away, and had left a remnant 
 in the land of Jerusalem, and those such as were to 
 cultivate the same, they came together from all 
 parts to Gedaliah to INIispah. Xow the rulers that 
 were over them were Johanan, the son of Kareah, 
 and Jazeniah, and Seraiah, and others beside them. 
 Xow there was of the royal family one Ishmael, a 
 wicked man, and very crafty, who during the siege 
 of Jerusalem, fled to Baalis, the king of the Am- 
 monites, and abode with him during that time: And 
 Gedaliah persuaded them now they were there, to 
 stay with him, and to have no fear of the Babylonians, 
 for that if they would cultivate the country, they 
 should suffer no harm. This he assured them of by 
 oath; and said, that they should have him for their 
 patron, and that if any disturbance should arise, 
 they should find him ready to defend them. He 
 
 * Of this character of Baruch the son of Neraiah, and the genuineness 
 of his book that stands now in the Apocrypha, and that it is really a 
 canonical book, and an appendix to Jeremiah, see Authent. Rec. Part I. 
 pp. 1-11.
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 10.5 
 
 also advised them to dwell in any city, as every one 
 of them pleased; and that they would send men 
 along with his own servants, and rebuild their houses 
 upon the old foundations, and dwell there, and he 
 admonished them beforehand, that they should make 
 preparation, while the season lasted, of corn, and 
 wine, and oil, that they might have whereon to feed 
 during the winter. When he had thus discoursed 
 to them, he dismissed them, that every one might 
 dwell in M'hat place of the country he pleased. 
 
 3. Xow when this report was spread abroad as 
 far as the nations that bordered on Judea, that 
 Gedaliah kindly entertained those that came to him, 
 after they had fled away, upon this (only) condi- 
 tion, that they should pay tribute to the king of 
 Babvlon, thev also came readilv to Gedaliah, and 
 inhabited the country. And when Johanan and the 
 rulers that were with him observed the countrv, and 
 the humanity of Gedaliah, they were exceedingly 
 in love with him, and told him that Baalis, the king 
 of the Ammonites, had sent Ishmael to kill him 
 by treachery, and secretly, that he might have the 
 dominion over the Israelites, as being of the royal 
 family; and they said that he might deliver himself 
 from this treacherous design, if he would give them 
 leave to slay Ishmael, and nobody should know it, 
 for they told him they were afraid that when he 
 was killed bv the other, the entire ruin of the re- 
 maining strength of the Israelites would ensue: But 
 he professed, That "he did not believe what they 
 said, when they told him of such a treacherous de- 
 sign, in a man that had been well treated by him; 
 because it was not probable that one who, under 
 such a want • of all things, had failed of nothing 
 that was necessary for him, should be found so 
 wicked and ungrateful towards his benefactor, that
 
 106 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 when it would be an instance of wickedness in him 
 not to save him, had he been treacherously assaulted 
 by others to endeavour, and that earnestly, to kill 
 him with his own hand: That however, if he ought 
 to suppose this information to be true, it was better 
 for himself to be slain by the other, than to destroy 
 a man who fled to him for refuge, and entrusted 
 his own safety to him, and committed himself to 
 his disposal." 
 
 4. So Johanan, and the rulers that were with 
 him not being able to persuade Gedaliah, went away: 
 but after the interval of thirty days was over, Ish- 
 mael came again to Gedaliah, to the city Mispah 
 and ten men with him, and when he had feasted 
 Ishmael, and those that were with him in a splendid 
 manner, at his table, and had given them presents, 
 he became disordered in drink, while he endeavoured 
 to be very merry with them; and when Ishmael 
 ^aw him in that case, and that he was drowned in 
 his cups to the degree of insensibility, and fallen 
 asleep, he rose on a sudden, with his ten friends, 
 and slew Gedaliah and those that were with him 
 at the feast, and when he had slain them, he went 
 out by night, and slew all the Jews that were in 
 the city, and those soldiers also which were left 
 therein by the Babylonians: But the next day four- 
 score men came out of the country with presents to 
 Gedaliah, none of them knowing what had befallen 
 him; when Ishmael saw them, he invited them in 
 to Gedaliah, and when they were come in, he shut 
 up the court, and slew them, and cast their dead 
 bodies down into a certain deep pit, that they might 
 not be seen; but of these fourscore men Ishmael 
 spared those that entreated him not to kill them; 
 till tliey had delivered u]) to him wliat riches they 
 had concealed in the fields, consisting of their furni-
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 107 
 
 ture, and garments, and corn: but he took captive 
 the people that were in IVIispah, with their wives 
 and children; among whom were the daughters of 
 king Zedekiah, whom Nebuzaradan, the general of 
 the army of Babylon, had left with Gedaliah: And 
 when he had done this, he came to the king of the 
 Ammonites. 
 
 5. But when Johanan and the rulers with him 
 heard of what was done at Mispah by Ishmael, and 
 of the death of Gedaliah, they had indignation at 
 it, and every one of them took his own armed men 
 and came suddenly to fight with Ishmael, and over- 
 took him at the fountain in Hebron: And when 
 those that were carried away captives by Ishmael, 
 saw Johanan and the rulers, they were very glad; 
 and looked upon them as coming to their assistance; 
 so they left him that had carried them captives, and 
 came over to Johanan: then Ishmael, with eight 
 men, fled to the king of the Ammonites; but Jo- 
 hanan took those whom he had rescued out of the 
 hands of Ishmael, and the eunuchs, and their wives 
 and children, and came to a certain place called 
 Mandra, and there they abode that day, for they 
 had determined to remove from thence, and go into 
 Egypt, out of fear lest the Babylonians should slay 
 them in case thev continued in the countrv, and 
 that out of anger at the slaughter of Gedaliah, mIio 
 had been by them set over it for governor. 
 
 6. Now while they were under this deliberation, 
 Johanan, the son of Kareah, and the rulers that 
 were witli liim, came to Jeremiah the prophet, and 
 desired that he would pray to God that because they 
 were at an utter loss a})out what thev ouoht to do, 
 he would discover it to them, and they sware that 
 they would do whatsoevei- Jeremiah should say to 
 them. And when the ])rophet said he woidd be
 
 108 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 their intercessor with God, it came to pass, that 
 after ten days God appeared to him, and said, "That 
 he would inform Johanan and the other rulers, and 
 all the people, that he would be with them while 
 thev continued in that country, and take care of 
 them, and keep them from being hurt by the Baby- 
 lonians, of whom they were afraid, but that he would 
 desert them, if they went into Egypt, and out » of 
 his wrath against tliem, would inflict the same pun- 
 ishments upon them which they knew their brethren 
 had already endured." So when the prophet had 
 informed Johanan and the people that God had 
 foretold these things, he was not believed, when he 
 said that God commanded them to continue in that 
 country, but they imagined that he said so to gratify 
 Baruch, his own disciple, and belied God, and that 
 he persuaded them to stay there, that they might 
 be destroyed by the Babylonians. Accordingly, both 
 the people and Johanan disobeyed the counsel of 
 God, which he gave tliem by the prophet, and re- 
 moved into Egypt, and carried Jeremiah and Baruch 
 along with him. 
 
 7. And when they were there, God signified to 
 the prophet, tliat the king of Ba])ylon was about 
 making an expedition against the Egyptians, and 
 commanded him to foretell to the people that Egypt 
 should be taken, and tlie king of Babylon should slay 
 some of them, and should take others captive, and 
 bring them to Babylon; which things came to pass 
 accordingly: for on the fifth year after the destruc- 
 tion of Jerusalem, whicli was the twenty-third of 
 the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, he made an expedition 
 against Celoesyria, and when he had possessed him- 
 self of it, he made war against the Ammonites and 
 Moabites; and when he had brought all these na- 
 tions under sul)jection, lie fell upon Egypt, in order
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 109 
 
 to overthrow it; and he slew the ^ king that then 
 reigned, and set up another; and he took those Jews 
 that were there captives, and led them away to 
 Bahylon. And such was the end of the nation of 
 the Hebrews, as it hath been delivered down to us, 
 it having gone twice beyond Euphrates; for the 
 people of the ten tribes were carried out of Samaria 
 by the Assyrians, in the days of king Hoshea; after 
 which the people of the two tribes that remained 
 after Jerusalem was taken, [were carried away] by 
 Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon and Chaldea. 
 Now as to Shalmanezer, he removed the Israelites 
 out of their country, and placed therein the nation 
 of the Cutheans, who had formerly lielonged to 
 the inner parts of Persia and Media, but were then 
 called Samaritans, by taking the name of the country 
 to which they were removed; but the king of Baby- 
 lon, who brought out the two tribes," placed no 
 other nation in their country, by which means all 
 Judea and Jerusalem, and the temple, continued 
 to be a desert for seventy years: but the entire in- 
 terval of time which passed from the captivity of 
 the Israelites, to the carrying away of the two tribes, 
 proved to be an hundred and thirty years six months 
 and ten days. 
 
 * Herodotus says, this king of Egypt [Pharaoh Hophra, or Apries] 
 was slain by the Egyptians, as Jeremiah foretold his slaughter by his 
 enemies, Jer. xliv. 39, 30, and that as a sign of the destruction of Eg\'pt 
 [by Nebuchadnezzar,] Josephus says, this king was slain by Xebuchad- 
 nezzar himself. 
 
 ^ We see here that Judea was left in a manner desolate after the 
 captivity of the two tribes, and was not repeopled with foreign colonies, 
 perhaps as an indication of Providence that the Jews were to repeople 
 it without opposition themselves. I also esteem the latter and present 
 desolate condition of the same country, without being repeopled by 
 foreign colonies, to be a like indication, that the same Jews are here- 
 after to repeople it again themselves, at their so long expected future 
 restoration.
 
 110 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Concerning Daniel, and what befell him at Babylon. 
 
 1. But now Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon took 
 some of the most noble of the Jews that were children 
 and the kinsmen of Zedekiah their king, such as were 
 remarkable for the beauty of their bodies, and the 
 comeliness of their countenances, and delivered them 
 into the hands of tutors, and to the improvement to 
 be made by them. He also made some of them to 
 })e eunuchs; which course he took also with those of 
 other nations, whom he had taken in the flower of 
 their age, and afforded them their diet from his own 
 table, and had them instructed in the institutes of 
 the country, and taught the learning of the Chaldeans ; 
 and they had now exercised themselves sufficiently in 
 that wisdom which he had ordered they should apply 
 themselves to. Nom^ among these there were four of 
 the family of Zedekiah, of most excellent dispositions, 
 one of whom was called Daniel, another was called 
 Ananias, another Mesacl, and the fourth ^izarias: 
 And the king of Babylon changed their names, and 
 commanded that they should make use of other names: 
 Daniel he called Baltasar, Ananias, Shadrach, jMesael, 
 Meshach, and Azarias, ^ibednego. These the king 
 had in esteem, and continued to love, ])ecause of the 
 very excellent temper they were of, and because of 
 their aj^plication to learning, and the progress they 
 had made in wisdom. 
 
 2. Now Daniel and his kinsmen, had resolved to 
 use a severe diet, and to abstain from those kinds of 
 food whicli came from the king's ta])le, and entirely 
 to forbear to eat of all living creatures: So he came
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. Ill 
 
 to Ashpenaz, who was that ' eunuch to whom the 
 care of them was committed, and desired him to take 
 and spend what was brought for them from the king, 
 but to give them pulse and dates for their food, and 
 any thing else, besides the flesh of living creatures, 
 that he pleased; for that their inclinations were to 
 that sort of food, and that they despised the other. 
 Pie replied, that he was ready to serve them in what 
 they desired, but he suspected that they would be 
 discovered by the king, from their meagre bodies, 
 and the alteration of their countenances, because it 
 could not be avoided but their bodies and colours must 
 be changed with their (het, especially while they would 
 ])e clearly discovered by the finer appearance of the 
 other children, who would fare better, and thus they 
 should bring him in danger, and occasion him to be 
 punished: yet did they persuade Arioch, who was 
 thus fearful, to give them what food they desired for 
 ten days, bv wav of trial, and in case the habit of 
 their bodies were not altered, to go on m the same 
 way, as expecting that they should not be hurt thereby 
 afterwards, but if he saw them look meagre, and worse 
 than the rest, he should reduce them to their former 
 diet. Now, when it appeared that they were so far 
 from ])ecoming worse by the use of this food, that 
 they grew plumper and fuller in body than the rest, 
 insomuch that he thought those who fed on what came 
 from the king's table seemed less plump and full, 
 while those that were with Daniel looked as if they 
 had lived in plenty, and all sorts of luxury; Arioch, 
 from that time, securely took himself what the king 
 
 * That Daniel was made one of these eunuchs of which Tsaiah propli- 
 esied, Isa. xxxix. T, and the tliree children his companions also, seems 
 to me plain, both here in Josephus, and in our copies of Daniel, Dan. 
 i. 3, r;, T-11, 18, althoug^h it must be granted that some married persons, 
 that liad children were sometimes called eunuchs, in a general acceptation 
 for courtiers, on account that so many of the ancient courtiers were real 
 eunudis. See Cicn. xxxix. 1.
 
 112 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 sent every day from his supper, according to custom, 
 to the children, but gave them the forementioned diet, 
 while they had their souls in some measure more pure, 
 and less burdened, and so fitter for learning, and had 
 their bodies in better tune for hard labour, for they 
 neither had the former oppressed and heavy with 
 variety of meats, nor were the other effeminate on 
 the same account; so they readily understood all the 
 learning that was among the Hebrews, and among 
 the Chaldeans, as especially did Daniel, who being 
 already sufficiently skilful in wisdom, was very busy 
 about the interpretation of dreams; and God mani- 
 fested himself to him. 
 
 3. Now two years after the destruction of Egypt, 
 king Nebuchadnezzar saw a wonderful dream, the 
 accomplishment of which God showed him in his 
 sleep, but when he arose out of his bed, he forgot the 
 accomplishment: So he sent for the Chaldeans and 
 magicians, and the prophets, and told them, that he 
 had seen a dream, and informed them that he had 
 forgotten the accomplishment of what he had seen, 
 and he enjoined them to tell him, both what the dream 
 was, and what was its signification; and they said that 
 this was a thing impossible to be discovered by men, 
 but they promised him, that if he would explain to 
 them what dream he had seen, they would tell him its 
 signification. Hereupon he threatened to put them to 
 death; unless they told him his dream: and he gave 
 command to have them all put to death, since they 
 confessed they could not do what they were com- 
 manded to do. Now when Daniel heard that the 
 king had given a command, that all the wise men 
 should be put to death, and that among them himself 
 and his three kinsmen were in danger, he went to 
 Arioch, who was captain of tlie king's guards, and 
 desired to know of him wliat was the reason wliv the
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 113 
 
 king had given command that all the wise men, and 
 Chaldeans, and magicians, should be slain. So when 
 he had learned that the king had had a di-eam, and had 
 forgotten it, and that when they were enjoined to 
 inform the king of it, they had said they could not 
 do it, and had thereby provoked him to anger; he 
 desired of Arioch that he would go in to the king, and 
 desire respite for the magicians for one night, and to 
 put off their slaughter so long, for that he hoped 
 within that time to obtain, by prayer to God, the 
 knowledge of the dream. Accordingly, Arioch in- 
 formed the king of what Daniel desired: So the king 
 bid them delay the slaughter of the magicians till he 
 knew what Daniel's promise would come to; but the 
 young man retired to his own house, with his kinsmen, 
 and besought God that whole night to discover the 
 dream, and thereby deliver the magicians and Chal- 
 deans, with whom they were themselves to perish, 
 from the king's anger, by enabling him to declare his 
 vision, and to make manifest what the king had seen 
 the night before in his sleep, but had forgotten it. 
 Accordingly, God out of pity to those that were in 
 danger, and out of regard to the wisdom of Daniel, 
 made known to him the dream and its interpretation, 
 that so the king might understand by him its significa- 
 tion also. When Daniel had obtained this knowledge 
 from God, he arose very joyful, and told it his brethren, 
 and made them glad, and to hope well, that they 
 should now preserve their lives, of which they despaired 
 before, and had their minds full of nothing but the 
 thoughts of dying. So when he had with them re- 
 turned thanks to God who had commiserated their 
 youth, when it was day he came to Arioch, and desired 
 him to bring him to the king, because he would dis- 
 cover to him that dream which he had seen the night 
 before.
 
 lU ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 4. When Daniel was come in to the king, he 
 excused himself first, that "he did not pretend to be 
 wiser than the other Chaldeans and magicians, when, 
 upon their entire inability to discover his dream, he 
 was undertaking to inform him of it, for this was not 
 by his own skill, or on account of his having better 
 cultivated his understanding than the rest, but he said, 
 God hath had pity upon us, when we were in danger 
 of death, and when I prayed for the life of myself, 
 and of those of my own nation, hath made manifest 
 to me both the dream, and the interpretation thereof, 
 for I was not less concerned for thy glory than for 
 the sorrow that we were bv thee condemned to die, 
 while thou didst so unjustly command men, both good 
 and excellent in themselves, to be put to death, when 
 thou enjoinedst them to do what was entirely above 
 the reach of human wisdom, and requiredst of them 
 what was the work only of God. Wherefore, as thou 
 in thy sleep wast solicitous concerning those that should 
 succeed thee in the government of the whole world, 
 God was desirous to show thee all those that should 
 reign after thee, and to that end exhibited to thee the 
 following dream: Thou seemedst to see a great image 
 standing before thee, the head of which proved to be 
 of gold, the shoulders and arms of silver, and the belly 
 and the thighs of brass, but the legs and the feet of 
 iron; after which thou sawest a stone broken off from 
 a mountain, which fell upon the image and threw it 
 down and brake it to pieces, and did not permit any 
 part of it to remain whole, but the gold, the silver, 
 the iron, and the brass, became smaller than meal, 
 which upon the blast of a violent wind, was by force 
 carried away, and scattered abroad, but the stone did 
 increase to such a degree, that the whole earth beneath 
 it seemed to be filled therewith. This is the dream 
 which thou sawest, and its interpretation is as follows;
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 115 
 
 The head of gold denotes thee, and the kings of Babylon 
 that have been before thee ; but the two hands and arms 
 signify this, that your government shall be dissolved 
 by two kings; but another king that shall come from 
 the west, armed with brass, shall destroy that govern- 
 ment; and another government that shall be like unto 
 iron shall put an end to the power of the former, and 
 shall have dominion over all the earth, on account of 
 the nature of iron, which is stronger than that of gold, 
 of silver, and of brass." Daniel did also declare the 
 meaning of the ^ stone to the king, but I do not think 
 proper to relate it, since I have only undertaken to de- 
 scribe things past or things present, but not things that 
 are future : yet if any one be so very desirous of knowing 
 truth, as not to waive such points of curiosity, and can- 
 not curb his inclination for understanding the uncertain- 
 ties of futurity, and whether they will happen or not, 
 let him })e diligent in reading the book of Daniel, 
 which he will find among the sacred writings. 
 
 5. When Nebuchadnezzar heard this, and recol- 
 lected his dream, he was astonished at the nature of 
 Daniel, and fell upon his face, and saluted Daniel in 
 the manner that men worship God, and gave command 
 that he should be sacrificed to as a god. And this 
 was not all, for he also imposed the name of his own 
 god upon him, [Baltasar], and made him and his 
 kinsmen rulers of liis whole kingdom; which kinsmen 
 of his happened to fall into great danger by the envy 
 and malice of [theii- enemies] ; for they offended the 
 king upon the occasion following: he made an image 
 
 ' Of this most remarkable passage in Josephus, concerning tlie stone 
 cut out of the mountain, and destroyed the imrnie, which he would not 
 explain, but intimated to be a propiiecy of futurity, and proliably not 
 safe for him to explain, as belonging to the destruction of the Ronum 
 empire, take the words of Havcrcam]), ch. x. sect, i, "Xor is this to he 
 wondered at. that he would not now meddle with things future, for he 
 had no mind to provoke the Romans, hy speaking of the destruction of 
 that cltv wliich thev called the rlcnnil cilii."
 
 H6 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 of gold, whose height was sixty cubits, and its breadth 
 six cubits, and set it in the great plain of Babylon; 
 and when he was going to dedicate the image, he in- 
 vited the principal men out of all the earth that was 
 under his dominions, and commanded them in the first 
 place, that when they should hear the sound of the 
 trumpet they should then fall down and worship the 
 image; and he threatened, that those who did not so, 
 should be cast into a fiery furnace. When therefore 
 all the rest, upon the hearing of the sound of the 
 trumpet, worshipped the image, they related that 
 Daniel's kinsmen did not do it, because they would 
 not transgress the laws of their country: So these 
 men were convicted and cast immediately into the 
 fire, but were saved by divine providence, and after 
 a surprising manner escaped death, for the fire did 
 not touch them: and I suppose that it touched them 
 not, as if it reasoned with itself, that they were cast 
 into it without any fault of theirs, and that therefore 
 it was too weak to burn the young men when they 
 were in it. This was done by the power of God, who 
 made their bodies so far superior to the fire, that it 
 could not consume them. This it was which recom- 
 mended them to the king as righteous men, and men 
 beloved of God, on which account they continued in 
 gi-eat esteem with him. 
 
 6. A little after this the king saw in his sleep again 
 another vision; how he should fall from his dominion, 
 and feed among the wild beasts, and that when he had 
 lived in this manner in the desert for ^ seven years, 
 
 ^ Since Josephus here explains the seven prophetic times which were 
 to pass over Nel)uclia(hiczzar, Dan. iv. 16, to be seven years, we thence 
 learn how he most probably nnist have understood those other parallel 
 phrases, of a time, times and an half, Antiq. B. VII. ch. xxv. of so 
 many prophetic years also, though he withal lets us know, by this hint 
 at the interjiretation of the seventy irreks. as belonfrinfj to the fourth 
 monarchv, and the destruction of Jerusalem by the Honians in the days 
 of Josephus, ch. ii. sect. 7, tlat he did not think those years to be bara
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 117 
 
 he should recover his dominion again. When he had 
 seen this dream, he called the magicians together 
 again, and inquired of them about it, and desired them 
 to tell him what it signified; but when none of them 
 could find out the meaning of the dream, nor discover 
 it to the king, Daniel was the only person that ex- 
 plained it: and as he foretold so it came to pass; for 
 after he had continued in the wilderness the fore- 
 mentioned interval of time, while no one durst attempt 
 to seize his kingdom during those seven years, he 
 prayed to God that he might recover his kingdom, 
 and he returned to it. But let no one blame me for 
 writing down every thing of this nature, as I find 
 it in our ancient books; for as to that matter, I have 
 plainly assured those that think me defective in any 
 such point, or complain of my management, and have 
 told them in the beginning of this history, that I in- 
 tended to do no more than translate the Hebrew books 
 into the Greek language, and promised them to explain 
 those facts, without adding any thing to them of my 
 own, or taking any thing away from them. 
 
 years, but rather days for years; by which reckoning, and by which 
 alone, could 70 weeks, or 490 days reach to the age of Josephus. But 
 as to the truth of those seven years' banishment of Nebuchadnezzar from 
 men, and his living so long among the beasts, the very small remains 
 we have any where else of this Nebuchadnezzar, prevent our expectation 
 of any other full account of it. So far we know by Ptolemy's canon, a 
 contemporary record, as well as by Josephus presently, that he reigned 
 in all 43 years, that is, eight years after we meet with any account of 
 his actions; one of the la^t, of which was the 13 years siege of Tyre, 
 Antiq. B. X. ch. xi. where yet the Old Latin has but three years and 
 ten months, yet were his actions liefore so remarkable, both in sacred and 
 profane authors, that such vacuity of eight years at the least, at tne 
 latter end of his reign, must be allowed to agree very well with Daniel's 
 accounts, that after a seven years' brutal life, he might return to his 
 reason, and to the exercise of his royal authority, for one whole year at 
 least before his death.
 
 118 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Concerning Nehuchadnezzar and his successors: and 
 Jiow their government tca.s dissolved by the Persians; 
 and tchat tilings befell Daniel in Media, and what 
 jn-ophecies he delivered there. 
 
 1. Now when kino- Nebiicliadnezzar had reigned 
 ^ forty-three years, he ended liis life. He was an 
 active man, and more fortunate than the kings that 
 were before him. Now Berosus makes mention of 
 his actions in the third book of his Chaldaic history, 
 where he says thus: "When his father Nebuchodonosor 
 [Nabopollassar] heard that the governor whom he 
 had set over Egypt, and the places about Celoesyria 
 and Phenicia, had revolted from him, while he was 
 not himself able any longer to undergo the hardships 
 [of war], he committed to his son Nebuchadnezzar, 
 who was still but a youth, some parts of his army, 
 and sent them against them. So when Nebuchadnez- 
 zar had given battle, and fought with the rebel, he 
 beat him, and reduced the country from under his 
 subjection, and made it a branch of his own kingdom; 
 but about that time it happened, that his father Neb- 
 uchodonosor [Nabopollassar] fell ill, and ended his 
 life in the city Babylon, when he had reigned " twenty- 
 
 ' These 43 years for the duration of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar are, 
 as I liave just now observed, tlie very same numl)er in Ptolemy's canon. 
 Moses Chorenensis docs also confirm this captivity of the Jews under 
 Nebuchadnezzar, and adds, what is very rciMarkal)lc, that one of those 
 Jews that were carried l)y him into ca})tivity jjot away into Armenia, 
 and raised the great family of the Bagradita> there. 
 
 ^ These 21 years here ascrii>ed to one nanu-d Xohnuloasfr in the first 
 book against A])ion, or to Naliopollassar, the father of the great Nebuchad- 
 nezzar, are also the very same with those giv«'n him in Ptolemy's canon. 
 And note here, that what Dr. Pridcaux says, at the year (il2, that 
 Nebuchadnezzar must haxc l)een a conMiioii name of the other kings of
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 119 
 
 one years; and when he was made sensible, as he was 
 in a Httle time, that his father Nebuchodonosor [Nab- 
 opollassar] was dead, and having settled the affairs 
 of Egypt, and the other countries, as also those 
 that concerned the captive Jews and Phenicians, 
 and Syrians, and those of the Egyptian nations, and 
 having committed the conveyance of them to Babylon 
 to certain of his friends, together with the gross of 
 his army, and the rest of their ammunition and pro- 
 visions, he went himself hastily, accompanied with a 
 few others, over the desert, and came to Babylon. 
 So he took upon him the management of public affairs, 
 and of the kingdom which had been kept for him 
 by one that was the principal of the Chaldeans, and 
 lie received the entire dominions of his father, and 
 appointed, that when the captives came, they should 
 be placed as colonies, in the most proper places of 
 Babylonia: but then he adorned the temple of Belus, 
 and the rest of the temples, in a magnificent manner, 
 with the spoils he had taken in war. He also added 
 another city to that which was there of old, and 
 rebuilt it, that such as would besiege it hereafter 
 might no more turn the course of the river, and 
 thereby attack the city itself: He therefore built 
 three walls round about the inner city, and three 
 others about that which was the outer, and this he 
 did with burnt brick. And after he had, after a 
 becoming manner, walled the city, and adorned its 
 gates gloriously, he built another palace before his 
 father's palace, but so that they joined to it; to 
 describe whose vast height, and immense riches, it 
 would perhaps be too much for me to attempt; yet 
 as large and lofty as they were, they were completed 
 
 Babylon, besides the great Xebuehadnezzar himself, is a proundless 
 mistake of some modem ehronologers only, and destitute of all proper 
 original authority.
 
 120 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 in ^ fifteen days. He also erected elevated places for 
 walking, of stone, and made it resemble mountains, 
 and built it so that it might be planted with all sorts 
 of trees. He also erected what was called a pensile 
 paradise, because his wife was desirous to have things 
 like her own country, she having been bred up in the 
 palaces of Media." JVIegasthenes also, in his fourth 
 book of his accounts of India, makes mention of these 
 things, and thereby endeavours to show that this king 
 [Nebuchadnezzar] exceeded Hercules, in fortitude, 
 and in the greatness of his actions; for he saith, that 
 "he conquered a great part of Lybia and Iberia." 
 Diodes also, in the second book of his accounts of 
 Persia, mentions this king; as does Philostrates in his 
 accounts both of India and of Phenicia, say, that 
 "this king besieged Tyre thirteen years, while at the 
 same time Ethball reigned at Tyre." These are all 
 the histories that I have met with concerning this 
 king. 
 
 2. But now after the death of Nebuchadnezzar, 
 Evil-Merodach his son succeeded in the kingdom, who 
 immediately set Jeconiah at liberty, and esteemed him 
 among his most intimate friends: He also gave him 
 many presents, and made him honourable above the 
 rest of the kings that were in Babylon; for his father 
 had not kept his faith with Jeconiah, when he volun- 
 tarily delivered up himself to him, with his wives and 
 children, and his whole kindred, for the sake of his 
 country, that it might not be taken by siege, and 
 
 * These fifteen days for finishing such vast buildings at Babylon, in 
 Josephus' copy of Berosus, would seem too absurd to be supposed to be 
 the true number, were it not for the same testimony extant also in the 
 first book against Apion, sect. 19, with the same number. It thence in- 
 deed appears, that Josephus' copy of Bcmsus had this small number, 
 but that it is the true number 1 still doubt. Josephus assures us, that 
 the walls of so much a smaller city as Jerusalem were two years and 
 four months in building by Nehemiah, who yet hastened the work all 
 he could, Antiq. B_. XI. ch. v, sect. 8. I should think 115 days, or a 
 year and 15 days, much more proportionable to so great a work.
 
 Chap. XI. OF TPIE JEWS. 121 
 
 utterly destroyed, as we said before. When Evil- 
 Merodach was dead, after a reign of eighteen years, 
 Nighssar his son took the government, and retained it 
 forty years, and then ended his hfe: and after him 
 the succession in the kingdom came to his son Lab- 
 ofordacus, who continued in it in all but nine months; 
 and when he was dead it came to ^ Baltasar, who, by 
 the Babylonians, was called Xaboandelus ; against him 
 did Cyrus, the king of Persia, and Darius, the king of 
 INIedia, make war; and when he was besieged in Baby- 
 lon, there happened a wonderful and prodigious vision. 
 He was sat down at supper in a large room, and there 
 were a great many vessels of silver, such as were made 
 for royal entertainments, and he had with him his 
 concubines, and his friends; whereupon he came to a 
 resolution, and commanded that those vessels of God 
 which Nebuchadnezzar had plundered out of Jerusa- 
 lem, and had not made use of, but had put them into 
 his own temple, should be brought out of that temple. 
 He also grew^ so haughty as to proceed to use them 
 in the midst of his cups drinking out of them, and 
 blaspheming against God. In the mean time he saw 
 a hand proceed out of the wall, and writing upon the 
 
 ' It is here remarkable, that Josephus, without the knowledge of 
 Ptolemy's canon, should call the same king whom he himself here (Bar. 
 i. 11, and Dan. v. 1, 2, 9, 12, 22, 29, 30,) styles Beltazar, or Belshazzar, 
 from the Babylonian god Bel, Neboanflelus also; but in the first book 
 against Apion sect. 19, vol. iii. from the same citation out of Berosus, 
 Nabonncdon, from the Babylonian god Xabo or Xebo. This last is not 
 remote from the original pronunciation itself in Ptolemy's canon, ya- 
 bonadius, for both the place of this king in that canon, as the last of 
 the Assyrian or Babylonian kings, and the number of years of his reign, 
 seventeen, the same in both, demonstrate that it is one and the same 
 king that is meant by them all. It is also worth noting, that Josephus 
 knew that Darius, the partner of Cyrus, was the son of Astyages, and 
 was called by another name among the Greeks, though it does not appear 
 he knew what that name was, as having never seen the best history of 
 this period, which is Xenophon's: But then what Josephus' present copies 
 say presently, sect. 4, that it was only within no long time after the 
 hand writing on the wall that Beltasar was slain, does not so agree with 
 our copies of Daniel, which say it was the same night, Dan. v. 30.
 
 122 AXTTQUITIES Book x. 
 
 wall certain syllables: at which sight being disturbed, 
 he called the magicians and Chaldeans together, and 
 all that sort of men that are among these Barbarians, 
 and were able to interpret signs and dreams, that 
 they might explain the writing to him. But when 
 the magicians said they could discover nothing, nor 
 did understand it, the king was in great disorder of 
 mind, and under great trouble at this surprising ac- 
 cident, so he caused it to be proclaimed through all 
 the country, and promised, that to him who could 
 ex2:)lain the writing, and give the signification couched 
 therein, he would give him a golden chain for his neck, 
 and leave to wear a purple garment, as did the kings 
 of Chaldea, and would l)estow on him the third part 
 of his own dominions. When this proclamation was 
 made, the magicians ran together more earnestly, and 
 werp very ambitious to find out the importance of the 
 writing, but still hesitated about it as much as before. 
 Now when the king's ^ grandmother saw him cast 
 down at this accident, she began to encourage him, 
 and to say, that "there was a certain captive who came 
 from Judea, a Jew by birth, but brought away thence 
 by Xebuchadnezzar, when he had destroyed Jerusalem, 
 whose name was Daniel, a wise man, and one of great 
 sagacity in finding out what was impossible for others 
 to discover, and what was known to God alone; who 
 brought to light and answered such questions to Neb- 
 uchadnezzar, as no one else was able to answer, when 
 they were consulted. She therefore desired that he 
 would send for him, and inquire of him concerning 
 the writing, and to condemn the unskilfulness of those 
 that could not find their meaning, and this, although 
 
 ' This grandmother or inotlior of Baltasar, the queen Dowager of 
 Babylon, (for she is distinguished from liis queen, Dan. v. 10, 23,) seems 
 to have been the famous Xitceris, who fortified Babylon against the 
 Medes and Persians, and in all probability governed under Baltasar, who 
 seems to liave been a weak and effeminate prince.
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 123 
 
 what God signified thereby should be of a melancholy 
 nature." 
 
 3. When Baltasar heard this, he called for Daniel; 
 and when he had discoursed to him what he had learned 
 concerning him and his wisdom, and how a divine 
 spirit was with him; and that he alone was fully 
 capable of finding out what others would never have 
 thought of. he .desired liim to declare to him what 
 this writing meant: That if he did so, he would give 
 him leave to wear purple, and to put a chain of gold 
 aliout his neck, and would bestow on him the third 
 jjart of his dominion, as an honorary reward for his 
 wisdom, that thereby he might become illustrious to 
 those who saw him, and who in(piired upon what oc- 
 casion he obtained such honours. But Daniel desired. 
 That "he would keep his gifts to himself: for what 
 is the effect of wisdom, and of divine revelation, admits 
 of no gifts, and bestows its advantages on petitioners 
 freely, but that still he would explain the writing to 
 him: which denoted, that he should soon die, and this 
 because he had not learnt to honour God, and not to 
 admit things above human nature, by what punish- 
 ments his progenitors had undergone, for the injuries 
 he had offered to God; and because he had quite for- 
 gotten how Xebuchadnezzar was removed to feed 
 among wild beasts, for his impieties, and did not re- 
 cover his former life among men, and his kingdom, 
 but upon God's mercy to him, after many supplica- 
 tions and prayers; who did thereupon praise God all 
 the days of his life, as one of almighty power, and 
 who takes care of mankind. [He also put him in 
 mind] how he had greatly blasphemed against God, 
 and had made use of his vessels, amongst his con- 
 cubines: that therefore God saw tliis. and was angry 
 with him, and declared by this wi-iting ])eforehand 
 what a sad conclusion of his life he should come
 
 124 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 to. And he explained the writing thus; — MAN EH. 
 This, if it be expounded in the Greek language, may 
 signify, a y umber, because God hath numbered so 
 long a time for thy life, and for thy government, and 
 that there remains but a small portion. THEKEL. 
 This signifies, a Weight, and means that God hath 
 weighed thy kingdom in a balance, and finds it going 
 down already. PHARES. This also, in the Greek 
 tongue, denotes a Fragment; God will therefore break 
 thy kingdom in pieces, and divide it among the ^ledes 
 and Persians." 
 
 4. When Daniel had told the king, that the writing 
 upon the wall signified these events, Baltasar was in 
 great sorrow and affliction, as was to be expected, 
 when the interpretation was so hea\y upon him. 
 However, lie did not refuse what he had promised 
 Daniel, although he were become a foreteller of mis- 
 fortunes to him, but bestowed it all upon him: as 
 reasoning thus, that what he was to reward was pecul- 
 iar to himself, and to fate, and did not belong to 
 the prophet; but that it was the part of a good and a 
 just man to give what he had promised, although the 
 events were of a melancholy nature. Accordingly, 
 the king determined so to do. Xow after a little 
 while, both himself, and the city, were taken by Cyrus, 
 the king of Persia, who fought against him; for it 
 was Baltasar, under whom Babylon was taken, when 
 he had reigned seventeen years. And this is the end 
 of the posterity of king Nebuchadnezzar, as history 
 informs us; but when Babylon was taken by Darius, 
 and when he, with his kinsman Cyrus, had put an end 
 to the dominion of the Babylonians, he was sixty-two 
 years old. He was the son of Astvages, and had 
 another name among the Greeks. ^Moreover, he took 
 Daniel the prophet, and carried him with him into 
 Media, and honoured him very greatly, and kept him
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 125 
 
 with him; for he was one of the three presidents 
 whom he set over his three hundred and sixty prov- 
 inces, for into so many did Darius part them. 
 
 5. However, while Daniel was in so great a 
 dignity, and in so great favour with Darius, and was 
 alone intrusted with every thing by him, as having 
 somew^hat divine in him, he was envied by the rest; 
 for those that see others in greater honour than them- 
 selves with kings, envy them: and when those that 
 were grieved at the great favour Daniel was in with 
 Darius, sought for an occasion against him, he af- 
 forded them no occasion at all, for he was above all 
 the temptations of money, and despised bribery, and 
 esteemed it a very base thing to take any thing by 
 way of reward, even when it might be justly given 
 him, he afforded those that envied him not the least 
 handle for an accusation. So when they could find 
 nothing for which they might calumniate him to the 
 king; nothing that was shameful or reproachful, and 
 thereby deprive him of the honour he was in with him, 
 thev souscht for some other method wherebv thev 
 might destroy him. When therefore they saw that 
 Daniel prayed to God three times a-day, they thought 
 they had gotten an occasion by w^hich they might 
 ruin him; so they came to Darius, and told him. That 
 "the princes and governors had thought proper to 
 allow the multitude a relaxation for thirty days, that 
 no one might offer a petition or prayer either to him- 
 self, or to the gods, but that he who shall transgress 
 this decree shall be cast into the den of lions, and 
 there perish." 
 
 6. Whereupon, the king, being not acquainted with 
 their wicked design, nor suspecting that it was a con- 
 trivance of theirs against Daniel, said, he was pleased 
 with this decree of theirs, and he promised to confirm 
 what they desired; he also published an edict to
 
 126 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 promulgate to the people that decree which the princes 
 had made. Accordingly, all the rest took care not 
 to transgress those injunctions, and rested in quiet; 
 but Daniel had no regard to them, but, as he was 
 wont, he stood and prayed to God in the sight of 
 them all: but the princes having met with the occa- 
 sion they so earnestly sought to find against Daniel, 
 came presently to the king, and accused liim, that 
 Daniel was the only person that transgressed the 
 decree, while not one of the rest durst pray to their 
 gods. This discovery they mrde, not because of his 
 impiety, but because they had watched him, and ob- 
 served him out of en^y; for supposing that Darius 
 did thus out of a greater kindness to him than they 
 expected, and that he was ready to grant him pardon 
 for this contempt of his injunctions, and envying 
 this very pardon to Daniel, they did not become more 
 favourable to him, but desire^^ hr might be cast into 
 the den of lions according to the law. So Darius, 
 lioping that God would deliver him, and that he would 
 undergo nothing that was terrible by the wild beasts, 
 bid him bear this accident cheerfully: And wlien he 
 was cast into the den, he put his seal to the stone that 
 lay upon the mouth of the den, and went his way; 
 ])ut he passed all the night without food, and without 
 slee]), being in great distress for Daniel. But when 
 it was day, he got up, and came to the den, and found 
 the seal entire, which he had left the stone sealed 
 withal; he also opened the seal, and cried out, and 
 called to Daniel, and asked him. If he were alive? 
 And as soon as he heard the king's voice, and said 
 that he had suffered no harm, the king gave order 
 that he should be drawn u]) out of the den. Now 
 when his enemies saw tliat Daniel liad suffered nothing 
 which was terri})le, they would not own tliat he was 
 preserved by God, and by his providence; but they
 
 C'liap. XI. OF TITK JEWS. 127 
 
 said, that the hons had been filled full with food, 
 and on that account it was, as they supposed, that 
 the lions would not touch Daniel, nor come to him; 
 and this they alleged to the king: But the king, out 
 of an abhorrence of their wickedness, gave order, that 
 they should throw in a great deal of flesh to the lions; 
 and when they had filled themselves, he gave farther 
 order, that Daniel's enemies should be cast into the den, 
 that he might learn whether the lions, now they were 
 full, would touch them or not. And it appeared plain to 
 Darius, aftei- the princes had been cast to the wild 
 beasts, that it was God who preserved Daniel, ^ for 
 the lions spared none of them, but tore them all to 
 pieces, as they had been very hungry, and wanted 
 food. I suppose therefore it was not their hunger, 
 which had been a little before satisfied with abundance 
 of flesh, but the wickedness of these men that pro- 
 voked them [to destroy the princes] ; for if it so 
 please God, that wickedness might, by even those ir- 
 rational creatures, be esteemed a jilain foundation for 
 their punishment. 
 
 7. When therefore those that had intended thus 
 to destroy Daniel by treachery, were themselves de- 
 stroyed, king Darius sent [letters] over all the coun- 
 try, and praised that God whom Daniel worshipped; 
 and said. That "he was the only true God, and had 
 all power." He had also Daniel in very great esteem, 
 and made him the principal of his friends. Now when 
 Daniel was become so illustrious and famous, on ac- 
 count of the opinion men had that he was beloved 
 
 ^ It Is no way improbable tliat Daniel's enemies might suggest this 
 reason to the king, why the lions did not meddle with him, and that 
 they suspected the king's kindness to Daniel had procured these lions 
 to be so filled beforehand, and that thence it was that he encouraged 
 Daniel to submit to this ex]ieriinent. in lio)>es of coming off safe; and 
 that this was the true reason of making so terrible an experiment upon 
 those his enemies, and all their f;iniilies, Dan. vi, 24, though our other 
 copies do not directly take tioiice of it.
 
 128 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 Oi God, he built a tower at Ecbatana in Media: it 
 was a most elegant building, and wonderfully made, 
 and it is still remaining, and preserved to this day; 
 and to such as see it, it appears to have been lately 
 built, and to have been no older than that verv day 
 when any one looks upon it, it is ^ so fresh, flourishing, 
 and beautiful, and no way grown old in so long time, 
 for buildings suffer the same as men do, they grow 
 old as well as thev, and bv numbers of years their 
 strength is dissolved, and their beauty withered. Xow 
 they bury the kings of ^ledia, of Persia, and Parthia, 
 in this tower to this day; and he who was entrusted 
 with the care of it, was a Jewish ]:)riest; which thing 
 is also observed to this day: But it is fit to give an 
 account of what this man did, which is most admirable 
 to hear, for he was so happy as to have strange revela- 
 tions made to him, and those as to one of the greatest 
 of the prophets, insomuch, that wliile he was alive 
 he had the esteem and applause both of the kings and 
 of the multitude, and now he is dead, he retains a 
 remembrance that will never fail, for the several books 
 that he wrote and left behind him are still read by 
 us till this time, and from them we believe that Daniel 
 conversed with God; for he did not only prophesy of 
 future events, as did the otlier prophets, but he also 
 determined the time of their accomplishment: And 
 while prophets used to foretell misfortunes, and on 
 that account were disagreeable both to the kings and 
 to the multitude, Daniel was to them a prophet of 
 
 ' AVhat Josephus here says, that the stones of the sepulchres of the 
 kings of Persia at this tower, or those perhaps of the same sort that 
 are now commonly called the ruins of Persepolis, continued so entire 
 •uid unaltered in his days, as if they were lately put there, "I, says 
 R eland, here can show to be true, as to those stones of the Persian 
 kings' mausoleum which Corn. Bnaiius brake off and gave me." He 
 rtscribed this to the hardness of the stone, which scarcely yields to iron 
 tools, and proves frequently too hard for cutting by the chissel, but 
 oftentimes breaks into pieces.
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 120 
 
 good things, and this to such a degree, that by the 
 agreeable nature of his predictions, he procured the 
 good-will of all men, and by the accomplishment of 
 them, he procured the belief of their truth, and the 
 opinion of [a sort of] divinity for himself, among 
 the multitude. He also wrote and left behind him 
 what made manifest tlie accuracy and undeniable 
 veracity of his predictions; For he saith, That "when 
 he was in Susa, the metropolis of Persia, and went 
 out into the field with his companions, there was, on 
 the sudden, a motion and concussion of the earth, 
 and that he was left alone by himself, his frienfls 
 flying away from him; and that he was disturbed, 
 and fell on his face, and on his two hands, and that 
 a certain person touched him, and, at the same time, 
 bid him rise, and see what would befall his countrv- 
 men after many generations. He also related, that 
 when he stood up, he was shown a great ram, with 
 many horns growing out of his head, and that the 
 last was higher than the rest: that after this he looked 
 to the west, and saw- a he-goat carried through the air 
 from that quarter; that he rushed upon the ram with 
 violence, and smote him twice with his horns, and 
 overthrew him to the ground, and trampled upon 
 him: that afterw^ard he saw a very great horn grow- 
 ing out of the head of the he-goat, and that wdien it 
 was broken off, four horns grew up that were ex- 
 posed to each of the four winds, and he wrote that 
 out of them arose another lesser horn, which, as he 
 said, waxed great; and that God showed to him. that 
 it should fight against his nation, and take their city 
 by force, and bring the temple- worship to confusim 
 and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for one thousan 1 
 two hundred and ninety-six days." Daniel wrot{> 
 that he saw these visions in the plain of Susa; and 
 he hath informed us, that God interpreted the ap-
 
 1^0 ANTIQUITIES Book x. 
 
 peamiice of this vision after the following manner; 
 "He said that tlie ram signified the kingdoms of the 
 JMedes and Persians, and the horns those kings that 
 were to reign in them: and that the last horn signified 
 the last king, and that he should exceed all the kings 
 in riches and glory: that the goat signified that one 
 should come and reign from the Greeks, who should 
 twice fight with the Persian, and overcome him in 
 battle, and should receive his entire dominion; that 
 by the great horn which sprang out of the forehead 
 of the he-goat was meant the first king; and that the 
 springing up of four liorns upon its falling off, and 
 the conversion of every one of tliem to the four quar- 
 ters of the earth, signified the successors that should 
 arise after the death of the first king, and the parti- 
 tion of the kingdom among tliem, arul that they should 
 be neither his children, nor of his kindred, that should 
 reimi over the habitable earth for many years; and 
 that from among them there should arise a certain 
 king that should overcome our nation and their laws, 
 and should take away their political government, and 
 should spoil the temple, and forbid the sacrifices to 
 be offered for three years' time." And indeed so 
 it came to pass, that our nation suffered these tilings 
 under Antiochus ' Epiphanes, according to Daniel's 
 vision, and what he wrote many years before they 
 came to pass. In the very same manner Daniel also 
 wrote concerning the Roman government, and that 
 our country should be made desolate by them. All 
 these things did this man leave in wi'iting, as God 
 had showed them to him, insomuch, that such as read 
 his prophecies, and see how they have been fulfilled, 
 would wonder at the honour wherewith God honoured 
 Daniel: and may tlience discover how the Epicureans 
 are in an error, who cast ])rovidence out of human 
 life, and do not beh'eve tliat (iod takes care of the
 
 Clmp. XI. OF THE JEWS. 131 
 
 affairs of the world, nor that the universe is governed 
 and continued in being by that blessed and immortal 
 nature, but say that the world is carried along of its 
 own accord, without 'a ruler and a curator: which, 
 were it destitute of a guide to conduct it, as they 
 imagine, it would })e like ships without pilots, which 
 we see drowned by the winds, or like chariots without 
 drivers, which are overtvirned, so would the world be 
 dashed in pieces by its being carried without a Prov- 
 idence, and so perish, and come to nought. So that, 
 by the forementioned predictions of Daniel, those 
 men seem to me very much to err from the truth, who 
 determine, that God exercises no providence over 
 human affairs; for if that were the case, that the world 
 went on by mechanical necessity, we should not see 
 that all things would come to pass according to his 
 prophecy. Xow as to myself, I have so described 
 these matters as I have found them and read them; 
 but if any one is inclined to another opinion about 
 them, let liim eniov his different sentiments without 
 anv blame from me.
 
 BOOK XI. 
 
 COXTATXIXG THE IXTERYAL OF TWO HUXDRED AXD FIFTY- 
 THREE YEARS AXD FTYE MOXTHS. 
 
 (FROM THE FIRST OF CYRUS TO THE DEATH OF ALEXAX- 
 
 DER THE GREAT.] 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 How Cyrus, king of the Persians, delivered the Jews 
 out of Babylon, and suffered them to return to 
 their own country, and to build their temple, for 
 which work he gave them money. 
 
 1. Ix the first year of the reign of ^ Cjtus, which 
 was the seYentieth from the day that our people 
 were remoYed out of their own land into Babylon, 
 God commiserated the captiYity and calamity of 
 these poor people, according as he had foretold 
 to them by Jeremiah the prophet, before the de- 
 struction of the city; that after they had serYcd 
 Nebuchadnezzar and his posterity, and after they 
 had undergone that serYitude scYcnty years, he would 
 restore them again to the land of their fathers, and 
 they should build their temple, and enjoy their ancient 
 
 ^ This Cyrns is called God's shepherd, by Xenophon, as well as by 
 Isaiah, Isa. xliv. 28, as also it is said of him by the same prophet, that 
 "I will make a man more precious than fine gold, even a man tTian the 
 golden wedge of Ophir," Isa. xiii. 12, which character makes Xenophon's 
 most excellent history of him very credible. 
 
 " 132
 
 Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 133 
 
 prosperity. And these things God did afford them: 
 for he stirred up the mind of Cyrus, and made him 
 write this throughout all Asia, "Thus saith Cyrus 
 the king, since God Almighty hath appointed me 
 to be king of the habitable earth, I believe that he 
 is that God which the nation of the Israelites worship, 
 for indeed he foretold my name by the prophets, and 
 that I should build him an house at Jerusalem, in 
 the country of Judea." 
 
 2. This was known to Cjtus by his reading the 
 book which Isaiah left behind him of his prophecies; 
 for this prophet said, that God hath spoken thus 
 to him in a secret vision; "My will is, that Cyrus, 
 whom I have appointed to be king over many and 
 great nations, send back -my people to their own 
 land; and build my temple." This was foretold by 
 Isaiah one hundred and forty years before the temple 
 was demolished. Accordingly when Cyi'us read this, 
 and admired the divine power, an earnest desire 
 and ambition seized unon him, to fulfil what was 
 so written; so he called for the most eminent Jews 
 that were in Babylon, and said to them, that "he 
 gave them leave to go back to their own country, 
 and to rebuild ^ their city Jerusalem, and the temple 
 of God, for that he would be their assistant, and 
 that he would write to the rulers and governors that, 
 were in the neighbourhood of their country of Judea, 
 
 ^ This leave to build Jerusalem, sect. 2, 3, and the epistle of Cyrus 
 to Sisinnes and Sathrahuzancs, to the same purpose, are most unfor- 
 tunately omitted in all our co])ies, but this best and completest copy of 
 Josephus, and by such omission the famous prophecy of Isaiah, Isa. xliv. 
 23, where we are informed, that God said of, or to Cyrus, "He is my 
 shepherd, and shall jierform all my pleasure; even saying to Jerusalem, 
 thou shalt be Imilt, and to the temple, thy foundation shall be laid," 
 could not hitherto be demonstrated from the sacred history to have been 
 completely fulfilled ; I mean as to that part of it which concerned his 
 giving leave or commission for rebuilding the city Jerusalem as distinct 
 from the temple, whose rebuilding is alone permitted or directed in tlie 
 decree of Cyrus in all our copies.
 
 13^ ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 that they should contribute to them gold and silver 
 for the building of the temple, and besides that, 
 beasts for their sacrifices." 
 
 3. When Cyrus had said this to the Israelites, 
 the rulers of the two tribes of Judah and Benjamin, 
 with the Levites, and priests, went in haste to Jeru- 
 salem, yet did many of them stay at Babylon, as 
 not willing to leave their possessions; and when they 
 were come thither, all the king's friends assisted 
 them, and brought in, for the building of the temple, 
 some gold and some silver, and some a great many 
 cattle and horses. So they performed tlieir vows 
 to God, and offered the sacrifices that had been 
 accustomed of old time; I mean this upon the re- 
 building of their city, and the revival of the ancient 
 practices relating to their worship. Cyrus also sent 
 back to them the vessels of God which king Neb- 
 uchadnezzar had pillaged out of the temple, and 
 had carried to Babylon. So he committed these 
 things to INIithridates, the treasurer, to be sent away, 
 with an order to give them to Sanabassar, that he 
 might keep them till the temple was built; and 
 when it was finished, he might deliver them to the 
 priests and rulers of the multitude, in order to their 
 being restored to the temple. Cyrus also sent an 
 epistle to the governors that were in Syria, the con- 
 tents whereof here follow: 
 
 "King Cyrus to Sisixxes and Sathrabuzaxes, 
 
 scndeth greeting. 
 
 "I have given leave, to as many of the Jews that 
 dwell in my country as please to return to their 
 own countrv, and to rebuild their citv, and to build 
 the temple of God at Jerusalem, on the same place 
 where it was l)efore. I have also sent my treasurer
 
 Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 135 
 
 jMithridates, and Zorobabel, the governor of the 
 Jews, that thev may hiy the foundations of the 
 temple, and may build it sixty cubits high, and of 
 the same latitude, making three edifices of polished 
 stones, and one of the wood of the country, and 
 the same order extends to the altar, whereon they 
 offer sacrifices to God. I require also, that the 
 sacrifices for these things may be given out of my 
 revenues. Moreover, I have also sent the vessels 
 which king Nebuchadnezzar pillaged out of the 
 temple, and have given them to Mithridates,- the 
 treasurer, and to Zorobabel the governor of the Jews, 
 that they may have them carried to Jerusalem, and 
 may restore them to the temple of God. Xow their 
 number is as follows: fifty chargers of gold, and 
 five hundred of silver; forty Thericleon cups of gold, 
 and five hundred of silver; fifty basons of gold, and 
 five hundred of silver, thirty vessels for pouring, 
 [the drink offerings], and three hundred of silver; 
 thirty vials of gold, and two thousand four hundred 
 of silver; with a thousand other large vessels. I 
 permit them to have the same honour which they 
 were used to have from their forefathers, as also 
 for their small cattle, and for wine and oil, two 
 hundred and five thousand and five hundred drachma; 
 and for wheat flour, twenty thousand and five hun- 
 dred artaba; and I give order, that these expenses 
 shall be given them out of the tributes due from 
 Samaria. The priests shall also offer these sacrifices 
 according to the laws of Moses in Jerusalem: and 
 when they offer them, they shall pray to God for 
 the preservation of the king and of his family, that 
 the kingdom of Persia may continue. But my will 
 is, that those who disobey these injunctions, and 
 make them void, shall be hung upon a cross, and 
 their substance brought into the king's treasury,"
 
 *136 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 And such was the import of this epistle. Now the 
 numher of those that came out of captivity to Jeru- 
 salem, were forty-two thousand four hundred and 
 sixty-two. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 How upon the death of Cyrus, the Jews were hin- 
 dered in building of the temple hi/ the Cutheans, 
 and the neighbouring governors: and how Camhyses 
 entirely forbade the Jews to do any such thing. 
 
 1. When the foundations of the temple were 
 laying, and when the Jews were A^ery zealous about 
 building it, the neighbouring nations, and especially 
 the Cutheans, whom Shalmanezer, king of Assyria, 
 had brought out of Persia and INIedia, and had planted 
 in Samaria, when he carried the people of Israel 
 captives, besought the governors, and those that had 
 the care of such affairs, that they would interrupt 
 the Jews, both in the rebuilding of their city, and 
 in the building of their temple. Now as these men 
 were corrupted by them with money, they sold the 
 Cutheans their interest for rendering this building 
 a slow and a careless work, for Cyrus, who was 
 busy about other wars, knew nothing of all this; 
 and it so happened, that when he had led his army 
 against the ^ Massageta? he ended his life. But 
 
 ' Josephus here follows Herodotus, and those that related how Cyrus 
 made war with the Scythians and Massagets, near the Caspian sea, and 
 perished in it; while Xenophon's account, which appears never to have 
 been seen by Josephus, that Cyrus died in ])eace, in his own country of 
 Persia, is attested to by the writers of the affairs of Alexander the Great, 
 when they agree that he found Cyrus' sepulchre at Pasargadae, near 
 Persepolis. This account of Xenophon's is also confirmed by the circum- 
 stances of Cambyses, upon his succession to Cyrus, who, "instead of a
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 137 
 
 when Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, had taken the 
 kingdom, the governor in Syria, and Phenicia, and 
 in the countries of Amnion, and Moab, and Samaria, 
 wrote an epistle to Cambyses; whose contents were 
 as follows: "To our Lord Cambyses; we thy servants, 
 Rathumus the historiographer, and Semellius the 
 scribe, and the rest that are thy judges in Syria and 
 Phenicia, sendeth greeting: It is fit, O King, that 
 thou shouldest know that these Jews which were 
 carried to Babvlon, are come into our country, and 
 are building that rebellious and wicked city, and 
 its market places, and setting up its walls, and 
 raising up the temple: know therefore, that when 
 these things are finished, they will not be willing to 
 pay tribute, nor will they submit to thy commands, 
 but will resist kings, and will choose rather to rule 
 over others, than be ruled over themselves. We 
 therefore thought it proper to write to thee, O King, 
 while the works about the temple are going on so 
 fast, and not to overlook this matter, that thou 
 mayest search into the books of thy fathers, for thou 
 wilt find in them, that the Jews have been rebels, 
 and enemies to kings, as hath their city been also, 
 which, for that reason, hath been till now laid waste. 
 We thought proper also to inform thee of this 
 matter, because thou mayest otherwise perhaps be 
 ignorant of it, that if this city be once inhabited, 
 and be entirely encompassed with walls, thou wilt 
 be excluded from thy passage to Celesyria and 
 Phenicia." 
 
 war to avenge his father's death upon the Scythians and Massagets, and 
 to prevent those nations from overrunning his northern provinces, which 
 would have heen the natural consequence of his father's ill success and 
 death there, went innnediatcly to an Egyptian war, long ago hegun by 
 Cyrus, according to Xennphon, p. G44, and conquered that kingdom, nor 
 is there, that I ever heard of the least mention in the reign of Cambyses 
 of any war against the Scythians and ^lassagets that he was ever engaged 
 in all his life.
 
 138 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 2. When Cambyses had read the epistle, being 
 naturally wicked, he was irritated at what they 
 told him; and wrote back to them as follows: "Cam- 
 byses the king, to Rathumus the historiographer, to 
 Beeltethmus, to Semellius the scribe, and the rest 
 that are in commission, and dwelling in Samaria 
 and Phenicia, after this manner; I have read the 
 epistle that was sent from you; and I gave order 
 that the books of my forefathers should be searched 
 into, and it is there found, that this city hath always 
 been an enemy to kings, and its inhabitants have 
 raised seditions and wars. We also are sensible 
 that their kings have been powerful, and tyrannical, 
 and have exacted tribute of Celesyria and Phenicia: 
 Wherefore I give order that the Jews shall not be 
 permitted to build that city, lest such mischief as 
 they used to bring upon kings be greatly augmented." 
 When this epistle was read, Rathumus, and Semel- 
 lius the scribe, and their associates, got suddenly 
 on horseback, and made haste to Jerusalem; they 
 also brought a great company with them, and for- 
 bade the Jews to build the city, and the temple. 
 Accordingly, these works were hindered from going 
 on till the second year of the reign of Darius, for 
 nine years more; for Cambyses reigned six years, 
 and within that time overthrew Egypt, and when he 
 was come back, he died at Damascus.
 
 Chap. HI. OF THE JEWS. 139 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 How, after the death of Camhyses, and the slaughter 
 of the Magi, hut under the reign of Darius, Zoro- 
 habel was superior to the rest in the solution of 
 problems, and thereby obtained this favour of the 
 king, that the temple should be built. 
 
 1. After the slaughter of the Magi, who, upon 
 the death of Cambyses, attained the government of 
 the Persians for a year, those famihes which were 
 called the seven families of the Persians, appointed 
 Darius, the son of Hystaspes, to be their king. Now 
 he, while he was a private man, had made a vow to 
 God, that if he came to be king, he would send all 
 the vessels of God that were in Babylon to the temple 
 at Jerusalem. Now it so fell out, that about this 
 time Zorobabel, who had been made governor of the 
 Jews that had been in captivity, came to Darius, 
 from Jerusalem: for there had been an old friendship 
 between him and the king. He was also, with two 
 others, thought worthy to be guards of the king's 
 body; and obtained that honour which he hoped for. 
 
 2. Now in the first year of the king's reign, Darius 
 feasted those that were about him, and those born 
 in his house, with the rulers of the Medes, and princes 
 of the Persians, and the toparchs of India and 
 Ethiopia, and the generals of the armies of his hun- 
 dred and twenty-seven provinces: But when they 
 had eaten and drank to satiety, and abundantly, they 
 every one departed to go to bed at their own houses, 
 and Darius the king went to bed; but after he had 
 rested a little part of the night, he awaked, and not 
 being able to sleep any more he fell into con versa-
 
 140 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 tion with the three guards of his body, and promised, 
 that to him who should make an oration, about 
 points that he should inquire of, such as should be 
 most agreeable to truth, and to the dictates of wis- 
 dom, he would grant it as a reward of his victory, 
 to put on a purple garment, and to drink in cups 
 of gold, and to sleep upon gold, and to have a 
 chariot with bridles of gold, and to sit next to him- 
 self, on account of his wisdom; and, says he, he shall 
 be called my cousin. Now when he had promised 
 to give them these gifts, he asked the first of them. 
 Whether wine was not the strongest? The second. 
 Whether kings were not such? And the third, 
 AVhether women were not sucli? Or whether truth 
 was not the strongest of all? When he had proposed 
 that they should make their inquiries about those 
 problems, he went to rest; but in the morning he 
 sent for his great men, his princes, and toparchs of 
 Persia and Media, and set himself down in the place 
 where he used to give audience, and bid each of the 
 guards of his body to declare what they thought 
 proper concerning the proposed questions, in the 
 hearing of them all. 
 
 3. Accordingly, the first of them began to speak 
 of the strength of wine, and demonstrated it thus: 
 "When, said he, I am to give my opinion of wine, 
 O you men, I find that it exceeds every thing, by 
 the following indications: It deceives the minds of 
 those that drink it, and reduces that of the king to 
 the same state witli that of the orphan, and he who 
 stands in need of a tutor, and erects that of the 
 slave to the boldness of him tliat is free, and that 
 of the needy becomes like that of the rich man, for 
 it changes and renews the souls of men when it 
 gets into them, and it quenches the sorrow of those 
 that are under calamities, and makes men forget
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 141 
 
 the debts they owe to others, and makes them think 
 themselves to be of all men the richest; it makes 
 them talk of no small things, but of talents, and 
 such other names as become wealthy men only, nay, 
 more, it makes them insensible of their commanders, 
 and of their kings, and takes away the remembrance 
 of their friends and companions, for it arms men 
 even against those that are dearest to them, and 
 makes them appear the greatest strangers to them, 
 and when thev are become sober, and they have 
 slept out their wine in the night, they arise without 
 knowing any thing they have done in their cups; 
 I take these for signs of power, and by them dis- 
 cover that wine is the strongest, and most insuperable 
 of all things." 
 
 4. As soon as the first had given the fore-men- 
 tioned demonstrations of the strength of wine, he 
 left off; and the next to him began to speak about 
 the strength of a king, and demonstrated that it 
 was the strongest of all, and more powerful than 
 any thing else that appears to have any force or 
 w^isdom. He began his demonstration after the fol- 
 lowing manner; and said, "They are men who govern 
 all things; they force the earth and the sea to be- 
 come profitable to them in what they desire, and 
 over these men do kings rule, and over them they 
 have authority. Now those men who rule over that 
 animal which is of all the strongest and most power- 
 ful, must needs deserve to be esteemed insuperable 
 in power and force; for example, when these kings 
 command their subjects to make war, and undergo 
 dangers, they are hearkened to, and when they send 
 them against their enemies, their power is so great 
 that they are obeyed. They command men to level 
 mountains, and to pull down walls and towers; nay, 
 when thev are commanded to be killed and to kill,
 
 142 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 they submit to it, that they may not appear to 
 transgress the king's commands, and when they 
 liave conquered, they bring what they have gained 
 in the war to the king. Those also who are not 
 sokiiers, but cultivate the groimd, and plough it, 
 and when, after they have endured the labour, and 
 all the inconveniences of such works of husbandry, 
 they have reaped and gathered in their fruits, they 
 bring tributes to the king. And whatsoever it is 
 which the king says or commands, it is done of 
 necessitv, and that without any delay, while he in 
 the mean time is satiated with all sorts of food and 
 pleasures, and sleeps in quiet. He is guarded by 
 such as watch, and such as are, as it were fixed down 
 to the j)lace through fear, for no one dares leave 
 him, even when he is asleep, nor does any one go 
 away and take care of his own affairs, but he esteems 
 this one thing the only work of necessity, to guard 
 the king, and accordingly to this he wholly addicts 
 himself. How then can it be otherwise, but that 
 it must appear that the king exceeds all in strength, 
 while so great a multitude obeys his injunctions f 
 
 5. Now when this man had held his peace, the 
 third of them, who was Zorobabel, began to instruct 
 them about women, and about truth, who said thus: 
 "Wine is strong, as is the king also, whom all men 
 obey, but women are superior to them in power, for 
 it was a woman that brought the king into the world; 
 and for those that plant the vines and make the 
 wine, they are women who bear them, and bring 
 them up: nor indeed is there any thing which we 
 do not receive from them : for these women weave 
 garments for us, and oin- household affairs are by 
 their means taken care of, and preserved in safety; 
 nor can we live separate from women. And when 
 we have gotten a great deal of gold and silver, and
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 143 
 
 any other thing that is of great value, and deserving 
 regard, and see a beaiitifid woman, we leave all 
 these things, and with open mouth fix our eyes upon 
 her countenance, and are willing to forsake what we 
 have, that we may enjoy her ])eauty, and procure 
 it to ourselves. We also leave father, and mother, 
 and the earth that nourishes us, and fre(juent!y 
 forget our dearest friends, for the sake of women: 
 nay, we are so hardy as to lay down our lives for 
 them. But what will chiefly make you take notice 
 of the strength of women is this that follows: Do 
 not we take pains, and endure a great deal of 
 trouble, and that both by land and sea, and when 
 we have procured somewhat as the fruit of our la- 
 bours, do we not bring them to the women, as to 
 our mistresses; and bestow them upon them? nay, I 
 once saw the king, who is lord of so many people, 
 smitten on the face by Apame, the daughter of 
 Rabsases Themasius, his concubine, and his diadem 
 taken away from him, and put upon her own head, 
 while he bore it patiently; and when she smiled he 
 smiled, and when she was angry he Vv^as sad; and 
 according to the change of her passions, he flattered 
 his wife, and drew her to reconciliation by the great 
 humiliation of himself to her, if at any time he saw 
 her displeased at him." 
 
 6. And when the princes and rulers looked one 
 uj)on another, he began to speak about truth; and 
 he said, "I have already demonstrated hoAv powerfid 
 women are; but both these women themselves, and 
 the king himself, are weaker than truth; for although 
 the eartli be large, and the heaven high, and the 
 course of the sun swift, vet are all these moved 
 according to the will of God, who is true and right- 
 eous, for which cause we also ought to esteem truth 
 in be strongest of all things, and that what is un-
 
 144 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 righteous is of no force against it. Moreover, all 
 things else that have any strength are mortal, and 
 short-lived, but truth is a thing that is immortal, and 
 eternal. It affords us not indeed such a beauty as 
 will wither away by time, nor such riches as may 
 be taken away by fortinie, but righteous rules and 
 laws. It distinguishes them from injustice, and puts 
 what is unrighteous to rebuke." ^ 
 
 7. So when Zorobabel had left off his discourse 
 about truth, and the multitude had cried out aloud 
 that he had spoken the most wisely, and that it 
 was truth alone that had immutable strength, and 
 such as never would wax old, the king commanded, 
 that he should ask for somewhat over and above 
 what he had promised, for that he would give it him 
 because of his wisdom, and that prudence wherein 
 he exceeded the rest; and thou shalt sit with me, 
 said the king, and shalt be called my cousin. When 
 he had said this, Zorobabel put him in mind of the 
 vow he had made in case he should ever have the 
 
 ^ The reader is to note, that although the speeches or papers of these 
 three of the king's guard are much the same, in the third book of Esdras, 
 ch. iii. and iv. as they are here in .losephus, yet that tlie introduction of 
 them is entirely diflferent, while in our Esdras the whole is related as the 
 contrivance of the three of the king's guard themselves: and even the 
 mighty rewards are spoken of as proj:)osed by themselves, and the speeches 
 are related to have been delivered by themselves to the king in writing, 
 while all is contrary in Josephus. I need not say whose accoimt is the 
 most probable, the matters speak for themselves ; and there can be no 
 doubt but Josephus' history is here to be very much preferred before 
 the other. Nor indeed does it seem to me at all unlikely, that the 
 whole was a contrivance of king Darius' own, in order to be decently 
 and inoffensively put in mind by Zorobabel, of fulfilling his old vow for 
 the rebuilding of Jerusalem and the temple, and the restoration of the 
 worship of the One Tkue God there. Nor does the full meaning of 
 Zorol)abel, when he cries out, ;} Esdras iv. 40. "Blessed be the God of 
 truth;" and here "God is true and rigliteous," or even of all tlie people, 
 3 Esdras iv. 41. "Great is trutli, and mighty above all things," seem 
 to me much different from this, "There is but One True God," the God 
 of Israel. To wliich doctrine, such as Cyrus, and Darius, etc. the Jews' 
 great ])atrons, seem not to have been very averse, though the entire 
 idolatry of their kingdoms made them generally conceal it.
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 145 
 
 kingdom. Now this vow was, "to rebuild Jerusalem, 
 and to build therein the temple of God; as also to 
 restore the vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had pil- 
 laged, and carried to Babylon." And this, said he, 
 is that request which thou now permittest me to 
 make, on account that I have })een judged to be 
 wise, and understanding. 
 
 8. So the king was pleased with what he had 
 said, and arose and kissed him; and wrote to the 
 toparchs, and governors, and enjoined them to con- 
 duct Zorobabel and those that were going with him 
 to build the temple. He also sent letters to those 
 rulers that were in Syria and Phenicia to cut down 
 and carry cedar trees from Lebanon to Jerusalem, 
 and to assist him in building the city. He also 
 •wrote to them, that all the captives who should go 
 to Judea should be free; and he prohibited his 
 deputies and governors to lay any king's taxes upon 
 the Jews; he also permitted, that they should have 
 all that land which they could possess themselves 
 of without tributes. He also enjoined the Idumeans 
 and Samaritans, and the inhabitants of Celesyria, 
 to restore villages which they had taken from the 
 Jews; and that besides all this, fifty talents should 
 be given them for the building of the temple. He 
 also permitted them to offer their appointed sacri- 
 fices, and that whatsoever the high priest and the 
 priests wanted, and those sacred garments wherein 
 they used to worship God, should be made at his 
 own charges; and that the musical instruments whicli 
 the Levites used in singing hymns to God should 
 be given them. Moreover he charged them, tliat 
 portions of land should be given to those that guarded 
 the city and the temple, as also a determinate sum of 
 money every year for their maintenance: and withal he 
 sent the vessels. And all that Cyrus intended to do
 
 146 AXTIQITITIES Book xt. 
 
 before him relating to the restoration of Jerusalem, 
 Darius also ordained should be done accordingly. 
 
 9. Now when Zorobabel had obtained these grants 
 from the king, he went out of the palace, and look- 
 ing up to heaven, he began to return thanks to 
 God for the wisdom he had given him, and the vic- 
 tory he had gained thereby, even in the presence of 
 Darius himself; for, said he, "I had not been thought 
 worthy of these advantages, O T^ord, unless thou 
 hadst been favourable to me." When therefore he 
 had returned these thanks to God for the present 
 circumstances he was in, and had prayed to him to 
 afford him the like favoiu' for the time to come, he 
 came to Babylon, and brought the good news to 
 his countrymen of what grants he had procured for 
 them from the king; who, when they heard the same,'' 
 gave thanks also to God that he restored the land 
 of their forefathers to them again: So they betook 
 tliemselves to drinking, and eating, and for seven 
 days they continued feasting, and kept a festival, for 
 the rebuilding and restoration of their country: after 
 this they chose themselves rulers, who should go up 
 to Jerusalem, out of the tribes of their forefathers, 
 with their wives and children, and cattle, who trav- 
 elled to Jerusalem with joy and pleasure, under 
 the conduct of those whom Darius sent along with 
 them, and making a noise with songs, and pipes, 
 and cymbals. The rest of the Jewish multitude also 
 besides accompanied them with rejoicing. 
 
 10. And thus did these men go, a certain and 
 determinate number out of every family, though I 
 do not think it })roper to recite particularly the name 
 of those families, that I may not take off the mind 
 of my readers from the connexion of the historical 
 facts, and make it hard for them to follow the co- 
 herence of mv narrations; but the sum of thos 
 
 ■J'v
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 147 
 
 that went up, above the age of twelve years, of 
 the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, was ^ four hun- 
 dred sixty-two myriads and eight thousand; the 
 Levites were seventy-four: the number of the women 
 and children mixed together was forty thousand 
 seven hundred and forty-two; and besides these, 
 there were singers of the Levites one hundred and 
 twenty-eight, and porters one hundred and ten; 
 and of the sacred ministers three hundred and ninety- 
 two; there were also others besides these, who said 
 thcv were of the Israelites, but were not able to 
 show their genealogies, six hundred and sixty-two; 
 some there were also, who were expelled out of the 
 number and honoiu' of the priests, as having married 
 wives whose genealogies they could not produce, 
 nor were they found in tlie genealogies of the Levites 
 and priests: they were about five hundred and twenty- 
 five; the multitude also of servants that followed 
 those that went up out of Jerusalem were seven 
 thousand three hundred and thirty-seven; the singing 
 men and singing women were two hundred and 
 forty-five; the camels were four hundred and thirty- 
 five; the beasts used to the voke were five thousand 
 five hundred and twenty-five; and the governors of 
 all this multitude thus numbered were Zorobabel, 
 
 * This strange reading in Josephus' present copies of 4.000,000 instead 
 of 40,000, is one of the grossest errors that is in them, and oiiglit to he 
 corrected from Ezra ii. 6"4, 1 Esd. v. tO. and Neh. vii. GO, who all ag:-e? 
 the general sum was hut ahout 4x2,3()0. It is also very plain, that Josephus 
 thought, that when Esdras afterwards brought up another company out 
 of Babylon and Persia, in the days of Xerxes they were also, as well 
 as these of the two tribes, and out of them only, and were in all no 
 more than a seed and a remnant, ^hile an immense number of the ten 
 tribes never returned, but as he believed, continued then beyond Euphrates, 
 ch. V. sect. 3, .3. Of which multitude, the Jews beyond Euphrates, he 
 speaks frequently elsewhere; though, by the way, he never takes them 
 to be idolaters, but looks on them still as observers of the laws of Moses. 
 The certain part of the people that now came up from Babylon, at the 
 end of this chapter, imply the same smaller number of Jews that now 
 came up, and will no way agree with the 4,000,000.
 
 148 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 the son of Salathiel, of the posterity of David, and 
 of the tribe of Judah, and Jeshua, the son of Josedek 
 the high j^riest; and besides these there were Mor- 
 decai and Serebeus, who were distinguished from 
 the multicude, and were rulers, who also contributed 
 a hundred pounds of gold, and five thousand of 
 silver. By this means therefore the priests and the 
 Levites, and a certain part of the entire people of 
 the Jews that were in Babylon, came and dwelt in 
 Jerusalem, but the rest of the multitude returned 
 every one to their own countries. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 How the temple was built, zchile the Cutheans endeav- 
 oured in vain to obstruct the work. 
 
 1. Xow in the seventh month, after they were 
 departed out of Babylon, both Jeshua the high priest, 
 and Zorobabel the governor, sent messengers every 
 way round about : and gathered those tliat were in 
 the country together to Jerusalem universally, who 
 came very gladly thither. He then built the altar 
 on the same place it had formerly been built, that they 
 might offer the appointed sacrifices upon it to God, 
 according to the laws of Moses. But while they did 
 this, they did not j^lease the neighbouring nations, 
 who all of them bare an ill will to them. They also 
 celebrated the feast of tabernacles at that tin'ie, as 
 the legislator had ordained concerning it, and after 
 they offered sacrifices, and what were called tlie daily 
 sacrifices, and the oblations proper for the Sabliaths, 
 and for all the holy festivals. Those also tliat had 
 made vows performed them, and offered their sacri-
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 149 
 
 fices, from the first day of the seventh month. They 
 also began to build the temple, and gave a great deal 
 of money to the masons and to the carpenters, and 
 what was necessary for the maintenance of the work- 
 men. The Sidonians also were verv wilJinec and readv 
 to bring the cedar trees from Libanus, to bind them 
 together, and to make an united float of them, and 
 to bring them to the port of Joppa, for that was 
 what Cyrus had commanded at first, and what was 
 now done at the command of Darius. 
 
 2. In the second year of this coming to Jerusalem, 
 as the Jews were there in the second month, the 
 building of the temple went on apace; and when they 
 had laid its foundations on the first day of the second 
 month, of that second year, they set, as overseers of 
 the work, such Levites, as were full twenty years old; 
 and Jeshua and his sons and brethren, and Codmiel 
 the brother of Judas, the son of Aminidab, with his 
 sons, and the temple, by the gi;eat diligence of those 
 that had the care of it, was finished sooner than anv 
 one would have expected. And when the temple was 
 finished, the priests, adorned with their accustomed 
 garments, stood with their trumpets, while the Levites, 
 and the sons of Asaph, stood and sung liymns to God, 
 according as David first of all appointed them to bless 
 God. Now the priests and Levites, and the elder 
 part of the families, recollecting with themselves how 
 much greater and more sumptuous the old temple 
 had been, seeing that now made, how mucli inferior 
 it was, on account of their poverty, to that which had 
 been built of old, considered with themselves how 
 much their hajjpy state was sunk below what it had 
 been of old, as well as tlieir temple. Hereupon they 
 were disconsolate and not a])le to contain their grief, 
 and proceeded so far as to lament and shed tears on 
 those accounts; but the people in general were con-
 
 150 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 tented with their present condition, and because they 
 were allowed to build them a temple, they desired no 
 more, and neither regarded nor remembered, nor 
 indeed at all tormented themselves with the compari- 
 son of that and the former temple, as if this were 
 below their expectations; but the wailing of the old 
 men, and of the priests, on account of tlie deficiency 
 of this temj^le, in their opinion, if compared with that 
 which had been demolished, overcame the sounds of 
 the trumpets and the rejoicing of the people. 
 
 3. But when the Samaritans, who were still 
 enemies to the tribes of Jiidali and Benjamin, heard 
 the sound of the trumpets, they came running to- 
 gether, and desired to know what was the occasion 
 of this tumult? and when they perceived that it Avas 
 from the Jews, who had been carried captive to 
 Babylon, and were rebuilding their temple, they 
 came to Zorobabel and to Jeshua, and to the heads 
 of the families, and desired that they would give 
 them leave to build the temple with them, and to 
 be partners with them in building it; for they said, 
 "We worship your God, and especially pray to him, 
 and are desirous of your religious settlement, and 
 this ever since Shalmaneser, the king of Assyria, 
 transplanted us out of C'uthah and Media to this 
 place." When they said thus, Zorobabel and Jeshua 
 the high priest, and the heads of the families of 
 the Israelites, replied to them, that "it was impos- 
 sible for them to permit them to be their partners, 
 while they [only] had been appointed to build that 
 temple at first by Cyrus, and now by Darius, al- 
 though it was indeed lawful for them to come and 
 worsliip there if they pleased, and that they could 
 allow them nothing but that in common with them, 
 which was common to them with all other men, to 
 come to their temple and worship God there."
 
 Cluip. IV. OF THE JEWS. 151 
 
 4. AMieii the Cutheans heard this, for the Samari- 
 tans have that appelkitioii, they had indignation at 
 it, and persuaded the nations of Syria to desire of 
 the governors, in the same manner as they had done 
 formerly in the days of Cyrus, and again in the 
 days of Cambyses afterwards, to put a stop to the 
 building of tlie temple, and to endeavour to delay 
 and protraet tlie Jews in their zeal about it. Xow 
 at this time Sisinnes, the governor of Syria and 
 Phenicia,. and Sathrabuzanes, with certain others, 
 came up to Jerusalem, and asked the riders of the 
 Jews, "By wliose grant it was that they ])uilt tlie 
 temjde in this manner, since it was more like to a 
 citadel tlian a temple? and for what reason it was 
 that they built cloisters and walls, and those strong 
 ones too, about the city?" To which Zorobabel and 
 Jeshua the high priest replied, "that they were the 
 servants of God Almighty: that this temple was 
 built for him by a king of theirs, that lived in great 
 prosperity, and one that exceeded all men in virtue, 
 and that it continued a long time, but that because 
 of their fathers' impiety towards God, Nebuchad- 
 nezzar, king of the Babylonians, and of the Chal- 
 deans, took their city by force, and destroyed it 
 and ])illaged the temj^le, and burnt it down, and 
 transplanted the peoj^le whom he had made captives, 
 and removed them to Babvlon: that Cyrus, who 
 after him was king of Babylonia and Persia, wrote 
 to them to build the temple, and committed the 
 gifts and vessels, and whatsoever Nebuchadnezzar 
 had carried out of it, to Zorobabel and Mithridates 
 the treasurer; and gave order to have them carried 
 to Jerusalem, and to have them restored to their 
 own temple, when it was built; for he had sent to 
 them to have done speedily, and commanded Sana- 
 bassar to go up to Jerusalem, and to take care of
 
 152 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 the building of the temple; who, ujDon receiving 
 that epistle from Cyrus, came, and immediately laid 
 its foundations: and although it hath been in build- 
 ing from that time to this, it hath not yet been fin- 
 ished, by reason of the malignity of our enemies. 
 If therefore you have a mind, and think it proper, 
 ^Tite this account to Darius, that when he hath 
 consulted the records of the kings, he may find 
 that we have told you nothing that is false about 
 this matter." 
 
 5. When Zorobabel and the high priest had made 
 this answer, Sisinnes, and those that were with him, 
 did not resolve to hinder the building, until they 
 had informed king Darius of all this. So they im- 
 mediately wrote to him about these affairs; but as 
 the Jews were now under terror, and afraid lest 
 the king should change his resolutions as to the 
 building of Jerusalem, and of the temple, there were 
 two j^rophets at that time among them, Haggai and 
 Zechariah, who encouraged them, and bid them be 
 of good cheer, and to suspect no discouragement from 
 the Persians, for that God foretold this to them. So, 
 in dependence on those prophets, they applied them- 
 selves earnestly to building, and did not intermit 
 one day. 
 
 6. Xow Darius, when the Samaritans had written 
 to him, and in their epistle had accused the Jews, 
 how they fortified the city, and built the temple 
 more like to a citadel than to a temj^le; and said, 
 that their doings were not expedient for the king's 
 affairs; and besides, they showed the epistle of 
 Cambvses, wherein he forbade them to build the 
 temple; and when Darius thereby understood that 
 the restoration of Jerusalem was not expedient for 
 his afi'airs, and when he had read the epistle that 
 was brought him from Sisinnes, and those that were
 
 Chap. lY. OF THE JEWS. 153 
 
 with him, he gave order that what concerned these 
 matters should be sought for among the royal records. 
 Whereupon a book was found at Ecbatana, in the 
 tower that was in ^Nledia, wherein was written as 
 follows: "Cyrus the king, in the first year of his 
 reign, commanded that the temple should be built 
 in Jerusalem; and the altar in height threescore 
 cubits, and its breadth of the same, with three edifices 
 of polished stone, and one edifice of stone of their 
 own country: and he ordained that the expenses of 
 it should be paid out of the king's revenue. He 
 also commanded that the vessels which Xebuchad- 
 nezzar had pillaged [out of the temple], and had 
 carried to Babylon, should be restored to the people 
 of Jerusalem, and that the care of these things 
 should belong to Sanabassar the governor and presi- 
 dent of Syria and Phenicia, and to his associates, 
 that they may not meddle with that place, but may 
 permit the servants of God, the Jews and their 
 rulers, to build the temple. He also ordained that 
 they should assist them in the work: and that they 
 should pay to the Jews, out of the tribute of the 
 country where they were governors, on account of 
 the sacrifices, bulls and rams, and lambs and kids 
 of the goats, and fine flour and oil, and wine, and 
 all other things that the priests should suggest to 
 them; and that they should pray for the preservation 
 of the king, and of the Persians, and that for such 
 as transgressed any of these orders thus sent to 
 them, he commanded that they should be caught, 
 and hung upon a cross, and their substance confis- 
 cated to the king's use. He also prayed to God 
 against them, that if any one attempted to hinder 
 the building of the temple, God would strike him 
 dead, and thereby restrain his wickedness." 
 
 7. When Darius had found this book among the
 
 154 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 records of Cyrus, he wrote an answer to Sisinnes 
 and his associates, whose contents were these: "King 
 Darius to Sisinnes the governor, and to Sathrabuzanes, 
 sendeth greeting: Having found a copy of this 
 epistle among the records of Cyrus, I have sent it 
 you; and I will that all things be done as is therein 
 written. Fare ye well." So when Sisinnes, and 
 those that were with him, understood the intention 
 of the king, they resolved to follow his directions 
 entirely for the time to come. So they forwarded 
 the sacred works, and assisted the elders of the Jews, 
 and the princes of the sanhedrim, and the structure 
 of the temple was with great diligence brought to a 
 conclusion, by the prophecies of Haggai and Zech- 
 ariah, according to God's commands, and by the 
 injunctions of Cyrus and Darius the kings. Xow 
 the temple was built in seven years' time: And in 
 the ninth year of the reign of Darius, on the twenty- 
 third day of the twelfth month, which is by us 
 called Adar, but by the jNIacedonians Difstnis, the 
 priests and Levites, and the other multitude of the 
 Israelites, offered sacrifices, as the renovation of 
 their former prosperity after their ca])tivity, and 
 because they had now the temple re])uilt, a hundred 
 bulls, two hundred rams, four himdred lambs, and 
 twelve kids of the goats, according to the number 
 of their tribes, (for so many are the tribes of the 
 Israelites,) and this last for the sins of every tribe. 
 The priests also and the Levites set the porters at 
 every gate, according to the laws of INIoses. The 
 ■Jews also built the cloisters of the inner temple, that 
 were round about the temple itself. 
 
 8. And as the feast of unleavened bread was at 
 hand, in the first month, which, according to tlie 
 Macedonians, is called Xanthicus, but according to 
 us Nisan, all the people ran together out of the
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 155 
 
 villages to the city, and celebrated the festival, having 
 jDurified tlieniselves, with their wives and children, 
 according to the law of their conntry; and the}- 
 offered the sacrifice which was called the Passover, 
 on the fourteenth dav of the sani^ month, and feasted 
 seven days, and spared for no cost, but offered 
 whole burnt-offerings to God, and performed sacri- 
 fices of thanksgiving, because God had led them 
 *igain to the land of their fathers, and to the laws 
 thereto belonging, and had rendered the mind of 
 the king of Persia favourable to them. So these 
 men offered the largest sacrifices on these accounts, 
 and used great magnificence in the worship of God, 
 and dwelt in Jerusalem, and made use of a form of 
 government that was aristocratical, but mixed with 
 an oligarchy, for the high priests were at the head 
 of their affairs, until the posterity of the Asamoneans 
 set up kingly government; for before their captivity, 
 and the dissolution of their polity, they at first had 
 kingly government from Saul and David, for five 
 hundred and thirty-two years, six months, and ten 
 days; but before those kings, such rulers governed 
 them as were called Judges and MotuireJis. Under 
 this form of government they continued for more 
 than five hundred years, after the death of ]\Ioses, 
 and of Joshua their commander. And this is the 
 account I had to give of tlie Jews who had been 
 carried into captivity, but were delivered from it 
 in the times of Cvrus and Darius. 
 
 9. ^ But the Samaritans, being evil and enviously 
 disposed to the Jews, wrought them many mischiefs, 
 by reliance on their riches, and by their pretence 
 that they were allied to the Persians, on account that 
 thence they came; and whatsoever it was that they 
 
 ' The history contained in this section is entirely wanting in all our 
 otlier conies both of Ezra and Esdras.
 
 156 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 were enjoined to pay the Jews by the king's order 
 out of their tributes, for the sacrifices, they woukl 
 not pay it. They had also the governors favourable 
 to them and assisting them for that purpose; nor 
 did they spare to hurt them, either by themselves, 
 or by others; as far as they were able. So the Jews 
 determined to send an embassage to king Darius, 
 in favour of the people of Jerusalem, and in order 
 to accuse the Samaritans. The ambassadors were 
 Zorobabel, and four others of the rulers: and as 
 soon as the king knew from the aml)assadors the 
 accusations and complaints they brought against the 
 Samaritans, he gave them an epistle to be carried 
 to the governors and council of Samaria. The con- 
 tents of which epistle were these: "King Darius to 
 Tanganas and Sambabas, the governors of the Sa- 
 maritans, to Sadraces and Bobelo, and the rest of 
 their fellow-servants that are in Samaria; Zorobabel, 
 Ananias, and Mordecai, the ambassadors of the 
 Jews, complain of you, that you obstruct them in 
 the building of the temple, and do not supply them 
 with the expenses which I commanded you to do 
 for the offering their sacrifices. My will therefore 
 is this, that upon the reading of this epistle, you 
 supply them with whatsoever they want for their 
 sacrifices, and that out of the royal treasury, of the 
 tributes of Samaria, as the priest shall desire, that 
 they may not leave off offering their daily sacrifices, 
 nor praying to God for me and the Persians." AvA 
 these were the contents of that epistle.
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 157 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 How Xerxes, the son of Darius, teas tcell disposed 
 to the Jews: As also concerning Esdras and 
 Nehemiah. 
 
 1. Upon the death of Darius, Xerxes his son 
 took the kingdom, who, as he inherited his father's 
 kingdom, so did he inherit his piety towards God, 
 and honour of him; for he did all things suitably to 
 his father relating to divine worship, and he was 
 exceeding friendly to the Jews. Now about this 
 time, a son of Jeshua, whose name was Joacim, was 
 the high priest. jMoreover, there was now in Baby- 
 lon a righteous man, and one that enjoyed a great 
 reputation among the multitude; He was the j)rin- 
 cipal priest of the people, and his name was Esdras. 
 He was very skilful in the laws of Moses, and was 
 well acquainted with king Xerxes. He had de- 
 termined to go up to Jerusalem, and to take with 
 him some of those Jews that were in Babylon, and 
 he desn-ed that the king would give him an epistle 
 to the governors of Syria, by which they might know 
 who he was. Accordingly, the king wrote the fol- 
 lowing epistle to those governors: "Xerxes, king 
 of kings, to Ezra the priest, and reader of the divine 
 law, greeting: I think it agreeable to that love which 
 I bear to mankind, to permit those of the Jewish 
 nation that are so disposed, as well as those of the 
 priests and Levites that are in our kingdom, to go 
 together to Jerusalem. Accordingly, I have given 
 command for that purpose r and let every one that 
 hath a mind go, according as it hath seemed good 
 to me, and to my seven counsellors, and this in order
 
 158 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 to their review of the affairs of Judea, to see whether 
 they be agreeable to the law of God. Let them 
 also take with them those j^resents which I and my 
 friends have vowed, with all that silver and gold 
 that is found in the country of the Babylonians, as 
 dedicated to God, and let all this be carried to 
 Jerusalem, to God for sacrifices. Let it also be 
 lawful for thee and thy brethren to make as many 
 vessels of silver and gold as thou pleasest. Thou 
 shalt also dedicate those holy vessels which have been 
 given thee, and as many more as thou hast a mind 
 to make, and shalt take the expenses out of the 
 king's treasury. I have moreover written to the 
 treasurers of Syria and Phenicia, that they take 
 care of those affairs that Esdras the priest, and 
 reader of the laws of God, is sent about. And that 
 God may not be at all angry with me, or with my 
 children, I grant all that is necessary for sacrifices 
 to God, according to the law, as far as a hundred 
 cori of wheat. And I enjoin you not to lay any 
 treacherous imposition, or any tributes, upon their 
 priests or Levites, or sacred singers, or porters, or 
 sacred servants, or scribes of the temple. And do 
 thou, O Esdras, appoint Judges according to the 
 wisdom [given thee] of God, and those such as 
 understand the law, that they may judge in all 
 Syria and Phenicia; and do thou instruct those also 
 who are ignorant of it, that if any one of thy country- 
 men transgress the law of God, or that of the king, 
 he may be punished, as not transgressing it out of 
 ignorance, but as one that knows it indeed, but 
 boldly despises and contemns it; and such may be 
 punislied })y death, or by paying tines. Farewell." 
 2. AVHien Esdras had received this epistle, he 
 was very joyful, and ])egan to worship God, and 
 confessed that he had ])ecn the cause of the king's
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 159 
 
 great favour to him, and that for the same reason 
 he gave all the thanks to God. So he read the 
 epistle at Babylon to those Jews that were there, 
 but he kept the epistle itself, and sent a copy of it 
 to all those of his own nation that were in Media. 
 And when these Jews had understood what piety 
 the king had towards God, and what kindness he 
 had for Esdras, they were all greatly pleased; nay, 
 many of them took their effects with them, and came 
 to Babylon, as very desirous of going down to 
 Jerusalem; but then the entire body of the people 
 of Israel remained in that country, wherefore there 
 are but two tril)es in Asia and Europe subject to 
 the Romans, while the ten tribes are beyond Eu- 
 phrates till now, and are an immense multitude, and 
 not to be estimated by numbers. Now there came 
 a great number of priests, and Levites, and porters, 
 and sacred singers, and sacred servants, to Esdras. 
 So he gathered those that were in the captivity to- 
 gether beyond Euphrates, and stayed there three 
 days, and ordained a fast for them, that they might 
 make their prayers to God for their preservation, 
 that they might suffer no misfortunes by the way, 
 either from their enemies, or from any other ill 
 accident; for Esdras had said beforehand, that he 
 had told the king how God would preserve them, 
 and so he had not thought fit to request that he 
 would send horsemen to conduct them. So when 
 they had finished their prayers, they removed from 
 Euphrates on the twelfth day of the first month of 
 the seventh year of the reign of Xerxes, and they 
 came to Jerusalem on the fifth month of the same 
 year. Now Esdras presented the sacred money, of 
 the treasurers, who were of the family of the priests, 
 of silver six hundred and fifty talents, vessels of 
 silver one hundred talents, vessels of gold, twenty
 
 160 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 talents, vessels of brass, that was ^ more precious 
 than gold, twelve talents by weight, for these presents 
 had been made by the king and his counsellors, and 
 by all the Israelites that stayed at Babylon. So 
 when Esdras had delivered these things to the priests, 
 he gave to God, as the appointed sacrifices of whole 
 burnt-offerings, twelve bulls on account of the 
 common preservation of the people, ninety rams, 
 and _ seventy-two lambs, twelve kids of the goats, for 
 the remissioif of sins. He also delivered the king's 
 epistle to the king's officers, and to the governors 
 of Celesyria and Phenicia; and as they were under 
 a necessity of doing what was enjoined by him, they 
 honoured our nation, and were assistant to them 
 in all their necessities. 
 
 3. Now these things were truly done under the 
 conduct of Esdras, and he succeeded in them, be- 
 cause God esteemed him worthy of the success of 
 his conduct, on account of his goodness and righteous- 
 ness. But some time afterward there came some 
 persons to him, and brought an accusation against 
 certain of the multitude, and of the priests and 
 Levites, who had transgressed their settlement, and 
 dissolved the laws of their country, by marrying 
 strange wives, and had brought the family of the 
 priests into confusion. These persons desired him 
 to support the laws, lest God should take up a 
 general anger against them all, and reduce them 
 to a calamitous condition again. Hereupon he rent 
 his garment immediately out of grief, and pulled 
 off the hair off his head and beard, and cast himself 
 upon the ground, because this crime had reached 
 the principal men among the people, and considering 
 
 * Dr. Hudson takes notice here, that this kind of brass or copper, 
 or rather mixture of gold and i)rass or copper, was called aurichalcum, 
 and that this was of old esteemed the most precious of all metals.
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 161 
 
 that if he should enjoin them to cast out their wives, 
 and the children they had by them, he should not 
 be hearkened to, he continued lying upon the ground. 
 However, all the better sort came running to him, 
 who also themselves wept, and partook of the grief 
 he was under for what had been done. So Esdras 
 rose up from the ground, and stretched out his 
 hands towards heaven, and said, that "he was ashamed 
 to look towards it, because of the sins which the 
 people had committed, while they had cast out of 
 their memories what their fathers had undergone 
 on account of their wickedness: and he besought 
 God, who had saved a seed and a remnant out of 
 the calamity and captivity they had been in, and 
 had restored them again to Jerusalem and to their 
 own land, and had obliged the kings of Persia to 
 have compassion on them, that he would also for- 
 give them their sins they had now committed, M^hich, 
 though they deserved death, yet it was agreeable 
 to the mercy of God, to remit even to these the 
 punishment due to them." 
 
 4. After Esdras had said this, he left off praying; 
 and when all those that came to him with their wives 
 and children were under lamentation, one whose name 
 was Jechonias, a principal man in Jerusalem, came 
 to him, and said, that they had sinned in marrying 
 strange wives; and he persuaded him to adjure them 
 all to cast those wives out, and the children born 
 of them, and that tliose should be punished who 
 would not obey the law. So Esdras hearkened to 
 this advice, and made the heads of the priests, and 
 of the Levites, and of the Israelites, swear that they 
 would put away those wives and children; according 
 to the advice of Jechonias. And when he had re- 
 ceived their oaths, he went in haste out of the temple 
 into the chamber of Johanai^ the son of Eliasib,
 
 162 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 and as he had hitherto tasted nothing at all for 
 grief, so he abode there that day. And when 
 proclamation was made, that all those of the cap- 
 tivity should gather themselves together to Jeru- 
 salem, and those that did not meet there* in two or 
 three days should be banished from the multitude, 
 and that their substance should be appropriated to 
 the uses of the temple, according to the sentence 
 of the elders, those that were of the tribes of Judah 
 and Benjamin came together in three days, viz. on 
 the twentieth day of the ninth month, which ac- 
 cording to the Hebrews, is called Teheih, and ac- 
 cording to the jVIacedonians, ApcUcus. Now, as they 
 were sitting in the upper room of the temple, where 
 the elders also were present, but were uneasy be- 
 cause of the cold, Esdras stood up, and accused 
 them, and told them that they had sinned in marry- 
 ing wives that were not of their own nation; but 
 that now they would do a thing both pleasing to 
 God, and advantageous to themselves, if they would 
 put those wives away. Accordingly they all cried 
 out, that "they would do so. That however the 
 multitude was great, and that the season of the 
 year was winter, and that this work would require 
 more than one or two days. Let their rulers, there- 
 fore, [said they], and those that have married strange 
 wives, come hither at a proper time, while the elders 
 of every place, that are in common to estimate the 
 number of those that have thus married, are to be 
 there also." Accordingly, this was resolved on by 
 them, and they began the inquiry after those that 
 had married strange wives on the first day of the 
 next month, and continued the inquiry to the first 
 day of the tentli moiitli, and found a great many 
 of the posterity of Jeshua tlie high priest, and of 
 the priests, and Levites, and Israelites, who had
 
 Chap. Y. OF THE JEWS. 103 
 
 • 
 
 a greater regard to the observation of the law than 
 to their natural affection, and ininiediately cast out 
 their wives, and the children which were born of 
 them. And in order to appease God, they offered 
 sacrifices, and slew rams, as oblations to him; ])ut 
 it does not seem to me t^ be necessary to set down 
 the names of these men. So when Esdras had re- 
 formed this sin about the marriages of the fore- 
 mentioned persons, lie reduced that practice to purity, 
 so that it continued in that state for the time to 
 come. 
 
 5. Xow when they kept tlie ^ feast of tabernacles 
 in the seventh month, and almost all the people were 
 come together to it, they went up to the open part 
 of the temple, to the gate which looked eastward, 
 and desired of Esdras that the laws of Moses might 
 be read to them. Accordingly he stood in the midst 
 of the multitude and read them; and this he did 
 from morning to noon. Xow, by liearing the laws 
 read to them, thev were instructed to be righteous 
 men for tlie present and for the future; ])ut as for 
 their past offences, they were displeased at them- 
 selves, and proceeded to shed tears on their account, 
 as considering with themselves, that if they had 
 kept the law, tliey had endured none of these miseries 
 which they had experienced. But when Esdras saw 
 them in that disposition, he bade them go home and 
 not weep, for that it was a festival, and that they 
 ought not to weep thereon, for that it was not lawful 
 so to do. He exhorted them rather to proceed im- 
 mediately to feasting, and to do what was suitable 
 to a feast, and what was agreeable to a day of joy, 
 but to let their repentance and sorrow for their 
 
 ' This Jewish feast of tabernacles was imitated in several heathen 
 solemnities, as Spanheim here oliserves and proves. He also fartlier 
 observes jiresently, what gTeat reg-ard many heathens had to the monu- 
 ments of their forefaHiers, as Xeheniiali had here, sect, (i,
 
 164 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 former sins be a security and a guard to them, that 
 they fall no more into the like offences. So upon 
 Esdras' exhortation they began to feast; and when 
 they had so done for eight days, in their tabernacles, 
 theV departed to their own homes, singing hymns 
 to God, and returning thanks to Esdras, for his 
 reformation of wliat corruptions had been introduced 
 into their settlement. So it came to pass, that after 
 he had obtained this reputation among the people, 
 he died an old man, and was buried in a magnificent 
 manner at Jerusalem. About the same time it hap- 
 pened also, that Joachim the high priest died; and 
 his son Eliasib succeeded in the high priesthood. 
 
 6. Now there was one of those Jews that had 
 been carried captive, who was cup-bearer to king 
 Xerxes; his name was Xehemiah. As this man was 
 walking before Susa, the metropolis of the Persians, 
 he heard some strangers that ^vere entering the city 
 after a long journey, speaking to another in the 
 Hebrew tongue, so he went to them and asked them 
 whence th.ey came? And when their answer was, 
 that they came from Judea, he began to inquire 
 of them again in what state the multitude was? and 
 in what condition Jerusalem was; and when they 
 replied, that they were in a ' bad state, for that 
 their walls were thrown down to the ground, and 
 that the neighbouring nations did a great deal of 
 mischief to the Jews, while in the day time they 
 overran the country, and pillaged it, and in the 
 night did them mischief, insomuch that not a few 
 were led away captive out of the country, and out 
 
 ^ This miserable condition of the Jews, and their capital, must have 
 been after the death of Ezra, their former governor, and before Xehemiah 
 came with his commission to build the walls of Jerusalem. Xor is that 
 at all disagreeable to these histories in Josephus, since Ezra came on 
 the 7th, and Xehemiah not till the 25th of Xerxes, at the interval of 18 
 years.
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 165 
 
 of Jerusalem itself, and that the roads were in the 
 day time found full of dead men. Hereupon Ne- 
 hemiah shed tears, out of commiseration for the 
 calamities of his countrymen: and looking up to 
 heaven he said, "How long, O Lord, wilt thou over- 
 look oui' nation, while it suffers so great miseries, 
 and while we are made the prey and spoil of all 
 men?" And while he stayed at the gate and lamented 
 thus, one told him that the king was going to sit 
 down to supper; so he made haste, and went as 
 he was, without washing himself, to minister to 
 the king in his office of cup-bearer: But as the king 
 was very pleasant after supper, and more cheerful 
 than usual, he cast his eyes on Xehemiah, and seeing 
 him look sad, he asked him, why lie was sad ? Where- 
 upon he prayed to God to give him favour, and 
 afford him the power of persuading by his words, 
 and said, "How can I, O king, appear otherwise 
 than thus, and not be in trouble, while I hear that 
 the walls of Jerusalem, the city where are the 
 sepulchres of my fathers, are thrown down to the 
 ground, and that its gates are consumed by fire; 
 but do thou grant me the favour to go and build 
 its wall, and to finish the building of the temple." 
 Accordingly the king gave him a signal, that he 
 freely granted him what he asked; and told him that 
 he should carry an epistle to the governors, that 
 they might pay him due honour, and afford him 
 whatsoever assistance he wanted, and as he pleased. 
 "Leave off thy sorrow then, said the king, and be 
 cheerful in the performance of thy office hereafter." 
 So Nehemiah worshipped God; and gave the king 
 thanks for his promise, and cleared up his sad and 
 cloudy countenance, by the pleasure he had from 
 the king's promises. Accordingly, the king called 
 for him the next day, and gave him an epistle to
 
 166 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 be carried to Adeus, the governor of Syria, and 
 Phenicia, and Samaria; wherein he sent to him to 
 pay due honour to Xehemiah, and to supply him 
 with what he wanted for his building. 
 
 7. Xow when he was come to Babylon and had 
 taken with him many of his countrymen, whd volun- 
 tarily followed him, he came to Jerusalem in the 
 twenty and fifth year of the reign of Xerxes: And 
 when he had shown the ' epistles to God, he gave 
 them to Adeus, and to the other governors. He 
 also called together all the j)eople to Jerusalem, and 
 stood in the midst of the temple, and made the 
 following speech to them: "You know, O Jews, 
 that God hath kept our fatliers Abraham, and Isaac, 
 and Jacob, in mind continually; and for the sake 
 of their righteousness hath not left off the care 
 of you: Indeed he hath assisted me in gaining this 
 authority of the king to raise up our wall, and 
 finish what is wanting of the temple. I desire you, 
 therefore, who well know the ill-will our neighbour- 
 ing nations bear to us; and that when once they 
 are made sensible that we are in earnest about build- 
 ing, they will come upon us, and contrive many 
 ways of obstructing our works, that you will, in the 
 first 2)lace, put your trust in God, as in him that 
 will assist us against their hatred, and to intermit 
 building neither night nor day, ])ut to use all diligence, 
 and to hasten on the work; now we have this especial 
 opportunity for it." When he had said this, he 
 gave order that the rulers should measure the wall, 
 and part the work of it among the peoj^le, according 
 
 * Tliis showiriGr king Xerxes' epistles to God, or layinfr them open 
 before God in tlie temple, is very like the laying open the epistles of 
 Sennacherib before him also by Hezekiah, 2 Kings xix. 14, Isa. xxxvii. 
 14, although this last was for a memorial, to put him in mind of the 
 enemies, in order to move that divine compassion, and the present as a 
 token of gratitude for mercies already received, as Havercamp well 
 observes on this place.
 
 Chap. y. OF THE JEWS. 167 
 
 to their villages and cities, as every one's abilities 
 should require. And when he had added this promise, 
 that he himself, with his servants, would assist them, 
 he dissolved the assembly. So the Jews prepared 
 for the work: That is the name they are called by 
 from the day that they came up from Babylon, which 
 is taken from the tribe of Judah, which came first 
 to these places, and thence both they and the country 
 gained that appellation. 
 
 8. But now when the Ammonites, and ^Nloabites, 
 and Samaritans, and all that inhabited Celesyria, 
 heard that the building went on apace, they took 
 it heinously, and proceeded to lay snares for them, 
 and to hinder their intentions. Thev also slew many 
 of the Jews, and sought how they might destroy 
 Nehemiali himself, by hiring some of the foreigners 
 to kill him. They also put the Jews in fear, and 
 disturbed them, and spread abroad rumours, as if 
 many nations were ready to make an expedition 
 against them, by which means they were harassed, 
 and had almost left off the building: But none of 
 these things could deter Xehemiah from being dili- 
 gent about the work, he only set a number of men 
 about him as a guard to his body, and so unweariedly 
 persevered therein, and w^as insensible of any trouble 
 out of his desire to perfect this w^ork. And thus 
 did he attentively, and with great forecast take care 
 of his own safety, not that he feared death, but of 
 this persuasion, ihat if he w^ere dead, the walls for 
 his citizens w^ould never be raised. He also gave 
 orders, that the builders should keep their ranks, 
 and have their armour on w^hile they were buildins;. 
 Accordingly, the mason had his sword on, as Avell 
 as he that brought the materials for building. He 
 also appointed that their shields should lie very 
 near them; and he placed trumpeters at every five
 
 168 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 hundred feet, and charged them that if their enemies 
 appeared, they should give notice of it to the people, 
 that they might fight in their armour, and their 
 enemies might not fall upon them naked. He also 
 went about the compass of the city by night, being 
 never discouraged, neither about the work itself, nor 
 about his own diet and sleep, for he made no use 
 of those things for his pleasure, but out of necessity. 
 And this trouble he imderwent for ^ two years and 
 four months: for in so long time was the wall built, 
 in the twenty-eighth year of the reign of Xerxes, in 
 the ninth month. Now when the walls were finished, 
 Nehemiah and the multitude offered sacrifices to 
 God for the building of them, and they continued 
 in feasting eight days. However, when the nations 
 which dwelt in Svria heard that the buildino^ of 
 the wall was finished, they had indignation at it: 
 But when Nehemiali saw that the city was thin 
 of people, he exhorted the priests and the Levites, 
 that thev would leave the countrv, and remove them- 
 selves to the city, and there continue: and he built 
 them houses at his own expense: and he commanded 
 that part of the people which were employed in 
 cultivating the land to bring the tithes of their fruits 
 to Jerusalem, that the priests and I^evites having 
 whereof they might live perpetually, and might not 
 leave tlie divine worship; who willingly hearkened 
 
 ' It may not be very improper to remark here, with what an unusual 
 accuracy Josc])hu.s determines these years of Xerxes, in whicli the walls 
 of Jerusalem were built, \\z. that N^ehemiah came with his commission 
 on the ~5th of Xerxes; that the walls were two years four months in 
 building, and that they were finished on the 38th of Xerxes, sect. 7, 8. 
 It may be also remarked farther, that Josephus hardly ever mentions 
 more than one infallible astronomical character, I mean an eclipse of 
 the moon, and this a little before the death of Herod the Great, Antiq. 
 B. XVII. ch. vi. sect. 4, \'ol. III. Xow on these two chronological 
 characters in a great measure depend some of tlie most important points 
 belonging to Christianity, viz. the explication of Daniel's 70 weeks, and 
 the duration of Jesus' ministry, and the time of his death, in corre- 
 spondence to those 70 weeks.
 
 Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 169 
 
 to the constitutions of Nehemiah, by which means 
 the city Jerusalem came to be fuller of people than 
 it was before. So when Xehemiah had done manv 
 other excellent things, and things worthy of com- 
 mendation in a glorious manner, he came to a great 
 age, and then died. He was a man of a good and 
 righteous disposition, and very ambitious to make 
 his own nation happy: and he hath left the walls 
 of Jerusalem as an eternal monument for himself. 
 Now this was done in the days of Xerxes. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Concerning Esther, and Mordecai, and Haman: and 
 how in the reign of Artaocerxes, the whole nation 
 of the Jews was in danger of perishing. 
 
 1. After the death of Xerxes, the kingdom came 
 to be transferred to his son Cvrus, whom the Greeks 
 called Artaxeroces. When this man had obtained 
 the government over the Persians, the whole ^ nation 
 
 ^ Since some sceptical persons are willing to discard this book of 
 Esther as no true history, I shall venture to say, that almost all the 
 objections against this hook of Esther are gone at -once, if, as we 
 certainly ought to do, and as Dean Prideaux.has justly done, we place 
 this history under Artaxerxes I^ongimanus, as doth both the Septuagint 
 interpreters and Josephus. The learned Dr. Lee, in his posthumous 
 dissertation on the second book of Esdras, p. ^5, also says, That 
 "the truth of this history is demonstrated by the feast of Purim, kept 
 up from that time to this very day. And this surprising providential 
 revolution in favour of a captive people, thereby constantly commem- 
 orated, standeth even upon a firmer basis tlian that there ever was sucli 
 a man as king Alexander [the Great] in the world, of whose reign there 
 is no such abiding monument at this day to be found any where. Xor 
 will they, I dare say, who quarrel at this or any other of the sacred 
 histories, find it a very easy matter to reconcile the different accounts 
 which were given by historians of tiic affairs of this king, or to confirm 
 any one fact of his whatever with the same evidence which is here given 
 for the principal fact in the sacred book, or even so much as to prove 
 the existence of such a person, of whom so great things are related, but
 
 170 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 of the Jews, with their wives and children, were 
 in danger of perishing: the occasion whereof we 
 shall declare in a little time, for it is proper, in the 
 first place, to explain somewhat relating to this king, 
 and how -he came to marry a Jewish wife, who was 
 herself of the royal family also, and who is related 
 to have saved our nation; for when Artaxerxes had 
 taken the kingdom, and had set governors over the 
 hundred and twenty and seven provinces, from 
 India even unto Ethiopia, in the third year of his 
 reign, he made a costly feast for his friends, and 
 for the nations of Persia, and for their governors, 
 such an one as was proper for a king to make, when 
 he had a mind to make a public demonstration of 
 his riches, and this for a hundred and fourscore days; 
 after which he made a feast for other nations, and 
 for their ambassadors at Shushan, for seven days. 
 Now this feast was ordered after the manner fol- 
 lowing: he caused a tent to be pitched, which was 
 supported by pillars of gold and silver, with curtains 
 of linen and purple spread over them, that it might 
 afford room for many ten thousands to sit down. 
 The cups with which the waiters ministered were 
 of gold, and adorned with precious stones, for pleas- 
 ure, and for sight. He also gave order to the 
 servants that they should not force them to drink, 
 by bringing them wine continually, as is the practice 
 of the Persians, })ut to permit every one of the 
 guests to enjoy himself according to his own in- 
 clination. Moreover, he sent messengers through 
 the country, and gave order that they should have 
 a remission of their labours, and should keep a 
 festival many days, on account of his kingdom. In 
 
 upon (granting this hook of Esther, or sixth of Esdras, (as it is placed 
 in some of tlif most ancient copies of the Vulgate,) to he a most true 
 and certain history," etc.
 
 Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 171 
 
 like manner, did Vashti the queen gather her guests 
 together, and made them a feast in the palace. Now 
 the king was desirous to show her, who exceeded 
 all other w^omen in beauty, to those that feasted 
 with him, and he sent some to command her to come 
 to his feast. But she out of regard to the laws of 
 the Persians, which ^ forl)id the wives to be seen by 
 strangers, did not go to the king; and though he 
 oftentimes sent the eunuchs to her, she did never- 
 theless stay away, and refused to come, till the king 
 was so much irritated, tliat he broke u]) the enter- 
 tainment, and rose up and called for those seven 
 who had the interpretation of tlie laws committed 
 to them, and accused his wife, and said, that he 
 had been affronted by her, because that when she 
 was frequently called by him to his feast, she did not 
 obey him once. He therefore gave order, that they 
 should inform him what coukl be done by the law 
 against her. So one of them, whose name was 
 Memucan, said. That "this affront was offered not 
 to him alone, but to all tlie Persians, who wxre in 
 danger of leading their lives very ill with their wives, 
 if they must be thus despised by them; for that none 
 of their wives would have any reverence for their 
 husbands, if they had such an example of arrogance 
 in tlie queen towards thee, who rulest over all." Ac- 
 cordingly, he exhorted him to punish her, who had 
 
 ^ If the Chaldee paraphrase be in the right, that Artaxerxes intended 
 to show \"ashti to his guests naked, it is no wonder at all that she would 
 not submit to such an indignity; but still if it were not so gross as 
 that, yet it might, in the iiing's eu]is, l)e done in a way so indecent, as 
 tlie Persian laws would not then bear, no more than the common laws 
 of modesty. And that the king had some such design, seenis not im- 
 probable, for otherwise the principal of these royal guests could be no 
 strangers to the queen, nor unapprized of her beauty, so far as decency 
 admitted. However, since Providence was now paving the way for the 
 introduction of a Jewess into the king's affections, in order to bring 
 about one of the most wonderful deliverances wiiich the Jewish or any 
 nation ever had, we need not be farther solicitous about the motives Ijy 
 which the king was induced to divorce Vashti, and marry Esther.
 
 172 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 been guilty of so great an affront to him, after a 
 severe manner; and when he had so done, to pubhsh 
 to the nations what had been decreed about the 
 queen. So the resohition was to put Vashti away, 
 and to give her dignity to another woman, 
 
 2. But the king having been fond of her, did 
 not well bear a separation, and yet by the law he 
 could not admit of a reconciliation, so he was under 
 trouble, as not having it in his power to do what 
 he desired to do. But when his friends saw him 
 so uneasy, they advised him to cast the memory of 
 his wife, and his love for her, out of his mind, but 
 to send abroad over all the habitable earth, and to 
 search out for comely virgins, and to take her whom 
 he should like best for a wife, because his passion 
 for his former wife would be quenched by the in- 
 troduction of another, and the kindness he had to 
 Vashti would be withdrawn from her, and be placed 
 on her that was with him. Accordingly, he was 
 persuaded to follow this advice, and gave order to 
 certain persons to choose out of the virgins that 
 were in his kingdom those that were esteemed the 
 most comely. So when a great number of these 
 virgins were gathered together, there was found a 
 damsel in Babylon, both whose parents were dead, 
 and she was brought up with her uncle Mordecai, 
 for that was her uncle's name. This uncle was of 
 the tribe of Benjamin, and was one of the principal 
 persons among the Jews. Now it proved that this 
 damsel, whose name was Esther, was the most beauti- 
 ful of all the rest, and that the grace of her coun- 
 tenance drew the eyes of the spectators principally 
 upon her: So she was committed to one of the 
 eunuchs to take the care of her: and she was very 
 exactly provided with sweet odours, in great plenty, 
 and with costly ointments, such as her body required
 
 Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 173 
 
 to he anointed vrithal: and this was used for six 
 months by the virgins, who were in number four 
 hundred. And when the eunuch thought the virgins 
 had been sufficiently purified, in the forementioned 
 time, and were now fit to go to the king's bed, he 
 sent one to be with the king every day. So when 
 he had accompanied with lier, he sent her back to 
 the eunuch: and when Esther had come to him, he 
 was pleased with her, and fell in love with the damsel, 
 and married her, and made her his lawful wife, 
 and kept a wedding feast for her on the twelfth 
 month of the seventh year of his reign, which was 
 called Adar. He also sent cingari, as they are called, 
 or messengers, unto every nation, and gave orders 
 that they should keep a feast for his marriage, while 
 he himself treated the Persians and the ]\Iedes, and 
 the principal men of the nations, for a whole month, 
 on account of this his marriage. Accordingly, Esther 
 came to his royal palace, and he set a diadem on 
 her head: And thus was Esther married, without 
 making known to the king what nation she was 
 derived from. Her uncle also removed from Babylon 
 to Shushan, and dwelt there, being every day about 
 the palace, and inquiring how the damsel did, for 
 he loved her as though she had been his own daughter. 
 3. Now the king had made ^ a law, that none of 
 his own people should approach him unless he were 
 called, when he sat upon his throne; men, with axes 
 in their hands, stood round about his throne, in order 
 to punish such as approached to him without being 
 called. However, the king sat with a golden sceptre 
 
 * Herodotus says, that this law [against any one's coming uncalled 
 to the kings of Persia when they were sitting on their thrones) was first 
 enacted hy Deioces, i. e. (by him who first withdrew the Medes from 
 the dominion of the Assyrians, and himself first reigned over them.) 
 Thus also, says Spanheim, "stood guards, with their axes, about the throne 
 of Tenus, Tenudus, tliat the offender miglit by them be punished im- 
 mediately.
 
 174 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 in his hand, which he held out when he had a mind 
 to save any one of those that approached to him 
 witkout being called: and he who touched it was 
 free from danger. But of this matter w^e have 
 discoursed sufficiently. 
 
 4. Some time after this [two eunuchs] Bigthan 
 and Teresh plotted against the king; and Barnabazus, 
 the servant of one of the eunuclis, being by birth 
 a Jew, was acquainted with their conspiracy, and 
 discovered it to the queen's uncle; and Mordecai, 
 by the means of Esther, made the conspirators known 
 to the king. This trou])led the king, but he dis- 
 covered the truth, and hanged the eunuchs upon a 
 cross, while at that time he gave no reward to Mor- 
 decai, who had been the occasion of his preservation. 
 He onlv bid the scribes to set down his name in 
 the records, and ])id him stay in the palace, as an 
 intimate friend of the king's. 
 
 5. Xow there was one Haman, the son of Amed- 
 atha, by birth an Amalekite, that used to go in to 
 the king; and the foreigners and Persians worship^^ed 
 him, as Artaxerxes liad commanded that such honour 
 should be paid to him; but Mordecai was so wise, 
 and so observant of his own countrv's laws, that 
 he would not ^ worship the man. When Haman ob- 
 served this, he inquired whence he came? and when 
 lie understood tliat he was a Jew, he had indigna- 
 tion at him, and said within himself. That "whereas 
 the Persians, who were free men, worshipped him, 
 this man, who was no ))etter than a slave, does not 
 
 • Whether this adoration required of Mordecai to Haman were by 
 liim deemed too like tiie adoration due only to God, as Josephus seems 
 here to think, as well as the Septuagint inter))rcters also, by their trans- 
 lation of Esth. xiii. 1:3, 13, It, or whether he thoug-Jit he ought to pay 
 no sort of adoration to an yXmalekite, which nation had been such great 
 sinners as to have been universally devoted to destruction by God himself, 
 Exod. xvii. 14-, 15, \Q, 2 Sam. xv. 18, or whether both causes concurred, 
 cannot now, I doubt, be certainly determined.
 
 chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 175 
 
 vouchsafe to do so." And when he desired to punish 
 Mordecai, he thought it too small a thing to request 
 of the king that he alone might be punished: he 
 rather determined to abolish the whole nation, for 
 he was naturally an enemy to the Jews, because the 
 nation of the Amalekites, of which he was, had been 
 destroyed by them. Accordingly he came to the 
 king, and accused them, saying, "There is a certain 
 wicked nation, and it is dispersed over all the habit- 
 able earth that is under thv dominion; a nation 
 separate from others, unsociable, neither admitting 
 the same sort of divine worship that others do, nor 
 using laws like to the laws of others: at enmity with 
 thy people, and with all men, both in their manners 
 and jjractices. Now, if thou wilt be a benefactor 
 to thy. subjects, thou wilt give order to destroy them 
 utterly, and not lea^'c the least remains of them, 
 nor preserve any of them either for slaves, or for 
 captives." But that the king might not be damni- 
 fied by the loss of the tributes which the Jews paid 
 him, Haman promised to give him out of his own 
 estate forty thousand talents whensoever he pleased; 
 and he said, he would pay this money very willingly, 
 that the kingdom might be freed from such a mis- 
 fortune. 
 
 6. When Haman had made this petition, the 
 king both forgave him the money, and granted him 
 the men, to do what he would with them. So Haman 
 having gained what he desired, sent out immediately 
 a decree, as from the king, to all nations, the con- 
 tents whereof were these: "Artaxerxes, the great 
 king, to the rulers of the hundred twenty and seven 
 provinces, from India to Ethiopia, sends this writing: 
 Whereas I have governed many nations, and obtained 
 the dominions of all the habitable earth, according 
 to my desire, and have not been obliged to do any
 
 176 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 thing that is insolent or cruel to my subjects by 
 such my power, but have showed myself mild and 
 gentle, by taking care of their peace and good order, 
 and have sought how they might enjoy those blessings 
 for all time to come. And whereas I have been 
 kindly informed by Haman, who on account of his 
 prudence and justice, is the first in my esteem, and 
 in dignity, and only second to myself for his fidelity 
 and constant good will to me, that there is an ill 
 natured nation intermixed with all mankind, that 
 is averse to our laws, and not subject to kings, and 
 of a different conduct of life from others, that hateth 
 monarchy, and of a disposition that is pernicious 
 to our affairs, I give order that all these men, of 
 whom Haman, our second father, hath informed us, 
 be destroyed, with their wives, and children, and 
 that none of them be spared, and that none prefer 
 pity to them before obedience to this decree. And 
 this I will to be executed on the fourteenth day of 
 the twelfth month of the present year, that so when 
 all that have enmity to us are destroyed, and this 
 in one day, we may ])e allowed to lead the rest of 
 our lives in 2:)eace hereafter." Now when this decree 
 was brought to the cities, and to the country, all 
 were ready for the destruction and entire abolishment 
 of the Jews, against the day before mentioned; and 
 they were very hasty about it at Shushan, in par- 
 ticular. Accordingly, the king and Haman spent 
 their time in feasting together with good cheer and 
 wine, but the citv was in disorder. 
 
 7. Now when Mordecai was informed of what 
 was done, he rent his clothes and put on sackcloth, 
 and sprinkled ashes upon his head, and went about 
 the city, crying out. That "a nation that had been 
 injurious to no m.-m, was to be destroyed." And 
 he went on saying thus as far as to the king's palace.
 
 Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 177 
 
 and there he stood, for it was not lawful for him 
 to go into it in that habit. The same thing was 
 done by all the Jews that were in the several cities 
 wherein this decree was published, with lamentation 
 and mourning, on account of the calamities de- 
 nounced against them. But as soon as certain per- 
 sons had told the queen that Mordecai stood before 
 the court in a mourning habit, she was disturbed 
 at this report, and sent out such as should change 
 his garments; but when he could not be induced to 
 put off his sackcloth, because the sad occasion that 
 forced him to put it on was not yet ceased, she 
 called the eunuch Acratheus, for he was then present, 
 and sent him to Mordecai, in order to know of him 
 what sad accident had befallen him, for which he 
 was in mourning, and would not j)ut off the habit 
 he had put on at her desire. Then did Mordecai 
 inform the eunuch of the occasion of his mourning, 
 and of the decree which was sent by the king into 
 all the country, and of the promise of money whereby 
 Haman bought the destruction of their nation. He 
 also gave him a copy of what was proclaimed at 
 Shushan, to be carried to Esther; and he charged 
 her to petition the king about this matter, and not 
 to think it a dishonourable thing in her to put on 
 a humble habit, for the safety of her nation, wherein 
 she might deprecate the ruin of the Jews, who were 
 in danger of it; for that Haman, whose dignity was 
 only inferior to that of the king, had accused the 
 Jews, and had irritated the king against them. When 
 she was informed of this, she sent to Mordecai again, 
 and told him that she was not called by the king, 
 rnd that he who goes in to him without being called, 
 is to be slain, unless when he is wilHng to save any 
 one, he holds out his golden sceptre to him; but that 
 to whomsoever he does so, although he go in without
 
 178 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 being called, that person is so far from being slain, 
 that he obtains pardon, and is entirely preserved. 
 Now when the eunuch carried this message from 
 Esther to Mordecai, he bade him also tell her that 
 she must not only j^rovide for her own preservation, 
 but for the common preservation of her nation, for 
 that if she now neglected this ojjportunity, there 
 would certainly arise help to them from God some 
 other way, but she and her father's house would 
 be destroyed by those whom she now despised. But 
 Esther sent the very same eunucli back to Mordecai 
 [to desire him] to go to Shushan, and to gather 
 the Jews that were there together to a congregation, 
 and to fast and abstain from all sorts of food, on 
 her account, and [to let him know that] she with 
 her maidens would do the same; and then she prom- 
 ised that she would go to the king, though it were 
 against the law, and that if she must die for it, she 
 would not refuse it. 
 
 8. Accordingly, Mordecai did as Esther had en- 
 joined him, and made the people fast; and he be- 
 sought God, together with them, "Not to overlook 
 his nation, particularly at this time, wlien it was 
 going to be destroyed; but that, as he had often 
 before provided for them, and forgiven, when they 
 had sinned, so he would now deliver them from 
 that destruction which was denounced against them; 
 for although it was not all the nation that had 
 offended, yet must they so ingloriously be slain, and 
 that he was himself the occasion of the wrath of 
 Haman, because, said he, I did not worship him, 
 nor could I endure to pay that lionoiu- to him which 
 I used to pay to thee, O Lord, for upon that his 
 anger hath he contrived this present mischief against 
 those that have not transgressed thy laws." The 
 same supplications did the multitude put up; ancl
 
 Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 179 
 
 entreated that God would provide for their de- 
 liverance, and free the Israelites that were in all 
 the earth from this calamity which was now coming 
 u^Jon them, for they had it before their eyes, and 
 expected its coming. Accordingly Esther made sup- 
 plication to God after the manner of her country, 
 by casting herself down upon the earth, and jDutting 
 on her mourning garments, and bidding farewell 
 to meat and drink, and all delicacies, for three days' 
 time; and she entreated God to have mercy upon 
 her, and make her words appear persuasive to the 
 king, and render her countenance more beautiful 
 than it Avas before, that both by her words and beauty 
 she might succeed, for the averting of the king's 
 anger, in case he were at all irritated against her, 
 and for the consolation of those of her own country, 
 now they were in the utmost danger of perishing; 
 as also that he would excite a hatred in the king 
 against the enemies of the Jews, and those that had 
 contrived their future destruction, if they be proved- 
 to be contemned by him. 
 
 9. When Esther had used this supplication for 
 three days, she put off those garments, changed her 
 habits, and adorned herself as became a queen, and 
 took two of her hand-maids with her, the one of 
 which supported her, as she gently leaned upon 
 her, and tlie other followed after, and lifted up her 
 large train (which swept along the ground,) with 
 the extremities of her fingers: And thus she came 
 to the king, having a blushing redness in her coun- 
 tenance, with a pleasant agreeal)leness in her be- 
 haviour, yet did she go in to him with fear; and 
 as soon as she was come over against him, as he 
 was sitting on his throne, in his royal apparel, which 
 was a garment interwoven with gold and })recious 
 stones, which made him seem to her more terrible,
 
 180 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 especially when lie looked at her somewhat severely, 
 and with a countenance on fire with anger, her joints 
 failed her immediately, out of the dread she was in, 
 and she fell down sideways in a swoon: but the king 
 changed his mind, which happened, as I suppose, 
 by the will of God, and was concerned for his wife, 
 lest her fear should bring some very ill thing upon 
 her, and he leaped from his throne and took her 
 in his arms, and recovered her, by embracing her, 
 and speaking comfortably to her, and exhorting 
 her to be of good cheer, and not to suspect any 
 thing that w^as said on account of her coming to 
 him without being called, because that law was made 
 for subjects, but that she, who was a queen, as well 
 as he a king, might be entirely secure: and as he 
 said this, he put the sceptre into her hand, and 
 laid his rod upon her neck, on account of the law; 
 and so freed her from her fear. And after she had 
 recovered herself by these encouragements, she said, 
 "jMy lord, it is not easy for me, on the sudden, to 
 say what hath happened, for as soon as I saw thee 
 to be great, and comely, and terrible, my spirit 
 departed from me, and I had no soul left in me." 
 And while it was M'ith difficulty, and in a low voice, 
 that she could say thus much, the king was in a 
 great agony and disorder, and encouraged Esther 
 to be of good cheer, and to expect better fortune, 
 since he was ready, if occasion should require it, to 
 grant to her the half of his kingdom. Accordingly, 
 Esther desired that he and his friend Haman would 
 come to her to a bancjuet, for she said she had pre- 
 pared a supper for him. He consented to it; and 
 when they were there, as they were drinking, he 
 bid Esther to "let him know what she desired; for 
 that she should not ])e disappointed, though she 
 should desire the half of his kingdom." But she
 
 Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 181 
 
 put off the discovery of her petition till the next 
 day, if he would come again, together with Haman, 
 to her banquet. 
 
 10. Xow when the king had promised so to do, 
 Haman went away very glad, because he alone had 
 the honour of supj^ing with the king at Esther's 
 banquet, and because no one else partook of the 
 same honour with kings but himself; yet when he 
 saw JNIordecai in the court, he was very much dis- 
 pleased, for he paid him no manner of respect when 
 he saw him. So he went home and called for his 
 wife Zeresh, and his friends, and when they were 
 come, he showed them what honour he enjoyed not 
 only from the king, but from the queen also, for 
 as he alone had that day supped with her, together 
 with the king, so was he also invited again for the 
 next day; yet, said he, am I not pleased to see INIor- 
 decai the Jew in the court. Hereupon his wife 
 Zeresh advised him to give order that a gallows 
 should be made fifty cubits high, and that in the 
 morning he should ask it of the king, that JMordecai 
 might be hanged thereon. So he commended her 
 advice, and gave order to his servants to prepare 
 the gallows, and to place it in the court, for the 
 punishment of Mordecai thereon, which was accord- 
 ingly prepared. But God laughed to scorn the 
 wicked expectations of Haman; and as he knew 
 what the event would be, was delighted at it, for 
 that night he took away the king's sleep; and as 
 the king was not willing to lose the time of his 
 lying awake, but to spend it in something that might 
 be of advantage to his kingdom, he commanded the 
 scribe to bring him the chronicles of the former 
 kings, and the records of his own actions; and when 
 he had brought them and was reading them, one 
 was found to have received a countrv on account
 
 182 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 of his excellent management on a certain occasion, 
 and the name of the country was set down; another 
 was found to have had a present made him on 
 account of his fidelity: then the scribe came to Big- 
 than and Teresh, the eunuchs that had made a 
 conspiracy against the king, which Mordecai had 
 discovered, and when the scribe said no more but 
 that, and was going on to another history, the king 
 stopped him, and inquired "Whether it was not 
 added that Mordecai had a reward given him?" and 
 when he said there was no such addition, he bid 
 him leave off, and he inquired of those that were 
 appointed for that purpose, what hou-r of the night 
 it was? and when he was informed that it was al- 
 ready day, he gave order, that if they found any 
 one of his friends already come, and standing before 
 the court, they should tell him. Now it happened 
 that Haman was found there, for he was come 
 sooner than ordinary to petition the king to have 
 Mordecai put to death; and when the servants said, 
 that Haman was before the court, he bid them call 
 him in; and when he was come in, he said, "Because 
 I know that thou art mv only fast friend, I desire 
 thee to give me advice, how I may honour one that 
 I greatly love, and that after a manner suitable to 
 my magnificence." Now Haman reasoned with him- 
 self, that what opinion he shoidd give it would be 
 for himself, since it was he alone who was beloved 
 by the king: so he gave that advice which he thought 
 of all other the ])est; for he said, "If thou wouldest 
 truly honom* a man whom thou sayest thou dost 
 love, give order that he may ride on horseback, with 
 the same garment on which thou wearest, and with 
 a gold chain about his neck, and let one of thy 
 intimate friends go before him, and proclaim through 
 the whole city, that whosoever the king honoureth.
 
 Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 183 
 
 obtaineth this mark of his honour." This was the 
 advice which Haman gave, out of a supposal that 
 such a reward would come to himself. Hereuj^on 
 the king was pleased with the advice, and said, "Go 
 thou, therefore, for thou hast the horse, the garment, 
 and the chain, ask for Mordecai the Jew, and give 
 him those things, and go before his horse, and pro- 
 claim accordingly; for thou art, said he, my intimate 
 friend, and hast given me good advice; be thou then 
 the minister of what thou hast advised me to. This 
 shall be his reward from us, for preserving my life." 
 When he heard this order, which was entirely un- 
 expected, he was confounded in his mind, and knew 
 not what to do. However, he went out and led 
 the horse, and took the purple garment, and the 
 golden chain for the neck, and finding Mordecai 
 before the court, clothed in sackcloth, he bid him 
 put that garment off, and put the purj^le garment 
 on: But ^lordecai, not knowing the truth of the 
 matter, but thinking that it was done in mockery, 
 said, "O thou wretch, the vilest of all mankind, dost 
 thou thus laugh at our calamities?" But when he 
 was satisfied that the king bestowed this honour 
 upon him, for the deliverance he had procured him, 
 when he convicted the eunuchs who had conspired 
 against him, he put on that purple garment which 
 the king always wore, and put the chain about his 
 neck, and got on horseback, and went round the 
 city, while Haman went before, and proclaimed, 
 "This shall be the reward which the king will bestow 
 on every one whom he loves, and esteems worthy 
 of honour." And when they had gone round the 
 city, Mordecai went in to the king, but Haman 
 went home, out of shame, and informed his wife 
 and friends of what had happened, and this witli 
 tears: who said, that "he would be able to be re-
 
 184 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 venged of Mordecai, for that God was with hun." 
 11. Now while these men were thus talking one 
 to another, Esther's eunuchs hastened Haman away 
 to come to supper; but one of the eunuchs, named 
 Sabuchadas, saw the gallows 'that was fixed in 
 Haman's house, and inquired of one of his servants, 
 for what purpose they had prepared it? So he knew 
 that it was for the queen's uncle, because Haman 
 was about to petition the king that he might be 
 punished, but at present he held his peace. Now 
 when the king, with Haman, were at the banquet, 
 he desired the queen to tell him what gift she desired 
 to obtain, and assured her that she should have what- 
 sqever she had a mind to. She then lamented the 
 danger her people were in; and said, that "she and 
 her nation were given up to be destroyed, and that 
 she, on that account, made this her petition: that 
 she would not have troubled him if he had only given 
 order that they should be sold into bitter servitude, 
 for such a misfortune would not have been intolerable; 
 but she desired that they might be delivered from 
 such a destruction." And when the king inquired 
 of her who was the author of this misery to them^ 
 she then openly accused Haman, and convicted him, 
 that he had been the wicked instrument of this, and 
 had formed his plot against them. When the king 
 was hereupon in disorder, and was gone hastily out 
 of the banquet into the gardens, Haman began to 
 intercede with Esther, and to beseech her to forgive 
 him, as to what he had offended, for he perceived 
 that he was in a very bad case. And as he had 
 fallen upon the queen's bed, and was making sup- 
 plication to her, the king came in, and being still 
 more })rovoked at what he saw, "O thou wretch, 
 said he, thou vilest of all mankind, dost thou aim 
 to force my wife?" And when Haman was aston-
 
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 From the Painting by W. Hamilton, R. A. Engraved by F. Bartolozzi, R. 
 
 A.
 
 Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 185 
 
 ished at this, and not able to speak one word more, 
 Sabuchadas the eunuch came in, and accused Haman 
 and said, "He found a gallows at his house prepared 
 for Mordecai, for that the servant told him so much 
 upon his inquiry, when he was sent to him to call 
 him to supper." He said farther, "that the gallows 
 was fifty cubits high." Which when the king heard, 
 he determined that Haman should be jDunished after 
 no other manner than that which had been devised 
 by him against Mordecai: so he gave order immedi- 
 ately that he should be hung upon this gallows, and 
 be put to death after that manner. And from hence 
 I cannot forbear to admire God, and to learn hence 
 his wisdom and his justice, not only in punishing 
 the wickedness of Haman, but in so disposing it, 
 that he should undergo the very same punishment 
 which he had contrived for another; as also, because 
 he thereby teaches others this lesson, that what mis- 
 chiefs any one prepares against another, he without 
 knowing of it, first contrives it against himself. 
 
 12. Wherefore Haman, who had immoderately 
 abused the honour he had from the king, was de- 
 stroyed after this manner, and the king granted his 
 estate to the queen. He also called for Mordecai, 
 (for Esther had informed him that she was akin to 
 him) and gave that ring to Mordecai which he had 
 before given to Haman. The queen also gave Ha- 
 man's estate to INIordecai; and prayed the king 
 to deliver the nation of the Jews from the fear of 
 death, and showed him what had been written over 
 all the country bv Haman the son of Ammedatha: 
 for that if her country were destroyed, and her coun- 
 trymen were to perish, she could not bear to live 
 herself any longer. So the king promised her, that 
 he could not do any thing that should be disagreeable 
 to her, nor contradict what she desired, but he bid
 
 186 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 her write what she pleased about the Jews, in the 
 king's name, and seal it with his seal, and send it 
 to all his kingdom, for that those who read epistles 
 whose authority is secured by having the king's seal 
 to them, would no way contradict Avhat was written 
 therein. So he commanded the king's scribes to be 
 sent for, and to write to the nations on the Jews' 
 behalf, and to his lieutenants and governors, that 
 were over his hundred twenty and seven j^rovinces, 
 from India to Ethiopia. Now the contents of this 
 epistle were these: " ^ The great king Artaxerxes 
 to our rulers, and those that are our faithful subjects, 
 sendeth greeting: many men there are, who, on ac- 
 count of the greatness of the benefits bestowed on 
 them, and because of the honour which they have 
 obtained from the wonderful kind treatment of those 
 that bestowed it, are not only injurious to their in- 
 feriors, but do not scruple to do evil to those that 
 have been their benefactors, as if they would take 
 away gratitude from among men, and by their in- 
 solent abuse of such benefits as they never expected, 
 they turn the abundance they have against those 
 that are the authors of it, and suppose they shall 
 lie concealed from God in that case, and avoid that 
 vengeance which comes from him. Some of these 
 men, when they have had the management of affairs 
 committed to them by their friends, and bearing 
 private malice of their own against some others, by 
 
 * The true reason why king Artaxerxes did not here properly revoke 
 his former barbarous decree for tiie universal slaughter of the Jews, 
 but only eni})o\vered and encouraged the Jews to fight for their lives, 
 to kill their enemies, if they attempted their destruction, seems to have 
 been that old law of the Medes and Persians, not yet laid aside, that 
 whatever decree was signed i)oth by the king and his lords, could not 
 be chaiii/cd, l)ut remained unalterable, Daniel vi. 7, 8, 9, 1:2, 1,5, 17, P^sther 
 i, 19, and viii. 8. Aiul Hainan having engrossed the royal favour, might 
 perhaps have himself signed this decree for the Jews' slaughter instead 
 of the ancient lords, and so might have rendered it by their rules irrev- 
 ocable.
 
 Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 187 
 
 deceiving those that have the power, persuade them 
 to be angry at sueli as have done them no harm, till 
 they are in danger of perishing, and this by laying 
 accusations and calumnies: Xor is this state of things 
 to be discovered by ancient examples, or such as we 
 have learned by report only; but by some examples 
 of such impudent attempts under our own eyes, so 
 that it is not fit to attend any longer to calumnies 
 and accusations, nor to the persuasions of others, 
 l)ut to determine what any one knows of himself to 
 have been really done, and to punish what justly 
 deserves it, and to grant favours to such as are in- 
 nocent. This hath been the case of Haman, the 
 son of Ammedatha, by l)irth an Amalekite, and 
 alien from the blood of the Persians, who, when 
 he was hospitably entertained by us, and partook 
 of that kindness which we bear to all men, to so 
 great a degree, as to be called my father, and to 
 be all along worshipped, and to have honour paid 
 him by nil in the second rank after the roval honour 
 due to ourselves, he could not bear his good fortune, 
 nor govern the magnitude of his prosperity with 
 sound reason; nay, he made a conspiracy against 
 me and my life, who gave him his authority, by en- 
 deavouring to take away jNIordecai, my benefactor, 
 and my saviour, and bv baselv and treacherously re- 
 quiring to have Esther, the partner of my life, and 
 of my dominion, brought to destruction; for he con- 
 trived by this means to ^ deprive me of my faithful 
 
 ^ These words give an intimation as if Artaxerxes suspected a deeper 
 design in Hanian ttian oi)enly ap]ieared, viz. That knowing the Jews 
 would be faithful to him, and that he could never transfer the crown 
 to his own familv, who was an Agagite, Ksth. iii. 1, 10, or of the jios- 
 tcrity of Agag, the old king of tlu- Amalckites, 1 Sam. xv. 8, .'}-', ;}3, 
 while they were alive, and s])read over all his dominions, he therefore 
 endeavoured to destroy them. Nor is it to me improbable, that those 
 73,800 of the Je\vs' enemies which were soon destroyed by the Jews, 
 on the permission of the king, which must be on some great occasion, 
 were Amalckites, their old and hereditary enemies, Kxod. xvii. 1 i, 1j,
 
 188 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 friends, and transfer the government to others: But 
 since I perceived that these Jews, that were by this 
 pernicious fellow devoted to destruction, were not 
 wicked men, but conducted their lives after the best 
 manner, and were men dedicated to the worship of 
 that God who hath preserved the kingdom to me 
 and to my ancestors, I do not only free them from 
 the punishment which the former epistle, which was 
 sent by Haman, ordered to be inflicted on them, to 
 which if you refuse obedience, you shall do well, 
 but I will that they have all honour paid to them. 
 Accordingly, I have hanged up the man that con- 
 trived such things against them, with his family, 
 before the gates of Shushan, that punishment being 
 sent upon him by God, who seeth all things. And 
 I give you in charg-e, that you publicly propose a 
 copy of this epistle through all my kingdom, that 
 the Jews may be jjermitted peaceably to use their 
 own laws, and that you assist them, that at the same 
 season whereto their miserable estate did belong, 
 they may defend themselves the very same day from 
 unjust violence, the thirteenth day of the twelfth 
 month, which is Adar, for God hath made that day 
 a day of salvation instead of a day of destruction 
 to them; and may it be a good day to those that 
 wish us well, and a memorial of the punishment of 
 the conspirators against us! and I will that you 
 take notice, that every city, and every nation, that 
 shall disobey any thing that is contained in this 
 epistle, shall be destroyed by fire and sword. How- 
 ever, let this epistle be published through all the 
 country that is under our obedience, and let all the 
 Jews, by all means be ready against the day before 
 
 and that tlicrpl)y was fulfilled Balaam's jtrophecy, "Amalek was the 
 first of the nations, but his latter end shall be, that he perish for ever," 
 Num. xxiv. 20.
 
 Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 189 
 
 mentioned, that they may avenge themselves upon 
 their enemies." 
 
 13. Accordingly, the horsemen who carried the 
 epistles, proceeded on the ways which they were to 
 go with speed: but as for Mordecai, as soon as 
 he had assumed the royal garment, and the crown 
 of gold, and had put the chain about his neck, he 
 went forth in a public procession; and when the 
 Jews, who were at Shushan, saw him in so great 
 honour with the king, they thought his good fortune 
 was common to themselves also; and joy, and a 
 beam of salvation encompassed the Jews, both those 
 that were in the cities, and those that were in the 
 countries, upon the publication of the king's letters, 
 insomuch, that many even of other nations circum- 
 cised their foreskin for fear of the Jews, that they 
 might procure safety to themselves thereby; for on 
 the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which ac- 
 cording to the Hebrews is called Adar, but according 
 to the JNIacedonians, Dystrus, those that carried the 
 king's epistle gave them notice, that the same day 
 wherein their danger was to have been, on that very 
 day should they destroy their enemies. But now the 
 rulers of the provinces, and the tyrants, and the 
 kings, and the scribes, had the Jews in esteem; for 
 the fear they were in of INIordecai forced them to 
 act with discretion. Now when the royal decree 
 was come to all the country that was subject to 
 the king, it fell out that the Jews at Shushan slew 
 five hundred of their enemies: and when the king 
 had told Esther the number of those that were slain 
 in that city, but did not well know what had been 
 done in the provinces, he asked her, wliether she 
 would have any thing farther done against them '. 
 for that it should })e done accordingly: Upon which 
 she desired that the Jews might be permitted to
 
 190 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 treat their remaining enemies in the same manner 
 the next day; as also that they might hang ten sons 
 of Haman upon the gallows. So the king permitted 
 the Jews so to do, as desirous not to contradict Esther. 
 So they gathered themselves together again on the 
 fourteenth day of the month Dystrus, and slew 
 ahout three hundred of tlieir enemies, but touched 
 nothing of what riclies they had. Now there were 
 slain by the Jews that were in the country, and in 
 the other cities, seventy-five thousand of their enemies, 
 and these were slain on the thirteenth day of the 
 month, and the next day they kept as a festival. In 
 like manner the Jews that were in Shushan gathered 
 themselves together, and feasted on the fourteenth 
 day and that which folloMcd it; whence it is, that 
 even now all the Jews that are in the ha])itable earth 
 keep these days festival, and send portions to one 
 another. JNIordecai also wrote to those Jews that 
 lived in the kingdom of Artaxerxes to observe these 
 days, and celebrate them as festivals, and to deliver 
 them down to posterity, that this festival might con- 
 tinue for all time to come, and that it might never 
 be buried in oblivion, for since they were about to 
 be destroyed on these days by Haman, they would 
 do a right thing, upon escaping the danger in them, 
 and on them inflicting punishments on their enemies, 
 to observe those days, and give thanks to God on 
 them: for which cause the Jews still keep tlie fore- 
 mentioned days, and call them ' days of Phiirim 
 [or Pun?n.~\ And JNIordecai became a great and 
 
 * Take liere part of UelaiuTs note on this dis])utecl passage: "In 
 Josephus' copies these Hebrew words days of Pitrhii or Lota, as in the 
 Greek copies of Esther, ch. ix. 26, 28-32, is read days of phurltn, or 
 daiin of jirofccli'Di. lint oiifilit to read dai/K of piiriiii. as in the Hehrew; 
 than wliich emendation, says he, nolliinfi; is more certain." And had we 
 any assurance that .fosci)hus' copy ineiitioiicd the cfi.ifinff of lof.i, as our 
 other copies do, Esth. iii. 7, I should fully agree with Keland, but as 
 it now stands it seems to nic bv no means certain.
 
 Chap. 
 
 VII. or THE JEWS. 191 
 
 illustrious person with the king, and assisted him 
 in tlie government of the people. He also lived with 
 the queen: so that the affairs of the Jews were by 
 their means, better than they could ever have hoped 
 for. And this was the state of the Jews under the 
 reign of Artaxerxes.^ 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 How John slew his brother Jesns in the temple; and 
 how Bagoses offered many injuries to the Jews, and 
 what Sanhallat did. 
 
 1. When Eliashab the high priest was dead, his 
 son Judas succeeded in the high priesthood: and when 
 he was dead, his son John took that dignity; on whose 
 account it was also that liagoses, the general of -another 
 
 * As to this whole book of Estlier in the present Hebrew copy, it is 
 so very imperfect, in a case where the providence of God was so very 
 remarkable, and the Septuagint and Josephus have so much of religion, 
 that it has not so much as the name of God once in it; and it is liard 
 to say who made that epitome which the Masorites have given us for 
 the genuine book itself; no religious Jews could well be the authors 
 of it, whose education obliged them to have a constant regard to God 
 and whatsoever related to his worshi]-); nor do we know that there ever 
 was so imperfect a copy of it in the world till after the days of Barcho- 
 cab, in the second century. 
 
 ^ Concerning this other Artaxerxes, called Mnemon, and the Persian 
 affliction and captivity of the Jews under him occasioned by the murder 
 of the high priest's "brother in the holy house itself, see Authent. Rec. 
 at large, p. 49. And if any wonder why Josephus wholly omits the 
 rest of the kings of Persia after Artaxerxes Mnemon, till he came to 
 their last king Darius, who was eonquered by Alexander the Great, I 
 shall give them Vossius' and Dr. Hudson's answer, though in my own 
 words, viz. That Josephus did not do ill in omitting those kings of Persia 
 with whom the Jews had no concern; because he was giving the history 
 of the Jews, and not of the Persians: [which is a sufficient reason also 
 why he entirely omits the liistory and the book of Job, as not particu- 
 larly relating to that nation.] He justly, therefore, returns to the Jewish 
 affairs after the death of Longimanus, without any mention of Darius 
 II. before Artaxerxes Mnemon, or of the Ochus or Aroarus, as the Canon 
 of Ptolemy names them after him. Xor had he probablv mentioned thi:^
 
 192 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 Artaxerxes' army, polluted the temple, and imposed 
 tributes on the Jews, that out of the public stock, 
 before they offered the daily sacrifices, they should 
 pay for every lamb fifty shekels. Now Jesus was the 
 brother of John, and was a friend of Bagoses, who 
 had promised to procure him the high priesthood. In 
 confidence of whose support, Jesus quarrelled with 
 John in the temple, and so provoked his brother, that 
 in his anger his brother slew him. Now it was a 
 horrible thing for John, when he was high priest, to 
 perpetrate so great a crime; and so much the more 
 horrible, that there never was so cruel and impious a 
 thing done, neither by the Greeks nor Barbarians. 
 However, God did not neglect its punishment, but 
 the people were on that very account enslaved and 
 the temple was polluted by the Persians. Now when 
 Bagoses, the general of Artaxerxes' army, knew that 
 John, the high j^i'iest of the Jews, had slain his own 
 brother Jesus in the temple, he came upon the Jews 
 immediately, and began in anger to say to them, 
 "Have you had the impudence to perpetrate a murder 
 in your temple!" And as he was aiming to go into 
 the temple, they forbade him so to do; but he said to 
 them, "Am not I purer than he that was slain in the 
 temple?" And when he had said these words, he 
 went into the temple. Accordingly, Bagoses made 
 use of this pretence, and punished the Jews seven 
 years for the murder of Jesus. 
 
 2. Now when John had departed this life, his son 
 Jaddua succeeded in the high priesthood. He Iiad 
 a brother, whose name was Manasseh. Now there 
 was one Sanballat, who was sent by Darius, the last 
 king [of Persia,] into Samaria. He was a Cuthean 
 
 other Artaxerxes unless Bagoses, one of the governors and commanders 
 under him, had occasioned the pollution of the Jewish temple, and had 
 greatly distressed the Jews upon that pollution.
 
 Chap. Yiii. OF THK JEWS. 193 
 
 by birth; of which stock were the Samaritans also. 
 This man knew that the city Jerusalem was a famous 
 city, and that their kings had given a great deal of 
 trouble to the Assyrians, and the people of Celesyria; 
 so that he willingly gave his daughter, whose name 
 was Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking this 
 alliance by marriage would be a pledge and security 
 that the nation of the Jews should continue their good 
 will to him. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Concerning SanhaUat and Manasseh, and the temple 
 winch they built on mount Gerizzim; as also how 
 Ale^vander made his entry into the city Jerusalem; 
 and what benefits he bestowed on the Jews. 
 
 1. About this time it was that Phihp, king of 
 JNIacedon, was treacherously assaulted and slain at 
 Egfe by Pausanias, the son of Cerastes, who was de- 
 rived from the family of Oresta?, and his son Alexander 
 succeeded him in the kingdom, who passing over the 
 Hellespont, overcame the generals of Darius' army 
 in a battle fought at Granicum. So he marclied over 
 Lydia, and subdued Ionia, and overran Caria, and fell 
 upon the places of Pamphylia, as has been related 
 elsewhere. 
 
 2. But the elders of Jerusalem being very uneasy 
 that the brother of Jaddua the high priest, though 
 married to a foreigner, should be a partner with him 
 in the high priesthood, quarrelled with him; for they 
 esteemed this man's marriage a step to such as should 
 be desirous of transgressing al)out the marriage of 
 [strange] wives, and that this would be the beginning 
 of a mutual society with foreigners, although the of-
 
 194 • ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 fence of some about marriages, and their having mar- 
 ried wives that were not of their own country, had 
 been an occasion of their former captivity, and of 
 the miseries they then underwent; so they commanded 
 JNIanasseh to divorce his wife, or not to approach the 
 altar, the high priest himself joining with the people 
 in their indignation against his brother, and driving 
 him away from the altar. Whereupon INIanasseh 
 came to his father-in-law, Sanballat, and told him, 
 That "although he loved his daughter Nicaso, yet he 
 was not willing to be deprived of his sacerdotal dignity 
 on her account, which was the principal dignity in 
 their nation, and alwavs continued in the same family." 
 And when Sanballat promised him not only to preserve 
 to him the honour of his priesthood, but to procure 
 for him the power and dignity of a high priest, and 
 would make him governor of all the places he him- 
 self now ruled, if he would keep his daughter for 
 his wife. He also told him farther, that he would 
 build him a temple like to that at Jerusalem, upon 
 mount Gerizzim which is the highest of all the moun- 
 tains that are in Samaria, and he promised that he 
 would do this with the approbation of Darius the king. 
 INIanasseh was elevated with these promises, and stayed 
 with Sanballat, upon a supposal that he should gain 
 a high priesthood, as bestowed on him by Darius, for 
 it happened that Sanballat was then in years. But 
 there was now a great disturbance among the people 
 of Jerusalem, because many of those priests and 
 Levites were entangled in such matches; for they all 
 revolted to ]Manasseh, and Sanballat afforded them 
 money, and divided among them land for tillage, and 
 habitations also, and all this in order every way to 
 gratify his son-in-law. 
 
 3. About this time it was that Darius heard how 
 Alexander had passed over the Hellespont, and had
 
 Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. lOr. 
 
 beaten his heutenants in the battle of Granicum, and 
 was proceeding farther; whereupon he gathered to- 
 gether an army of horse and foot, and determined 
 that he would meet the ^Macedonians before they 
 should assault and conquer all Asia. So he passed 
 over the river Euplirates, and came over Taurus, the 
 Cilician mountain, and at Issus of Cilicia he waited 
 for the enemy, as ready there to my^ him battle. 
 Upon which Sanballat was glad that Darius was 
 come down; and told Manasseh that he would sud- 
 denly perform his promises to him, and this as soon 
 as ever Darius should come back; after he had beaten 
 his enemies; for not he only, but all those that were 
 in Asia also, were persuaded that the INIacedonians 
 would not so much as come to a battle with the 
 Persians, on account of their multitude. But the 
 event proved otherwise than they expected, for the 
 king joined battle with the INlacedonians, and was 
 beaten, and lost a great part of his army. His mother 
 also, and his wife and children, were taken captives, 
 and he fled into Persia. So Alexander came into 
 Syria, and took Damascus; and when he had obtained 
 Sidon, he besieged Tyre, when he sent an epistle to 
 the Jewish high priest, "To send him some auxiliaries, 
 and to supply his army with provisions; and that what 
 presents he formerly sent to Darius, he would now 
 send to him, and choose the friendship of the INIace- 
 donians and that he should never repent of so doing." 
 But the high priest answered the messengers. That 
 "he had given his oath to Darius not to bear arms 
 against him; and he said, that he would not transgress 
 this while Darius was in the land of the living." 
 Upon hearing this answer, Alexander was very angry; 
 and though he determined not to leave Tyre, which 
 was just ready to be taken, yet as soon as he had 
 taken it, he threatened that he would make an expedi-
 
 196 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 tion against the Jewish high priest, and through him 
 teach all men to whom they must keep their oaths. 
 So when he had with a good deal of pains, during 
 the siege, ..taken Tyre, and had settled its affairs, he 
 came to the city of Gaza, and besieged both the city, 
 and him who was governor of the garrison, whose 
 name was Babemeses. 
 
 4. But Sanballat thought he had now gotten a 
 proper opportunity to make his attempt, so he re- 
 nounced Darius, and, taking with him seven thousand 
 of his own subjects, he came to Alexander; and find- 
 ing him beginning the siege of Tyre, he said to him, 
 that he delivered up to him these men, who came out 
 of places under his dominion, and did gladly accept 
 of him for his lord, instead of Darius. So when 
 Alexander had received him kindly, Sanballat there- 
 upon took courage, and spake to him about his present 
 affair. He told him. That "he had a son-in-law, 
 IManasseh, who was brother to the high priest Jaddua: 
 and that there were many others of his own nation, 
 now with him, that were desirous to have a temple 
 in the same places subject to him: that it would be 
 for the king's advantage to have the strength of the 
 Jews divided into two parts, lest when the nation is 
 of one mind, and united, upon any attempt for in- 
 novation, it jDrove troublesome to kings, as it had 
 formerly proved to the kings of Assyria." Where- 
 upon Alexander gave Sanballat leave so to do, who 
 used the utmost diligence, and built the temple, and 
 made IManasseh the priest, and deemed it a great 
 i-eward, that his daugliter's children should have that 
 dignity: but when tlie seven months of the siege of 
 Tyre were over, and the two months of the siege of 
 Gaza, Sanballat died. Now Alexander, when he had 
 taken Gaza, made haste to go up to Jerusalem: and 
 Jaddua the high priest, when he heard that, was in
 
 Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 107 
 
 an agony, and nnder terror, as not knowing how he 
 should meet the ^Macedonians, since the king was 
 displeased at his foregoing disobedience. He there- 
 fore ordained that the people should make suj^plica- 
 tions, and should join with him in offering sacrifice 
 to God, whom he besought to protect that nation, 
 and to deliver them from the perils that were coming 
 upon them: Whereupon God warned him in a dream, 
 which came upon him after he had offered sacrifice. 
 That "he should take courage, and adorn the city, 
 and open the gates; tliat the rest should appear in 
 white garments, but that he and the priests should 
 meet the king in the habits proper to their order, 
 without the dread of any ill consequences, which the 
 providence of God would prevent." Upon which, 
 when he rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced; and 
 declared to all the warning he had received from God. 
 According to which dream he acted entirely, and so 
 waited for the coming of the king. 
 
 5. And when he understood that he was not far 
 from the city, he went out in procession, witli the 
 priests and the multitude of the citizens. The pro- 
 cession was venerable, and the manner of it different 
 from that of other nations. It reached to a place 
 called Sapha, which name translated into Greek, 
 signifies a prospect, for you have thence a prospect 
 both of Jerusalem and of the temple; and when the 
 Phenicians and the Chaldeans that followed him, 
 thought they should have liberty to plunder the city, 
 and torment the high priest to death, which the king's 
 displeasure fairly promised them, the very reverse of 
 it happened; for Alexander, when he saw the multi- 
 tude at a distance, in white garments, while the priest 
 stood clothed with fine linen, and the high priest in 
 purple and scarlet clothing, with his mitre on his head, 
 having the golden plate whereon the name of God was
 
 198 ANTIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 engraved, he approached by himself, and adored 
 that name, and first saluted the high priest. The 
 Jews also did altogether, with one voice, salute Alex- 
 ander, and encompass him about: Whereupon the 
 king of Syria, and the rest, were surprised at what 
 Alexander had done, and supposed him disordered in 
 his mind. However, Parmenio alone went up to 
 him, and asked him, "How it came to pass, that when 
 all others adored him, he should adore the high priest 
 of the Jews?" To whom he replied, "I did not adore 
 him, but that God who hath honoured him with his 
 high priesthood; for I saw this very person in a 
 dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios in 
 ^Macedonia, who, when I was considering with my- 
 self how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, ex- 
 horted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over 
 the sea thither, for that he would conduct my army, 
 and would give me the dominion over the Persians; 
 whence it is, that having seen no other in that habit, 
 and now seeing this person in it, and remembering 
 that vision, and the exhortation which I had in my 
 dream, I believe that I bring this army under the 
 divine conduct, and shall therewith conquer Darius, 
 and destroy the power of the Persians, and that all 
 things will succeed according to what is in my own 
 mind." And when he had said this to Parmenio, 
 and had given the high priest his right hand, the 
 priests ran along })y him, and he came into the city. 
 And when he went up into the temple, he offered 
 sacrifice to God, according to the high priest's direc- 
 tion; and magnificently treated both the high priest 
 and the ])riests. And when the ^ book of Daniel was 
 showed him, wherein Daniel declared that one of the 
 
 ^ 'I'lic |)l;i<c slioucd Alcx;in(l<r, iiiiulit lie D.in. \ii. !i-8, JO, i?l, J2, xi. 
 'i, some or all of them very plain predictions of Alexander's conquests 
 and successors.
 
 Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 199 
 
 Greeks should destroy the empire of tlie Persians, 
 he supposed that himself was the person intended: 
 And as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude 
 for the present, but the next day he ealled them to 
 him, and bid them ask what favours they pleased of 
 him; whereupon the high priest desired that they 
 might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might 
 pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all 
 they desired. And when they entreated him that he 
 would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to 
 enjoy their own laws also, he willingly promised to 
 do hereafter what they desired. And when he said 
 to the multitude, that if any of them would list them- 
 selves in his army, on this condition that they should 
 continue under the laws of their forefathers, and live 
 according to them, he was willing to take them with 
 him, many were ready to accompany him in his wars. 
 6. So when Alexander had thus settled matters 
 at Jerusalem, he led his army into the neighbouring 
 cities; and when all the inhabitants, to whom he came, 
 received him with great kindness, the Samaritans, 
 who had then Shechem for their metropolis (a city 
 situate at mount Gerizzim, and inliabited by apostates 
 of the Jewish nation,) seeing that Alexander had so 
 greatly honoured the Jews, determined to profess 
 themselves Jews, for such is the disposition of the 
 Samaritans, as we have already elsewhere declared, 
 that when the Jews are in adversity thev denv that 
 
 « • * 
 
 thev are of kin to them, and then thev confess the 
 truth; but when they perceive that some good fortune 
 hath befallen them, they immediately pretend to have 
 communion with them, saying, that they belong to 
 them, and derive their genealogy from the posterity 
 of Joseph, Ephraim, and Manasseh. Accordingly, 
 they made their address to the king with splendour, 
 and showed great alacrity in meeting him at a little
 
 200 AA^TIQUITIES Book xi. 
 
 distance from Jerusalem. And when Alexander had 
 commanded them, the Shechemites approached to him, 
 taking with them the troops that Sanballat had sent 
 him, and they desired that he would come to their 
 city, and do honour to their temple also. To whom 
 he promised, that wlien he returned he would come 
 to them. And when tliey petitioned that he would 
 remit the tribute of the seventh year to them, because 
 they did not sow thereon, he asked who they were 
 that made such a petition, and when they said that 
 they were Hebrews, but had the name of Sidon'ians, 
 living at Shechem; he asked them again, whether 
 they were Jews, and when they said they were not 
 Jews, "It was to the Jews, said he, that I granted 
 that privilege; however, when I return, and am 
 thoroughly informed by you of this matter, ,1 will do 
 what I shall think proj^er." And in this manner he 
 took leave of the Shechemites; but ordered that the 
 troops of Sanballat should follow him into Egypt, 
 because there he designed to give them lands, which 
 he did a little after in Thebais, when he ordered them 
 to guard that country. 
 
 7. Xow when Alexander was dead, the govern- 
 ment was parted among his successors, but the temple 
 upon mount Gerizzim remained. And if any one 
 were accused by those of Jerusalem, of having eaten 
 things common, or of having ])roken the Sabbath, 
 or of any other crime of the like nature, he fled away 
 to the Shechemites, and said that he was accused 
 unjustly. About this time it was that Jaddua the 
 high priest died; and Onias his son took the high 
 jiriesthood. This was the state of the affairs of the 
 people of Jerusalem at this time.
 
 BOOK XII. 
 
 CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF A HUNDRED AND SEVENTY 
 
 YEARS. 
 
 [FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT, TO THE 
 DEATH OF JUDAS MACCABEUS.] 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Hoxv Ptolemy, the sou of Lagus, took Jerusalem and 
 Judea by deceit and treachery, and carried many 
 of the Jetcs thence, and planted them in Egypt. 
 
 1. XoAV when Alexander, king of ^lacedon, had 
 put an end to the dominion of the Persians, and had 
 settled the affairs in Judea after the forementioned 
 manner, he ended his life. And as his government 
 fell among many, Antigonus obtained Asia; Seleucus, 
 Babylon; and of the other nations which were there, 
 Lysimachus governed the Hellespont, and Cassander 
 possessed ]Macedonia; as did Ptolemy, the son of 
 Lagus, seize upon Egypt. And while these princes 
 ambitiously strove one against another, every one 
 for his own jDrincipality, it came to pass that there 
 were continual wars, and those lasting wars too; and 
 the cities were sufferers, and lost a great many of 
 their inhabitants in these times of distress, insomuch 
 that all Svria, bv the means of Ptolemv, the son of 
 
 ■201
 
 202 AXTIQL ITIES Book xn. 
 
 Lagus, underwent the reverse of that denomination 
 of Saviour, which he then had. He also seized upon 
 Jerusalem, and for that end made use of deceit and 
 treachery: for as he came into the city on a Sabbath- 
 day, as if he would offer sacrifices, he without any 
 trouble, gained the city while the Jews did not oppose 
 him, for they did not suspect him to be their enemy; 
 and he gained it thus, because they were free from 
 suspicion of him, and because on that day they were 
 at rest and quietness; and when he had gained it, 
 he ruled over it in a cruel manner. Xay, Agathar- 
 chides of Cnidus, who wrote the acts of Alexander's 
 successors, reproaches us with superstition, as if we, 
 by it, had lost our liberty; where he says thus; "There 
 is a nation called the nation of the Jews, who inhabit 
 a city strong and great, named Jerusalem. These 
 men took no care, but let it come into the hands of 
 Ptolemy, as not willing to take arms, and thereby 
 thev submitted to be under a hard master, by rea- 
 son of their unseasonable superstition." This is 
 what Agatharchides relates of our nation. But when 
 Ptolemy had taken a great many captives, both from 
 the mountainous parts of Judea, and from the places 
 about Jerusalem and Samaria, and the places near 
 mount Gerizzim, he led them all into ^ Egypt, and 
 
 ' The great number of tlie Jews and Samaritans that were formerly 
 carried into Egypt hy Alexander, and now l)y Ptolemy the son of 
 Lagus, appear afterwards in the vast multitude, who, as we shall see 
 presently, were soon ransomed by Philadcl])hus, and by him made free, 
 before he sent for the seventy-two interi)reters: in the many garrisons, 
 and other soldiers of that nation in Egypt; in the famous settlement 
 of Jews, and the number of their synagogues at Alexandria, long after- 
 ward; and in the vehement contention between tlie Jews and Samaritans 
 under Philometer, about the place appointed for public worship in the 
 law of Moses: whether at the Jewish temple at Jerusalem, or at the 
 Samaritans' temple at Geri/zini: of all which our author treats hereafter. 
 And as to the Samaritans carried into Egyjit under the same princes, 
 Scaliger supposes, that these who have a great synagogue at Cairo, as 
 also those whom the Arabic geographer s])eaks of, as having seized on 
 an island in the Red Sea, are remains of thera at this very day, as the 
 notes here inform us.
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 203 
 
 settled them there. And as he knew that the people 
 of Jerusalem were ^ most faithful in the observation 
 of oaths and eovenants; and this from the answer 
 they made to Alexander, when he sent an ambassage 
 to them, after he had beaten Darius in battle; so he 
 distributed many of them into garrisons, and at Alex- 
 andria gave them equal privileges of citizens with the 
 JNIacedonians themselves; and required of them to 
 take their oaths, that they would keep their fidelity 
 to the posterity of those who committed these places 
 to their care. Xay, there were not a few other Jews, 
 who, of their own accord, went into Egypt, as invited 
 hv the goodness of the soil, and hv the liheralitv of 
 Ptolemy I. However, there were disorders among their 
 posterity, with relation to the Samaritans, on account 
 of their resolution to preserve that conduct of life 
 which was delivered to them hy their forefathers, and 
 they thereupon contended one with another; while 
 those of Jerusalem said, that their temple was holy, 
 and resolved to send their sacrifices thither; hut the 
 Samaritans were resolved that they should he sent to 
 mount Gerizzim. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 How Ptolemy Philadelphus i)rocurcd the laics of the 
 Jews to he translated into the Greeh tongue; and 
 set many eaptives free; and dedicated many gifts 
 to God. 
 
 1. When Alexander had reigned twelve years, 
 and after him Ptolemy Soter forty years, Philadel])hus 
 
 ' Of the sacredness of oaths anion- I he Jews in the Old Testament, 
 see Scripture Politics, pp. 54, fio.
 
 204 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 then took the kingdom of Egypt, and held it forty 
 years within one. He procured the ^ law to be inter- 
 preted; and set free those that were come from Jeru- 
 salem into Egypt, and were in slavery there, who 
 were an hundred and twenty thousand. The occa- 
 sion was this: Demetrius Phalerius, who was library 
 keeper to the king, was now endeavouring, if it were 
 possible, to gather together all the books that were 
 in the habitable earth, and buying whatsoever was 
 any where valuable, or agreeable to the king's inclina- 
 tion, (who was very earnestly set upon collecting of 
 books;) to which inclination of his Demetrius was 
 zealously subservient. And when once Ptolemy asked 
 him, How many ten thousands of books he had col- 
 lected? he replied. That he had already about twenty 
 times ten thousand, but that, in a little time, he should 
 have fifty times ten thousand. But he said, he had 
 been informed that there were many books of laws 
 among the Jews, worthy of inquiring after, and 
 worthy of the king's library, but which being written 
 in characters and in a dialect of their own, will cause 
 no small pains in getting them translated into the 
 Greek tongue; that the character in wliich they are 
 written seems to be like to that which is the proper 
 character of the Syrians, and that its sound, when 
 pronounced, is like theirs also; and that this sound 
 appears to be peculiar to themselves. Wherefore he 
 said, that nothing hindered, why they might not get 
 those books to be translated also, for wliile nothing 
 is wanting that is necessary for that purpose, we may 
 have their books also in this library. So the king 
 
 ' Of the translnfion of the other parts of the Old Testament by 
 seventy EgyjJtian .Jews, in tlie reif;n of Ptolemy the son of I>agus, and 
 Philadelphus; as also of the translation of the Pentateuch by seventy-two 
 Jerusalem Jews, in the seventh year of Philadelphus at Alexandria, as 
 }j:i\'<'n us an account of l)y Aristeus, aiui thence by Pliilo and .losephus, 
 vvitli a viiulicfilion of Aristeus' history, see the Ap])eiidix to Lit. Accomp. 
 of Pro])li. at large, pp. 117-152.
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 205 
 
 thought that Demetrius was very zealous to procure 
 him abundance of books, and that he suggested what 
 was exceeding pro23er for him to do; and therefore 
 he wrote to the Jewish high priest, that he should act 
 accordingly. 
 
 2. Now there was one Aristeus, who was amonar 
 the king's most intimate friends, and on account 
 of his modesty very acceptable to him. This Aris- 
 teus resolved frequently, and that before now, to 
 23etition the king, that he would set all the captive 
 Jews in his kingdom free; and he thought this to 
 be a convenient opportunity for the making that 
 petition. So he discoursed, in the first place, with 
 the captains of the king's guards, Sosibius of Taren- 
 tum, and Andreas; and j^ersuaded them to assist 
 him in what he was going to intercede with the 
 king for: Accordingly Aristeus embraced the same 
 opinion with those that have been before mentioned; 
 and went to the king, and made the following speech 
 to him: "It is not fit for us, O king, to overlook 
 things hastily, or to deceive ourselves, but to lay 
 the truth open; For since we have determined not 
 only to get the laws of the Jews transcribed, but 
 interpreted also, for thy satisfaction, by what means 
 can we do tliis, while so many of the Jews are now 
 slaves in thy kingdom? Do thou then wliat will be 
 agreea])le to thy magnanimity, and to thy good 
 nature; free them from the miserable condition they 
 are in, because that God, who supporteth thy king- 
 dom, was the author of their laws, as I have learned 
 by particular inquiry; for both these people, and 
 we also, worship the same God, the framer of all 
 things. We call him, and that truly, by the name 
 of Z-qva^ [or life, or Jupiter,] because he breathes life 
 into all men. Wherefore do thou restore these men 
 to their own country and this do to the honour of
 
 206 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 God, because these men pay a peculiarly excellent 
 worship to him. And know this farther, that though 
 I be not of kin to them by birth, nor one of the 
 same country with them, vet do I desire these favours 
 to })e done them, since all men are the workmanship 
 of God; and I am sensible that he is well pleased 
 with those that do good. I do therefore put up 
 this petition to thee, to do good to them." 
 
 3. When Aristeus was saying thus, the king looked 
 upon him *with a cheerful and joyful countenance, 
 and said, "How many ten thousands dost thou sup- 
 pose there are of such as want to be made free?" 
 To which Andreas replied, as he stood by, and said, 
 "A few more than ten times ten thousand." The 
 king made answer, "And is this a small gift that 
 thou askest, Aristeus?" But Sosibius, and the rest 
 that stood by, said. That "he ought to offer such a 
 thank-offering, as was worthy of his greatness of 
 soul, to that God who had given him his kingdom." 
 With this answer he was much pleased; and gave 
 order, that when they paid the soldiers their wages, 
 tliey shoidd lay down [a ^ hundred and] twenty 
 drachma!? for every one of the slaves. And he prom- 
 ised to publish a magnificent decree, about what they 
 requested, which should confirm what Aristeus had 
 proposed, and especially what God willed should be 
 done; whereby he said, he would not only set those 
 
 ' Although this number 130 dr.achmae (of Alexandria, or 60 Jewish 
 shekels) be here three times repeated, and that in all Josephus' eopies, 
 Greek and Latin, yet sinee all the eopies of Aristeus, whence Josephus 
 took his rehition, ha\e this sum several times, and still as no more than 
 20 drachmae, or 10 Jewish shekels; and since the sum of the talents, to 
 be set down presently, which is little above 4G0, for somewhat more 
 than 100,000 slaves, and is nearly the same in Josephus and Aristeus, 
 does better agree to 20 tlian to 120 drachmae: and since the value of a 
 slave of old was, at the utmost but SO shekels, or (iO drachmae, see Exod. 
 xxi. 32, while in the present circumstances of tiiese Jewish slaves, and 
 those so very numerous, Philadelphus would rather redeem them at a 
 cheaper, than at a dearer rate, there is great reason to prefer here 
 Aristeus' c()])ies before Joscpiuis.
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 207 
 
 free who had been led away captive by his father, 
 and his army, but those who were in this kingdom 
 before, and those also, if any such there were, who 
 had been brought away since. And when they said 
 that their redemption money would amount to above 
 four hundred talents, he granted it. A copy of 
 which decree I have determined to preserve, that the 
 magnanimity of this king may be made known. Its 
 contents were as follows: "Let all those who were 
 soldiers under oiu' father, and who, when they over- 
 ran Syria and Phenicia, and laid waste Judea, took 
 the Jews captives, and made them slaves, and brought 
 them into our cities, and into this country, and then 
 sold them; as also all those that were in my king- 
 dom before them, and if there be any that have been 
 lately brought thither, be made free by those that 
 possess them; and let them accept of [an hundred 
 and] twenty drachmae for every slave. And let the 
 soldiers receive this redemption money with their 
 pay, but the rest out of the king's treasury: for I 
 suppose that they were made captives without our 
 father's consent, and against equity; and that their 
 countrv was harassed bv the insolence of the soldiers, 
 and that, by removing them into Egypt, the soldiers 
 have made a great profit by them. Out of regard 
 therefore to justice, and out of pity to those that 
 have been tyrannized over, contrary to equity, I 
 enjoin those that have such Jews in their service to 
 set them at liberty, upon the receipt of the before- 
 mentioned sum; and that no one use anv deceit about 
 them, l)ut obey what is here commanded. And I 
 will, that they give in their names within three days, 
 after the publication of this edict, to such as are 
 appointed to execute the same, and to produce the 
 slaves before them also, for I think it will be for 
 the advantage of my affairs: And let every one that
 
 208 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 will, inform against those that do not obey this de- 
 cree: and I will that their estates be confiscated into 
 the king's treasury." AVhen this decree was read 
 to the king, it at first contained the rest that is here 
 inserted, and omitted only those Jews that had for- 
 merly been brought, and those brought afterwards, 
 which had not been distinctly mentioned, so he added 
 these clauses out of his humanity, and with great 
 generosity. He also gave order, that the payment, 
 which was likely to be done in a hurry, should be 
 divided among the king's ministers, and among the 
 officers of his treasurv. When this was over, what 
 the king had decreed was quickly brought to a con- 
 clusion; and this in no more than seven days' time, 
 the number of the talents paid for the captives being 
 above four hundred and sixty, and this, because their 
 masters required tlie [hundred and] twenty drachnife 
 for the children also, the king having, in effect, com- 
 manded, that these should be_ paid for, w^hen he said 
 in his decree, that they should receive the foremen- 
 tioned sum for every slave. 
 
 4. Now when this had been done after so mag- 
 nificent a manner, according to the king's inclinations, 
 he gave order to Demetrius to give him in writing 
 his sentiments concerning the transcribing of the 
 Jewish books, for no part of the administration is 
 done rashly by these kings, but all things are man- 
 aged with great circumspection. On which account 
 I have subjoined a copy of these epistles, and set 
 down the multitude of the vessels sent as gifts [to 
 Jerusalem] and the construction of every one, that 
 the exactness of the artificer's workmanship, as it 
 appeared to those that saw them, and which work- 
 man made every vessel, may be made manifest, and 
 this on account of the excellency of the vessels them- 
 selves. Now the copy of the epistle was to this
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 209 
 
 purpose; "Demetrius to the great king: When thou, 
 O king, gavest nie a charge concerning the collection 
 of books that were wanting to fill your library, and 
 concerning the care that ought to be taken about 
 such as are imperfect, I have used the utmost dili- 
 gence about those matters. And I let you know, 
 that we want the books of the Jewish legislation, 
 with some others; for they are written in the Hebrew 
 characters, and being in the language of that na- 
 tiori, are to us unknown. It hath also happened to 
 them, that they have been transcribed more care- 
 lessly than they ought to have been, because they 
 have not had hitherto royal care taken about them. 
 Now it is necessary that thou shouldest have accurate 
 copies of them. And indeed this legislation is full 
 of hidden wisdom, and entirely blameless, as being 
 the legislation of God: For which cause it is, as 
 Hecateus of Abdera says, that the poets and his- 
 torians make no mention of it, nor of those men 
 who lead their lives according to it, since it is a 
 holy law, and ought not to be published by jDrofane 
 mouths. If then it please thee, O king, thou mayest 
 write to the high priest of the Jews, to send six of 
 the elders out of every tribe, and those such as are 
 most skilful of the laws, that by their means we 
 may learn the clear and agreeing sense of these 
 books; and may obtain an accurate interpretation 
 of their contents, and so may have such a collection 
 of these as may be suitable to thv desire." 
 
 5. When this epistle was sent to the king, he 
 commanded that an epistle should be drawn up 
 for Eleazar, the Jewish high priest, concerning these 
 matters; and that they should inform him of the 
 release of the Je\vs that had been in slavery among 
 them. He also sent fifty talents of gold for the 
 making of large basons, and vials, and cups, and an
 
 210 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 immense quantity of precious stones. He also gave 
 orders to those v.ho Jiad the custody of the chest 
 that contained these stones, to give the artificers 
 leave to choose out what sorts of them they pleased. 
 He withal appointed, that a hundred talents in money * 
 should be sent to the temple, for sacrifices, and for 
 other uses. Now I will give a description of these 
 vessels, and the manner of their construction, but 
 not till after I have set down a copy of the epistle 
 which was written to Eleazar the high priest, #vho 
 had obtained that dignity on the occasion following: 
 when Onias the high priest was dead, his son Simon 
 became his successor. He was called ' Simon the 
 Just, because of both his piety towards God, and 
 his kind disposition to those of his own nation. When 
 he was dead, and had left a young son, who was 
 called Onias, Simon's brother Eleazar, of whom 
 we are speaking, took the high priesthood; and he 
 it was to whom Ptolemv wrote, and that in the 
 manner following: "King Ptolemy to Eleazar the 
 high priest, sendeth greeting: There are many Jews 
 who now dwell in my kingdom, whom the Persians, 
 when they were in power, carried captives. These 
 were honoured by my father; some of them he placed 
 in the army, and gave them greater pay than ordi- 
 nary: to others of them, when they came with him 
 into Egypt, he committed his garrisons, and the 
 guarding of them, that they might be a terror to the 
 Egyptians. And when I had taken the govern- 
 ment, I treated all men with humanity, and especially 
 those that are thy fellow * citizens, of whom I have 
 set free above a hundred thousand that were slaves, 
 and paid the price of their redemjition to their mas- 
 
 * We have a very great encomium of this Simon the Just, the son of 
 Onias I., in the fiftieth chajjter of the Ecclesiastieus, through the whole 
 chapter. Xor is it improper to consult that chapter itself upon this 
 occasion.
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 211 
 
 ters out of my own revenues; and those that are 
 of a fit age, I have admitted into the number of 
 my soldiers. And for such as are capable of being 
 faithful to me, and proper for my court, I have put 
 them in such a post, as thinking this [kindness done 
 to them] to be a very great and an acceptable gift, 
 which I devote to God for his providence over me. 
 And as I am desirous to do what will be grateful 
 to these, and to all the other Jews in the habitable 
 earth, I have determined to procure an interpretation 
 of your law, and to have it translated out of Hebrew 
 into Greek, and to be reposited in my library. Thou 
 wilt therefore do well to choose out and send to 
 me men of a good character, who are now elders in 
 age, and six in number out of every tribe. These, 
 by their age, must be skilful in the laws, and of 
 abilities to make an accurate interpretation of them: 
 and when this shall be finished, I shall think that I 
 have done a work glorious to myself. And I have 
 sent to thee Andreas, the caj)tain of my guard, and 
 Aristeus, men whom I have in very great esteem; 
 by whom I have sent those first fruits which I have 
 dedicated to the temple, and to the sacrifices, and to 
 other uses, to the value of a hundred talents. And 
 if thou wilt send to us, to let us know what thou 
 wouldest have farther, thou wilt do a thing acceptable 
 to me." 
 
 6. When this epistle of the king's was brought 
 to Eleazar, he wrote an answer to it with all the 
 respect possible: "Eleazar the high priest, to king 
 Ptolemy, sendeth greeting: If thou and thy ^ queen 
 
 ' When we have here and presently mention made of Philadelphus' 
 queen, and sister Arsinoe, we are to remember, with H]>anheini, that 
 Arsiiioe was both his sister and his wife, accordinfj to tlie ohl cuslom 
 of Persia, and of Egypt at this very time; nay, of tlie Assyrians long 
 afterward. See Antiq. B. XX. eh. ii. sect. 1, Vol. III. Whence we have, 
 upon the coins of Philadelphus, this known inscrijition, the divine brother 
 and sister.
 
 212 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 Arsinoe, and thy children, be well, we are entirely 
 satisfied. When we receiAed thy epistle, we greatly 
 rejoiced at thy intentions: And when the multitude 
 were gathered together, we read it to them, and 
 thereby made them sensible of the piety thou hast 
 towards God. We also showed them the twenty 
 vials of gold, and thirty of silver, and the five large 
 basons, and the table for the show-bread; as also the 
 hundred talents for the sacrifices, and for the making 
 what shall be needful at the temple. Which things 
 Andreas and Aristeus, those most honoured friends 
 of thine, have brought us: and truly they are persons 
 of an excellent character, and of great learning, and 
 worthy of thy virtue. Know then, that we will 
 gratify thee in what is for thy advantage, though 
 we do what we used not to do before, for we ought 
 to make a return for the numerous acts of kindness 
 whicli thou hast done to our countrymen. We im- 
 mediately, therefore, offered sacrifices for thee and 
 thy sister, with thy children, and friends; and the 
 multitude made prayers, that thy affairs may be 
 to thy mind, and that thy kingdom may be preserved 
 in peace, and that the translation of our law may 
 come to the conclusion thou desirest, and be for 
 thy advantage. We have also chosen six elders out 
 of every tribe, whom we have sent, and the law with 
 them. It will be thy part, out of thy piety and 
 justice, to send back the law, when it hath been 
 translated; and to return those to us that bring it 
 in safety. Farewell." 
 
 7. This was the reply which the high priest made. 
 But it does not seem to me to be necessary to set 
 down the names of the seventy [two] elders who 
 were sent ])y Eleazar, and carried the law, whicli 
 yet were subjoined at the end of the epistle. How- 
 ever, I thought it not improper to give an account of
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 213 
 
 those very valuable and artificially contrived vessels 
 which the king sent to God, that all may see how 
 great a regard the king had for God; for the king 
 allowed a vast deal of expenses for these vessels: 
 and came often to the workmen, and viewed their 
 works, and suffered nothing of carelessness or negli- 
 gence to be any damage to their operations. And 
 I will relate how rich they were as well as I am 
 able, although perhaps the nature of this history 
 may not require such a description, but I imagine" 
 I shall thereby recommend the elegant taste and 
 magnanimity of this king to those that read this 
 history. 
 
 8. And first I will describe what belongs to the 
 table. It was indeed in the king's mind to make 
 this table vastly large in its dimensions; but then 
 he gave orders that they should learn what was the 
 magnitude of the table which was already at Jeru- 
 salem, and how large it was, and whether there were 
 a possibility of making one larger than it. And 
 when he was informed how large that was which was 
 already there, and that nothing hindered but a 
 larger might be made, he said, That "he was willing 
 to have one made that should be five times as large 
 as the present table, ])ut his fear was, that it might 
 be then useless in their sacred ministrations, by its 
 too great largeness; for he desired that the gifts he 
 presented them, should not only be there for show, 
 but should be useful also in their sacred ministra- 
 tions." According to which reasoning, that the 
 former table was made of so moderate a size for 
 use, and not for want of gold, he resolved that he 
 would not exceed the former table in largeness; but 
 would make it exceed it in the variety and elegancy 
 of its materials. And as he was sagacious in ob- 
 serving the nature of all things, and in having a
 
 214 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 just notion of what was new and surprising, and 
 where there were no sculptures, he would invent such 
 as were proper, hy his own skill, and would show 
 them to the workmen, he commanded that such 
 sculptures should now be made, and that those which 
 were delineated, should be most accurately formed 
 by a constant regard to their delineation. 
 
 9. When therefore the workmen had undertaken 
 to make the table, they framed it in length two 
 cubits [and a half,] in breadth one cubit, and in 
 height one cubit and a half; and the entire structure 
 of the work was of gold. They withal made a crown 
 of a hand-breadth round it, with wave-work wreathed 
 about it, and with an engraving imitated a cord, and 
 it was admirably turned on its three parts; for as they 
 were of a triangular figure, every angle had the same 
 disposition of its sculptures, that when you turned 
 them about, the very same form of them was turned 
 about without any variation. Now that part of 
 the crown-work that was inclosed under the table 
 had its sculptures very beautiful, but that part which 
 went round on the outside was more elaborately 
 adorned with most beautiful ornaments, because it 
 was exposed to sight, and to the view of the spec- 
 tators; for which reason it was that both those sides 
 which were extant above the rest, were acute; and 
 none of the angles, which we before told you were 
 three, appeared less than another, when the table 
 was turned about. Now into the cord-work thus 
 turned were precious stones inserted in rows parallel 
 one to the other, inclosed in golden buttons, which 
 had ouches in them; but the parts which were on 
 the side of the crown, and were exposed to the sight, 
 were adorned with a row of oval figures obliquely 
 placed, of the most excellent sort of precious stones, 
 which imitated rods laid close; and encompassed the
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 215 
 
 table round about. But under these oval figures, 
 thus engraven, the workmen had put a crown all 
 round it, where the nature of all sorts of fruit was 
 represented, insomuch that the bunches of grapes 
 hung up. And when they had made the stones to 
 represent all the kinds of fruit before mentioned, 
 and that each in its proper colour, they made them 
 fast with gold round the whole table. The like dis- 
 position of the oval figures, and of the engraved 
 rods, was framed under the crown, that the table 
 might on each side show the same appearance of 
 variety, and elegancy of its ornaments, so that neither 
 the position of the wave-work nor of the crown, 
 might be different, although the table were turned 
 on the other side, but that the prospect of the most 
 artificial contrivances might be extended as far as 
 the feet; for there was made a plate of gold of four 
 fingers broad, through the entire breadth of the 
 table, into which they inserted the feet, and then 
 fastened them to the table })y buttons, and button- 
 holes, at the place where the crown was situate, that 
 so on what side soever of the table one should stand, 
 it might exhil)it the very same view of the exquisite 
 workmanship, and of the vast expenses bestowed 
 upon it: but upon the table itself they engraved a 
 meander, inserting into it very valuable stones in 
 the middle, like stars of various colours: the car- 
 buncle and the emerald, each of which sent out 
 agreeable rays of light to the spectators; with such 
 stones of other sorts also as were most curious, and 
 best esteemed, as being most precious in their kind. 
 Hard by this meander a texture of net-work ran 
 round it, the middle of which appeared like a rhom- 
 bus, into which were inserted rock crystal, and 
 amber, wliich, by the great resemblance of the ap- 
 pearance they made, gave wonderful delight to those
 
 216 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 that saw them. The chapiters of the feet imitated 
 the first buddings of lihes, while their leaves were 
 bent and laid under the table, but so that the chives 
 were seen standing upright within them. Their 
 bases were made of a carbuncle; and the place at 
 the bottom, which rested on that carbuncle, was one 
 palm deep, and eight fingers in breadth. Now they 
 had engraven upon it with a very fine tool, and 
 with a great deal of pains, a branch of ivy, and 
 tendrils of the vine; sending forth clusters of grapes, 
 that you would guess they were no wise different 
 from real tendrils, for they were so very thin, and 
 so very far extended at their extremities, that they 
 were moved with the wind, and made one believe 
 that they were the product of nature, and not the 
 representation of art. They also made the entire 
 workmanship of the table appear to be threefold, 
 while the joints of the several parts were so united 
 together as to be invisible, and the places where they 
 joined could not be distinguished. Now the thick- 
 ness of the table was not less than half a cubit. So 
 that this gift, by the king's great generosity, bj^ 
 the great value of the materials, and the variety of 
 its exquisite structure, and the artificer's skill in 
 imitating nature with graving tools, was at length 
 brought to perfection, while the king was very de- 
 sirous that though in largeness it were not to be 
 different from that which was already dedicated 
 to God, yet that in exquisite workmanship, and the 
 novelty of the contrivances, and in the splendour 
 of its construction, it should far exceed it, and be 
 more illustrious than that was. 
 
 10. Now of the cisterns of gold there were two, 
 whose sculpture was of scale-work, from its basis 
 to its belt-like circle, with various sorts of stones 
 inchased in the spiral circles. Next to which there
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 217 
 
 was upon it a meander of a cubit in height; it was 
 composed of stones of all sorts of colours. And 
 next to this was the rod-work engraven; and next 
 to that was a rhombus in a texture of net-work, 
 drawn out to the brim of the bason, while small 
 shields made of stones, beautiful in their kind, and 
 of four fingers depth, filled up the middle parts. 
 About the top of the bason were wreathed the leaves 
 of lilies, and of the convolvulus, and the tendrils 
 of vines, in a circular manner. And this was the 
 construction of the two cisterns of gold, each con- 
 taining two firkins. But those which were of silver 
 were much more bright and splendid than looking- 
 glasses, and you might in them see the images that 
 fell upon them more plainly than in the other. The 
 king also ordered thirty vials; those of which the 
 parts that were of gold, and not filled up with 
 precious stones, were shadowed over with the leaves 
 of ivy, and of vines, artificially engraven. And these 
 were the vessels that were, after an extraordinary 
 manner, brought to this perfection, partly by the 
 skill of the workmen, who were admirable in such 
 fine work, but much more by the diligence and 
 generosity of the king, who not only supplied the 
 artificers abundantly, and with great generosity, with 
 what they wanted, ])ut he forbade public audiences 
 for the time, and came and stood ])y the workmen, 
 and saw the whole operation. And this was the 
 cause why the workmen were so accurate in their 
 performance, because they had regard to the king, 
 and to his great concern about the vessels, and so 
 the more indefatigably kept close to the work. 
 
 11. And these were what gifts were sent by 
 Ptolemy to Jerusalem, and dedicated to God there. 
 But when Eleazar the high priest had devoted them 
 to God, and had paid due .respect to those that
 
 218 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 brought them, and had given them presents to be 
 carried to the king, he dismissed them. And when 
 they were come to Alexandria, and Ptolemy heard 
 that they were come, and that the seventy elders 
 were come also, he presently sent for Andreas and 
 Aristeus, his ambassadors, who came to him, and 
 delivered him the ejjistle which they had brought 
 him from the high j^riest, and made answer to all 
 the questions he i^ut to them by word of mouth. 
 He then made haste to meet the elders that came 
 from Jerusalem, for the interpretation of the laws; 
 and he gave command, that every body, who came 
 on occasions, should be sent away, which was a 
 thing surprising, and what he did not use to do, 
 for those that there were drawn thither upon such 
 occasions used to come to him on the fifth day, but 
 ambassadors at the month's end. But when he had 
 sent those away, he waited for these that were sent 
 by Eleazar; but as the old men came in with the 
 presents, which the high priest had given them to 
 Ijring to the king, and with the membranes, upon 
 which they had their laws written ^ in golden letters, 
 he put questions to them concerning those books; 
 and when they had taken off the covers wherein 
 they were wrapt up, they showed him the mem- 
 branes. So the king stood admiring the thinness of 
 those meml)ranes, and the exactness of the junctures; 
 which could not be perceived, (so exactly were they 
 connected one with another) ; and this he did for 
 a considerable time. He then said tliat he returned 
 them thanks for coming to him, and still greater 
 thanks to him that sent them; and, above all, to 
 that God whose laws they appeared to be. Then 
 did the elders, and those that were present with them, 
 
 * The Talmudists say, that it is not lawful to write the law in letters 
 Qf gold, contrary to this certain and very ancient example.
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 219 
 
 cry out with one voice, and wished all happiness to 
 the king. Upon which he fell into tears by the 
 violence of the pleasure he had, it being natural 
 to men to afford the same indications in great joy, 
 that they do under sorrows. And when he had bid 
 them deliver the books to those that were appointed 
 to receive them, he saluted the men; and said, that 
 it was but just to discourse, in the first place, of 
 the errand thev were sent about, and then to address 
 himself to themselves. He promised, however, that 
 he would make this day on which they came to him 
 remarkable and eminent every year through the 
 whole course of his life; for their coming to him, 
 and the victory which he gained over Antigonus by 
 sea, proved to be on the very same day. He also 
 gave orders, that they should sup with him; and 
 gave it in charge that they should have excellent 
 lodgings provided for tliem in the upper part of 
 the city. 
 
 12. Xow he that was appointed to take care 
 of the reception of strangers, Xicanor by name, 
 called for Dorotheus, whose dutv it was to make 
 provision for them, and bid him prepare for every 
 one of them what should be requisite for their diet 
 and way of living. Which thing was ordered by 
 the king after this manner: he took care, that those 
 that belonged to every city, wliich did not use the 
 same way of living, that all things should be pre- 
 pared for them according to the custom of those 
 that came to him, that being feasted according to 
 the usual method of their own way of living, they 
 might be the better pleased, and might not be un- 
 easy at any thing done to them, from which they 
 were naturally averse. And this was now done in 
 the case of these men by Dorotheus, who was jnit 
 into this office because of his great skill in such
 
 220 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 matters belonging to common life; for he took care 
 of all such matters as concerned the reception of 
 strangers, and appointed them double seats for them 
 to sit on, according as the king had commanded him 
 to do; for he had commanded that half of their 
 seats should be set at his hand, and the other half 
 behind his table, and took care that no respect should 
 be omitted that could be shown them. And when 
 they were thus set down, he bid Dorotheus to min- 
 ister to all those that were come to him from Judea, 
 after the manner they used to be ministered to: for 
 which cause he sent away their sacred heralds, and 
 those that slew the sacrifices, and tlie rest that used 
 to say grace: but called to one of those that were 
 come to him, whose name was Eleazar, who was 
 a priest, and desired him to ^ say grace; who then 
 stood in the midst of them, and prayed, that "all 
 prosperity might attend the king, and those that 
 were his subjects." Upon which an acclamation was 
 made by the whole company, with joy and a great 
 noise; and when that w\as over, they fell to eating 
 their supper, and to the enjoyment of what was 
 set before them. And at a little interval afterward, 
 when the king thought a sufficient time had been 
 interposed, he began to talk philosophically to them, 
 and he asked every one of them a ~ philosophical 
 question, and such an one as might give light in 
 those inquiries; and when they had explained all 
 the problems that had been proposed by the king 
 about every point, he was well pleased Avith their 
 
 ' This is the most ancient exani]ile I have met with, of a grace, or 
 short prayer, or thanksgiving before meat; which, as it used to be said 
 by an heatlien priest, was now said by Eleazar, a Jewish priest, who was 
 one of these seventv-two interpreters. The next example I have met 
 with is that of the Essenes, Of the War, B. II. ch. viii. sect. 5, Vol. III. 
 both before and after it. 
 
 ^ Thev were rather political questions and answers, tending to the 
 good and religious government of maTikind.
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 221 
 
 answers. This took up the twelve days in which 
 they were treated: and he that pleases may learn 
 the particular questions in that book of Aristeus', 
 which he wrote on this very occasion. 
 
 13. And while not the king only, but the phi- 
 losopher Menedemus also admired them, and said, 
 "that all things were governed by providence: and 
 that it was probable that thence it was that such 
 force or beauty was discovered in these men's words," 
 they then left off asking any more such questions. 
 But the king said that he had gained very great 
 advantages by their coming, for that he had received 
 this profit from them, that he had learned how he 
 ought to rule his subjects. And he gave order that 
 they should have every one three talents given them, 
 and that those that were to conduct them to their 
 lodging should do it. Accordingly, when three days 
 were over, Demetrius took them, and went over the 
 causeway seven furlongs long: It was a bank in the 
 sea to an island. And when they had gone over the 
 bridge, he proceeded to the northern j)arts and showed 
 them where thev should meet, which was in a house 
 which was built near the shore, and was a quiet 
 place, and fit for their discoursing together about 
 their work. When he had brought them thither, he 
 entreated them, (now they had all things about them 
 which they wanted for the interpretation of their 
 law) that they would suffer nothing to interrupt 
 them in their work. Accordingly, they made an 
 accurate interpretation, with great zeal and great 
 pains, and this they continued to do till the ninth 
 hour of the day; after which time they relaxed, and 
 took care of their body, while their food was pro- 
 vided for them in great plenty: besides, Dorotheus, 
 at the king's command, brought them a great deal 
 of what was provided for the king himself. But in
 
 222 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 the morning they came to the court, and sakited 
 Ptolemy and then went away to their former place, 
 where, when they had ^ washed their hands, and 
 purified themselves, they betook themselves to the 
 interjDretation of the laws. Now when the law was 
 transcribed, and the labour of interpretation was 
 over, which came to its conclusion in seventy-two 
 days, Demetrius gathered all the Jews together to 
 the place where the laws were translated, and where 
 the interj^reters were, and read them over. The 
 multitude did also approve of those elders that were 
 the interpreters of the law. They withal commended 
 Demetrius for his proposal, as the inventor of what 
 was greatly for their happiness; and they desired 
 that he would give leave to their rulers also to read 
 the law. JNIoreover, they all, both the priest and the 
 ancientest of the elders, and the principal men of 
 their commonwealth, made it their request, that 
 since the interpretation was hapj^ily finished, it 
 might continue in the state it now was, and might 
 not be altered. And when thej^ all commended that 
 determination of theirs, they enjoined, that if any 
 one observed either any thing superfluous, or any 
 thing omitted, that he would take a view of it again, 
 and have it laid before tliem, and corrected; whicli 
 was a wise account of theirs, that when the thing 
 was judged to have been well done, it might continue 
 for ever. 
 
 13. So the king rejoiced, when he saw that his 
 design of this nature was brought to perfection to 
 so great advantage: and he was chiefly delighted 
 
 * This purification of the interpreters by washing in the sea, before 
 they prayed to God every inorninfr, and l)efore they set about transLiting, 
 may l)e comiiared with the like practice of Peter the aj)ostle, in the 
 recognilions of ("lenient, B. W. ch. iii. and B. V. ch. xxxvi. and with the 
 places of the Proseutliae, or of prayer, wliich were sometimes built near 
 the sea or rivers also. Of which matter, see Antiq. B. XIV. ch. x. sect. 
 23, Vol. TT. and Acts xvi. Vi, IG.
 
 Chap. II. or THE JEWS. 223 
 
 with hearing the laws read to him, and was astonished 
 at the deep meaning and wisdom of the legislator. 
 And he began to discourse with Demetrius, "How 
 it came to pass, that when this legislation was so 
 wonderful, no one, either of the poets or of the his- 
 torians, had made mention of it." Demetrius made 
 answer, that "no one durst be so bold as to toucli 
 upon the description of these laws, because they 
 were divine and venerable, and because some that 
 had attempted it were afflicted by God." He also 
 told him, that "Theopompouse was desirous of writing 
 somewhat about them, but was thereupon disturbed 
 in his mind for above thirty days' time; and upon 
 some intermission of his distemper, he appeased God 
 [by prayer] as suspecting that his madness proceeded 
 from that cause." Nay, indeed, he further saw in 
 a dream, that his distemper befell him while he in- 
 dulged too great a curiosity about divine matters, 
 and was desirous of publishing them among common 
 men; but when he left off that attempt, he recovered 
 his understanding again. Moreover, he informed him 
 of Theodectes, the tragic poet, concerning whom it 
 was reported, that when, in a certain dramatic rep- 
 resentation, he was desirous to make mention of 
 things that were contained in the sacred books, he 
 was afflicted witli a darkness in his eyes; and that 
 upon his })eing conscious of the occasion of his dis- 
 temper, and appeasing God [by prayer], he was 
 freed from that affliction. 
 
 14. And when the king had received these books 
 from Demetrius, as we have said already, he adored 
 them, and gave order that great care should be taken 
 of them, that they might remain uncorrupted. He 
 also desired that the interpreters would come often 
 to him out of Judea, and that both on account of 
 the respects that he would pay them, and on accoiint
 
 224 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 of the presents he would make them: For he said, 
 "It was now but just to send them away, although 
 if of their own accord, they would come to him here- 
 after, they should obtain all that their own wisdom 
 might justly require, and what his generosity was 
 able to give them." So he then sent them away; 
 and gave to every one of them three garments of 
 the best sort, and two talents of gold, and a cup of 
 the value of one talent, and the furniture of the 
 room wherein they were feasted. And these were 
 the things he presented to them. But by them he 
 sent to Eleazar the high priest, ten beds, with feet 
 of silver, and the furniture to them belonging, and 
 a cup of the value of thirty talents; and besides 
 these, ten garments, and purple, and a very beautiful 
 crown, and a hundred pieces of the finest woven 
 linen; as also vials and dishes, and vessels for pour- 
 ing, and two golden cisterns to be dedicated to God. 
 He also desired him, by an epistle, that he would 
 give these interpreters leave, if any of them were 
 desirous of coming to him, because he highly valued 
 a conversation with men of such learning; and should 
 be very willing to lay out his wealth upon such men. 
 And this was what came to the Jews, and was much 
 to their glory and honour, from Ptolemy Philadelphus. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 How the kings of Asia honoured the nation of the 
 Jews, and made them citizens of those cities which 
 they built. 
 
 1. The Jews also obtained honour from the kings 
 of Asia, when they became their auxiliaries; for
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 225 
 
 Seleuciis Nicator made them citizens in those cities 
 which lie built in Asia; and in the lower Syria, and 
 in the metropolis itself, Antioch; and gave them ])rivi- 
 leges equal to those of the INIacedonians and Greeks, 
 who were the inhabitants, insomuch that these privi- 
 leges continue to this very day: An argument for 
 wliich you have in this, that whereas the Jews do not 
 make use of ^ oil prepared by foreigners, they receive 
 a certain sum of money from the proper officers be- 
 longing to their exercises as the value would have 
 deprived them of, in the last war, ^lucianus, who 
 was then president of Syria, preserved it to them. 
 And when the people of Alexandria and of Antioch 
 did after that, at the time that Vespasian and Titus 
 his son governed the habitable earth, pray that these 
 privileges of citizens might be taken away, they did 
 not obtain their request. In which behaviour any 
 one may discern the " equity and generosity of the 
 Romans, especially of Vespasian and Titus, who, 
 although they had been at a great deal of pains in 
 the war against the Jews, and were exasperated 
 against them, because they did not deliver up their 
 weapons to them, but continued the war to the very 
 last, yet did not they take away any of their fore- 
 mentioned privileges belonging to them as citizens, 
 but restrained their anger; and overcame the prayers 
 
 * The use of oil was much greater, and the donatives of it much 
 more vahiable in Judea, and tlie neighbouring countries, than it is amongst 
 us. It was also, in the days of Josephus, thouglit unlawful for Jews 
 to make use of any oil tliat was prepared by heathens, perhaps on 
 account of some superstitions intermixed with its preparation by those 
 heathens. When therefore the heatliens were to make them a donative 
 of oil, they paid them money instead of it. See Of the War, B. II. ch. 
 xxii. sect. -2, Vol. III. the Life of Josephus sect. 13, Vol. III. 
 
 ^ This, and the like great and just characters, of the justice and 
 equity, and generosity of the old Romans, both to the Jews and other 
 conquered nations, affords us a very good reason why Almighty God, 
 upon the rejection of the Jews for their wickedness, chose them for his 
 people. Of which matter, see Josephus here, sect. -2, as also Antiq. 
 B. XIV. ch. X. sect. ^1, 23, B. XVI. ch. 2, sect. 4.
 
 226 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 of the Alexandrians and Antiochians, who were a very 
 powerful people, insomuch that they did not yield 
 to them, neither out of their favour to those people, 
 nor out of their old (^rudge at those whose wicked 
 opposition they had subdued in the war; nor would 
 they alter any of the ancient favours granted to the 
 Jews, but said, that those who had borne arms against 
 them, and fought them, had suffered punishment 
 already, and that it was not just to deprive those 
 that had not offended of the privileges they enjoyed. 
 
 2. We also know that ^Marcus Agrippa was of the 
 like disposition towards the Jews: For when the peo- 
 ple of Ionia were very anj.^ry at them, and besought 
 Agrippa, that they, and they only, might have those 
 privileges of citizens which Antiochus, the grandson 
 of Seleucus (who by the Greeks was called the God,) 
 had bestowed on them; and desired tliat if the Jews 
 were to be joint-partakers with them, they might 
 be obliged to worship the gods they themselves wor- 
 shipped: but when these matters were ])rought to the 
 trial, the Jews prevailed, and obtained leave to make 
 use of their own customs, and this under the patronage 
 of Xicolaus of Damascus; for Agrippa gave sentence, 
 that he could not innovate. And if any one hath a 
 mind to know this matter accurately, let liim peruse 
 the hundred and twenty-third, and lumdred and 
 twentv-fourth book of the historv of tliis Xicolaus. 
 Xow, as to this determination of Agrippa, it is not 
 so much to be admired, for at tliis time oiu' nation had 
 not made war against tlie Romans. But one mav 
 well be astonished at the generosity of Vespasian 
 and Titus, that after so great wars and conquests 
 ^\hich they had fi'om us, they should use such modera- 
 tion. But I will now return to that part of my history 
 whence I made the present digression. 
 
 3. X'^ow it happened that in the reign of Antiochus
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 227 
 
 the Great, who ruled over all Asia, that the Jews, as 
 well as the inhabitants of Celoesyria, suffered greatly, 
 and their land was sorely harassed: For while he 
 was at war with Ptolemy Philopater, and with his 
 son who was called Epiplianes, it fell out, that these 
 nations were equally sufferers, both when he was 
 beaten, and when he beat the others: So that they 
 were very like to a ship in a storm, which is tossed 
 by the waves on both sides; and just thus were they 
 in their situation in the middle between Antiochus' 
 prosperity and its change to adversity. But at length, 
 when Antiochus had l)eaten Ptolemy, he seized upon 
 Judea: And when Philopater was dead, his son sent 
 out a great army under Scopas, the general of his 
 forces, against the inhabitants of Celoesyria, who took 
 many of their cities, and in jiarticular our nation; 
 which, when he fell upon them, went over to him. 
 Yet was it not long afterward when Antiochus over- 
 came Scopas, in a battle fought at the fountains of 
 Jordan, and destroyed a great part of his army. 
 But afterward, when Antiochus subdued those cities 
 of Celoesyria which Scopas had gotten into his pos- 
 session, and Samaria, with them the Jews of their own 
 accord went over to him, and received him into the 
 city [Jerusalem], and gave plentiful provision to all 
 his army, and to his elephants, and readily assisted 
 him when he besieged the garrison which was in the 
 citadel of Jerusalem. Wherefore Antiochus thought 
 it but just to requit the Jews' diligence and zeal in 
 his service: So he wrote to the generals of his armies, 
 and to his friends, and gave testimony to the good 
 behaviour of the Jews towards him, and informed 
 them what rewards he liad resolved to bestow on them 
 for that their behaviour. I will set down presently 
 the epistles themselves, which he wrote to the generals 
 concerning them, but will first produce the testimonies
 
 228 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 of Polybius of ^Megalopolis, for thus does he speak, 
 in the sixteenth book of his history: "Xow Scopas, 
 the general of Ptolemy's army, went in haste to the 
 superior parts of the country, and in the winter time 
 overthrew the nation of the Jews. He also saith, in 
 the same book, that when Scopas was conquered by 
 Antiochus, Antiochus received Batanea and Samaria, 
 and Abila and Gadara: and that, a while afterwards, 
 there came in to him those Jews that inhabited near 
 that temple which was called Jerusalem, concerning 
 which, althougli I have more to say, and particularly 
 concerning the presence of God about the temple, 
 yet do I put off that history till another opportunity." 
 This it is which Polybius relates. But we will return 
 to the series of the history, when we have first pro- 
 duced the epistle of king Antiochus: 
 
 ''King Axtiochus to Ptolemy, sendeth greeting. 
 
 "Since the Jews, upon our first entrance on their 
 country, demonstrated their friendship towards us; 
 and when we came to their city [Jerusalem,] received 
 us in a splendid manner, and came to meet us with 
 their senate, and gave abundance of provisions to our 
 soldiers, and to the elephants, and joined with us in 
 ejecting the garrison of the Eg^^^tians that were in 
 the citadel, we have thought fit to reward them, and 
 to retrieve the condition of their city, which had been 
 greatly depopulated by sucli accidents as have befallen 
 its inhabitants, and to ])ring those that have been 
 scattered abroad back to the city. And, in the first 
 place, we have determined, on account of their piety 
 towards God, to ])estow on them, as a pension, for 
 their sacrifices of animals that are fit for sacrifice, 
 for wine and oil, and frankincense, the value of twenty 
 thousand pieces of silver, and [six] sacred artabrae
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 229 
 
 of fine flour, with one thousand four hundred and sixty 
 medimni of wheat, and three hundred and seventy- 
 five medimni of salt. And these payments I would 
 have fully paid them, as I have sent orders to you. 
 I would also have the work about the temple finished, 
 and the cloisters, and if there be any thing else that 
 ought to be rebuilt. And for the materials of wood, 
 let it be brought them out of Judea itself, and out 
 of the other countries, and out of Libanus, tax free: 
 and the same I would have observed as to those other 
 materials which will be necessary, in order to render 
 the temple more glorious. And let all of that nation 
 live according to the laws of their own country; and 
 let the senate and the priests, and the scribes of the 
 temple, and the sacred singers, be discharged from 
 poll-money and the crown tax, and other taxes also. 
 And that the city may the sooner recover its in- 
 habitants, I grant a discharge from taxes for three 
 years to its present inhabitants; and to such as shall 
 come to it, until the month Hyperberetus. We also 
 discharge them for the future from a third part of 
 their taxes, that the losses they have sustained may 
 be repaired. And all those citizens that have been 
 carried away, and are become slaves, we grant them 
 and their children their freedom; and give order that 
 their substance be restored to them." 
 
 4. And these were the contents of this epistle. 
 He also published a decree, through all liis kingdom, 
 in honour of the temple, which contained what fol- 
 lows: "It shall be lawful for no foreigner to come 
 within the limits of the temple round about; which 
 thing is forbidden also to the Jews, unless to those 
 who, according to their own custom, have purified 
 themselves. Xor let any flesh of horses, or of mules, 
 or of asses, be brought into the city, wliether they 
 be wild, or tame; nor that of leopards, or foxes, or
 
 230 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 Iiares, and in general, that of any animal which is 
 forbidden for the Jews to eat. Nor let their skins be 
 brought into it; nor let any such animal be bred up 
 in the city. Let them only be permitted to use the 
 sacrifices derived from their forefathers, with which 
 they have been obliged to make acceptable atonements 
 to God. And he that transgresseth any of these 
 orders, let him pay to the priests three thousand 
 drachma of silver." Moreover, this Antiochus bare 
 testimony to our piety and fidelity, in an epistle of 
 his, written when he was informed of a sedition in 
 Phrygia and Lydia, at which time he was in the 
 superior provinces, wherein he commanded Zeuxis, 
 the general of his forces, and his most intimate friend, 
 to send some of our nation out of Babylon into 
 Phrygia. The epistle w^as this: 
 
 "King Antiochus to Zeuxis his father, sendeth 
 
 greeting. 
 
 "If you are in health it is well. I also am in health. 
 Having been informed that a sedition is arisen in 
 Lydia and Phrygia, I thouglit that matter required 
 great care: And upon advising with my friends what 
 was fit to be done, it hath been thought proper to 
 remove two thousand families of Jews, with their 
 eff*ects, out of INIesopotamia and Babylon, unto the 
 castles and places that lie most convenient; for I am 
 persuaded that they will l)e well disposed guardians 
 of our possessions, because of their piety towards 
 God, and because I know that my predecessors have 
 borne witness to them, that they are faithful, and, 
 witli alacrity, do what they are desired to do. I 
 will, therefore, tliough it be a laborious work, that 
 thou remove these Jews; imder a promise, that they 
 shall be permitted to use their own laws. And when
 
 Chap. IT. OF THE JEWS. 231 
 
 thou shalt have brought them to the 2)laces fore- 
 mentioned, thou shalt give every one of their famihes 
 a place for building their houses, and a portion of 
 land for their husbandry, -and for the plantation of 
 their vines; and thou shalt discharge them from pay- 
 ing taxes of the fruits of the earth for ten years: 
 and let them have a proper quantity of wheat for the 
 maintenance of their servants, until they receive bread 
 corn out of the earth: also let a sufficient share be 
 given to such as minister to them in the necessaries 
 of life, that by enjoying the effects of our liumanity, 
 thev may show themselves the more willing and ready 
 about our affairs. Take care likewise of that nation, 
 as far as thou art able, that they may not have any 
 disturbance given them by any one." Now these 
 testimonials which I have produced, are sufficient to 
 declare the friendship that Antiochus the Great bare 
 to the Jews. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 How Antiochus made a league with Ptolemy; and how 
 Onias provohed Ptolemy Euergetes to anger; and 
 how Joseph brought all things right again, and en- 
 tered into friendship with him; and what other things 
 were done by Joseph and his son Hyrcanus. 
 
 1. After this Antiochus made a friendship and 
 a league with Ptolemy; and gave him his daughter 
 Cleopatra to wife, and yielded up to him Celoesyria, 
 and Samaria, and Judea, and Phenicia, by way of 
 dowry. And upon the division of the taxes between 
 the two kings, all the principal men farmed the 
 taxes of their several countries, and collecting the
 
 232 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 sum that was settled for them, paid the same to 
 the [two] kings. Now at this time the Samaritans 
 were in a flourishing condition, and much distressed 
 the Jews, cutting off parts of their land, and carry- 
 ing off slaves. This happened when Onias was high 
 priest; for after Eleazar's death, his uncle Manasseh 
 took the priesthood, and after he had ended his life, 
 Onias received that dignity. He was the son of 
 Simon, who w^as called the Just, which Simon was 
 the brother of Eleazar, as I said before. This Onias 
 was one of a little soul, and a great lover of money; 
 and for that reason, because he did not pay the tax 
 of twenty talents of silver, which his forefathers paid 
 to these kings, out of their own estates, he provoked 
 king Ptolemy Euergetes to anger, who was the 
 father of Philopater. Euergetes sent an ambassador 
 to Jerusalem, and complained that Onias did not 
 pay his taxes, and threatened, that if he did not 
 receive them, he would seize upon their land, and 
 send soldiers to live upon it. When the Jews heard 
 this message of the king's, they were confounded: 
 But so sordidly covetous was Onias, that nothing 
 of this natiu'e made him ashamed. 
 
 2. There was now one Joseph, young in age, 
 Imt of great reputation among the people of Jeru- 
 salem, for gravity, prudence, and justice. His 
 father's name was Tobias; and his mother was the 
 sister of Onias the high priest, who informed him 
 of the coming of the ambassador: for he was then 
 sojourning at a village named ^ Phieol, where he 
 was born. Hereupon he came to the city [Jeru- 
 salem], and reproved Onias for not taking care of 
 the preservation of his countrymen, but bringing 
 
 ' Tiie name of tliis jilncp, Phieol. is the verj' same with that of the 
 chief captain of Al)inielcch's iiost, in the days of Ahrahani, Gen. xxi. '2-2, 
 and might possibly be the place of that Phicol's nativity or abode, for 
 it seems to have been in tl c south part of Palestine, as that was.
 
 Chap. ly. OF THE JEWS. 233 
 
 the nation into dangers, by not paying this money. 
 For which preservation of them, he told him he had 
 received the authority over them, and had been made 
 high priest: But that, in case he was so great a 
 lover of money, as to endure to see his country in 
 danger on that account, and his countrymen suffer 
 the greatest damages, he advised him to go to the 
 king, and petition him to remit either the whole, or 
 part of the sum demanded. Onias' answer was this, 
 that he did not care for his authority, and that he 
 Avas ready, if the thing were practicable, to lay down 
 his high priesthood; and that he would not go to 
 the king, because he troubled not himself at all about 
 such matters. Joseph then asked him. If he would 
 not give him leave to go ambassador on behalf of 
 the nation? He replied, that he would give him 
 leave. Upon which Joseph went up into the temple; 
 and called the multitude together, to a congregation, 
 and exhorted them not to be disturbed nor affrighted, 
 because of his uncle Onias' carelessness, but desired 
 them to be at rest, and not terrify themselves with 
 fear about it; for he promised them that he w^ould 
 be their ambassador to the king, and persuade him 
 that they had done him no wrong. And when the 
 multitude heard this, they returned thanks to Joseph. 
 So he went down from the temple, and treated 
 Ptolemy's ambassador in a hospitable manner. He 
 also presented him with rich gifts; and feasted him 
 magnificently for many days, and then sent him to 
 the king before him, and told him that he would 
 soon follow him: for he was now more willing to 
 go to the king, by the encouragement of the am- 
 bassador, who earnestly persuaded him to come into 
 Egypt; and promised him that he would take care 
 that he should obtain every thing that he desired 
 of Ptolemy, for he was highly pleased with his frank
 
 234 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 and liberal temper, and with the gravity of his de- 
 portment. 
 
 3. When Ptolemy's ambassador was come into 
 Egypt, he told the king of the thoughtless temper 
 of Onias; and informed him of the goodness of the 
 disposition of Joseph; and that he was coming to 
 him, to excuse the multitude, as not having done 
 him any harm, for that he was their patron. In 
 short, he was so very large in his encomiums upon 
 the young man, that he disposed both the king and 
 his wife Cleopatra to have a kindness for him be- 
 fore he came. So Joseph sent to his friends at 
 Samaria, and borrowed money of them; and got 
 ready what was necessary for his journey, garments 
 and cups, and beasts for burthen, which amounted 
 to about twenty thousand drachnice, and went to 
 Alexandria. Now it happened that at this time 
 all the principal men and rulers went up out of 
 the cities of Syria and Phenicia, to bid for their 
 taxes; for every year the king sold them to the men 
 of the greatest power in every city. So these men 
 saw Joseph journeying on the way, and laughed 
 at him for his poverty and meanness. But when he 
 came to Alexandria, and heard that king Ptolemy 
 was at Memphis, he went up thither to meet with 
 him; which hapj^ened as the king was sitting in his 
 chariot, with his wife and with his friend Athenion, 
 who was the very person who had been ambassador 
 at Jerusalem, and been entertained by Joseph. As 
 soon therefore as Athenion saw him, he presently 
 made him known to the king, how good and generous 
 a young man he was. So Ptolemy saluted him 
 first, and desired him to come uj) into his chariot; 
 and as Joseph sat there, he began to complain of 
 the management of Onias. To which he answered, 
 Forgive him, on account of his age; for thou canst
 
 Chap. IV. or THE JEWS. 235 
 
 not certainly be unacquainted with this, that old 
 men and infants have their minds exactly alike; but 
 thou shalt have from us, who are young men, every 
 thing thou desirest, and shalt have no cause to com- 
 plain. With this good humour and pleasantry of 
 the young man, the king was so delighted, that he 
 began already, as though he had long experience of 
 him, to have a still greater affection for him, inso- 
 much, that he bade him take his diet in the king's 
 palace, and be a guest at his own table every day. 
 But when the king was come to Alexandria, the 
 principal men of Syria saw him sitting with the 
 king, and were much offended at it. 
 
 4. And when the day came on which the king 
 was to let the taxes of the cities to farm, and those 
 that were the principal men of dignity in their several 
 countries were to bid for them, the sum of the taxes 
 together, of Celesyria and Phenicia, and Judea, with 
 Samaria [as they were bidden for,] came to eight 
 thousand talents. Hereupon Joseph accused the 
 bidders, as having agreed together to estimate the 
 value cf the taxes at too low a rate; and he promised, 
 that he would himself give twice as much for them: 
 but for those who did not pay, he would send the 
 king home their whole su})stance; for this privilege 
 was sold together with the taxes themselves. The 
 king was pleased to hear that offer; and because it 
 augmented his revenues, he said he would confirm 
 the sale of the taxes to him. But then he asked 
 him this question. Whether he had any sureties that 
 would be bound for the payment of the money? he 
 answered very pleasantly, I will give such security, 
 and those of persons good and responsible, and which 
 you shall have no reason to distrust. And when lie 
 bid him name them, who they were, he replied, I 
 give thee no other j^t^i'sons, O king, for my sureties,
 
 236 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 than myself, and this thy wife; and you shall be 
 security for both parties. So Ptolemy laughed at 
 the proposal, and granted him the farming of the 
 taxes without any sureties. This procedure was a 
 sore grief to those that came from the cities into 
 Egypt, who wxre utterly disappointed; and they 
 returned every one to their own country with shame. 
 5. But Joseph took with him two thousand foot 
 soldiers from the king, for he desired he might have 
 some assistance, in order to force such as were re- 
 fractory in the cities to pay. And borrowing of 
 the king's friends at Alexandria five hundred talents, 
 he made haste back into Syria. And when he was 
 at Askelon, and demanded the taxes of the people 
 of Askelon, they refused to pay any thing; and 
 affronted him also: upon which he seized upon about 
 twenty of the principal men, and slew them, and 
 gathered what they had together, and sent it all to 
 the king: and informed him what he had done. 
 Ptolemy admired the prudent conduct of the man, 
 and commended him for what he had done; and 
 gave him leave to do as he pleased. When the 
 Sp'ians heard of this, they were astonished: and 
 having before them a sad example in the men of 
 Askelon that were slain, they opened their gates, 
 and willingly admitted Joseph, and paid their taxes. 
 And when the inhabitants of Scythopolis attempted 
 to affront him, and would not pay him those taxes 
 which they formerly used to pay, without disputing 
 about them, he slew also the principal men of that 
 city, and sent tlieir effects to the king. By this 
 means he gathered great wealth together, and made 
 vast gains by this farming of the taxes: and he 
 made use of what estate he had thus gotten, in order 
 to support his authority, as thinking it a piece of 
 prudence to keep what had been the occasion and
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 237 
 
 foundation of his present good fortune; and this 
 he did by the assistance of what he was already 
 possessed of, for he privately sent many presents 
 to the king, and to Cleopatra, and to their friends, 
 and to all that were powerful about the court, and 
 thereby purchased . their good- will to himself. 
 
 6. This good fortune he enjoyed for twenty-two 
 years: and was become the father of seven sons, by 
 one wife: he had also another son, whose name was 
 Hyrcanus, by his brother Solymius' daughter, whom 
 he married on the following occasion. He once 
 came to Alexandria with his brother, who had along 
 with him a daughter already marriageable, in order 
 to give her in wedlock to some of the Jews of chief 
 dignity there. He then supped with the king, and 
 falling in love with an actress, that was of great 
 beauty, and came into the room where they feasted, 
 he told his brother of it, and entreated him, because 
 a Jew is forbidden by their law to come near to 
 a foreigner, to conceal his offence, and to be kind 
 and subservient to him, and to give him an oppor- 
 tunity of fulfilling his desires. Upon which his 
 brother willingly entertained the proposal of serving 
 him, and adorned his own daughter, and brought 
 her to him by night, and put her into his bed. And 
 Joseph, being disordered with drink, knew not who 
 she was, and so lay with his brother's daughter; 
 and this did he many times and loved her exceedingly, 
 and said to his brother, that he loved this actress 
 so well, that he should run the hazard of his life 
 [if he must part with her,] and yet probably the 
 king would not give him leave [to take her with 
 him]. But his })rother bid him be in no concern 
 about that matter, and told him, he might enjoy 
 her whom he loved without any danger, and might 
 have her for his wife; and opened the truth of the
 
 238 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 matter to him, and assured him that he chose rather 
 to have his own daughter abused, than to overlook 
 him, and see him come to [pubhc] disgrace. So 
 Joseph conmiended him for this his brotherly love; 
 and married his daughter; and by her begat a son, 
 whose name was Hyrcanus, as we said before. And 
 when this his youngest son showed, at thirteen years 
 old, a mind that was both courageous and wise, and 
 was greatly envied by his brethren, as being of a 
 genius much above them, and such an one as they 
 might well envy, Joseph had once a mind to know 
 which of his sons had the best disposition to virtue, 
 and when he sent them severally to those that had 
 then the best reputation for instructing youth, the 
 rest of his children, by reason of their sloth, and 
 unwillingness to take pains, returned to him foolish 
 and unlearned. After them he sent out the youngest, 
 Hyrcanus, and gave him three hundred yoke of 
 oxen, and bid him go two days journey into the 
 wilderness, and sow the land there and yet kept 
 back privately the yokes of the oxen that coupled 
 them together. Wlien Hyrcanus came to the place, 
 and found he had no yokes with him, he contemned 
 the drivers of the oxen, who advised him to send 
 home to his father, to })ring them some yokes; but 
 he thinking that he ought not to lose his time, while 
 they should be sent to bring him the yokes, he in- 
 vented a kind of stratagem, and wliat suited an age 
 older than his own; for he slew ten yoke of the 
 oxen, and distributed their fiesli among the labourers, 
 and cut their hides into several pieces, and made 
 him yokes, and yoked the oxen together with them; 
 by which means he sowed as much land as his father 
 liad appointed him to sow, and returned to him. 
 And when he was come l)ack, his father was mightily 
 pleased with his sagacity, and commended the sharp-
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 230 
 
 ness of his understanding, and his boldness in what 
 he did. And he still loved him the more, as if he 
 were his only genuine son, while his brethren were 
 much troubled at it. 
 
 7, But when one told him that Ptolemy had a 
 son just born, and that all the principal men of 
 S>Tia, and the other countries subject to him, were 
 to keep a festival, on account of the child's birthday, 
 and went away in haste with great retinues to Alex- 
 andria, he was himself indeed hindered from going 
 by old age, but he made trial of his sons, whether 
 any of them would be willing to go to the king. And 
 when the elder sons excused themselves from going, 
 and said, they were not courtiers good enough for 
 such conversation, and advised him to send their 
 brother Hyrcanus, he gladly hearkened to that ad- 
 vice; and called Hyrcanus, and asked him, whether 
 he would go to the king; and whether it was agree- 
 able to him to go or not? And upon his promise 
 that he would go, and his saying that he should 
 not want much money for his journey, because he 
 would live moderately, and that ten thousand drachmae 
 would be sufficient, he was pleased with his son's 
 prudence. After a little while, the son advised his 
 father not to send his presents to the king from 
 thence, but to give him a letter to his steward at 
 Alexandria, that he might furnish him with money, 
 for purcliasing what should be most excellent and 
 most precious. So he thinking that the expense 
 of ten talents would be enough for presents to be 
 made the king, and commending his son as giving 
 him good advice, wrote to Arion his steward, that 
 managed all his money matters at Alexandria; M-hich 
 money was not less tlian three thousand talents on 
 liis account, for Josepli sent tlie money he received 
 in Syria to Alexandria. And when the day appointed
 
 240 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 for the payment of the taxes to the king came, he 
 wTote to Ai'ion to pay them. So when the son had 
 asked his father ior a letter to this steward, and 
 had received it, he made haste to Alexandria. And 
 when he was gone, his brethren wrote to all the 
 king's friends, that they should destroy him. 
 
 8. But when he was come to Alexandria, he de- 
 livered his letter to Arion, who asked him how many 
 talents he would have^ (hoping he would ask for 
 no more than ten, or a little more,) he said he wanted 
 a thousand talents. At which the steward was angry 
 and rebuked him, as one that intended to live ex- 
 travagantly; and he let him know how his father 
 had gathered together his estate by pains-taking, and 
 resisting his inclinations, and wished him to imitate 
 the example of his father: he assured him withal, 
 that he would give him but ten talents, and that 
 for a present to the king also. The son was irri- 
 tated at this, and threw Arion into prison. But 
 when Arion's wife had informed Cleopatra of this, 
 with her entreatv, that she would rebuke the child 
 for what he had done, (for Arion was in great esteem 
 with her) Cleopatra informed the king of it. And 
 Ptolemy sent for Hvrcanus, and told him, that "he 
 wondered when he was sent to him bv his father, 
 that lie had not yet come into his presence, but had 
 laid the steward in prison." And he gave order, 
 therefore, that he should come to him, and give an 
 account of the reason of what he had done. And 
 they report, that the answer he made to the king's 
 messenger was this: that "there was a law of his 
 that forbade a child that was born, to taste of the 
 sacrifice, before he liad been at the temple and sacri- 
 ficed to God. According to which way of reasoning 
 he did not liimself come to him in expectation of 
 the present he was to make to him, as to one who
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 241 
 
 had been his father's benefactor: and that he had 
 punished the slave for disobeying his commands, 
 for that it mattered not whether a master was httle 
 or great; so that unless we punish such as these, 
 thou thyself mayest also expect to be despised by 
 thy subjects." Upon hearing this his answer he 
 fell a laughing, and wondered at the great soul of 
 the child. 
 
 9. When Arion was apprized that this was the 
 king's disjjosition, and that he had no way to help 
 himself, he gave the child a thousand talents, and 
 was let out of prison. So after three days were 
 over, Hyrcanus came and saluted the king and queen. 
 They saw him with pleasure, and feasted him in an 
 obliging manner, out of the respect they bare to 
 his father. So he came to the merchants privately, 
 and bought a hundred boys, that had learning, and 
 were in the flower of their ages, each at a talent 
 a-piece; as also he bought a hundred maidens, each 
 at the same price as the other. And when he was 
 invited to feast with the king among the principal 
 men in the countrv, he sat down the lowest of them 
 all, because he was little regarded, as a child in age 
 still; and this by those who placed every one accord- 
 ing to their dignity. Xow when all those that sat 
 with him had laid the bones of the several parts on 
 a heap before Hyrcanus, (for they had themselves 
 taken away the flesh belonging to them,) till the 
 table where he sat was filled full with them; Trypho, 
 who was the king's jester, and was appointed for 
 jokes and laughter at festivals, who was now asked 
 by the guests that sat at the table [to expose him 
 to laughter]. So he stood by the king, and said, 
 "Dost thou not see, my lord, the bones that lie 
 bv Hvrcanus? bv this similitude tliou mavest con- 
 jecture that his father made all Svria as bare as he
 
 242 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 hath made these bones." And the king laughing 
 at what Trypho said, and asking of Hyrcanus, "How 
 he came to have so many bones before him?" he 
 rephed, "Very rightfully, my lord: for they are 
 dogs that eat the flesh and the bones together, as 
 these thy guests have done, (looking in the mean 
 time at those guests), for there is nothing before 
 them; but they are men that eat the flesh, and cast 
 away the bones, as I, who am also a man, have now 
 done." Upon which the king admired at his answer, 
 which was so wisely made; and bid them all make 
 an acclamation, as a mark of their approbation of 
 his jest, which was truly a facetious one. On the 
 next day Hyrcanus went to every one of the king's 
 friends, and of the men powerful at court, and 
 saluted them; but still inquired of the servants what 
 present they would make the king on his son's birth- 
 day? and when some said that they would give 
 twelve talents, and that others of greater dignity 
 would every one give according to the quantity of 
 their riches, he pretended to every one to be grieved 
 that he was not able to bring so large a present; for 
 that he had no more than five talents. And when 
 the servants heard what he said, they told their 
 masters, and they rejoiced in the prospect that Joseph 
 would be disapproved, and would make the king 
 angry, by the smallness of his present. When the 
 day came, the others, even those that brought the 
 most, offered the king not above twenty talents; 
 but Hyrcanus gave to every one of the hundred 
 boys, and hundred maidens that he had bought, a 
 talent a-piece, for them to carry, and introduced 
 them, the boys to the king, and the maidens to 
 Cleopatra: every body wondering at the unexpected 
 richness of the presents, even the king and queen 
 themselves. He also presented those that attended
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 2J.a 
 
 about the king with gifts to the value of a great 
 number of talents, that he might escape tlie danger 
 he was in from them; for to these it was that Hvr- 
 canus' brethren had written to destroy him. Now 
 Ptolemy admired at the young man's magnanimity; 
 and commanded him to ask what gift he pleased. 
 But he desired nothing else to be done for him by 
 the king than to write to his father and brethren 
 about him. So when the king had paid him very 
 great respects, and had given him very large gifts, 
 and had written to his father and his brethren, and 
 all his commanders, and officers about him, he sent 
 him awav. But when his brethren heard that Hvr- 
 canus had received sucli favours from the king, and 
 was returning home with great honour, they went 
 out to meet him, and to destroy him, and that Avith 
 the privity of their father: for he was angry at him 
 for the [large] sum of money that he bestowed for 
 presents, and so had no concern for his preservation. 
 However, Joseph concealed the anger he had at his 
 son, out of fear of the king. And when Hyrcanus' 
 brethren came to fight him, he slew man}' others of 
 those that were with them; as also two of his 
 brethren themselves, but the rest of them escaped 
 to Jerusalem to tlieir father. But when Hp'canus 
 came to the citv, where nobodv would receive him, 
 he was afraid for himself, and retired beyond the 
 river Jordan, and there abode, but obliging the 
 Barbarians to pay their taxes. 
 
 10. At this time Seleucus, who was called Sofcr, 
 reigned over Asia, being the son of Antiochus the 
 Great. And [now] Hyrcanus' father Joseph died. 
 He was a good man and of great magnanimity; and 
 brought the Jews out of a state of poverty and mean- 
 ness, to one that was more splendid. He retained 
 the farm of the taxes of Svria, and Phenicia, and
 
 244 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 Samaria, twenty-two years. His uncle also, Onias, 
 died [about this time] and left the high priesthood 
 to his son Simeon. And when he was dead, Onias 
 his son succeeded him in that dignity. To him it was 
 that Areus, king of the Lacedemonians, sent an embas- 
 sage, with an epistle; the copy whereof here follows: 
 
 "Areus king of the Lacedemonians, to Onias, 
 sendeth greeting. 
 
 "We have met with a certain writing, whereby we 
 have discovered that both the Jews and the Lacede- 
 monians are of one stock, and are derived from the 
 ^ kindred of Abraham: It is but just therefore, that 
 you, who are our brethren, should send to us about 
 any of your concerns as you please. We will also 
 do the same thing, and esteem your concerns as our 
 own; and will look upon our concerns as in common 
 with yours. Demoteles, who brings you this letter, 
 will bring your answer back to us. This letter is 
 foursquare; and the seal is an eagle, with a dragon 
 in its claws." 
 
 ^ "WTicnce it comes that these Lacedemonians declare themselves here 
 to be of kin to the Jews, as derived from the same ancestor Abraham, 
 I cannot tell, unless, as Grotius supposes, they were derived from the 
 Dores, that came of the Pelasgi. These are by Herodotus, called Bar- 
 barians, and perhaps were derived from the Syrians and Arabians, the 
 posterity of Abraham by Keturah. See Antiq. B. XVI. ch. x. sect. 22, 
 Vol. II.' and Of the War, B. I. ch. xxvi. sect. 1. Vol. Ill, and Grot, on 
 1 Maccab. xii. 7. We may farther observe from the recognitions of 
 Clement, that Eliezer of Damascus, the servant of Abraham, Gen. xv. 2, 
 and xxiv. was of old by some taken for his son. So that if the Lacede- 
 monians were sprung from him, they might think themselves to be of 
 the posterity of Abraham: as well as the Jews who were sprung from 
 Isaac. And perhaps this Eliezer of Damascus is that very Damascus 
 whom Trogus Pompeius, as abridged by Justin, makes the founder of 
 the Jewish nation itself, though he afterwards blunders, and makes 
 Azelus, Adores, Abraham, and Israel, kings of Judea, and successors to 
 this Damascus. It may not be improper to observe farther, that Moses 
 Chorencnsis, in his history of the Armenians, informs us, that the nation 
 of the Parthians was also derived from Abraham, by Keturah, and her 
 children.
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 245 
 
 11. And these were the contents of the epistle 
 which was sent from the king of the Lacedemonians. 
 But upon the death of Joseph, the people grew 
 seditious, on account of his sons; For whereas the 
 elders made war against Hyrcanus, who was the 
 youngest of Joseph's sons, the multitude was divided, 
 but the greater part joined with the elders in this 
 war; as did Simon the high priest, by reason he was 
 of kin to them. However, Hyrcanus determined 
 not to return to Jerusalem any more, but seated 
 himself beyond Jordan; and was at perpetual war 
 with the Arabians, and slew many of them, and 
 took many of them captives. He also erected a 
 strong castle, and built it entirely of white stone 
 to the very roof; and had animals of a prodigious 
 magnitude engraven upon it. He also drew round 
 it a great and deep canal of water. He also made 
 caves of many furlongs in length, by hollowing a 
 rock that was o\er against him: and then he made 
 large rooms in it, some for feasting, and some for 
 sleeping and living in. He introduced also a vast 
 quantity of waters which ran along it, and which 
 were very delightful and ornamental in the court. 
 But still he made the entrances at the mouth of the 
 caves so narrow, that no more than one person could 
 enter by them at once: And the reason why he built 
 them after that manner was a good one; it was 
 for his own preservation, lest he should be besieged 
 by his brethren and run the hazard of being caught 
 by them. Moreover, he built courts of greater mag- 
 nitude than ordinary, which he adorned with vastly 
 large gardens. And when he had brought the place 
 to this state, he named it Tijre. This place is be- 
 tween Arabia and Judea, beyond Jordan, not far 
 from the country of Heshbon. And he ruled over 
 those parts for seven years, even all the time that
 
 2^6 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 Seleucus was king of Syria. But when he was dead 
 his brother Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, 
 took the kingdom. Ptolemy also the king of Egypt, 
 died, who was besides called Epiphanes. He left 
 two sons, and both young in age; the elder of which 
 was called Philomcter, and the youngest Physcon. 
 As for Hvrcanus, when he saw that Antiochus had 
 a great army, and feared lest he should be caught 
 by him, and brought to punishment for what he 
 had done to the Arabians, he ended his life, by 
 slaying himself with his own hand; while Antiochus 
 seized upon all his substance. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 How, upon the quarrels of the Jews one against 
 another about the high priesthood, Antiochus made 
 an ejcpedition against Jerusalem, took the city and 
 jyiUagcd the temple, and distressed the Jews: As 
 also how many of the Jews forsook the laws of their 
 country; and how the Samaritans followed the 
 customs of the Greeks, and named their temple at 
 mount Gerizzim, the temple of Jupiter Hellenius. 
 
 1. About this time, upon the death of Onias the 
 high priest, they gave the high priesthood to Jesus' 
 brother; for that son which Onias left [or Onias IV.] 
 was yet but an infant: and, in its proper place, we 
 will inform the reader of all the circumstances that 
 befell this child. But this Jesus, who was the brother 
 of Onias, was deprived of the high priesthood by the 
 king, who was angry with him, and gave it to his 
 younger bi-other, whose name also was Onias, for 
 Simon had these three sons, to each of which the
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 247 
 
 priesthood came as we have ' already informed the 
 reader. This Jesus changed his name to Jason; hut 
 Onias was called Menclaus. Now as the former high 
 priest, Jesus, raised a sedition against INIenelaus, 
 who was ordained after him, the multitude were 
 divided between them both. And the sons of Tobias 
 took the part of Menelaus, but the greater part of the 
 people assisted Jason: and by that means INIenelaus, 
 and the sons of Tobias were distressed, and retired 
 to Antiochus, and informed him, that they were 
 desirous to leave the laws of their country, and the 
 Jewish way of living according to them, and to 
 follow the king's laws, and the Grecian way of living: 
 Wherefore they desired his permission to build them 
 a " Gymnasium at Jerusalem. And when he had 
 given them leave, they also hid the circumcision of 
 their genitals, that even when they were naked, they 
 might appear to be Greeks. Accordingly • they left 
 off all the customs that belonged to their own country, 
 and imitated the practices of the other nations. 
 2. Now Antiochus, upon the agreeable situation 
 
 * We have hitherto liad but a few of those many citations where 
 Josephus says, that lie had elsewhere formerly treated of many things, 
 of which yet his present books have not a syllable. Our commentators 
 have hitherto been able to give no tolerable account of these citations, 
 which are far too numerous, and that usually in all his copies, both 
 Greek and Latin, to be supposed later interpolations, which is almost all 
 that has been hitherto said upon this occasion. What I have to say 
 farther is this, that we have but very few of these references before, and 
 very many in and after the history of Antiochus Epiphanes; and that 
 Josephus' first book, the Hebrew or Chaldee, as well as the Greek history 
 of the Jewish War, long since lost, began with that very history, so that 
 the references are most probably made to that edition of the seven Books 
 of the War. See several other examples, besides those in the two sec- 
 tions before us, in Antiq. B. XIII. ch. ii. sect. 1, 4, Vol. II. and ch. iv. 
 sect. 6, 8, ch. v. sect. 6, 11, ch. viii. sect. 4, and ch. xiii. sect. 4, 5, and 
 Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. ii. sect. 5, Vol. III. 
 
 ^ This word G;/77inashi7v. proj^erly denotes a place where the exercises 
 M-ere j^erformed naked, which because it would naturally distinguish cir- 
 cunu'ised Jews from uncircumcised Gentiles, these Jewish apostates en- 
 deavoured to appear uncircumcised, by means of a chirurgical operation, 
 hinted at by St. Paul, 1 Cor. vii. 18, 'and described by Celsus, B. VII. 
 ch. XXV,
 
 248 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 of the affairs of his kingdom, resolved to make an 
 expedition against Egypt, both because he had a 
 desire to gain it, and because he contemned the son 
 of Ptolemy, as now weak, and not yet of abilities to 
 manage affairs of such consequence; so he came with 
 great forces to Pelusium, and circumvented Ptolemy 
 Philometer by treachery, and seized upon Egypt. 
 He then came to the places about jNIemphis; and when 
 he had taken them, he made haste to Alexandria, in 
 hopes of taking it by siege, and of subduing Ptolemy, 
 who reiffned there. But he was driven not onlv from 
 Alexandria, but out of all Egypt, by the declara- 
 tions of the Romans, who charged him to let that 
 country alone; according as I have elsewhere formerly 
 declared. I will now give a particular account of 
 what concerns this king, how he subdued Judea and 
 the temple; for in my former work I mentioned those 
 things very briefly, and have therefore now thought 
 it necessary to go over that history again, and that 
 with greater accuracy. 
 
 3. ^ King Antiochus returning out of Egypt, for 
 fear of the Romans, made an expedition against the 
 city Jerusalem; and when he was there, in the hundred 
 forty and third year of the kingdom of the SeleucidcE, 
 he took the city without fighting, those of his own 
 party opening the gates to him. And w^hen he had 
 gotten possession of Jerusalem he slew many of the 
 opposite party; and when he had plundered it of a 
 great deal of money, he returned to Antioch. 
 
 4. Now it came to pass, after two years, in the 
 hundred forty and fifth year, on the twenty-fifth 
 
 * Hereabouts Josephns begins to follow tlic first book of the Maccabees, 
 a most excellent and most autlientic history; and accordingly it is here, 
 with great fidelity and exactness, abridged by him ; lietween whose present 
 copies there seem to be fewer variations tiian in any other sacred Heorew 
 book of the Old Testament whatsoever, (for this book also was origmally 
 written in Hehrew), which is very natural, l)ecause it was written so 
 much nearer to the times of Joseplius than the rest were.
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 249 
 
 day of that month, which is by us called Chasleu, 
 and by the Macedonians ApeUeus, in the hundred and 
 fifty-third Olympiad, that the king came up to Jeru- 
 salem, and pretending peac^e, he got possession of 
 the city by treachery:* at which time he spared not so 
 much as those that admitted him into it, on account 
 of the riches that lay in the temple; but led by his 
 covetous inclination, (for he saw there was in it a 
 great deal of gold, and many ornaments that had 
 been dedicated to it of very great value,) and in order 
 to plunder its wealth, he ventured to break the league 
 he had made. So he left the temple bare; and took 
 away the golden candlesticks, and the golden altar 
 [of incense,] and table [of shew-bread,] and the 
 altar [of burnt-offering;] and did not abstain from 
 even the vails, which were made of fine linen and 
 scarlet. He also emptied it of its secret treasures, 
 and left nothing at all remaining; and by these means 
 cast the Jews into great lamentation, for he forbade 
 them to offer those daily sacrifices which they used 
 to offer to God, according to the law. And when 
 he had jDillaged the whole city, some of the inhabitants 
 he slew, and some he carried captive, together with 
 their wives and children, so that the multitude of 
 those captives that were taken alive amounted to about 
 ten thousand. He also burnt down the finest build- 
 ings; and when he had overthrown the city walls, 
 he built ^ a citadel in the lower part of the city, for 
 the place was high, and overlooked the temple, on 
 
 * This Citadel, of which we have such frequent mention in the fol- 
 lowing history, both in the Maccabees and in Josephus, seems to have 
 been a castle built on a hill, lower than mount Zion, though upon its 
 skirts, and higher than mount Moriah, between them both; which hill 
 the enemies of the Jews now got possession of, and built on it this 
 citadel and fortified it, till a good while afterwards the Jews regained 
 it, and levelled the hill itself with the common ground, that their enemies 
 might no more recover it, and might thence overlook the temple itself) 
 and do them such mischief as they had long undergone from it, Antiq 
 B. XIII. ch. vi. sect. 6, Vol. II.
 
 250 AXTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 which account he fortified it with high walls and 
 towers; and put into it a garrison of Macedonians. 
 However, in that citadel dwelt the impious and wicked 
 part of the [Jewish] multitude, from whom it proved 
 that the citizens suffered many and sore calamities. 
 And when the king had built an idol altar upon God's 
 altar, he slew swine upon it, and so offered a sacrifice 
 neither according to the law, nor the Jewish religious 
 worship in that country. He also compelled them to 
 forsake the worship which they paid their own God, 
 and to adore those whom he took to be gods, and made 
 them build temples, and raise idol altars in every 
 city and village, and offer swine upon them every 
 day. He also commanded them not to circumcise 
 their sons, and threatened to punish any that should 
 be found to have transgressed his injunctions. He 
 also appointed overseers, who should compel them to 
 do what he commanded. And indeed many Jews 
 there were who complied with the king's commands, 
 either voluntarily or out of fear of the penalty that 
 was denounced: but the best men, and those of the 
 noblest souls, did not regard him, but did pay a 
 greater respect to the customs of their country, than 
 concern as to the punishment which he threatened to 
 the disobedient; on which account thev every day 
 underwent great miseries, and bitter torments, for 
 they were whipped with rods, and their bodies were 
 torn to pieces, and were crucified, while they were 
 still alive, and breathed: They also strangled those 
 women and their sons whom they had circumcised, 
 as the king had appointed, hanging their sons about 
 their necks as they were upon the crosses. And if 
 there wei-e any sacred book of the law found, it was 
 destroyed, and those with whom they were found, 
 miserably perished also. 
 
 5, When the Samaritans saw the Jews under
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 251 
 
 these sufferings, they no longer confessed that they 
 were of their kindred, nor that the temple on mount 
 Gerizzim belonged to Almighty God. This was ac- 
 cording to their nature, as we have already shown. 
 And thev now said, that they were a colony of ]VIedes 
 and Persians: and indeed they were a colony of theirs. 
 So they sent ambassadors to Antiochus, and an epistle; 
 whose contents are these: "To king Antiochus the 
 god, Epiphanes, a memorial from the Sidonians, who 
 live at Shechem. Our forefathers, upon -certain fre- 
 quent plagues, and as following a certain ancient 
 superstition, had a custom of observing that day which 
 by the Jews is called the Sabbath.^ And when they 
 had erected a temple at the mountain called Gerizzim, 
 though without a name, they offered upon it the 
 proper sacrifices. Xow, upon the just treatment of 
 these wicked Jews, those that manage their affairs, 
 supj)osing that we were of kin to them, and practised 
 as they do, make us liable to the same accusations, 
 although we be originally Sidonians, as is evident 
 from the public records. We therefore beseech thee, 
 our benefactor and saviour, to give order to Appol- 
 lonius, the governor of this part of the country, and 
 to Nicanor, the procurator of thy affairs, to give us 
 no disturbance, nor to lay to our charge what the 
 Jews are accused for, since we are aliens from their 
 nation, and from their customs; but let our temple, 
 which at present hath no name at all, be named, The 
 temple of Jupiter HeUenius. If this were once done, 
 we should be no longer disturbed, but should be more 
 intent on our own occupation with quietness, and 
 so bring in a greater revenue to thee." When the 
 Samaritans had petitioned for this, the king sent them 
 
 ' This allegation of the Samaritans is remarkable, that thoupch they 
 were not Jews, yet did they, from ancient times, observe tlie Salibath- 
 day, and as they elsewhere pretend, the Sabbatic year also, Antiq. B. 
 XII. ch. vii. sect", (i. Vol. II.
 
 252 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 back the following answer, in an ej)istle: "King 
 Antiochus to Xicanor. The Sidonians, who live at 
 Shechem, have sent me the memorial inclosed. When 
 therefore we were advising with our friends about 
 it, the messengers sent by them represented to us, 
 that thev are no way concerned with accusations which 
 belong to the Jews, but choose to live after the customs 
 of the Greeks. Accordingly we declare them free 
 from such accusations, and order that, agreeable to 
 their petition, their temple be named. The temple of 
 Jupiter HeJIeiuus/' He also sent the like epistle to 
 Appollonius, the governor of that part of the country, 
 in the forty-sixth year, and the eighteenth day of the 
 month Hecatombeon. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 How, upon Antiochus' prohibition to the Jews to 
 make use of the laws of their country, Mattathias 
 the son of Asmoneus, alone despised the king, and 
 overcame the generals of Antiochus' army; as also 
 concerning the death of Mattathias, and the suc- 
 cession of Judas. 
 
 1. Xow at this time there was one whose name 
 was iNIattathias, who dwelt at ]Modin, the son of John, 
 the son of Simeon, the son of Asmoneus, a priest of 
 the order of Jcrarib, and a citizen of Jerusalem. He 
 had five sons, John, who was called Gaddis, and 
 Simon, who was called Matthes, and Judas, who was 
 called ]Maccabeus,^ and Eleazar, who was called 
 
 * That this appellation of ^[acrahpe was not first of all given to Judas 
 Maccabeus, nor was derived from any initial letters of the Hebrew words 
 on his I'anner, Mi Kamoka Be EUm, Jehovah? Who is like unto thee
 
 Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 253 
 
 Auran, and Jonathan, who was called Apphus. Now 
 this Mattathias lamented to his children the sad state 
 of their affairs, and the ravage made in the city, and 
 the plundering of the temple, and the calamities the 
 multitude were under; and he told them, that it was 
 hetter for them to die for the laws of their .country, 
 than to live so ingloriously as they then did. 
 
 2. But when those that were appointed by the 
 king were come to ^Nlodin, that they might compel 
 the Jews to do what they were commanded; and to 
 enjoin those that were there to offer sacrifice, as the 
 king had commanded, they desired that ^lattathias, 
 a person of the greatest character among them, both 
 on other accounts, and particularly on account of such 
 a numerous and so deserving a family of children, 
 would begin the sacrifice, because his fellow-citizens 
 would follow his example, and because such a pro- 
 cedure would make him honoured by the king. But 
 Mattathias said, "he would not do it; and that if all 
 the other nations would obey the commands of An- 
 tiochus, either out of fear, or to please him, yet would 
 not he nor his sons leave the religious worship of 
 their country." But as soon as he had ended his 
 speech, there came one of the Jews into the midst 
 of them, and sacrificed, as Antiochus had commanded. 
 At which oMattathias had great indignation, and ran 
 upon him ^aolently, with his sons, who had swords 
 with them, and slew both the man himself that 
 sacrificed, and Apelles the king's general, who com- 
 pelled them to sacrifice, with a few of his soldiers. 
 He also overthrew the idol altar; and cried out, "If, 
 said he, any one be zealous for the laws of his country, 
 
 nmoiiff the r/txl.t, O Jfhornh? Exod. xv. 11, as the modern Rabbins vainlj'^ 
 pretend, see Authent. Ree. Part I. pp. 205, 206. Only we may note, by 
 the way, that the original name of these Maccabees, and their posteritj', 
 was Asmouians : which was derived from Asmoneus, the great-grand- 
 father of Mattathias, as Josephus here informs us.
 
 254^ ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 and for the worship of God, let him follow me." 
 And when he had said this, he made haste into the 
 desert with his sons, and left all his substance in 
 the village. JNIany others did the same also, and 
 fled with their children and wives into the desert, 
 and dwelt in caves. But when the king's generals 
 heard this, they took all the forces they then had in 
 the citadel at Jerusalem, and pursued the Jews into 
 the desert; and when they had overtaken them, they 
 in the first place endeavoured to persuade them to 
 repent, and to choose what was most for their 
 advantage, and not put them to the necessity of using 
 them according to the law of war. But when they 
 would not comply with their persuasions, but con- 
 tinued to be of a different mind, they fought against 
 them on the Sabbath-dav, and thev burnt them, as 
 they were in the caves, without resistance, and with- 
 out so much as stopping up the entrances of the caves. 
 And thev avoided to defend themselves on that dav, 
 because they were not willing to break in upon the 
 honour they owed the Sabbath, even in such distresses, 
 for our law requires that we rest upon that day. 
 There were about a thousand, with their wives and 
 children, who were smothered, and died in these 
 caves; but many of those that escaped joined them- 
 selves to oNIattathias, and appointed him to be their 
 ruler, who taught tliem to fight, even on the Sabbath- 
 dav; and told them, that "unless thev would do so, 
 they would become their own enemies, by observing 
 the law [so rigorously,] while their adversaries would 
 still assault them on this dav, and thev would not 
 then defend 'themselves, and that nothing could then 
 hinder but tliey must all perish without fighting." 
 Tliis speech persuaded them. And this rule con- 
 tinues among us to this day, that if there be a neces- 
 sity, we may fight on Sabbath-days. So jNIattathias
 
 Chap. vi. OF THE JEWS. 255 
 
 got a great army about liim, and overthrew their idoJ 
 altars, and slew those that broke the laws, even all 
 that he could get under his power, for many of them 
 were dispersed among the nations round a})out them 
 for fear of him. He also commanded, that those boys 
 which were not yet circumcised should be circumcised 
 now; and he drove those away that were appointed 
 to hinder such their circumcision. 
 
 3. But when he had ruled one year, and was fallen 
 into a distemper, he called for his sons, and set them 
 round about him, and said, "O mv sons, I am ffoiuir 
 the way of all the earth, and I recommend to you 
 my resolution, and beseech you not to be negligent 
 in keeping it, but to be mindful of the desires of him 
 who begat you, and brought you up, and to preserve 
 the customs of your country, and to recover your 
 ancient form of government, which is in danger of 
 being overturned, and not to be carried away with 
 those that, either by their own inclination, or out of 
 necessity, betray it, but to become such sons as are 
 worthy of me; to be above all force and necessity, 
 and so to dispose your souls, as to be ready, when it 
 shall be necessarv, to die for vour laws, as sensible 
 of this by just reasoning, that if God see that you 
 are so disposed he will not overlook you, but will 
 have a great value for your virtue, and will restore 
 to you again what you have lost, and will return to 
 you that freedom in which you shall live quietly, and 
 enjoy yom* own customs. Your bodies are mortal, 
 and sul)ject to fate, but they receive a sort of im- 
 mortality, by the remembrance of what actions they 
 liave done. And I would have you so in love witli 
 this immortality, tliat you may pursue after glory; 
 and that, when you have undergone the greatest dif- 
 ficulties, you may not scruple, for such things, to lose 
 your lives, I exhort you, especially, to agree one
 
 256 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 with another; and in what excellency any one of you 
 exceeds another, to yield to him so far, and by that 
 means to reap the advantage of every one's own 
 virtues. Do vou then esteem Simon as your father, 
 because he is a man of extraordinary prudence, and 
 to be governed by him in what counsels he gives you. 
 Take Maccabeus for the general of your army, be- 
 cause of his courage and strength, for he will avenge 
 your nation, and will bring vengeance on your enemies. 
 Admit among you the righteous and religious, and 
 augment their power." 
 
 4. When ^Nlattathias had thus discoursed to his 
 sons, and had prayed to God to be their assistant, 
 and to recover to the people their former constitution, 
 he died a little afterward, and was biu-ied at Modin; 
 all the people making great lamentation for him. 
 Whereupon his son Judas took upon him the admin- 
 istration of public affairs, in the hundred forty and 
 sixth vear: and thus bv the readv assistance of his 
 
 « a.' « 
 
 brethren, and of others, Judas cast their enemies out 
 of the country, and put those of their own country 
 to death who had transgressed its laws, and purified 
 the land of all the pollutions that were in it. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 How Judas overthrew the forces of Ajjpollonius and 
 Seron, and killed the generals of their armies them- 
 selves; and how, when a little while afterward, 
 Lysias and Gorgias were beaten, he went up to 
 Jerusalem, and purified the temple. 
 
 1. Whex Appollonius, the general of the Samari- 
 tan forces heard this, he took his army, and made
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 257 
 
 haste to go against Judas; who met him, and joined 
 battle with him, and beat him, and slew many of 
 his men, and among them Appollonius himself, their 
 general, whose sword being that which he hapj^ened 
 to wear, he seized iij^on, and kept for himself; but 
 he wounded more than he slew, and took a great 
 deal of prey from the enemies' camp, and went his 
 way. But when Seron, who was general of the army 
 of Celesyria, heard that many had joined themselves 
 to Judas, and that he had about him an army suffi- 
 cient for fighting, and for making war, he determined 
 to make an expedition against him, as thinking it 
 became him to endeavour to punish those that trans- 
 gressed the king's injunctions. He then got to- 
 gether an army as large as he was able, and joined 
 it to the runagate and wicked Jews, and came against 
 Judas. He came as far as Bethhoron, a village 
 of Judea, and there pitched his camp: upon M'hic'i 
 Judas met him; and when he intended to give him 
 battle, he saw that his soldiers were backward to 
 fight, because their number was small, and because 
 they wanted food, for they were, fasting, he en- 
 couraged them, and said to them, that "victory and 
 conquest of enemies is not derived from the mul- 
 titude in armies, but in the exercise of j)iety towards 
 God; and that they had the plainest instances in 
 their forefathers, who by their righteousness, and 
 exerting themselves on behalf of their own laws, 
 and their own children, had frequently conquered 
 many ten thousands, for innocence is the strongest 
 army." By this speech he induced his men to con- 
 temn the multitude of the enemy, and to fall upon 
 Seron. And upon joining battle with him, he beat 
 the Syrians; and when their general fell among the 
 rest, they all run away with speed, as thinking tliat 
 to be their best way of escaping. So he pursued
 
 258 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 them unto the plain, and slew about eight hundred 
 of the enemy, but the rest escaped to the region 
 which lay near to the sea. 
 
 2. When king Antiochus heard of these things, 
 he was very angry at what had happened; so he 
 got together all his own army, with many mercenaries, 
 whom he had hired from the islands, and took them 
 with him, and prepared to break into Judea, about 
 the beginning of the spring. But when, upon his 
 nuistering his soldiers, he perceived that his treasures 
 were deficient, and there was a want of money in 
 them, for all the taxes were not paid, by reason of 
 the seditions there had been among the nations, he 
 having been so magnanimous and so liberal, that 
 what he had was not sufficient for him, he therefore 
 resolved first to go into Persia, and collect the taxes 
 of that country. Hereuj^on he left one whose name 
 was Lysias, who was in great repute with him, gov- 
 ernor of the kingdom, as far as the ])ounds of Egypt, 
 and of the lower Asia, and reaching from the river 
 Euphrates, and committed to him a certain part of 
 his forces, and of his elephants, and charged him to 
 bring up his son Antiochus with all possible care, 
 until he came back; and that he should conquer 
 Judea, and take its inhabitants for slaves, and utterly 
 destroy Jerusalem, and abolish the whole nation. 
 And when king Antiochus had given these things 
 in charge to Lysias, he went into Persia: and in the 
 hundred and forty-seventh year he passed over Eu- 
 phrates, and went to the superior provinces. 
 
 3. Upon this Lysias chose Ptolemy, the son of 
 Dorjmienes, and Nicanor, and Gorgias, very potent 
 men among the king's friends, and delivered to them 
 forty thousand foot soldiers, and seven thousand 
 horsemen, and sent tliem against Judea, wlio came 
 as far as the city Emmaus, and pitched their camp
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 259 
 
 in the plain country. There came also to them 
 auxiliaries out of Syria, and the country round about; 
 as also many of the runagate Jews. And besides 
 these came some merchants to buy those that should 
 be carried captives, (having bonds with them to 
 bind those that should be made prisoners), with that 
 silver and gold which they were to pay for their 
 price. And when Judas saw their camp, and how 
 numerous their enemies were, he persuaded his own 
 soldiers to be of good courage; and exhorted them 
 to place their hopes of victory in God, and to make 
 supplication to him, according to the custom of 
 their country, clothed in sackcloth; and to show what 
 was their usual habit of supplication in the greatest 
 dangers, and thereby to prevail with God to grant 
 you the victory over your enemies. So he set them 
 in their ancient order of battle used by their fore- 
 fathers, under their captains of thousands, and other 
 officers; and dismissed such as were newly married, 
 as well as those that had newly gained possessions, 
 that they might not fight in a cowardly manner, out 
 of an inordinate love of life, in order to enjoy those 
 blessings. When he had thus disposed his soldiers, 
 he encouraged them to fight by the following speech, 
 which he made to them: "O my fellow-soldiers, no 
 other time remains more opportune than the present 
 for courage, and contempt of dangers; for if you 
 now fight manfully you may recover your liberty, 
 which, as it is a thing of itself agreeable to all men, 
 so it proves to be to us, much more desirable, by 
 its affording us the liberty of worshipping God. 
 Since therefore you are in such circumstances at 
 present, that you must either recover that liberty, 
 and so regain a happy and blessed way of living, 
 which is that according to our laws and customs of 
 our country, or to submit to the most opprobrious
 
 260 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 sufferings; nor will any seed of your nation remain 
 if you be beat in this battle. Fight, therefore, man- 
 fully; and suppose that you must die, though you 
 do not fight. But believe, that besides such glorious 
 rewards as those of the liberty of your country, of 
 your laws, of your religion, you shall then obtain 
 everlasting glory. Prepare yourselves therefore, and 
 put yourselves into such an agreeable posture, that 
 you may be ready to fight with the enemy as soon 
 as it is day to-morrow morning." 
 
 4, And this w^as the speech which Judas made 
 to encourage them. But when the enemy sent Gor- 
 gias, with five thousand foot, and one thousand 
 horse, that he might fall upon Judas by night, and 
 had for that purpose certain of the runagate Jews 
 as guides, the son of ]\Iattathias perceived it, and 
 resolved to fall upon those enemies that were in 
 their camp, now their forces were divided. When 
 they had therefore supped in good time, and had 
 left many fires in their camp, he marched all night 
 to those enemies that were at Emmaus; so that when 
 Gorgias found no enemy in their camp, but suspected 
 that they were retired and had hidden themselves 
 among the mountains, he resolved to go and seek 
 them wheresoever they were. But about break of 
 day, Judas appeared to those enemies that were at 
 Emmaus, with only three thousand men, and those 
 ill armed, by reason of their poverty, and when 
 he saw the enemy very well and skilfully fortified 
 in their camp, he encouraged the Jews, and told 
 them "that they ought to fight, though it were witli 
 their naked bodies, for that God had sometimes of old 
 given such men strength, and that against such 
 as were more in number, and were armed also, out 
 of regard to their great courage." So he com- 
 manded the trumpeters to sound for the battle: and
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 261 
 
 by thus falling upon the enemies when they did not 
 expect it, and thereby astonishing and disturbing 
 their minds, he slew many of those that resisted 
 him, and went on pursuing the rest as far as Gadara, 
 and the plains of Idumea, and Ashdod, and Jamnia: 
 and of these there fell about three thousand. Yet 
 did Judas exhort his soldiers not to be too desirous 
 of the spoils, for that still they must have a contest 
 and a battle with Gorgias, and the forces that were 
 with him; but that when they had once overcome 
 them, then they might securely plunder the camp, 
 because they were the only enemies remaining, and 
 they expected no others. And just as he was speak- 
 ing to his soldiers, Gorgias' men looked down into 
 that army, which they left in their camp, and saw 
 that it was overthrown; and the camp burnt; for 
 the smoke that arose from it showed them, even 
 when they were a great way off, what had happened. 
 When therefore those that were with Gorgias under- 
 stood that things were in this posture, and perceived 
 that those that were with Judas were ready to fight 
 them, they also v/ere affrighted, and put to flight; 
 but then Judas, as though he had already beaten 
 Gorgias' soldiers without fighting, returned and 
 seized on the spoils. He took a great quantity of 
 gold and silver, and purple, and blue, and then 
 returned home with joy, and singing hymns to God 
 for their good success; for this victory greatly con- 
 tributed to the recovery of their liberty. 
 
 5. Hereupon Lysias was confounded at the de- 
 feat of the army which he had sent, and the next 
 year he got together sixty thousand chosen men. 
 He also took five thousand horsemen, and fell upon 
 Judea; and he went up to the hill coiuitry of Betlisiu', 
 a village of Judea, and pitched his camp there, 
 where Judas met him with ten thousand men; and
 
 262 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 when he saw the great number of his enemies, he 
 prayed to God, that he would assist him, and joined 
 battle with the first of the enemy that appeared, 
 and beat them, and slew about five thousand of 
 them, and thereby became terrible to the rest of 
 them. Xay, indeed, Lysias observing the great 
 spirit of the Jews, how they were prepared to die 
 rather than lose their liberty, and being afraid of 
 their desperate way of fighting, as if it were real 
 strength, he took the rest of the army back witli 
 him, and returned to Antioch, where he listed for- 
 eigners into the service, and prepared to fall upon 
 Judea with a greater army. 
 
 6. When therefore the generals of Antiochus' 
 armies had been beaten so often, Judas assembled 
 the people together, and told them. That "after 
 these many victories, which God had given them, 
 they ought to go up to Jerusalem, and purify the 
 temple, and offer the appointed sacrifices." But as 
 soon as he, with the whole multitude, was come to 
 Jerusalem, and found the temple deserted, and its 
 gates burnt down, and plants growing in the temple 
 of their own accord, on account of its desertion, he 
 and those that were with him began to lament, and 
 were quite confounded at the sight of the temple; 
 so he chose out some of his soldiers and gave them 
 order to fight against those guards that were in 
 the citadel, until he should have purified the temple. 
 When therefore he had carefully purged it, and had 
 brought in new vessels, the candlestick, the table 
 [of shew-bread], and the altar [of incense], which 
 were made of gold, he hung up the vails at the 
 gates, and added doors to tliem. He also took down 
 tlie altar [of l)urnt-offcring]. and built a new one 
 of stones that he gathered together, atid not of such 
 as were hewn with iron tools. So on the five and
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 2G3 
 
 twentieth day of the month Casleu, which the Mace- 
 donians call ApcUeus, they liglited the lamps that 
 were on the candlestick, and offered incense upon 
 the [altar of incense], and laid the loaves upon 
 the table [of shew-bread,] and oft'ered burnt-offer- 
 ings upon the new altar [of burnt-offering]. Xow 
 it so fell out, that these things were done on the 
 very same day on which their divine worship had 
 fallen off, and was reduced to a profane and common 
 use, after three years' time; for so it was, that the 
 temple was made desolate by Antiochus, and so 
 continued for three years. This desolation happened 
 to the temple in the hundred forty and fifth year, 
 on the twenty-fifth day of the month Apelleus, and 
 on the hundred fifty and third Olympiad: but it was 
 dedicated anew, on the same day, the twenty-fifth 
 of the month Apelleus, on the hundred and forty- 
 eighth year, and on the hundred and fifty-fourth 
 Olympiad. And this declaration came to pass ac- 
 cording to the prophecy of Daniel which was given 
 four hundred and eight years before; for he de- 
 clared that the Macedonians would dissolve that 
 worship [for some time.] 
 
 7. Xow Judas celebrated the festival of the res- 
 toration of the sacrifices of the temple for eight days; 
 and omitted no sort of pleasures thereon ; but he 
 feasted them upon very rich and splendid sacrifices; 
 and he honoured God, and delighted them by hymns 
 and psalms. Xay, they were so very glad at the 
 revival of their customs, when, after a long time 
 of intermission, they unexpectedly had regained the 
 freedom of their worship, that they made it a law 
 for their posterity, that they should keep a festival 
 on account of the restoration of their temple worship, 
 for eight days. And from that time to this we cele- 
 brate this festival, and call it Lights, I suppose
 
 264 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 the reason was, because this liberty beyond our hopes 
 appeared to us; and that thence was the name given 
 to the festival. Judas also rebuilt the walls round 
 about the city; and reared towers of great height 
 against the incursions of enemies; and set guards 
 therein. He also fortified the city Bethshura, that 
 it might serve as a citadel against any distresses 
 that might come from our enemies. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 How Judas subdued the nations round about; and 
 how Si?non beat the people of Tijre and Ptolemais; 
 and how Judas overcame Timotheus, and forced 
 him to fly away, and did many other things^ after 
 Joseph and Azarias had been beaten. 
 
 1. When these things were over, the nations 
 round about the Jews were very uneasy at the re- 
 vival of their power, and rose up together, and de- 
 stroyed many of them, as gaining advantage over 
 them by laying snares for them, and making secret 
 conspiracies against them. Judas made perpetual 
 expeditions against these men, and endeavoured to 
 restrain them from those incursions, and to prevent 
 the mischiefs they did to the Jews. So he fell upon 
 the Idumeans, the jDOsterity of Esau, at Acrabattene, 
 and slew a great many of them, and took their spoils. 
 He also shut up the sons of Bean, that laid wait 
 for the Jews, and he sat down about them, and 
 besieged them, and burnt their towers, and destroyed 
 the men [that were in them]. After this he went 
 thence in haste against the Ammonites, who had 
 a great and a numerous army; of which Timotheus
 
 Chap. viii. OF THE JEWS. 265 
 
 was the commander. And when he had subdued 
 them, he seized on the city Jazer, and took their 
 wives and their children captives, and burnt the city, 
 and then returned into Judea. But when the neigli- 
 bouring nations understood that he was returned, 
 they got together in great numbers, in the land of 
 Gilead, and came against those Jews that were at 
 their borders, who then fled to the garrison of 
 Dametha; and sent to Judas to inform him that 
 Timotheus was endeavouring to take the place whither 
 they were fled. And as these epistles were reading, 
 there came other messengers out of Galilee, who in- 
 formed him that the inhabitants of Ptolemais, and 
 of Tyre and Sidon, and strangers of Galilee, were 
 gotten together. 
 
 2. Accordingly Judas, upon considering what was 
 fit to be done, with relation to the necessity both 
 these cases required, gave order that Simon his brother 
 should take three thousand chosen men, and go to 
 the assistance of the Jews in Galilee, whilst he and 
 another of his brothers, Jonathan, made haste into 
 the land of Gilead, with eight thousand soldiers. 
 And he left Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarius, 
 to be over the rest of the forces; and charged them 
 to keep Judea very carefully, and to fight no battles 
 with any persons whomsoever until his return. Ac- 
 cordingly, Simon went into Galilee, and fought the 
 enemy, and put them to flight, and pursued them 
 to the very gates of Ptolemais, and slew about three 
 thousand of them; and took the spoils of those that 
 were slain, and those Jews whom thev had made 
 captives, with their baggage; and then returned home. 
 
 3. Now as for Judas Maccabeus, and his brother 
 Jonathan, they passed over the river Jordan ; and 
 when they had gone three days' journey, they light 
 upon the Xabateans, who came to meet them peace-
 
 266 ANTIQUITIP:S Book XII. 
 
 ably, and who told them how the affairs of those 
 in the land of Gilead stood; and how many of them 
 were in distress, and driven into garrisons, and into 
 the cities of Galilee: and exhorted him to make 
 haste to go against the foreigners, and to endeavour 
 to save his own countrymen out of their hands. To 
 this exhortation Judas hearkened and returned into 
 the wilderness; and in the first place fell upon the 
 inhabitants of Bosor, and took the city, and beat 
 the inhabitants, and destroyed all the males, and 
 all that were able to fight, and burnt the city. Nor 
 did he stop even when night came on, but he journeyed 
 in it to the garrison where the Jews happened to 
 be then shut up, and where Timotheus lay round 
 the place with his army: and Judas came upon the 
 city in the morning; and when he found that the 
 enemy were making an assault upon the walls, and 
 that some of them brought ladders, on which they 
 might get upon those walls, and that others brought 
 engines to [batter them], he bid the trumpeter to 
 sound his trumpet, and he encouraged his soldiers 
 cheerfully to undergo dangers for the sake of their 
 brethren and kindred; he also parted his army into 
 three bodies, and fell upon the backs of their enemies. 
 But when Timotheus' men perceived that it was 
 ]\Iaccabeus that was upon them, of both whose courage 
 and good success in war they had formerly had 
 sufficient experience, they were put to flight; but 
 Judas followed them with his army, and slew about 
 eight thousand of them. He then turned aside to 
 a city of the foreigners called 3faUc, and took it, 
 and slew all the males, and burnt the city itself. 
 He then removed from thence, and overthrew Cas- 
 peom, and Bosor, and many other cities of the land 
 of Gilead. 
 
 4. But not long after this Timotheus prepared
 
 Chap. Yiii. OF THE JEWS. 267 
 
 a great army, and took many others as auxiharies, 
 and induced some of the Arabians, by the promise 
 of rewards, to go with him in this expedition, and 
 came with his army beyond the brook, over against 
 the city Raphon. And he encouraged his soldiers, 
 if it came to a battle with the Jews, to fight coura- 
 geously, and to hinder their passing over the brook: 
 for he said to them beforehand. That "if they come 
 over it, we shall be beaten." And when Judas 
 heard that Timotheus prepared himself to fight, he 
 took all his own army, and went in haste against 
 Timotheus his enemy; and when he had passed over 
 the brook, he fell upon his enemies, and some of 
 them met him, whom he slew, and others of them 
 he so terrified, that he compelled them to throw down 
 their arms, and fly; and some of them escaped, but 
 some of them fled to what was called the temple 
 at Carnaim, and hoped thereby to preserve them- 
 selves; but Judas took the city, and slew them, and 
 burnt the temple, and so used several ways of de- 
 stroying his enemies. 
 
 5. When he had done this, he gathered the Jews 
 together, with their children, and wives, and the 
 substance that belonged to them, and was going to 
 bring them back into Judea: but as soon as he was 
 come to a certain city, whose name was Ephron, 
 that lay upon the road, (and as it was not possible 
 for him to go any other way, so he was not willing 
 to go back again), he then sent to the inhabitants, 
 and desired that they would open their gates, and 
 permit them to go on their way through the city, 
 for they had stopped up the gates with stones, and 
 cut off'" their passage through it. And when the 
 inhabitants of Ephron would not agree to this pro- 
 posal, he encouraged those that were with him, and 
 encompassed the city round, and besieged it, and
 
 268 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 lying round it by day and night, took the city, and 
 slew every male in it, and burnt it all down, and 
 so obtained a way through it; and the multitude of 
 those that were slain was so great, that they went 
 over the dead bodies. So they came over Jordan, 
 and arrived at the great plain, over against which 
 is situate the city Bethshan, which is called by the 
 Greeks ^ Scyihopolis. And going away hastily from 
 thence, they came into Judea, singing psalms and 
 hymns as they went, and indulging such tokens of 
 mirth as are usual in triumphs upon victory. They 
 also offered thank-offerings, both for their good suc- 
 cess, and for the preservation of their army, for 
 " not one of the Jews was slain in these battles. 
 
 6. But as to Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and 
 Azarias, whom Judas left generals [of the rest of 
 the forces] at the same time when in Galilee, fighting 
 against the people of Ptolemais, and Judas himself 
 and his brother Jonathan, were in the land of Gilead, 
 did these men also affect the glory of being coura- 
 geous generals in war, in order whereto they took 
 the army that was under their command, and came 
 to Jamnia. There Gorgias, the general of the forces 
 of Jamnia, met them; and upon joining battle with 
 him, they lost ^ two thousand of their army, and 
 
 * The reason why Bethshan was called ScifthopoHs, is well known 
 from Herodotus, B. I. p. 105, and Syncellus, p. 2ll, that the Scythians, 
 when they overran Asia, in the days of Josiah, seized on this city, and 
 kept it as long as they continued in Asia, from which time it retained 
 the name of Sri)lho])oIis, or the citif of the Scythians. 
 
 ^ This most j)rovidential jireservation of all the religious Jews in this 
 expedition, which was according to the will of God, is observable often 
 among (iod's j)eo})lc tiie Jews; and somewhat very like it in the changes 
 of the four monarchies, which were also providential. See Prideaux at 
 the years 331, 333, and 334. 
 
 ■'' Here is aiiotlicr great instance of ])rovidencc, that whei», even at 
 the very time that Simon, and Judas, and Jonathan, were so miraculously 
 preserved, and blessed in the just defence of their laws and religion, 
 these other generals of the Jews who went to fight for iionour, in a 
 v:;in-glorious way, and without any conunission from God, or the family
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. . 269 
 
 fled away, and were j^ursued to the very borders of 
 Judea. And this misfortune befell them by their 
 disobedience to what injunctions Judas had given 
 them, "Not to fight with any one before his return." 
 For besides the rest of Judas' sagacious counsels, 
 one may well wonder at this concerning the mis- 
 fortune that befell the forces commanded by Joseph 
 and Azarias, which he understood would happen, 
 if they broke any of the injunctions he had given 
 them. But Judas and his brethren did not leave 
 off fighting with the Idumeans, but pressed upon 
 them on all sides, and took from them the city of 
 Hebron, and demolished all its fortifications, and 
 set all its towers on fire, and burnt the country of 
 the foreigners, and the city Marissa. They came 
 also to Ashdod, and took it, and laid it waste, and 
 took away a great deal of the spoils and prey that 
 were in it, and returned to Judea. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Concerning the death of Antiochus Epiphanes. How 
 Antiochus Eupator fought against Judas, and he- 
 sieged him in the teinple, and afterwards made 
 jjeace with him and departed. Of Alcimus and 
 Onias. 
 
 1. About this time it was that king Antiochus, 
 as he was going over the upper countries, heard, that 
 there was a very rich city in Persia, called EI//mais; 
 and therein a very rich temple of Diana, and that 
 it was full of all sorts of donations dedicated to it; 
 
 he had raised up to deliver them, were miserably disappointed and 
 defeated. See 1 Maccab. v. (11, 62.
 
 270 . ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 as also weapons and breastplates, wliich, upon inquiry, 
 he found had been left tliere by Alexander, the son 
 of Philip, king of Macedonia. And being incited 
 by these motives, he went in haste to Elymais, and 
 assaulted it, and besieged it. But as those that were 
 in it were not terrified at his assaidt, nor at his 
 siege, but opposed him very courageously, he was 
 beaten off his hopes; for they drove him away from 
 the city, and went out and pursued after him; -in- 
 somuch that he fled away as far as Babylon, and 
 lost a great many of his armj . And when he was 
 grieving for this disaj^pointment, some persons told 
 him of the defeat of his commanders whom he had 
 left behind him to fight against Judea, and what 
 strength the Jews had already gotten: When this 
 concern about these' affairs was added to the former, 
 he was confounded, and by the anxiety he was in, 
 fell into a distemj^er, which, as it lasted a great 
 while, and as his pains increased upon him, so he 
 at length perceived he should die in a little time; 
 so he called his friends to him, and told them, that 
 his distemper was severe upon him; and confessed 
 withal, that this calamity was sent upon him for 
 the miseries he had brought upon the Jewish nation, 
 while lie plundered their temple, and contemned their 
 God, and when he had said this, he gave up the 
 ghost. Whence one may wonder at Polybiu« of 
 Megalopolis, who, though otlierwise a good man, 
 yet saith. That "Antiochus died because he had a 
 purpose to plunder the temple of Diana in Persia;" 
 for the ^ purj)osing to do a thing, but not actually 
 
 ^ Since St. Paul, a Pharisee, confesses, that he had not knoion con- 
 cupiscence, or desires, to lie sinful, had not tlie tentli commandment said, 
 Than sJialf not cor'cf , Rom. \'ii. 7, tiie case seems to iiave heen mucli the 
 same with our Josepinis, who was of the same sect; tliat he iiad not 
 a deep sense of tlie greatness of any sins that proceeded no farther than 
 the intention. However, since .Toscphus sjieaks liere properly of the
 
 Chap. IX. OF THP: jews. 271 
 
 doing it, is not worthy of punishment. But it' 
 Polyhius could think, that Antiochus thus lost his 
 hfe on that account, it is much more probable that 
 this king died on account of his sacrilegious plunder- 
 ing of the temple at Jerusalem. But we will not 
 contend about this matter with those who may think, 
 that the cause assigned by this Polybius of Megalopo- 
 lis is nearer the truth than that assigned by us. 
 
 2. However, Antiochus, before he died, called 
 for Philip, who was one of his companions, and 
 made him the guardian of his kingdom; and gave 
 him his diadem, and his garment, and his ring, and 
 charged him to carry them, and deliver them to his 
 son Antiochus; and desired him to take care of his 
 education, and to preserve the kingdom for him.^ 
 This Antiochus died in the hundred forty and ninth 
 year: But it was Lvsias that declared his death to 
 the multitude, and appointed his son Antiochus to 
 be king, (of whom at present he had the care,) and 
 called him Eupator. 
 
 3. At this time it was that the garrison in the 
 citadel at Jerusalem, with the JeM^ish runagates, did 
 a great deal of harm to the Jews: for the soldiers 
 that were in that garrison rushed» out uj^on the 
 sudden, and destroyed such as were going uj) to the 
 temple in order to offer their sacrifices, for this 
 citadel adjoined to, and overlooked the temple. 
 When these misfortunes had often happened to them, 
 Judas resolved to destroy that garrison; whereupon 
 he got all the people together, and vigorously be- 
 sieged those that were in the citadel. This was in 
 
 punishment of death, whieh is not inflicted by any law either of God or 
 man for the hare intention, his words need not to l)e s-traincd to mean, 
 that sins intended, Imt not executed, were no sins at all. 
 
 ^ Xo wonder that Josephus here describes Antiochus Euj)ator as 
 young, and wanting tuition, when he came to the crown, since Appian 
 informs us, Syriac, ]>. 177, that he was then but nine years old.
 
 272 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 the hundred and fiftieth year of the dominion of 
 the Seleucidte. ,So he made engines of war, and 
 erected bulwarks, and very zealously pressed on 
 to take the citadel: But there were not a few of 
 the runagates who were in the place, that went out 
 by night into the country, and got together some 
 other wicked men like themselves, and went to An- 
 tiochus the king, and desired of him. That "he would 
 not suffer them to be neglected, under the great 
 hardships that lay upon them from those of their 
 own nation, and this because their sufferings were 
 occasioned on his father's account, while they left 
 the religious worshij) of their fathers, and preferred 
 that which he had commanded them to follow: that 
 there was danger lest the citadel, and those appointed 
 to garrison it by the king, should be taken by Judas, 
 and those that were with him, unless he would send 
 them succours." When Antiochus, who was but a 
 child, heard this, he was angry, and sent for his cap- 
 tains, and his friends, and gave order, that they 
 should get an army of mercenaries together, with 
 such men also of his own kingdom as were of any 
 age fit for war. Accordingly, an army was collected 
 of about a hundred thousand footmen, and twenty 
 thousand horsemen, and thirty-two elephants. 
 
 4. So the king took his army, and marched hastily 
 out of Antioch, with Lysias, who had the command 
 of the whole, and came to Idumea, and thence went 
 up to the city Bethsiu-a, a city that was strong, and 
 not to be taken without great difficulty; he set about 
 this city, and besieged it. And while the inhabitants 
 of Bethsura courageously opposed hhn; and sallied 
 out upon him, and burnt his engines of war, a great 
 deal of time was spent in the siege. But when 
 Judas heard of the king's coming, he raised the 
 siege of the citadel, and met the king, and pitched
 
 HEROISM OF ELEAZAR 
 From the Painting by P. T. Del.outherb'ourg, R. A. Engraved by C. Heath.
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 273 
 
 his camp in certain straits, at a place called Beth- 
 zachariah, at the distance of seventy furlongs from 
 the enemy; but the king soon drew his forces from 
 Bethsura, and brought them to those straits. And 
 as soon as it was day, he put his men in battle 
 array, and made his elephants follow one another 
 through the narrow passes, because they could not 
 be set sideways bv one another. Xow round about 
 every elephant there were a thousand footmen, and 
 five hundred horsemen. The elephants also had high 
 towers [upon their backs], and archers [in them]. 
 And he also made the rest of his army to go up 
 the mountains, and put his friends before the rest; 
 and gave orders for the army to shout aloud, and 
 so he attacked the enemy. He also exposed to sight 
 their golden and brazen shields, so that a glorious 
 splendour was sent from them ; and when they shouted, 
 the mountains echoed again. When Judas saw this, 
 he was not terrified, but received the enemy with 
 great courage, and slew about six hundred of the 
 first ranks. But when his brother Eleazar, whom 
 they called Auran, saw the tallest of the elephants 
 armed with royal breastplates, and supposed that 
 the king was upon him, he attacked him with great 
 quickness and bravery. He also slew many of those 
 that were about the elephant, and scattered the rest, 
 and then went under the belly of the elephant, and 
 smote him, and slew him; so the elephant fell upon 
 Eleazar, and by his weight crushed him to death. 
 And thus did this man come to his end, when he had 
 first courageously destroyed many of his enemies. 
 
 5. But Judas, seeing the strength of the enemy, 
 retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to endure a siege. 
 As for Antiochus, he sent part of his army to Beth- 
 sura, to besiege it, and with the rest of his army he 
 came against Jerusalem; but the inhabitants of
 
 274 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 Bethsurii were terrified at his strength; and seeing 
 that their j)i*ovisions grew scarce, they dehvered them- 
 selves up on the security of oaths, that they should 
 suffer no hard treatment from the king. And when 
 Antiochus had thus taken the city, he did them no 
 other harm than sending them out naked. He also 
 placed a garrison of his own in the city. But as for 
 the temple of Jerusalem, he lay at its siege a long 
 time, while they within bravely defended it, for what 
 engines soever the king set against them, they set 
 other engines again to oppose them. But then their 
 provisions failed them; what fruits of the ground 
 they had laid up were spent, and the land being not 
 ploughed that year, continued unsowed, because it 
 was the seventh year, on wliich, by our laws, we are 
 obliged to let it lie uncultivated. And withal so many 
 of the besieged ran away for want of necessaries, that 
 but a few only were left in the temple. 
 
 6. And these happened to be the circumstances of 
 such as were besieged in the temple. But then, be- 
 cause Lysias, the general of the army, and Antiochus 
 the king, were informed that Philip was coming upon 
 them out of Persia, and was endeavouring to get 
 the management of pu])lic affairs to himself, they 
 came into these sentiments, to leave the siege, and 
 to make haste to go again to Philip; yet did they 
 resolve not to let this be known to the soldiers nor 
 to the officers: But the king- commanded Lysias to 
 speak openly to their soldiers and the officers, with- 
 out saying a word about the business of Philip: and 
 to intimate to them, that the siege would be very 
 long: that the place was very strong; that they were 
 already in want of provisions; that many affairs of 
 the kingdom wanted reguhition: and that it was much 
 better to make a league with the besieged, and to 
 become friends to their whole nation, by permitting
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 275 
 
 them to observe the laws of their fathers, while they 
 broke out into this war only because they were de- 
 prived of them, and so to depart home. When Lysias 
 had discoursed thus to them, both the army and the 
 officers were pleased w^ith this resolution. 
 
 7. Accordingly the king sent to Judas, and to 
 those that were besieged with them, and promised to 
 give them peace, and to permit them to make use of, 
 and live according to the laws of their fathers. And 
 they gladly received his proposals: and when they 
 had gained security upon oath, for their performance, 
 they went out of the temple. But when Antiochus 
 came into it, and saw how strong the place was, he 
 broke his oaths, and ordered his army that was there 
 to pluck down the walls to the ground, and when he 
 had so done, he returned to Antioch: he also carried 
 with him Onias the high j^riest, who was also called 
 31 en elans; for Lvsias advised the kinsf to slav Mene- 
 laus, if he would have the Jews be quiet, and cause 
 him no farther disturbance, for that this man was 
 the origin of all the mischief the Jews had done them, 
 by persuading his father to compel the Jews to leave 
 the religion of their fathers: So the king sent Mene- 
 laus to Berea, a citv of Svria, and there had him 
 put to death, when he had been high priest ten years. 
 He had been a wicked and an impious man: and, in 
 order to get the government to himself, had com- 
 pelled his nation to transgress their own laws. After 
 the death of Menelaus, Alcimus. wlio was also called 
 Jacimns, was made high priest. But when king An- 
 tiochus found that Philip had already possessed him- 
 self of the government, he made war against him, 
 and subdued him, and took him and slew him. Xow, 
 as to Onias the son of the high priest, who, as ^ve 
 before informed vou, was left a child when his fatlier 
 died, when he saw that the king had slain his uncle
 
 276 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 Menelaus, and given the high priesthood to Alcimus, 
 M'ho was not of the high priest stock, but was induced 
 by Lysias to translate that dignity from this famdy 
 to another house, he fled to Ptolemy, king of Egypt. 
 and when he found 4ie was in great esteem with him. 
 and with his wife Cleopatra, he desired and obtained 
 a place in the Nomus of Heliopolis, wherein he built 
 a temple like to that at Jerusalem: of which there- 
 fore we shall hereafter give an account in a place 
 more proper for it. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 How Bacchides, the general of Demetrius' army, 
 made an expedition against Jiidea, and returned 
 without success; and how Nicanor was sent a little 
 afterward against Judas, and perished, together 
 with his army: as also concerning the death of Al- 
 cimus, and the s^iccession of Judas. 
 
 1. About the same time Demetrius, the son of 
 Seleucus, fled away from Rome, and took Tripoli, 
 a city of Syria, and set the diadem on his own head. 
 He also gathered certain mercenary soldiers together, 
 and entered into his kingdom, and was joyfully re- 
 ceived by all, who delivered themselves up to him. 
 And when they had taken Antiochus the king, and 
 Lysias, they brought them to him alive; both which 
 were inmiediately put to death by the command of 
 Demetrius, when Antiochus had reigned two years, 
 as we have already elsewhere related. But there 
 were now many of tlie wicked Jewish runagates that 
 came together to him, and with them Alcimus the 
 high 2:)riest, who accused the whole nation, and partic-
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 277 
 
 ularly Judas and his brethren; and said, That "they 
 had slain all his friends, and that those in his king- 
 dom that were of his party, and waited for his return, 
 were by them put to death; that these men had ejected 
 them out of their own country; and caused them to 
 be sojourners in a foreign land; and they desired that 
 he would send some one of his own friends, and know 
 from him what mischief Judas' party had done." 
 
 2. At this Demetrius was very angry, and sent 
 Bacchides, a friend of Antiochus Epiphanes, ^ a good 
 man, and one that had been entrusted with all 
 JNIesopotamia, and gave him an army, and committed 
 Alcimus the high priest to his care; and gave him 
 charge to slay Judas, and those that were with him. 
 So Bacchides made haste, and went out of Antiocli 
 with his army; and when he was come into Judea, 
 he sent to Judas and his brethren, to discourse with 
 him about a league of friendship and peace, for he 
 had a mind to take him by treachery: But Judas 
 did not give credit to him, for he saw that he came 
 with so great an army as men do not bring when 
 they come to make peace but to make war. How- 
 ever, some of the people acquiesced in that Bacchides 
 caused to be proclaimed; and supposing they should 
 undergo no considerable harm from Alcimus, who 
 was their countrvman, thev went over to them; and 
 when they had received oaths from both of them, 
 that neither they themselves, nor those of the same 
 sentiments, should come to anv harm, thev entrusted 
 themselves with them: But Bacchides troubled him- 
 self not about the oaths he had taken, and slew three- 
 
 * It is no way probable that Josephus would call Bacchides, that 
 bitter and bloody enemy of the Jews, as our present copies ha\e it, a 
 good man, or kind and r/entle. What the aiithor of the first book of 
 Maccabees, whom Josephus here follows, instead of tliat character, says 
 of him, is that he was a great man in the kingdom, and faithful to his 
 king: which was very probably Joseplius' meaning also.
 
 278 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 score of them, although by not keeping his faith 
 with these that first went over, he deterred all tlie 
 rest, who had intentions to go over to him, from doing 
 it. But as he was gone out of Jerusalem, and was at 
 the village called Bcthzetha, he sent out and caught 
 many of the deserters, and some of tlie people also, 
 and slew tliem all; and enjoined all that lived in the 
 country to submit to Alcimus. So he left him there, 
 with some part of the army that lie might have where- 
 witli to keep the country in obedience, and returned 
 to Antioch, to king Demetrius. 
 
 3. But Alcimus was desirous to have the dominion 
 more firmly assured to him; and understanding, that 
 if he could bring it about that the multitude should 
 be his friends, he should govern with gi-eater security, 
 he spake kind words to them all, and discoursed to 
 each of them after an agreeal)le and pleasant manner, 
 by which means he quickly had a great body of men 
 and an army about him, although the greater part of 
 them were of the wicked, and the deserters. With 
 these, whom he used as his servants and soldiers, he 
 went all over the countrv, and slew all that he could 
 find of Judas' party. But when Judas saw that 
 Alcimus was already become great, and had destroyed 
 many of the good and holy men of the country, lie 
 also went all over tlie country, and destroyed those 
 that were of the other's party. But when Alcimus 
 saw that he was not able to oppose Judas, nor 
 was equal to him in strengtli, he resolved to apply 
 himself to king Demetriw^ for his assistance; so he 
 came to Antioch, and irritated him against Judas, 
 and accused him, alleging that he had undergone a 
 ffreat many miseries by his means, and that he would 
 do more miscliief unless he were prevented, and 
 brought to punishment, wliich must ])e done by send- 
 ing a powerful force against him.
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 279 
 
 4. So Uemetriiis, being already of oi^inion that 
 it would be a thing pernicious to his own affairs to 
 overlook Judas, now he was becoming so great, sent 
 against him Nicanor, the most kind and most faith- 
 ful of all his friends; for he it was who fled away 
 with him from the city of Rome. He also gave him 
 as many forces as he thought sufficient for him to 
 conquer Judas \yithal, and bid him not to spare 
 the nation at all. When Xicanor was come to 
 Jerusalem, he did not resolve to fight Judas im- 
 mediately, but judged it better to get him into his 
 power by treachery; so he sent him a message of 
 peace, and said, "there was no manner of necessity 
 for them to fight and hazard themselves; and that 
 he would give him his oath that he would do him 
 no harm, for that he only came with some friends, 
 in order to let him know what king Demetrius' in- 
 tentions were, and what opinion he had of their 
 nation." When Xicanor had delivered this message, 
 Judas and his Ijrethren complied with him, and sus- 
 pecting no deceit, they gave him assurances of friend- 
 ship, and received Xicanor and his army; but while 
 he was saluting Judas, and they were talking together; 
 he gave a certain signal to his own soldiers, upon 
 Mhich they were to seize upon Judas; but he perceived 
 the treachery, and ran back to his own soldiers, and fled 
 away with them. So upon this discovery of his pur- 
 pose, and of the snares laid for Judas, Xicanor de- 
 termined to make open war with him, and gathered 
 his army together, and prepared for fighting him; 
 and upon joining battle with him at a certain village 
 called Capharsalama, he ^ beat Judas and forced him 
 to flv to that citadel which was at Jerusalem. 
 
 * Josephiis' copies must have been corru])ted when they here give 
 victory to Xicanor contrary to the words following, wliich imply, that 
 he who was benten fled into the citadel, which for ccrtnin liclonged to the 
 city of David, or to .Mount Zion, and m;is in the ])ossession of Xicanor's
 
 280 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 5. And when Xicanor came down from the citadel 
 mito the temple, some of the priests and elders met 
 him, and saluted him; and showed him the sacrifices 
 which they said they offered to God for the king: 
 upon which he blasphemed, and threatened them, that 
 unless the people would deliver up Judas to him, 
 upon his return he would pull down their temple. 
 And when he had thus threatened them, he departed 
 from Jerusalem: But the priests fell into tears out 
 of grief of what he had said, and besought God 
 to deliver them from their enemies. But now for 
 Xicanor, when he was gone out of Jerusalem, and 
 was at a certain village called Bethhoron, he there 
 pitched his camp, another army out of Syria having 
 joined him: And Judas ^^itched his camp at Adasa, 
 another village, which was thirty furlongs distant from 
 Bethhoron, having no more than one thousand soldiers. 
 And when he had encouraged them not to be dismayed 
 at the multitude of their enemies, nor to regard how 
 many they were against whom they were going to fight, 
 but to consider who they themselves were, and for 
 what great rewards they hazarded themselves, and 
 to attack the enemy courageously, he led them out 
 to fight, and joining battle with Xicanor, which proved 
 to be a severe one, he overcame the enemy, and slew 
 many of them; and at last Xicanor himself, as he 
 was fighting, gloriously fell. Upon whose fall the 
 armv did not stay, but when thev had lost their 
 general they were put to flight and threw down their 
 arms; Judas also pursued them and slew them; and 
 gave notice by the sound of the trumpets to the 
 neighbouring villages, tliat he had conquered the 
 enemy; which, when the inhabitants heard, they put 
 
 garrison, and not of Judas': As also it is contrary to the express words 
 of Josephus' original author, 1 Maccab. vii. 33, who says that Nicanor 
 lost about 5000 men, and fled to the city of David.
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 281 
 
 on their armour hastily, and met their enemies in 
 the face as they were running away, and slew them, 
 insomuch that not one of them escaped out of this 
 battle, and were in number nine thousand. This 
 victory happened to fall on the thirteenth day of that 
 month, which by the Jews is called Adar, and the 
 Macedonians Dystrus; and the Jews thereon cele- 
 brate this victory every year, and esteem it as a 
 festival day. After which the Jewish nation were, 
 for a while, free from wars, and enjoyed peace; but 
 afterward they returned into their former state of 
 wars and hazards. 
 
 6. But now as the high priest Alcimus was re- 
 solving to pull down tlie wall of the sanctuary, which 
 had been there of old time, and had been built by the 
 holy prophets, ^ he was smitten suddenly by God, 
 and fell down. This stroke made him fall down 
 speechless upon the ground: and undergoing torments 
 for many days, he at length died, when he had been 
 high priest four years. And when he was dead, 
 the people bestowed the high priesthood on Judas; 
 who hearing of the power - of the Romans, and that 
 they had conquered in war Galatia, and Iberia, and 
 Carthage, and Lybia; and that, besides these, they 
 had subdued Greece, and their kings, Perseus, and 
 Phili]), and Antiochus the Great also, he resolved to 
 enter into a league of friendship with them. He 
 therefore sent to Rome some of his friends, Eupolemus 
 
 * This account of the miserable death of Alcimus or Jacimns, the 
 wicked high priest, (the first that Mas not of the family of the high 
 priests, and made Ijy a vile heathen, Lysias,) before the death of Judas, 
 and of Judas' succession to him as a high priest, both here, and at the 
 conclusion of this book, directly contradicts, 1 Maccab. ix. 34-57, which 
 places his death after the death of Judas, and says not a syllable of 
 the high priesthood of Judas. 
 
 * How well the Roman histories agree to this account of the conquests 
 and powerful condition of the Romans at this time, see the notes in 
 Havercamp's edition; only that the number of the senators of Rome 
 was then just 350, is, I think, only known from 1 Maccab. viii. 15.
 
 282 ANTIQUITIES Book xii. 
 
 the son of John, and Jason the son of Eleazar, and 
 by them desired the Romans that they would assist 
 them, and be their friends, and would write to De- 
 metrius that he would not fight against the Jews. 
 So the senate received the ambassadors that came 
 from Judas to Rome, and discoursed with them about 
 the errand on which they came, and then granted 
 them a league of assistance. They also made a decree 
 concerning it, and sent a copy of it into Judea. It 
 was also laid up in the capitol, and engraven in brass. 
 The decree itself was this: "The decree of the senate 
 concerning a league of assistance and friendship, with 
 the nation of the Jews. It shall not be lawful for 
 any that are subject to the Romans to make war 
 with the nation of the Jews, nor to assist those that 
 do so, either by sending them corn, or ships, or money; 
 and if any attack be made upon the Jews, the Romans 
 shall assist them, as far as they are able: and again, 
 if any attack be made upon the Romans, the Jews 
 shall assist them. And if the Jews had a mind to 
 add to, or to take away any thing from this league 
 of assistance, that shall be done with the common 
 consent of the Romans. And whatsoever addition 
 shall thus be made, -it shall be of force." This decree 
 was written by Eupolemus the son of John, and by 
 Jason the son of Eleazar, ^ when Judas was high 
 priest of the nation, and Simon his brother was general 
 of the army. And this was the first league that the 
 Romans made with the Jews, and was managed after 
 this manner. 
 
 * This subscription is wanting, 1 Maccab. viii. 17, 19, and must be 
 the words of Joscphus, who l)y mistal<e, tiiought, as we have just now 
 seen, that Judas was at this" time high priest, and accordingly then 
 reckoned his brotiier Jonathan to be the general of the army, wiiich yet 
 he seems not to have been till after the death of Judas.
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 283 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 That Bacchklcs teas again sent out against Judas; 
 and how Judas fell as he was courageously fighting. 
 
 1. But when Demetrius was informed of the cleatli 
 of Nicanor. and of the destruction of the army that 
 was with him, he sent Bacchides again with an army 
 into Judea, who marched Qut of Antioch, and came 
 into Judea, and pitched his camp at Arbela, a city 
 of Gahlee, and having- besieged and taken those that 
 were there in caves, (for many of the people fled into 
 such places,) he removed, and made all the haste he 
 could to Jerusalem. And when he had learned that 
 Judas pitched his camp at a certain village whose 
 name was Bethzetho, he led his army against him: 
 tliev were twentv thousand footmen, and two thousand 
 horsemen. Xow Judas had no more soldiers than 
 ^ one thousand. When these saw the multitude of 
 Bacchides' men they were afraid, and left their camp, 
 and fled all away, excepting eight hundred. Now 
 when Judas was deserted by his own soldiers, and 
 the enemy pressed upon him, and gave him no time 
 to gather his army together, he was disposed to fight 
 with Bacchides' army, though he had but eight hun- 
 dred men with him; so he exhorted these men to 
 undergo the danger courageously, and encouraged 
 them to attack the enemy. And when they said they 
 were not a body sufficient to fight so great an army, 
 and advised that they should retire now, and save 
 
 ^ That this copy of Josephus, as lie wrote it, liad liere not 1000 l>ut 
 3000 with 1 Maccab. ix. ^ is very plain, because thoiiirh the main }>art 
 ran away at first even in Josephus, as well as in 1 Maccab. ix. 0, yet, 
 as there, so here 800 are said to have remained with Judas, which would 
 be absurd, if the whole number had been no more than 1000.
 
 284 ANTIQUITIES Book xil 
 
 themselves, and that when he had gathered his own 
 men together, then he should fall upon the enemy 
 afterwards, his answer was this: "Let not the sun 
 ever see such a thing that I should show my back to 
 the enemy; and although this be the time that will 
 bring me to my end, and I must die in this battle, 
 I will rather stand to it courageously, and bear what- 
 soever comes u]3on me, than by now running away, 
 bring reproach upon my former great actions, or 
 tarnish their glory." This was the speech he made 
 to those that remained with him, whereby he en- 
 couraged them to attack the enemy. 
 
 2. But Bacchides drew his army out of their 
 camp, and put them in array for the battle. He 
 set the horsemen on both the wings, and the light 
 soldiers and the archers he placed before the whole 
 army, ])ut he was himself on the right wing. And 
 when he had thus put his army in order of battle, 
 and was going to join battle with the enemy, he 
 commanded the trumpeter to give a signal of battle, 
 and the army to make a shout and to fall on tlie 
 enemy. And when Judas had done the same, lie 
 joined battle with them; and as both sides fought 
 valiantly, and the battle continued till sunset, Judas 
 saw that Bacchides, and the strongest part of the 
 army, was in the right wing, and thereupon took the 
 most courageous men with him, and ran upon that 
 part of the army, and fell upon those that were there, 
 and broke their ranks, and drove them into the 
 middle, and forced them to run away, and pursued 
 them as far as a mountain called Aza; but when those 
 of the left wing saw that tlie right wing was put to 
 flight, they encompassed Judas; and pursued him, 
 and came behind him, and took liim into the middle 
 of their army; so being not able to fly, but encom- 
 passed round about with enemies, he stood still,
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 285 
 
 and he and those that were with him fought, and 
 when he had slain a great many of those that came 
 against him, he at last was himself womided, and fell, 
 and gave up the ghost, and died in a way like to his 
 former famous actions. ^Vhen Judas was dead, those 
 that were with him had no one whom they could 
 regard [as their commander,] but wlien they saw 
 themselves deprived of such a general, they fled. But 
 Simon and Jonathan, Judas' brethren, received his 
 dead body by a treaty from the enemy, and carried 
 it to the village of ]Modin, where their father had been 
 buried, and there buried him; while the multitude 
 lamented him many days, and performed the usual 
 solemn rites of a funeral to him. And this was the 
 end that Judas came to. He had been a man of 
 valour and a great warrior, and mindful of the 
 commands of his father INIattathias; and had under- 
 gone all difficulfies, both in doing and suffering, for 
 the liberty of his countrymen. And when his character 
 was so excellent [while he was alive,] he left behind 
 him a glorious reputation and memorial, by gaining 
 freedom for his nation, and delivering them from 
 slavery under the JNIacedonians. And when he had 
 retained the high priesthood three years, he died.
 
 BOOK XIII. 
 
 CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF EIGHTY-TWO YEARS. 
 
 [FROM THE DEATH OF JUDAS MACCABEUS, TO THE DEATH 
 
 OF QUEEN ALEXANDRA.] 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Hoic Jonathan took ilic government after his brother 
 Judas, and how he, together with his brother Simon, 
 waged war against Bacchides. * 
 
 1. By what means the nation of the Jews re- 
 covered their freedom when they had been brought 
 into slavery by the JNIacedonians, and what struggles, 
 and how great battles Judas the general of their 
 army ran through, till he was slain as he was fight- 
 ing for them, hath been related in the foregoing book; 
 but after he was dead, all the wicked, and those that 
 transgressed the laws of their forefathers, sprang up 
 again in Judea, and grew upon them and distressed 
 them on every side. A famine also assisted their 
 wickedness, and afflicted the country, till not a few, 
 who by reason of their want of necessaries, and be- 
 cause they were not able to bear up the miseries that 
 both the famine and their enemies brought upon them, 
 deserted their country, and went to the JNIacedonians. 
 And now Bacchides gathered those Jews together 
 
 286
 
 Chap. I. OF TIIK JEWS. 287 
 
 who had apostatized from the accustomed way of 
 hving of their forefathers, and chose to live hke their 
 neighbours, and committed the care of the country 
 to them, who also caught the friends of Judas, and 
 those of his party, and delivered them up to Bacchides, 
 who, when he had in the first place tortured and tor- 
 mented them at his pleasure, he by that means at 
 length killed them. And when this calamity of the 
 Jews was become so great, as they had never had 
 experience of the like since their return out of Babylon, 
 those that remained of the companions of Judas, seeing 
 that the nation was ready to be destroyed after a 
 miserable manner, came to his brother Jonathan, and 
 desired him that he would imitate his brother, and 
 that care which he took of his countrymen, for whose 
 liberty in general he died also; and that he would not 
 permit the nation to be without a governor, especially 
 in those destructive circumstances wherein it now was. 
 And when Jonathan said, that he was ready to die 
 for them, and was indeed esteemed no way inferior 
 to his brother, he was appointed to be the general of 
 the Jewish army. 
 
 2. When Bacchides heard this, he was afraid that 
 Jonathan might be very troublesome to the king and 
 the Macedonians, as Judas had been before him, he 
 sought how he might slay him by treachery: But this 
 invention of his was not unknown to Jonathan, nor 
 to his brother Simon: but when these two were 
 apprized of it, they took all their companions, and 
 presently fled into that wilderness which was nearest 
 to the city; and when they were come to a lake called 
 Aspliar, they abode there. But when Bacchides was 
 sensible that they were in a low state, and were in 
 that place, he hasted to fall upon them with all his 
 forces, and pitching his camp beyond Jordan, he 
 recruited his army: But when Jonathan knew that
 
 288 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 Bacchides was coming upon him, he sent his brother 
 John, who was also called Gaddis, to the Xabatean 
 Arabs, that he might lodge his baggage with them 
 until the battle with Baccliides should be over, for 
 they wxre the Jews' friends. And the sons of Ambri 
 laid an ambush for John from the city ]Medaba, and 
 seized upon him, and upon those that were with him, 
 and plundered all that they had with them: They 
 also slew John, and all his companions. However, 
 they were sufficiently punished for what they now 
 did by John's brethren, as we shall relate presently. 
 3. But when Bacchides knew tliat Jonathan had 
 pitched his camp among the lakes of Jordan, he 
 observed when their Sabbath dav came, and then as- 
 saulted him as supposing that he would not fight 
 because of the law [for resting on that day:] but he 
 exhorted his companions [to fight:] and told them 
 that their lives were at stake, since thev were en- 
 compassed by the river, and by their enemies, and 
 had no way to escape, for that their enemies pressed 
 upon them before, and the river was behind them. 
 So after he had prayed to God to give them the 
 victory, he loined battle with the enemy, of wliom 
 he overthrew many; and as he saw Bacchides coming 
 up boldly to him, he stretched out his right hand to 
 smite him, but the other foreseeing and avoiding the 
 stroke, Jonatlian with his companions leaped into 
 the river, and swam over it, and by that means 
 escaped beyond Jordan, while the enemy did not 
 pass over that river: but Bacchides returned presently 
 to the citadel at Jerusalem, having lost about two 
 thousand of his army. He alsv^ fortified many cities 
 of Judea, whose walls had been demolished, Jericho, 
 and Emmaus, and Bethlioron, and Bethel, and Timna, 
 and Pharatho, and Tekoa, and Gazara, and built 
 towers in every one of these cities, and encompassed
 
 Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 289 
 
 them with strong walls, that were very large also, 
 and put garrisons into them, that they might issue 
 out of them, and do mischief to the Jews. He also 
 fortified the citadel at Jerusalem more than all the 
 rest. JNIoreover he took the sons of the principal 
 Jews as pledges, and shut them up in the citadel, 
 and in that manner guarded it. 
 
 4. About the same time one came to Jonathan, 
 and to his brother Simon, and told them that the sons 
 of Ambri were celebrating a marriage, and bringing 
 the bride from the city Gabatha, who was the daughter 
 of one of the illustrious men among the Arabians, and 
 that the damsel was to be conducted with pomp and 
 splendour, and much riches: So Jonathan and Simon 
 thinking this appeared to be the fittest time for them 
 to avenge the death of their brother,' and that they 
 had forces sufficient for receiving satisfaction from 
 them for his death, they made h.aste to Medaba, and 
 lay in wait among the mountains for* the coming of 
 their enemies; and as soon as they saw them con- 
 ducting the virgin, and her bridegroom, and such a 
 great company of their friends with them, as was 
 to be expected at this wedding, they sallied out of 
 their ambush, and slew them all; and took their orna- 
 ments, and all the prej^ that then followed them, and 
 so returned, and received this satisfaction for their 
 brother John from the sons of Ambri; for as well 
 those sons themselves, as their friends, and wives, and 
 children, that followed them, perished, being in num- 
 ber about four hundred. 
 
 5. However, Simon and Jonathan returned to the 
 lakes of the river, and abode there. But Bacchides, 
 when he had secured all Judea with his garrisons, 
 returned to the king: and then it was that tlie affairs 
 of Judea were quiet for two years. l?ut when the 
 deserters and the wicked saw that Jonathan and those
 
 290 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 that were with him hved in the country very quietly, 
 by reason of the peace, they sent to king Demetrius, 
 and excited him' to send Bacchides to seize upon 
 Jonathan, which they said was to be done without 
 any trouble, and in one night's time; and that if 
 they fell upon them before they were aware, they 
 might slay them all. So the king sent Bacchides, 
 who, when he was come into Judea, wrote to all his 
 friends, both Jews and auxiliaries, that they should 
 seize upon Jonathan, and bring him to him; and, 
 when, upon all their endeavours, they were not able 
 to seize uj^on Jonathan, for he was sensible of the 
 snares they laid for him, and very carefully guarded 
 against them, Bacchides was angry at these deserters, 
 as having imj^osed upon him, and uiion the king, 
 and slew fifty of their leaders. Whereupon Jona- 
 than, with his brother, and those that were with them, 
 retired to Bethagla, a village that lay in the wilderness, 
 out of his fear of Bacchides. He also built towers 
 on it, and encomj)assed it with walls, and took care 
 that it should be safely guarded. Upon the hearing 
 of which, Bacchides led his own army along with 
 him, and besides took his Jewish auxiliaries, and came 
 against Jonathan, and made an assault upon his forti- 
 fications, and besieged him many days; but Jonathan 
 did not abate of his courage at the zeal Bacchides 
 used in the siege, but courageously opposed him: 
 And while he left his brother Simon in the city, to 
 fight with Bacchides, he went privately out himself 
 into the country, and got a great ])ody of men together 
 of his own party, and fell upon Bacchides' camp in 
 the night time, and destroyed a great many of them. 
 His brother Simon knew also of this his falling u^^on 
 tliem, because he perceived that the enemies were 
 slain l)y him, so he sallied out upon them, and burnt 
 the engines whicli the ^lacedonians used, and made a
 
 Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 291 
 
 great slaughter of them. And when Bacchides saw 
 himself encompassed with enemies, and some of them 
 before, and some behind him, he fell into despair and 
 trouble of mind, as confounded at the unexpected ill 
 success of this siege. However, he vented his dis- 
 pleasure at these misfortunes upon those deserters 
 who sent for him from the king, as having deluded 
 him. So he had a mind to finish this siege after a 
 decent manner, if it were possible for him so to do, 
 and then to return home. 
 
 6. When Jonathan understood these his intentions, 
 he sent ambassadors to him, about a league of friend- 
 ship and mutual assistance, and that they might re- 
 store those they had taken captive on both sides. 
 So Bacchides thought this a pretty decent way of 
 retiring home, and made a league of friendship wnth 
 Jonathan, when they sware that they would not any 
 more make war one against another. Accordingly, 
 he restored the captives, and took his ow^n men with 
 him, and returned to the king of Antioch: and after 
 this his departure, he never came into Judea again. 
 Then did Jonathan take the opportunity of this quiet 
 state of things, and went and lived in the city Mich- 
 mash; and there governed the multitude, and punished 
 the wicked and ungodly, and by that means pin-ged 
 the nation of them.
 
 292 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Hoxi) AlcLvander [BaJal^ in his tirir with Demetrius, 
 granted Jonathan many advantages, and appointed 
 him to he high priest, and persuaded him to assist 
 him, although Demetrius promised him greater ad- 
 vantages on the other side. Concerning the death 
 of Demetrius. 
 
 1. Now in the hundred and sixtieth year, it fell 
 out that Alexander, the ^ son of Antiochus Epiphanes, 
 came up into Syria, and took Ptolemais, the soldiers 
 within having betrayed it to him, for they were at 
 enmity M'ith Demetrius, on account of his insolence 
 and difficulty of access; for he shut himself up in 
 a palace of his that had four towers, which he had 
 built himself, not far from Antioch, and admitted 
 nobody. He was withal slothful and negligent about 
 the public affairs, whereby the hatred of his subjects 
 was the more kindled against him, as we have else- 
 where already related. When therefore Demetrius 
 heard that Alexander was in Ptolemais, he took his 
 whole army, and led it against liim: he also sent 
 
 * This Alexander Bala, who certainly pretended to be the son of 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, and was owned for such by the Jews and Romans, 
 and many others, yet is by several historians deemed to be a counterfeit, 
 and of lio family at all, is, however, by Josephus believed to have been 
 the real son of that Antiochus, and by hino always spoken of accord- 
 ingly. And truly, since the original cotemporary and authentic author 
 of the first book of Maccab. ch. x. 1, calls him by his father's name 
 Epiphanes, and says he was the son of Antiochus, I suppose the other 
 writers, who are all much later, are not to be followed against such 
 evidence, though perhaps Ei)i])hanes might have him by a woman of no 
 family. The king of Egypt also, Philometer, soon gave him his daughter 
 in marriage, which he would hardly have done, had he believed him to 
 be a counterfeit, and of so very mean a birth as the later historians 
 pretend.
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 293 
 
 ambassadors to Jonathan, about a league of mutual 
 assistance and friendship, for he resolved to be 
 beforehand with Alexander, lest the other should 
 treat with him first, and gain assistance from him: 
 And this he did out of the fear he had, lest Jonathan 
 should remember how ill Demetrius had formerly 
 treated him, and should join with him in this war 
 against him. He therefore gave orders that Jona- 
 than should be allowed to raise an army, and should 
 get armour made, and should receive back those 
 hostages of the Jewish nation whom Bacchides had 
 shut up in the citadel of Jerusalem. When this good 
 fortune had befallen Jonathan, bv the concession of 
 Demetrius, he came to Jerusalem, and read the king's 
 letter, in the audience of the people, and of those 
 that kept the citadel. When these were read, these 
 wicked men and deserters, who were in the citadel, 
 were greatly afraid, upon the king's permission to 
 Jonathan to raise an armv, and to receive back the 
 hostages: So he delivered every one of them to his 
 own parents. And thus did Jonathan make his abode 
 at Jerusalem, renewing the city to a better state, 
 and reforming the buildings as he pleased; for he 
 gave orders that the walls of the city should be re- 
 built with square stones, that it might be more secure 
 from their enemies. And when those that kept 
 the garrisons that were in Judea saw this, they all 
 left them, and fled to Antioch, excepting those that 
 were in the city of Bethsura, and those that were 
 in the citadel of Jerusalem, for the greater part of 
 these was of the wicked Jews and deserters, and on 
 that account these did not deliver up their garrisons. 
 2. When Alexander knew what promises Deme- 
 trius had made Jonathan, and withal knew his courage, 
 and what great things he had done when he fought 
 the Macedonians, and besides what hardships he had
 
 294 ANTIQUITIES Book xmi. 
 
 undergone by the means of Demetrius, and of Bac- 
 chides, the general of Demetrius' army, he told his 
 friends. That "he could not at present find any one 
 else that might afford him better assistance than 
 Jonathan, who was both courageous against his 
 enemies, and had a particular hatred against Deme- 
 trius, as having both suffered many hard things from 
 him, and acted many hard things against him. If 
 therefore they w^ere of opinion that they should make 
 him their friend against Demetrius, it was more for 
 their advantage to invite him to assist them now 
 than at another time." It being therefore de- 
 termined by him and his friends to send to Jonathan, 
 he wrote to him this epistle: "King Alexander to 
 his brother Jonathan, sendeth greeting: We have 
 long ago heard of thy courage, and thy fidelity, and 
 for that reason have sent to thee, to make with thee 
 a league of friendship and mutual assistance. We 
 therefore do ordain thee this day the high priest of 
 the Jews, and that thou beest called my friend. I 
 have also sent thee, as presents, a purple robe and 
 a golden crown, and desire, that now thou art by 
 us honoured, thou wilt in like manner respect us also." 
 3. When Jonathan had received this letter, he 
 ^ put on the pontifical robe at the time of the feast 
 of tabernacles, four years after the death of his 
 brother Judas, for at that time no high priest had 
 been made. So he raised great forces, and had 
 abundance of armour got ready. This greatly 
 
 * Since Jonathan plainly did not put on the pontifical rohes till seven 
 or eight years after tiie death of his hrotiier Judas, or not till the feast 
 of tabernacles in the IfiOth of the Seleucidae, 1 Maccab. x. 21, Petitus' 
 emendation seems here to deserve consideration, who, instead of after 
 four years since the death of his brother Judas, would have us read, 
 and therefore after eight years since the death of his brother Judas. 
 This would tolerably well agree with the death of the Maccabees, and 
 with Josejihus' own exact chronology at the end of the twentieth book 
 of these Antiquities, which the present text cannot be made to do.
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 29.5 
 
 grieved Demetrius, when he heard of it, and made 
 him blame himself for his slowness, that he had not 
 prevented Alexander, and got the good-will of Jon- 
 athan, but had given him time so to do. However, 
 he also himself wrote a letter to Jonathan, and to 
 the peoj)le; the contents whereof are these: "King 
 Demetrius to Jonathan, and to the nation of the 
 Jews, sendeth greeting: Since you have preserved 
 your friendship for us; and when you have been 
 tempted by our enemies, you have not joined your- 
 selves to them, I both commend vou for this your 
 fidelity, and exhort you to continue in the same 
 disposition, for which you shall be repaid, and receive 
 rewards from us: for I will free you from the greatest 
 part of the tributes and taxes wiiich you formerly 
 paid to the kings my predecessors, and to myself; 
 and I do now set you free from those tributes which 
 you have ever paid; and besides, I forgive you the 
 tax upon salt, and ^ the value of the crowns which 
 you used to offer to me; and instead of the third 
 part of the fruits [of the field], and the half of 
 the fruits of the trees, I relinquish my part of them 
 from this day: And as to the jjoll-money, which 
 ought to be given me for every head of the inhab- 
 itants of Judea, and of the three toparchies that 
 adjoin to Judea, Samaria, and Galilee, and Perea, 
 that I relinquish to you for this time, and for all 
 time to come. I will also that the city of Jerusalem 
 be holy and inviolable; and free from the tithe, and 
 from the taxes, unto its utmost bounds: And I so 
 far recede from my title to the citadel, as to permit 
 Jonathan your high priest to possess it, that he 
 may place such a garrison in it as he aj^proves of 
 
 ^ Take Grotius' note here: "The Jews were wont to present croicns 
 to the kings [of Syria;] afterwards that gold, which was paid instead of 
 those crowns, or wliich was expended in making them, was called the crown 
 gold and crown tax." On 1 Maccab. x. -21.
 
 296 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 for fidelity and good will to himself, that they may 
 keep it for us. I also make free all those Jews 
 who have been made captives and slaves in my king- 
 dom. I also give order that the beasts of the Jews 
 be not pressed for our service. And let their Sab- 
 baths, and all their festivals, and three days before 
 each of them, be free from any imposition. In the 
 same manner, I set free the Jews that are inhab- 
 itants in my kingdom, and order that no injury be 
 done them. I also give leave to such of them as 
 are willing to list themselves in my army, that they 
 may do it, and those as far as thirty thousand; which 
 Jewish soldiers, wheresoever they go, shall have the 
 same pay that my own army hath: and some of 
 them I will place in my garrisons, and some as 
 guards about mine o^^^l body, and as rulers over 
 those that are in my court. I give them leave also 
 to use the laws of their forefathers, and to observe 
 them; and I will, that they have power over the 
 three toparchies that are added to Judea, and it 
 shall be in the power of the high priest, to take care 
 that not one Jew shall have any other temple for 
 worship, but only that at Jerusalem. I bequeath 
 also, out of my own revenues, yearly, for the ex- 
 penses about the sacrifices, one hundred and fifty 
 thousand [drachma;] and what money is to spare 
 I will that it shall be your own. I also release to 
 you those ten thousand drachma? which the kings 
 received from the temple, because they appertain to 
 the priests that minister in that temple. And who- 
 soever shall fly to the temple at Jerusalem, or to the 
 places thereto belonging, or who owe the king 
 money, or are there on any other account, let them 
 be set free, and let their goods be in safety. I also 
 give you leave to repair and rebuild your temple, 
 and that all be done at my expense. I also allow
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 297 
 
 you to build the walls of your city, and to erect 
 high towers, and that they be erected at my charge. 
 And if there be any fortified town that would be 
 convenient for the Jewish country to have very 
 strong, let it be so built at my expenses." 
 
 4. This was what Demetrius promised, and 
 granted to the Jews, by this letter. But king Alex- 
 ander raised a great army of mercenary soldiers, and 
 of those that deserted to him out of Syria, and made 
 an expedition against Demetrius. And when it was 
 come to a battle, the left wing of Demetrius put 
 those who opposed them to flight, and pursued them 
 a great way, and slew many of them, and spoiled 
 their camp, but the right wing, where Demetrius 
 happened to be, was beaten; and as for all the rest, 
 they ran away: but Demetrius fought courageously, 
 and slew a great many of the enemy; but as he was 
 in the pursuit of the rest, his horse carried him 
 into a deep bog, where it was hard to get out, and 
 there it happened, that upon his horse's falling down, 
 he could not escape being killed; for when his enemies 
 saw what had befallen him, they returned back, and 
 encompassed Demetrius round, and they all threw 
 their darts at him; but he being now on foot, fought 
 bravely, but at length he received so many wounds, 
 that he w^as not able to bear up any longer, but fell. 
 And this is the end that Demetrius came to when 
 he had reigned ^ eleven years, as we have elsewhere 
 related. 
 
 ' Since the rest of the historians now extant give this Demetrius 13 
 years, and Josephus only 11 years, Prldeaux does not amiss in as<;'ril)ing 
 to him the mean number 13.
 
 298 ANTIQUITIES Book xm. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The friendship that "was between Onias and Ptolemy 
 Philometer; and hotc 0?iias built a temple in Egypt 
 like to that at Jerusalem. 
 
 1. But then the son of Onias the high priest, who 
 was of the same name with his father, and who 
 fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometer, 
 lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already. 
 When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by 
 the ^Macedonians, and their kings, out of a desire 
 to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame, 
 he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleo- 
 patra, to ask leave of them that he might build a 
 temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might 
 ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock. 
 The chief reason why he was desirous so to do, was, 
 that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, Avho lived 
 above six hundred years before, and foretold that 
 there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty 
 God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias 
 was elevated with this prediction; and wrote the 
 following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleopatra: "Having 
 done many and great things for you in the affairs 
 of the war, bv the assistance of God, and that in 
 Celesyria and Phenicia, I came at length with the 
 Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your 
 nation, where I found that the greatest part of your 
 people had temjDles in an improper manner, and 
 that on tliis account they bare ill will one against 
 another, which liappens to the Egyptians by reason 
 of the multitude of their temples, and the difference 
 of opinions about divine worship. Xow I found
 
 Chap. 
 
 III. OF THE JEWS. 299 
 
 a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from 
 the comitry Diana; this place is full of materials of 
 several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals: 
 I desire therefore that you will grant me leave, to 
 purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, 
 and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to 
 Ahnighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusa- 
 lem, anci of the same dimensions; that may be for 
 the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, 
 that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a 
 place whither they may come and meet together in 
 mutual harmony one with another, and be subservient 
 to thy advantages, for the prophet Isaiah foretold, 
 that ' there should he an altar in Egypt to the Lord 
 
 ^ It seems to me, contrary to the opinion of Josephus, and of the 
 moderns, both Jews and Christians, that this prophecy of Isaiah xix. 
 19, etc.. In that day there shall be an altar to the Lord in the mid.st of 
 the land of Ecujft', etc., directly foretold the building of this temple of 
 Onias in Egypt, and was a sufficient warrant to the Jews for I)uilding 
 it, and for worshipping the true God, the God of Israel, therein. See 
 Authent. Rec. Vol. II. p. Too. That God seems to have soon l)etter 
 accepted of the sacrifices and prayers here offered him than those at 
 Jerusalem, see the note on ch. x. sect. 7. And truly the marks of Jewish 
 corruption or interpolation in this text, in order to discourage their 
 peo])le from approving of the worship of God here, are very strong, 
 and highly deserve our consideration and correction. The foregoing verse 
 in Isaiah "runs thus in our common copies. In that day shall fii^e cities in 
 the land of Eyypt, [the Hebrew language: shall be full of Jews, wiiose 
 sacred books were in Hebrew,] and sicear to the Lord of hosts. One 
 [for the first] shall be called the city of destruction, Isa. xx. 18. A 
 strange name, city of destruction! upon so joyful an occasion, and a 
 name never heard of in the land of Egypt, or perhaps in any other 
 nation. The old reading was evidently the city of the sun, or Heliopolis; 
 and Onkelos, in effect, and Symmachiis with the Arabic version, entirely 
 confess that to be the true reading. The Septuagint also, though they 
 have the text disguised in the connnon co])ies, and call it Asedek, tlie 
 city of riyhteousuess; yet in two or tliree other copies the Hebrew Mord 
 itself for the sun, Acheres, or Thares, is preserved. And since Onias 
 insists with the king and queen, that Isaiah's prophecy contained many 
 other predictions relating to this place, besides the words by him recited; 
 it is higlily probable that these were especially meant by him; and that 
 one main reason why he applied this prediction to himself, and to his 
 l^refecture of Heliopolis, which Dean Prideaux well proves was in that 
 part of Egypt, and why he chose to build in that prefecture of Helio])olis, 
 though otherwise an improper place, was this, that the same autliority 
 that he had for Inulding this temple in Egypt, the very same he had
 
 300 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 God. And many other such things did he prophesy 
 relating to that place." 
 
 2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptol- 
 emy. Now any one may observe his piety, and that 
 of his sister and wife Cleopatra's, by that epistle 
 which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the 
 blame and the transgression of the law upon the 
 head of Onias. And this was their reply: "King 
 Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra to Onias, send greeting: 
 We have read thy petition, wherein thou desirest 
 leave to be given thee to purge that temjDle which 
 is fallen down at Leontopolis, in the Xomus of 
 Heliopolis, and which is named from the country 
 Buhastis; on which account we cannot but wonder 
 that it should be pleasing to God to have a temple 
 erected in a place so unclean, and so full of sacred 
 animals: But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet 
 foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it, 
 if it may be done according to your law, and so 
 that we may not appear to have at all offended God 
 herein." 
 
 3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple, 
 and an altar to God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem, 
 but smaller and poorer. I do not think it proper 
 for me now to describe its dimensions, or its vessels, 
 which have been already described in mv seventh 
 book of the wars of the Jews. However, Onias 
 found other Jews like to himself, together with priests 
 and Levites, that tliere performed divine service. 
 But we have said enough about this temple. 
 
 4. Now it came to pass that the Alexandrian 
 
 for building it in liis own prefecture of Heliopolis also, which he desired 
 to do, and which he did accordingly. Prideaux has much ado to avoid 
 seeing this corruption of the Hebrew, but it being in support of his own 
 opinion about this temple, he durst not see it; and indeed he reasons 
 here in the most weak and injudicious manner possible. See him at the 
 year 149.
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 301 
 
 Jews, and those Samaritans who paid their worship 
 to the temple that was built in the days of Alexander 
 at mount Gerizzim, did now make a sedition one 
 against another, and disputed about their temples 
 before Ptolemy himself, the Jews saying, that ac- 
 cording to the laws of Moses, the temple was to 
 be built at Jerusalem; and the Samaritans saying, 
 that it was to be built at Gerizzim. They desired 
 therefore the king to sit with his friends, and hear 
 the debates about these matters, and punish those 
 with death who were baffled. Xow Sabbeus and 
 Theodosius managed the argument for the Samari- 
 tans, and Andronicus the son of jNIessalamus, for 
 the people of Jerusalem; and they took an oath by 
 God and the king, to make their demonstrations 
 according to the law; and they desired of Ptolemy, 
 that whomsoever he should find that transgressed 
 what they had sworn to, he would put him to death. 
 Accordingly the king took several of his friends 
 into the council, and sat down, in order to hear what 
 the pleaders said. Xow the Jews that were at Alex- 
 andria were in great concern for those men, whose 
 lot it was to contend for the temple at Jerusalem; 
 for they took it very ill that any should take away 
 the reputation of that temple, which was so ancient, 
 and so celebrated all over the habitable earth. Now 
 when Sabbeus and Theodosius had given leave to 
 Andronicus to speak first, he began to demonstrate 
 out of the law, and out of the successions of the 
 high priests, how they every one in succession from 
 his father had received that dignity, and ruled over 
 the temple; and how all the kings of Asia had hon- 
 oured that temple with their donations, and with the 
 most splendid gifts dedicated thereto: But as for 
 that at Gerizzim, he made no account of it, nor re- 
 garded it, as if it had never had a being. By this
 
 V,()'2 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 speech, and other arguments, Andronicus persuaded 
 the king to ^ determine that the temple at Jerusalem 
 was built according to the laws of Moses, and to 
 put Sabbeus and Theodosius to death. And these 
 were the events that befell the Jews at Alexandria 
 in the days of Ptolemy Philometer. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Hon; AleiiYaulcr honoured Jonaihan after an ex- 
 
 traordinarij manner, and hotc Demetrius, the son 
 
 of Demetrius, overcame AlecVander, and made a 
 league of friendship with Jonathan. 
 
 1. Demetrius being thus slain in battle, as we 
 have above related, Alexander took the kingdom of 
 Syria; and wrote to Ptolemy Philometer, and desired 
 his daughter in marriage; and said, it was but just 
 that he should be joined in affinity to one that had 
 
 ^ A very unfair disputation this ! while the Jewish disputant, knowing 
 that he could not properly prove out of the Pentateuch, that the place 
 vhich the Lord their God shaU choose to place his name there, so often 
 referred to in the bonk of Deuteronomy, was Jerusalem any more than 
 Gerizzim, that being not determined till the days of David, Antiq. B. 
 VII. ch. xiii. sect. 4, Vol. I. proves only, what the Samaritans did not 
 deny, that the temple at Jerusalem was much more ancient, and much 
 more celebrated and honoured than that at Gerizzim, which was nothing 
 to the present purpose. The whole evidence, by the very oaths of both 
 parties, being, we see, obliged to be confined to the law of Moses, or 
 to the Pentateuch alone. However worldly policy and interest, and the 
 multitude prevailing, the court gave sentence, as usual on the stronger 
 side, and poor Sabbeus and Theodosius, the Samaritan disputants, were 
 martyr'^d, and this so fhr as appears, without any direct hearing at all, 
 which is like the usual practice of such political courts about matters 
 of religion. Our copies say, that the body of the Jews were in a great 
 concern aboiit those men in the plural, who were to dispute for their 
 temple at Jerusalem, whereas it seems liere they had but one disjiutant, 
 Andronicus by name: perhaps more were prepared to speak on the Jews' 
 side; but the first having answered to his name, and overcome the Samari- 
 tans, there was no necessity for any other defender of the Jerusalem 
 temple.
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 303 
 
 now received the principaHty of his forefathers, and 
 had been promoted to it by God's providence, and 
 had conquered Demetrius, and that was on other 
 accounts not unworthy of being related to him. 
 Ptolemy received this j^roposal of marriage gladly; 
 and wrote him an answer, saluting him on account 
 of his having received the principality of his fore- 
 fathers; and promising him that he would give him 
 his daughter in marriage; and assured him that he 
 was coming to meet him at Ptolemais, and desired 
 that he would there meet him, for that he would 
 accomjDany her from Egypt so far, and would there 
 marry his child to him. When Ptolemv had written 
 thus, he came suddenly to Ptolemais, and brought 
 his cousin Cleopatra along with him: and as he found 
 Alexander there before him, as he desired him to 
 come, he gave him his child in marriage, and for 
 her portion gave her as much silver and gold as 
 became such a king to give. 
 
 2. When the wedding was over, Alexander wrote 
 to Jonathan the high priest, and desired him to come 
 to Ptolemais. So when he came to these kings, and 
 had made them magnificent presents, he was hon- 
 oured by them both. Alexander compelled him also 
 to put off his own garment, and to take a purple 
 garment, and made him sit with him in his throne; 
 and commanded his captains that they should go 
 with him into the middle of the city, and proclaim, 
 that it was not permitted to any one to speak against 
 him, or to give him any disturbance. And when the 
 captains had thus done, those that were prepared 
 to accuse Jonathan, and who bore him ill-will, when 
 they saw the honour that was done him by proclama- 
 tion, and that by the king's order, ran away, and 
 were afraid lest some mischief sliould befall them. 
 Nay, king Alexander was so very kind to Jonathan,
 
 304 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 that he set him down as the principal of his friends. 
 
 3. But then, upon the hundred and sixty-fifth 
 year, Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, came from 
 Crete witli a great number of mercenary soldiers, 
 which Lasthenes, the Cretian, brought him, and sailed 
 to Cilicia. This thing cast Alexander into great 
 concern and disorder when he heard it; so he made 
 haste immediately out of Phenicia and came to 
 Antioch, that he might put matters in a safe posture 
 there before Demetrius should come. He also left 
 ^ Apollonius Daus governor of Celesyria, who coming 
 to Jamnia with a great army, sent to Jonathan the 
 high priest, and told him. That "it was not right 
 that he alone should live at rest, and with authority,^ 
 and not be subject to the king; and this thing had 
 made him a reproach among all men, that he had 
 not yet made him subject to the king. Do not thou 
 therefore deceive thyself, and sit still among the 
 mountains, and pretend to have forces with thee: 
 but if thou hast any dependence on thy strength, 
 come down into the plain, and let our armies be 
 compared together, and the event of the battle will 
 demonstrate which of us is the most courageous. 
 However, take notice, that the most valiant men of 
 every citv are in mv army, and that these are the 
 very men who have always beaten thy progenitors; 
 but let us have the battle in such a place of the 
 country where we may fight with weapons, and not 
 with stones, and where there may be no place whither 
 those that are beaten may fly." 
 
 4. With this Jonathan was irritated; and choosing 
 
 ' Of the Severn! ApnUonii about these ages, see Prideaux at the year 
 148. This ApoUoiiius Daus was, hy his accoiint, the son of that Apollonius 
 who had been inarle governor of Telesyria and Phenicia by Seleucus 
 Philopator, and was himself a oonfi<lent of his son Demetrius the father, 
 and restored to his father's go'crnnu'iit by him, but afterwards revolted 
 from him to Alrx-inder, Iiut not to Demetrius the son, as he supposes.
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 305 
 
 himself out ten thousand of his soldiers, he went 
 out of Jerusalem in haste with his brother Simon, 
 and came to Joppa, and pitched his camp on the 
 outside of the city, because the people of Joppa 
 had shut their gates against him, for they had a 
 garrison in the city put there by Apollonius; but 
 when Jonathan was preparing to besiege them, they 
 were afraid he would take them by force, and so 
 they opened the gates to him. But Apollonius, when 
 he heard that Joppa was taken by Jonathan, took 
 three thousand horsemen, and eight thousand foot- 
 men, and came to Ashdod, and removing thence, he 
 made his journey silently and slowly, and going up 
 to Joppa, he made as if he was retiring from the 
 place, and so drew Jonathan into the plain, as 
 valuing himself highly upon his horsemen, and having 
 his hopes of victory principally in them. However, 
 Jonathan sallied out, and pursued Apollonius to 
 Ashdod; but as soon as Apollonius perceived that 
 his enemy was in the plain, he came back and gave 
 him battle: but Apollonius had laid a thousand 
 horsemen in ambush in a valley, that they might not 
 be seen by their enemies as l)ehind them: which when 
 Jonathan perceived, he was imder no consternation, 
 but ordering his army to stand in a square battle 
 array, he gave them a charge to fall on the enemy 
 on both sides, and set them to face those that attacked 
 them both before and behind: And while the fight 
 lasted till the evening, he gave part of his forces to 
 his brother Simon, and ordered him to attack the 
 enemies, but for himself, he charged those that were 
 with them to cover themselves with their armour, 
 and receive the darts of the horsemen, who did as 
 they were commanded; so that the enemies' horse- 
 men, while they threw their darts till they had no 
 more left, did them no harm, for the darts that were
 
 306 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 thrown did not enter into their bodies, being thrown 
 upon the shields, that were united and conjoined 
 together, the closeness of which easily overcame the 
 forces of the darts, and they flew about without 
 any effect. But when the enemy grew remiss in 
 throwing their darts from morning till late at night, 
 Simon perceived their weariness, and fell upon the 
 body of men before him; and because his soldiers 
 showed great alacrity, he put the enemy to flight, 
 and when the horsemen saw that the footmen ran 
 away, neither did they stay themselves, but they 
 being very weary, by the duration of the fight till 
 the evening, and their hope from the footmen being 
 quite gone, they basely ran away, and in great con- 
 fusion also, till they were separated one from another, 
 and scattered over all the plain. Upon which Jona- 
 than pursued them as far as Ashdod, and slew a 
 great many of them, and compelled the rest, in despair 
 of escaping, to fly to the temj)le of Dagon, which 
 was at Ashdod; but Jonathan took the city on the 
 first onset, and burnt it, and the villages about it, 
 nor did he abstain from the temple of Dagon itself, 
 and burnt it also, and destroyed those that had fled 
 to it. Now the entire multitude of the enemies that 
 fell in the battle, and were consumed in the temple, 
 were eight thousand. When Jonathan therefore had 
 overcome so great an army, he removed from Ash- 
 dod, and came to Askelon: and when he had pitched 
 his camp without the city, the people of Askelon 
 came out and met him, bringing him hospitable 
 presents, and honouring him; so he accepted of their 
 kind intentions, and returning thence to Jerusalem 
 with a great deal of prey, which he brought thence 
 when he conquered his enemies: but when Alex- 
 ander heard that Apollonius, the general of his army, 
 was beaten, he pretended to be glad of it, because
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 307 
 
 he had fought with Jonathan his friend and ally 
 against his directions. Accordingly, he sent to Jon- 
 athan, and gave testimony to his worth; and gave 
 him honorary rewards, as a golden button, which it 
 is the custom to give the king's kinsmen; and allowed 
 him Ekron, and its toparchy, for his own inheritance. 
 
 5. About this time it was that king Ptolemy, 
 who w^as called Philometer, led an army, part by 
 the sea, and part by land, and came to Syria, to 
 the assistance of Alexander, who was his son-in-law; 
 and accordingly all the cities received him willingly, 
 as Alexander had commanded them to do, and con- 
 ducted him as far as Ashdod; where they all made 
 loud complaints about the temple of Dagon, which 
 was burnt, and accused Jonathan of having laid it 
 waste, and destroyed the country adjoining with fire, 
 and slain a great number of them. Ptolemy heard 
 these accusations, but said nothing. Jonathan also 
 went to meet Ptolemy as far as Joppa, and obtained 
 from him hospitable presents, and those glorious in 
 their kinds, with all the marks of honour. And when 
 he had conducted him as far as the river called Eleu- 
 therus, he returned again to Jerusalem. 
 
 6. But as Ptolemv w-as at Ptolemais, he was verv 
 near to a most unexpected destruction, for a treacher- 
 ous design was laid for his life by Alexander, by the 
 means of Ammonius, who was his friend; and as the 
 treachery was very plain, Ptolemy wrote to Alexander, 
 and required of him that he should bring Ammonius 
 to condign punishment, informing him what snares 
 had been laid for him by Ammonius, and desiring 
 that he might be accordingly punished for it. But 
 when Alexander did not comply with his demands, 
 he perceived that it was he himself who laid the 
 design, and was very angry at him. Alexander had 
 also formerly been in very ill terms wnth the people
 
 308 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 of Antioch, for they had suffered very much by 
 his means; yet did Ammonius at length undergo the 
 punishment his insolent crimes had deseryed, for he 
 was killed in an opprobrious manner, like a woman, 
 while he endeayoured to conceal himself in a feminine 
 habit, as we have elsewhere related. 
 
 7. Hereupon Ptolemy blamed himself for haying 
 giyen his daughter in marriage to Alexander, and for 
 the league he had made with him to assist him against 
 Demetrius; so he dissolved his relation to him, and 
 took his daughter away from him, and immediately 
 sent to Demetrius, and offered to make a league of 
 mutual assistance and friendship with him, and agreed 
 with him to give him his daughter in marriage, and 
 to restore him to the principality of his fathers. 
 Demetrius was well pleased with this embassage, and 
 accepted of his assistance, and of the marriage of 
 his daughter. But Ptolemy had still one more hard 
 task to do, and that was to persuade the people of 
 Antioch to receive Demetrius, because they were 
 greatly displeased at him, on account of the injuries 
 his father Demetrius had done them; yet did he 
 bring this about; for as the people of Antioch hated 
 Alexander on Ammonius' account, as we have showed 
 already, they were easily prevailed with to cast him 
 out of Antioch; who thus expelled out of Antioch, 
 came into Cilicia. Ptolemy came then to Antioch, 
 and was made king by its inhabitants, and by the 
 army; so that he was forced to put on two diadems, 
 the one of Asia, the other of Egypt: but being 
 naturally a good and a righteous man, and not de- 
 sirous of what belonged to others, and besides these 
 dispositions, being also a wise man in reasoning 
 about futurities, he determined to avoid the en^^^ of 
 the Romans, so he called the people of Antioch to- 
 gether to an assembly, and persuaded them to receive
 
 Chap. iv. OF THE JEWS. 309 
 
 Demetrius; and assured them, that "he would not 
 be mindful of what they did to his father in case 
 he should now be obliged by them; and he undertook 
 that he would himself be a good monitor and governor 
 to him; and promised that he would not permit him 
 to attempt any bad actions; but that for his own 
 part, he was contented with the kingdom of Egypt." 
 By which discourse he persuaded the people of An- 
 tioch to receive Demetrius. 
 
 8. But now Alexander made haste with a numer- 
 ous and great army, and came out of Cilicia into 
 Syria, and burnt the country belonging to Antioch, 
 and pillaged it; whereupon Ptolemy, and his son- 
 in-law Demetrius, brought their army against him, 
 (for he had already given him his daughter in 
 marriage,) and beat Alexander, and put him to flight: 
 and accordingly he fled into Arabia. Xow it hap- 
 pened, in the time of battle, that Ptolemy's horse, 
 upon hearing the noise of an elephant, cast him off 
 his back, and threw him on the ground; upon the 
 sight of which accident, his enemies fell upon him, 
 and gave him many wounds upon his head, and 
 brought him into danger of death; for when his 
 guards caught him up, he was so very ill, that for 
 four days' time he was not able either to understand, 
 or to speak. However, Zabdiel, a prince among the 
 Arabians, cut off Alexander's head, and sent it to 
 Ptolemy, who recovering of his wounds, and return- 
 ing to his understanding on the fifth day, heard at 
 once a most agreeable hearing, and saw a most 
 agreeable sight, which were the death and the head 
 of Alexander; yet a little after this his joy for the 
 death of Alexander, with which he was so greatly 
 satisfied, he also departed this life. Now, Alexander, 
 who was called Balas. reigned over Asia five years; 
 as we have elsewhere related.
 
 310 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 9. But when Demetrius, who was styled ^ Nicator, 
 had taken the kingdom, he was so wicked as to treat 
 Ptolemy's soldiers very hardly, neither remembering 
 the league of mutual assistance that was between 
 them, nor that he was his son-in-law and kinsman, 
 by Cleopatra's marriage to him; so the soldiers fled 
 from his wicked treatment to Alexandria, l)ut De- 
 metrius kept his elephants. But Jonathan the high 
 priest levied an army out of all Judea, and attacked 
 the citadel at Jerusalem, and besieged it; it was held 
 by a garrison of jNIacedonians, and by some of those 
 wicked men who had deserted the customs of their 
 forefathers. These men at first despised the attempts 
 of Jonathan for taking the place, as depending on 
 its strength; but some of those wicked men went 
 out by night and came to Demetrius, and informed 
 him, that the citadel was besieged; who was irritated 
 with what he heard, and took his army, and came 
 from Antioch, against Jonathan. And when he was 
 at Antioch, he wrote to him, and commanded him 
 to come to him quickly to Ptolemais: upon which 
 Jonathan did not intermit the siege of the citadel, 
 but took with him the elders of the people, and the 
 priests, and carried with him gold, and silver, and 
 garments, and a great num})er of presents of friend- 
 ship, and came to Demetrius, and presented him with 
 them, and thereby pacified the king's anger. So he 
 was honoured by him, and received from him the 
 confirmation of his high priesthood, as he had pos- 
 sessed it by the grants of the kings his prede- 
 cessors. And when the Jewish deserters accused him, 
 Demetrius was so far from giving credit to them, 
 that when he petitioned him that he would demand 
 
 * This name Demeirhm Xirafnr, or Demetrius the ronqneror, is so 
 written on his coins still extant; as Hudson and Spanlieim inform us; 
 the latter of whom {jives us here the entire inserijjtion, Kiiw Demetrius 
 the (lod, PhUadeJphus Nicator,
 
 Cluip. IV. OF THE JEWS. 311 
 
 no more than three hundred talents for the tribute 
 of all Judea, and the three toparchies of Samaria, 
 and Perea, and Galilee, he complied with the pro- 
 posal, and gave him a letter confirming all those 
 grants, whose contents were as follows: "King De- 
 metrius to Jonathan his brother, and to the nation 
 of the Jews, sendeth greeting: We have sent you a 
 copy of that epistle which we have written to Las- 
 thenes our kinsman, that you may know its contents. 
 King Demetrius to Lasthenes our father, sendeth 
 greeting: I have determined to return thanks, and 
 to show favour to the nation of the Jews, which 
 hath observed the rules of justice in our concerns. 
 Accordingly, I remit to them the three prefectures, 
 Apherimo, and Lydda, and Ramatha, which have 
 been added to Judea out of Samaria, with their 
 appurtenances: As also what the kings my prede- 
 cessors received from those that offered sacrifices 
 in Jerusalem, and what are due from the fruits of 
 the earth, and of the trees, and Avhat else belongs to 
 us; with the salt pits and the crowns that used to 
 be presented to us! Xor shall they be compelled 
 to pay any of these taxes from this time to all fu- 
 turity. Take care therefore that a copy of this 
 epistle be taken, and given to Jonathan, and be set 
 up in an eminent place of their holy temple." And 
 these were the contents of this writing. And now 
 when Demetrius saw that there was peace every 
 Avhere; and that there was no danger, nor fear of 
 Avar, he disbanded the greatest part of his army, and 
 diminished tlieir pay, and even retained in pay no 
 others but such foreigners as came up with him from 
 Crete, and from the other islands. However, this 
 procured him ill-will and hatred from the soldiers, 
 on whom he bestowed nothing from this time, while 
 the kings before him used to pay them in time of
 
 312 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 peace, as they did before, that they might have their 
 good-will, and that they might be very ready to 
 undergo the difficulties of war, if any occasion should 
 require it. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 How Tryplio, after he %ad beaten Demetrius, de- 
 livered the kingdom to Antiochus, the son of Alex- 
 ander, and gained Jonathan for his assistant: And 
 concerning the actions and embassies of Jonathafi. 
 
 1. Now there was a certain commander of Alex- 
 ander's forces, an Apenemian by birth, whose name 
 was Diodotus, and was also called Trypho, took 
 notice of the ill-will the soldiers bare to Demetrius, 
 and went to Malchus the Arabian, who brought up 
 Antiochus the son of Alexander, and told him what 
 ill-will the army bare Demetrius, and persuaded him 
 to give him Antiochus, because he would make him 
 king, and recover to him the kingdom of his father. 
 Malchus at the first opposed him in this attempt, 
 because he could not believe him, but when Trypho 
 lay hard at him for a long time, he over-persuaded 
 him, to comply with Trypho's intentions and en- 
 treaties. And this was the state Trypho was now in. 
 
 2. But Jonathan the high priest, being desirous 
 to get clear of those that were in the citadel at Jeru- 
 salem, and of the Jewish deserters, and wicked men, 
 as well as of those in all the garrisons in the country, 
 sent presents and ambassadors to Demetrius, and 
 entreated him to take away his soldiers out of the 
 strongholds of Judea. Demetrius made answer. That 
 after the war, which he was now deeply engaged in, 
 was over, he would not only grant him that, but
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 313 
 
 greater things than that also, and he desired he would 
 send him some assistance; and informed him that his 
 army had deserted him. So Jonathan chose out three 
 thousand of his soldiers, and sent them to Demetrius. 
 3. Now the people of Antioch hated Demetrius, 
 both on account of what mischief he had himself done 
 them, and because they were his enemies also on 
 account of his father Demetrius, who had greatly 
 abused them, so they watched some opportunity which 
 they might lay hold on, to fall upon him. And 
 when they were informed of the assistance that was 
 coming to Demetrius from Jonathan, and consid- 
 ered at the same time that he would raise a numerous 
 army, unless they prevented him, and seized upon 
 him, they took their weapons immediately, and en- 
 compassed his palace in the way of a siege, and 
 seizing uj^on all the ways of getting out, they sought 
 to subdue their king. And when he saw that the 
 people of Antioch were become his bitter enemies, 
 and that they were thus in arms, he took the mer- 
 cenary soldiers, which he had with him, and those 
 Jews who were sent by Jonathan, and assaulted the 
 Antiochians; but he was overpowered by them, for 
 they were many ten thousands, and was beaten. But 
 when the Jews saw that the Antiochians were su- 
 perior, they went up to the top of the palace, and 
 shot at them from thence; and because they were 
 so remote from them by their height, that they suf- 
 fered nothing on their side, but did great execution 
 on the others, as fighting from such an elevation, 
 they drove them out of the adjoining houses, and 
 immediately set them on fire, whereupon the flames 
 spread itself over the whole city, and burnt it all 
 down. This happened by reason of the closeness of 
 the houses, and because they were generally built of 
 wood: so the Antiochians, when they were not able
 
 314 AXTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 to help themselves, nor to stop the fire, were put 
 to flight. And as the Jews leaped from the top of 
 one house to the top of another, and pursued them 
 after that manner, it thence happened that the pur- 
 suit was so very surprising. But when the king saw 
 that the Antiochians were very busy in saving their 
 children and their wives, and so did not tight any 
 longer, he fell upon them in the narrow passages, 
 and fought them, and slew a great many of them, 
 till at last they were forced to throw down their 
 arms, and to tleliver themselves up to Demetrius. 
 So he forgave them this their insolent behaviour, and 
 put an end to the sedition: and when he had given 
 rewards to the Jews out of the rich spoils he had 
 gotten, and had returned them thanks, as the cause 
 of his victory, he sent them awav to Jerusalem, to 
 Jonathan, with an ample testimony of the assistance 
 they had afl'orded him. Yet did he prove an ill 
 man to Jonathan afterward, and broke the promises 
 he had made; and he threatened that he would make 
 war upon him, unless he would pay all that tribute 
 which the Jewish nation owed to the first kings [of 
 Syria.] And this he had done, if Trypho had not 
 hindered him, and diverted his preparations against 
 Jonathan, to a concern for his own preservation: 
 for he now returned out of Arabia into S^Tia, with 
 the child Antiochus, for he was in age but a youth, 
 and put the diadem on his head: And as the whole 
 forces that had left Demetrius, because they had no 
 pay, came to his assistance, he made war upon 
 Demetrius, and joining battle with him, overcame 
 him in the fight, and took from him both his elephants 
 and the city Antioch. 
 
 4. Demetrius, upon this defeat, retired into Cilicia: 
 but the child Antiochus sent ambassadors, and an 
 epistle to Jonathan, and made him his friend and
 
 Chap. y. OF THE JEWS. 315 
 
 confederate, and confirmed to him the high priest- 
 hood, and yielded up to him the four prefectures 
 which had been added to Judea. Moreover he sent 
 him vessels and cups of gold, and a purple garment; 
 and gave him leave to use them. He also presented 
 him with a golden button, and styled him one of 
 his principal friends, and appointed his brother 
 Simon to be the general over the forces, from the 
 ladder of Tyre unto Egypt. So Jonathan was so 
 well pleased with these grants made him by Antiochus, 
 that he sent ambassadors to him, and to Trypho, and 
 professed himself to be their friend and confederate, 
 and said he would join with him in a war against 
 Demetrius, informing him that he had made no proper 
 returns for the kindnesses he had done him; for that 
 when he had received many marks of kindness from 
 him, when he stood in great need of them, he for 
 such good turns, had requited him with further in- 
 juries. 
 
 5. So Antiochus gave Jonathan leave to raise 
 himself a numerous army out of Syria and Phenicia, 
 and to make war against Demetrius' generals; where- 
 upon he went in haste to the several cities, which 
 received him splendidly indeed, but put no forces 
 into his hands. And when lie was come from thence 
 to Askelon, the inhabitants of Askelon came and 
 brouglit him presents, and met him in a splendid 
 manner. He exhorted them, and every one of the 
 cities of Celesyria, to forsake Demetrius, and to 
 join with Antiochus; and in assisting him, to en- 
 deavour to punish Demetrius for what offences he 
 had been guilty of against themselves; and told 
 them there were many reasons for that their pro- 
 cedure, if they had a mind so to do. And when 
 he had persuaded those cities to promise their as- 
 sistance to Antiochus, he came to Gaza, in order
 
 316 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 to induce them also to be friends to Antiochus; but 
 he found the inhabitants of Gaza much more ahenated 
 from him than he expected, for they had shut their 
 gates against him, and although they had deserted 
 Demetrius, they had not resolved to join them- 
 selves to Antiochus. This provoked Jonathan to 
 besiege them, and to harass their country, for as 
 he set a part of his army round about Gaza, itself, 
 so with the rest he overran their land, and spoiled 
 it, and burnt what was in it. When the inhabitants 
 of Gaza saw themselves in this state of affliction, and 
 that no assistance came to them from Demetrius, 
 that what distressed them was at hand, but what 
 should profit them was still at a great distance, and 
 it was uncertain whether it would come at all or 
 not, they thought it would be prudent conduct to 
 leave off any longer continuance with him, and to 
 cultivate friendship with the other; so they sent to 
 Jonathan, and professed they would be his friends, 
 and afford him assistance; for such is the temper of 
 men, that before they have had the trial of great 
 afflictions, they do not understand what is for their 
 advantage; but when they find themselves under 
 such afflictions, they then change their minds, and 
 what it had been better for them to have done before 
 they had been at all damaged, they choose to do, 
 but not till after they have suffered such damages. 
 However, he made a league of friendship with them, 
 and took from them hostages for their performance 
 of it, and sent these hostages to Jerusalem, while he 
 went himself over all the country as far as Damascus. 
 6. But when he heard that the generals of De- 
 metrius' forces were come to the city Kadesh with 
 a numerous army, (the place lies between the land 
 of the Tyrians and Galilee,) for they supposed they 
 should hereby draw him out of S^Tia, in order to
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 317 
 
 preserve Galilee, and that he would not overlook 
 the Galileans, who were his own people, when war 
 was made upon them, he went to meet them, having 
 left Simon in Judea, who raised as great an army 
 as he was able out of the country, and then sat down 
 before Bethsura, and besieged it, that being the 
 strongest place in all Judea; and a garrison of 
 Demetrius' kept it, as we have already related. But 
 as Simon was raising banks, and bringing his en- 
 gines of war against Bethsura, and was very earnest 
 about the siege of it, the garrison was afraid lest 
 the place should be taken of Simon by force, and 
 they put to the sword; so they sent to Simon, and 
 desired the security of his oath, that they should 
 come to no harm from him, and that they woidd 
 leave the place, and go away to Demetrius. Ac- 
 cordingly he gave them his oath, and ejected them 
 out of the city, and he put therein a garrison of 
 his own. 
 
 7. But Jonathan removed out of Galilee, and 
 from the waters which are called Gennesar, for there 
 he was before encamped, and came into the plain 
 that is called Asor, without knowing that the enemy 
 was there. When therefore Demetrius' men knew 
 a day beforehand, that Jonathan was coming against 
 them, they laid an ambush in the mountain, who Avere 
 to assault him on the sudden, while thev themselves 
 met him with an army in the ])lain: which army when 
 Jonathan saw ready to engage him, he also got ready 
 his own soldiers for the battle as well as he was 
 able; but those that were laid in ambush by De- 
 metrius' generals being behind them, the Jews were 
 afraid lest they should be caught in the midst be- 
 tween two bodies, and perish, so they ran away in 
 haste, and indeed all the rest left Jonathan; but 
 a few there were, in number about fifty, who stayed
 
 318 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 with liliii, and with them Mattathias the son of Ab- 
 salom, and Judas the son of Chapseus, who were 
 commanders of the whole army. These marched 
 boldly, and like men desperate, against the enemy, 
 and so pushed them, that by their courage they 
 daunted them, and with their weapons in their hands, 
 they put them to flight. And when those soldiers 
 of Jonathan that had retired, saw the enemy giving 
 way, they got together after their flight, and pur- 
 sued them with great violence, and this did they as 
 far as Kadesh, where the camj^ of the enemy lay. 
 
 8. Jonathan having thus gotten a glorious victory, 
 and slain two thousand of the enemy, returned to 
 Jerusalem. So when he saw that all his affairs 
 prospered, according to his mind, by the providence 
 of God, he sent ambassadors to the Romans, being 
 desirous of renewing that friendship which their na- 
 tion had with them formerly. He enjoined the same 
 ambassadors, that, as they came back, they should 
 go to the Spartans, and put them in mind of their 
 friendship and kindred. So when the ambassadors 
 came to Rome, thev went into their senate, and 
 said what thev were commanded by Jonathan the 
 high priest to say, how he had sent them to confirm 
 their friendship. The senate then confirmed what 
 had been formerly decreed concerning their friend- 
 ship with the Jews; and gave them letters to carry 
 to all the kings of Asia and Europe, and to the 
 governors of the cities, that they might safely conduct 
 them to their own country. Accordingly, as they 
 returned, they came to Sparta, and delivered the 
 epistle which they had received of Jonathan to them; 
 a copy of which here follows: "Jonathan the higli 
 priest of the Jewish nation, and the senate, and 
 body of the people of the Jews, to the ephori and 
 senate, and people of the Lacedemonians, send greet-
 
 Chap. y. OF THE JEWS. 319 
 
 ing: If you be well, antl both your public and j^rivate 
 affairs be agreeable to your mind, it is according 
 to our wishes. We are well also. When in former 
 times an epistle was brought to Onias, who was then 
 our high priest, from Areus, who at that time was 
 your king, by Demoteles, concerning the kindred 
 that was between us and you, a copy of which is 
 here subjoined, we both joyfully received the epistle, 
 and were well pleased with Demoteles and Areus, 
 although we did not need such a demonstration, be- 
 cause ' we were satisfied about it from the sacred 
 writings, yet did not we think fit, first to begin the 
 claim of this relation to you, lest we 'should seem 
 too early in taking to ourselves the glory which is 
 now given us by you. It is a long time since this 
 relation of ours to you hath been renewed; and when 
 we, upon holy and festival days, offer sacrifices to 
 God, we pray to him for your j^reservation and 
 victory. As to ourselves, although we have had many 
 wars that have compassed us around, by reason of 
 the covetousness of oiu- neighbours, yet did we not 
 determine to be troublesome either to vou, or to others 
 that were related to us; but since we have now 
 overcome our enemies, and have occasion to send 
 Xumenius, the son of Antiochus, and Antipater, the 
 son of Jason, who are both honourable men belonging 
 to our senate, to the Romans, we gave them this 
 epistle to you also, that they might renew that' friend- 
 ship which is between us. You will therefore do 
 well yourselves to write to us, and send us an account 
 of what you stand in need of from us, since we are 
 
 ' This clause is otherwise rendered in the first book of ^laccabees, 
 xii. 9, "For that we ha\e the holy hooks of scripture in our hands to 
 comfort us." The Hebrew original .being lost, we cannot certainly judge 
 which was the truest version, only tlic coherence favours .Tosephiis. But 
 it this were the Jews' meaning, that they were satisfied out of their 
 Bible that the Jews and Lacedemonians were of kin, tiiat part of their 
 Bible is now lost, tor we liiul no such assertion in our present copies.
 
 320 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 in all things, disposed to act according to your de- 
 sires." So the Lacedemonians received the ambas- 
 sadors kindly, and made a decree for friendship 
 and mutual assistance and sent it to them. 
 
 9. At this time there were three sects among the 
 Jews, who had different opinions concerning human 
 actions; the one was called the sect of the Pharisees, 
 another the sect of the Sadducees, and the other the 
 sect of the Essens. Xow for the ^ Pharisees, they 
 say that some actions, but not all, are the work of 
 fate, and some of them are in our own power, and 
 that they are liable to fate, but are not caused bv 
 fate. But the sect of the Essens affirm, that fate 
 governs all things, and that nothing befalls men 
 but what is according to its determination. And for 
 the Sadducees thev take away fate and say there 
 is no such thing, and that the events of human affairs 
 are not at its disposal, but they suppose that all our 
 actions are in our own power, so that we are our- 
 selves the causes of what is good, and receive what 
 is evil from our own folly. However, I have given 
 
 * Those that suppose Josephus to contradict himself in his three 
 several accounts of the notions of the Pharisees, this here, and that 
 earlier one, which is the largest, Of the War, B. II. bh. viii. sect. H, Vol. 
 III. and the latter, Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. i. sect. 3, Vol. III. as if he 
 sometimes said thev introduced an ahsolute fatality, and denied all 
 freedom of human actions, is almost wholly groundless; he ever, as the 
 very learned Casaubon here truly observes, asserting, that the Pharisees 
 were between the Essens and Sadducees, and did so far ascribe all to 
 fate or divine providence as was consistent with the freedom of human 
 actions. However, their perplexed way of talking about fate or provi- 
 dence, as overruling all things, made it commonly thought they were 
 willing to excuse their sins by ascril)ing them to fate, as in the Apos- 
 tolical Constitutions, B. VI. ch. vi. Perhaps under the same general 
 name some difference of opinions in this point might be propagated, as 
 is very common in all parties, especially in points of metaphysical 
 subtilty: However our Josephus, who in his heart was a great admirer 
 of the piety of the Essens, was yet in pra<'tice a Pharisee, as he himself 
 informs us, in his own life, sect. 2, Vol. III. And his account of this 
 doctrine of the Pharisees, is for certain agreeable to his own opinion, 
 who ever both fully allowed the freedom of human actions, and yet 
 strongly believed the powerful interposition of divine providence. See 
 concerning this matter a remarkable clause, Antiq. B. XVI. ch. xi. sect. 7.
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 321 
 
 a more exact account of these opinions in the second 
 book of the Jewish war. 
 
 10. But now the generals of Demetrius being 
 willing to recover the defeat they had had, gathered 
 a greater army together than they had before, and 
 came against Jonathan; but as soon as he was in- 
 formed of their coming, he went suddenly to meet 
 them, to the country of Hamoth, for he resolved 
 to give them no opportunity of coming into Judea, 
 so he pitched his camp at fifty furlongs distant from 
 the enemy, and sent out spies to take a view of their 
 camp, and after what manner they were encamped. 
 When his spies had given him full information, and 
 had seized upon some of them by night, who told 
 him the enemy would soon attack him, he, thus ap- 
 prized beforehand, provided for his security, and 
 placed watchmen beyond his camp, and kept all his 
 forces armed all night; and he gave them a charge 
 to be of good courage, and to have their minds pre- 
 pared to fight in the night time, if they should be 
 obliged to do so, lest their enemies' designs should 
 seem concealed from them. But w^hen Demetrius' 
 commanders were informed, that Jonathan knew what 
 they intended, their counsels were disordered, and 
 it alarmed them to find, that the enemy had discov- 
 ered those their intentions, nor did they expect to 
 overcome them any other way, now they had failed 
 in the snares they had laid for them; for should they 
 hazard an open battle, they did not think they should 
 be a match for Jonathan's army, so they resolved to 
 fly: and having lighted many fires, that wlien the 
 enemy saw them they might suppose they were 
 there still, they retired. But when Jonathan came 
 to give them battle in the morning in their camp, 
 and found it deserted, and understood they were 
 fled, he pursued them, yet he could not overtake them.
 
 822 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 for they had ah-eady passed over the river Eleutherus, 
 and were out of danger. So when Jonathan was 
 returned thence, he went into Arahia, and fought 
 against the Nabateans, and drove away a great deal 
 of their prey, and took [many] captives, and came 
 to Damascus, and there sold of that he had taken. 
 About the same time it was, that Simon his brother 
 went over all Judea and Palestine, as far as Askelon, 
 and fortified the strongholds; and when he had made 
 them very strong, both in the edifices erected, and in 
 the garrisons placed in them, he came to Joj)pa, 
 and when he had taken it, he brought a great gar- 
 rison into it, for he heard that the people of Joppa 
 were disj^osed to deliver up the city to Demetrius' 
 generals. 
 
 11. When Simon and Jonathan had finished these 
 affairs, they returned to Jerusalem, where Jonathan 
 gathered all the people together and took counsel 
 to restore the walls of Jerusalem, and to rebuild the 
 wall that encompassed the temple, which had been 
 thrown down, and to make the places adjoining 
 stronger by very high towers; and besides that, to 
 build another wall in the midst of the city, in order 
 to exclude the market-place from the garrison, which 
 was in the citadel, and by that means to hinder them 
 from any plenty of provisions; and moreover, to 
 make the fortresses that M^ere in the country much 
 stronger, and more defensible, than they were be- 
 fore. And when these things were approved of by 
 the multitude, as rightly proposed, Jonatlian him- 
 self took care of the building that belonged to the 
 city, and sent Simon away to make the fortresses 
 in the country more secure than formerly. But 
 Demetrius passed over [Euphrates,] and came into 
 Meso])otamia, as desirous to retain tliat country still, 
 as well as Babylon; and when he should have obtained
 
 Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 323 
 
 the dominion of his upper provinces, to lay a foun- 
 dation for recovering his entire kingdom; for those 
 Greeks and Macedonians who dwelt there, frequently 
 sent ambassadors to him, and promised, that if he 
 would come to them, they would deliver themselves 
 up to liim, and assist him in figliting against ^ Ar- 
 saces, the king of the Parthians. So he was elevated 
 with these hopes, and came hastily to them, as having 
 resolved that, if he had once overthrown the Parthians, 
 and gotten an army of his own, he would make war 
 against Trypho, and eject him out of Syria; and 
 the people of that country received him with great 
 alacrity. So he raised forces, with which he fought 
 against Arsaces, and lost all his army, and was him- 
 self taken alive, as we have elsewhere related. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 How Jonathan was slain hy treachery; and how 
 thereupon the Jews made Simon their general and 
 high priest: what courageous actions also he per- 
 formed, esp'e daily against Tryjjho. 
 
 1. Now when Trypho knew what had befallen 
 Demetrius, he was no longer firm to Antiochus, but 
 contrived by subtilty to kill him, and then take pos- 
 session of his kingdom; but the fear that he was in 
 of Jonathan was an obstacle to this his design, for 
 Jonathan was a friend to Antiochus, for which cause 
 
 * This king, who was of the famous race of Arsaces, is bofh here, 
 and 1 Mac. xlv. 2, called by the family name Arsaces. but Appion says, 
 his proper name was Phrates. He is here also called by Josephus the 
 k'nic/ of the Parthians. as the Greeks used to call them, but by the elder 
 author of the first Maccabees the king of the Persians and Medes, ac- 
 cording to the language of the eastern nations. See Authent. Rec. Part 
 II. p. 1108.
 
 324 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 he resolved first to take Jonathan out of the wav, 
 and then to set about his design relating to Antiochus; 
 but he judging it best to take him off by deceit and 
 treachery, came from Antioch to Bethshan, which by 
 the Greeks is called ScythopoUs, at which place Jon- 
 athan met him with forty thousand chosen men, 
 for he thought that he came to fight him; but when he 
 perceived that Jonathan was ready to fight, he at- 
 tempted to gain him by presents, and kind treat- 
 ment, and gave order to his captains to obey him, and 
 by these means was desirous to give assurance of his 
 good-will, and to take away all suspicions out of his 
 mind, that so he might make him careless and incon- 
 siderate, and might take him when he was unguarded. 
 He also advised him to dismiss his army, because 
 there was no occasion for bringing it with him when 
 there was no war, but all was in peace. However, 
 he desired him to retain a few about him, and go with 
 him to Ptolemais, for that he would deliver the city 
 up to him, and would bring all the fortresses that were 
 in the country under his dominion; and he told him, 
 tliat he came with those very designs. 
 
 2. Yet did not Jonathan suspect any thing at all 
 by this his management, but believed" that Trypho 
 gave him this advice out of kindness, and with a 
 sincere design. Accordingly, he dismissed his army; 
 and retained no more than three thousand of them 
 with liim, and left two thousand in Galilee, and he 
 liimself, with one thousand, came with Trypho to 
 Ptolemais: But when the people of Ptolemais had shut 
 their gates, as it had been commanded by Trypho 
 to do, he took Jonathan alive, and slew all that were 
 with him. He also sent soldiers against those two 
 thousand tliat were left in (ialilee, in order to destroy 
 them: but those men having heard the re2)ort of what 
 had happened to Jonathan, they prevented the execu-
 
 Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 325 
 
 tion, and before those that were sent by Trypho came, 
 they covered themselves with their armour, and went 
 away out of the country. Now when those that were 
 sent against them saw that they were ready to fight 
 for their hves, they gave them no disturbance, but 
 returned back to Trypho. 
 
 3. But when the people of Jerusalem heard that 
 Jonathan was taken, and that the soldiers who were 
 with him were destroyed, they deplored his sad fate, 
 and there was earnest inquiry made about him by 
 every body, and a great and just fear fell upon 
 them, and made them sad, lest, now they were de- 
 prived of the courage and conduct of Jonathan, the 
 nations about them should bear them ill-will; and 
 as they were before quiet on account of Jonathan, 
 they should now rise up against them, and by making 
 war with them, should force them into the utmost 
 dangers. And indeed what they suspected really 
 befell them, for when those nations heard of the death 
 of Jonathan, they began to make war with the Jews 
 as now destitute of a governor; and Trypho himself 
 got an army together, and had an intention to go up 
 to Judea; and make war against its inhabitants. But 
 when Simon saw that the people of Jerusalem were 
 terrified at the circumstances thev were in, he desired 
 to make a speech to them, and thereby to render them 
 more resolute in opposing Trypho when he should 
 come against them. He then called the people to- 
 gether into the temple, and thence began thus to 
 encourage them, "O my countrymen, you are not 
 ignorant that our father, myself, and my brethren, 
 have ventured to hazard our lives, and that willingly 
 for the recovery of your liberty; since I have there- 
 fore such plenty of examples before me, and we of 
 our family have determined with ourselves to die for 
 our laws, and our divine worship, there shall no terror
 
 326 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 be so great as to banish this resolution from our souls, 
 nor to introduce in its place a love of life, and a 
 contempt of glory. Do you therefore follow me with 
 alacrity whithersoever I shall lead you, as not destitute 
 of such a captain as is willing to suffer, and to do the 
 greatest things for you; for neither am I better than 
 my brethren that I should be sparing of my own life, 
 nor so far worse than they as to avoid and refuse 
 what they thought the most honourable of all things, 
 I mean to undergo death for your laws, and for that 
 worship of God which is peculiar to you; I will there- 
 fore give such proper demonstrations as will show 
 that I am their own brother; and I am so bold as 
 to expect that I shall avenge their blood upon our 
 enemies, and deliver you all with your wives and 
 children, from the injuries they intend against you, 
 and with God's assistance, to preserve your temple 
 from destruction by them, for I see that these nations 
 have you in contempt, as being without a governor, 
 and that they thence are encouraged to make war 
 against you." 
 
 4. By this speech of Simon's he inspired the 
 multitude with courage, and as they had been before 
 dispirited through fear, they were now raised to a 
 good hope of better things, insomuch, that the whole 
 multitude of the people cried out all at once, that 
 Simon should be their leader; and that instead of 
 .Judas and Jonathan his brethren, he should have 
 the government over them: and they promised that 
 they would readily obey him in whatsoever he sliould 
 command them. So he got together immediately all 
 his own soldiers that were fit for war, and made haste 
 in rebuilding the walls of the city, and strengthening 
 tliem by very lu'gli and strong towers, and sent a friend 
 of his, one .Tonatlian tlie son of Absalom, to .Toppa, 
 and gave him orders to eject the inhabitants out of
 
 Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 327 
 
 the city, for he was afraid lest they should deliver up 
 the city to Trypho, but he himself stayed to secure 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 5. But Trypho removed from Ptolemais with a 
 great army, and came into Judea, and brought Jon- 
 athan with him in bonds. Simon also met him with 
 his army at the city Adida, which is upon a hill, and 
 beneath it lie the plains of Judea. And when Trypho 
 knew that Simon was by the Jews made their governor, 
 he sent to him, and would have imposed upon him 
 by deceit and treachery; and desired him, if he would 
 have his brother Jonathan released, that he would send 
 him a hundred talents of silver, and two of Jonathan's 
 sons as hostages, that when he shall be released, he 
 may not make Judea revolt from the king, for that , 
 at present he was kept in bonds on account of the 
 money he had borrowed of the king, and now owed 
 it to him. But Simon was aware of the craft of 
 Trypho, and although he knew that if he gave him 
 the money he should lose it, and that Trypho would 
 not set his brother free, and withal, should deliver the 
 sons of Jonathan to the enemy, yet because he was 
 afraid that he should have a calumny raised against 
 him among the multitude as the cause of his brother's 
 death, if he neither gave the money, nor sent Jon- 
 athan's sons, he gathered liis army together, and told 
 them what offers Trypho had made, and added this, 
 that the offers were ensnaring and treacherous, and 
 yet that it was more eligible to send the money and 
 Jonathan's sons than to be lia])le to the imputation 
 of not complying with Trypho's offers, and thereby 
 refusing to save his brother. Accordingly, Simon 
 sent the sons of Jonathan and the money; but when 
 Trypho had received them, he did not keep his 
 promise, nor set Jonathan free, but took his army, 
 a-nd went about all the country, and resolved to go
 
 328 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 afterward to Jerusalem by the way of Idumea, while 
 Simon went over against him with his army, and all 
 along pitched his own camp over against his. 
 
 6. But when those that were in the citadel had 
 sent to Trypho, and besought him to make haste and 
 come to them, and to send them provisions, he pre- 
 pared his cavalry as though he would be at Jerusa- 
 lem that very night, but so great a quantity of snow 
 fell in the night, that it covered the roads, and made 
 them so deep, that there was no passing, especially 
 for the cavalry. This hindered him from coming to 
 Jerusalem; whereupon Trypho removed thence, and 
 came into Celesyria, and falling vehemently upon the 
 land of Gilead, he slew Jonathan there, and when he 
 had given order for his burial, he returned himself 
 to Antioch. However, Simon sent some to the city 
 Basca to bring away his brother's bones, and buried 
 them in their own city INIodin; and all the people 
 made great lamentation over him. Simon also erected 
 a very large monument for his father and his brethren, 
 of white and polished stone, and raised it a great 
 height, and so as to be seen a long way off, and made 
 cloisters about it, and set up pillars, which were of 
 one stone a-piece; a work it was wonderful to see. 
 Moreover, he built seven pyramids also for his parents 
 and his brethren, one for each of them, which were 
 made very surprising, both for their largeness and 
 beauty, and which have been preserved to this day; 
 and we know that it was Simon who bestowed so 
 much zeal about the burial of Jonathan, and the build- 
 ing of these monuments for his relations. Now Jon- 
 athan died when he had been high priest ^ four years, 
 
 ' There is some error in the copies liere, wlien no more than four 
 years are ascribed to tiie liigli ))riesthoo(l of Jonathan. We know by 
 Josephus' hast Jewish chronology, Antiq. B. XX. ch. x. Voh III. that there 
 was an interval of seven years between the death of Alclmus or Jacimus, 
 the last high priest, and the real priesthood of Jonathan, to whom yet
 
 Chap. VI. • OF THE JEWS. 329 
 
 and had been also the governor of his nation. And 
 these were the circumstances that concerned his death. 
 7. But Simon, who was made high priest by the 
 multitude, on the very first year of his high priest- 
 hood set his people free from their slavery under the 
 JVIacedonians, and permitted them to pay tribute to 
 them no longer; which liberty and freedom from 
 tribute they obtained after a ' hundred and seventy 
 years of the kingdom of the Assyrians, which was 
 after Seleucus, who was called Nicator, got the domin- 
 ion over Syria. Now the affection of the multitude 
 towards Simon was so great, that in their contracts 
 one with another, and in the public records, they 
 wrote, "In the first year of Simon the benefactor 
 and ethnarch of the Jews:" for under him they were 
 very happy, and overcame the enemies that were 
 round about them, for Simon overthrew the city 
 Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia. He also took the 
 citadel of Jerusalem by siege, and cast it down to the 
 ground, that it might not be any more a place of 
 refuge to their enemies when they took it, to do them 
 a mischief, as it had been till now. And when he 
 
 those seven years seem here to be ascribed, as a part of them were to 
 Judas before, Antiq. B. XII. ch. x. sect. 6, Vol. II. Now since, besides 
 these seven years' interref/num in the pontificate, we are told, Antiq. B. 
 XX. ch. X. that Jonathan's real high priesthood lasted seven years more; 
 these two seven years will make up fourteen years, which I suppose was 
 Josephus' own number in this place, instead of the four in our present 
 copies. 
 
 ^ These 170 years of the Assyrians mean no more, as Josephus explains 
 himself here, than from the aera of Seleucus, which, as it is known to have 
 began on the 31i?th year before the Christian aera, from its spring in the 
 first book of Maccabees, and from its autumn in the second book of 
 Maccabees, so did it not begin at Babylon till the next spring, on the 
 311th year. See Prid. at the year 313. And it is truly observed by Dr. 
 Hudson on this place, that "the Syrians and Assyrians are sometimes 
 confounded in ancient authors, according to the words of Justin the 
 epitomizer of Trogus Pompeius, who says. That "the Assyrians were 
 afterwards called St/rian.o." B. I. ch. xi. See Of the War, B. V. ch. ix. 
 sect. 4, \o\. IV. wliere the Philistines themselves, at the very south limit 
 of Syria, in its utmost extent, are called Assi/rians by Josephus, as 
 Spanheim observes.
 
 330 ANTIQUITIES 'Book xiii. 
 
 had done this, he thought it their hest way, and most 
 for their advantage, to level the very mountain itself 
 upon which the citadel happened to stand, that so the 
 temple might he higher than it. And indeed, when 
 he had called the multitude to an assembly, he per- 
 suaded them to have it so demolished, and this by 
 putting them in mind what miseries they had suf- 
 fered by its garrison, and the Jewish deserters, and 
 what miseries they might hereafter suffer in case any 
 foreigner should obtain the kingdom, and put a gar- 
 rison into that citadel. This speech induced the multi- 
 tude to a compliance, because he exhorted them to 
 do nothing but what was for their own good: so they 
 all set themselves to the work, and levelled the mountain, 
 and in that work spent both day and night without any 
 intermission, which cost him three whole vears before it 
 was removed, and brought to an entire level with the 
 plain of the rest of the city. After which the temple 
 was the highest of all the buildings, now the citadel, as 
 well as the mountain whereon it stood, were demolished. 
 And these actions were thus performed under Simon. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 How Simon confederated himself with Antiochus 
 Pius, and made war against Tryplio: and a little 
 afterward against Cendeheus, the general of An- 
 tiochus' army: As also how Sivion was murdered 
 by his son-in-law Ptolemy, and that by treachery. 
 
 1. ^ Now a little while after Demetrius had been 
 carried into captivity, Trypho his governor destroyed 
 
 ' It must here l)e dilifjeiitly noted, that Josephus' cojjv of the first 
 l)ook of Maccabees, wliich lie had so carcfiilly followed, and faithfully
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 331 
 
 Antiochus ^ the son of Alexander, who was also called 
 - the God, and this when he had reigned four years, 
 tliough he gave it out that he died under the hands 
 of the surgeons. He then sent his friends, and those 
 that were most intimate with him, to the soldiers; and 
 promised that he would give them a great deal of 
 money if they would make him king. He intimated 
 to them that Demetrius was made a captive by the 
 Parthians; and that Demetrius' brother Antiochus, 
 if he came to be king, would do them a great deal 
 
 abridged, as far as the 50th verse of the twelfth chapter, seems there 
 to have ended. What few things there are afterward common to both, 
 might probably be learned by him from some other more imperfect 
 records. However, we nuist exactly observe here, what the remaining 
 part of that book of the Maccabees informs us of, and what Josephus 
 would never have omitted, had his copy contained so much, that this 
 Simon the Great, the Maccabee, made a league with Antiochus Soter, 
 the son of Demetrius Soter, and brother of the other Demetrius, who 
 was now a captive in Parthia, that upon his coming to the crown, about 
 the UOth year before the Christian a?ra, he granted great privileges to 
 the Jewish' nation, and to Simon their high priest and ethnarch, which 
 privileges Simon seems to have taken of his own accord about three 
 years before. In particular, he gave him leave to coin money for his 
 country with his own stamp ; and as concerning Jerusalem, and the 
 sanctuary, that they should be free, or as the vulgar Latin hath it, 
 holy and free, 1 Maccal). xv. (i, 7, which I -take to be the true reading, 
 as being the very wortls of his father's concession offered to Jonathan 
 several years before, ch. x. 31, and Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 11. sect. 3, Vol. II. 
 Now what makes this date, and these grants, greatly remarkable, is the 
 state of the remaining genuine shekels of the Jews with Samaritan 
 characters, which seem to have been (most of them at least) coined in 
 the four first years of this Simon the Asamonean, and iiaving upon them 
 these words on one side, Jerusalem the holy, and on the reverse. In the 
 year of freedom, 1, or H, or 3, or 4, which shekels therefore are original 
 monuments of these times, and undeniable marks of the truth of the 
 history in these chapters, though it be in a great measure omitted by 
 Josephus. See Essay on the Old Test. pp. 157, 158. The reason why I 
 rather suppose that his copy of the Maccabees wanted these chap- 
 ters, than that his own copies are here imperfect, is this, that all 
 their contents are not here omitted, though mtft-h the greatest part 
 be. 
 
 ' How Trypho killed this Antiochus, the epitome of Livy informs us, 
 ch. 55, viz. "that he corrupted liis ]ihysicians or surgeons, who falsely 
 pretending to the peo])le that he was perishing with the stone, as they 
 cut him for it, killed him, which exactly agrees with Josephus. 
 
 ''That this Antiochus, the son of "Alexander Balas, was called the 
 God. is evident from his coins, which Spanheim assures us bear this 
 inscription, K'ni'/ .1 iil iochun the (lod, Epiphftiies the Victorious.
 
 332 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 of mischief, in way of revenge for their revolting 
 from his brother. So the soldiers, in expectation of 
 the v/ealth they should get by bestowing the kingdom 
 on Trypho, made him their ruler. However, when 
 Trypho had gained the management of affairs, he 
 demonstrated his disposition to be wicked; for while 
 he was a private person, he cultivated a familiarity 
 with the multitude, and pretended to great modera- 
 tion, and so drew them on artfully to whatsoever he 
 pleased; but when he had once taken the kingdom, 
 he laid aside any farther dissimulation, and was true 
 Trypho, which behaviour made his enemies superior 
 to him, for the soldiery hated him, and revolted from 
 him to Cleopatra the wife of Demetrius, who was 
 then shut up in Seleucia with her children. But as 
 Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius, who was called 
 Soter, was not admitted bv any of the cities on ac- 
 count of Trypho, Cleopatra sent to him, and invited 
 him to marry her, and to take the kingdom. The 
 reasons why she made this invitation were these: 
 That her friends persuaded her to it, and that she 
 was afraid for herself, in case some of the people of 
 Seleucia should deliver up the city to Trypho. 
 
 2. As Antiochus was now come to Seleucia, and 
 his forces increased every day, he marched to fioht 
 Trypho; and having beaten him in the battle, he 
 ejected him out of the Upper Syria into Phenicia, 
 and pursued him thither, and besieged him in Dora, 
 which was a fortress hard to be taken, whitlier he 
 had fled. He also sent ambassadors to Simon the 
 Jewish liigh priest, about a league of friendship and 
 mutual assistance; wlio readily accepted of the in- 
 vitation, and sent to Antiochus great sums of money, 
 and provisions, for those that besieged Dora, and 
 thereby sup])lied tliem very })lentifully, so that for 
 a little while he was looked upon as one of his most
 
 Chap. rii. OF THE JEWS. 333 
 
 intimate friends: but still Trypho fled from Dora 
 to Apamia, where he was taken during the siege, and 
 put to death, when he had reigned three years. 
 
 3. However, Antiochus forgot the kind assistance 
 that Simon had afforded him in his necessity, by 
 reason of his covetous and wicked disposition, and 
 committed an army of soldiers to his friend Cendebeus, 
 and sent him at once to ravage Judea, and to seize 
 Simon. When Simon heard of Antiochus' breaking 
 his league with him, although he were now in years, 
 yet, provoked with the unjust treatment he had met 
 with from Antiochus, and taking a resolution brisker 
 than his age could well bear, he went like a young 
 man to act as general of his army. He also sent 
 his sons before among the most hardy of his soldiers, 
 and he himself marched on with his army another 
 way, and laid many of his men in ambushes in the 
 narrow valleys between the mountains; nor did he 
 fail of success in any one of his attempts, but was 
 too hard for his enemies in every one of them. So 
 he led the rest of his life in peace, and did also him- 
 self make a league with the Romans. 
 
 4. Now he was the ruler of the Jews in all eight 
 years; but at a feast came to his end. It was caused 
 by the treachery of his son-in-law Ptolemv; who 
 caught also his wife, and two of his sons, and kept 
 them in ])onds. He also sent some to kill John the 
 third son, whose name was Hyrcanus; but the young 
 man perceiving them coming, he ^ avoided the danger 
 
 * Here Joseplms begins to follow, and to abridge the next sacred 
 Hebrew book, styled in the end of the first liook of Maccabees, The 
 Chronicle of John's [Hi/rcanus-'] hic/h priesthood, but in some of the 
 Greek copies the fourth book of ^iarrabees. A Greek version of this 
 chronicle was extant not very long ago, in the days of Santes Pagninus 
 and Sixtus wSenensis, at Lyons, though it seem to have been there burnt, 
 and to l)e now utterly lost. See Sixtus Senensis' account of it, of its 
 many Hebraisms, and its great agreement with Josephus' abridgment, 
 in the Authent. Rec. Part I. 206, 207, 208.
 
 334^ ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 he was in from them, and made haste into the city 
 [Jerusalem,] as relying on the good-will of the 
 multitude, because of the benefits thev had received 
 from his father, and because of the hatred the same 
 multitude bare to Ptolemy; so that when Ptolemy 
 was endeavouring to enter the city by another gate, 
 thev drove him awav, as having alreadv admitted of 
 Hvrcanus. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Hyrcanus receives the high priesthood, and ejects 
 Ptolemy out of the countrij. Antiochus makes 
 tear against Hyrcauus, and afte?'wards makes a 
 league tvith hijn. 
 
 1. So Ptolemy retired to one of the fortresses 
 that was above Jericho, which was called Dagon: but 
 Hyrcanus having taken the priesthood that had been 
 his father's before, and in the first place propitiated 
 God by sacrifices, he then made an expedition against 
 Ptolemy; and when he made his attacks upon the 
 place, in other points he was too hard for him, but 
 was rendered weaker than he, by the commiseration 
 he had for his mother and brethren, and by that only, 
 for Ptolemy brought them upon the wall, and tor- 
 mented them in the sight of all, and threatened that 
 he would throw them down headlong, unless Hyrcanus 
 would leave off the siege. And as he thought, that so 
 far as he relaxed as to the siege and taking of the 
 jjlace, so much favour did he show to those that were 
 dearest to him by preventing tlieir misery, his zeal 
 about it was cooled. However, his mother spread 
 out her hands, and begged of him tliat he would not 
 grow remiss on lier account, but indulge Iris indigna-
 
 Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 335 
 
 tion so much the more, and that he would do his 
 utmost to take the place quickly, in order to get their 
 enemy under his power, and then to avenge upon 
 him what he had done to these that were dearest to 
 himself; for that death would be to her sweet, though 
 with torment, if that enemy of theirs might but be 
 brought to punishment for his wicked dealings to 
 them. Xow, when his mother said so, he resolved 
 to take the fortress immediately; but when he saw 
 her beaten, and torn to pieces, his courage failed him, 
 and he could not but sympathize with what his mother 
 suffered, and was thereby overcome. And as the 
 siege was drawn out into length by this means, that 
 year on which the Jews use to rest came on, for the 
 Jews observe this rest every seventh year, as they 
 do every seventh day; so that Ptolemv beino^ ^ for 
 this cause released from the war, he slew the brethren 
 of Hyrcanus, and his mother: and when he had so 
 done he fled to Zeno, who was called Coiylas, who 
 was then the tyrant of the city of Philadelphia. 
 
 2. But Antiochus being very uneasy at the miseries 
 that Simon had brought upon him, he invaded Judea 
 in the fourth year of his reign, and the first year 
 of the principality of Hyrcanus, in " the hundred and 
 
 ^ Hence we learn, tliat in the days of this excellent high priest, ■loiiii 
 Hyrcanus, the ol)servation of the Sabbatic year, as Josephus supposed, 
 required a rest from unir, as did that of the veekl;/ Sabbath from vork: 
 I mean this, unless in the case of necessity, when the Jews were attacked 
 by their enemies, in which case indeed, and in which alone, they tlien 
 allowed defensive fighting- to he la\\ful even on the Sabbath day, as we 
 see in several places of Josephus, .Vntiq. B. XII. cli. vi. sect. -, B. XIIT. 
 ch. 1, sect. -2, Vol. II. Of the War, B. I. ch. vii. sect. 2, Vol. III. But 
 then it must be noted, that this rest from war no way appears in the 
 first book of Maccabees, ch. xvi. but the direct contrary; though indeed 
 the Jews, in the days of Antiochus Ejiiphanes, did not venture upon 
 fighting on the Sabbath day, even in the defence of their own lives, till 
 the Asamonians or Maccabees decreed so to do, 1 Mac. ii. 32-41, Antiq. 
 B. XII. ch. vii. sect. 2. 
 
 " Josephus' copies, both Greek and Latin, have here a gross mistake, 
 wlien they say, that this first year of John Hyrcanus, which we have 
 just now seen to ha\e been a Sabbatic year, was in the 162d OIyni])iad,
 
 336 ANTIQUITIES Book xm. 
 
 sixty-second Olympiad. And when he had hurnt the 
 country, he shut up Hyrcanus in the city, which he 
 encompassed round with seven encampments, but did 
 nothing at the first, because of the strength of the 
 walls, and because of the valour of the besieged; 
 although they were once in want of water, w^hich yet 
 they were delivered from by a large shower of rain, 
 which fell at the ^ setting of the Pleiades. However, 
 about the north part of the w^all, where it happened 
 the city was upon a level with the outward ground, 
 the king raised a hundred towers of three stories high, 
 and placed bodies of soldiers upon them, and as he 
 made his attacks every day, he cut a double ditch, 
 deep and broad, and confined the inhabitants within 
 it as within a w^all; but the besieged contrived to make 
 frequent sallies out, and if the enemy were not any 
 where upon their guard, they fell upon them, and did 
 them a great deal of mischief, and if they perceived 
 them, they then retired into the city with ease. But 
 because Hyrcanus discerned the inconvenience of so 
 great a number of men in the city, while the pro- 
 visions were the sooner spent by them, and yet, as is 
 natural to suppose those great numbers did nothing, 
 he separated the useless part and excluded them out 
 of the city, and retained that part only which were in 
 the flower of their age, and fit for war. However 
 Antiochus would not let those that were excluded go 
 away, who therefore wandering about between the 
 walls, and consuming away by famine, died miserably; 
 
 whereas it was for certain the second year of the 161st. See the like 
 before, B. XII. ch. vi. sect. 6. 
 
 * This heliacal setting of the Pleiades, or seven stars, was, in the 
 days of Hyrcanus and Josephus, early in the spring, about February, 
 the time of the latter rain in Judea, and this so far as I remember, is 
 the only astronomical character of time, besides one eclipse of the moon 
 in the reign of Herod, that we meet wilii in all Jose)ihiis, the Jews being 
 little accustomed to astrononiical observations, any farther than for tlie 
 uses of their calendar, and utterly forbidden those astrological uses 
 which the heathens commonly made of them.
 
 Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 337 
 
 but when the feast of tabernacles was at hand, those 
 that were within commiserated their condition and 
 received them in again. And when Hyrcanus sent to 
 Antiochus, and desired there might be a truce, for 
 seven days, because of the festival, he gave way to 
 his piety towards God, and made that truce accord- 
 ingly: and besides that, he sent in a magnificent sacri- 
 fice, bulls with their ^ horns gilded with all sorts of 
 sweet spices, and with cups of gold and silver. So 
 those that were at the gates received the sacrifices 
 from those that brought them, and led them to the 
 temple, Antiochus the meanwhile feasting his army; 
 which was a quite different conduct from Antiochus 
 Epiphanes, who, when he had taken the city, 'he of- 
 fered swine upon the altar, and sprinkled the temple 
 with the broth of their flesh, in order to violate the 
 laws of the Jews, and the religion they derived from 
 their forefathers; for which reason our nation made 
 war with him, and would never be reconciled to him: 
 but for this Antiochus, all men called him Antiochus 
 the Pious, for the great zeal he had about religion. 
 
 3. Accordino-ly Hvrcanus took this moderation of 
 his kindly; and when he understood how religious he 
 was towards the Deity, he sent an embassage to him, 
 and desired that he would restore the settlements they 
 received from their forefathers. So he rejected the 
 counsel of those that " would have him utterly destroy 
 the nation by reason of their way of living, which was 
 to others unsociable, and did not regard what they 
 said. But being persuaded that all they did was 
 out of a religious mind, he answered the ambassadors, 
 
 ' Dr. Hudson tells lis here, that this custom of gilding the horns of 
 those oxen that were to be sacrificed, is a known thing both in the poets 
 and orators. 
 
 ^ This account in Josephus, that the present Antiochus, was per- 
 suaded, though in vain, not to make peace with the Jews, but to cut 
 them off utterly, is fully confirmed by Diodorus Siculus, in Photius' 
 extracts out of his 34th iJook.
 
 338 AIS^TIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 That if the besieged would dehver up their arms and 
 pay tribute for Joppa, and the other cities which 
 bordered U23on Judea, and admit a garrison of his, 
 on these terms he would make war against them no 
 longer. But the Jews, although they were content 
 with the other conditions, did not agree to admit the 
 garrison, because they could not associate with other 
 people, nor converse with them; yet were they willing, 
 instead of the admission of the garrison, to give him 
 hostages, and five hundred talents of silver, of which 
 they paid down three hundred, and sent the hostages 
 immediately, whicli king Antiochus accepted. One 
 of those hostages was H^Tcanus' brother; but still 
 he broke down the fortifications that encompassed the 
 city: and upon these conditions Antiochus broke up 
 the siege and departed. 
 
 4. But Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David, 
 who excelled all other kings in riches, and took out 
 of it three thousand talents. He was also the first 
 of the Jews that, relying on this wealth, maintained 
 foreign troops. There was also a league of friend- 
 ship and mutual assistance made between them: Upon 
 which Hyrcanus admitted him into the city, and 
 furnished him with whatsoever his army wanted in 
 fjreat plenty, and with great generosity, and marched 
 along with him when he made an expedition against 
 the Parthians; of which Xicolaus of Damascus is a 
 witness for us; who in his history writes thus: "When 
 Antiochus had erected a trophy at the river Lycus, 
 upon his conquest of Indates, the general of the 
 Parthians, he staved there two days. It was at the 
 desire of Hyrcanus the Jew, because it was such a 
 festival derived to them from their forefathers, whereon 
 tlie law of the Jews did not allow them to travel." 
 ^\nd truly he did not speak falsely in saying so; for 
 that festival, whicli we call Pentecost, did then fall
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 339 
 
 out to be the next day to the Sabbath: nor is it ^ law- 
 ful for us to journey, either on the Sabbath day, or 
 on a festival day. But when Antiochus joined battle 
 with Arsaces, the king of Parthia, he lost a great part 
 of his armv, and was himself slain: and his brother 
 Demetrius succeeded in the kingdom of Syria by the 
 permission of Arsaces, who freed him from his 
 captivity, at the same time that Antigchus attacked 
 Partliia, as we have formerly related elsewhere. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 How, after the death of Antiochus, Hi/rcanus made 
 an ed'pedition against Syria, and made a league 
 •with the Ho mans. Concerning the death of king 
 Demetrius and AlecVander. 
 
 1. But when Hyrcanus heard of the death of 
 Antiochus, he presently made an expedition against 
 the cities of Syria, hoping to find them destitute of 
 lighting men, and of such as were able to defend 
 them. However, it was not till the sixth month that 
 he took ]Medaba, and that not without the great 
 distress of his army. After this he took Samega, 
 and the neighbouring places; and besides these, 
 Shechem and Gerizzim, and the nation of the 
 Cutheans, who dwelt at the temple which Alexander 
 permitted Sanballat, the general of his army, to build 
 for the sake of JNIanasseh, who was son-in-law to 
 Jaddua tlie high priest, as we have formerly related; 
 which temple was now deserted two hiuidred years 
 
 ^ The Jews were not to march or journey on the Sabbath, or on such 
 a great festival as was equivalent to the Sabbath, any farther than a 
 Snbhafh doi/'s jouniet/, or ;2000 cubits. See the note on Antiq. B. XX. 
 ch. vii. sect. 6, Vol. III.
 
 340 ANTIQUITIES Book xm. 
 
 after it was built. Hyrcanus took also Dora and 
 Marissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued all the 
 Idumeans; and permitted them to stay in that country, 
 if they would circumcise their genitals, and make use 
 of the laws of the Jews; and they were so desirous 
 of living in the country of their forefathers, that 
 they ^ submitted to the use of circumcision, and of 
 the rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time 
 therefore this befell them, that they were hereafter 
 no other than Jews. 
 
 2. But Hyrcanus the high priest was desirous to 
 renew that league of friendship they had with the 
 Romans. Accordingly he sent an embassage to them: 
 and when the senate had received their epistle, they 
 made a league of friendship with them, after the 
 manner following: "Fanius, the son of Marcus the 
 pretor, gathered the senate together on the eighth 
 
 * This account of the Idumeans admitting circumcision, and the entire 
 Jewisli law, from tliis time, or from tlie days of Hyrcanus, is confirmed 
 by their entire liistory afterward. See Antiq. B. XI^^ cli. viii. sect, 1, 
 B. XV. ch. vii. sect, i). Vol. II. Of the AVar, B. II. ch. iii. sect. 1, Vol. 
 III. B. IV. ch. iv. sect. 5, Vol. IV. This, in the opinion of Josephus, 
 made them proselytes of justice, or entire Jews, as here and elsewhere, 
 Antiq. B. XIV. ch. viii. sect. 1. However, Antigonus, tlie enemy of 
 Herod, though Herod were derived from such a jjroselyte of justice 
 for several generations, will allow him to be no more than a half Jew, 
 B. XIV. ch. XV. sect. 3. But still take out of Dean Prideaux, at the 
 year 1£?9, the words of Ammonias a grammarian, which fully confinns 
 this account of the Idumeans in Jose])hus. "The Jews," says he, "are 
 such by nature, and from the beginning, whilst the Idumeans were not 
 Jews from the beginning, but Phenicians and Syrians; but being after- 
 ward subdued by the Jews, and compelled to be circumcised, and to 
 unite into one nation, and be subject to tiie same law-s, they were called 
 Jews." Dio also says, as the Dean tiicre quotes him, from B. XXXVI. 
 p. 37, "That country is called Judea, and the people Jews; and this name 
 is given also to as many others as embrace their religion, though of 
 other nations." But then upon what foundation so good a governor as 
 Hyrcanus took upon him to compel those Idumeans either to become 
 Jews or to leave the country, deserves great consideration. I suppose 
 it was because they had long ago been driven out of the land of Edom, 
 and seized on and possessed the tribe of Simeon, and all the southern 
 parts of the tribe of Judah, which was the peculiar inheritance of the 
 worship])ers of the true God without idolatry, as the reader may learn 
 from Ueland, Palestine, Part I. pp. lol, 305, and from Prideaux, at the 
 years MO, and Hio.
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 341 
 
 day before the ides of February, in the senate house, 
 when Lucius Manhus, the son of Lucius, of the 
 Mentine tribe, and Caius Sempronius, the son of 
 Caius, of the Falernian tribe, were present. The 
 occasion was, that the ambassadors sent by the ^ people 
 of the Jews, Simon, the son of Dositheus, and Apol- 
 lonius, the son of Alexander, and Diodorus, the 
 son of Jason, who were good and virtuous men, had 
 somewhat to propose about that league of friendship 
 and mutual assistance which subsisted between them 
 and the Romans, and about other public affairs, who 
 desired that Joppa, and the havens, and Gazara, 
 and the springs [of Jordan,] and the several other 
 cities and countries of theirs, which Antiochus had 
 taken from them in tlie war, contrary to the decree 
 of the senate, might be restored to them; and that 
 it might not be lawful for the king's troops to pass 
 through their country, and the countries of those 
 that are subject to them: And that what attempts 
 Antiochus had made during that war, without the 
 decree of the senate, might be made void: and that 
 they would send ambassadors, who should take care 
 that restitution be made them of what Antiochus 
 had taken from them, and tliat they should make an 
 estimate of the country that had been laid waste in 
 the war, and that they would grant them letters of 
 protection to the kings, and free people, in order 
 to their quiet return home. It was therefore decreed, 
 as to those points, to renew their league of friendship 
 and mutual assistance with these good men, and 
 who were sent by a good and a friendly people." 
 But that as to the letters desired, their answer was, 
 that the senate would consult about tliat matter, 
 
 ' In this decree of the Roman Senate, it seems that these ambassadors 
 were sent from the people of the Jews, as well as from their prince, or 
 high priest, John Hi/rcanus.
 
 342 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 when their own affairs would give them leave, and 
 that they would endeavour, for the time to ccme, 
 that no like injury should be done them; and that 
 their pretor Fanius should give them money out of 
 the public treasury to bear their expenses home. 
 And thus did Fanius dismiss the Jewish ambassadors, 
 and gave them money out of the public treasury; 
 and gave the decree of the senate to those that were 
 to conduct them, and take care that they should 
 return home in safety. 
 
 3. And thus stood the affairs of Hyrcanus the 
 high priest. But as for king Demetrius, who had 
 a mind to make war against Hyrcanus, there was 
 no opportunity nor room for it, while both the 
 Syrians and the soldiers bare ill will to him, because 
 he was an ill man. But when they had sent am- 
 bassadors to Ptolemy, who was called Physcon, that 
 he would send them one of the family at Seleucus, 
 in order to take the kingdom, and he had sent them 
 Alexander, who was called Zebina, with an army, 
 and there had been a battle between them, Demetrius 
 was beaten in the fight, and fled to Cleopatra his 
 wife, to Ptolemais, but his wife would not receive 
 him. He went thence to Tyre, and was there caught; 
 and when he had suffered much from his enemies 
 before his death, he was slain by them. So Alex- 
 ander took the kingdom, and made a league with 
 Hyrcanus, who yet, when he afterward fought with 
 Antiochus the son of Demetrius, who was called 
 Grypus, was also beaten in the fight, and slain.
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 348 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 How, upon the quarrel between Antiochus Grypus, 
 and Antiochus Cijziccnus, about the kingdom, Hijr- 
 canus took Samaria, and utterly demolished it; 
 and how Hijrcanus joined himself to the sect of 
 the S adduce es, and left that of the Pharisees. 
 
 1. When Antiochus had taken the kingdom, lie 
 was afraid to make war against Judea, because lie 
 heard that his brother, by the same mother, who was 
 also called Antiochus, was raising an army against 
 him out of Cyzicum, so he stayed in his own land, 
 and resolved to prejnire himself for the attack he 
 expected from his brother, who was called Cyzicenus, 
 because he had been brought up in that city. He 
 was the son of Antiochus that was called Soter, 
 who died in Parthia. He was the brother of De- 
 metrius, the father of Grypus, for it had so happened, 
 that one and the same Cleopatra was married to 
 two, who were brethren, as we have related else- 
 where. But Antiochus Cyzicenus coming into Syria, 
 continued many years at war with his brother. Xow 
 Hyrcanus lived all this while in peace; for after the 
 death of Antiochus, he ^ revolted from the INIace- 
 donians, nor did he any longer pay them the least 
 regard, either as their subject or their friend, but 
 his affairs were in a very improving and flourishing 
 condition in the times of •Alexander Zebina, and 
 especially under these brethren, for the war which 
 
 * Prideaux takes notice at the year 130, that Justin, in agreement 
 with Josephiis, says, "The ])Ower of the Jews was now grown so great, 
 tliat after tiiis Antiochus, they would not hear any Macedonian king 
 over them, and tliat they set u)) a government of their own, and infested 
 Syria with great wars."
 
 344 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 they had with one another gave Hyrcanus the op- 
 portunity of enjoying himself in Judea quietly, in- 
 somuch that he got an immense quantity of money. 
 However, when Antiochus Cyzicenus distressed his 
 land, he then openly showed what he meant. And 
 when he saw that Antiochus was destitute of Egyp- 
 tian auxiliaries, and that both he and his brother 
 were in an ill condition in the struggles they had 
 M'ith one another, he despised them both. 
 
 2. So he made an expedition against Samaria, 
 which was a very strong city; of whose present name 
 Sebaste, and its rebuilding by Herod, we shall speak 
 at a proper time: but he made his attack against it, 
 and besieged it with a great deal of pains, for he 
 was greatly displeased with the Samaritans for the 
 injuries they had done to the people of ]Merissa, a 
 colony of the Jews, and confederate with tliem, and 
 this in compliance to the kings of Syria. When he 
 had therefore drawn a ditch, and built a double Avail 
 round the citv, which w^ere fourscore furlong's long-, 
 he set his sons Antigonus and Aristobulus over the 
 siege, wliich brought the Samaritans to that great 
 distress by famine, that they were forced to eat what 
 used not to be eaten, and to call for Antiochus 
 Cyzicenus to help them, who came readily to their 
 assistance, but was beaten by Aristobulus, and when 
 he was pursued as far as Scythopolis by the two 
 brethren, he got away: So they returned to Samaria, 
 and shut them again within the wall, till they were 
 forced to send for the same Antiochus a second time 
 to help them, who procured about six tliousand men 
 from Ptolemy Lathvrus, which Avere ser.t them with- 
 out his mother's consent, who had then in a manner 
 turned him out of his government. With these 
 Egyptians Antiochus did at first overrun and ravage 
 the country of Hyrcanus after the manner of a
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 345 
 
 robber, for he durst not meet him in the face to 
 fight with him, as not having an army sufficient for 
 that purpose, but only from this supposal, that by 
 thus harassing his land he should force Hyrcanus 
 to raise the siege of Samaria; but because he fell into 
 snares, and lost many of his soldiers therein, he went 
 away to Tripoli, and committed the prosecution of the 
 war against the Jews to Callimander and Epicrates. 
 
 3. But as to Callimander, he attacked the enemy 
 too rashly, and was put to flight, and destroyed im- 
 mediately; and as to Epicrates, he was such a lover 
 of money, that he openly betrayed Sc}i:hopolis, and 
 other places near it, to the Jews, but was not able 
 to make them raise the siege of Samaria. And when 
 Hvrcanus had taken that citv, which was not done 
 till after a year's siege, he was not contented with 
 doing that only, but he demolished it entirely, and 
 brought ri\ailets to it to drown it, for he dug such 
 hollows as might let the water run under it; nay, 
 he took away the verv marks that there had ever 
 been such a city there. Xow a very surprising thing 
 is related of this high priest Hyrcanus, how God 
 came to discourse with him: for thev say, that on 
 the very same day on which his sons fought with 
 Antiochus Cyzicenus, he was alone in the temple, as 
 high priest offering incense, and heard a voice, that 
 "his sons had just then overcome Antiochus." And 
 this he openly declared before all the multitude upon 
 his coming out of the temple; and it accordingly 
 proved true: and in this posture were the affairs 
 of Hyrcanus. 
 
 » 
 
 4. Xow it happened at this time, that not only 
 those Jews who werq^ at Jerusalem and in Judea 
 were in prosperity, but also those of them that were 
 at Alexandria, and in Egypt and Cyprus, for Cleo- 
 patra the queen was at variance with her son Ptolemy,
 
 34G ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 who was called Lathyriis, and appointed for her 
 generals, Chelcias and Ananias, the sons of that 
 Onias who built the temple in the prefecture of 
 Heliopolis, like to that at Jerusalem, as we have 
 elsewhere related. Cleopatra intrusted these men 
 with her army; and did nothing without their advice, 
 as Strabo of Cappadocia attests, when he saith thus, 
 "Now the greater part, both those that came to 
 Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward 
 thither, revolted to Ptolemv immediatelv; onlv those 
 that were called Onias' party, being Jews, continued 
 faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias and 
 Ananias were in chief favour with the queen." These 
 are the words of Strabo. 
 
 5. However, this prosperous state of affairs moved 
 the Jews to envy Hyrcanus, but they that were the 
 worst disposed to him were the ^ Pharisees, who were 
 one of the sects of the Jews, as we have informed 
 you already. These have so great a power over the 
 multitude, that when they say any thing against 
 the king, or against the high priest, they are pres- 
 ently believed. Xow Hyrcanus was a disciple of 
 theirs, and greatly beloved by them. And when he 
 once invited tliem to a feast, and entertained them 
 very kindly, when he saw them in a good humour, 
 he beffan to sav to them, that "thev knew he was 
 
 * The original of the Sadducees, as a considerable party among the 
 Jews, being contained in this, and the two following sections, take Dean 
 Prideaux's note upon this their first public ajipearance, which I suppose 
 to be true: Hyrcanus, says he, "went over to the ]Kirty of the Sadducees, 
 that is, by embracing the doctrine against the tradition of the elders, 
 added to the written law, and made of equal authority with it, but not 
 their doctrine against the resurrection and a future state, for this can- 
 not l)e supposed of so good and righteous a man as John Hyrcanus is 
 said to be. It is most probable, that at this time the Sadducees had 
 gone no farther in the doctrines of thaF sect than to deny all the un- 
 written traditions, which the Pharisees were so fond of; for Josephus 
 mentions no other difference at this time between tliem; neither doth 
 he say that Hyrcanus went over to the Sadducees in any otlier jiarticular 
 than in the abolishing of all the traditionary constitutions of the Pharisees."
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 347 
 
 desirous to be a righteous man, and to do all things 
 whereb}' he might please God, which was the pro- 
 fession of the Pharisees also. However, he desired, 
 if they observed him offending in any point, and 
 going out of the right way, they would call him 
 back and correct him." On which occasion they at- 
 tested to his being entirely virtuous, with which 
 commendation he was well pleased. But still there 
 was one of his guests there, whose name was ^ Eleazar, 
 a man of an ill temper, and delighting in seditious 
 practices. This man said, "since thou desirest to 
 know the truth, if thou wilt be righteous in earnest, 
 lay down the high priesthood, and content thyself 
 with the civil government of the peoj^le." And when 
 lie desired to know for what cause he ought to lay 
 down the high priesthood, the other replied, "We 
 have heard it from old men, that thv mother had 
 been a captive under the reign of Antiochus Epiph- 
 anes." This story was false, and Hvrcanus was 
 provoked against him; and all the Pharisees had a 
 very great indignation against him. 
 
 6. Now there was one Jonathan, a very great 
 friend of HjTcanus', but of the sect of the Sadducees, 
 whose notions are quite contrary to those of the 
 Pharisees. He told Hvrcanus, that "Eleazar had 
 cast such a reproach upon him, according to the 
 conmion sentiments of all the Pharisees, and that 
 this would be made manifest, if he would but ask 
 them the question, what punishment they thought 
 this man deserved? for that he might dejjend upon 
 it, that the reproach was not laid on him v/ith their 
 apjDrobation, if they were for punishing him as his 
 
 ^ This slander, that arose from a Pharisee, has been preserved by 
 their successors the Rabbins, to these later ages, for Dr. Hudson assures 
 us, that David Gantz, in his Chronology, S. pr. p. 77, in Vorstius' version, 
 relates that Hyrcanus' mother was taken captive in mount Modiith. See 
 ch. xiii. sect. 5.
 
 348 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 crime deserved." So the Pharisees made answer, 
 that "he deserved stripes and bonds, but that it did 
 not seem right to punish reproaches with death." 
 And indeed the Pharisees, even upon other occa- 
 •sions, are not apt to be severe in punishments. At 
 this gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry, and 
 thought that this man reproached him by their ap- 
 probation. It was this Jonathan who chiefly irri- 
 tated him, and influenced him so far, that he made 
 him leave the party of the Pharisees, and abolish the 
 decrees they had imposed on the j^eople, and to 
 punish those that observed them. From this source 
 arose that hatred which he and his sons met with 
 from the multitude; but of these matters we shall 
 speak hereafter. What I would now explain is 
 this, that the Pharisees have delivered to the people 
 a great many observances by succession from their 
 fathers, which are not written in the laws of Moses; 
 and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject 
 them, and say, that we are to esteem those observ- 
 ances to be obligatory which are in the written word, 
 but are not to observe what are derived from the 
 tradition of our forefathers. And concerning these 
 things it is that great disputes and differences have 
 arisen among them, while the Sadducees are able 
 to persuade none but the rich, and have not the 
 populace obsequious to them, but the Pharisees have 
 the nmltitude on their side. But about these two 
 sects, and that of the Essens, I have treated ac- 
 curately in the second book of Jewish affairs. 
 
 7. But when Hyrcanus had put an end to this 
 sedition, he after that lived happily, and administered 
 the government in the best manner for thirty-one 
 years, and then ^ died, leaving behind him five sons. 
 
 * Here ends the high priesthood, and the life of this excellent person 
 John Hyrcanus, and together with him the holy theocracy or divine yov- 
 
 J
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 349 
 
 He was esteemed by God worthy of the three greatest 
 privileges, the government of his nation, the dignity 
 of the high priesthood, and prophecy, for God was 
 with him, and enabled him to know futurities; and 
 to foretell this in particular, that as to his two eldest 
 sons, he foretold that they Avoidd not long continue 
 in the government of pubhc affairs; whose unhaj^py 
 catastrophe will be worth our description, that we 
 may thence learn how very much they were inferior 
 to their father's happiness. 
 
 ernment of the Jewish nation, and its concomitant oracle by Urim. 
 Now follows the profane and tyrannical Jewish monarchy, first of the 
 Assanionians or Maccabees, and then of Herod the Great, the Idumean. 
 See the note on Antiq. B, III. ch. viii. sect. 9. Hear Strabo's testimony 
 on tills occasion, B. XVI. pp. 761, 762. "Those that succeeded Moses, 
 continued for some time in earnest, both in righteous actions, and in 
 piety; but after a while, there were others that took upon them the 
 high priesthood; ai first superstitious, and afterwards tyrannical persons. 
 Such a prophet was Moses and those that succeeded liim, beginning in 
 a way not to be blamed, but changing for the worse. And when it 
 openly appeared that the government was become tyrannical, Alexander 
 was the first that set up himself for a king instead of a priest; and 
 his sons were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus." All in agreement with Jo- 
 sephus, excepting tliis, that Strabo omits the first king Aristobulus, whose 
 reign being but a shigle year, seems hardly to have come to his knowledge. 
 Nor indeed does Aristobulus, the son of Alexander, pretend that the 
 name of kinc/ was taken before his father Alexander took it himself. 
 Antiq. B. XIV. ch. iii. sect. 2. See also ch. xii. sect. 1, which favour 
 Strabo also. And indeed if we may judge from the very different 
 characters of the Egyptian Jews under high priests, and of the Palestine 
 Jews under kings, in the two next centuries, we may Mell suppose, that 
 the divine Shechinah was removed into Egypt, and that the worshippers 
 at the temple of Onias were better men than those at the temple of 
 Jerusalem.
 
 3oi) ANTIQUITIES Eook xm. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 How Aristohulus, tchen he had taken the government, 
 first of all put a diadem on his head, and was most 
 barbarously cruel to Jiis mother and his brethren; and 
 how after he had slain Antigonus he himself died. 
 
 1. Xow when their fatlier Ilyrcaniis was dead, 
 the eldest son Aristoljukis, intending to change the 
 government into a kingdom, for so he resolved to 
 do, first of all 2)ut a diadem on his head, four hundred 
 eighty and one years and three months after the 
 2)eople had heen delivered from the Babylonish 
 slavery, and were returned to their own country 
 again. This Aristohulus loved his next brother An- 
 tigonus, and treated him as his equal, but the others 
 he held in bonds. He also cast his mother into 
 prison, because she disputed the government with 
 him, for Hyrcanus had left her to be mistress of all. 
 He also proceeded to that degree of barbarity, as 
 to kill her in prison with hunger; nay, he was alien- 
 ated from his brother Antigonus by calumnies, and 
 added him to the rest whom he slew, yet he seemed 
 to have an affection for him, and made him above 
 the rest a partner with him in the kingdom. Those 
 calumnies he at first did not give credit to, partly 
 because he loved him, and so did not give heed to 
 what was said against him, and partly because he 
 thought the reproaches were derived from the envy 
 of the relaters. But when Antigonus was once re- 
 turned from the army, and that feast was then at 
 liand when they make tal^ernacles to the [honour 
 of] God, it happened that Aristohulus was fallen 
 sick, and that Antigonus went up most splendidly
 
 Chap. XI. 01' THE J]<:WS. 351 
 
 adorned, and with his soldiers about him in their 
 armour, to the temple to celebrate the feast, and to 
 put up many j)rayers for the recovery of his brother, 
 when some wicked persons, who had a great mind 
 to raise a difference between the brethren, made use 
 of this opportunity of the pompous appearance of 
 Antigonus, and of the great actions which he had 
 done, and went to the king, and spitefully aggra- 
 vated the pompous show of his at the feast, and 
 pretended that all these circumstances were not like 
 those of a private j^erson; that these actions were 
 indications of an affectation of royal authority; and 
 that his coming with a strong body of men must 
 be with an intention to kill him; and that his wav 
 of reasoning was this, that it was a silly thing in 
 him, while it was in his power to reign himself, to 
 look upon it as a great favour that he was honoured 
 with a lower dignity by his brother, 
 
 2. Aristobulus yielded to these imputations, but 
 took care b(jth tliat his brotlier should not suspect 
 him, and that lie bimself might not run the hazard 
 of his own safety; so he ordered his guards to lie 
 in a certain place that was underground, and dark, 
 (he himself then lying sick in the tower which was 
 called Antonia,) and he commanded them, that in 
 case Antigonus came in to him unarmed, they should 
 not touch any body, but if armed, they should kill 
 him; yet did he send to Antigonus, and desired that 
 he would come unarmed: But the queen, and those 
 that joined with her in the plot against Antigonus, 
 persuaded the messenger to tell him the direct con- 
 trary: How his brother liad heard that lie had made 
 himself a fine suit of armoiu* for war, and desired 
 him to come to him in that armour, that lie might 
 see how fine it was. So Antigonus suspecting no 
 treachery, but depending on the good-will of his
 
 352 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 brother, came to Aristobulus armed, as lie used to 
 be, with his entire armour, in order to show it to 
 him; but when he was come at a place which was 
 called Strato's Tower, where the passage happened 
 to be exceeding dark, the guards slew him; which 
 death of his demonstrates that nothing is stronger 
 than envy and calumny, and that nothing does more 
 certainly divide the good-will and natural affections 
 of men than those passions. But here one may take 
 occasion to wonder at one Judas, who was of the 
 sect of the Essens, and who never missed the truth 
 in his predictions; for this man when he saw Antig- 
 onus passing by the temple, cried out to his com- 
 panions and friends, who abode with him as his 
 ^ scholars, in order to learn the art of foretelling 
 things to come, "That it was good for him to die 
 now, since he had spoken falsely about Antigonus, 
 who is still alive, and I see him passing by, although 
 he had foretold he should die at the place called 
 Strato's Tower, that very day, while yet the place 
 is six hundred furlongs off, where he had foretold 
 he should be slain; and still this day is a great part 
 of it already past, so that he was in danger of proving 
 a false prophet." As he was saying this, and that 
 in a melancholy mood, the news came tliat Antigonus 
 was slain in a place underground, which itself was 
 called also Strato's Tower, or of the same name 
 with that Cesarea which is seated at the sea. This 
 event put the prophet into a great disorder. 
 
 3. But Aristobulus repented immediately of this 
 slaughter of his brother, on which account his disease 
 
 * Hence we learn that the Essens pretended to have rules whereby 
 men might foretell things to come, and that ihis Judas the Essen, taught 
 those rules to his scholars; but whether their jjretences were of an 
 astrological or magical nature, which yet in sucli religious Jews, who 
 were utterly fori)idden such arts, is no way proi)able, or to any Bath 
 Col, s])()kcn of l)v the latter Rahi)ins, or otherwise, I cannot tell. See 
 Of the War, B. II. ch. viii. sect. 12, Vol. III.
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 353 
 
 increased upon him, and he was disturbed in his 
 mind, upon tlie guilt of such wickedness, insomuch 
 that his entrails were corrupted by his intolerable 
 pain, and he vomited blood: at which time one of 
 the servants that attended upon him, and was carry- 
 ing his blood away, did, by divine providence, as 
 I cannot but suppose, slip down and shed part of 
 his blood at the very place where there were spots 
 of Antigonus' blood there slain, still remaining; and 
 when there was a cry made by the spectators, as 
 if the servant had on purpose shed the blood on 
 that place, Aristobulus heard it and inquired what 
 the matter was? And as they did not answer him, 
 he was the more earnest to know what it was, it 
 being natural to men to susjDcct that what is thus 
 concealed, is very bad: so upon his threatening, and 
 forcing them by terrors to speak, they at length told 
 him the truth; whereupon he shed many tears, in 
 that disorder of mind which arose from his conscious- 
 ness of what he had done, and gave a deep groan, 
 and said, "I am not therefore, I perceive, to be 
 concealed from God, in the impious and horrid crimes 
 I have been guilty of, but a sudden punishment is 
 coming upon me for the shedding the blood of my 
 relations. And now, O thou most impudent body 
 of mine, how long wilt thou retain a soul that ought 
 to die, in order to appease the ghosts of my brother, 
 and my mother? Wliy dost thou not give it all up 
 at once? And why do 1 deliver up my blood drop 
 by drop, to those whom I have so wickedly mur- 
 dered?" In saying which last words, he died, having 
 reigned a year. He was called a lover of the 
 Grecians, and had conferred manv benefits on his 
 own country, and made war against Iturea, and 
 added a great part of it to Judea, and compelled 
 the inhabitants, if the}' would continue in tliat country,
 
 354> ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 to be circumcised, and to live according to the Jewish 
 laws. He was naturally a man of candour, and 
 of great modesty, as Strabo bears witness, in the 
 name of Timagenes; who says thus: "This man was 
 a person of candour, and very serviceable to the 
 Jews, for he added a country to them, and obtained 
 a part of the nation of the Itureans for them, and 
 bound them to them by the bond of the circumcision 
 of their genitals." 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 How Alexander, when lie had taken the government, 
 made an expedition against Ptolemais, and then 
 raised the siege out of fear of Ptolemy Lathyrus: 
 and how Ptolemy made war against him, because he 
 had sent to Cleopatra to persuade her to make war 
 against Ptolemy, and yet pretended to he in friend- 
 ship with him, when he beat the Jews in the battle. 
 
 1. When Aristobulus was dead, his wife Salome, 
 who, by the Greeks, was called Alexandra, let his 
 brethren out of prison, for Aristobulus had kept 
 them in bonds, as we have said already, and made 
 Alexander Janneus king, who was the superior in 
 age and in moderation. This child happened to be 
 hated by his father as soon as he was born, and could 
 never be permitted to come into his father's sight till 
 he died. The occasion of which liatred is thus re- 
 ported: When Hyrcanus chiefly loved the two eldest 
 of his sons, Antigonus and Aristobulus, God appearefl 
 to him in his sleep, of whom he inquired, which 
 of his sf)ns sliould be liis successor? Upon God's 
 representing to him the countenance of Alexander,
 
 Chap. XII. OF THE JEWS. 355 
 
 he was grieved that he was to be the heir of all his 
 goods, and suffered him to be brought up in ^ Galilee. 
 However, God did not deceive Hyrcanus, for after 
 the death of Aristobulus, he certainlv took the kinff- 
 dom, and one of his brethren, who affected the 
 kingdom, he slew, and the other, who chose to live 
 a private and quiet life, he had in esteem. 
 
 2. When Alexander Janneus had settled the gov- 
 ernment in the manner that he judged best, he 
 made an expedition against Ptolemais; and having 
 overcome the men in battle, he shut them up in the 
 city, and sat round about it, and besieged it; for of 
 the maritime cities there remained only Ptolemais 
 and Gaza to be conquered, besides Strato's Tower, 
 and Dora, which were held bv the tvrant Zoilus. 
 Now while Antiochus Philometer, and Antiochus who 
 was called Cyzicenus, were making war one against 
 another, and destroying one another's armies, the 
 people of Ptolemais could have no assistance from 
 them; but when they were distressed with this siege, 
 Zoilus, who possessed Strato's Tower and Dora, and 
 maintained a legion of soldiers, and on occasion of 
 the contest between the kings, affected tp'anny him- 
 self, came and brought some small assistance to the 
 people of Ptolemais; nor indeed had the kings such 
 a friendship for them, as that they should hope for 
 any advantage from them: Both these kings were 
 in the case of wrestlers, who finding themselves de- 
 ficient in strength, and yet being ashamed to yield, 
 put off the fight by laziness and by lying still as 
 long as they could. The only hope they had remain- 
 
 ^ The reason why Hyrcanus suffered not this son of liis, wliom he 
 did not love, to come to Judea, hut ordered him to he hrought up in 
 Galilee, is suggested hy Dr. Hudson, that Galilee was not esteemed so 
 happy and well cidtivated a country as Judea, ^Nlatt. xxvi. 73, John vii. 
 5-2, Acts ii. 7, although another obvious reason occurs also, that he was 
 farther out of his sight in Galilee than he would have been in Judea.
 
 356 ANTIQUITIES Book xm. 
 
 ing was from the king of Egypt, and from Ptolemy 
 Lathyrus, who now held Cyprus, and who came to 
 Cyprus when he was driven from the government 
 of Egypt, by Cleopatra his mother: So the people of 
 Ptolemais sent to this Ptolemj^ I^athyrus, and desired 
 him to come as a confederate, to deliver them, now they 
 were in such danger, out of the hands of Alexander. 
 And as the ambassadors gave him hopes, that if he 
 would pass over into Syria, he would have the people 
 of Gaza, on the side of those of Ptolemais; as also they 
 said, that Zoilus, and besides these the Sidonians, and 
 many others, would assist them, so he was elevated at 
 this, and got his fleet ready as soon as possible. 
 
 3. But in this interval Demenetus, one that was 
 of abilities to persuade men to do as he would have 
 them, and a leader of the populace, made those of 
 Ptolemais change their opinions: and said to them. 
 That "it was better to run the hazard of being sub- 
 ject to the Jews, than to admit of evident slavery 
 by delivering themselves up to a master: and besides 
 that, to have not only a war at present, but to exjDect 
 a much greater war from Egypt, for that Cleopatra 
 would not overlook an army raised by Ptolemy for 
 himself out of the neighbourhood, bilt would come 
 against them with a great army of her own, and 
 this because she was labouring to eject her son out 
 of Cyprus also; that as for Ptolemy, if he fail of his 
 hopes he can still retire to Cyprus, but that they 
 will be left in the greatest danger possible." Now 
 Ptolemy, althougli he had heard of the change that 
 was made in the people of Ptolemais, yet did he 
 still go on with his voyage, and came to the country 
 called Sycamine, and there set his army on shore. 
 This army of his in tlic whole, horse and foot to- 
 gether, were a])()ut thirty thousand, with which he 
 marched near to Ptolemais, and there pitched his
 
 Chap. XII. OF THE JEWS. 357 
 
 camp; But when the people of Ptolemais neither 
 received his ambassadors, nor would hear what they 
 had to say, he was under a very great concern. 
 
 4. But when Zoilus and the people of Gaza came 
 to him, and desired his assistance, because their 
 country was laid waste by the Jews, and by Alex- 
 ander, Alexander raised the siege, for fear of Ptol- 
 emy: And when he had drawn off his army into his 
 own country, he used a stratagem afterwards, by 
 privately inviting Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy, 
 but publicly pretending to desire a league of friend- 
 ship and mutual assistance with him; and promising 
 to give him four hundred talents of silver, he desired 
 that, by way of requital, he would take off Zoilus 
 the tyi-ant, and give his country to the Jews. And 
 then indeed Ptolemy, with pleasure, made such a 
 league of friendship with Alexander, and subdued 
 Zoilus; but when he afterward heard that he had 
 privily sent to Cleopatra his mother, he broke the 
 league with him, which yet he had confirmed with 
 an oath, and fell upon him, and besieged Ptolemais, 
 because it would not receive him. However, leaving 
 his generals, with some part of his forces, to go on 
 with the siege, he went himself immediately with 
 the rest to lay Judea waste; and when Alexander 
 understood this to be Ptolemy's intention, he also 
 got together about fifty thousand soldiers out of 
 his own country; nay, ^ as some writers have said, 
 eighty thousand. He then took his army, and went 
 to meet Ptolemy; but Ptolemy fell upon Assochis, 
 
 * From these and other occasional expressions, dropped by Josephns, 
 we may learn, that where the sacred books of the Jews were deficient, 
 he had several other histories then extant, but now most of them lost, 
 which he faithfully followed in his own liistory. — Nor indeed have we 
 any other records of those times, relating to Judea, that can be com- 
 pared to these accounts of Josephns, though when we do meet with 
 authentic fragments of such original records, they do almost always 
 confirm his history.
 
 358 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 a city of Galilee, and took it by force on the sabbath 
 day, and there he took about ten thousand slaves, 
 and a great deal of other prey. 
 
 5. He then tried to take Sepphoris, which was 
 a city not far from that which was destroyed, but 
 lost many of his men; yet did he then go to fight 
 with Alexander, which Alexander met him at the 
 river Jordan, near a certain place called Sappoth, 
 [not far from the river Jordan,] and pitched his 
 camp near to the enemy. He had however eight 
 thousand in the first rank, which he styled Hecaton- 
 tomachi, having shields of brass. Those in the first 
 rank of Ptolemj^'s soldiers, also had shields covered 
 with brass: but Ptolemy's soldiers in other respects 
 were inferior to those of Alexander, and therefore 
 were more fearful of running hazards: but Philo- 
 stephanus the camj) master put great courage into 
 them, and ordered them to pass the river, which was 
 between their camps: Nor did Alexander think fit 
 to hinder their passage over it, for he thought, that 
 if the enemy had once gotten the river on their back, 
 that he should the easier take them prisoners, when 
 they could not flee out of the battle: In the beginning 
 of which, the acts on both sides, with their hands, 
 and with their alacrity, were alike, and a great 
 slaughter was made by both the armies; but Alex- 
 ander was superior, till Philostephanus opportunely 
 brought up the auxiliaries, to help those that were 
 giving way; but as there were no auxiliaries to afford 
 help to tliat part of the Jews that gave way, it fell 
 out that they fled, and those near them did not assist 
 them, but fled along with them. However, Ptol- 
 emy's soldiers acted quite otherwise; for they fol- 
 lowed the Jews, and killed them, till at length those 
 that slew them pursued after them, when they had 
 made them aU run away, and slew them so long.
 
 Chap. xiTi. OF THE JEWS. 359 
 
 that their weapons of iron were blunted, and their 
 hands quite tired with the slaughter; for the report 
 was, that thirty thousand men were then slain. Ti- 
 magenes says, they were fifty thousand. As for the 
 rest, they were part of them taken captives, and 
 the other part ran away to their own country. 
 
 6. After this victory, Ptolemy overran all the 
 country; and when night came on, he abode in certain 
 villages of Judea, which when he found full of 
 women and children, he commanded his soldiers to 
 strangle them, and to cut them in pieces, and then 
 to cast them into boiling caldrons, and then to 
 devour their limbs as sacrifices. This commandment 
 was given, that such as fled from the battle, and 
 came to them, might suppose their enemies were 
 cannibals, and eat men's flesh, and might on that 
 account be still more terrified at them upon such a 
 sight. And both Strabo and Nicolaus [of Damas- 
 cus] affirm, that they used these people after this 
 manner, as I have already related. Ptolemy also took 
 Ptolemais by force, as we have declared elsewhere. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 How Alexander, upon the league of mutual defence 
 which Cleopatra had agreed with him, made an 
 expedition against Celesyria, and utterly overthrew 
 the city of Gaza; and how he slew many ten 
 thousands of Jews that rebelled against him: Also 
 concerning Antiochus Grypus, Seleucus, Antiochus 
 Cyzicenus, and Antiochus Pius, and others. 
 
 1. When Cleopatra saw that her son was gro^vn 
 great, and laid Judea waste without disturbance,
 
 360 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 and had gotten the city of Gaza under his power, 
 she resolved no longer to overlook what he did, when 
 he was almost at her gates; and she concluded, that 
 now he w^as so much stronger than before, he would 
 be very desirous of the dominion over the Egyptians; 
 ])ut she immediately marched against him with a 
 fleet at sea, and an army of foot on land, and made 
 Chelcias and Ananias the Jews, generals of her 
 whole army, while she sent the greatest part of her 
 riches, her grand-children, and her testament, to the 
 people of. ^ Cos. Cleopatra also ordered her son 
 Alexander to sail with a great fleet to Phenicia: and 
 when that country had revolted, she came to Ptol- 
 emais; and because the people of Ptolemais did not 
 receive her, she besieged the city; but Ptolemy went 
 out of S}Tia, and made haste into Egypt, supposing 
 that he should find it destitute of an army and soon 
 take it, though he failed of his hopes. At this time 
 Chelcias, one of Cleopatra's generals, happened to 
 die in Celes^Tia, as he was in pursuit of Ptolemy. 
 
 2. When Cleopatra heard of her son's attempt, 
 and that his Egyj^tian expedition did not succeed 
 according to his expectations, she sent thither part 
 of her army, and drove him out of that country, 
 so when he was returned out of Egypt again, he 
 abode during the winter at Gaza, in which time 
 Cleopatra took the garrison that was in Ptolemais 
 by siege, as well as the city; and when Alexander 
 came to her, he gave her presents, and such marks 
 of respect as were but proper, since under the mis- 
 eries he endured by Ptolemy, he had no other refuge 
 but her. Now there were some of her friends who 
 
 ' The city, or island Cos, is not that remote island in the Egean Sea, 
 famous for tlie birth of the great Hi])po(T;ites, hnt a city or island of 
 the same name, adjoining to Egj'pt, mentioned both by Stephanos and 
 Ptolemy, as Dr. Hudson informs us. Of which Cos, and the treasures there 
 laid up by Cleopatra and the Jews, see Antlq. B. XIV, ch, vii, sect. 2,
 
 Chap. XIII. OF THE JEWS. 361 
 
 persuaded her to seize Alexander, and to overrun 
 and take possession of the country, and not to sit 
 still and see such a multitude of ])rave Jews subject 
 to one man. But Ananias' counsel was contrary to 
 theirs, who said, that, "she would do an unjust action, 
 if she deprived a man that was her ally, of that 
 authority which belonged to him, and this a man 
 who is related to us; for, said he, I would not have 
 thee ignorant of this, that what injustice thou dost 
 to him, will make all us that are Jews to be thy 
 enemies." This desire of Ananias' Cleopatra com- 
 plied with, and did no injury to Alexander, but 
 made a league of mutual assistance with him, at 
 Scythopolis, a city of Celesyria. 
 
 3. So when Alexander was delivered from the 
 fear he was in of Ptolemy, he presently made an 
 expedition against Celesyria. He also took Gadara, 
 after a siege of ten months. He took also Amathus, 
 a very strong fortress belonging to the inhabitants 
 above Jordan, where Theodorus, the son of Zeno, had 
 his chief treasure, and what he esteemed most precious. 
 This Zeno fell unex]3ectedly upon the Jews, and 
 slew ten thousand of them, and seized upon Alex- 
 ander's baggage: Yet did not this misfortune terrify 
 Alexander, but he made an expedition upon the 
 maritime parts of the country, Raphia and Anthedon, 
 (the name of which king Herod afterwards changed 
 to Agrippias,) and took even that by force, but 
 when Alexander saw that Ptolemy was retired from 
 Gaza to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra was re- 
 turned to Egypt, he grew angry at the people of 
 Gaza, because they had invited Ptolemy to assist 
 them, and besieged their city and ravaged their coun- 
 try. But as Apollodotus, the general of the army 
 of Gaza, fell upon the camp of the Jews by night, 
 with two thousand foreign, and ten thousand of his
 
 362 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 own forces, while the night lasted, those of Gaza 
 prevailed, because the enemy was made to believe 
 that it was Ptolemy who attacked them: but when 
 day was come on, and that mistake was corrected, 
 and the Jews knew the truth of the matter, thev 
 came back again and fell upon those of Gaza, and 
 slew of them about a thousand; but as those of Gaza 
 stoutly resisted them, and would not yield for either 
 their want of any thing, nor for the great multitude 
 that were slain, for they would rather suffer any hard- 
 ship whatever- than come under the power of their 
 enemies, Aretus, king of the Arabians, a person then 
 very illustrious, encouraged them to go on with 
 alacrity, and promised them that he would come to 
 their assistance; but it happened, that before he 
 came, Apollodotus was slain, for his brother Ly- 
 simachus envying him for the great reputation he 
 had gained among the citizens, slew him, and got 
 the army together, and delivered up the city to Alex- 
 ander, who, when he came in at first, lay quiet, and 
 afterv/ard set his army upon the inhabitants of Gaza, 
 and gave them leave to punish them; so some went 
 one way, and some wxnt another, and slew the in- 
 habitants of Gaza; yet were not they of cowardly 
 hearts; but opposed those that came to slay them, 
 and slew as many of the Jews; and some of them, 
 when thev saw themselves deserted, burnt their own 
 houses, that the enemy might get none of their spoils; 
 nay, some of them with their own hands, slew their 
 children and their wives, having no other way but 
 this of avoiding slavery for them; but the senators, 
 who were in all five hundred, fled to Apollo's temj^le 
 (for this attack happened to be made as they were 
 sitting,) whom Alexander slew; and when he had 
 utterly overthrown tlieir citv, he retiu'ned to Jeru- 
 salem, having spent a year in that siege.
 
 Chap. XIII. OF THE JEWS. 363 
 
 4. About this very time ' Antiochus, who was 
 called Grypus, died. His death was caused by Hera- 
 cleon's treachery, when he had lived forty-five years, 
 and had reigned " twenty-nine. His son Seleucus 
 succeeded him in his kingdom; and made war witli 
 Antiochus, his father's ])rothcr, who was called An- 
 tiochus Cyzicenus, and beat him, and took him pris- 
 oner, and slew him. But after a while ' Antiochus, 
 the son of Cyzicenus, who was called Pius, came 
 to Aradus, and put the diadem on his own head; 
 and made Avar with Seleucus, and beat him, and 
 drove him out of all Syria. But when he fled out 
 of Syria, he came to Mopsuestia again, and levied 
 money upon them; but the people of ^lopsuestia 
 had indignation at what he did, and burnt down 
 his palace, and slew him, together with his friends. 
 But when Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus, was king 
 of Sj^ia, ^ Antiochus, the brother of Seleucus, made 
 war upon him and was overcome, and destroyed, he 
 and his army. After him, his brother Philip put 
 on the diadem, and reigned over some part of Syria; 
 but Ptolemy Lathyrus sent for his fourth brother 
 Demetrius, who was called Eucerus from C nidus, 
 and made him king of Damascus. Both these brothers 
 did Antiochus vehemently oppose, but presently 
 died; for when he was come as an auxiliary to Laodice, 
 ■'"' queen of the Gileadites, when she was making war 
 
 * This account of the death of Antiochus Grypus is confirmed hy 
 Appian, Syriac. p. 13:2, here cited Ity Spanlieini. 
 
 ' Por])hyry says, that tliis Antiochus Grypus reigned but -26 years, 
 as Dr. Hudson observes. 
 
 ^ The copies of Josephus, both Greek and Latin, have here so grossly 
 false a reading, Antiochus and Antoninus, or Antonius Pius for Antiochus 
 Pius, that the editors are forced to correct the text from the other 
 historians, who all agree that this king's name was nothing more than 
 Antiochus Pius. 
 
 * These two brothers, Antiochus and Philippus, are called twins by 
 Porphyry; the fourth lirother was king of Damascus. Botli which are 
 the observations of Spaiiheini. 
 
 ^ This Laodicea was a cltv of (iilead bevond .Tordan. Howeverj
 
 364 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 against the Parthians, and as he was fighting cou- 
 rageously, he fell, while Demetrius and Philip gov- 
 erned Syria, as hath been elsewhere related. 
 
 5. As to Alexander, his own people were sedi- 
 tious against him; for at a festival which was then 
 celebrated, when he stood upon the altar, and was 
 going to sacrifice, the nation rose upon him, and 
 pelted him with citrons, [which they then had in 
 their hands,] because the law of the Jews required, 
 that at the feast of tabernacles every one should 
 have branches of the palm-tree and citron-tree: which 
 thing we have elsewhere related. They also reviled 
 him, as ^ derived from a captive, and so unworthy 
 of his dignity, and of sacrificing. At this he was 
 in a rage, and slew of them about six thousand. He 
 also built a partition wall of wood round the altar 
 and the temple, as far as that partition within which 
 it was only lawful for the priests to enter, and by 
 this means he obstructed the multitude from coming 
 at him. He also maintained foreigners of Pisidi* 
 and Cilicia, for as to the Syrians, he was at war 
 with them, and so made no use of them. He also 
 overcame the Arabians, such as the Moabites, and 
 Gileadites, and made them bring tribute. Moreover, 
 he demolished Amathus, while ^ Theodorus durst not 
 fight with him; but as he had joined battle with 
 Obedas, king of the Arabians, and fell into an am- 
 bush in the places that were rugged and difficult to 
 
 Porphyry says, that this Antiochus Pius did not die in this battle, but 
 running away, was drowned in the river Orontes. A])pian says that he 
 was deprived of the kingdom of Syria l)y Tigranes; liut Porphyry maizes 
 this Laodice, Queen of the Calamans — All which is noted by Spanheim. 
 In such confusion of the latter historians, we iiave no reason to jirefer 
 any of them before .Jose])lius, wlio had more original ones before him. 
 
 ' This rej)roach ujx)!! .Alexander, that he was sprung from a captive, 
 seems only the repetition of the old Pharisaical calumny upon his father, 
 ch. X. sect. V. 
 
 " This Theodorus was the son of Zeno, and was in possession of 
 Amathus, as we learn from sect. 3, foregoing.
 
 Chap. XIV. OF THE JEWS. 365 
 
 be travelled over, he was thrown down into a deep 
 valley, by the multitude of the camels at Gadara, 
 a village of Gilead, and hardly escaped with his life. 
 From thence he fled to Jerusalem, where, besides 
 his other ill success, the nation insulted him, and he 
 fought against them for six years, and slew no fewer 
 than fifty thousand of them. And when he desired 
 that they would desist from their ill-will to him, 
 they hated him so much the more, on account of 
 what had already happened; and when he had asked 
 them what he ought to do, they all cried out, that 
 "he ought to kill himself." They also sent to De- 
 metrius Eucerus, and desired him to make a league 
 of mutual defence with them. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 How Demetrius Eucerus overcame Alexander, and 
 yet in a little time retired out of the country for 
 fear of the Jews. As also how AlecVander slew 
 many of the Jews, and thereby got clear of his 
 troubles. Concerning the death of Demetrius. 
 
 1. So Demetrius came with an army, and took 
 those that invited him; and pitched his camp near 
 the city Shechem; upon which Alexander, with his 
 six thousand two hundred mercenaries, and about 
 twenty thousand Jews, who were of his party, went 
 against Demetrius, who had three thousand horse- 
 men, and forty thousand footmen. Now there were 
 great endeavours used on both sides, Demetrius, 
 trying to bring ofl^ the mercenaries, that were with 
 Alexander, because they 'were Greeks, and Alex- 
 ander, trying to bring ofl' the Jews that were M'ith
 
 366 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 Demetrius. However when neither of them could 
 persuade them so to do, they came to a battle, and 
 Demetrius was the conqueror, in which all Alex- 
 ander's mercenaries were killed, when they had given 
 demonstration of their fidelity and courage. A great 
 number of Demetrius' soldiers were slain also. 
 
 2. Now as Alexander fled to the mountains, six 
 thousand of the Jews hereupon came together, [from 
 Demetrius] to him, out of pity at the change of 
 his fortune; upon which Demetrius was afraid, and 
 retired out of the country; after which the Jews 
 fought against Alexander, and being beaten, were 
 slain in great numbers in the several battles which 
 they had; and when he had shut up the most powerful 
 of them in the city Bethome, he besieged them 
 therein; and when he had taken the city, and gotten 
 the men into his power, he brought them to Jeru- 
 salem, and did one of the most barbarous actions 
 in the world to them: for as he was feasting with 
 his concubines, in the sight of all the city, he ordered 
 about eight hundred of them to be crucified, and 
 while they were living he ordered the throats of 
 their children and wives to be cut before their eyes. 
 This was indeed by waj^ of revenge for the injuries 
 they had done him; which punishment yet was of 
 an inhuman nature, though we suppose that he had 
 been ever so much distressed, as indeed he had been, 
 by his wars with them; for he had by their means 
 come to the last degree of hazard, both of his life 
 and of his kingdom, while they were not satisfied 
 by themselves only to fight against him, but intro- 
 duced foreigners also for the same purpose; nay, 
 at length they reduced him to that degree of necessity, 
 that he was forced to deliver back to tlie king of 
 Arabia the land of Moal) and Gilead; which he had 
 su})dued, and the places that vv^ere in them, that they
 
 Chap. XIV. OF THE JEWS. 367 
 
 might not join with them in the war against him, 
 as they had done ten thousand other things that 
 tended to affront and reproach him. However this 
 barbarity seems to have been without any necessity, 
 on which account he bare the name of a Thracian 
 ^ among the Jews; whereupon the soldiers that had 
 fought against him, being about eight thousand in 
 number, ran away by night, and continued fugi- 
 tives all the time that Alexander hved; who being 
 now freed from any fartiier disturbance from them, 
 reigned the rest of his time in the utmost tranquillity. 
 3. But when Demetrius was departed out of 
 Judea, he went to Berea, and besieged his brother 
 Philip, having with him ten thousand footmen, and 
 a thousand horsemen. However Strato the tyrant 
 of Berea, the confederate of Philip, called in Zizon, 
 the ruler of the Arabian tribes, and Mithridates Sinax, 
 the ruler of the Parthians, who coming with a great 
 number of forces and besieging Demetrius in his 
 encampment, into which they had driven him with 
 their arrows, they compelled those that were with 
 him by thirst to deliver up themselves. So they 
 took a great many spoils out of that country, and 
 Demetrius himself, whom they sent to Mithridates, 
 who was then king of Parthia; but as to those whom 
 they took captives of the people of Antioch, they 
 restored them to the Antiochians without any reward. 
 Now Mithridates, the king of Parthia, had Demetrius 
 in great honour, till Demetrius ended his life by 
 sickness. So Philip, presently after the fight was 
 over, came to Antioch, and took it, and reigned over 
 Syria. 
 
 * This name Thrackhi. wliifh tlie Jews gave Alexander, must by the 
 coherence, denote as barbaruug nti o Thracian, or somewhat like it; but 
 what it properly signifies is not known.
 
 368 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 How Antiochus, who was called Dionysus, and after 
 hini Aretas, made eocpeditmis irito Judea; as also 
 how Alexander took many cities , and then returned 
 to Jerusalem, and after a sickness of three years 
 died; and what counsel he gave to Alexandra. 
 
 1. After this Antiochus, who was called ^ Diony- 
 sus and was Philip's brother, aspired to the do- 
 minion, and came to Damascus, and got the power 
 into his hands, and there he reigned: but as he was 
 making war against the Arabians, his brother Philip 
 heard of it, and came to Damascus, where Melesius, 
 who had been left governor of the citadel, and the 
 Damascens themselves, delivered up the city to him; 
 yet because Philip was become ungrateful to him, 
 and had bestowed upon him nothing of that in hopes 
 whereof he had received him into the city, but had 
 a mind to have it believed that it was rather delivered 
 up out of fear tlian by the kindness of Melesius, 
 and because he had not rewarded him as he ought 
 to have done, he became suspected by him, and so 
 he was obliged to leave Damascus again; for Melesius 
 caught him marching out into the Hippodrome and 
 shut him up in it, and ke})t Damascus for Antiochus 
 [Eucerus], who hearing how Philip's affairs stood, 
 came back out of Arabia. He also came immediately, 
 and made an expedition against Judea, with eight 
 thousand armed footmen, and eight hundred horse- 
 men. So Alexander, out of fear of his coming, dug 
 
 ' Spanheim tJikes notice, th;it this Antiochus Dionysus (the brother 
 of Philip, and of Demetrius Eucerus, and of two others) was the fifth 
 son of Antiochus (Jrypus; and tliat lie is styled on the coins Antiochus 
 Epipliancs Diouynun.
 
 Chap. XV. OF THE JEWS. 369 
 
 a deep ditch, beginning at Chabarzaba, which is now 
 called Antipatris, to the sea of Joppa, on which 
 part only his army could be brought against him. 
 He also raised a wall, and erected wooden towers, 
 and intermediate redoubts, for one hundred and 
 fifty furlongs in length, and there expected the 
 coming of Antiochus, but he soon burnt them all, 
 and made his army pass by that way into Arabia. 
 The Arabian king [Aretas] at first retreated, but 
 afterward appeared on the sudden with ten thousand 
 horsemen. Antiochus gave them the meeting, and 
 fought desperately; and indeed when he had gotten 
 the victory, and was bringing some auxiliaries to 
 that part of his army that was in distress, he was 
 slain. When Antiochus was fallen, his army fled 
 to the village Cana, where the greatest part of them 
 perished by famine. 
 
 2. After him ^ Aretas reigned over Celesyi'ia, 
 being called to the government by those that held 
 Damascus, by reason of the hatred they bare to 
 Ptolemy Menneus. He also made thence an ex- 
 pedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle, 
 near a place called Adida, yet did he upon certain 
 conditions agreed on between them, retire out of 
 Judea. 
 
 3. But Alexander marched again to the city Dios, 
 and took it; and then made an expedition against 
 Essa, where was the best part of Zeno's treasures, 
 and there he encompassed the place with three walls; 
 and when he had taken the city by fighting, he 
 marched to Golan and Seleucia; and when he had 
 taken these cities, he, besides them, took that valley 
 
 * This Aretas was the first king of the Arabians who took Damascus, 
 and reigned there: Which name became afterwards common to such 
 Arabian kings, both at Petra and at Damascus, as we learn from Josephus 
 in many places, and from St. Paul, 2 Cor. xi. 33. See the note on 
 Antiq. B. XVI. ch. ix. sect. 4,
 
 370 ANTIQUITIES Book xm. 
 
 which is called the valley of Antiochus, as also the 
 fortress of Gamala. He also accused Demetrius, 
 who was governor of those places, of many crimes, 
 and turned him out: and after he had spent three 
 years in this war, he returned to his own country, 
 when the Jews joyfully received him upon this his 
 good success. 
 
 4. Now at this time the Jews were in possession 
 of the following cities that had belonged to the 
 Syrians, and Idumeans, and Phenicians; at the sea 
 side, Strato's Tower, Apollonia, Joppa, Jamnia, 
 Ashdod, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, and Rhinoculura; 
 in the middle of the country, near to Idumea, Adora, 
 and Marissa; near the country of Samaria, Mount 
 Carmel, and Mount Tabor, Scythopolis, and Gardara; 
 of the country of Gaulonites, Seleucia, and Gabala; 
 in the country of Moab, Heshbon and Medaba, 
 Lemba, and Oronas, Gelithon, Zara, the valley of 
 the Celices, and Pella; which last they utterly de- 
 stroyed, because its ^ inhabitants would not bear to 
 change their religious rites for those peculiar to the 
 Jews. The Jews also possessed others of the prin- 
 cipal cities in Syria, which had been destroyed. 
 
 5. After this, king Alexander, although he fell 
 into a distemper by hard drinking, and had a quartan 
 ague, wliich held him three years, yet would not 
 leave off going out with his army, till he was quite 
 spent with the labours he had undergone, and died 
 
 ^ We may here, and elsewhere, take notice, that whatever countries 
 or cities, the Asamonians conquered from any of the neighbouring nations, 
 or whatever countries or cities they gained from them, that had not 
 belonged to them before, they, after the days of Hyrcanus, compelled 
 the inhabitants to leave their idolatry, and entirely to receive the law 
 of Moses, as proselytes of justice, or else banish them into other lands. 
 That excellent prince, John Hyrcanus, did it to the Idumeans, as I have 
 noted on ch. ix. sect. 1, already, who lived then in the promised land, 
 and this I suppose justly; but by what right the rest did it, even to the 
 countries or cities that were no part of that land, I do not at all know, 
 This looks too like unjust persecution for religion,
 
 Chap. XV. OF THE JEWS. 371 
 
 in the bounds of Regaba, a fortress beyond Jordan. 
 But when his queen saw that he was ready to die, 
 and had no longer any hopes of surviving, she came 
 to him weeping and lamenting, and bewailed herself, 
 and her sons, on the desolate condition they should 
 be left in: and said to him, "To whom dost thou 
 thus leave me and my children, who are destitute 
 of all other supports, and this when thou knowest 
 how much ill-will thy nation bears thee?" But he 
 gave her the following advice, "That she need but 
 follow what he would suggest to her, in order to 
 retain the kingdom securely, with her children, that 
 she should conceal his death from the soldiers till 
 she should have taken that place; after this she 
 should go in triumph, as upon a victory, to Jeru- 
 salem, and put some of her authority into the hands 
 of the Pharisees, for that they would commend her 
 for the honour she had done them, and would recon- 
 cile the nation to her; for he told her, they had 
 great authority among the Jews, both to do hurt 
 to such as they hated, and to bring advantages to 
 those to whom they were friendly disposed, for that 
 they are then believed best of all by the multitude 
 when they speak any severe thing against others, 
 though it be only out of envy at them. And he 
 said, that it was by their means that he had incurred 
 the displeasure of the nation, whom indeed he had 
 injured. Do thou, therefore, said he, when tliou 
 art come to Jerusalem, send for the leading men 
 among them, and show them my body, and witli 
 great appearance of sincerity, give them leave to use 
 it as they themselves please, whether they will dis- 
 honour the dead body, by refusing it burial, as having 
 severely suffered by my means, or whether in their 
 anger they will offer any other injury to that body. 
 Promise them also that thou wilt do nothing without
 
 372 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 them in the affaii's of the kingdom. If thou dost 
 but say this to them, I shall have the honour of a 
 more glorious funeral from them than thou couldst 
 have made for me; and when it is in their power to 
 abuse my dead body, they will do it no injury at all, 
 and thou wilt rule in safety." ^ So when he had 
 given his wife this advice, he died, after he had reigned 
 twenty-seven years, and lived fifty years within one. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 How Alexandra, by gaining the good-will of the 
 Pharisees, retained the kingdom nine years, and 
 then having done mafiy glorious actions, died. 
 
 1. So Alexandra, when she had taken the fortress, 
 acted as her husband had suggested to her, and spake 
 to the Pharisees, and put all things into their power, 
 both as to the dead body, and as to the affairs of the 
 kingdom, and thereby pacified their anger against 
 Alexander, and made them bear good-will and friend- 
 ship to him; who then came among the multitude, and 
 made speeches to them, and laid before them the 
 actions of Alexander, and told them that they had 
 lost a righteous king; and by the commendation they 
 gave him, they brought them to grieve, and to be in 
 lieaviness for him, so that he had a funeral more 
 splendid than had any of the kings before him. Alex- 
 ander left behind him two sons, Hyrcanus and Aris- 
 
 ^ It seems, by this dying advice of Alexander Janneus to his wife, 
 that lie had himself pursued the measures of [lis father H,vrcanus, and 
 taken jKirt with the Sadducees, who kept close to the written law, against 
 the Pharisees, who had introduced their own traditions, ch. xvi. sect. 2, 
 and thnt he now saw a polilical necessity of suhniitting to tlie Pharisees, 
 and their traditions hereafter, if his widow and family minded to retain 
 their m(jnarci)ial government or tyranny over the Jewish nation.
 
 Chap. XVI. OF THE JEWS. 373 
 
 tobulus, but committed the kingdom to Alexandra. 
 Now, as to these two sons, Hyrcanus was "indeed 
 unable to manage public affairs, and delighted rather 
 in a quiet hfe; but the younger, Aristobulus, was an 
 active and a bold man; and for this woman herself, 
 Alexandra, she was loved by the multitude, because 
 she seemed displeased at the offences her husband 
 had been guilty of. 
 
 2. So she made Hyrcanus high priest, because he 
 was the elder, but much more because he cared not 
 to meddle with politics, and permitted the Pharisees 
 to do every thing; to whom also she ordered the 
 multitude to be obedient. She also restored again 
 those practices which the Pharisees had introduced, 
 according to the traditions of their forefathers, and 
 which her father-in-law, Hyrcanus, had abrogated. 
 So she had indeed the name of the Regent, but the 
 Pharisees had the authority; for it was they who 
 restored such as had been banished, and set such as 
 were prisoners at liberty, and, to say all at once, 
 they differed in nothing from lords. However, the 
 queen also took care of the affairs of the kingdom, 
 and got together a great body of mercenary soldiers, 
 and increased her own army to such a deo-ree, that 
 she became terrible to the neighbouring tyrants, and 
 took hostages of them: And the countrv was entirelv 
 at peace, excepting the Pharisees; for they disturbed 
 the queen, and desired that she should kill those who 
 persuaded Alexander to slay the eight hundred men; 
 after which they cut the throat of one of them, 
 Diogenes: and after him they did the same to several, 
 one after another, till the men that were the most 
 potent came into the palace, and Aristobulus with 
 them, for he seemed to be displeased at what was 
 done, and it appeared openly, that if he had an op- 
 portunity, he would not permit his mother to go on
 
 374 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 so. "These put the queen in mind what great 
 dangers they had gone through, and great things 
 they had done, wherehy they had demonstrated the 
 firmness of their fidehty to their master, insomuch 
 that they had received the greatest marks of favour 
 from him; and they hegged of her, that she would 
 not utterly hlast their hopes, as it now happened, 
 that when they had escaped the hazards that arose 
 from their [open] enemies, they were to he cut off 
 at home, hy their [private] enemies, like brute beasts, 
 without any help whatsoever. They said also, that 
 if their adversaries would be satisfied with those that 
 had been slain already, thev would take what had 
 been done patiently, on account of their natural love 
 to their governors; but if they must expect the same 
 for the future also, they implored of her a dismission 
 from her service, for they could not bear to think of 
 attempting any method for their deliverance without 
 her, but would rather die willingly before the palace- 
 gate, in case she would not forgive them. And that 
 it was a great shame both for themselves, and for 
 the queen, that when they were neglected by her, 
 they should come under the lash of her husband's 
 enemies; for that Aretas, the Ara})ian king, and the 
 monarchs, would give any reward, if they could get 
 such men as foreign auxiliaries, to whom their very 
 names, before their voices be heard, may perhaps 
 be terrible: But if they could not obtain this their 
 second request, and if she had determined to prefer 
 the Pharisees before them, they still insisted that she 
 would place them every one in her fortresses; for if 
 some fatal demon had a constant spite against Alex- 
 ander's house, they would be willing to bear their 
 I^art, and to live in a ]:)rivate station there." 
 
 3. As these men said thus, and called upon Alex- 
 ander's ghost for commiseration of those already slain,
 
 Chap. XVI. OF THE JEWS. 375 
 
 and those in danger of it, all the bystanders broke out 
 into tears: But Aristobulus chiefly made manifest 
 what were his sentiments, and used many reproachful 
 expressions to his mother [saying,] "Nay, indeed, 
 the case is this, that they have been themselves the 
 authors of their own calamities, who have permitted 
 a woman who, against reason, was mad with ambi- 
 tion, to reign over them, when there were sons in the 
 flower of their age fitter for it." So Alexandra not 
 knowing what to do with any decency, committed 
 the fortresses to them, all but Hyrcania and Alexan- 
 drium, and JNIacherus, where her principal treasures 
 were. After a little while also, she sent her son 
 Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against 
 Ptolemy, who was called Menneus, who was such a 
 bad neighbour to the city; but he did nothing con- 
 siderable there and so returned home. 
 
 4. About this time news was brought that Ti- 
 granes, the king of Armenia, had made an irruption 
 into Syria with ' five hundred thousand soldiers, and 
 was coming against Judea. This news, as may well 
 l)e supposed, terrified the queen and the nation. Ac- 
 cordingly thev sent him many and very valuable 
 presents; as also ambassadors, and that as he was 
 besieging Ptolemais; for Selene the queen, the same 
 that was also called Cleopatra, ruled then over 
 Syria, who had persuaded the inhabitants to exclude 
 Tigranes. So the Jewish ambassadors interceded with 
 him, and entreated him that he would determine noth- 
 ing that was severe about their queen or nation. 
 He commended them for the respects they paid him 
 
 * The number of 500,000 or even 300,000, as one Greek copy, with the 
 Latin copies have it, Tigranes' army, tiiat came out of Armenia into 
 Syria and Judea seems much too large. We have had already several 
 such extravagant numbers in .Iose])hus' ])resent copies, which are not to 
 be at all ascribed to him. Accordingly, I incline to Dr. Hudson's emenda- 
 tion here, which supposes them but 40,000.
 
 376 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii. 
 
 at so great a distance: and gave them good hopes of 
 his favour. But as soon as Ptolemais was taken, 
 news came to Tigranes that Lucullus, in his pursuit 
 of Mithridates, could not hght upon him, who was 
 fled into Iberia, but was laying waste Armenia and 
 besieging its cities. Xow, when Tigranes knew this 
 he returned home. 
 
 5. After this, when the queen was fallen into a 
 dangerous distemper, Aristobulus resolved to attempt 
 the seizing of the government; so he stole away 
 secretly by night, with only one of his servants, and 
 went to the fortresses wherein his friends that were 
 such from the days of his father, were settled: for 
 as he had been a great while displeased at his mother's 
 conduct, so he was now much more afraid, lest upon 
 her death, their whole family should be under the 
 power of the Pharisees, for he saw the inability of 
 his brother, who was to succeed in the government: 
 nor was any one conscious of what he was doing but 
 only his wife, whom he left at Jerusalem with their 
 children. He first of all came to Agaba, where was 
 Galestes, one of the potent men before mentioned, 
 and was received by him. When it was day the 
 queen perceived that Aristobulus was fled; and for 
 some time she supposed that his departure was not in 
 order to make any innovation, but when messengers 
 came one after another with the news that he had 
 secured the first place, the second place, and all the 
 places, for as soon as one had begun they all sub- 
 mitted to his disposal, then it was that the queen 
 and the nation were in the greatest disorder, for they 
 were aware that it would not be long ere Aristobulus 
 would be able to settle himself firmly in the govern- 
 ment. What they were principally afraid of was 
 this, that he would inflict punisliment upon them for 
 the mad treatment his house had had from them: So
 
 Chap. xvi. OF THE JEWS. 377 
 
 they resolved to take his wife and children into 
 custody, and keep them in the ^ fortress that was over 
 the temple. Now there w^s a mighty conflux of 
 people that came to Aristobulus from all parts, in- 
 somuch that he had a kind of royal attendants about 
 him; for in a little more than fifteen days, he got 
 twenty-two strong places, which gave him the op- 
 portunity of raising an army from Libanus and 
 Trachonitis, and the monarchs: for men are easily 
 led by the greater number, and easily submit to them. 
 And besides this, that by affording him their as- 
 sistance, when he could not expect it, they, as well 
 as he, should have the advantages that would come 
 by his being king, because they had been the occasion 
 of his gaining the kingdom. Now the elders of the 
 Jews, and Hyrcanus with them, went in unto the 
 queen, and desired, "That she would give them 
 her sentiments about the present posture of afi^airs, 
 for that Aristobulus was in effect lord of almost all the 
 kingdom, by possessing of so many strongholds, and 
 that it was absurd for them to take any counsel by 
 themselves, how ill soever she were, whilst she was 
 alive, and that the danger would be upon them in no 
 long time." But she "bid them do what they thought 
 proper to be done: that they had many circumstances 
 in their favour still remaining, a nation in good heart, 
 an army, and money in their several treasuries, for 
 that she had small concern about public aff^airs now, 
 when the strength of her body already failed her." 
 
 6. Now a little while after slie had said this to 
 them, she died, when she had reigned nine years, and 
 had in all lived seventy-three. A woman she was 
 
 * This fortress, castle, citadel, or tower, whither the wife and children 
 of Aristobulus were now sent, and which overlooked the temple, could 
 be no otlier than what Hyrcanus I. built, Antiq. B. Xyill. ch. Iv. sect. 3, 
 Vol. III. and Herod the Great rebuilt, and called the Toiver of Antonia, 
 Antiq. B. XT. ch. xi. sect. 5, yd. II.
 
 378 ANTIQUITIES Book xm. 
 
 who showed no signs of the weakness of her sex, for 
 she was sagacious to the greatest degree in her ambi- 
 tion of governing, and demonstrated by her doings at 
 once, that her mind was fit for action, and that some- 
 times men themselves show the Httle understanding 
 they have by the frequent mistakes they make in 
 point of government; for she always preferred the 
 present to futurity, and preferred the power of an 
 imperious dominion above all things, and in compari- 
 son of that had no regard to what was good, or what 
 was right. However, she brought the affairs of her 
 house to such an unfortunate condition, that she was 
 the occasion of the taking away that authority from 
 it, and that in no long time afterward, which she had 
 obtained by a vast number of hazards and mis- 
 fortunes, and this out of a desire of what does not 
 belong to a woman, and all by a compliance in her 
 sentiments with those that bare ill-Avill to their family, 
 and by leaving the administration destitute of a 
 proper support of great men: and indeed, her manage- 
 ment during her administration, while she was alive, 
 was such, as filled the palace, after her death, with 
 calamities and disturbance. However, although this 
 had been her way of governing, she preserved the 
 nation in peace. And this is the conclusion of tho 
 affairs of Alexandra.
 
 BOOK XIV. 
 
 COxXTAIMNG THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-TWO YEARS. 
 
 [FROxM THE DEATH OF QUEEN ALEXANDRA TO THE DEATH 
 
 OF ANTIGONUS.] 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The war between Aristohulus and Hyrcanus about 
 the kingdom J and how they made an agreement, 
 that Aristobulus should be king, and Hyrcanus 
 live a private life: as also how Hyrcanus, a little 
 afterward, was persuaded by Antipater to fly to 
 Aretas. 
 
 1. We have related the affairs of Queen Alexandra, 
 and her death in the foregoing book, and will now 
 speak of what followed, and was connected with those 
 histories; declaring, before we proceed, that we have 
 nothing so much at heart as this, that we may omit 
 no facts, either through ignorance or laziness, for we 
 are upon the history and ex23lication of such things 
 as the greatest part are unacquainted withal, because 
 of their distance from our times; and we aim to do 
 it with a proper beauty of style, so far as that is 
 derived from proper words harmonically disposed, 
 and from such ornaments of speech also as may 
 contribute to the pleasure of our readers, that we may 
 
 379
 
 380 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 entertain the knowledge of what we write with some 
 agreeable satisfaction and pleasure. But the principal 
 scope that authors ought to aim at above all the rest, 
 is to speak accurately, and to speak truly, for the 
 satisfaction of those that are otherwise unacquainted 
 with such transactions, and obliged to believe what 
 these writers inform them of. 
 
 2. Hyrcanus then began liis high priesthood on 
 the third vear of the hundred seventy-seventh Olvm- 
 piad, when Quintus Hortensius and Quintus ]Me- 
 tellus, who was called ]Metellus of Crete, were consuls 
 at Rome; when presently Aristobulus began to make 
 war against him, and as it came to a battle with 
 Hyrcanus at Jericho, many of the soldiers deserted 
 him, and went over to his brother; upon which 
 Hyrcanus fled into the citadel, where Aristobulus' 
 wife and children were imprisoned by their mother, 
 as we have said already, and attacked and overcame 
 those his adversaries that had fled thither, and lay 
 within the walls of the temple. So when he had 
 sent a message to his brother about agreeing the 
 matters between them, he laid aside his emnity to 
 him on these conditions, that Aristobulus should be 
 king, that he should live without intermeddling with 
 public affairs, and quietly enjoy the estate he had 
 acquired. When they had agreed upon these terms 
 in the temple, and had confirmed the agreement with 
 oaths, and the giving one another their right hands, 
 and embracing one another in the sight of the whole 
 multitude, they departed; the one, Aristobulus, to 
 the palace; and Hyrcanus, as a private man, to the 
 former house of Aristobulus. 
 
 3. But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus', 
 an Idumean, called Antipater, who was very rich, 
 and in his nature an active and a seditious man; who 
 was at enmity with Aristobulus, and had differences
 
 Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 381 
 
 with him on account of his good will to Hyrcanus. 
 It is true that Xicolaus of Damascus savs, that Anti- 
 pater was of the stock of the principal Jews who came 
 out of Babylon into Judea; but that assertion of his 
 was to gratify Herod, who was his son, and who, by 
 certain revolutions of fortune, came afterward to be 
 king of the Jews, whose history we shall give you 
 in its proper place hereafter. However, this Anti- 
 pater was at first called ^ Antipas, and that was his 
 father's name also: of whom they relate this, that king 
 Alexander and his wife made him general of all 
 Idumea, and that he made a league of friendship 
 with those Arabians, and Gazites, and Ascalonites, 
 that were of his own party, and had, by many and 
 large presents, made tliem his fast friends. But 
 now, this younger Antipater was suspicious of the 
 power of Aristobulus, and was afraid of some mis- 
 chief he might do him, because of his hatred to him, 
 so he stirred up the most powerful of the Jews and 
 talked against him to them privately; and said, that 
 "it was unjust to overlook the conduct of Aristobulus, 
 who had gotten the government unrighteously, and 
 ejected his brother out of it, who was the elder, and 
 ought to retain what belonged to him by prerogative 
 of his birth." And the same speeches he perpetually 
 made to Hyrcanus; and told him, that his own life 
 would be in danger, unless he guarded himself, and 
 got shut of Aristobulus; for he said, that the friends 
 of Aristobulus omitted no opportunity of advising 
 him to kill him, as being then, and not befoijf , sure 
 to retain his principality. Hyrcanus gave no credit 
 to these words of his, as being of a gentle disposition, 
 
 ' That the famous Antipater's or Antipas' father was also Antipater 
 or Antipatt (which two may justly be esteemed one and the same name, 
 the former with a Greek or Gentile, the latter with a Hebrew or Jewish 
 termination,) Josephus here assures us, though Eusebius indeed says It 
 was Herod.
 
 382 AXTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 and one that did not easily admit of calumnies against 
 other men. This temper of his, not disposing him to 
 meddle with public affairs, and want of spirit, oc- 
 casioned him to appear to spectators to be degenerous 
 and unmanly; while Aristobulus was of a contrary 
 temper, an actiye man, and one of a great and generous 
 soul. 
 
 4. Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyrcanus 
 did not attend to what he said, he neyer ceased, day 
 by day, to charge feigned crimes upon Aristobulus, 
 and to calumniate him before him, as if he had a mind 
 to kill him, and so, by urging him perpetually, he 
 adyised him, and persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the 
 king of Arabia, and promised, that if he would comply 
 with his adyice, he would also himself assist him, 
 [and go with him.] When Hyrcanus heard this, he 
 said that it was for his adyantage to fly away to 
 Aretas. Now Arabia is a country that borders upon 
 Judea. Howeyer, Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to 
 the king of Arabia, in order to receiye assurances from 
 him, that when he should come in the manner of a 
 supplicant to him, he would not deliyer him up to his 
 enemies. So Antipater haying receiyed such as- 
 surances, returned to Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. A 
 while afterward he took Hyrcanus, and stole out of 
 the city by night, and went a great journey, and 
 came and brought him to the city called Petra, where 
 the palace of Aretas was; and as he w^as a very 
 familiar friend of that king's he persuaded him to 
 bring back Hyrcanus into Judea, and liis persuasion 
 he continued eyery day without any intermission. He 
 also proposed to make him presents on that account. 
 At length he prevailed with Aretas in his suit. More- 
 over, Hyrcanus jjromised him, that when he had been 
 brought thither, and had received his kingdom, he 
 would restoi-e that country, and those twelve cities
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 383 
 
 which his father Alexander had taken from the 
 Arabians, which were these, jNIedaba, Naballo, Libias, 
 Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, 
 Rudda, Lussa, and Oruba. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 How Aretas and Hyrcanus made an expedition 
 against Aristohuhis, and besieged Jerusalem; and 
 how Scaurus, the Roman general, raised the siege. 
 Concerning the death of Onias. 
 
 1. After these promises had been given to Aretas, 
 he made an expedition against Aristobulus, with an 
 army of fifty thousand horse and foot, and beat him 
 in the battle. And when after that victory many 
 went over to Hyrcanus as deserters, Aristobulus was 
 left desolate, and fled to Jerusalem; upon which the 
 king of Arabia took all his army and made an assault 
 upon the temple, and ])esiege(l Aristobulus therein, 
 the people still supporting Hyrcanus, and assisting 
 him in the siege, while none but the priests continued 
 with Aristobulus. So Aretas united the forces of 
 the Arabians and of the Jews together, and pressed 
 on the siege vigorously. As this happened at the 
 time when the feast of unleavened bread was cele- 
 brated, which we call the Passover, the principal men 
 among the Jews left the country and fled into Egj'pt. 
 Now there was one whose name was Onias, a righteous 
 man he was, and beloved of God, who, in a certain 
 drought, had prayed to God to put an end to the 
 intense heat, and whose prayers God had heard, and 
 had sent them rain. ^Diis man had hid himself, 
 because he saw that this sedition would last a great
 
 384 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 while. However they brought him to the Jewish 
 camp, and desired, that as by his prayers he had 
 once put an end to the (h'ought, so he would in like 
 manner make imprecations on Aristobulus, and those 
 of his faction. And when, upon his refusal, and the 
 excuses that he made, he was still bv the multitude 
 compelled to speak, he stood up in the midst of them, 
 and said, "O God, the king of the whole world! since 
 those that stand now with me are thy people, and 
 those that are besieged are also thy priests, I be- 
 seech thee, that thou wilt neither hearken to the 
 prayers of those against these, nor bring to effect 
 what these pray against those." Whereupon such 
 wicked Jews as stood about him, as soon as he had, 
 made this prayer, stoned him to death. 
 
 2. But God punished them immediately for this 
 their barbarity, and took vengeance of them for the 
 murder of Onias, in the manner following: While 
 the priests and Aristobidus were besieged, it hap- 
 pened that the feast called the Passover was come, 
 at which it is our custom to offer a great number of 
 sacrifices to God; but tliose that were with Aristobu- 
 lus wanted sacrifices, and desired tliat their country- 
 men without would furnish them with such sacrifices, 
 and assured them tliey should have as much money 
 for them as they should desire; and when they re- 
 quired them to pay a thousand drachmae for eacli 
 head of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests willingly 
 undertook to pay for them accordingly, and those 
 within let down the money over the walls, and gave 
 it them. But when the others had received it, they 
 did not deliver the sacrifices, but arrived at that height 
 of wickedness as to break the assurances they had 
 given, and to be guilty of impiety towards God, by 
 not furnishing those that wanted them with sacrifices. 
 And when the priests found they had been cheated,
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 885 
 
 and that the agreements they had made were violated, 
 they prayed to God, that he would avenge them on 
 their countrymen. Nor did he delay that their punish- 
 ment, but sent a strong and vehement storm of wind, 
 that destroved the fruits of the whole countrv, till a 
 modius of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae 
 3. In the meantime Pompey sent Scaurus into 
 Syria, while he was himself in Armenia, and making 
 war with Tigranes: But when Scaurus was come to 
 Damascus, and found that Lollius and jNIetellus had 
 newlj^ taken the city, he came himself hastily into 
 Judea. And when he was come thither, ambassadors 
 came to him, both from Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, 
 and both desired he would assist them. And when 
 both of them j^romised to give him money, Aristo- 
 bulus four hundred talents, and Hyrcanus no less, 
 he accepted of Aristobulus' promise, for he was rich 
 and had a great soul, and desired to obtain nothing 
 but what was moderate; whereas the other was poor, 
 and tenacious, and made incredible promises in hopes 
 of greater advantages; for it was not the same thing 
 to take a city, that was exceeding strong and power- 
 ful, as it was to eject out of the country some fugi- 
 tives, with a greater number of Xabateans, who were 
 no very warlike people. He therefore made an agree- 
 ment with Aristobulus, for the reasons before men- 
 tioned, and took his money, and raised the siege, and 
 ordered Aretas to depart, or else he should be de- 
 clared an enemy to the Romans. So Scaurus re- 
 turned to Damascus again; and Aristobulus, with 
 a great army, made war with Aretas and Hyrcanus, 
 and fought them at a place called Papiiron, and beat 
 them in the battle, and slew about six thousand of 
 the enemy; with whom fell Phalion also, the brother 
 of Antipater.
 
 386 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 CHAPTER HI. 
 
 How Aristobulus and Hyrcanus came to Pompey, in 
 oi'der to argue who ought to have the kingdom: and 
 how upon the flight of Aristohulus to the fortress 
 Alea^andrium, Pompey led his army against him, 
 and ordered him to deliver up the fortresses whereof 
 he was possessed. 
 
 1. A LITTLE afterward Pompey came to Damascus, 
 and marched over Celesyria, at whicli time there came 
 ambassadors to him from all Syria, and Egypt, and 
 out of Judea also, for Aristobulus had sent him a 
 great present, which was a ^ golden vine, of the value 
 of five hundred talents. Now Strabo of Cappadocia 
 mentions this j)resent in these words: "There came 
 also an embassage out of Egypt, and a crown of the 
 value of four thousand pieces of gold, and out of 
 Judea there came another, whether you call it a 
 vine or a garden: They called the thing Terpule, 
 The delight. However, we ourselves saw that pres- 
 ent reposited at Rome, in the temple of Jupiter 
 
 * This f/oldeii vine or fiarden, seen by Strabo at Rome, has its in- 
 scription here as if it were the gift of yVlexander, the father of Aris- 
 tobulus, and not of Aristobulus himself, to whom yet Josephus ascribes 
 it; and in order to prove the truth of that part of tiis history, introduces 
 this testimony of Strabo's; so that the ordinary copies seem to be here 
 either erroneous or defective, and the original reading seems to have 
 been either Aristohulu.t, instead of Alexander, with one Greek copy, or 
 else Arisfobitlus the son of Ah.randcr, with the Latin copies, which 
 last seems to me the most probable — For as to Archbishop Usher's con- 
 jectures, that Alexander made it, and dedicated it to God in the temple, 
 and that thence Aristobulus took it, and sent it to Pompey, they are 
 both very improbable, and no way agreeable to Josephus, who would 
 liardly have avoided the recording both these unconuuon points of history, 
 liad he known any of them; nor would either the Jewish nation, or even 
 Pompey himself, then have relished such a flagrant instance of sacrilege.
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 387 
 
 Capitolinus, with this inscription, The gift of Aleoc- 
 ander the king of the Jetvs. It was valued at five 
 hundred talents; and the report is, that Aristobulus, 
 the governor of the Jews, sent it." 
 
 2. In a little time afterward came ambassadors again 
 to him, Antipater from Hyrcanus, and Nicodemus 
 from Aristol)idus ; which last also accused such as 
 had taken bribes, first Gabinius, and then Scaurus, 
 the one three hundred talents, and the other four 
 hundred; by which procedure he made these two his 
 enemies, besides those he had before. And when 
 Pompey had ordered those that had controversies 
 one with another to come to him in the beginning 
 of the spring, he brought his army out of their winter 
 quarters, and marched into the country of Damascus; 
 and as he went along he demolished the citadel that 
 was at Apamia, which Antiochus Cyzicenus had built, 
 and took cognizance of the country of Ptolemy ^len- 
 neus, a wicked man, and not less so than Dionysius 
 of Tripoli, who had been beheaded, who was also 
 his relation by marriage ; yet did he buy off the punish- 
 ment of his crimes for a thousand talents, with which 
 money Pompey paid the soldiers their wages. He 
 also conquered the place called Lysias, of which Silas 
 a Jew, was tyrant. And when he had passed over 
 the cities of Heliopolis and Chalcis, and got over the 
 mountain M^hich is on the limit of Celesyria, he came 
 from Pella to Damascus; and there it was that he 
 heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors 
 Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference 
 one with another, as also of the nation against them 
 both, which did not desire to be under kingly govern- 
 ment, because the form of government they received 
 from their forefathers was that of subjection to the 
 priests of that God whom they worshipped, and [they 
 complained,] that though these two were the posterity
 
 388 AXTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 of priests, yet did they seek to change the government 
 of their nation to another form, in order to enslave 
 them. Hyrcanus complained, that although he were 
 the elder brother, he was deprived of the prerogative 
 of his birth by Aristobulus, and that he hath but a 
 small part of the country under him, Aristobulus 
 having taken away tlie i-est from him by force. He 
 also accused him, that the incursions which had been 
 made into their neighbours' countries, and the piracies 
 that had been at sea, were owing to him; and that 
 the nation would not have revolted, unless Aristobulus 
 had been a man given to violence and disorder: and 
 there were no fewer than a thousand Jews, of the 
 best esteem among them, who confirmed this accu- 
 sation: which confirmation was procured by Antipater. 
 But Aristobulus alleged against him, that it was 
 Hyrcanus' own temper, which was inactive, and on 
 that account contemptilile, which caused him to be 
 deprived of the government; and that for himself he 
 was necessitated to take it upon him, for fear lest 
 it should be transferred to others. And that as to 
 his title [of king,] it was no other than what his 
 father had taken [before him.] He also called for 
 witnesses of what he said, some persons who were 
 both young and insolent: whose purple garments, fine 
 heads of hair, and other ornaments, were detested [by 
 the court,] and which they appeared in, not as though 
 they were to plead their cause in a court of justice, 
 but as if they were marching in a pompous procession. 
 3. When Pompey had heard the causes of these 
 two, and had condemned Aristobulus for his violent 
 procedure, he then spake civilly to them, and sent 
 them away; and told them, tliat when he came again 
 into their country lie would settle all their aifairs, 
 after he had first taken a view of the affairs of the 
 Nabateans. In the mean time, he ordered them to
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 380 
 
 be quiet; and treated Aristobiilus civilly, lest he should 
 make the nation revolt, and hinder his return: which 
 yet Aristobulus did; for without expecting any further 
 determination, which Pompey had promised them, 
 he went to the city Delius, and thence marched into 
 Judea. 
 
 4. At this behaWour Pompey was angry; and 
 taking witli him that army which he was leading 
 against the Xabateans, and the auxiliaries that came 
 from Damascus, and the other parts of Syria, with 
 the other Roman legions which he had with him, he 
 made an expedition against Aristobulus: but as he 
 passed by Pella, and Scythopolis, he came to Core^e, 
 which is the first entrance into Judea when one j)asses 
 over the midland countries, where he came to a most 
 beautiful fortress that was built on the top of a 
 mountain called Aleccandmim, whither Aristobulus had 
 fled, and thence Pompey sent his commands to him, 
 that he should come to him. Accordingly, at the 
 persuasions of many, that he would not make war 
 ^^^th the Romans, he came down: and when he had 
 disputed with his brother about the right to the 
 government; he went up again to the citadel, as 
 Pompey gave him leave to do; and this he did two 
 or three times, as flattering himself with the hopes 
 of having the kingdom granted him; so that he still 
 pretended he would obey Pompey in whatsoever he 
 commanded, although at the same time he retired to 
 his fortress, that he might not depress himself too 
 low, and that he might be prepared for a war, in 
 ease it should prove as he feared, that Pompey should 
 transfer the government to Hyrcanus. But when 
 Pompej^ enjoined Aristobulus to deliver up the for- 
 tresses he held, and to send an injunction to their gov- 
 ernors under his own hand, for that purpose, for they 
 had been forbidden to deliver them up upon any other
 
 390 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 commands, he submitted indeed to do so, but still he 
 retired in displeasure to Jerusalem, and made prep- 
 aration for war. A little after this, certain persons 
 came out of Pontus, and informed Pompey, as he was 
 on the way, and conducting his army against Aristobu- 
 lus, that INIithridates was dead, and was slain by his 
 son Pharnaces. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 How Pompey, when the citizens of Jerusalem shut 
 the gates against him, besieged the city, and took 
 it by force; as also what other things he did in 
 Judea. 
 
 1. Now when Pompey had pitched his camp at 
 Jericho, (where the ^ palm-tree grows, and that bal- 
 sam which is an ointment of all the most precious, 
 which upon any incision made in the wood with a 
 sharp stone, distils out thence like a juice,) he 
 marched in the morning to Jerusalem. Hereupon 
 Aristobulus repented of what he was doing, and 
 came to Pompey, and [promised to] give him money, 
 and received him into Jerusalem, and desired that 
 he would leave off the war, and do what he pleased 
 
 * These express testimonies of Josephiis' here, and Antiq. B. YIII. 
 ch. vi. sect. 6, Vol. I. and B. XV. ch. iv. sect. :3, Vol. II. that the only 
 balsam gardens, and the best ])alm-trees, were, at least in his days, near 
 Jericho and Kngaddi, about the north part of the dead sea (wherea))out 
 also Alexander the Great saw the balsam drop,) show the mistake of 
 those that understand Kusebius and Jerom, as if one of those gardens 
 were at the south part of that sea, at Zoar or Segor, whereas they must 
 either mean another Zoar or Segor, which was between Jericho and 
 Engaddi, agreeably to Josephus, which yet they do not appear to do, 
 or else they directly contradict Josephus, and were therein greatly 
 mistaken; unless that balsam and the best palm-trees, grew much more 
 southward in Judea in the days of Kusebius and Jerom than they did 
 in the days of J()sc|)lnis.
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 391 
 
 peaceably. So Pompey, upon Iiis entreaty, forgave 
 him: and sent Gabinius, and soldiers with him, to 
 receive the money and the city: Yet was no part 
 of this performed, but Gabinius came back being 
 both excluded out of the city, and receiving none 
 of the money promised, because Aristobulus' soldiers 
 would not permit the agreements to be executed. At 
 this Pompey was very angry, and put Aristobulus 
 into prison and came himself to the city, wiiich was 
 strong on every side, excepting the north, which was 
 not so well fortified, for there was ^ a broad and 
 deep ditch that encompassed the city, and included 
 within the temple, which was itself encompassed about 
 with a very strong stone wall. 
 
 2. Xow there was a sedition of the men that 
 were within the city, who did not agree what was to 
 be done in their present circumstances, while some 
 thought it best to deliver up the city to Pompey: 
 but Aristobulus' party exhorted them to shut the 
 gates, because he was kept in prison. Xow these 
 prevented the others and seized upon the temple, 
 and cut off the bridge which reached from it to 
 the city, and prepared themselves to abide a siege; 
 but the others admitted Pompey's army in, and 
 delivered up both the city and the king's palace to 
 him. So Pompey sent his lieutenant Piso with an 
 army, and placed garrisons both in the city and in 
 the j^alace, to secure them, and fortified the houses 
 that joined to the temple: and all those which were 
 more distant, and without it. And in the first place, 
 he offered terms of accommodation to those within, 
 
 ' The particular depth and breadth of this ditch whence the stones 
 for the wall about the temple were probably taken, are omitted in our 
 copies of Josephus, but set down by Strabo, B. XVI. p. 763, from whom 
 we learn, that this ditch was 60 feet deep, and 250 feet broad. However, 
 its depth is, in the first section, said by Josephus to be immense, which 
 exactly agrees to Strabo's description, and which numbers in Strabo are 
 a strong confirmation of the truth of Josephus' description also.
 
 392 AXTIQUITIES Book xiy. 
 
 but when they would not comply with what was 
 desh'ed, he encompassed all the places thereabout 
 with a wall, wherein Hyrcanus did gladly assist him 
 on all occasions, but Pompey pitched his camp within 
 [the wall,] on the north part of the temple, where 
 it was most practicable; but even on that side there 
 were great towers, and a ditch had been dug, and 
 a deep valley begirt it round about, for on the parts 
 towards the city were precipices, and the bridge on 
 which Pompey had gotten in, was broken down; 
 however, a bank was raised day by day, with a great 
 deal of labour, while the Romans cut down ma- 
 terials for it from the places round about: And when 
 this bank was sufficiently raised and the ditch filled 
 up, though but poorly, by reason of its immense 
 depth, he brought his mechanical engines and bat- 
 tering rams from Tjtc, and placing them on the 
 bank he battered the temple with the stones that 
 were thrown against it. And had it not been our 
 practice, from the days of our forefathers, to rest on 
 the seventh dav, this bank could never have been 
 perfected, by reason of the opposition the Jews 
 would have made; for though our laws give us leave 
 then to defend ourselves against those that began 
 to fight with us, and assault us, yet it does not permit 
 us to meddle with our enemies while they do any 
 thing else. 
 
 3. Which thing when the Romans understood, 
 on those days which we call Sabbaths, they threw 
 nothing at the Jews, nor came to any j^itched battle 
 with them, but raised up their earthen banks, and 
 brought their engines into such forwardness that 
 they might do execution the following days. And 
 any one may hence learn how very great piety we 
 exercise towards God, and the observance of his 
 laws, since the priests were not at all hindered from 
 
 \
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 393 
 
 their sacred ministrations, by their fear during this 
 siege, but did still twice a-day, in the morning, and 
 about the ninth hour, offer their sacrifices, on the 
 altar; nor did they omit those sacrifices, if any melan- 
 choly accident happened, by the stones that were 
 thrown among them; for although the city was taken 
 on ^ the third month, on the day of the fast, upon 
 the hundred seventy-ninth olympiad, when Caius 
 Antonius and JVIarcus Tullius Cicero, were consuls, 
 and the enemy then fell upon them, and cut the 
 throats of those that were in the temple, yet could 
 not those that offered the sacrifice be compelled to 
 run awav, neither bv the fear thev were in of their 
 own lives, nor bv the number that were alreadv slain, 
 as thinking it better to suffer whatever came upon 
 them, at their very altars, than to omit any thing 
 that their laws required of them. And that this is 
 not a mere brag, or an encomium to manifest a de- 
 gree of our piety that was false, but is the real truth; 
 I appeal to those that have written of the acts of 
 Pompey: and among them, to Strabo and Xicolaus 
 [of Damascus;] and besides these two, Titus Livius, 
 the writer of the Roman historv, who will bear wit- 
 ness to this thing." 
 
 4. But when the battering engine was brought 
 near, the greatest of the towers was shaken by it, 
 and fell down, and brake down a part of the fortifi- 
 cations, so the enemy poured in apace, and Cornelius 
 Faustus, the son of Sylla, with his soldiers, first of 
 
 * That is on the 23d of Sivan, the annual fast for the defection and 
 idolatry of Jeroboam, \rho made Iftrael to siii : or possibly some other 
 fast might fall into that month, before and in tlie days of Josephus. 
 
 " It deserves here to be noted, that this Pharisaical superstitions no- 
 tion, that offensive fighting was imlawful to Jews, even under the ut- 
 most necessity, on the Sabbath day; of which we hear nothing before 
 the times of the Maccabees, was the proper occasion of Jerusalem's being 
 taken by Pompey, Sosius, and by Titus, as appears from the places already 
 quoted in the note on Antiq. B. XIII. ch. viii. sect. 1.
 
 394 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 all ascended the wall, and next to him Furius the 
 centurion, with those that followed on the other 
 part, while Fabius, who was also a centurion, ascended 
 it in the middle, with a great body of men after 
 him. But now all was full of slaughter; some of 
 the Jews being slain by the Romans, and some by 
 one another; nay, some there were who threw them- 
 selves down the precipices, or put fire to their houses, 
 and burnt them, as not able to bear the miseries 
 they were under. Of the Jews there fell twelve 
 thousand, but of the Romans very few. Absalom, 
 who was at once both uncle and father-in-law to Aris- 
 tobulus, was taken captive. And no small enormities 
 were committed about the temple itself, which, in 
 former ages, had been inaccessible and seen by none; 
 for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those 
 that were with him also, and saw all that Avhich 
 it was unlawful for anv other men to see but onlv 
 for the high priests. There were in that temple 
 the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the pour- 
 ing vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and be- 
 sides these there were among the treasures two 
 thousand talents of sacred money; Yet ^ did Pompey 
 touch nothing of all this, on account of his regard 
 to religion; and in this point also he acted in a 
 manner that was worthy of his virtue. The next 
 day he gave order to those that had the charge of 
 the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what offerings 
 the law required to God: and restored the high priest- 
 hood to Hyrcanus, both because he had been useful 
 to him in other respects, and because he hindered 
 the Jews in the country from giving Aristobulus 
 any assistance in his war against him. He also cut 
 
 ' This is fully ronfirmed by the testimony of Cirero, who says in 
 his oration for Flaccus, That "Cneius Pompeius, when he was conqueror, 
 and had taken Jerusalem, did not touch any thing belonging to that 
 temple." 
 
 -i
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 395 
 
 off those that had been the authors of that war; and 
 bestowed proper rewards on Faustus, and those 
 others that mounted the wall with such alacrity: and 
 he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans; and 
 took away those cities of Coelesyria which the in*- 
 habitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under 
 the government of the Roman president, and con- 
 fined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so 
 high before, within its own bounds. Moreover, he 
 ^ rebuilt Gadara, which had been demolished a little 
 before, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was 
 his freed man, and restored the rest of the cities, 
 HipjDos, and Scythopolis, and Pella and Dios, and 
 Samaria, as also JNIarissa, and Ashdod, and Jamnia, 
 and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants: these were 
 in the inland parts. Besides those that had been 
 demolished, and also of the maritime cities, Gaza, 
 and Joppa, and Dora, and Strato's Tower; which 
 last Herod rebuilt after a glorious manner, and 
 adorned with havens, and temples, and changed its 
 name to Cesarea. All these Pompey left in a state 
 of freedom, and joined them to the province of Syria. 
 5. Now the occasions of this misery which came 
 upon Jerusalem, were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, 
 by raising a sed-ition one against the other; for now 
 we lost our liberty, and became subject to the Romans, 
 and were deprived of that country which we had 
 gained by our arms from the Syrians, and were 
 compelled to restore it to the Syrians. Moreover, 
 the Romans exacted of us, in a little time, above 
 ten thousand talents. And the royal authority, which 
 was a dignity formerly bestowed on those that were 
 high priests, by the right of their family, became 
 the property of private men. But of these matters 
 
 ^ Of this destruction of Gadara here jiresupposed, and its restoration 
 bv Pompey, see the note On the War, B. I. ch. vii. sect. 7, Vol. Ill,
 
 396 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 we shall treat in their proper places. Now Pompey 
 committed Coelesyria, as far as the river Euphrates 
 and Egypt, to Scaurus, with two Roman legions, 
 and then went away to Cilicia, and made haste to 
 Rome. He also carried bound along with him 
 Aristobulus and his children; for he had two 
 daughters, and as many sons; the one of which ran 
 away, but the younger, Antigonus, was carried to 
 Rome, together with his sisters. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 How Scaurus made a league of mutual assistance 
 with Aretas. And what Gabinius did in Judea, 
 after he had conquered AlecVander the soil of Aris- 
 tohidus. 
 
 1. Scaurus made now an expedition against 
 Petrea, in Arabia, and set on fire all the places round 
 about it, because of the great difficulty of access to 
 it. And as his army was jjinched by famine, Antip- 
 ater furnished him with corn out of Judea, and 
 with whatever else he wanted, and this at the com- 
 mand of Hyrcanus. And when he was sent to 
 Aretas, as an ambassador by Scaurus, because he 
 had lived with him formerly, he persuaded Aretas 
 to give Scaurus a sum of money, to prevent the 
 burning of his country; and undertook to be his 
 surety for three hundred talents. So Scaurus, upon 
 these terms, ceased to make war any longer: which 
 was done as much at Scaurus' desire, as at the desire 
 of Aretas. 
 
 2. Some time after this, when Alexander, the son 
 of Aristobulus, made an incursion into Judea, Ga-
 
 Chap. Y. OF THE JEWS. 397 
 
 binius came from Rome to Syria, as commander 
 of the Roman forces. He did many considerable 
 actions: and particularly made war with Alexander, 
 since Hyrcanus was not yet able to oppose his power, 
 but was already attempting to build the walls of 
 Jerusalem, which Pompey had overthrown, although 
 the Romans, which were there, restrained him from 
 that his design. However, Alexander went over all 
 the country round about, and armed many of the 
 Jews, and suddenly got together ten thousand armed 
 footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen, and fortified 
 Alexandrium, a fortress near to Cor^e and INIacherus, 
 near the mountains of Arabia. Gabinius therefore 
 came upon him, having sent Marcus Antonius, with 
 other commanders before. These armed such Romans 
 as followed them; and, together with them, such 
 Jews as were suljject to them, whose leaders were 
 Pitholaus and JNIahchus, and thev took with them 
 also their friends that were with Antipater, and met 
 Alexander, while Gabinius himself followed with 
 his legion. Hereupon Alexander retired to Jeru- 
 salem, where they fell upon one another, and it came 
 to a pitched battle, in which the Romans slew of 
 their enemies about three thousand, and took a like 
 number alive. 
 
 3. At which time Gabinius came to Alexandrium, 
 and invited those that were in it to deliver it up on 
 certain conditions, and promised that then their 
 former offences should be forgiven: But as a great 
 number of the enemy had pitched their camp before 
 the fortress, whom the Romans attacked. Marcus 
 Antonius fought bravely, and slew a great number, 
 and seemed to come off with the greatest honour. 
 So Gabinius left part of his army there, in order 
 to take the place, and he himself went into other 
 parts of Judea, and gave order to rebuild all the
 
 398 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 cities that he met with that had been demohshed; at 
 which time were rebuilt Samaria, Ashdod, Scythopohs, 
 Anthedon, Raphia, and Dora; Marissa also, and 
 Gaza, and not a few others besides. And as the 
 men acted according to Gabinius' command, it came 
 to pass, that at this time these cities were securely 
 inhabited, which had been desolate for a long time. 
 4. When Gabinius had done thus in the country, 
 he returned to Alexandrium; and when he urged 
 on the siege of the place, Alexander sent an em- 
 bassage to him, desiring that he would pardon his 
 former offences; he also delivered up the fortresses, 
 Hyrcania and JNIacherus; and at last Alexandrium 
 itself, which fortresses Gabinius demolished. But 
 when Alexander's mother, who was of the side of 
 the Romans, as having her husband and other children 
 at Rome, came to him, he granted her whatsoever 
 she asked; and when he had settled matters with her 
 he brought Hyrganus to Jerusalem, and committed 
 the care of the temple to him: And when he had 
 ordained five councils, he distributed the same nation 
 into the same number of parts: So these councils 
 governed the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the 
 second at Gadara, the third at Amathus, the fourth 
 at Jericho, and the fifth in Sepphoris in Galilee. 
 So the Jews were now freed from monarchic au- 
 thority, and were governed by an ^ aristocracy. 
 
 ^ Prideaux well observes, "That notwithstanding the clamour against 
 Gabinius at Rome, Josephus gives him a laudable character, as if he 
 had acquitted himself with honour in the charge committed to him," 
 [in Judea.] See at the year 55.
 
 Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 399 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 How Gabinius caught Aristohulus after he had fled 
 fro7n Rome, and sent him back to Rome again; and 
 how the same Gabinius, as he returned out of Egijpt, 
 overcame Aleocander and the Nabateans in battle. 
 
 1. Now Aristobiiliis ran away from Rome to 
 Judea, and set about the rebuilding of Alexandrium, 
 which had been newly demolished : Hereupon Gabinius 
 sent soldiers against him, and for their commanders 
 Sisenna, and Antonius, and Servilius, in order to 
 hinder him from getting possession of the country, 
 and to take him again. And indeed many of the 
 Jews ran to Aristohulus, on account of his former 
 glory, as also because they should be glad of an 
 innovation. Now, there was one Pitholaus, a lieu- 
 tenant at Jerusalem, who deserted to him with a 
 thousand men, although a great number of those 
 that came to him were unarmed; and when Aris- 
 tohulus had resolved to go to Macherus, he dismissed 
 those people, because they were unarmed, for they 
 could not be useful to him in what actions they were 
 going about, but he took with him eight thousand 
 that were armed, and marched on: and as the Romans 
 fell upon them severely, the Jews fought valiantly, 
 but were beaten in the battle and when they had 
 fought with alacrity, but were overborne by the 
 enemy, they were put to flight; of whom were slain 
 about Ave thousand, and the rest being dispersed, 
 tried as v/ell as they were able, to save themselves. 
 However, Aristohulus had with him still above a 
 thousand, and with them he fled to Macherus and 
 fortified the place, and though he had had ill success,
 
 400 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 he still had good hope of his affairs: but when he 
 had struggled against the siege for two days' time, 
 and had received many wounds, he was brought as 
 a captive to Gabinius, with his son Antigonus, who 
 also fled with him from Rome. And this was the 
 fortune of Aristobulus, who was sent back again 
 to Rome, and was there retained in bonds, having 
 been both king and high priest for three years and 
 six months; and was indeed an eminent person and 
 one of a great soul. However, the senate let his 
 children go, upon Gabinius' writing to them, that 
 he had promised their mother so much when she de- 
 livered up the fortresses to him; and accordingly 
 they then returned into Judea. 
 
 2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedi- 
 tion against the Parthians, and had already passed 
 over Euphrates, he changed his mind and resolved 
 to return into Egypt, in order to ^ restore Ptolemy 
 to his kingdom. This hath also been related else- 
 where. However, Antipater supplied his army, which 
 he sent against Archelaus, with corn and weapons, 
 and money. He also made those Jews who were 
 above Pelusium, his friends and confederates, and 
 had been the guardians of the passes that led into 
 Egypt. But when he came back out of Egypt, he 
 found Syria in disorder, with seditions and troubles; 
 for Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, having seized 
 on the government a second time by force, made 
 many of the Jews revolt to him, and so he marched 
 over the country with a great army, and slew all 
 the Romans he could light upon, and proceeded to 
 besiege the mountain called Gerizzim, whither they 
 had retreated. 
 
 • This history is licst illustrated by Dr. Hudson out of Livy, who 
 says, "That A. Gabinius tho proconsul, restored Ptolemy to his kingdom 
 of Egypt, and ejected Archelaus, whom they had set up for king," etc. 
 See Prid. at- the years (i i and 65.
 
 Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 401 
 
 3. But when Gabinius found Syria in such a 
 state, he sent Antipater who was a prudent man, to 
 those that were seditious, to try whether he could 
 cure them of their madness, and persuade them to 
 return to a better mind, and when he came to them, 
 he brought many of them to a sound mind, and 
 induced them to do what they ought to do, but he 
 could not restrain Alexander, for he had an army 
 of thirty thousand Jews, and met Gabinius, and 
 joining battle with him, was beaten, and lost ten 
 thousand of his men about mount Tabor. 
 
 4. So Gabinius settled the affairs which belonged 
 to the city Jerusalem, as was agreeable to Antipater's 
 inclination, and went against the Nabateans, and 
 overcame them in battle. He also sent away in a 
 friendly manner JNIithridates and Orsanes, who were 
 Parthian deserters, and came to him, though the 
 report went abroad that they had run away from 
 him. And when Gabinius had performed great 
 and glorious actions, in his management of the affairs 
 of war, he returned to Rome, and delivered the gov- 
 ernment to Crassus. Now, Xicolaus of Damascus, 
 and Strabo of Cappadocia, both describe the ex- 
 peditions of Pompey and Gabinius against the Jews, 
 while neither of them say any thing new which is 
 not in the other.
 
 402 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 How Crassus came into Judea, and pillaged the 
 temple; and then marched against the Parthians, 
 and perished, with his army. Also how Cassius 
 obtained Syria; and put a stop to the Parthians, 
 and then went up to Judea. 
 
 1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his ex- 
 pedition against the Parthians, came into Judea, 
 and carried off the money that was in the temple, 
 which Pompey had left: being two thousand talents, 
 and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging 
 to it, which was eight thousand talents. He also 
 took a beam, which was made of solid beaten gold, 
 of the weight of. three hundred minas; each of which 
 weighed two pounds and an half. It was the priest 
 who was guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose 
 name was Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not 
 out of a wicked design, for he was a good and a 
 righteous man, but being intrusted with the custody 
 of the veils belonging to the temple, which were of 
 admirable beauty, and of very costly workmanship, 
 and hung down from this beam, when he saw that 
 Crassus was busy in gathering money, and was in fear 
 for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him 
 this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole, but 
 this not till he had given his oath that he would 
 remove nothing else out of the temple, but be satis- 
 fied with this only, which he should give him, being 
 worth many ten thousand [shekels.] Now, this beam 
 was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow; 
 but was known to no others, but Eleazar alone knew 
 it; yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 403 
 
 condition of touching nothing else that belonged to 
 the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried away 
 all the gold that was in the temple. 
 
 2. And let no one wonder that there was so much 
 wealth in our temple, since all the Jews throughout 
 the habitable earth, and those that worshipped God, 
 nay, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their con- 
 tributions to it, and this from very ancient times. 
 Nor is the largeness of these sums without its attesta- 
 tion; nor is that greatness owing to our vanity, as 
 raising it without ground to so great a height: But 
 there are many witnesses to it, and particularly Strabo 
 of Cappadocia, who says thus: "^Nlithridates sent to 
 Cos, and took the money which queen Cleopatra had 
 deposited there, as also eight hundred talents belong- 
 ing to the Jews." Now, we have no public money 
 but only what appertains to God; and it is evident 
 that the Asian Jews removed this money out of 
 fear of JNIithridates, for it is not probable that those 
 of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should 
 send their money to Cos, nor is it likelv that the 
 Jews, who are inhabitants of Alexandria, should do 
 so neither, since thev were in no fear of Mithridates. 
 And Strabo himself bears witness to the same thing 
 in another place, that at the same time that Sylla 
 passed over into Greece, in order to fight against 
 Mithridates, he sent Lucullus to put an end to a 
 sedition that our nation, of whom the habitable earth 
 is full, had raised in Cyrene; where he speaks thus: 
 "There were four classes of men among those of 
 Cyrene, that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the 
 third of strangers, and the fourth of Jews. Now 
 these Jews are already gotten into all cities, and it 
 is hard to find a place in the habitable eartli that 
 hath not admitted this tribe of men, and is not 
 possessed by it: And it hatli come to pass that Egypt
 
 404 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 and Cyrene, as having the same governors, and a 
 great number of other nations, imitate their way 
 of hving, and maintain great bodies of these Jews 
 in a pecidiar manner, and grow up to greater pros- 
 perity with them, and make use of the same laws 
 with that nation also. Accordingly the Jews have 
 places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they in- 
 habit, besides what is peculiarly allotted to this nation 
 at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city. 
 There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs 
 the nation; and distributes justice to them, and 
 takes care of their contracts, and of the laws to them 
 belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic. 
 In Egypt, therefore, this nation is powerful, because 
 the Jews were originally Egyptians, and because the 
 land wherein they inhabit, since they went thence, 
 is near to Egypt. They also removed into Cyrene, 
 because that this land adjoined to the government 
 of Egypt, as well as does Judea, or rather was 
 formerly under the same government." And this 
 is what Strabo says. 
 
 3. So when Crassus had settled all things as he 
 himself pleased, he marched into Parthia, where both 
 he himself and all his army perished, as hath been 
 related elsewhere. But Cassius as he fled from Rome 
 to Syria, took possession of it, and was an impedi- 
 ment to the Parthians, who by reason of their victory 
 over Crassus, made incursions upon it: And as lie 
 came back to Tyre, he went up into Judea also, and 
 fell upon Tarich^e, and presently took it, and carried 
 about thirty thousand Jews captives; and slew Pitho- 
 laus, who succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious 
 practices, and that by the persuasion of Antipater, 
 who proved to have great interest in him, and was 
 at that time in great repute with the Idumeans also: 
 Out of which nation he married a wife, who was
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 405 
 
 the daughter of one of their 'eminent men, and her 
 name was ^ Cypros, by whom he had four sons, 
 Phasael, and Herod, who was afterwards made king, 
 and Joseph, and Pheroras; and a daughter named 
 Salome. This Antipater cultivated also a friendship 
 and mutual kindness with other potentates but es- 
 pecially with the king of Arabia, to whom he com- 
 mitted his children, while he fought against Aris- 
 tobulus. So Cassius removed his camp, and marched 
 to Euphrates, to meet those that were coming to 
 attack him, as hath been related by others. 
 
 4. But some time afterward, Ca?sar, when he had 
 taken Rome, and after Pompey and the senate were 
 fled beyond the Ionian sea, freed Aristobulus from 
 his bonds, and resolved to send him into Syria, and 
 delivered two legions to him, that he might see 
 matters right, as being a potent man in that country: 
 But Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what he hoped 
 for from the power that was given him by Caesar, 
 for those of Pompey's party prevented it, and de- 
 stroyed him by poison, and those of Caesar's party 
 buried him. His dead body also lay, for a good 
 while, embalmed in honey, till Antony afterward 
 sent it to Judea, and caused him to be buried in 
 the royal sepulchre. But Scipio, upon Pompey's 
 sending to him to slay Alexander, the son of Aris- 
 tobulus, because the young man was accused of 
 what offences he had been guilty of at first against 
 the Romans, cut off his head; and thus did he die 
 at Antioch. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who 
 was the ruler of Chalcis, under mount Libanus, took 
 his brethren to him, and sent his son Philippion to 
 Askelon to Aristobulus' wife, and desired her to 
 
 ^ Dr. Hudson observes, that the name of this wife of Antipater's in 
 Josephus was Cypras, as an Hebrew termination, Ijut not Cypris, the 
 Greek name for Venus, as some critics were ready to correct it.
 
 406 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 send back witli him her son Antigonus, and her 
 daughters: The one of which, whose name was Alex- 
 andra, Philippion fell in love with and married her, 
 though afterward his father Ptolemy slew him, and 
 married Alexandra, and continued to take care of 
 her brethren. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The Jews become confederates with Cccsar when he 
 fought against Egypt. The glorious actions of 
 Antipater, and his friendship with Ccesar, The 
 honours which the Jews received from the Romans 
 and Athenians. 
 
 1. Xow after Pompey was dead, and after that 
 victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who 
 managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to 
 Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that 
 by the order of Hyrcanus: For when Mithridates 
 of Pergamus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was 
 not able to continue his march through Pelusium, 
 l)ut obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to 
 him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed 
 men: He had also taken care the principal men of 
 the Arabians should come to his assistance; and on 
 his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him 
 also, as not willing to appear ])ehindliand in their 
 alacrity for Caesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and 
 T'tolemv his son, and Tholomv the son of Sohemus. 
 who dwelt at mount Lilianus, and almost all the 
 cities. So ]\Iithridates marched out of Syria, and 
 came to Pelusium; and when its inhabitants would 
 not admit liini. he besieged the city. Xow Antip-
 
 Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 407 
 
 ater signalized himself here, and was the first who 
 plucked down a part of the wall, and so opened a 
 way to the rest, whereby they might enter the city, 
 and by this means Pelusium was taken: ])ut it hap- 
 pened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the 
 country called Onion, would not let Antipater and 
 JNIithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Ca?sar, but 
 Antipater persuaded them to come over to their 
 party, because he was of the same j)eoj)le with them, 
 and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of 
 Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them 
 to cultivate friendship with Ciusar, and to supply 
 his army with money, and all sorts of provisions 
 which they wanted: and accordingly, when they saw 
 Antipater and the high priest of the same senti- 
 ments, they did as they were desired. And when 
 the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews 
 were come over to Cctsar, they also invited Mith- 
 ridates to come to them; so he came and received 
 them also into his army. 
 
 2. And when Mithridates had gone over all 
 Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched 
 battle with the enemy, near the place called the 
 Jewish camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, 
 and Antipater the left; and when it came to a fight 
 that wing w^here Mithridates was gave way, and 
 was likely to suffer extremely, unless Antipater had 
 come running to him with his own soldiers along 
 the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy 
 that opposed him: so he delivered Mithridates, and 
 put those Egyptians, who had been too hard for 
 him, to flight. He also took their camp, and con- 
 tinued in the pursuit of them. He also recalled 
 Mithridates, who had been worsted, and- was retired 
 a great way ofl'; of whose soldiers eight hundred 
 fell, but of Antipater's fifty. So Mithridates sei^t
 
 408 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 an account of this battle to Caesar, and openly de- 
 clared, that Antipater was the author of his victory, 
 and of his own preservation, insomuch that Caesar 
 commended Antipater then, and made use of him 
 all the rest of that war in the most hazardous under- 
 takings; he hajjpened also to be wounded in one 
 of those engagements. 
 
 3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had 
 finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he 
 honoured Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus 
 in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater 
 the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom 
 from taxes every where: and it is reported by many, 
 that Hyrcanus went along with Antipater in this 
 expedition, and came himself into Egypt. And 
 Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this, when he 
 says thus, in the name of Asinius: "After Mithridates 
 had invaded Egypt, and with him Hyrcanus the high 
 priest of the Jews." Nay, the same Strabo says 
 thus again, in another place, in the name of Hyp- 
 sicrates, that "Mithridates at first went out alone, 
 but that Antipater, who liad the care of the Jewish 
 affairs, was called by him to Askelon, and that he 
 had gotten ready three thousand soldiers to go along 
 with him, and encouraged other governors of the 
 country to go along with him also; and that Hyrcanus 
 the high priest was also present in this expedition." 
 This is what Strabo says. 
 
 4. But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came 
 at this time to Caesar, and "lamented his father's 
 fate: and complained that it was by Antipater's 
 means that Aristobulus was taken off by poison, 
 and his brother was beheaded by Scipio, and desired 
 that he would take ])ity of him who had been ejected 
 out of that principality which was due to him." He 
 also accused Hyrcanus and Antipater as governing
 
 Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 409 
 
 the nation by violence, and offering injuries to him. 
 Antipater was present, and made his defence as to 
 the accusations that were laid against him. He 
 demonstrated, that "Antigonus and his party were 
 given to innovation, and were seditious persons. He 
 also put Cfesar in mind what difficult services he had 
 undergone, when he assisted him in his wars, and 
 discoursed about what he was a witness of himself. 
 He added, that Aristobulus was justly carried away 
 to Rome, as one that was an enemy to the Romans, 
 and could never be brought to be a friend to them, 
 and that his brother had no more than he deserved 
 from Scipio, as being seized in committing robberies; 
 and that this punishment was not inflicted on him 
 in a way of violence or injustice by him that did it." 
 5. When Antipater had made this speech, C^sar 
 appointed Hyrcanus to be high priest; and gave 
 Antipater what principality he himself should choose, 
 leaving the determination to himself: So he made 
 him procurator of Judea. He also gave Hyrcanus 
 leave to raise up the walls of his own city, upon his 
 asking that favour of him, for they had been demol- 
 ished by Pompey. And this grant he sent to the 
 consuls to Rome, to be engraven in the capitol. The 
 ^ decree of the senate was this that follows: "Lucius 
 Valerius, the son of Lucius the pretor, referred this 
 to the senate, upon the ides of December, in the 
 
 * Take Dr. Hudson's note upon this place, which T suppose to be 
 the truth: "Here is some mistake in Josephus: for when he had promised 
 us a decree for the restoration of Jerusalem, he brings in a decree of 
 far greater antiquity, and that a league of friendship and union only. 
 One may easily believe that Josephus gave order for one thing, and 
 his amanuensis performed another, by transposing decrees that con- 
 cerned the Hyrcani, and as deluded by the sameness of their names, 
 for that belongs to the first high priest of this name, (John Hyrcanus,) 
 which Josephus here ascribes to one that lived later, (Hyrcanus the 
 son of Alexander Janneus.) However, the decree which he proposes 
 to set down follows a little lower, in the collection of Roman decrees, 
 that concerned the Jews, and is that dated when Caesar was consul the 
 fifth time." See ch. x. sect. 5.
 
 no ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 temple of Concord. There were present at the writ- 
 ing of this decree Lucius Coponius, the son of Lu- 
 cius of the Colline tribe, and Pepirius of the Quirine 
 tribe, concerning the affairs v/hich Alexander the 
 son of Jason, and Xumenius the son of Antiochus, 
 and Alexander the son of Dositheus, ambassadors of 
 the Jews, good and worthj^ men, proposed, who came 
 to renew that league of good-will and friendship) 
 with the Romans which was in being before. They 
 also brought a shield of gold, as a mark of con- 
 federacy, valued at fifty thousand pieces of gold; 
 and desired that letters might be given them, directed 
 ])oth to the free cities and to the kings, that their 
 country and their havens might be at peace, and 
 that no one among them might receive any injury. 
 It therefore pleased [the senate] to make a league 
 of friendship and good-will with them, and to bestow 
 on them whatsoever they stood in need of, and to 
 accept of the shield which was brought by them. 
 This was done in the ninth year of Hvrcanus the 
 high priest and ethnarch, in the month Panemus." 
 Hyrcanus also received honours from the people 
 of Athens, as having been useful to them on many 
 occasions. And when thev wrote to him thev sent 
 him this decree, as it here follows: "Under the Pru- 
 taneia and priesthood of Dionysius, the son of Escu- 
 lapius, on the fifth day of the latter part of the 
 month Panemus, this decree of the Athenians was 
 given to their commanders, when Agathocles was 
 archon, and Eucles, the son of IVIenander of Alimusia, 
 was the scribe. In the month jNIunvchion, on the 
 eleventh day of the Prutaneia, a council of the 
 presidents was held in the theatre. Dorotheus the 
 high priest, and the fellow presidents with him, put 
 it to the vote of the people. Dionysius, the son of 
 Dionysius, gave the sentence; Since Hyrcanus, the
 
 Chap. Tin. OF THE JEWS. 411 
 
 son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of 
 the Jews, continues to bear good- will to our people 
 in general, and to every one of our citizens in par- 
 ticular, and treats them with all sorts of kindness; 
 and when any of the Athenians come to him, either 
 as . ambassadors, or on any occasion of their own, 
 he receives them in an ^obliging manner, and sees 
 that thev are conducted back in safety, of which we 
 have had several former testimonies, it is now also 
 decreed, at the report of Theodosius, the son of 
 Theodorus, and upon his putting the peoj)le in mind 
 of the virtue of this man, and that his purpose is 
 to do us all the good that is in his power, to honour 
 him with a crown of gold, the usual reward accord- 
 ing to the law, and to erect his statue in brass in 
 the temple of Demus, and of the graces; and that 
 this present of a crown shall be jDroclaimed publicly 
 in the theatre, in the Dionysian shows, while the new 
 tragedies are acting; and in the Panathenean, and 
 Eleusinian, and Gymnical shows also; and that the 
 commanders shall take care, while he continues in 
 his friendship, and preserves his good-will to us, to 
 return all possible honour and favour to the man 
 for his affection and generosity; that by this treat- 
 ment it may appear how our people receive the good 
 kindly; and repay them a suitable reward; and he 
 may be induced to proceed in his affection towards 
 us, by the honours we have already paid him. That 
 ambassadors be also chosen out of all the Athenians, 
 who shall carry this decree to him, and desire him 
 to accept of the honours we do him, and to endeavour 
 always to be doing some good to our city." And 
 this shall suffice us to have spoken as to the honours 
 that were paid by the Romans and the people of 
 Athens to Hyrcanus.
 
 412 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 HoxD Antipater committed the care of Galilee to 
 Herodj, and that of Jerusalem to Phasaelus; as also, 
 how Herod, upon the Jews' envy at A^itipater, 
 was accused before Hyrcanus. 
 
 1. NoAV when Caesar had settled the affairs of 
 Syria, he sailed away; And as soon as Antipater 
 had conducted Caesar out of Syria, he returned to 
 Judea. He then immediately raised up the wall 
 which had been thrown down by Pompey and, by 
 coming thither, he pacified that tumult which had 
 been in the country; and this by both threatening 
 and advising them to be (j[uiet: For that "If they 
 would be of Hyrcanus' side, they would live happily, 
 and lead their lives without disturbance, in the en- 
 joyment of their own possessions; but if they were 
 addicted to the hopes of what might come by inno- 
 vation, and aimed to get wealth thereby, they should 
 have him a severe master, instead of a gentle gov- 
 ernor, and Hyrcanus a tyrant, instead of a king, 
 and the Romans, together with Caesar, their bit- 
 ter enemies, instead of rulers, for that they would 
 never bear him to be set aside whom they had ap- 
 pointed to govern." And when Antipater had said 
 this to them, he himself settled the affairs of this 
 country. 
 
 2. And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a slow and 
 slothfid temper, he made Phasaelus, his eldest son, 
 governor of Jerusalem, and of the places that were 
 about it, but committed Galilee to Herod, his next 
 son, who was then a very young man, for he was
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 413 
 
 but ^ fifteen years of age: But that youth of his 
 was no impediment to him; but as he was a youth 
 of great mind, he presently met with an opportunity 
 of signahzing his courage; for finding that there 
 was one Hezekias, a captain of a band of robbers, 
 who overran the neighbouring parts of Syria, with a 
 great troop of them, he seized him, and slew him, 
 as well as a great number of the other robbers that 
 were with him; for which action he was greatly 
 beloved by the Syrians; for when they were very 
 desirous to have their country freed from this nest 
 of robbers, he purged it of them: So thej^ sung 
 songs in his commendation, in their villages and 
 cities, as having procured them peace, and the secure 
 enjoyment of their possessions, and on this account 
 it was that he became known to Sextus Caesar, who 
 was a relation of the great Caesar's, and was now 
 president of Syria. Now Phasaelus, Herod's brother, 
 was moved with emulation at his actions, and envied 
 the fame he had thereby gotten, and became am- 
 bitious not to be behindhand with him in deserving 
 it: So he made the inhabitants of Jerusalem bear 
 him the greatest good-will, while he held the city 
 himself, but did neither manage its affairs im- 
 properly, nor abuse his authority therein. This con- 
 duct procured from the nation to Antipater such 
 resj^ect as is due to kings, and such honours as he 
 might partake of if he were an absolute lord of 
 the country. Yet did not this splendour of his, 
 as frequently happens, in the least diminish in him 
 
 ^ Those who will carefully observe the several occasional numbers and 
 chronological characters in the life and death of this Herod, and of his 
 children, hereafter noted, will see, that tv-enty-five years, and not fifteen, 
 must for certain have been here Jose])hus' own number for the age of 
 Herod, when he was made governor of Galilee. See ch. xxiii. sect. 5, 
 and ch. xxiv. sect. 7, and particularly Antiq. B. XVII. ch. viii. sect. 1. 
 Vol. III. where about 44 years afterwards Herod dies an old man at 
 about 70.
 
 4U ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 that kindness and fidelity whicli he owed to Hyrcanus. 
 3. But now the j^rincipal men among the Jews, 
 when they saw Antipater and his sons to grow so 
 much in the good-will the nation bare to them, and 
 in the revenues which they received out of Judea, 
 and out of Hyrcanus' own wealth, they became ill 
 disposed to him: for indeed Antipater had contracted 
 a friendship with the Roman emperors: and when 
 he had prevailed with Hyrcanus to send them money, 
 he took it to himself, and purloined the present in- 
 tended, and sent it as if it were his own, and not 
 Hyrcanus' gift to them. Hyrcanus heard of this 
 his management, but took no care about it: nay, 
 he rather was very glad of it: But the chief men 
 of the Jews were therefore in fear, because they saw 
 that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very 
 desirous of acting tyrannically; so they came to 
 Hyrcanus, and now accused Antipater openly, and 
 said to him, "How long wilt thou be quiet under 
 such actions as are now done? Or doest thou not 
 see that Antipater and his sons have already seized 
 upon the government? And that it is only the name 
 of a king which is given thee? But do not thou 
 suffer these things to be hidden from thee; nor do 
 thou think to escape danger, by being so careless 
 of thyself and of thy kingdom, for Antipater and 
 his sons are not now stewards of thine affairs: do 
 not thou deceive thyself with such a notion, they 
 are evidently absolute lords, for Herod, Antipater's 
 son, hath slain Hezekiah and those that were with 
 him, and hath thereby transgressed our law, which 
 hath forbidden to slaj'^ any man, even though he 
 were a wicked man, imless he had been first ^ con- 
 
 * It is here worth our wliile to remark, that none could be put to 
 death in Judea, but by the approl)ati«n of the Jewish sanhedrim, there 
 beinf^ an excellent provision in the law of Moses, that even in criminal
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 415 
 
 demned to suffer death by the sanhedrim; yet liath 
 he been so insolent as to do this, and that without 
 any authority from thee." 
 
 4. Upon Hyrcanus' hearing this, he comphed 
 with them. The mothers also of those that had 
 been slain by Herod raised this indignation; for 
 those women continued every day in the temple, 
 persuading the king and the people, that Herod 
 might undergo a trial before the sanhedrim for what 
 he had done. H;^Tcanus was so moved by these 
 complaints, that he summoned Herod to come to 
 his trial, for what was charged upon him. Accord- 
 ingly he came: but his father had persuaded him 
 to come not like a private man, but with a guard, 
 for the security of his person; and that when he 
 had settled the affairs of Galilee in the best manner 
 he could for his own advantage, he should come to 
 his trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for 
 his security on his journey, yet so that he should 
 not come Avith so great a force as might look like 
 terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might 
 not expose him naked and imguarded [to his en- 
 emies.] However, Sextus Caesar, president of Syria, 
 wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear Herod, 
 and dismiss him at his trial, and threatened him 
 beforehand, if he did not do it. Which epistle of 
 his was the occasion of Hp-canus' delivering Herod 
 from suffering any harm from the sanhedrim, fol' 
 he loved him as his own son. But when Herod stood 
 before the sanhedrim with his body of men about 
 him, he affrighted them all, and no one of his former 
 accusers durst after that bring any charge against 
 him, but there was a deep silence, and nobody knew 
 
 causes, and particularly where life was concerned, an appeal should 
 lie from the lesser councils of seven in the other cities, to the supreme 
 council of seventv-one at Jerusalem.
 
 416 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 what was to be done. When affairs stood thus, one 
 whose name was ^ Semeas, a righteous man he was, 
 and for that reason above all fear, who rose up, and 
 said, "O you that are assessors with me, and O thou 
 that art our king, I neither have ever myself known 
 such a case, nor do I suppose that any of you can 
 name its parallel, that one who is called to take his 
 trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us; 
 but every one whosoever he be, that comes to be 
 tried by this sanhedrim, presents himself in a sub- 
 missive manner, and like one that is in fear of him- 
 self, and that endeavours to move us to compassion, 
 with his hair dishevelled, and in a black mourning 
 garment: but this admirable man Herod, who is 
 accused of murder, and called to answer so heavy an 
 accusation, stands here clothed in purple, and with 
 the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his 
 armed men about him, that if we shall condemn him 
 by our law, he may slay us, and by overbearing 
 justice, may himself escape death. Yet do not I 
 make this complaint against Herod himself: he is 
 to be sure more concerned for himself than for the 
 laws; but my complaint is against yourselves, and 
 your king, who gave him a license so to do. How- 
 ever, take you notice, that God is great, and that 
 this very man, whom you are going to absolve and 
 dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one day 
 punish both you and your king himself also." Nor 
 did Semeas mistake in any part of this prediction; 
 for when Herod had received the kingdom, he slew 
 all the members of this sanliedrim, and Hyrcanus 
 himself also, excepting Semeas, for he had a great 
 honour for him on account of his righteousness, and 
 because, when the city was afterwards besieged by 
 
 * This account, as Reland observes, is confirmed by the Talmudists, 
 who call this Semeas, Simeon the son of Shetach.
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 417 
 
 Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people to admit 
 Herod into it; and told them, "That for their sins 
 they would not be able to escape his hands." Which 
 things will be related by us in their proper places. 
 
 5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the members of 
 the sanhedrim were ready to pronounce the sentence 
 of death upon Herod, he put off the trial to another 
 day, and sent privately to Herod, and advised him 
 to fly out of the city, for that by this means he might 
 escape. So he retired to Damascus, as though he 
 fled from the king: and when he had been with 
 Sextus Caesar, and had put his own affairs in a 
 sure posture, he resolved to do thus, that in case 
 he were again summoned before the sanhedrim to 
 take his trial, he would not obey tliat summons. 
 Hereupon the members of the sanhedrim had great 
 indignation at this posture of affairs, and endeavoured 
 to persuade Hyrcanus that all these things were 
 against him. Which sta.te of matters he was not 
 ignorant of, but his temper was so unmanly, and 
 so foolish, that he was able to do nothing at all. 
 But when Sextus had made Herod general of the 
 army of Coelesp-ia, for he sold him that post for 
 money, Hyrcanus was in fear lest Herod should 
 make war upon him: nor was the effect of what he 
 feared long in coming upon him, for Herod came 
 and brouglit an army along with him, to fight with 
 Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he had been 
 summoned to undergo before the sanhedrim, but his 
 father Antipater, and his brother [Phasaelus,] met 
 him and hindered him from assaulting Jerusalem. 
 They also pacified his vehement temper, and per- 
 suaded him to do no overt action, but only to affright 
 them with threatenings, and to proceed no farther 
 against one who had given him the dignity he had: 
 they also desired him not only to be angry that he
 
 4,18 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 was siinimoned, and obliged to come to his trial, but 
 to remember withal, how he was dismissed without 
 condemnation, and how he ought to give Hyrcanus 
 thanks for the same, and that he was not to regard 
 only what was disagreeable to him, and be unthank- 
 ful for his deliverance. So they desired him to con- 
 sider, that since it is God that turns the scales of 
 war, there is great uncertainty in the issues of battles, 
 and that therefore he ought not to exjiect the victory, 
 when he should fight with his king, and him that 
 had supported him, and bestowed many benefits upon 
 him, and had done nothing itself very severe to him; 
 for that his accusation, which was derived from evil 
 counsellors, and not from himself, had rather the 
 suspicion of some severity, than any thing really 
 severe in it. Herod was persuaded by these argu- 
 ments, and believed that it was sufficient for his fu- 
 ture hopes to have made a show of his strength before 
 the nation; and done no more to it: And in this 
 state were the affairs of Judea at this time. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The honours that were paid the Jews; and the leagues 
 that were made by the Romans,, and other nations^, 
 with them. 
 
 1. Now when Csesar was come to Rome, he was 
 ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and 
 Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and 
 by them desired that he would ratify that league of 
 friendship and mutual alliance which was between 
 them. And it seems to me to be necessary here to 
 give an account of all the honours that the Romans
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 419 
 
 and their emperors paid to our nation, and of the 
 leagues of mutual assistance they have made with 
 it, that all the rest of mankind may know what 
 regard the kings of Asia and Europe have had to 
 us, and that they have been abundantly satisfied of 
 our courage and fidelity; for, whereas many will 
 not believe what hath been written about us by the 
 Persians and JVIacedonians, because those wi-itings 
 are not every where to be met with, nor do lie in 
 public places, but among us ourselves, and certain 
 other barbarous nations, while there is no contra- 
 diction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, 
 for they are laid up in the public places of the 
 cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven 
 upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius C^sar 
 made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, 
 and declared publicly that they were citizens of 
 Alexandria. Out of these evidences will I demon- 
 strate what I say; and will now set down the decrees 
 made both by the senate, and by Julius Caesar, which 
 relate to Hyrcanus, and to our nation. 
 
 2. "Caius Juhus Cfesar, imperator and high priest, 
 and dictator the second time, to the magistrates, 
 senate, and people of Sidon, sendeth greeting: if 
 you be in health, it is well. I also and the army 
 are well. I have sent you a copy of that decree, 
 registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, 
 the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch 
 of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public 
 records; and I will that it be openly proposed in 
 a table of brass, both in Greek, and in Latin: It 
 is as follows: I Julius Ctesar, imperator the second 
 time, and high priest, have made this decree, with 
 the approbation of the senate: Whereas Hyrcanus, 
 the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated 
 his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this
 
 420 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 both now and in former times, both in peace and 
 in war, as many of our generals have borne witness, 
 and came to our assistance in the last ^ Alexandrian 
 war with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was 
 sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior 
 in valour to all the rest of that army: for these 
 reasons I will, that Hyrcanus the son of Alexander, 
 and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have 
 the high jjriesthood of the Jews for ever, according 
 to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and 
 his sons be our confederates, and that besides this, 
 every one of them be reckoned among our particular 
 friends. I also ordain, that he and his children 
 retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of 
 high priest, or whatsoever favours have been hitherto 
 granted them. And if at any time hereafter there 
 arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will 
 that he determine the same. And I think it not 
 proper that they should be obliged to find us winter 
 quarters, or that any money should be required of 
 them." 
 
 3. "The decrees of Caius C«sar, consul, contain- 
 ing what hath been granted and determined, are as 
 follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule 
 over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits 
 of the places to them bequeathed: and that he, as 
 himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, 
 defend those that are injured. And that ambas- 
 sadors be sent to Hyrcanus the son of Alexander, 
 the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with 
 him about a league of friendship and mutual assist- 
 ance, and tliat a table of brass, containing the 
 
 ^ That Hyrcanus was himself in Egypt, along with Antipater, at 
 tliis time, to whom accordingly the bold and prudent actions of his 
 deputy Antipater are here ascribed, as tiiis decree of Julius Caesar sup- 
 poses, we are farther assured by the testimony of Strabo, already pro- 
 duced by Josephus, ch. viii. sect. 2.
 
 Chap. x. OF THE JEWS. 421 
 
 premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at 
 Sidon and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, 
 engraven in Roman and Greek letters: that this 
 decree may also be communicated to the questors 
 and pretors of the several cities, and to the friends 
 of the Jews: and that the ambassadors may have 
 presents made them, that these decrees be sent every 
 where." 
 
 4. "Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath 
 granted. That out of regard to the honour and virtue, 
 and kindness of the man; and for the advantage 
 of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, 
 the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be 
 high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the 
 Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to 
 the same laws, by which their progenitors have held 
 the priesthood." 
 
 5. "Caius Caesar, consul the fifth time, hath de- 
 creed, That the Jews shall possess Jerusalem, and 
 may encompass that city with walls; and that Hyr- 
 canus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and 
 ethnarch of the Jews, retain in the manner he him- 
 self pleases; and that the Jews be allowed to deduct 
 out of their tribute every second year the land in 
 let [in the Sabbatic period] a corous of that tribute, 
 and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, 
 nor that they pay always the same tribute." 
 
 6. "Caius Ca?sar, imperator the second time, hath 
 ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting 
 Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jeru- 
 salem, excepting the seventh; which they call the 
 Sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive 
 the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; 
 and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the 
 second year [of that Sabbatical period,] the fourth 
 part of what was sown: and besides this, they are
 
 422 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 to pay the same tithes to HjTcanus and his sons, 
 which they paid to their forefathers. And that no 
 one, neither president, nor heutenant, nor ambas- 
 sador, raise auxiharies within the bomids of Judea, 
 nor my soldiers exact money of them for winter 
 quarters, or under any other pretence, but that they 
 be free from all sorts of injuries: and that w^hatso- 
 ever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession 
 of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It 
 is also our pleasure, that the city Joppa, which the 
 Jews had originally, when they made a league of 
 friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, 
 as it formerly did, and that HjTcanus, the son of 
 Alexander, and his sons have as tribute of that 
 city from those that occupy the land for the country, 
 and for what they exj^ort every year to Sidon, twenty 
 thousand, six hundred, and seventy-five modii every 
 year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic 
 year, excejDted, whereon they neither j^ lough nor 
 receive the product of their trees. It is also the 
 pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which 
 are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his fore- 
 fathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews 
 have them with the same privileges with which they 
 formerly had them also, and that the same original 
 ordinances remain still in force, which concern the 
 Jews, with regard to their high priests; and that 
 they enjoy the same benefits M'hich they have had 
 formerly by the concession of the peo2:)le, and of 
 the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in 
 Lydda. It is the pleasure also of the senate, that 
 Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those 
 places, countries and villages, which belonged to the 
 kings of S}Tia and Phenicia, the confederates of 
 the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them 
 as their free gifts. It is also granted to Hyrcanus,
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 423 
 
 and to his sons, and to the ambassadors by them 
 sent to us, that in the fights between single gladiators, 
 and in those with beasts, they shall sit among the 
 senators to see those shows, and that when they desire 
 an audience, they shall be introduced into the senate 
 by the dictator, or by the general of the horse; and 
 when they have introduced them, their answers shall 
 be returned them in ten days at the farthest, after 
 the decree of the senate is made about their affairs." 
 
 7. "Caius Ca?sar, imperator, dictator the fourth 
 time, and consul the fifth time, declared to be per- 
 petual dictator, made this speech concerning the 
 rights and privileges of Hyrcanus the son of Alex- 
 ander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews. 
 Since those ^ imperators that have been in the prov- 
 inces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus, 
 the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews them- 
 selves, and this before the senate and jDCople of Rome, 
 when the people and senate returned their thanks 
 to them, it is good that we now also remember the 
 same, and provide that a requital be made to Hyr- 
 canus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons 
 of H>Tcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, 
 and that suitably to what good-will they have shown 
 us, and to the benefits they have bestowed upon us." 
 
 8. "Julius Caius, pretor [consul] of Rome, to 
 the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, 
 sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some 
 other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of 
 your ambassadors, signified to us, that by a decree 
 of yours, you forbid them to make use of the cus- 
 
 * Dr. Hudson justly supposes, that the Roman imperators, or gen- 
 erals of armies, meant both here, and sect. 2, who gave testimony to 
 Hyrcanus' and the Jews' faithfulness and good-will to the Romans 
 before the senate and people of Rome, were principally, Pompey, Scaurus, 
 and Gabinius; of all whom Josephus had already given us the history 
 so far as the Jews were concerned with them,
 
 424 ANTIQUITIES Book xiy. 
 
 toms of their forefathers, and their way of sacred 
 worship. Xow it does not please me, that such 
 decrees should be made against our friends and con- 
 federates, whereby they are forbidden to live accord- 
 ing to their own customs, or to bring in contributions, 
 for common suppers, and holy festivals, while they 
 are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; for 
 even Caius Casar, our imperator, and consul, in 
 that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters 
 to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and 
 these only, both to bring in their contributions, and 
 to make their common suppers. Accordingly, when 
 I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews 
 to gather themselves together, according to the cus- 
 toms and laws of their forefathers, and to persist 
 therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if 
 you have made any decree against these our friends 
 and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason 
 of their virtue, and kind disposition towards us." 
 
 9. Xow after Caius was slain, when Marcus An- 
 tonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they 
 both assembled the senate and introduced Hyrcanus' 
 ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they 
 desired, and made a league of friendship with them. 
 The senate also decreed, to grant them all they 
 desired. I add the decree itself, that those who 
 read the present work, may have ready by them a 
 demonstration of the truth of what we say: the decree 
 was this: 
 
 10. "The decree of the senate, copied out of the 
 treasury, from the public tables belonging to the 
 questors, when Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius 
 were questors, and taken out of the second table 
 of the first class, on the third day before the ides 
 of April, in the temple of Concord. There were 
 present at the writing of this decree, Lucius Cul-
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 425 
 
 purnius Piso of the Menenian tribe, Servius Pa- 
 pinias Potitus of the Lenionian tribe, Caius Caninius 
 Rebilius of the Terentine tribe, Pubhus Tidetius, 
 Lucius Aj)ulinus, the son of Lucius, of the Sergian 
 tribe, Flavius, the son of Lucius, of the Lemonian 
 tribe, Pubhus Platius, the son of Pubhus, of the 
 PapjTian tribe, ]Marcus Acihus, the son of Marcus, 
 of the Mecian tribe, Lucius Erucius, the son of Lu- 
 cius, of the Stellatine tribe, Marcus Quintius Plan- 
 cillus, the son of JNIarcus, of the PoUian tribe, and 
 Pubhus Serins. Pubhus Dolabella and Marcus An- 
 tonius, the consuls, made this reference to the senate, 
 that as to those things which by the decree of the 
 senate, Caius Csesar had adjudged about the Jews, 
 and yet had not hitherto that decree brought into 
 the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire 
 of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our 
 consuls, to have these decrees j)ut into the public 
 tables, and brought to the city questors, that they 
 may take care to have them put upon the double 
 tables. This was done before the fifth of the ides 
 of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the 
 ambassadors from H^^•canus the high priest M'ere 
 these, Lysimachus the son of Pausanius, Alexander 
 the son of Theodorus, Patroculus the son of Cheras, 
 and Jonathan the son of Onias." 
 
 11. Hyi'canus sent also one of these ambassadors 
 to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and 
 desired him to dismiss the Jews from military serv- 
 ices, and to preserve to them the customs of their 
 forefathers, and to permit them to live according 
 to them. And when Dolabella had received Hyr- 
 canus' letter, without any farther deliberation, he 
 sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly 
 to the city of the Epliesians, the metropolis of Asia, 
 about the Jews, a copy of which epistle here follows:
 
 426 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 12. "When Artemon was prytanis, on the first 
 day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to 
 the senate, and magistrates, and people of the 
 Eij)hesians, sendeth greeting: Alexander, the son of 
 Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son 
 of Alexander the high priest and ethnarch of the 
 Jews, appeared before me, to show that his country- 
 men could not go into their armies, because they 
 are not allowed to bear arms, or to travel on the 
 Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those 
 sorts of food which they have been used to eat from 
 the times of their forefathers; I do therefore grant 
 them a freedom, from going into the army, as the 
 former prefects have done, and permit them to use 
 the customs of their forefathers, in assembling to- 
 gether for sacred and religious purposes, as their 
 law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary 
 for sacrifices: and my will is, that you write this 
 to the several cities under your jurisdiction." 
 
 13. And these were the concessions that Dola- 
 bella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an 
 embassage to him. But Lucius the consul's decree 
 ran thus: "I have at my tribunal set these Jews, 
 who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish 
 religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus, free from 
 going into the army, on account of the superstition 
 they are under. This was done before the twelfth 
 of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentullus 
 and Caius Marcellus, were consuls, of the presence 
 of Titus Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieu- 
 tenant of the Horatian tribe, of Titus Tongius, the 
 son of Titus of the Crustamine tribe, of Quintus 
 Resius, the son of Quintus, of Titus Pompius 
 Longinus, the son of Titus, of Caius Servillius, the 
 son of Caius of the Tcrentine tribe, of Bracchus the 
 military tribune, of Publius Lucius Gallus, the son
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 427 
 
 of Publius of the Vetiirian tribe, of Caius Sentius, 
 the son of Caius of the Sabbatine tribe, of Titus 
 Attihus Bulbus, the son of Titus, heutenant and vice- 
 pretor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of 
 the Ephesians, sendeth greeting: Lucius Lentullus 
 the consul freed the Jews that are in Asia from 
 going into the armies at my intercession for them. 
 And when I had made the same petition sometime 
 afterward to Phanius the imperator, and to Lucius 
 Antonius the vice-questor, I obtained that privilege 
 of them also; and my will is, that you take care 
 that no one give them any disturbance." 
 
 14. The decree of the Delians. "The answer of 
 the pretors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth 
 day of the month Thargeleon, while Marcus Piso 
 the lieutenant lived in our city, who was also ap- 
 pointed over the choice of the soldiers, he called us, 
 and many other of the citizens, and gave order, that 
 if there be here any Jews, who are Roman citizens, 
 no one is to give them any disturbance about going 
 into the army, because Cornelius Lentullus, the consul, 
 freed the Jews from going into the army, on account 
 of the superstition they are under; you are therefore 
 obliged to submit to the pretor." And the like de- 
 cree was made by the Sardians about us also. 
 
 15. "Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator 
 and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greet- 
 ing: I would have you know that the ambassadors 
 of the Jews have been with me, and desired they 
 might have those decrees which the senate had made 
 about them; which decrees are here subjoined. My 
 will is, that you have a regard to, and take care of 
 these men, according to the senate's decree, that they 
 may be safely conveyed home through yom- country." 
 
 16. The declaration of Lucius I^entullus the con- 
 sul: "I have dismissed those Jews who are Roman
 
 428 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 citizens, and who appear to me to have their rehgious 
 rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, 
 on account of the superstition they are under. This 
 act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of 
 October." 
 
 17. "Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice- 
 questor, and vice-pretor, to the magistrates, senate, 
 and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting: those 
 Jews that are our fellow-citizens of Rome, came to 
 me, and demonstrated that they had an assembly 
 of their ov,m, according to the laws of their fore- 
 fathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place 
 of their own, wherein thev determined their suits 
 and controversies with one another: Upon their pe- 
 tition therefore to me, that these might be lawful 
 for them, I gave order that these their privileges be 
 preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly." 
 
 18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son 
 of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of Marcus, and 
 of Lucius, the son of Publius: "We went to the pro- 
 consul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the 
 son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria desired, that, if 
 he thought good, he would dismiss those Jews who 
 were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the 
 rites of the Jewish religion, on account of the super- 
 stition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss 
 them. This was done before the thirteenth of .the 
 calends of October." 
 
 19. "In the month Quintilis, when Lucius Len- 
 tullus and Caius JNIarcellus were consuls; and there 
 were present Titus Appius Bulbus, the son of Titus, 
 lieutenant of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of 
 the Crustamine tribe, Quintus Resius, the son of 
 Quintus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus Cornelius 
 Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius, 
 a military tribune, of the Terentine tribe, Publius
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 429 
 
 Cliisius Gallus, the son of Publiiis, of the Veturian 
 tribe, Cains Teiitiiis, the son of Cains, a mihtary 
 tribune, of the Emihan tribe, Sextus Atihus Ser- 
 ranus, the son of Sextns, of the Esquihne tribe, 
 Cains Pompeius, the son of Cains, of the Sabbatine 
 tribe, Titns Appins Menander, the son of Titns, 
 Pubhns Servihus Strabo, the son of Pubhns, Lucius 
 Paccins Capito, the son of Lucius, of the CoUine 
 tribe, Aulus Furins Tertius, the son of Aulus, and 
 Appius JNIenas. In the presence of these it was 
 that Lentullus pronounced this decree: I have before 
 the tribunal dismissed those Jews that are Roman 
 citizens, and are accustomed to observe the sacred 
 rites of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the 
 superstition they are under." 
 
 20. "The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Cains 
 Rubihus, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greet- 
 ing: Sopater the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the high 
 priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby 
 he lets us know, that certain ambassadors were come 
 from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and 
 brought an epistle written concerning their nation, 
 wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed 
 to observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites, 
 according to the laws of their forefathers, and that 
 they may be under no command, because they are 
 cur friends and confederates, and that nobody may 
 injure them in our provinces. Now although the 
 Trallians there present contradicted them, and were 
 not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give 
 order that they should be observed, and informedst 
 us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us 
 about them. We therefore, in obedience to the in- 
 junctions we have received from thee, have received 
 the epistle which thou sentest us, and have laid it 
 up by itself among our public records. And as to
 
 430 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 the other things about which thou didst send to us, 
 we will take care that no complaint be made against us." 
 
 21. "Publius Servillius, the son of Publius, of 
 the Galban tribe, the proconsul to the magistrates' 
 senate, and people of the Milesians, sendeth greeting: 
 Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, 
 came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court 
 there, and informed me that you used the Jews in 
 a way different from my opinion, and forbade them 
 to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred 
 rites received from their forefathers, and to manage 
 the fruits of the land, according to their- ancient 
 custom, and that he had himself been the j)romulger 
 of your decree, according as your laws require: I 
 would therefore have you know, that upon hearing 
 the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the 
 Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their 
 own customs." 
 
 22. The decree of those of Pergamus. When 
 Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the 
 month Desius, the decree of the pretors was this: 
 "Since the Romans, following the conduct of their 
 ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety 
 of all mankind, and are ambitious to settle their 
 confederates and friends in hapjiiness, and in firm 
 peace; and since the nation of the Jews, and their 
 high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them, 
 Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the 
 son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater, 
 and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntus, and Sosipater, 
 the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave 
 a particular account of their affairs, the senate there- 
 upon made a decree about what they had desired of 
 them, that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, 
 should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates 
 of the Romans; and that the fortresses, and the
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 431 
 
 havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had 
 taken from them should be restored to them; and 
 that it may be lawful for them to export their goods 
 out of their own havens; and that no king nor people 
 may have leave to export any goods, either out of 
 the country of Judea, or out of their havens, with- 
 out paying customs, but only Ptolemy the king of 
 Alexandria, because he is our confederate and friend; 
 and that according to their desire, the garrison that 
 is in Joppa may be ejected. Now Lucius Petius, 
 one of our senators, a worthy and good man, gave 
 order that we should take care that these things 
 should be done according to the senate's decree; and 
 that we should take care also that their ambassadors 
 might return home in safety. Accordingly, we ad- 
 mitted Theodorus into our senate and assembly, and 
 took the epistle out of his hands, as well as the decree 
 of the senate; And as he discoursed with great zeal 
 about the Jews, and described Hvrcanus' virtue and 
 generosity, and how he was a benefactor to all men 
 in common, and particularly to every body that 
 comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our public 
 records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we 
 also are in confederacy with the Romans, we would 
 do every thing we could for the Jews, according to 
 he senate's decree. Theodorus also, who brought 
 the epistle, desired of our pretors, that they would 
 send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also am- 
 bassadors to signify to him the affection of our 
 people to him, and to exhort them to preserve and 
 augment their friendship for us, and be ready to 
 bestow other benefits upon us, as justly expecting 
 to receive proper requitals from us: and desiring 
 them to remem])er that our ^ ancestors were friendly 
 
 ^ We have here a most remarkable and authentic attestation of the 
 citizens of Pergamus, that Abraham Mas the father of ail the Hebrews;
 
 432 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was 
 the father of all the Hebrews, as we have [also] 
 found it set down in our public records." 
 
 23. The decree of those of Helicarnasus. When 
 Memnon the son of Oristidas by descent, but by 
 adoj^tion of Eunonymus, was priest, on the * * * 
 day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the people, 
 upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was 
 this: "Since we have ever a great regard to piety 
 towards God, and to holiness, and since we aim to 
 follow the people of the Romans, who are the bene- 
 factors of all men, and what thev have written to 
 us about a league of friendship and mutual assistance 
 between the Jews and our citv, and that their sacred 
 
 a. ■' 
 
 offices, and accustomed festivals and assemblies may 
 be observed by them, we have decreed, that as many 
 men and women of the Jews as are willing so to do, 
 may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy 
 offices, according to the Jewish laws: and may make 
 their proseuchtC at the seaside, according to the 
 customs of their forefathers; and if any one, whether 
 he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them 
 from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be 
 applied to the uses of the city." 
 
 24. The decree of the Sardians. This decree was 
 made by the senate and people, upon the representa- 
 
 that their own ancestors were, in the oldest time, the friends of those 
 Hebrews; and that the public acts of their city, then extant, confirmed 
 the same; which evidence is too strong to be evaded by our present 
 ignorance of the particular occasion of such ancient friendship and 
 alliance between those people. See the like full evidence of the kindred 
 of the Lacedemonians and tlie Jews; and that because they were both 
 tlie posterity of Alirahani, by a public epistle of those people to the 
 Jews, preserved in the first l)ook of Maccabees, xii. 19-33, and thence by 
 Josephus, Antiq. B. XII. ch. iv. sect. 10, both which authentic records are 
 highly valuable. It is also well worthy of observation, what Moses 
 Chorenensis, the principal Armenian historian, informs us of, p. 83, that 
 Arsaces, who raised the I'nrthian Enijjire, was of the seed of Abraham 
 by Chetura, and that thereby was accomplished that prediction which 
 said, "Kings of nations shall proceed from thee," Gen. xvii. 6.
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. . 433 
 
 tion of the pretors: "Whereas those Jews, who are 
 our fellow-citizens, and live with us in this city, 
 have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by 
 the people, and have come now into the senate, and 
 desired of the people that upon the restitution of 
 their law and their liberty, by the senate and people 
 of Rome, they may assemble together, according to 
 their ancient legal custom, and that we will not 
 bring any suit against them about it; and that a 
 place may be given them where they may have their 
 congregations, with their wives and children, and 
 may offer, as did their forefathers, their prayers and 
 sacrifices to God; now the senate and people have 
 decreed to permit them to assemble together on the 
 days formerly appointed, and to act according to 
 their own laws; and that such a place be set apart 
 for them by the pretors, for the building and in- 
 habiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that 
 purpose. And that those that take care of the pro- 
 visions for the city, shall take care that such sorts 
 of food as they esteem fit for their eating, may be 
 imported into the city." 
 
 25. The decree of the Ephesians. When Men- 
 ophilus was prytanis, on the first day of the month 
 Artemisius, this decree was made by the people: 
 "Nicanor, the son of Euphemius, pronounced it, upon 
 the representation of the pretors. Since the Jews 
 that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius 
 Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that 
 they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, 
 and to act in all things according to the customs of 
 their forefathers, without impediment from any body, 
 the pretor hath granted their petition. Accordingly, 
 it was decreed by the senate and people, that in 
 this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of 
 them should be hindered from keeping the Sabbath
 
 434 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 day, nor he fined for so doing, but that they may 
 be allowed to do all things according to their own 
 laws." 
 
 26. Xow there are ^ many such decrees of the 
 senate and imperators of the Romans, and those 
 different from these before us, which have been made 
 in favour of Hyrcanus, and of our nation; as also, 
 there have been more decrees of the city, and re- 
 scripts of the pretors, to such epistles as concerned 
 our rights and privileges: and certainly such as are 
 not ill disposed to what we write, may believe that 
 they are all to this purpose, and that by the speci- 
 mens which we have inserted; for since we have 
 produced evident marks that may still be seen, of 
 the friendship we have had with the Romans, and 
 demonstrated that those marks are engraven upon 
 columns and tables of brass in the capitol, that are 
 still in being, and preserved to this day, we have 
 omitted to set them all down, as needless and dis- 
 agreeable; for I cannot suppose any one so perverse 
 as not to believe the friendship we have had with 
 the Romans, while thev have demonstrated the same 
 by such a great number of their decrees relating to; 
 nor will they doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of 
 those decrees, since we have showed the same in 
 those we have produced. And thus have we suffi- 
 ciently explained that friendship and confederacy 
 we at those times had with the Romans. 
 
 * If we compare Josephus' promise in sect. 1, to produce all the 
 public decrees of the Romans in favour of the Jews with his excuse 
 here for omitting nnnii/ of them, we may observe, that when he came to 
 transcribe all those decrees he had collected, he found them so numerous 
 that he thought he should too much tire his readers if he had attempted 
 it, which he thought a sufficient apology for his omitting the rest of them; 
 yet do those by him produced afford such a strong confirmation to his 
 history, and give such great light to even the Roman Antiquities them- 
 selves, that I believe the curious are not a little sorry for such hig 
 omission.
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 435 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 How ^ Marcus succeeded SeoctiLS, when he had been 
 slain by Bassus' treachery; and how, after the death 
 of Ccesar, Cassius came into Syria, and distressed 
 Judea; as also, how MoUchus slew Anti pater, and 
 was himself slain by Herod. 
 
 1. Now it so fell out, that about this very time 
 the affairs of Syria were in great disorder, and this 
 on the occasion following: Cecilius Bassus, one of 
 Pompey's party, laid a treacherous design against 
 Sextus Cfesar, and slew him, and then took his army, 
 and got the management of public affairs into his 
 own hand; so there arose a great war about Apamia, 
 while Caesar's generals came against him with an 
 army of horsemen and footmen: To these Antipater 
 also sent succours, and his sons with them, as calling 
 to mind the kindnesses they had received from Ceesar, 
 and on that account he thought it but just to require 
 punishment for him, and to take vengeance on the 
 man that had murdered him. And as the war was 
 drawn out into a great length, ]Marcus came from 
 Rome to take Sextus' government upon him: But 
 Cfesar was slain by Cassius and Brutus in the senate 
 house, after he had retained the government three 
 years and six months. This fact, however, is related 
 elsewhere. 
 
 2. As the war that arose upon the death of CcTsar 
 was now begun, and the principal men were all gone, 
 some one way, and some another, to raise armies, 
 
 ^ For Marcus the president of Syria, sent as successor to Sextus 
 Caesar, the Roman historians re(]uire us to read Marcus in Josephus, 
 and this perpetually, both in these Antiquities, and in the history of the 
 Wars, as the learned generally agree.
 
 436 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 Cassius came from Rome into Syria, in order to re- 
 ceive the [army that lay in the] camp at Apamia; 
 and having raised the siege, he brought over both 
 Bassus and ]\Iarcus to his party. He then went over 
 the cities, and got together weapons and soldiers, and 
 laid great taxes upon those cities; and he chiefly op- 
 pressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred 
 talents: But Antipater, when he saw the state to 
 be in so great consternation and disorder, he divided 
 the collection of that sum, and appointed his two sons 
 to gather it, and so that part of it was to be 
 exacted by ]\Ialichus, who was ill-disposed to him, 
 and part by others. And because Herod did exact 
 what is required of him from Galilee before others, 
 he was in the greatest favour with Cassius; for he 
 thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friend- 
 ship with the Romans, and to gain their good-will 
 at the expense of others; whereas the curators of the 
 other cities, with their citizens, were sold for slaves; 
 and Cassius reduced four cities into slavery, the two 
 most potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus; 
 and, besides these, Lydia, and Thamna. Nay, Cas- 
 sius was so very angry at ^Nlalichus, that he had killed 
 him, (for he assaulted him,) had not Hyrcanus, by the 
 means of Antipater, sent him a hundred talents of 
 his own, and thereby pacified his anger against him. 
 3. But after Cassius was gone out of Judea, 
 INIalichus laid snares for Antipater, as thinking that 
 his death would be the preservation of Hyrcanus' 
 government; But his design was not unknown to 
 Antipater, which when he perceived, he retired be- 
 yond Jordan, and got together an army, partly of 
 Arabs, and partly of his own countrymen. How- 
 ever, IMaliclius, being one of great cunning, denied 
 that he had laid any snares for liim, and made his 
 defence with an oath, l)()th to himself and his sons;
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 437 
 
 and said, that while Phasaeliis Iiad a garrison in 
 Jerusalem, and Herod had the weapons of war in 
 his custody, he could never have a thought of any 
 such thing. So Antipater, perceiving the distress 
 that Malichus was in, was reconciled to him, and 
 made an agreement with him; this was when Marcus 
 was president of Syria; who yet perceiving that this 
 JNIalichus was making a disturbance in Judea, 
 proceeded so far that he had almost killed him, 
 but still at the intercession of Antipater he saved 
 him. 
 
 4. However, Antipater little thought that by saving 
 Malichus, he had saved his own murderer: for now 
 Cassius and IMarcus had got together an armj^ and 
 entrusted the entire care of it with Herod, and made 
 him general of the forces of Coelesyria, and gave 
 him a fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and 
 footmen; and promised him, that after the war was 
 over they would make him king of Judea, for a war 
 was already begun between Antony and the younger 
 Csesar; But as INIalichus was most afraid of Antipater, 
 he took him out of the way; and by the offer of 
 money, persuaded the butler of Hyrcanus, with whom 
 they were both to feast, to kill him by poison. This 
 being done, and he having armed men with him, 
 settled the affairs of the city. But when Antipater's 
 sons, Herod and Phasaelus, were acquainted with this 
 conspiracy against their father and had indignation 
 at it, Malichus denied all, and utterly renounced any 
 knowledge of the murder. And thus died Antipater. 
 a man that had distinguished himself for piety and 
 justice, and love to his country. And whereas one 
 of his sons, Herod, resolved immediately to revenge 
 their father's death, and was coming upon INIalichus 
 with an army for that purpose, the elder of his sons, 
 Phasaelus, thought it best rather to get this man into
 
 4-38 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 their hands by pohcy, lest tliey should appear to 
 begin a civil war in the country; so he accepted of 
 iMalichus' defence for himself, and pretended to 
 believe him that he had no hand in the violent death 
 of Anti^iater his father, but erected a fine monu- 
 ment for him. Herod also went to Samaria, and 
 ^\'hen he found them in great distress, he revived 
 their spirits, and composed their differences. 
 
 5. However, a little after this, Herod, upon the 
 approach of a festival, came with his soldiers unto 
 the city; whereupon jNIalichus was affrighted, and 
 persuaded Hyrcanus not to permit him to come into 
 the city. Hyrcanus complied; and, for a pretence 
 of excluding him, alleged, that a rout of strangers 
 ought not to be admitted, when the multitude were 
 purifying themselves. But Herod had little regard 
 to the messengers, that were sent to him, and entered 
 the city in the night time, and affrighted Malichus, 
 yet did he remit nothing of his former dissimulation, 
 but wept for Antipater, and bewailed him as a friend 
 of his, with a loud voice: But Herod and his friends 
 thought it proper, not openly to contradict JNIalichus' 
 hypocrisy, but to give him tokens of mutual friend- 
 ship, in order to prevent his suspicion of them. 
 
 6. However, Herod sent to Cassius, and informed 
 him of the murder of his fatlier; who knowing what 
 sort of man JNIalichus was as to his morals, sent him 
 back word, that he should revenge his father's death; 
 and also sent privately, to the commanders of his army 
 at Tvre, with orders to assist Herod in the execution 
 of a very just design of his. Xow when Cassius had 
 taken I^aodicea, they all went together to him, and 
 carried him garlands and money; and Herod thought 
 that JNIalichus miglit l)e punished wliile he was there; 
 but lie was somewhat apprehensive of tlie thing, and 
 designed to make some great attempt, and because
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 439 
 
 his son was then an hostage at Tyre, he went to that 
 city, and resolved to steal him away privately, and to 
 march thence into Judea; and as Cassius was in haste 
 to march against Antony, he thought to bring the 
 countrj^ to revolt, and to procure the government for 
 himself. But providence opposed his counsels; and 
 Herod being a shrewd man, and perceiving what his 
 intention was, he sent thither beforehand a servant, 
 in appearance indeed to get a supper ready, for he 
 had said before, that he would feast them all there, 
 but in reality to the commanders of the army, whom 
 he persuaded to go out against ]Malichus, with their 
 daggers. So they went out and met the man near 
 the city, upon the seashore, and stabbed him. Where- 
 upon Hyrcanus was so astonished at what had hap- 
 pened, that his speech failed him; and when, after 
 some difficulty, he had recovered himself, he asked 
 Herod, what the matter could be, and who it was that 
 slew ]Malichus? and when he said that it was done by 
 the command of Cassius, he commended the action; 
 for that ]Malichus was a very wicked man, and one 
 that conspired against his own country. And this 
 was the punishment that was inflicted on jNIalichus 
 for what he wickedly did to Antipater. 
 
 7. But when Cassius was marched out of S^Tia, 
 disturbances arose in Judea: for Felix, who was left 
 at Jerusalem with an army, made a sudden attempt 
 against Phasaelus, and the people themselves rose in 
 arms; but Herod went to Fabius, the prefect of 
 Damascus, and was desired to run to his brother's 
 assistance, but was hindered by a distemper that seized 
 upon him, till Phasaelus by himself had been too hard 
 for Felix, and had shut him up in the tower, and 
 there, on certain conditions, dismissed him. Phasaelus 
 also complained of Hyrcanus, that altliough he had 
 received a great many benefits from them, yet did
 
 440 ANTIQUITIES . Book xiv. 
 
 he support their enemies; for ]Mahchus' brother made 
 many places to revolt, and kept garrisons in them, 
 and particularly jNIasada, the strongest fortress of 
 them all. In the meantime Herod was recovered of 
 his disease, and came and took from Felix all the 
 places he had gotten; and, upon certain conditions, 
 dismissed him also. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Herod ejects Autigonus, the son of Aristohulus, out 
 of Judea, and gains the friendship of Antony^ who 
 was now come into Syria, by sending him 7niich 
 money; on which account he would not admit of 
 those that would have accused Herod; and what 
 it was that Antony wrote to the Tyrians in behalf 
 of the Jews. 
 
 1. Now ^ Ptolemy the son of INIenneus, brought 
 back into Judea, Antigonus the son of Aristobtilu§, who 
 had already raised an army, and had, by money, made 
 Fabius to be his friend, and this because he was of kin to 
 him. Marion also gave him assistance. He had been 
 left by Cassius to tyrannize over Tyre, for this Cassius 
 was a man that seized on Syria, and then kept it under 
 in the way of a tyrant. Marion also marched iiito 
 
 * In this and the following chapters, the reader will easily remark, 
 how truly Gronovius observes, in his notes on the Roman decrees in 
 favour of the Jews, that their rights and privileges were commonly pur- 
 chased of the Romans with money. Many examples of this sort, both 
 as to the Romans, and others in authority, will occur in our Josephus, 
 both now and hereafter, and need not be taken particular notice of on 
 the several occasions in these notes. Accordingly, the chief captain 
 confesses to St. Paul, that "with a great sum he had obtained his free- 
 dom," Acts xxii. 28, as had Paul's ancestors, very probably, purchased 
 the like freedom for their family by money, as the same author justly 
 concludes also.
 
 Chap. XII. OF THE JEWS. 441 
 
 Galilee, which lay in his neighbourhood, and took 
 three of his fortresses, and put garrisons into them 
 to keep them. But when Herod came, he took all 
 from him; but the Tyrian garrison he dismissed in 
 a very civil manner; nay, to some of the soldiers he 
 made presents out of the good-will he bore to that 
 city. When he had dispatched these affairs, and 
 was gone to meet Antigonus, he joined battle with 
 him, and beat him, and drove him out of Judea 
 presently, when he was just come into its borders. 
 But when he was come to Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and 
 the people put garlands about his head;- for he had 
 already contracted an affinity with the family of 
 Hyrcanus by having espoused a descendant of his, 
 and for that reason Herod took the greater care of 
 him, as being to marry the daughter of Alexander, 
 the son of Ai'istobulus, and the granddaughter of 
 Hyrcanus, by which wife he became the father of 
 three male, and two female children. He had also 
 married before this another wife, out of a lower family 
 of his own nation, whose name was Doris, by whom 
 he had his eldest son Antipater. 
 
 2. Xow Antonius and Caesar had beaten Cassius 
 near Philippi, as others have related; but after the 
 victory, Cfesar went into Gaul, [Italy] and Antony 
 marched for x\sia, who, when he was arrived at 
 Bythinia, he had ambassadors that met him from all 
 parts. The principal men also of the Jews came 
 thither, to accuse Phasaelus, and Herod, and they 
 said, that Hyrcanus had indeed the appearance of 
 reigning, but that these men had all the power, but 
 Antony paid great respect to Herod, who was come 
 to him to make his defence against his accusers, on 
 which account his adversaries could not so much as 
 obtain a hearing; which favour Herod had gained of 
 Antony bv money. But still, when Antony was come
 
 442 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 to Ephesus, HjTcanus the high priest, and our nation, 
 sent an embassage to him who carried a crown of 
 gold with them, and desired that he would write to 
 the governors of the provinces, to set those Jews 
 free who had been carried captive by Cassius, and 
 this without their having fought against him, and 
 to restore them that country, which, in the days of 
 Cassius, had been taken from them. Antony thought 
 the Jews' desires were just, and wrote immediately 
 to Hyrcanus, and to the Jews. He also sent, at 
 the same time, a decree to the Tyrians; the contents 
 of which were to the same purpose. 
 
 3. "]Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus the 
 high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greet- 
 ing: If you be in health, it is well; I also am in health, 
 with the armv. Lvsimachus the son of Pausanius, 
 and Josephus the son of ]Menneus, and Alexander the 
 son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at 
 Ephesus, and have renewed that embassage which 
 they had formerly been upon at Rome, and have 
 diligently acquitted themselves of the present em- 
 bassage, whicli thou and thy nation have entrusted to 
 them, and have fully declared the good-will thou 
 hast for us. I am therefore satisfied, both by your 
 actions and your words, that you are well disposed 
 to us; and I understand that your conduct of life is 
 constant and religious: so I reckon upon you as our 
 own: but when those that were adversaries to you, 
 and to the Roman people, and abstained neither from 
 cities nor temples, and did not observe the agreement 
 thev had confirmed bv oath, it was not only on ac- 
 count of our contest with them, but on account of 
 all mankind in common, that we have taken vengeance 
 on those who have been the authors of great injustice 
 towards men, and of great wickedness towards the 
 gods; for the sake of which we suppose it was the
 
 Chap. XII. OF THE JEWS. 443 
 
 ^ sun turned away his hght from us, as unwilhng to 
 view the horrid crime they were guilty of in the case 
 of Caesar. We have also overcome their conspiracies, 
 which threatened the gods themselves, which ^Nlace- 
 donia received, as it is a climate peculiarly proper 
 for impious and insolent attempts: and we have over- 
 come that confused rout of men, half mad with spite 
 against us, which they got together at Philippi in 
 ^Macedonia, when they seized on the places that were 
 proper for their purpose, and as it were, walled 
 them round with mountains to the very sea, and 
 where the passage was open only through a single 
 gate. This victory we gained because the gods had 
 condemned these men for their wicked enterprizes. 
 Xow Brutus, when he had fled as far as Philippi, was 
 shut up by us, and became a partaker of the same 
 perdition with Cassius; and now, these have received 
 their punishment, we suppose, that we may enjoy 
 peace for the time to come, and that Asia may be 
 at rest from war. We therefore make that peace 
 which God hath given us common to our confederates 
 also, insomuch, that the body of Asia is now recovered 
 out of that distemper it was under by the means of 
 our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both thee 
 and your nation, shall take care of what mav be for 
 your advantage. I have also sent epistles in writing 
 to the several cities, that if any persons, whether free- 
 men or bondmen, have })een sold under the spear by 
 Caius Cassius, or his subordinate officers, thev mav 
 be set free. And I will tliat vou kindlv make use 
 of the favours which I and Dolabella have granted 
 vou. I also forbid tlie Tvrians to use anv violence 
 
 • * • 
 
 * This clause plainly alludes to that well known hut unusual and 
 very long darkness of the sun, which happened upon the murder of 
 Julius Caesar, hy Brutus and Cassius, which is greatly taken notice of 
 hy Virgil, Pliny, and other Roman authors. See Virgil's Georgics, B. 
 I. just hefore the end; and Pliny's Nat. Hist. B. II. ch. xxx.
 
 444 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 with you; and for what places of the Jews they now 
 possess, I order them to restore them. I have withal 
 accepted of the crown which thou sentest me." 
 
 4. "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magis- 
 trates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting: 
 The ambassadors of Hyrcanus the high priest and 
 ethnarch [of the Jews] appeared before me at Ephe- 
 sus, and told me, that you are in possession of part 
 of their country, which you entered upon under the 
 government of our adversaries. Since, therefore, we 
 have undertaken a war for the obtaining the govern- 
 ment, and have taken care to do what was agreeable 
 to piety and justice, and have brought to punish- 
 ment those that had neither any remembrance of the 
 kindnesses they had received, nor have kept their 
 oaths, I will that you be at peace with those that are 
 our confederates; as also, that what you have taken 
 by the means of our adversaries shall not be reckoned 
 your own, but be returned to those from whom you 
 took them; for none of them took their provinces 
 or their armies by the gift of the senate, but they 
 seized them by force, and bestowed them by violence 
 upon such as became useful to them in their unjust 
 proceedings. Since, therefore, those men have re- 
 ceived the punishment due to them, we desire that 
 our confederates may retain whatsoever it was that 
 they formerly possessed without disturbance, and that 
 you restore all the places which belong to Hyrcanus 
 the ethnarch of the Jews, which you have had, though 
 it were but one day before Cains Cassius began an 
 unjustifiable war against us, and entered into our 
 province; nor do you use any force against him, in 
 order to weaken him, that he may not be able to 
 dispose of that which is his own, but if you have any 
 contest with him about your respective rights, it shall 
 be lawful for you to plead your cause when we come
 
 Chap. xii. OF THE JEWS. 445 
 
 upon the places concerned, for we shall alike preserve 
 the rights,* and hear all the causes of our confederates." 
 
 5. "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magis- 
 trates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting : I 
 have sent you my decree, of which I will that ye 
 take care that it be engraven on the public tables, 
 in Roman and Greek letters, and that it stand en- 
 graven in the most illustrious places, that it may be 
 read by all." Marcus Antonius, imperator, one of 
 the triumvirate over the public affairs, made this 
 declaration: "Since Caius Cassius, in this revolt he 
 hath made, hath pillaged that province which belonged 
 not to him, and was held by garrisons there encamped, 
 while they were our confederates, and hath spoiled 
 that nation of the Jews that was in friendship with 
 the Roman people, as in war; and since we have 
 overcome his madness by arms, we now correct by 
 our decrees and judicial determinations what he hath 
 laid waste, that those things may be restored to our 
 confederates. And as for what hath been sold of 
 the Jewish possessions, whether they be bodies or 
 possessions, let them be released, the bodies into that 
 state of freedom they were originally in, and the pos- 
 sessions to their former owners. I also will, that he 
 who shall not comply with this decree of mine, shall 
 be punished for his disobedience: and if such a one 
 be caught, I will take care that the offender suffer 
 condign punishment." 
 
 6. The same thing did Antony write to the 
 Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Arabians. 
 We have produced these decrees, therefore, as marks 
 for futurity of the truth of what we have said, that 
 the Romans had a great concern about our nation.
 
 446 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 How Antony made Herod and Phasaelus tetrarchs, 
 after they had been accused to no purpose; and 
 how the Parthians, when they brought Antigonus 
 into Jiidea, took Hyrcanus and Phasaelus captives. 
 Herod's fight; and what afflictions Hyrcanus and 
 Phasaelus endured. 
 
 1. When after this Antony came into Svria, Cleo- 
 pak-a met him in Cihcia, and brought him to fall in 
 love with her. And there came now also a hundred 
 of the most potent of the Jews to accuse Herod and 
 those about him, and set the men of the greatest 
 eloquence among them to speak. But ]\Iessala con- 
 tradicted them, on behalf of the young men, and all 
 this in the presence of Hyrcanus, who was ^ Herod's 
 father-in-law already. When Antony had heard both 
 sides at Daphne, he askec^ Hyrcanus who they were 
 that governed the nation best? He replied, Herod 
 and his friends. Hereupon Antony, by reason of the 
 old hospitable friendship he had made with his father 
 [Antipater,] at that time when he was with Gabinius, 
 he made both Herod and Phasaelus tetrarchs, and 
 committed the public affairs of the Jews to them, 
 and wrote letters to that purpose. He also bound 
 fifteen of their adversaries, and was going to kill 
 them, but that Herod obtained their pardon. 
 
 2. Yet did not these men continue quiet when they 
 were come back, but a thousand of the Jews came to 
 
 * We may liere take notice, that espniisah alone were of old esteemed 
 a suflfieient foundation for affinltji, Hyrcanus iieing here called fathcr- 
 iii-lrnn to Herod, because his {i:rand-dauf:;hter Mariamne was betrothed 
 to him, although the marriage was not completed till four years after- 
 ward. See Matt. i. Hi.
 
 Chap. XIII. OF THE JEWS. 4^7 
 
 Tyre to meet him tliere, whither the report was tliat 
 he would come. But Antony was corrupted by the 
 money which Herod and liis brother had given him, 
 and so he gave order to the governor of the place 
 to punish the Jewish ambassadors, who were for 
 making innovations, and to settle the government 
 upon Herod: but Herod went out hastily to them, 
 and Hyrcanus was with him (for they stood upon 
 the shore before the city,) and he charged them to 
 go their ways, because great mischief would befall 
 them if they went on with their accusation. But they 
 did not acquiesce: whereupon the Romans ran upon 
 them with their daggers, and slew some, and wounded 
 more of them, and the rest fled away and went home, 
 and lay still in great consternation: and when the 
 people made a clamour against Herod, Antony was 
 so provoked at it that he slew the prisoners. 
 
 3. Now, in the second year, Pacorus, the king of 
 Parthia's son, and Barzapharnes, a commander of 
 the Parthians, possessed themselves of Syria. Ptol- 
 emy, the son of ^Nlenneus, also was now dead, and 
 Lysanias his son took his government, and made a 
 league of friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aristo- 
 1)ulus; and in order to obtain it, made use of that 
 commander, who had great interest in him. Xow 
 Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a 
 thousand talents, and five hundred women, upon con- 
 ditions thev would take the government awav from 
 Hyrcanus. and bestow it upon him. and withal kill 
 Herod. And although he did not give them Avhat 
 he had promised, yet did the Parthians make an ex- 
 pedition into Judea on that account, and carried 
 Antigonus with them. Pacorus went along the mari- 
 time parts. l)ut the commander Barzapharnes, through 
 the midland. Xow the Tyrians excluded Pacorus, 
 but the Sidonians, and those of Ptolemais, received
 
 448 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 him. However, Pacorus sent a troop of horsemen 
 into Judea, to take a view of the state of the countrv, 
 and to assist Antigonus; and sent also the king's 
 butler, of the same name with himself. So when the 
 Jews that dwelt about mount Carmel came to Antig- 
 onus, and were ready to march with him into Judea, 
 Antigonus hoped to get some part of the country 
 by their assistance. The place is called Drymi; and 
 when some others came and met them, the men pri- 
 vately fell upon Jerusalem; and when some more 
 were come to them, they got together in great num- 
 bers, and came against the king's palace and besieged 
 it. But as Phasaelus' and Herod's party came to 
 the other's assistance, and a battle happened between 
 them in the market-place, the young men beat their 
 enemies, and pursued them into the temple, and sent 
 some armed men into the adjoining houses, to keep 
 them in, who yet being destitute of such as should 
 support them, were burnt, and the houses with them, 
 by the people who rose up against them. But Herod 
 was revenged on these seditious adversaries of his a 
 little afterward for this injury they had offered him, 
 when he fought with them, and slew a great number 
 of them. 
 
 4. But while there were dailv skirmishes, the 
 enemy waited for the coming of the multitude out 
 of the countrv to Pentecost, a feast of ours so called: 
 and when that dav was come, many ten thousands 
 of the people were gathered together about the temple, 
 some in armour, and some without. Xow those that 
 came, guarded both the temple and the city, except- 
 ing what belonged to the palace, which Herod 
 guarded with a few of his soldiers; and Phasaelus 
 had the charge of tlie wall, while Herod, with a 
 body of his men, sallied out upon the enemy, who 
 lay in the suburbs, and fought courageously, and
 
 Chap. XIII. OF THE JEWS. 4i0 
 
 put many ten thousands to flight, some flying into 
 the city, and some into the temple, and some into 
 the outer fortifications, for some such fortifications 
 there were in that place. Phasaelus came also to 
 his assistance; yet was Pacorus, the general of the 
 Parthians, at the desire of Antigonus, admitted into 
 the city, with a few of his horsemen, under pretence 
 indeed as if he would still the sedition, but in reality 
 to assist Antigonus in obtaining the government. 
 And when Phasaelus met him, and received him 
 kindly, Pacorus persuaded him to go himself as 
 ambassador to Barzapharnes, which was done fraud- 
 ulently. Accordingly, Phasaelus, suspecting no harm, 
 complied with his proposal, while Herod did not 
 give his consent to what was done, because of the 
 perfidiousness of these Barbarians, but desired 
 Phasaelus rather to fight those that were come into 
 the city. 
 
 5. So both Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on the 
 embassage; but Pacorus left with Herod two hundred 
 horsemen, and ten men, who were called. The free- 
 men; and conducted the others on their journey; 
 and M'hen thev M-ere in Galilee, the governors of the 
 cities there met them in their arms. Barzapharnes 
 also received them at the first with cheerfulness, and 
 made them presents though he afterward conspired 
 against them; and Phasaelus, with his horsemen, were 
 conducted to the seaside: But when they heard that 
 Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a 
 thousand talents, and five hundred women, to assist 
 him against them, they soon had a suspicion of the 
 Barbarians. JMoreover, there was one who informed 
 them that snares were laid for them by night, Avhile 
 a guard came secretly, and they had then been seized 
 upon, had not they waited for the seizure of Herod 
 by the Parthians, that were about Jerusalem, lest,
 
 450 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 upon the slaughter of Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, he 
 should have an intimation of it, and escape out of 
 their hands. And these were the circumstances thev 
 were now in, and they saw who they were that guarded 
 them. Some persons indeed would have persuaded 
 Phasaelus to fly away immediately on horseback, and 
 not stay any longer: and there was one Ophellius, 
 who, above all the rest, was earnest with him to do 
 so, for he had heard of this treachery from Saramalla, 
 the richest of all the Syrians at that time, who also 
 promised to provide him ships to carry him off; for 
 the sea was just by them: but he had no mind to 
 desert Hyrcanus, nor bring his brother into danger; 
 but he went to Barzapharnes, and told him he did 
 not act justly when he made such a contrivance 
 against them, for that if he wanted money, he would 
 give him more than Antigonus; and besides, that 
 it was a horrible thing, to slay those that came to 
 him upon the security of their oaths, and that when 
 they had done them no injury. But the Barbarian 
 swore to him, that there was no truth in any of 
 his suspicions, but that he was troubled with nothing 
 but false proposals, and then went away to Pacorus. 
 6. But as soon as he was gone away, some men 
 came and bound Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, while 
 Phasaelus greatly reproached the Parthians for their 
 perjury. However, that butler who was sent against 
 Herod had it in command to get him without the 
 walls of the city, and seize upon him; but messengers 
 had been sent by Phasaelus to inform Herod of the 
 perfidiousness of the Parthians: And when he knew 
 that the enemy had seized upon them, he went to 
 Pacorus, and to the most potent of the Parthians, 
 as to the lords of the rest, who, although they knew 
 the whole matter, dissembled with him in a deceitful 
 way; and said, "That he ought to go out with them
 
 Chap. XIII. OF THE JEWS. 451 
 
 before the walls, and meet those who were bringing 
 him his letters, for that they were not taken by his 
 adversaries, but were coming to give him an account 
 of the good success Phasaelus had had." Herod 
 did not give credit to what they said; for he had 
 heard that his brother was seized upon by others 
 also: and the daughter of Hyrcanus, whose daughter 
 he had espoused, was his monitor also [not to credit 
 them,] which made him still more suspicious of the 
 Parthians, for although other people did not give 
 heed to her, yet did he believe her as a woman of 
 very great wisdom. 
 
 7. Now while the Parthians were in consultation 
 what was fit to be done; for they did not think it 
 proper to make an open attempt upon a person of 
 his character; and while they put off the determina- 
 tion to the next day, Herod was under great dis- 
 turbance of mind; and rather inclining to believe the 
 reports he heard about his brother and the Parthians, 
 than to give heed to what was said on the other side, 
 he determined, that when the evening came on, he 
 would make use of it for his flight, and not make 
 any longer delay, as if the dangers from the enemy 
 were not yet certain. He therefore removed with 
 the armed men whom he had with him; and set his 
 wives upon the beasts, as also his mother, and sister, 
 and her whom he was about to marry, [Mariamne] 
 the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, 
 with her mother the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his 
 youngest brother, and all their servants, and the 
 rest of the multitude that was with him, and without 
 the enemies' privity pursued his way to Idumea: 
 Nor could any enemy of his, who then saw him in 
 this case, be so hard hearted, but would have com- 
 miserated his fortune, while the women drew along 
 their infant children, and left their own country, and
 
 452 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 their friends in prison, with tears in their eyes, and 
 sad lamentations, and in expectation of nothing hut 
 what was of a melancholy nature. 
 
 8. But for Herod himself, he raised his mind 
 above the miserable state he was in, and was of good 
 courage in the midst of his misfortunes; and, as he 
 passed along, he bid them every one be of good cheer, 
 and not to give themselves up to sorrow, because 
 that would hinder them in their flight, which was 
 now the only hope of safety that they had. Accord- 
 ingly, they tried to bear with patience the calamity 
 they were under, as he exhorted them to do; yet was 
 he once almost going to kill himself, upon the over- 
 throw of a waggon, and the danger his mother was 
 then in of being killed, and this on two accounts, 
 because of his great concern for her, and because 
 he was afraid lest, by this delay, the enemy should 
 overtake him in the pursuit; but as he was drawing 
 his sword, and going to kill himself therewith, those 
 that were present restrained him, and being so many 
 in number, were too hard for him: and told him 
 that he ought not to desert them, and leave them 
 a prey to their enemies, for that it was not the part 
 of a brave man to free himself from the distresses 
 he was in, and to overlook his friends that were in 
 tlie same distresses also. So he was compelled to 
 let that horrid attempt alone, partly out of shame 
 at what they said to him, and partly out of regard 
 to the great number of those that would not permit 
 him to do what he intended. So he encouraged his 
 mother, and took all the care of her the time would 
 allow, and proceeded on tlie way he proposed to go 
 with the utmost haste, and that was to the fortress 
 of Massada. And as he had many skirmishes with 
 such of the Parthians as attacked him, and pursued 
 him, he was conqueror in them all.
 
 Chap. XIII. OF THE JEWS. 453 
 
 9. Nor indeed was he free from the Jews all along 
 as he was in his flight; for by the time he had gotten 
 sixty furlongs out of the city, and was upon the 
 road, they fell upon him, and fought hand to hand 
 with him, whom he also put to flight, and overcame, 
 not like one that was in distress and in necessity, 
 but Hke one that was excellently prepared for war, 
 and had what he wanted in great plenty. And in 
 this very place where he overcame the Jews, it was 
 that he sometime afterward built a most excellent 
 palace, and a city round about it, and called it 
 Hcrodium. And when he was come to Idumea, at 
 a place called Thrcssa, his brother Joseph met him, 
 and he then held a council to take advice about all 
 his affairs, and what was fit to be done in his cir- 
 cumstances, since he had a great multitude that 
 followed him, besides his mercenary soldiers, and the 
 place ^lassada, whither he proposed to fly, was too 
 small to contain so great a multitude; so he sent 
 away the greater part of his company, being above 
 nine thousand, and bid them go some one way, and 
 some another, and to save themselves in Idumea, 
 and gave them what would buy them provisions in 
 their journey; but he took with him those that were 
 the least incumbered, and were most intimate with 
 him, and came to the fortress, and placed there his 
 wives, and his followers, being eight hundred in 
 number, there being in the place a sufficient quantity 
 of corn and water, and other necessaries, and went 
 directly for Petra, in Arabia. But when it was day, 
 the Parthians plundered all Jerusalem, and the palace, 
 and abstained from nothing but Hyrcanus' money, 
 which was three hundred talenjts. A great deal of 
 Herod's money escaped, and principally all that the 
 man had been so provident as to send into Idumea 
 beforehand: nor indeed did what was in the city
 
 454 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 suffice the Parthians, but they went out into the 
 country, and plundered it, and demohshed the city 
 Marissa. 
 
 10. And thus was Antigonus brought back into 
 Judea, by the king of the Parthians, and received 
 Hyrcanus and Phasaelus for his prisoners; but he 
 was greatly cast down because the women had es- 
 caped, whom he intended to have given the enemy, 
 as having promised they should have them, with the 
 money, for their reward: But being afraid that Hyr- 
 canus, who was under the guard of the Parthians, 
 might have his kingdom restored to him by the mul- 
 titude, he cut off his ears, and thereby took care 
 that the high priesthood should never come to him 
 any more, because he was maimed, while the ^ law 
 required that this dignity should belong to none but 
 such as had all their members entire. But now one 
 cannot but here admire the fortitude of Phasaelus, 
 who, perceiving that he was to be put to death, did 
 not think death any terrible thing at all, but to die 
 thus by the means of his enemy, this he thought a 
 most pitiable and dishonourable thing, and therefore, 
 since he had not his hands at liberty, but the bonds 
 he was in prevented him from killing himself thereby, 
 he dashed his head against a great stone, and thereby 
 took away his own life, which he thought to be the 
 best thing he could do in such a distress as he was 
 in, and thereby put it out of the power of the enemy 
 to bring him to any death he pleased. It is also 
 reported, that when he had made a great wound 
 in his head, Antigonus sent physicians to cure it, and 
 by ordering them to infuse poison into the wound, 
 killed him. However, Phasaelus hearing, before he 
 was quite dead, by a certain woman, that his brother 
 
 * This law of Moses, that the priests were to he without blemish, as 
 to Jill tlie j)arts of their hoclies, is in Lc\it. xxi. 17-24.
 
 Chap. xiY. OF THE JEWS. 455 
 
 Herod had escaped the enemy, underwent his death 
 cheerfully, since he now left behind him one who 
 would revenge his death, and who was able to inflict 
 punishment on his enemies. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 How Herod got away from the king of Arabia, and 
 made haste to go into Egypt, and thence went 
 away in haste also to Rome: and how, by prom- 
 ising a great deal of money to Antony, he obtained 
 of the senate and of Ccesar, to be made king of 
 the Jews. 
 
 1. As for Herod, the great miseries he was in 
 did not discourage him, but made him sharp in dis- 
 covering surprising undertakings; for he went to 
 Malchus, king of Arabia, whom he had formerly 
 been very kind to, in order to receive somewhat by 
 way of requital, now he was in more than ordinary 
 want of it, and desired he would let him have some 
 money, either by way of loan, or as his free gift, 
 on account of the many benefits he had received 
 from him; for not knowing what was become of 
 his brother, he was in haste to redeem him out of 
 the hands of his enemies, as willing to give three 
 hundred talents for the price of his redemption. 
 He also took with him the son of Phasaelus, who 
 was a child of but seven years of age, for this very 
 reason that he might be a hostage for the repayment 
 of the money; but there came messengers from Mal- 
 chus to meet him, by whom he was desired to be 
 gone, for that the Parthians had laid a charge upon 
 him not to entertain Herod. This was only a pre-
 
 456 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 tence which he made use of that he might not be 
 obhged to repay him what he owed him: and this 
 he was farther induced to, by the principal men 
 among the Arabians, that they might cheat him of 
 what sums they had received from [his father] An- 
 tipater, and which he had committed to their iidehty. 
 He made answer that he did not intend to be trouble- 
 some to them by his coming thither, but that he 
 desired only to discourse with them about certain 
 aifairs that were to him of the greatest importance. 
 
 2. Hereupon he resolved to go away, and did 
 go very prudently the road to Egypt; and then it 
 was that he lodged in a certain temple, for he had 
 left a great many of his followers there. On the 
 next day he came to Rhinocolura, and there it was 
 that he heard what was befallen his brother. Though 
 Malchus soon repented of what he had done, and 
 came running after Herod, but with no mannei-w of 
 success, for he was gotten a very great way off, 
 and made haste into the road to Pelusium; and when 
 the stationary ships that lay there hindered him from 
 sailing to Alexandria, he went to their captains, by 
 whose assistance, and tliat out of much reverence 
 of, and great regard to him, he was conducted into 
 the city [Alexandria,] and was retained there by 
 Cleopatra, yet was she not able to prevail with him 
 to stay there, because he was making haste to Rome, 
 even though the weather was stormy, and he was 
 informed that the affairs of Italy were very tumultu- 
 ous and in great disorder. 
 
 3. So he set sail from thence to Pamphylia, and 
 falling into a violent storm, he had much ado to 
 escape to Rhodes, with the loss of the ship's burden; 
 and there it was that two of his friends, Sappinas 
 and Ptolemeus, met with him: and as he found that 
 city very much damaged in the war against Cassius,
 
 Chap. XIV. OF THE JEWS. 457 
 
 though he were in necessity himself, he neglected 
 not to do it a kindness, but did what he could to 
 recover it to its former state. He also built there 
 a three-decked ship, and set sail thence, with his 
 friends, for Italy, and came to the port of Brun- 
 dusium; and when he was come from thence to Rome, 
 he first related to Antony what had befallen him 
 in Judea, and how Phasaelus his brother was seized 
 on by the Parthians, and put to death by them; 
 and how Hyrcanus was detained captive by them, 
 and how they had made Antigonus king, who had 
 promised them a sum of money, no less than a 
 thousand talents, with five hundred women, who were 
 to be of the principal families, and of the Jewish 
 stock, and that he had carried off the women by 
 night, and that by undergoing a great many hard- 
 ships, he had escaped the hands of his enemies; as 
 also, that his own relations were in danger of being 
 besieged and taken, and that he had sailed through 
 a storm, and contemned all these terrible dangers 
 of it, in order to come as soon as possible to him, 
 who was his hope and only succour at this time. 
 
 4. This account made Antony commiserate ^ the 
 change that had happened in Herod's condition; and 
 reasoning with himself that this was a common case 
 among those that are placed in such great dignities, 
 and that they are liable to the mutations that come 
 from fortune, he was very ready to give him the 
 assistance he desired, and this because he called to 
 mind the friendship he had had with Antipater, be- 
 cause Herod offered him money to make him king, 
 as he had formerly given it him to make him tetrarch, 
 
 ' Concerning the chronology of Herod, and the time when he was 
 first made i<ing at Rome, and concerning the time when he began his 
 second reign, without a rival, upon the conquest and slaughter of Antig- 
 onus, both principally derived from this and the two next chapters in 
 Josephus, see the note on sect. 6, and ch. xv. sect. 10.
 
 458 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 and chiefly because of his hatred to Antigonus, for 
 he took him to be a seditious person, and an enemy 
 to the Romans. . C«sar was also the forwarder to 
 raise Herod's dignity, and to give him his assistance 
 in what he desired, on account of the toils of war 
 which he had himself undergone with Antipater his 
 father in Egypt, and of the hospitality he had treated 
 him withal, and the kindness he had always showed 
 him, as also to gratify Antony, who was very zealous 
 for Herod. So a senate was convocated; and Mas- 
 sala, first, and then Atratinus, introduced Herod 
 into it, and enlarged upon the benefits they had 
 received from his father, and put them in mind of 
 the good- will he had borne to the Romans. At the 
 same thne they accused Antigonus, and declared 
 him an enemy, not only because of his former oppo- 
 sition to them, but that he had now overlooked the 
 Romans, and taken the government from the Par- 
 thians. Upon this the senate was irritated; and 
 Antony informed them farther, that it was for their 
 advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should 
 be king. This seemed good to all the senators; and 
 so they made a decree accordingly. 
 - 5. And this was the principal instance of Antony's 
 affection for Herod, that he not only procured him 
 a kingdom which he did not expect, for he did not 
 come with an intention to ask the kingdom (for 
 himself, which he did not suppose the Romans would 
 grant him, who used to bestow it on some of the 
 royal family, but intended to desire it for his wife's 
 brother, who was grandson by his father to Aristobu- 
 lus, and to Hyrcanus by his mother,) but that he 
 procured it for him so suddenly that he obtained 
 what he did not expect, and departed out of Italy 
 in so few days as seven in all. This young man 
 [the grandson] Herod afterward took care to have
 
 Chap. XIV. OF THE JEWS. 4.59 
 
 slain, as we shall show in its proper place. But 
 when the senate was dissolved Antony and Caesar 
 went out of the senate-house, with Herod between 
 them, and with the consuls and other magistrates 
 before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay 
 up their decrees in the capitol. Antony also feasted 
 Herod the first day of his reign. And thus did this 
 man receive the kingdom, having obtained it on the 
 hundred and eighty-fourth Olympiad, when Caius 
 Domitius Calvinus was consul the second time, and 
 Caius Asinius Pollio [the first time.] 
 
 6. All this while Antigonus besieged those that 
 were in Massada, who had plenty of all other neces- 
 saries, but were only in want ^ of water, insomuch 
 that on this occasion Joseph, Herod's brother, was 
 contriving to run away from it, with two hundred 
 of his dependents, to the Arabians; for he had heard 
 that Malchus repented of the offences he had been 
 guilty of with regard to Herod: but God, by sending 
 rain in the night time, prevented his going away, 
 for their cisterns were thereby filled, and he was 
 under no necessity of running away on that account; 
 but they were now of good courage, and the more 
 so, because the sending that plenty of water which 
 they had been in want of, seemed a mark of divine 
 providence; so they made a sally, and fought hand 
 to hand with Antigonus' soldiers, with some openly, 
 with some privately, and destroyed a great number 
 of them. At the same time, Ventidius, the general 
 of the Romans, was sent out of Sja'ia, to drive the 
 Parthians out of it, and marched after them into 
 Judea, in pretence indeed to succour Joseph, but 
 in reality the whole affair was no more than a 
 
 ' This grievous want of water at Massada, till the place had like 
 to have been taken by the Parthians, mentioned both here, and Of the 
 War, B. T. eh. xv. sect. 1, Vol. III. is an indication that it was now 
 .summer time.
 
 460 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 stratagem, in order to get money of Antigonus; so 
 they pitched their camp very near to Jerusalem, and 
 wiped off Antigonus a great deal of money, and 
 then he retired himself with the greater part of the 
 army; but, that the wickedness he had been guilty 
 of might not be found out, he left Silo there, with 
 a certain part of his soldiers, with whom also Antig- 
 onus cultivated an acquaintance, that he might cause 
 him no disturbance, and was still in hopes that the 
 Parthians would come again and defend hiin. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Hou) Herod sailed out of Italy to Judea, and fought 
 with Antigonus; and what other things happened 
 in Judea about that time. 
 
 1. By this time Herod had sailed out of Italy 
 to Ptolemais, and had gotten together no small army, 
 both of strangers and of his own countrymen, and 
 marched through Galilee against Antigonus. Silo 
 also, and Ventidius, came and assisted him, being 
 persuaded by Dellius, who was sent by Antony to 
 assist in bringing back Herod. Now for Ventidius, 
 he was employed in composing the disturbances that 
 had been made in tlie cities by the means of the 
 Partliians; and for Silo, he was in Judea indeed, but 
 corrupted by Antigonus. However, as Herod went 
 along, his army increased every day, and all Galilee, 
 with some small exception, joined him; but as he 
 was marching to those that were at Massada, for 
 he was obliged to endeavour to save those that were 
 in that fortress, now they were besieged, because 
 they were his relations: Joppa was a hinderance to
 
 Chap. XV. OF THE JEWS. 461 
 
 him, for it was necessary for him to take that place 
 first, it being a city at variance with him, that no 
 stronghold might be left in his enemies' hands 
 behind him when he should go to Jerusalem: and 
 when Silo made this a pretence for rising up from 
 Jerusalem, and was thereupon pursued by the Jews, 
 Herod fell upon them with a small body of men, 
 and both put the Jews to flight and saved Silo, when 
 he was very poorly able to defend himself; but 
 when Herod had taken Joppa, he made haste to 
 set free those of his family that were in Massada. 
 Now of the people of the country, some joined him 
 because of the friendship they had had with his 
 father, and some because of the splendid appearance 
 he made, and others by way of requital for the 
 benefits they had received from both of them, but 
 the greatest number came to him in hopes of getting 
 somewhat from him afterward, if he were once firmly 
 settled in the kingdom. 
 
 2. Herod had now a strong army; and as he 
 marched on, Antigonus laid snares and ambushes 
 in the j)asses and places most proper for them, but 
 in truth he thereby did little or no damage to the 
 enemy: so Herod received those of his family out 
 of Massada, and the fortress Ressa, and then went 
 on for Jerusalem. The soldiery also that was with 
 Silo accompanied him all along, as did many of 
 the citizens, being afraid of his power; and as soon 
 as he had pitched his camp on the west side of the 
 city, the soldiers that were set to guard that part 
 shot their arrows, and threw their darts at him; 
 and when some sallied out in a crowd, and came to 
 fight hand to hand with the first ranks of Herod's 
 army, he gave orders that they sliould, in the first 
 place, make proclamation about the wall. That "he 
 came for the good of the people, and for the preserva-
 
 462 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 tion of the city, and not to bear any old grudge 
 at even his most open enemies, but ready to forget 
 the offences which his greatest adversaries had done 
 him." But Antigonus, by way of reply to what 
 Herod had caused to be proclaimed, and this before 
 the Romans, and before Silo also, said "That they 
 would not do justly, if they gave the kingdom to 
 Herod, who was no more than a private man, and 
 an Idumean, i. e. ^ a half Jew, whereas they ought 
 to bestow it on one of the roval family, as their 
 custom was; for, that in case they at present bare 
 an ill-will to him, and had resolved to deprive him 
 of the kingdom, as having received it from the 
 Parthians, yet were there many others of his family 
 that might by their law take it, and these such as 
 had no way offended the Romans, and being of 
 the sacerdotal family, it would be an unworthy thing r 
 to put them by." Now, while they said thus, one 
 to another, and fell to reproaching one another on 
 both sides, Antigonus permitted his own men that 
 were upon the wall to defend themselves, who using 
 their bows, and showing great alacrity against their 
 enemies, easily drove them away from the towers. 
 
 3. And now it was that Silo discovered that he 
 had taken bribes: for he set a good number of his 
 soldiers to complain aloud of want of provisions 
 they were in, and to require money to buy them 
 food, and that it was fit to let them go into places 
 proper for winter quarters, since the places near 
 
 ' This affirmation of Antigonus' spoken in the days of Herod, and in 
 a manner to his face, that he was an Idumean, i. e. a half Jew, seems 
 to me of much greater authority than that pretence of his favourite 
 and flatterer Nicolaus of Damascus, that he derived iiis pedigree from 
 Jews as far liackward as the Babylonish captivity, ch. i. sect. 3. Ac- 
 cordingly Josephus always esteems iiim an Idumean, though he says 
 his father Antipater was of the same people with the Jews, ch. viii. sect. 1, 
 and l)y birth a Jew, Antiq. B. XX. ch. viii. sect. 7, as indeed all such 
 proselytes of Justice, as the Idumeans, were in time esteemed the very 
 same people as the Jews,
 
 Chap. XV. OF THE JEWS. 4G8 
 
 the city were a desert, by reason that Antigonus' 
 soldiers had carried all away; so he set the army 
 upon removing, and endeavoured to march away: 
 But Herod pressed Silo not to depart; and exhorted 
 Silo's captains and soldiers not to desert him, when 
 CcGsar and Antony, and the senate, had sent him 
 thither, for that he would provide them j)lenty of 
 all the things they wanted, and easily procure them 
 a great abundance of what they required; after which 
 entreaty, he immediately went out into the country, 
 and left not the least pretence to Silo for his de- 
 parture, for he brought an unexpected quantity of 
 provisions, and sent to those friends of his who 
 inhabited about Samaria, to bring down corn, and 
 wine, and oil, and cattle, and all other provisions, 
 to Jericho, that there might be no want of a supply 
 for the soldiers for the time to come. Antigonus 
 was sensible of this, and sent presently over the 
 country such as might restrain and lie in ambush for 
 those that went out for provisions. So these men 
 obeyed the orders of Antigonus, and got together 
 a great number of armed men about Jericho, and 
 sat upon the mountains, and watched those that 
 brought the provisions. However, Herod was not 
 idle in the meantime, for he took ten bands of 
 soldiers, of whom five were of the Romans, and 
 five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among them, 
 and with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho; 
 and as they found the city deserted, but that five 
 hundred of them had settled themselves on the tops 
 of the hills, with their wives and children, those he 
 took and sent away; but the Romans fell upon the 
 city, and plundered it, and found the houses full 
 of all sorts of good things: So the king left a 
 garrison at Jericho, and came back again, and sent 
 the Roman army to take their winter quarters in
 
 464 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 the countries that were come over to him, Judea 
 and Gahlee, and Samaria. And so much did Antig- 
 onus gain of Silo for the bribes he gave him, that 
 part of the army should be quartered at Lydda, in 
 order to please Antony. So the Romans laid their 
 weapons aside, and lived in plenty of all things. 
 
 4. But Herod was not pleased with lying still, 
 but sent out his brother Joseph against Idumea with 
 two thousand armed footmen, and four hundred 
 horsemen, while he himself came to Samaria, and 
 left his mother and his other relations there, for 
 they were already gone out of JVIassada, and went 
 into Galilee, to take certain places which were held 
 by the garrisons of Antigonus; and he passed on 
 to Sepphoris, as God sent a snow, while Antigonus' 
 garrisons withdrew themselves, and had great plenty 
 of provisions. He also went thence, and resolved 
 to destroy those robbers that dwelt in the caves, 
 and did much mischief in the country: so he sent 
 a troop of horsemen, and three companies of armed 
 footmen against them. They were very near to a 
 village called Arbela; and on the fortieth day after, 
 he came himself with his whole army; and as the 
 enemy sallied out boldly upon him, the left wing of 
 his army gave way, but he appearing with a bodj^ 
 of men, put those to flight who were already con- 
 querors, and recalled his men that ran away. He 
 also pressed upon his enemies, and pursued them as 
 far as the river Jordan, though they ran away by 
 different roads. So he brought over to him all 
 Galilee, excepting those that dwelt in the caves, 
 and distributed money to every one of his soldiers, 
 giving them a hundred and fifty drachma a-piece, 
 and much more to their ca})tains, and sent them into 
 winter quarters: at which time Silo came to him, 
 and his commanders with him, because Antigonus
 
 Chap. XY. OF THE JEWS. 465 
 
 would not give him provisions any longer, for he 
 supplied them for no more than one month; nay, 
 he had sent to all the country about, and ordered 
 them to carry off the provisions that were there, 
 and retire to the mountains, that the Romans might 
 have no provisions to live upon, and so might perish 
 by famine: but Herod committed the care of that 
 matter to Pheroras, his youngest brother, and ordered 
 him to repair Alexandrium also. Accordingly, he 
 quickly made the soldiers abound with great plenty 
 of provisions, and rebuilt Alexandrium, which had 
 been before desolate. 
 
 5. About this time it was that Antony continued 
 some time at Athens, and that Ventidius, who was 
 now in Syria, sent for Silo, and commanded him to 
 assist Herod in the first place, to finish the present 
 war, and then to send for their confederates, for 
 the war they were themselves engaged in; but as 
 for Herod, he went in haste against the robbers that 
 were in the caves, and sent Silo away to Ventidius, 
 while he marched against them. These caves were 
 in mountains that were exceeding abrupt, and in 
 their middle were no other than precipices, with 
 certain entrances into the caves, and those caves 
 were encompassed ^^^th sharp rocks, and in these 
 did the robbers lie concealed, with all their families 
 about them; but the king caused certain chests to 
 be made, in order to destroy them, and to be hung 
 down, bound about with iron chains, by an engine, 
 from the top of the mountain, it being not possible 
 to get up to them, by reason of the sharp ascent 
 of the mountains, nor to creep down to them from 
 above. Now these chests were filled with armed 
 men, who had long hooks in their hands, by which 
 they might pull out such as resisted them, and then 
 tumble them down, and kill them by so doing: but
 
 466 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 the letting the chests down proved to be a matter 
 of great danger, because of the vast depth they were 
 to be let down, although they had their provisions 
 in the chests themselves: but when the chests were 
 let down, and not one of those in the mouths of 
 the caves durst come near them, but lay still out 
 of fear, some of the armed men girt on their armour, 
 and by both their hands took hold of the chain, by 
 which the chests were let down, and went into the 
 mouths of the caves, because they fretted that such 
 delay was made by the robbers not daring to come 
 out of the caves; and when they were at any of 
 those mouths, they first killed many of those that 
 were in the mouths with their darts, and afterwards 
 pulled those to them that resisted them with their 
 hooks, and tumbled them down the precipices, and 
 afterwards went into the caves, and killed many 
 more, and then went into their chests again, and 
 lay still there; but upon this, terror seized the rest, 
 when they heard the lamentations that were made, 
 and they despaired of escaping: however, when the 
 night came on, that put an end to the whole work; 
 and as the king proclaimed pardon by a herald to 
 such as delivered themselves up to him, many accepted 
 of the offer. The same method of assault was made 
 use of the next day; and they went farther, and 
 got out in baskets to fight them, and sought them 
 at their doors, and sent fire among them, and set 
 their caves on fire, for there was a great deal of 
 combustible matter within them. Now there was 
 one old man who was caught within one of these 
 caves, with seven children and a wife; these prayed 
 him to give them leave to go out, and yield 
 themselves up to the enemy, but he stood at the 
 cave's mouth, and always slew that child of his who 
 went out, till he had destroyed them every one, and
 
 Cheap. XV. OF THE JEWS. 4G7 
 
 after that he slew his wife, and cast their dead 
 bodies down the precipice, and himself after them, 
 and so underwent death rather than slavery: but 
 before he did this, he greatly reproached Herod with 
 the meanness of his family, although he was then 
 king. Herod also saw what he was doing, and 
 stretched out his hand, and offered him all manner 
 of security for his life: By which means all these 
 caves were at length subdued entirely. 
 
 6. And when the king had set Ptolemy over these 
 parts of the country as his general, he went to 
 Samaria, with six hundred horsemen, and three 
 thousand armed footmen, as intending to fight An- 
 tigonus. But still this command of the army did 
 not succeed well with Ptolemy, but those that had 
 been troublesome to Galilee before attacked him, and 
 slew him; and when they had done this, they fled 
 among the lakes and places almost inaccessible, lay- 
 ing waste and plundering whatsoever they could 
 come at in those places. But Herod soon returned, 
 and punished them for what they had done; for some 
 of these rebels he slew, and others of them, who 
 had fled to the strongholds, he besieged, and both 
 slew them, and demolished their strongholds: and 
 when he had thus put an end to their rebellion, he 
 laid a fine upon the cities of a hundred talents. 
 
 7. In the meantime Pacorus was fallen in a 
 ])attle, and the Parthians were defeated. When 
 Ventidius sent Macherus to the assistance of Herod, 
 with two legions and a thousand horsemen, while 
 Antony encouraged him to make haste. But Ma- 
 cherus, at the instigation of Antigonus, without the 
 approbation of Herod, as being corrupted by money, 
 went about to take a view of his affairs: but Antig- 
 onus suspecting this intention of his coming, did 
 not admit him into the city, but kept him at a
 
 468 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 distance, with throwing stones at him, and plainly 
 showed what he himself meant. But when Macherus 
 was sensible that Herod had given him good advice, 
 and that he had made a mistake himself in not 
 hearkening to the advice, he retired to the city Em- 
 maus; and what Jews he met with he slew them, 
 whether they were enemies, or friends, out of the 
 rage he was in at what hardships he had undergone. 
 The king was provoked at this conduct of his, and 
 went to Samaria, and resolved to go to Antony 
 about these affairs, and to inform him that he stood 
 in no need of such helpers who did him more mis- 
 chief than they did his enemies, and that he was 
 able of himself to beat Antigonus; but Macherus 
 followed him, and desired that he would not go to 
 Antony, or, if he was resolved to go, that he would 
 join his brother Joseph with them, and let them 
 fight against Antigonus. So he was reconciled to 
 Macherus, upon his earnest entreaties. Accordingly 
 he left Joseph there with his army, but charged him 
 to run no hazards, nor to quarrel with jNIacherus. 
 
 8. But for his own part, he made haste to Antony, 
 (who was then at the siege of Samosata, a place 
 upon Euphrates,) with his troops, both horsemen 
 and footmen, to be auxiliaries to him: and when he 
 came to Antioch, and met there a great number of 
 men gotten together that were very desirous to go 
 to Antony, but durst not venture to go out of 
 fear, because the Barbarians fell upon men on the 
 road, and slew many, so he encouraged them, and 
 became their conductor uj)on the road. Now when 
 they were within two days' march of Samosata, 
 the Barbarians had laid an ambush there to disturb 
 those that came to Antony, and where the woods 
 made the passes narrow, as they led to the plains, 
 there they laid not a few of their horsemen, who
 
 Chap. XV. OF THE JEWS. 469 
 
 were to lie still until those passengers were gone by 
 into the wide place. Now as soon as their first ranks 
 were gone by, (for Herod brought on the rear,) 
 those that lay in ambush, who were about five hundred, 
 fell upon them on the sudden, and when they had 
 put the foremost to flight, the king came riding 
 hard, with the forces that were about him, and im- 
 mediatelv drove back the enemv; bv whicli means 
 he made the minds of his own men courageous, and 
 emboldened them to go on, insomuch that those who 
 ran away before, now returned back, and the Bar- 
 barians were slain on all sides. The king also went 
 on killing them, and recovered all the baggage, among 
 which were a great number of beasts for burden, 
 and of slaves, and proceeded on in his march; and 
 whereas there were a very great number of those 
 in the woods that attacked them, and were near the 
 passage that led into the plain, he made a sally upon 
 these also with a strong body of men; and put them 
 to flight, and slew many of them, and thereby ren- 
 dered the way safe for those that came after; and 
 these called Herod tlieir saviour and protector. 
 
 9. And when he was near to Samosata, Antonv 
 sent out his army in all their proper habiliments to 
 meet him, in order to. pay Herod this respect, and 
 because of the assistance he had given him, for he 
 had heard what attacks the Barbarians had made 
 upon him [in Judea.] He also was very glad to 
 see him there, as having been made acquainted witli 
 the great actions he had performed upon the road: 
 so he entertained him verv kindlv, and could not 
 but admire his courage. Antony also embraced him 
 as soon as he saw him, and saluted him after a most 
 affectionate manner, and gave him the upper hand, 
 as having himself lately made him a king; and in 
 a little time Antiochus dehvered up the fortress, and
 
 470 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 on that account this war was at an end; then Antony 
 committed the rest to Sosius, and gave him orders 
 to assist Herod, and went himself to Egypt. Ac- 
 cordingly Sosius sent two legions before into Judea 
 to the assistance of Herod, and he followed himself 
 with the body of the army. 
 
 10. Now Joseph was already slain in Judea, in 
 the manner following: He forgot what charge his 
 brother Herod had given him when he went to An- 
 tony; and when he had pitched his camp among the 
 mountains; for Macherus had lent him five regi- 
 ments, with these he went hastily to Jericho, in order 
 to reap the corn thereto belonging: and as the Roman 
 regiments were but newly raised, and were unskilful 
 in war, for they were in great part collected out of 
 Syria, he was attacked by the enemy, and caught 
 in those places of difficulty, and was himself slain, 
 as he was fighting bravely, and the whole army was 
 lost, for there were six regiments slain. So when 
 Antigonus had got possession of the dead bodies, 
 he cut off Joseph's head, although Pheroras his 
 brother would have redeemed it at the price of 
 fifty talents. After which defeat the Galileans re- 
 volted from their commanders, and took those of 
 Herod's party, and drowned them in the lake, and 
 a great part of Judea was become seditious; but 
 Macherus fortified the place Gitta [in Samaria.] 
 
 •11. At this time messengers came to Herod, and 
 informed him of what had been done; and when he 
 was come to Daphne by Antioch, they told him of 
 the ill fortune that had befallen his brother; which 
 yet he expected, from certain visions that appeared 
 to him in his dreams, which clearly foreshowed his 
 brother's death. So he hastened his march; and 
 when he came to mount Libanus, he received about 
 eight hundred of the men of that place, having
 
 Chap. XV. OF THE JEWS. 471 
 
 already with him also one Roman legion, and with 
 these he came to Ptolemais. He also marched thence 
 by night with his army, and proceeded along Galilee. 
 Here it was that the enemy met him, and fought 
 him, and were beaten, and shut up in the same place 
 of strength whence they had sallied out the day be- 
 fore. So he attacked the place in the morning, but 
 by reason of a great storm that was then very violent, 
 he was able to do nothing, but drew off his army 
 into the neighbouring villages; yet as soon as the 
 other legion that Antony sent him was come to his 
 assistance, those that were in garrison in the place 
 were afraid, and deserted it in the night time. Then 
 did the king march hastily to Jericho, intending to 
 avenge himself on the enemy for the slaughter of his 
 brother; and when he had pitched his tents, he made 
 a feast for the principal commanders, and after 
 this collation was over, and he had dismissed his guests, 
 he retired to his own chamber; and here may one 
 see what kindness God had for the king, for the 
 upper part of the house fell down when nobody was 
 in it, and so killed none, insomuch that all the people 
 believed that Herod was beloved of God, since he 
 had escaped such a great and surprising danger. 
 
 12. But the next day six thousand of the enemy 
 came down from the tops of the mountains to fight 
 the Romans, which greatly terrified them; and the 
 soldiers that were in light armour came near, and 
 pelted the king's guards that were come out with 
 darts and stones, and one of them hit him on the 
 side with a dart. Antigonus also sent a commander 
 against Samaria, whose name was Pappus, with some 
 forces, being desirous to show tlie enemy how potent 
 he was, and that he had men to spare in his war 
 with them: He sat down to oppose Macherus; but 
 Herod, when lie had taken five cities, took such as
 
 472 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 were left in- them, being about two thousand, and 
 slew them, and burnt the cities themselves, and then 
 returned to go against Pappus, who was encamped 
 at a village called Isanas; and there ran in to him 
 many out of Jericho and Judea, near to which places 
 he was, and the enemy fell upon his men, so stout 
 were they at this time, and joined battle with them, 
 but he beat them in the fight; and in order to be 
 revenged on them for the slaughter of his brother, 
 he pursued them sharply, and killed them as they 
 ran away: ^ and as the houses w^ere full of armed 
 men, and many of them ran as far as the tops of 
 the houses, he got them under his power, and pulled 
 down the roofs of the houses, and saw the lower 
 rooms full of soldiers tliat w^ere caught, and lay all 
 on a heap: so they threw stones down upon them 
 as they lay piled one upon another, and thereby 
 killed them: nor was there a more frightful spec- 
 tacle in all the war than this, where beyond the walls 
 an immense multitude of dead men lay heaped one 
 upon another. This action it was w^hich chiefly broke 
 the spirits of the enemy, who expected now what 
 w^ould come, for there appeared a mighty number 
 of people that came from places far distant, that 
 were now about the village, but then ran aw^ay; and 
 had it not been for the depth of winter, which then 
 restrained them, the king's army had presently gone 
 to Jerusalem, as being very courageous at this good 
 success, and the whole work had been done immedi- 
 ately, for Antigonus was already looking about how 
 he might fly away, and leave the city. 
 
 ' It may be worth our observation here, that these soldiers of Herod's 
 could not have gotten upon the tops of these houses, which were full of 
 enemies, in order to pull up the upper floors, and destroy them beneath, 
 but on ladders from tiie outside; wliich illustrates some texts in the New 
 Testament, iiy which it ajipears that men used to ascend thither by 
 ladders on the outsides. See Matt. xxiv. 17, Mark xiii. 15, Luke v. 19, 
 xvii. 31.
 
 Chap. XV. OF THE JEWS. 473 
 
 13. At this time the king gave order that the 
 soldiers should go to supper, for it was late at night, 
 while he went into a chamber to use the bath, for 
 he was very weary: and here it was that he was in 
 the greatest danger, which yet, by God's providence, 
 he escaped; for as he was naked, and had but one 
 servant that followed him, to be with him while he 
 was bathing in an inner room, certain of the enemy, 
 who were in their armour, and had fled thither out 
 of fear, were then in the place; and as he was bathing, 
 the first of them came out with his naked sword 
 drawn, and went out at the doors, and after him 
 a second and third, armed in like manner, and Avere 
 under such a consternation, that they did no hurt 
 to the king, and thought themselves to have come 
 off very well in suffering no harm themselves, in their 
 getting out of the house. However, on the next 
 day, he cut off the head of Pappus, for he was al- 
 ready slain, and sent it to Pheroras, as a punishment 
 of what their brother had suffered by his means, for 
 he was the man that slew him with his own hand. 
 
 14. When the rigour of winter was over, Herod 
 removed his army, and came near to Jerusalem, and 
 pitched his camp hard by the city. Now this was 
 the third year since he had been made king at Rome; 
 and as he removed his camp, and came near that 
 part of the wall where it could be most easily as- 
 saulted, he pitched that camp before the temple, 
 intending to make his attacks in the same manner 
 as did Pompey; so he encompassed the place with 
 three bulwarks, and erected towers, and employed 
 a great many hands about the work, and cut down 
 the trees that were round about the city; and when 
 he had appointed proper persons to oversee the 
 works, even while the army lay before the city, he 
 himself went to Samaria, to complete his marriage,
 
 474 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 and to take to wife the daughter of Alexander, the 
 son of Ai'istobulus ; for he had betrothed her abeady, 
 as I have before related. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 How Herod, tchen he had married Mariamne, took 
 Jerusalem, xvith the assistance of Sosiiis, by force; 
 and how the government of the Asamoneans was 
 put an end to. 
 
 1. After the wedding was over, came Sosius 
 through Phenicia, having sent out his army before 
 him over the midland parts. He also, who was their 
 commander, came himself, with a great number of 
 horsemen and footmen. The king also came himsell 
 from Samaria, and brought with him no small army, 
 besides that which was there before, for they were 
 about thirty thousand: and they all met togetliei 
 at the walls of Jerusalem, and encamped at the north 
 wall of the city, being now an army of eleven legions, 
 armed men on foot, and six thousand horsemen, with 
 other auxiliaries out of S\Tia. The generals were 
 two, Sosius, sent by Antony to assist Herod, and 
 Herod on his own account, in order to take the 
 government from Antigonus, who was declared an 
 enemy at Rome, and that he might himself be king, 
 according to the decree of the senate. 
 
 2. Xow the Jews that were inclosed within the 
 walls of the city fought against Herod with great 
 alacrity and zeal, (for the whole nation was gath- 
 ered together;) they also gave out many prophecies 
 about the temple, and many things agreeable to the 
 people, as if God would deliver them out of the
 
 Chap. XVI. OF THE JEWS. 475 
 
 dangers they were in; they had also carried off what 
 was out of the city, that they might not leave any 
 thing to afford sustenance either for men or for 
 beasts: and by private robberies, they made the want 
 of necessaries greater. When Herod understood this, 
 he opposed ambushes in the fittest places against 
 their private robberies, and he sent legions of armed 
 men to bring in provisions, and that from remote 
 places, so that in a little time they had great plenty 
 of provisions. Xow the three bulwarks were easily 
 erected, because so many hands were continually at 
 work upon them; for it was summer time, and there 
 was nothing to hinder them in raising their works, 
 neither from the air, nor from the workmen: so they 
 brought their engines to bear, and shook the walls 
 of the city, and tried all manner of ways to get in; 
 vet did not these within discover anv fear, but they 
 also contrived not a few engines to oppose their 
 engines withal. They also sallied out, and burnt 
 not only those engines that were not yet perfected, 
 but those that were; and when they came hand to 
 
 -' a. 
 
 hand, their attempts w^ere not less bold than those 
 of the Romans, though they were behind them in 
 skill. They also erected new works when the former 
 were ruined, and making mines underground, they 
 met each other, and fought there: and making use 
 of brutish courage rather than of prudent valour, 
 they persisted in this war to the very last; and this 
 they did while a mighty army lay round about them, 
 and while thev were distressed by famine, and the 
 want of necessaries, for this happened to be a sab- 
 batic year. The first that scaled the walls were 
 twenty chosen men, the next were Sosius' centurions, 
 for the first w^all was taken in forty days, and the 
 second in fifteen more, when some of the cloisters 
 that were about the temple were burnt, M'hich Herod
 
 476 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 gave out to have been burnt by Antigonus, in order 
 to expose hini to the hatred of the Jews. And when 
 the outer court of the temple, and the lower city 
 were taken, the Jews fled into the inner court of 
 the temple, and into the upper city; but now fearing 
 lest the Romans should hinder them from offering 
 their daily sacrifices to God, they sent an embassage, 
 and desired that they would only permit them to 
 bring ixi beasts for sacrifices, ^vhich Herod granted, 
 hoping they were going to yield, but w^hen he saw 
 that they did nothing of what he supposed, but 
 bitterly opposed him, in order to preserve the king- 
 dom, to Antigonus, he made an assault upon the 
 city, and took it by storm; and now all parts were 
 full of those that were slain by the rage of the 
 Romans at the long duration of the siege, and by 
 the zeal of the Jews that were on Herod's side, who 
 were not willing to leave one of their adversaries 
 alive, so they w^ere murdered continually in the narrow 
 streets and in the houses ])y crowds, and as they 
 were flying to the temple for shelter, and there was 
 no pity taken of either infants or the aged, nor did 
 they spare so much as the weaker sex; nay, although 
 the king sent about, and besought them to spare 
 the people, yet nobody restrained their hand from 
 slaughter, but, as if they were a company of mad- 
 men, they fell upon persons of all ages, without 
 distinction; and then Antigonus, without regard to 
 either his past or j^resent circumstances, came down 
 from the citadel, and fell down at the feet of Sosius, 
 who took no pity of him, in the change of his for- 
 tune, but insulted him beyond measure, and called 
 him yln tic/one [i.e. a woman, and not a man;] yet 
 did he not treat him as if he were a woman, by 
 letting him go at liberty, but put him into bonds and 
 kept him in close custody.
 
 Chap. xTi. OF THE JEWS. 477 
 
 3. And now Herod having overcome his enemies, 
 his care was to govern those foreigners who had 
 been his assistants, for the crowd of strangers rushed 
 to see the temple, and the sacred things in the temple, 
 but the king thinking a victory to be a more severe 
 affliction than a defeat, if any of those things which 
 it was not lawful to see should be seen by them, used 
 entreaties and threatenings, and even sometimes force 
 itself, to restrain them. He also prohibited the 
 ravage that was made in the city, and many times 
 asked Sosius, whether the Romans would empty the 
 city both of money and men, and leave him king 
 of a desert? and told him, that he esteemed the do- 
 minion over the whole habitable earth as bv no 
 
 • 
 
 means an equivalent satisfaction for such a murder 
 of his citizens; and when he said, that this plunder 
 was justly to be permitted the soldiers, for the siege 
 they had undergone, he replied, that he would give 
 every one their reward out of his own money, and 
 by this means he redeemed what remained of the 
 city from destruction; and he performed what he 
 had promised him, for he gave a noble present to 
 every soldier, and a proportionable present to their 
 commanders, but a most royal present to Sosius 
 himself, till thev all went awav full of money. 
 
 4. This ^ destruction befell the city of Jerusalem 
 
 ^ Xote here, that Josephvis fully and frequently assures us that there 
 passed above three years between Herod's first obtaining the kingdom 
 at Rome, and his second obtaining it upon the taking of Jerusalem, and 
 death of Antigonus. The present history of this interval twice mentions 
 the army's going into winter quarters, which perhaps belonged to two 
 several winters, ch. xv. sect. 3, 4, and though Josephus says nothing of 
 how long they lay in those quarters, yet does he give such an account 
 of the long and studied delays of Ventidius, Silo, and Macherus, who 
 were to see Herod settled in his new kingdom, but seem not to have 
 had sufficient forces for that jnirpose, and were for certain all corrupted 
 by Antigonus to make the longest delays possible, and give us such 
 particular accounts of the many great actions of Herod's during the 
 same interval, as fairly imply that interval before Herod went to Samo- 
 sata, to have been very considerable. However, what is wanting in
 
 '478 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv. 
 
 when IMarcus Agrippa and Caninius Gallus were 
 consuls of Rome, on the hundred eighty and fifth 
 Olympiad, on the third month, on the solemnity of 
 the fast, as if a periodical revolution of calamities 
 had returned, since that which befell the Jews under 
 Pompey, for the Jews were taken by him on the 
 same day, and this was after twenty-seven years' 
 time. So when Sosius had dedicated a crown of 
 gold to God, he marched away from Jerusalem, 
 and carried Antigonus with him in bonds to Antony; 
 but Herod was afraid lest Antigonus should be 
 kept in prison [only] by Antony, and that when 
 lie was carried to Rome by him, he might get his 
 cause to be heard by the senate, and might demon- 
 strate, as he was himself of the royal blood, and 
 Herod but a private man, that therefore it belonged 
 to his sons however to have the kingdom, on account 
 of the family they were of, in case he had himself 
 offended the Romans by what he had done. Out 
 of Herod's fear of this it was, that he, by giving 
 Antony a great deal of money, endeavoured to per- 
 suade him to have Antigonus slain, which if it were 
 once done, he should be free from that fear. And 
 thus did the government of the Asamoneans cease, 
 a hundred twenty and six years after it was first 
 set up. This family was a splendid and an illus- 
 
 Josephus, is fully supjilied by Moses Chorenensis, tlie Armenian his- 
 torian, in his history of that interval, B. II. ch. xviii. wliere he directly 
 assures us, that Tigranes, then king of Armenia, and the principal man- 
 ager of this Parthian war, reigned two years after Herod was made 
 king at Rome, and yet Antony did not hear of his death, in that very 
 neighbourhood, at Samosata, till he was come thither to besiege it; after 
 which Herod brought liim an army, whidi was 340 miles march, and 
 through a difficult country, full of enemies also, and joined v/ith him 
 in the siege of Samosata till that city was taken: then Herod and Sosius 
 marched back with their large armies the same number of 340 miles, and 
 when in a little time, they sat down to besiege Jerusalem, they were 
 not able to take it i)ut by a siege of five months. All which put to- 
 gether, fully supplies what is wanting in Josephus, and secures the entire 
 chronology of these times beyond contradiction.
 
 Chap. XVI. OF THE JEWS. 479 
 
 trious one, both on account of the nobihtv of their 
 stock, and of the dignity of the high priesthood, as 
 also for the glorious actions their ancestors had per- 
 formed for our nation: but these men lost the gov- 
 ernment by their dissentions one with another, and 
 it came to Herod the son of Antipater, who was 
 of no more than a \ailgar family, and of no eminent 
 extraction, but one that was subject to other kings; 
 and this is what history tells us was the end of the 
 Asamonean family.
 
 BOOK XV. 
 
 CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF EIGHTEEN YEARS. 
 
 [FROM THE DEATH OF ANTIGONUS TO THE FINISHING OF 
 THE TEMPLE BY HEROD.] 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Concerning Pollio and Sameas. Herod slays the 
 principal of Antigonus' friends, and spoils the city 
 of its wealth. Antony beheads Antigonus. 
 
 1. Ho^v Sosiiis and Herod took Jerusalem by 
 force; and, besides that, how they took Antigonus 
 captive, has been related by us in the foregoing book. 
 We will now proceed in the narration. And since 
 Herod had now the government of all Judea put 
 into his hands, he promoted such of the private men 
 in the city as had been of his party, but never left 
 off avenging and punishing every day those that had 
 chosen to be of the party of his enemies: But Pollio, 
 the Pharisee, and Sameas, a disciple of his, were 
 honoured by him above all the rest, for when Jerusa- 
 lem was besieged, they advised the citizens to receive 
 Herod, for which advice they were well requited; 
 but this Pollio, at the time when Herod was once 
 upon his trial of life and death, foretold, in way of 
 reproach, to Hyrcanus and the other judges, how this 
 
 480
 
 Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 481 
 
 Herod, whom they suffered now to escape, wouhl 
 afterward inflict punishment on them all; which had 
 its completion in time, while God fulfilled the words 
 he had spoken. 
 
 2. At this time Herod, now-he had got Jerusalem 
 under his power, carried off all the royal ornaments, 
 and spoiled the wealthy men of what they had gotten; 
 and when, by these means, he had hea23ed together a 
 great quantity of silver and gold, he gave it all to 
 Antony, and his friends that were about him. He 
 also slew forty-five of the principal men of Antigonus' 
 j^arty, and set guards at the gates of the city, that 
 nothing might be carried out together with their dead 
 bodies. They also searched the dead, and whatsoever 
 was found, either of silver or gold, or other treasure, 
 it was carried to the king; nor was there any end of 
 the miseries he brought upon them, and this distress 
 was in part occasioned by the covetousness of the 
 prince regent, who was still in want of more, and in 
 part by the sabbatic year, which was still going on, 
 and forced the country to lie still uncultivated, since 
 we are forbidden to sow our land in that year. Now 
 when Antony had received Antigonus as his captive, 
 he determined to keep him against his triumph; but 
 when he heard that the nation grew seditious, and 
 that, out of their hatred to Herod, they continued to 
 bear good- will to Antigonus. he resolved to behead 
 him at Antioch, for otherwise the Jews could no way 
 be brought to be quiet. And Strabo of Cappadocia 
 attests to what I have said, when he thus speaks: 
 "Antony ordered Antigonus the Jew to be brought 
 to Antioch, and there to be beheaded: And this 
 Antony seems to me to have been the very first man 
 who beheaded a king, as supposing he could nc^ otlier 
 way bend the minds of the Jews, so as to receive 
 Herod, whom he had made king in his stead, for
 
 482 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 by no torments could they be forced to call him king, 
 so great a fondness they had for their former king; 
 so he thought that this dishonourable death would 
 diminish the value they had for Antigonus' memory, 
 and at the same tinie would diminish their hatred 
 they bare to Herod." Thus far Strabo. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 How Hyrcanus was set at liberty by the Parthians, 
 and returned to Herod; and what Alexandra did 
 when she heard that Ananelus was 7nade high priest. 
 
 1. Xow after Herod was in possession of the 
 kingdom, Hyrcanus the high priest, who was then a 
 captive among the Parthians, came to him again, 
 and was set free from his captivity, in the manner 
 following: Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the generals 
 of the Parthians, took Hyrcanus, who was first made 
 high priest and afterward king, and Herod's brother, 
 Phasaelus, captives, and were carrying them away 
 into Parthia. Phasaelus indeed could not bear the re- 
 proach of being in bonds, and thinking that death with 
 glory was better than any life whatsoever, he became 
 his own executioner, as I have formerly related. 
 
 2. But when Hyrcanus was brought into Parthia, 
 the king Phraates treated him after a very gentle 
 manner, as having already learned of what an illus- 
 trious family he was; on which account he set him 
 free from his bonds, and gave him a habitation at 
 ^ Babylon, where there were Jews in great numbers. 
 
 ' The city here caHcd /inhi/Ion by .Tosejihiis, seems to be one which 
 was built by some of the Scieiicidap \ii)oii the Tigris, whicli lotifr after the 
 utter destruction of old Babylon was commonly so called, and I suppose
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 483 
 
 These Jews honoured Hyrcanus as their high priest 
 and king; as did all the Jewish nation that dwelt as 
 far as Euphrates; which respect was very much to 
 his satisfaction. But when he was informed that 
 Herod had received the kingdom, new hopes came 
 upon him, as having been himself still of a kind dis- 
 position towards him, and expecting that Herod would 
 bear in mind what favour he had received from him, 
 and when he was upon his trial, and when he was in 
 danger that a capital sentence would be pronounced 
 against him, he delivered him from that danger, and 
 from all punishment. Accordingly, he talked of 
 that matter with the Jews that came often to him 
 with great affection; but they endeavoured to retain 
 him among them, and desired that he would stay 
 with them, putting him in mind of the kind offices 
 and honours thev did him, and that those honours 
 they paid him were not at all inferior to what they 
 could pay to either their high priests or their kings: 
 and what was a greater motive to determine him, they 
 said, was this, that he could not have those dignities 
 [in Judea] because of that maim in his body, which 
 had been inflicted on him by Antigonus; and that 
 kings do not use to requite men for those kindnesses 
 which they received when they were private persons, 
 the height of their fortune making usually no small 
 changes in them. 
 
 3. Now although they suggested these arguments 
 to him for his own advantage, yet did Hyrcanus still 
 desire to depart. Herod also wrote to him, and 
 persuaded him to desire of Phraates, and the Jews 
 that were there, that they should not grudge him the 
 royal authority, which he should have jointly with 
 himself, for that now was the proper time for him- 
 
 not far from Seleucia; just as the latter adjoining city Bagdat has been, 
 and is often called bv the same old name of Babylon till this very day.
 
 484 AXTIQUITIES Book xy. 
 
 self to make him amend.'? for the favours he had re- 
 ceived from him, as having been brought up by him, 
 and saved by him also, as well as for Hyrcanus to 
 receive it. And as he wrote thus to Hvrcanus, 
 so did he send also Saramallas, his ambassador, to 
 Phraates, and many presents with him, and desired 
 him in the most obliging way, that he would be no 
 hinderance to his gratitude towards his benefactor. 
 But this zeal of Herod's did not flow from that 
 principle, but because he had been made governor 
 of that country without having any just claim to 
 it. he was afraid, and that upon reasons good enough, 
 of a change in his condition, and so made what haste 
 he could to get Hyrcanus into his power, or indeed 
 to put him quite out of the way: which last thing 
 he compassed afterward. 
 
 4. Accordingly, when Hyrcanus came, full of 
 assurance, by the permission of the king of Parthia, 
 and at the expense of the Jews, who supplied him 
 with money, Herod received him with all possible 
 respect, and gave him the upper place at public 
 meetings, and set him above all the rest at feasts, and 
 therebv deceived him. He called him his father; 
 and endeavoured by all the ways possible, that he 
 might liave no suspicion of any treacherous design 
 against him. He also did other things, in order to 
 secure his government, which yet occasioned a sedition 
 in his own family; for being cautious how he made 
 any ^ illustrious person the high j)riest of God, he 
 
 * Here we have an eminent example of Herod's worldly and profane 
 politics, when by the abuse of his unlawful and usurped power, to make 
 whom he pleased high priest, in the person of Ananelus, he occasioned 
 such disturbances in his kingdom, and his own family, as suifered him 
 to enjoy no lasting j)eace or traiuiuillity ever afterward: and such is 
 frequently the effect of profane court politics about matters of religion 
 in other ages and nations. The Old Testament is full of the miseries 
 the people of the Jews derived from such court politics, especially in 
 and after the days of Jeroboam, the son of Xebat, vlio made Israel to 
 sin; who gave the most pernicious example of it; who brought on the
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 485 
 
 sent for an obscure priest out of Babylon whose 
 name was Ananelus, and bestowed the high priest- 
 hood upon him. 
 
 5. However, Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, 
 and wife of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus the 
 king, who had also brought Alexander [tw^o] children, 
 could not bear this indignity. Now this son was one 
 of the greatest comeliness, and was called Aristobulus; 
 and the daughter, INIariamne, was married to Herod, 
 and eminent for her beauty also. This Alexandra 
 was much disturbed, and took this indignity offered 
 to her son exceeding ill, that while he was alive, any 
 one else should be sent for to have the dignity of the 
 high priesthood conferred upon him. Accordingly 
 she wrote to Cleopatra (a musician assisting her in 
 taking care to have her letters carried) to desire her 
 intercession with Antony, in order to gain the high 
 priesthood for her son. 
 
 6. But as Antony was slow in granting this re- 
 quest, his friend ^ Dellius came into Judea upon some 
 affairs, and when he saw Aristobulus, he stood in 
 admiration at the tallness and handsomeness of the 
 child, and no less at INIariamne, the king's wife, and 
 was open in his commendations of Alexandra, as the 
 mother of most beautiful children: And when she 
 came to discourse with him, he persuaded her to get 
 pictures drawn of them both, and to send them to 
 Antony, for that when he saw them, he would deny 
 her nothing that she should ask. Accordingly Alex- 
 andra was elevated with these words of his, and sent 
 the pictures to Antony. Dellius also talked ex- 
 travagantly, and said. That "these children seemed 
 
 grossest corruption of religion by it; and tlie punishment of whose 
 family for it was most remarlvalilc. The case is too well known to stand 
 in need of particular citations. 
 
 ' Of this wicked Dellius, see the note on the War, B. I. ch. xv. sect. 
 3, Vol. III.
 
 4.86 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 not derived from men, but from some god or other." 
 His design in doing so was to entice Antony into 
 lewd pleasures with them, who was ashamed to send 
 for the damsel, as being the wife of Herod, and 
 avoided it, because of the reproaches he should have 
 from Cleopatra on that account, but he sent, in the 
 most decent manner he could, for the young man; 
 but added this withal, "Unless he thought it hard upon 
 him so to do." When this letter was brought to 
 Herod, he did not think it safe for him to send one 
 so handsome as was Aristobulus, in the prime of his 
 life, for he was sixteen years of age, and of so 
 noble a family, and particularly not to Antony, the 
 principal man among the Romans, and one that would 
 abuse him in his amours, and besides, one that openly 
 indulged liimself in such pleasures, as his power al- 
 lowed him, without control. He therefore wrote back 
 to him, That "if this boy should only go out of the 
 country, all would be in a state of war and uproar, 
 because the Jews were in hopes of a change in the 
 government, and to have another king over them." 
 
 7. When Herod had thus excused himself to 
 Antony, he resolved that he would not entirely permit 
 the child or Alexandra to be treated dishonourably: 
 but his wife JNIariamne lay vehemently at him to 
 restore the high priesthood to her brother, and he 
 judged it was for his advantage so to do, because, if 
 he once had that dignity, he could not go out of 
 the country. So he called his friends together, and 
 told them, That "Alexandra privately conspired 
 against his royal authority, and endeavoured, by the 
 means of Cleopatra, so to bring it about, that he 
 might be deprived of the government, and that by 
 Antony's means this youth might have the manage- 
 ment of public affairs in his stead; and that this 
 procedure of hers was unjust, since she would at the
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 487 
 
 same time deprive her daughter of the dignity she 
 now had, and would bring disturbances upon the 
 kingdom, for which he had taken a great deal of 
 pains, and had gotten it with extraordinary hazards: 
 that yet while he well remembered her wicked practices, 
 he would not leave off doing what was right himself, 
 but would even now give the youth the high priest- 
 hood: and that he formerly set up Ananelus, because 
 Aristobulus was then so very young a child." Xow 
 when he had said this, not at random, but as he 
 thought with the best discretion he had, in order to 
 deceive the women, and those friends whom he had 
 taken to consult withal, Alexandra, out of the great 
 joy she had at this unexpected promise, and out of 
 fear from the suspicions she lay under, fell a-weeping, 
 and made the following apology for herself; and 
 said, That "as to the [high] priesthood, she was very 
 much concerned for the disgrace her son was under, 
 and so did her utmost endeavours to procure it for 
 him, but that as to the kingdom, she had made no at- 
 tempts, and that if it were offered her [for her son,] 
 she would not accept it; and that now she would 
 be satisfied with her son's dignity, while he himself 
 held the civil government, and she had thereby the 
 security that arose, from his peculiar ability in 
 governing, to all the remainder of her family: that 
 she was now overcome by his benefits, and thankfully 
 accepted of this honour showed by him to her son, 
 and that she would hereafter be entirely obedient: 
 and she desired him to excuse her, if the nobility of 
 her family and that freedom of acting which she 
 thought that allowed her, had made her act too 
 precipitately and imprudently in this matter." So 
 when they had spoken thus to one another, they came 
 to an agreement, and all suspicions, so far as ap- 
 peared, were vanished away.
 
 488 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 How Herod, upon his making Aristohulus high priest, 
 took care that he should be murdered in a little time: 
 and what apology he made to Antony about Aristo- 
 bulus: as also concerning Joseph and Mariamne. 
 
 1. So king Herod immediately took the high priest- 
 hood away from Ananelus, who, as we said before, 
 was not of this country, but one of those Jews that 
 had been carried captive beyond Eu2:)hrates; for there 
 were not a few ten thousands of this people that had 
 been carried captives, and dwelt about Babylonia, 
 whence Ananelus came. He was one ^ of the stock 
 of the high priests, and had been of old a particular 
 friend of Herod's; and when he was first made king, 
 he conferred that dignity upon him, and now put him 
 out of it again, in order to quiet the troubles in his 
 family, though what he did was plainly unlawful, for 
 at no other time [of old] was any one that had once 
 been in that dignity deprived of it. It was Antiochus 
 Epiphanes who first broke that law, and deprived 
 Jesus, and made his brother Onias high priest in his 
 stead. Aristohulus was the second that did so, and 
 took that dignity from his brother [Hyrcanus;] and 
 
 * When Josephus says here, that this Ananelus, the new high priest, 
 was of the stock of the high priests, and since he had been just telling 
 us that he was a priest of an obscure family or character, ch. ii. sect. 4, 
 it is not at all probable that he could so soon say tliat he was of the 
 stock of the high priests. However, Josephus here makes a remarkable 
 observation, that this Ananelus was the third that was very unjustly 
 and wickedly turned out of the high priesthood by the civil power, no 
 king or governor liaving ventured to do so that Josephus knew of, but 
 that hcatlien tyrant and persecutor Antiochus Epiphanes, that barbarous 
 parricide Aristohulus, the first that took royal authority among the 
 Maccabees; and this tyrant king Herod the Great, although afterward 
 that infamous practice became frequent, till the very destruction of 
 Jerusalem, when the office of high priesthood was at an end.
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 489 
 
 this Herod was the third, who took that high office 
 away [from Ananelus,] and gave it to this young man, 
 Aristobulus, in his stead. 
 
 2. And now Herod seemed to have healed the 
 divisions in his family: yet was he not without sus- 
 picion, as is frequently the case, of people seeming 
 to be reconciled to one another, but thought that, 
 as Alexandra had already made attempts tending to 
 innovations, so did he fear that she would go on 
 therein, if she found a fit opportunity for so doing; 
 so he gave a command, that she should dwell in the 
 palace, and meddle with no public affairs: her guards 
 also were so careful, that nothing she did in private 
 life every day was concealed. All these hardships 
 put her out of patience, by little and little, and she 
 began to hate Herod; for as she had the pride of a 
 woman to the utmost degree, she had great indigna- 
 tion at this suspicious guard that was about her, as 
 desirous rather to undergo any thing that could befall 
 her, than to be deprived of her hberty of speech, and, 
 under the notion of an honorary guard, to live in a 
 state of slavery and terror. She therefore sent to 
 Cleopatra, and made a long complaint of the cir- 
 cumstances she was in, and entreated her to do her 
 utmost for her assistance. Cleopatra hereupon ad- 
 vised her to take her son with her, and come away 
 immediately to her into Egypt. This advice pleased 
 her; and she had this contrivance for getting away: 
 she got two coffins made, as if they were to carry 
 away two dead bodies, and put herself into one, and 
 her son into the other, and gave orders to such of 
 her servants, as knew of her intentions, to carry them 
 away in the night time. Now their road was to be 
 thence to the seaside, and there was a ship ready to 
 carry them into Egypt. Now ^Esop, one of her 
 servants, happened to fall upon Sabion, one of her
 
 490 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 friends, and spake of this matter to him, as thinking 
 he had known of it before. When Sabion knew this, 
 (who had formerly been an enemy of Herod's, and 
 been esteemed one of those that laid snares for, and 
 gave the poison to [his father] Antipater,) he ex- 
 pected that this discovery would change Herod's 
 hatred into kindness, so he told the king of this 
 private stratagem of Alexandra's: Whereupon he 
 suffered her to proceed to the execution of her proj- 
 ect, and caught her in the very fact, but still he 
 passed by her offence: and though he had a great 
 mind to do it, he durst not inflict any thing that was 
 severe upon her, for he knew that Cleopatra would 
 not bear that he should have her accused, on account 
 of her hatred to him, but made a show as if it were 
 rather the generosity of his soul, and his great modera- 
 tion, that made him forgive them. However, he fully 
 proposed to himself to put this young man out of 
 the way, by one means or other; but he thought he 
 might in probability be better concealed in doing it, 
 if he did it not presently, nor immediately after what 
 had lately happened. 
 
 3. And now, upon the approach of the feast of 
 tabernacles, which is a festival very much observed 
 among us, he let those days pass over, and both he 
 and the rest of the people were therein very merry; 
 yet did the envy which at this time arose in him, 
 cause him to make haste to do what he was about, 
 and provoke him to do it: for when this youth Aristo- 
 bulus, who was now in the seventeenth year of his 
 age, went up to the altar, according to the law, to 
 offer the sacrifices, and this with the ornaments of 
 his high priesthood, and when he ^ performed the 
 sacred offices, he seemed to be exceeding comely, 
 
 ' This entirely confutes the T.iiniudists, who pretend that no one 
 under ticenty years of age could officiate as high priest among the Jews.
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 491 
 
 and taller than men usually were at that age, and to 
 exhibit in his countenance a great deal of that high 
 family he was sprung from, and a warm zeal and 
 affection towards him appeared among the people, 
 and the memory of the actions of his grandfather 
 Aristobulus was fresh in their minds; and their af- 
 fections got so far the mastery of them that they 
 could not forbear to show their inclinations to him. 
 They at once rejoiced, and were confounded, and 
 mingled with good washes their joyful acclamations 
 which they made to him, till the good-will of the 
 multitude w\as made too evident, and they more rashly 
 proclaimed the happiness they had received from his 
 family than was fit under a monarchy to have done. 
 Upon all this, Herod resolved to complete what he 
 had intended against the young man. When there- 
 fore the festival was over, and he was feasting at 
 ^ Jericho with Alexandra, who entertained them there, 
 he was then very pleasant with the young man, and 
 drew him into a lonely place; and at the same time 
 played with him in a juvenile and ludicrous manner. 
 Now the nature of that place was hotter than ordi- 
 nary; so they went out in a body and of a sudden, 
 and in a vein of madness; and as they stood by the 
 fish ponds, of which there were large ones about the 
 house, they went to cool themselves [by bathing] 
 because it was in the midst of a hot day. At first 
 they were only spectators of Herod's servants and 
 acquaintance as they were swimming, but after a 
 while, the young man, at the instigation of Herod, 
 went into the water among them, while such of 
 Herod's acquaintance, as he had appointed to do it, 
 dipped him, as he was swimming, and plunged him 
 
 * A Hebrew chronicle, cited hy Reland, says, this drowning was at 
 Jordan, not at Jericho, and this even wlien he quotes Josephus. I suspect 
 the transcriber of the Hebrew chronicle mistook the name, and wrote 
 Jordan for Jericho.
 
 492 ANTIQUITIES Book xy. 
 
 under water, in the dark of the evening, as if it had 
 been done in sport only, nor did they desist till he 
 was entirely suffocated; and thus was Aristobulus 
 murdered, having lived no more in all than ^ eighteen 
 years, and kept the high priesthood one year only: 
 which high priesthood Ananelus now recovered again. 
 4. When this sad accident was told the women, 
 their joy was soon changed to lamentation, at the 
 sight of the dead body that lay before them; and 
 their sorrow was immoderate. The city also of 
 [Jerusalem,] upon the spreading of this news, were 
 in very great grief, every family looking on this 
 calamity, as if it had not belonged to another, but 
 that one of themselves was slain; but Alexandra was 
 more deeply affected, upon her knowledge that he 
 had been destroyed [on piu-pose.] Her sorrow was 
 greater than that of others, by her knowing how the 
 murder was committed, ])ut she was under a necessity 
 of bearing up under it, out of her prospect of a greater 
 mischief that might otherwise follow: and she often- 
 times came to an inclination to kill herself with her 
 own hand, but still she restrained herself, in hopes 
 she might live long enough to revenge the unjust 
 murder thus privately committed; nay, she farther 
 resolved to endeavour to live longer, and to give no 
 occasion to think she suspected that her son was slain 
 on purpose, and supposed that she might thereby be 
 in a capacity of revenging it at a proper opportunity. 
 Thus did she restrain herself, that she might not be 
 noted for entertaining any such suspicion. However, 
 Herod endeavoured that none abroad should believe 
 that the child's death was caused by any design of 
 
 ' The reading of one of Josc})Iuis' Greek MSS. seems here to be 
 right, that Aristobulus was not eiffhtrtii years old when he was drowned, 
 for he was not seventeen when lie was made high priest, ch. ii. sect. 6, 
 ch. iii. sect. 3, and he continued in that office l)ut one year, as in the 
 place before us.
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 493 
 
 his; and for this purpose lie did not only use the 
 ordinary signs of sorrow, but fell into tears so, and 
 exhibited a real confusion of soul: and perhaps his 
 affections were overcome on this occasion, when he 
 saw the child's countenance so young, and so beauti- 
 ful, although his death was supposed to tend to his 
 own security; so far at least this grief served as to 
 make some apology for him: and as for his funeral, 
 that he took care should be very magnificent, by mak- 
 ing great preparation for a sepulchre to lay his body 
 in, and providing a great quantity of spices, and bury- 
 ing many ornaments together with him, till the very 
 women, who were in such deep sorrow, were astonished 
 at it, and received in this way some consolation. 
 
 5. However, no such things could overcome Alex- 
 andra's grief, but the remem})rance of this miserable 
 case made her sorrow both deep and obstinate. Ac- 
 cordingly, she wrote an account of this treacherous 
 scene to Cleopatra, and how her son was murdered; 
 but Cleopatra, as she had formerly been desirous to 
 give her what satisfaction she could, and commiserat- 
 ing Alexandra's misfortunes, made the case her own, 
 and would not let Antony be quiet, but excited him 
 to punish the child's murder; for that it was an 
 unworthy thing' that Herod, who had been bv him 
 made king of a kingdom that no way belonged to 
 him, should be guilty of such horrid crimes against 
 those that were of the royal blood in reality. Antony 
 was persuaded by these arguments; and when he 
 came to Laodicea, he sent and commanded Herod to 
 come and make his defence, as to what he had done 
 to Aristobulus, for that such a treacherous design was 
 not well done, if he had any hand in it. Herod was 
 now in fear, both of the accusation, and of Cleopatra's 
 ill-will to him, which was such, that she was ever 
 endeavouring to make Antony hate him. He there-
 
 494 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 fore determined to obey his summons, for he had no 
 possible way to avoid it: so he left his uncle, Joseph, 
 procurator for his government, and for the public 
 affairs, and gave him a private charge, that if Antony 
 should kill him he also should kill Mariamne immedi- 
 ately; for that he had a tender aifection for this his wife, 
 and was afraid of the injury that should be offered 
 him, if, after his death, she, for her beauty, should 
 be engaged to some other man: but his intimation 
 was nothing but this at the bottom, that Antony had 
 fallen in love with her when he had formerly heard 
 somewhat of her beauty: So when Herod had given 
 Joseph this charge, and had indeed no sure hopes of 
 escaping with his life, he went away to Antony. 
 
 6. But as Joseph was administering the public 
 affairs of the kingdom, and for that reason was very 
 frequently with JNIariamne, both because his business 
 required it, and because of the respects he ought to 
 pay to the queen, he frequently let himself into dis- 
 courses about Herod's kindness, and great affection 
 towards her; and when the women, especially Alex- 
 andra, used to turn his discourses into feminine rail- 
 lery, Joseph was so over desirous to demonstrate the 
 king's inclinations, that he proceeded so far as to 
 mention the charge he had received, and thence drew 
 his demonstration, that Herod was not able to live 
 without her; and that if he should come to any ill 
 end, he could not endure a separation from her, even 
 after he was dead. Thus spoke Joseph. But the 
 women, as was natural, did not take this to be an 
 instance of Herod's strong affection for them, but 
 of his severe usage of them, that they could not 
 escape destruction, nor a tyrannical death, even when 
 he was dead himself: and this saying [of Joseph's] 
 was a foundation for the women's severe suspicions 
 about him afterwards. 
 
 I
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 495 
 
 7. At this time a report went about the city 
 Jerusalem, among Herod's enemies, that Antony had 
 tortured Herod, and put him to death. This report, 
 as is natural, disturbed those that were about the 
 palace, but chiefly the women: Upon which Alexandra 
 endeavoured to persuade Josepli to go out of the 
 palace, and fly to the ensigns of the Roman legion, 
 which then lay encamped about the city as a guard 
 to the kingdom, under the command of Julius; for 
 that, by this means, if any disturbance should happen 
 about the palace, they should be in greater security, 
 as having the Romans favourable to them; and that 
 besides, they hoped to obtain the highest authority, 
 if Antonv did but once see jNIariamne, bv whose means 
 they should recover the kingdom, and want nothing 
 which was reasonable for them to hope for, because 
 of their royal extraction. 
 
 8. But as they were in the midst of these delibera- 
 tions, letters were brought from Herod about all his 
 affairs, and proved contrary to the report, and of 
 what they before expected; for when he was come to 
 Antony, he soon recovered his interest with him, by 
 the presents he made him, which he had brought with 
 him from Jerusalem, and he soon induced him, upon 
 discoursing with him, to leave off his indignation at 
 him, so that Cleopatra's persuasions had less force 
 than the arguments and presents he brought, to re- 
 gain his friendship, for Antony said, That, "it was 
 not good to require an account of a king, as to the 
 affairs of his government, for at this rate he could 
 be no king at all, but that those who had given 
 him that authority ought to permit him to make use 
 of it." He also said the same things to Cleopatra, 
 that it would be best for her not busily to meddle 
 with the acts of the king's government. Herod wrote 
 an account of these things, and "enlarged upon the
 
 496 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 other honours which he had received from Antony: 
 how he sat hy him at his hearing causes, and took his 
 diet with him every day, and that he enjoyed those 
 favours from him, notwithstanding the reproaches that 
 Cleopatra so severely laid against him, who having a 
 great desire of his country, and earnestly entreating 
 Antony that the kingdom might he given to her, 
 laboured with her utmost , diligence to have him out 
 of the way, but that he still found Antony just to 
 him, and had no longer any apprehensions of hard 
 treatment from him; and that he was soon upon his 
 return, with a firmer additional assurance of his favour 
 to him, in his reigning and managing public affairs; 
 and that there was no longer any hoj^e for Cleopatra's 
 covetous temper, since Antony had given her Coe- 
 lesyria instead of what she desired, by which means 
 he had at once pacified her, and got clear of the 
 entreaties which she made him to have Judea bestowed 
 upon her." 
 
 9. When these letters were brought, the women 
 left off their attempt for flying to the Romans, which 
 they thought of while Herod was supposed to be 
 dead, yet was not that piu'pose of theirs a secret; but 
 when the king had conducted Antony on his way 
 against the Parthians, he returned to Judea, when 
 both his sister Salome, andliis mother informed him 
 of Alexandra's intentions. Salome also added some- 
 what farther against Joseph, though it were no more 
 than a calumny, that he had often had criminal con- 
 versation with Mariamne. The reason of her saying 
 so was this, that she for a long time bare her ill-will, 
 for when they had differences with one another, 
 Mariamne took great freedoms and reproached the 
 rest for the meanness of their birth. But Herod, 
 whose affection to Mariamne was always very warm, 
 was presently (h'sturbed at this, and could not bear
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 497 
 
 the torments of jealousy, but was still restrained from 
 doing any rash thing to her by the love he had for 
 her: yet did his vehement affection and jealousy to- 
 gether make him ask jNIariamne by herself about this 
 matter of Joseph; but she denied it upon her oath, 
 and said all that an innocent woman could possibly say 
 in her own defence, so that by little and little the king 
 was prevailed upon to drop the suspicion, and left off 
 his anger at her; and being overcome with his passion 
 for his wife, he made an apology to her for having 
 seemed to believe what he had heard about her, and 
 returned her a great many acknowledgments of her 
 modest behaviour, and professed the extraordinary 
 affection and kindness he had for her, till at last, 
 as is usual between lovers, they both fell into tears, 
 and embraced one another with a most tender af- 
 fection. But as the king gave more and more assur- 
 ances of his belief of her fidelitv, and endeavoured to 
 draw her to a like confidence in him, JNIariamne said, 
 "Yet was not that command thou gavest, that if any 
 harm came to thee from Antony, I, who had been 
 no occasion of it, should perish with thee, a sign of 
 thy love to me." When these words were fallen from 
 her, the king was shocked at them, and presently let 
 her go out of his arms, and cried out, and tore his 
 hair with his own hands, and said, that "now he had 
 an evident demonstration that Joseph had had criminal 
 conversation with his wife, for that he would never 
 have uttered what he had told him alone by himself, 
 unless there had been such a great familiarity and 
 firm confidence between them." And while he was 
 in this passion he had like to have killed his wife, 
 but being still overborne by his love to her, he re- 
 strained this his passion, though not without a lasting 
 grief, and disquietness of mind. However, he gave 
 order to slay Joseph, without permitting him to come
 
 498 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 into his sight; and as for Alexandra, he bound her, 
 and kept her in custody, as the cause of all this mis- 
 chief. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 How Cleopatra, when she had gotten from Antony 
 some parts of Judea and Arabia, carne into Judea; 
 and how Herod gave her many presents, and con- 
 ducted her on her way hack to Egypt. 
 
 1. Now at this time the affairs of Syria were in 
 confusion by Cleopatra's constant persuasions to An- 
 tony to make an attempt upon every body's dominions; 
 for she persuaded him to take those dominions away 
 from their several princes, and bestow them upon 
 her; and she had a mighty influence upon him, by 
 reason of his being enslaved to her by his affections. 
 She was also by nature very covetous, and stuck at 
 no wickedness. She had already poisoned her brother, 
 because she knew that he was to be king of Egypt, 
 and this when he was but fifteen years old: and she 
 got her sister Arsinoe to be slain, by the means of An- 
 tony, when she was a supplicant at Diana's temple 
 at Ephesus; for if there were but any hopes of getting 
 money, she would violate both temples and sepulchres. 
 Now was there any holy place, that was esteemed the 
 most inviolable, from which she would not fetch the 
 ornaments it had in it; nor any place so profane, 
 but was to suffer the most flagitious treatment pos- 
 sible from her, if it could but contribute somewhat 
 to the covetous humour of this wicked creature: yet 
 did not all this suflice so extravagant a woman, who 
 was a slave to her lusts, but she still imagined that
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 490 
 
 she wanted every thing she could think of, and did 
 her utmost to gain it; for which reason she hurried 
 Antony on j^erpetually to deprive others of their 
 dominions, and give them to her. And as she went 
 over Syria with him, she contrived to get it into her 
 possession, so he slew Lysanius, the son of Ptolemy, 
 accusing him of his bringing the Parthians upon those 
 countries. She also petitioned Antony to give her 
 Judea and Arabia, and in order thereto, desired him 
 to take these countries away from their present 
 governors. As for Antony, he was so entirely over- 
 come by this woman, that one would not think her 
 conversation onlv could do it, but that he was some 
 way or other bewitched to do whatsoever she would 
 have him; yet did the grossest parts of her injustice 
 make him so ashamed, that he would not always 
 hearken to her, to do those flagrant enormities she 
 would have persuaded him to. That therefore he 
 might not totally deny her, nor, by doing every thing 
 which she enjoined him, appear openly to be an ill 
 man, he took some parts of each of those countries 
 away from their former governors, and gave them to 
 her. Thus he gave her the cities that were within 
 the river Eleutherus, as far as Egypt, excepting Tyre 
 and Sidon, which he knew to have been free cities 
 from their ancestors, although she pressed him very 
 often to bestow those on her also. 
 
 2. When Cleopatra had obtained thus much, and 
 had accompanied Antony in his expedition to Armenia, 
 as far as Euphrates, she returned back, and came to 
 Apamia and Damascus, and passed on to Judea, 
 where Herod met her, and farmed of her parts of 
 Arabia, and those revenues that came to her from 
 the region about Jericho. This country bears that 
 balsam, which is the most precious drug that is there, 
 and grows there alone. The place bears also palm-
 
 500 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 trees, both many in number, and those excellent in 
 their kind. When she was there, and was very 
 often with Herod, she endeavoured to have criminal 
 conversation with the king: Xor did she affect secrecy 
 in the indulgence of such sort of pleasures; and per- 
 haps she had in some measure a passion of love to 
 him, or rather, what is most probable, she laid a 
 treacherous snare for him, by aiming to obtain such 
 adulterous conversation from him: However, upon 
 the whole, she seemed overcome with love to him. 
 Xow Herod had a great while borne no good-will to 
 Cleopatra, as knowing that she was a w^oman irksome 
 to all; and at that time he thought her j^articularly 
 worthy of his hatred, if this attempt proceeded out 
 of lust: he had also thought of preventing her in- 
 trigues, by putting her to death, if such w^ere her 
 endeavours. However, he refused to comply with 
 her proposals, and called a council of his friends to 
 consult with them, "Whether he should not kill her, 
 now he had her in his power? for that he should thereby 
 deliver all those from a nmltitude of evils to whom 
 she was already become irksome, and was expected 
 to be still so for the time to come; and that this very 
 thing would be much for the advantage of Antony 
 himself, since she would certainlv not be faitliful to 
 him, in case any such reason or necessity should come 
 upon him as that he should stand in need of her 
 fidelity." But when he thought to follow this advice, 
 his friends would not let him; and told him, That 
 "in the first place it was not right to attempt so great 
 a thing, and run himself thereby into the utmost 
 danger: and they laid hard at him, and begged of 
 him, to undertake nothing rashly, for that Antony 
 woidd never bear it, no not tliough any one should 
 evidently lay before his eyes that it was for his own 
 advantage; and that the appearance of depriving him
 
 Chap. lY. OF THE JEWS. 501 
 
 of her conversation, bv this violent and treacherous 
 method, would probably set his affections more in a 
 flame than before. Nor did it appear that he could 
 offer any thing of tolerable weight in his defence, 
 this defence being against such a woman as was of the 
 highest dignity of any of her sex at that time in the 
 world: and as to any advantage to be expected from 
 such an undertaking, if any such could be supposed 
 in this case, it would appear to deserve condemnation, 
 on account of the insolence he must take upon him in 
 doing it. Which considerations made it very plain 
 that in so doing he w^ould find his government filled 
 w^ith mischiefs, both great and lasting, both to him- 
 self and his posterity, whereas it was still in his power 
 to reject that wickedness she would persuade him to, 
 and to come off honourably at the same time." So 
 by thus affrighting Herod, and representing to him 
 the hazard he must, in all probability, run by this 
 undertaking, they restrained him from it. So he 
 treated Cleopatra kindly, and made her presents, and 
 conducted her on her way to Egypt. 
 
 3. But Antony subdued Armenia, and sent Arta- 
 bazes, the son of Tigranes, in bonds with his children 
 and procurators, to Egypt, and made a present of 
 them, and of all the royal ornaments which he had 
 taken out of that kingdom, to Cleopatra. And 
 Artaxias, the eldest of liis sons, who had escaped at 
 that time, took the kingdom of Armenia; who yet 
 was ejected by Archelaus and Nero Ciesar, when they 
 restored Tigranes, his younger brother, to that king- 
 dom: But this happened a good while afterward. 
 
 4. But then, as to the tributes which Herod was 
 to pay Cleopatra for that country which Antony had 
 given her, he acted fairly with her, as deeming it not 
 safe for him to afford any cause for Cleopatra to hate 
 him. As for the king of Arabia, whose tribute Herod
 
 502 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 had undertaken to pay her, for some time indeed he 
 paid him as much as came to two hundred talents, 
 but he afterward became very niggardly, and slow in 
 his payments, and could hardly be brought to pay 
 some parts of it, and was not wilhng to pay even 
 them, without some deductions. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 How Herod made war with the king of Arabia, and 
 after they had fought many battles, at length 
 conquered him, and was chosen by the Arabs to 
 be governor of that nation: As also concerning a 
 great earthquake. 
 
 1. Hereupon Herod held himself ready to go 
 against the king of Arabia, because of his ingratitude 
 to him, and because, after all, he would do nothing 
 that was just to him, although Herod made the 
 Roman war an occasion of delaying his own, for 
 the battle at Actium was now expected, which fell 
 into the hundred eighty and seventh Olympiad, where 
 Cffisar and Antony were to fight for the supreme 
 power of the world; but Herod having enjoyed a 
 country that was very fruitful, and that now for a 
 long time, and having received great taxes, and raised 
 great armies therewith, got together a body of men, 
 and carefully furnished them with all necessaries, 
 and designed them as auxiliaries for Antony: But 
 Antony said, he had no want of his assistance; but 
 he commanded him to punish the king of Arabia; 
 for he had heard both from him, and from Cleopatra, 
 how perfidious he was; for this was what Cleopatra 
 desired, who thcnight it for her own advantage, that
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 503 
 
 those two kings should do one another as great a 
 mischief as possible. Upon this message from An- 
 tony, Herod returned back, but kept his army with 
 him, in order to invade Arabia immediately. So 
 when his army of horsemen and footmen was ready, 
 he marched to Diospolis, whither the Arabians came 
 also to meet them, for they were not unapprised of 
 this war that was coming upon them; and after a 
 great battle had been fought, the Jews had the 
 victory. But afterward there were gotten together 
 another numerous army of the Arabians, at Cana, 
 which are places at Coelesyria. Herod was informed 
 cf this beforehand: so he came marching against 
 them with the greatest part of the forces he had; 
 and when he was come near to Cana, he resolved 
 to encamp himself, and he cast up a bulwark, that 
 he might take a proper season for attacking the 
 enemy, but as he was giving those orders, the mul- 
 titude of the Jews cried out, that he should make no 
 delay, but lead them against the Arabians. They 
 went with great spirit, as believing they were in 
 very good order, and those especially were so that 
 had been in the former battle, and had been con- 
 querors, and had not permitted their enemy so much 
 as to come to a close jfight with them. And when 
 they were so tumultuous, and showed such great 
 alacrity, the king resolved to make use of that zeal 
 the multitude then exhibited; and when he had 
 assured them he would not be behindhand with them 
 in courage, he led them on, and stood before them 
 all in his armour, all the regiments following him 
 in their several ranks; Whereupon a consternation 
 fell upon the Arabians; for when they perceived that 
 the Jews were not to be conquered, and were full 
 of spirit, the greater part of them ran away, and 
 avoided fighting, and they had been quite destroyed,
 
 504 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 had not Athenion fallen upon the Jews, and dis- 
 tressed them, for this man was Cleopatra's general 
 over the soldiers she had there, and was at enmity 
 with Herod, and very wistfully looked on to see 
 what the event of the hattle would he: He had also 
 resolved, that in case the Arabians did any thing 
 that was brave and successful, he would lie still, but 
 in case they were beaten, as it really happened, he 
 would attack the Jews with those forces he had of 
 his own, and with those that the country had gotten 
 together for him: So he fell upon the Jews unex- 
 pectedly, when they were fatigued, and thought 
 they had already vanquished the enemy, and made 
 a great slaughter of them: for as the Jews had 
 spent their courage upon their known enemies, and 
 were about to enjoy themselves in quietness after 
 the victory, they were easily beaten by these that 
 attacked them afresh, and in particular received a 
 great loss in places where the horses could not be 
 of service, and which were very stony, and where 
 those that attacked them were better acquainted with 
 the places than themselves. And when the Jews 
 had suffered this loss, the Arabians raised their spirits 
 after their defeat, and returning back again, slew 
 those that were already put to flight; and indeed 
 all sorts of slaughter were now frequent, and of 
 those that escaped, a few only returned into the 
 camp. So king Herod, when he despaired of the 
 battle, rode up to them to bring them a-ssistance, 
 yet did he not come time enough to do them any 
 service, though he laboured hard to do it, but the 
 Jewish camj^ was taken, so that the Arabians had 
 unexpectedly a most glorious success, having gained 
 that victory which of themselves they were no way 
 likely to have gained, and slaying a great part of 
 the enemy's army: Whence afterward Herod could
 
 Chap. y. OF THE JP^WS. 505 
 
 only act like a private robber and make excursions 
 upon many parts of Arabia, and distress them by 
 sudden incursions, while he encamped among the 
 mountains, and avoided by any means to come to 
 a pitched battle, yet did he greatly harass the enemy 
 by his assiduity, and the hard labour he took in this 
 matter. He also took great care of his own forces, 
 and used all the means he could to restore his affairs 
 to their old state. 
 
 2. At this time it was that the fight happened at 
 A.ctium, between Octavius CfEsar, and Antony, in 
 ^ the seventh year of the reign of Herod: and then 
 it was also there was an earthquake in Judea, such 
 a one as had not happened at any other time, and 
 which earthquake brought a great destruction upon 
 the cattle in that country. About ten thousand men 
 also perished by the fall of houses; but the army 
 which lodged in the field, received no damage by 
 this sad accident. When the Arabians were informed 
 of this, and when those that hated the Jews, and 
 pleased themselves with aggravating the reports told 
 them of it, they raised their spirits, as if their enemy's 
 country was quite overthrown, and the men were 
 utterly destroyed, and thought there now remained 
 nothing that could oppose them. Accordingly, they 
 took the Jewish ambassadors, who came to them 
 after all this had happened, to make peace with 
 them, and slew them, and came with great alacrity/ 
 against their army: but the Jews durst not with- 
 stand them, and were so cast down by the calamities 
 they were under, that they took no care of their 
 
 * The reader is here to take notice, that this seventh year of the 
 reign of Herod, and all the other years of his reign, in Josephus, are 
 dated from the death of Antigonus, or at the soonest from the conquest 
 of Antigonus, and the taking of Jerusalem a few months before, and 
 never from his first obtaining the kingdom at Rome above three years 
 before, as some have very weakly and injudiciously done.
 
 506 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 affairs, but gave up themselves to despair, for they 
 had no hope that they should be upon a level again 
 with them in battles, nor obtain any assistance else- 
 where while their affairs at home were in such great 
 distress also. When matters were in this condition, 
 the king persuaded the commanders by his words, 
 and tried to raise their spirits, which were quite 
 sunk; and first he endeavoured to encourage and 
 embolden some of the better sort beforehand, and 
 then ventured to make a speech to the multitude, 
 which he had before avoided to do, lest he should 
 find them uneasy thereat, because of the misfortunes 
 which had happened, so he made a consolatory speech 
 to the multitude, in the manner following: 
 
 3. "You are not unacquainted, my fellow-soldiers, 
 that we have had not long since, many accidents that 
 have put a stop to what we are about; and it is 
 probable, that even those that are most distinguished 
 above others for their courage, can hardly keep 
 up their spirits in such circumstances; but since we 
 cannot avoid fighting, and nothing that hath hap- 
 pened is of such a nature but it may by ourselves 
 be recovered into a good state, and this by one brave 
 action only well performed, I have proposed to my- 
 self both to give you some encouragement, and, at 
 the same time, some information, both which parts 
 of my design will tend to this point, that you may 
 still continue in your own proper fortitude. I will 
 then in the first place, demonstrate to you, that this 
 war is a just one on our side, and that on this ac- 
 count it is a war of necessity, and occasioned by 
 the injustice of our adversaries, for if you be once 
 satisfied of this, it will be a real cause of alacrity 
 to you, after which I will farther demonstrate, that 
 the misfortunes we are under are of no great con- 
 sequence, and that we have the greatest reason to
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 507 
 
 hope for victory. I shall begin with the first, and 
 appeal to yourselves as witnesses to what I shall 
 say. You are not ignorant certainly of the wicked- 
 ness of the Arabians, which is to that degree as to 
 appear incredible to all other men, and to include 
 somewhat that shows tlie grossest barbarity and ig- 
 norance of God. Their chief things wherein they 
 have affronted us, have arisen from covetousness 
 and envv; and thev have attacked us in an insidious 
 manner, and on the sudden. And what occasion is 
 there for me to mention many instances of such their 
 procedure? When they were in danger of losing 
 their own government of themselves, and of being 
 slaves to Cleopatra, what others were they that freed 
 them from that fear? For it was the friendship I 
 had with Antony, and the kind disposition he was 
 in towards us that hath been the occasion that even 
 these Arabians have not been utterly undone, Antony 
 being unwilling to undertake any thing which might 
 be suspected by us of unkindness: but when he had 
 a mind to bestow some parts of each of our dominions 
 on Cleopatra, I also managed that matter so, that 
 by giving him presents of my own, I might obtain 
 a security to both nations, while I undertook myself 
 to answer for the money, and gave him two hundred 
 talents, and became surety for those two hundred 
 more which were imposed upon the land that was 
 subject to this tribute: and this they have defrauded 
 us of, although it was not reasonable that Jews 
 should pay tribute to any man living, or allow part 
 of their land to be taxable; but although that was 
 to be, yet ought we not to pay tribute for these 
 Arabians, whom we have ourselves preserved; nor 
 is it fit that they, who have professed, and that with 
 great integrity and sense of our kindness, that it is 
 by our means that they keep their principality, should
 
 508 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 injure us, and deprive us of what is our due, and 
 this while we have been still not their enemies but 
 their friends. And whereas observation of covenants 
 takes place among the bitterest enemies, but among 
 friends is absolutely necessary, this is not observed 
 among these men, who think gain to be the best of 
 all things, let it be by any means whatsoever, and 
 that injustice is no harm, if they may but get money 
 by it; is it therefore a question with you, Whether 
 the unjust are to be punished or not? When God 
 himself hath declared his mind that so it ought to 
 be, and hath commanded us that we ever should 
 hate injuries and injustice, which is not only just 
 but necessary in wars between several nations; for 
 these Arabians have done what both the Greeks and 
 Barbarians own to be an instance of the grossest 
 wickedness, with regard to our ambassadors, which 
 they have beheaded, while the Greeks declare that 
 such ambassadors are ^ sacred and inviolable. And 
 for ourselves we have learned from God the most 
 excellent of our doctrines, and the most holy part of 
 our law by angels, or ambassadors; for this name 
 brings God to the knowledge of mankind, and is 
 sufficient to reconcile enemies one to another. What 
 wickedness then can be greater than the slaughter 
 of ambassadors, who come to treat about doing what 
 is right? And when such have been their actions, 
 how is it possible they can either live securely in 
 common life, or be successful in war? in my opinion 
 this is impossible; but perhaps some will say, that 
 what is holy and what is righteous, is indeed on our 
 side, but the Arabians are either more courageous, 
 or more numerous than we are. Now, as to this, 
 
 * Herod says here, that as ambassadors were saered, when they 
 carried messages to others, so did the laws of tlie Jews derive a sacred 
 authority by being delivered from God, by angels [or divine ambassadors] 
 which is St. Paul's expression, about the same laws. Gal. iii. 19, Heb. ii. 3.
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 509 
 
 in the first place, it is not fit for us to say so, for 
 with whom is what is righteous, with them is God 
 himself; now, where God is, there is both multitude 
 and courage. But to examine our own circum- 
 stances a little, we were conquerors in the first battle; 
 and when we fought again, they were not able to 
 oppose us, but ran away, and could not endure our 
 attacks, or our courage; but when we had conquered 
 them, then came Athenion, and made war against 
 us without declaring it; and pray, is this an instance 
 of their manhood? or is it not a second instance of 
 their wickedness and treachery? Why are we there- 
 fore of less courage, on account of that which ought 
 to inspire us with stronger hopes? and why are we 
 terrified at these, who, when they fight upon the 
 level, are continually beaten, and when they seem 
 to be conquerors, they gain it by wickedness? and 
 if we suppose that any one should deem them to 
 be men of real courage, will not he be excited by 
 that very consideration to do his utmost against them? 
 for true valour is not shown by fighting against 
 weak persons, but in being able to overcome the 
 most hardy. But then, if the distresses we are our- 
 selves under, and the miseries that hath come by 
 the earthquake, hath afi'righted any one, let him 
 consider in the first place, that this very thing will 
 deceive the Arabians, by their supposal that what 
 hath befallen us is greater than it really is. More- 
 over, it is not right that the same thing that em- 
 boldens them should discourage us; for these men, 
 you see, do not derive their alacrity from any ad- 
 vantageous' virtue of their own, but from their hope, 
 as to us, that we are quite cast down by our mis- 
 fortunes; but when we boldly march against them, 
 we shall soon pull down their insolent conceit of 
 themselves, and shall gain this by attacking them,
 
 510 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 that they will not be so insolent when we come to 
 the battle, for our distresses are not so great, nor 
 is what hath happened an indication of the anger 
 of God against us, as some imagine, for such things 
 are accidental, and adversities that come in the usual 
 course of things; and if we allow that this was done 
 by the will of God, we must allow that it is now 
 over by his will also, and that he is satisfied with 
 what hath already happened, for had he been willing 
 to afflict us still more thereby, he liad not changed 
 his mind so soon. And as for the war we are en- 
 gaged in, he hath himself demonstrated, that he is 
 willing it should go on, and that he knows it to be 
 a just war; for while some of the people in the 
 country have perished, all you who were in arms 
 have suffered nothing, but are all preserved alive; 
 whereby God makes it plain to us, that if you had 
 universally, with your children and wives, been in 
 the army, it had come to pass, that you had not 
 undergone any thing that would have much hurt 
 you. Consider these things, and what is more than 
 all the rest, that you have God at all times for your 
 protector; and prosecute these men with a just 
 bravery, who, in point of friendship are unjust, in 
 their battles perfidious, towards ambassadors im- 
 pious, and always inferior to you in valour." 
 
 4. When the Jews heard this speech, they were 
 much raised in their minds, and more disposed to 
 fight than before. So Herod, when he had ^ offered 
 
 * This piece of religion, the supplicating God with sacrifices, by 
 Herod, before he went to this fight with the Arabians, taken notice of 
 also in tlie first bool< of the War, ch. xix. sect. 5, Vol. III. is worth 
 remarking, l)ecause it is the only example of this nature', so far as I 
 remember, that Josephus ever mentions in all his large and particular 
 accounts of this Herod ; and it was when he had been in mighty distress, 
 and discouraged by a great defeat of his former army, and Iiy a very 
 great earthquake in Judea, such times of affliction makiiij,- men most 
 religious. Nor was he disappointed of his hopes here, but immediately 
 gained a most signal victory over the Arabians, while they who just
 
 Chap. y. OF THE JEWS. 511 
 
 the sacrifices appointed by the law, made haste, and 
 took them, and led them against the Arabians; and 
 in order to that passed over Jordan, and pitched 
 his camp near to that of the enemy. He also thought 
 fit to seize upon a certain castle that lay in the midst 
 of them, as hoping it would be for his advantage, 
 and would the sooner produce a battle, and that 
 if there were occasion for delay, he should by it 
 have his camp fortified; and as the Arabians had 
 the same intentions upon that place, a contest arose 
 about it; at first they were but skirmishes, after 
 which there came more soldiers, and it proved a sort 
 of fight, and some fell on both sides, till those of the 
 Arabian side were beaten and retreated. This was 
 no small encouragement to the Jews immediately; 
 and when Herod observed that the enemies' army 
 was disposed to any thing rather than to come to 
 an engagement, he ventured boldly to attempt the 
 bulwark itself, and to pull it to pieces, and so to 
 get nearer to their camp, in order to fight them; 
 for when they were forced out of their trenches, 
 they went out in disorder, and had not the least 
 alacrity, or hope of victory; yet did they fight hand 
 to hand, because they were more in number than 
 the Jews, and because they were in such a disposition 
 of war that they were under a necessity of coming 
 on boldly: so they came to a terrible battle, while 
 not a few fell on each side. However, at length 
 the Arabians fled; and so great a slaughter was 
 made upon their being routed, that they were not 
 only killed by their enemies, but became the authors 
 of their own deaths also, and were trodden down 
 by the multitude, and the great current of people 
 
 before had l)cen so great victors, and so much elevated upon the earth- 
 quake in Judea as to venture to shiy the Jewish ambassadors, were now 
 under a strange consternation, and hardly able to fight at all.
 
 512 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 in disorder, and were destroyed by their own armour; 
 so five thousand men lay dead upon the spot, while 
 the rest of the multitude soon ran within the bul- 
 wark [for safety,] but had no firm hope of safety, 
 by reason of their want of necessaries, and especially 
 of water. The Jews pursued tliem; but could not 
 get in with them, but sat round about the bulwark, 
 and watched any assistance that would get in to 
 them, and prevented any there, that had a mind to 
 it, from running away. 
 
 5. When the Arabians were in these circum- 
 stances, they sent ambassadors to Herod, in the first 
 place to propose terms of accommodation, and after 
 that to offer him, so pressing was their thirst upon 
 them, to undergo whatsoever he pleased, if he would 
 free them from their present distress; but he would 
 admit of no ambassadors, of no price of redemption, 
 nor of any other moderate terms whatever, being 
 very desirous to revenge those unjust actions which 
 they had been guilty of towards his nation. So they 
 were necessitated by other motives, and particularly 
 by their thirst, to come out, and deliver themselves 
 up to him, to be carried away captives; and in five 
 days' time, the number of four thousand were taken 
 prisoners, while all the rest resolved to make a sally 
 upon their enemies, and to fight it out with them, 
 choosing rather, if so it must be, to die therein, than 
 to perish gradually and ingloriously. When they 
 had taken this resolution, they came out of their 
 trenches, but could no way sustain the fight, being 
 too much disabled, both in mind and body, and having 
 not room to exert themselves, and thought it an 
 advantage to be killed, and a misery to survive; so 
 at the first onset there fell about seven thousand of 
 them, after which stroke, they let all the courage 
 they had put on before fall, and stood amazed at
 
 Cheap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 513 
 
 Herod's warlike spirit under his own calamities; so 
 
 for the future, they yielded, and made him ruler 
 
 of their nation; whereupon he was greatly elevated 
 
 at so seasonable a success, and returned home taking 
 
 great authority upon him, on account of so bold 
 
 and glorious an expedition as he had made. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 How Herod slew Hyrcanus, and then liastcd away 
 to Caesar, and obtained the kingdom from him also; 
 and how a little time afterward, he entertained 
 Ccesar in a most honourable manner. 
 
 1. Herod's other affairs were now very prosperous; 
 and he was not to be easily assaulted on any side. 
 Yet did there come upon him a danger that would 
 hazard his entire dominions, after Antony had been 
 beaten at the battle of Actium by Cjesar [Octavian;] 
 for at that time both Herod's enemies and friends 
 despaired of his affairs, for it was not jyrol)al)le that 
 he would remain without punishment, who liad showed 
 so much friendship for Antony. So it happened that 
 his friends despaired, and had no hopes of his escape, 
 but for his enemies, they all outwardly appeared to 
 be troubled at his case, but were privately very glad 
 of it, as hoping to obtain a change for the better. 
 As for Herod himself, he saw that there was no one 
 of royal dignity left but Hyrcanus, and therefore 
 he thought it would l)e for his advantage not to suffer 
 him to be an obstacle in his way any longer; for that 
 in case he himself survived, and escaped the danger 
 he was in, he thought it the safest way to put it out 
 of the power of such a man to make any attempt
 
 514 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 against him, at such junctures of affairs, as was 
 more worthy of the kingdom than himself; and in case 
 he should be slain by Caesar, his envy prompted him 
 to desire to slay him that would otherwise be king 
 after him. 
 
 2. While Herod had these things in his mind, 
 there was a certain occasion afforded him; for Hyr- 
 canus was of so mild a temper, both then and at 
 other times, that he desired not to meddle with public 
 affairs, nor to concern himself with innovations, but 
 left all to fortune, and contented himself with what 
 that afforded him: But Alexandra [his daughter] 
 was a lover of strife and was exceeding desirous of a 
 change of the government, and spake to her father 
 not to bear for ever Herod's injurious treatment of 
 their family, but to anticipate their future hopes, as 
 he safely might; and desired him to write about these 
 matters to JVIalchus, who was then governor of Arabia, 
 to receive them, and to secure them [from Herod,] 
 for that if they went away, iand Herod's affairs 
 proved to be, as it was likely they would be, by reason 
 of CcEsar's enmity to him, they should then be the 
 only persons that could take the government, and 
 this both on account of the royal family they were 
 of, and on account of the good disposition of the 
 multitude to them. While she used these persuasions, 
 Hyrcanus put off her suit; but as she showed that 
 she was a woman, and a contentious woman too, and 
 would not desist either night or day, but would 
 always be speaking to liim about these matters, and 
 about Herod's treacherous designs, she at last pre- 
 vailed with him to entrust Dositheus, one of his 
 friends, with a letter, wherein his resolution was de- 
 clared; and he desired the Arabian governor to send 
 to him some horsemen, who should receive him, and 
 conduct him to the lake Asjihaltites, which is from
 
 Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 515 
 
 the bounds of Jerusalem three hundred furlongs: 
 and he did therefore trust Dositheus with this letter, 
 because he was a careful attender on him, and on 
 Alexandra, and had no small occasions to bear ill- 
 w411 to Herod: for he was kinsman of one Joseph, 
 whom he had slain, and a brother of those that were 
 formerly slain at Tyre by Antony: yet could not 
 these motives induce Dositheus to serve Hyrcanus in 
 this affair, for preferring the hopes he had from the 
 present king to those he had from him, he gave Herod 
 the letter. So he took his kindness in good part, 
 and bid him besides do what he had already done, 
 that is, go on in serving him, by rolling up the 
 epistle and sealing it again, and delivering it to 
 Malchus, and then to bring back his ietter in answer 
 to it; for it would be much better if he could know 
 Malchus' intentions also. And when Dositheus Avas 
 very ready to serve him in this point also, the Arabian 
 governor returned back for answer, that he would 
 receive Hyrcanus, and all that should come with him, 
 and even all the Jews that were of his party: that 
 he would, moreover, send forces sufficient to secure 
 them in their journey, and that he should be in no 
 want of any thing he should desire. Now as soon as 
 Herod had received this letter, he immediately sent for 
 Hyrcanus, and questioned him about the league he 
 had made with INIalchus: and when he denied it, 
 showed his letter to the sanhedrim, and put the man 
 to death immediately. 
 
 3. And this account we give the reader, as it is 
 contained in the commentaries of king Herod: })ut 
 other historians do not agree with them, for they 
 suppose that Herod did not find, but rather made 
 this an occasion for thus putting him to death, and 
 that by treacherously laying a snare for him; for thus 
 do they v/rite: That Herod and he were once at a
 
 516 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 treat, and that Herod had given no occasion to suspect 
 [that he was displeased at him,] but put this ques- 
 tion to Hyrcanus, Whether he had received any let- 
 ters from JNIalchus? And when he answered, that he 
 had received letters, but those of salutation only; and 
 when he asked farther, whether he had not received 
 any presents from him? and when he had replied, that 
 he had received no more than four horses to ride on, 
 which Malchus had sent liim; and they pretend that 
 Herod charged these upon him as the crimes of 
 bribery and treason, and gave order that he should 
 be led away and slain. And in order to demonstrate 
 that he had been guilty of no offence, when he was 
 thus brought to his end, they alleged how mild his 
 temper had been, and that even in his youth he had 
 never given any demonstration of boldness or rashness, 
 and that the case was the same when he came to be 
 king, bat that he even then committed the manage- 
 ment of the greatest part of public affairs to Antipater ; 
 and tliat he was now above fourscore years old, and 
 knew that Herod's govermnent was in a secure state. 
 He also came over Euphrates and left those who 
 greatly honoured him beyond that river, though he 
 were to be entirely under Herod's government, and 
 that it was a most incredible thing that he should 
 enterprise any thing by way of innovation, and not 
 at all agreeable to his temper, but that this was a 
 plot of Herod's contrivance. 
 
 4. And this was the fate of Hyrcanus; and thus 
 did he end his life, after he had endured various and 
 manifold turns of fortune in his lifetime: For he 
 was made high priest of the Jewish nation in the 
 beginning of his mother Alexandra's reign, who held 
 the government nine years; and when, after his 
 mother's death, he took the kingdom himself, and 
 held it three months, he lost it, by the means of
 
 Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 517 
 
 his brother Aristobulus. He was then restored by 
 Pompey, and received all sorts of honour from him, 
 and enjoyed them forty years; but when he was again 
 deprived by xVntigonus, and was maimed in his body, 
 he was made a captive by the Parthians, and thence 
 returned home again after some time, on account of 
 the hopes that Herod had given him; none of which 
 came to pass according to his exj)ectation, but he still 
 conflicted with many misfortunes through the whole 
 course of his life; and what was the heaviest calamity 
 of all, as we have related already, he came to an end 
 which was undeserved by him. His character ap- 
 peared to be that of a man of a mild and moderate 
 disposition, and suffered the administration of afi^airs 
 to be generally done by others under him. He was 
 averse to much meddling with the public, nor had 
 shrewdness enough to govern a kingdom: And both 
 Antipater and Herod came to their greatness by 
 reason of his mildness, and at last he met with such 
 an end from them as was not agreeable either to 
 justice or piety. 
 
 5. Now Herod, as soon as he had put HjTcanus 
 out of the way, made haste to Cfesar; and because 
 he could not have any hopes of kindness from him, 
 on account of the friendship he had for Antony, he 
 had a suspicion of Alexandra, lest she should take 
 this opportunity to bring the multitude to a revolt, 
 and introduce a sedition into the affairs of tlie king- 
 dom; so he committed the care of every thing to 
 his brother Pheroras, and placed his mother Cypros, 
 and his sister [Salome,] and the whole family at ^las- 
 sada, and gave him a charge, that if he should 
 hear any sad news about him, he should take care 
 of the government: But as to Mariamne his wife, 
 because of the misunderstanding between her and liis 
 sister, and his sister's mother, which made it impossible
 
 518 ANTIQUITIES Boo\ xv. 
 
 for them to live together, he placed her at Alex- 
 andrium, with Alexandra her mother, and left his 
 treasurer Joseph and Sohemus of Iturea, to take care 
 of that fortress. These two had been very faithful 
 to him from the beginning, and were now left as a 
 guard to the women. They also had it in charge, 
 that if they should hear any mischief had befallen 
 him, they should kill them both, and as far as they 
 were able, to preserve the kingdom for his sons, and 
 for his brother Pheroras. 
 
 6. When he had given them this charge, he made 
 haste to Rhodes, to meet Caesar; and when he had 
 sailed to that city, he took off his diadem, but remitted 
 nothing else of his usual dignity: And when, upon 
 his meeting him, he desired that he would let him 
 speak to him, he therein exhibited a much more noble 
 specimen of a great soul, for he did not betake him- 
 self to supplications, as men usually do upon such 
 occasions, nor offered him any petition, as if he were 
 an offender, but after an undaunted manner, gave an 
 account of what he had done; for he spake thus to 
 Caesar, That "he had the greatest friendship for 
 Antony, and did every thing he could that he might 
 attain the government, That he was not indeed in the 
 armv with him, because the Arabians had diverted 
 him, but that he had sent him both money and corn, 
 which was but too little in comparison of what he 
 ought to have done for him; for, if a man owns him- 
 self to be another's friend, and knows him to be a 
 benefactor, he is obliged to hazard every thing, to use 
 every faculty of his soul, every member of his body, 
 and all the wealth he hath, for him, in which I 
 confess I have been too deficient. However, I am 
 conscious to myself, tliat so far I have done right, 
 that T have nf)t deserted lilni u])on his defeat at 
 Actium: nor upon the evident change of his fortune
 
 Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 519 
 
 have I transferred my hopes from Iiim to another, 
 but have preserved myself, though not as a valuable 
 fellow-soldier, yet certainly as a faithful counsellor 
 to Antony, when I demonstrated to him that the only 
 way that he had to save himself, and not to lose all 
 his authority, was to slay Cleopatra; for when she 
 was once dead, there would be room for him to retain 
 his authority, and rather to bring thee to make a 
 composition with him, than to continue at enmity 
 any longer. None of which advices would he attend 
 to, but preferred his own rash resolutions before 
 them, which have happened unprofitably for him, but 
 profitably for thee. Xow therefore in case thou de- 
 terminest about me, and my alacrity in serving An- 
 tony, according to thy anger at him, I own there is 
 no room for me to deny what I have done, nor will 
 I be ashamed to own, and that publicly too, that I 
 had a great kindness for him: But if thou wilt put 
 him out of the case, and only examine how I behave 
 myself to my benefactors in general, and what sort 
 of a friend I am, thou wilt find by experience that we 
 shall do and be the same to thyself, for it is but 
 changing the names, and the firmness of friendship 
 that we shall bear to thee, will not be disapproved bv 
 thee." ii^ . 
 
 7. By this speech, and by his behaviour, which 
 showed Ceesar the frankness of his mind, he greatly 
 gained upon him, who was himself of a generous 
 and magnificent temper, insomuch that those very 
 actions, which were tlie foundation of the accusation 
 against him, procured him Caesar's good-will. Ac- 
 cordingly, he restored him his diadem again; and 
 encouraged him to exhibit himself as great a friend 
 to himself as he had been to Antony, and then had 
 him in great esteem. jNIoreover, he added this, that 
 Quintius Didius had written to him, that Herod had
 
 520 ANTIQUITIES . Book xv. 
 
 very readily assisted him in the affair of the gladiators. 
 So when he had obtained such a kind reception, and 
 had, beyond all his hopes, procured his crown to be 
 more entirely and firmly settled upon him than ever 
 by Caesar's donation, as well as bv that decree of 
 the Romans, which Caesar took care to procure for 
 his gi-eater security, he conducted Cssar on his way 
 to Egypt, and made presents even beyond his ability, 
 to both him and his friends, and in general behaved 
 himself with great magnanimity. He also desired 
 that C<esar would not put to death one Alexander, 
 who had been a companion of Antony's; but Casar 
 had sworn to put him to death, and so he could not 
 obtain that his petition: And now he returned to 
 Judea again with greater honour and assurance than 
 ever, and affrighted those that had expectations to the 
 contrary, as still acquiring from his very dangers 
 greater splendour than before, by the favour of God 
 to him. So he prepared for the reception of Ctesar, 
 as he was going out of Syria to invade Egypt; and 
 when he came, he entertained him at Ptolemais with 
 all royal magnificence. He also bestowed presents 
 on the army, and brought them provisions in abun- 
 dance. He also proved to be one of Caesar's most 
 cordial friends, and put the army in array, and rode 
 along with Caesar, and had a hundred and fifty men, 
 well appointed in all respects, after a rich and 
 sumptuous manner, for tlie better recej^tion of him 
 and his friends. He also provided them with what 
 they should want, as they passed over the dry desert, 
 insomuch that they lacked neither wine nor water, 
 which last the soldiers stood in the greatest need of, 
 and besides, he presented Cresar with eight hundred 
 talents, and procured to himself the good-will of them 
 all, because he was assisting to them in a much 
 greater and more splendid degree than the kingdom
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 521 
 
 he had obtained could afford, by which means he more 
 and more demonstrated to Caesar the firmness of his 
 friendship, and his readiness to assist him; and what 
 was of the greatest advantage to him was this, that 
 his Hberahty came at a seasonable time also: And 
 when they returned again out of Egypt, his assistances 
 were no way inferior to the good offices he had 
 formerly done them. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Hoxo Herod sicto Solicmus, and Mariamne, and 
 afterward Aledrindra, and Costoharus, and his most 
 intimate friends, and at last the so?is of Baha also. 
 
 1. HowE^TR, when he came into his kingdom 
 again, he found his house all in disorder, and his 
 wife Mariamne and her mother Alexandra very 
 uneas}"; for, as they supposed, what was easy to be 
 supposed, that they were not put into that fortress 
 [Alexandrium] for the security of their persons, but 
 as into a garrison for their imprisonment, and that 
 they had no power over any thing, either of others, 
 or of their own affairs, thev were verv uneasv; and 
 Mariamne supposing that the king's love to her was 
 but hypocritical, and rather pretended, as advan- 
 tageous to himself, as real, she looked upon it as 
 fallacious. She also was grieved that he would not 
 allow her any hopes of surviving him, if he should 
 come to any harm himself. She also recollected what 
 commands he had formerly given to Joseph, inso- 
 much that she endeavoured to please her keepers, 
 and especially Sohemus, as well apprised how all 
 was in his power. And at the first Sohemus was
 
 522 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 faithful to Herod, and neglected none of the things 
 he had given him in charge; but when the women 
 by kind words, and liberal presents, had gained his 
 affections over to them, he was by degrees overcome, 
 and at length discovered to them all the king's in- 
 junctions, and this on that account principally, that 
 he did not so much as hope he would come back with 
 the same authority he had before, so that he thought 
 he should both escape any danger from him, and 
 supposed that he did hereby much gratify the women, 
 who were likely not to be overlooked in the settling 
 of the government, nay, that they would be able 
 to make him abundant recompense, since they must 
 either reign themselves, or be very near to him that 
 should reign. He had a further ground of hope 
 also, that though Herod should have all the success 
 he could wish for, and should return again, he could 
 not contradict his wife in what she desired, for he 
 knew that the king's fondness for his wife was in- 
 expressible. These were the motives that drew So- 
 hemus to discover what injunctions had been given 
 him. So Mariamne was greatly displeased to hear 
 that there was no end of the dangers she was under 
 from Herod, and was greatly uneasy at it, and 
 wished that he might obtain no favours [from Caesar,] 
 and esteemed it almost an insupportable task, to live 
 with him any longer: and this she afterward openly 
 declared, without concealing her resentment. 
 
 2. And now Herod sailed home with joy, at the 
 unexpected good success he had had: and went first of 
 all, as was proper, to this his wife, and told her, 
 and her only, the good news, as preferring her be- 
 fore the rest, on account of his fondness for her, 
 and the intimacy there had been between them, and 
 saluted her; })ut so it happened, that as he told her 
 of the good success he liad had, she was so far from
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 523 
 
 rejoicing at it, that she rather was sorry for it; nor 
 was she ahle to conceal her resentments, but, de- 
 pending on her dignity, and the nobihty of her birth, 
 in return for his salutations, she gave a groan, and 
 declared evidently that she rather grieved than re- 
 joiced at his success, and this till Herod was dis- 
 turbed at her, as affording him not only marks of 
 her suspicion, Imt evident signs of her dissatisfaction. 
 This much troubled him, to see that this sin-prising 
 hatred of his wife to him was not concealed, but 
 open; and he took this so ill, and yet was so unable 
 to bear it, on account of the fondness he had for 
 her, that he could not long continue in any one mind, 
 but sometimes was angry at her, and sometimes 
 reconciled himself to her, but by always changing 
 one passion for another, he was still in great un- 
 certainty, and thus was he entangled between hatred 
 and love, and was frequently disposed to inflict pun- 
 ishment on her for her insolence towards him, but 
 being deeply in love with her in his soul, he was 
 not able to get quit of this woman. In short, as he 
 would gladly have her punished, so was he afraid 
 lest ere he were aware, he should, by putting her to 
 death, bring a heavier j^unishment upon himself at 
 the same time. 
 
 3. When Herod's sister and mother perceived 
 that he was in this temper with regard to Mariamne, 
 they thought they had now got an excellent oppor- 
 tunity to exercise their hatred against her, and pro- 
 voked Herod to wrath by telling him such long stories 
 and calumnies about her, as might at once excite 
 his hatred and his jealousy. Now, though he will- 
 ingly enough heard their words, yet had not lie 
 courage enough to do any thing to her, as if he 
 believed them, but still he became worse and worse 
 disposed to her, and these ill passions were more
 
 524 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 and more inflamed on both sides, while she did not 
 hide her disposition towards him, and he turned his 
 love to her into wrath against her. But when he 
 was just going to put this matter past all remedy, 
 he heard the news that Ca\sar was the victor in the 
 war, and that Antony and Cleopatra were both dead, 
 and that he had conquered Kgyj^t, whereupon he 
 made haste to go to meet Caesar, and left the affairs 
 of his family in their present state. However Mari- 
 amne recommended Sohemus to him, as he was set- 
 ting out on his journey, and professed that she owed 
 him thanks for the care he had taken of her, and 
 asked of the king for him a place in the government; 
 upon which an honourable eniiDloyment was bestowed 
 upon him accordingly. Now, when Herod was come 
 into Egypt, he was introduced to Ca?sar with great 
 freedom, as already a friend of his, and received very 
 great favours from him; for he made him a present 
 of those four hundred Galatians who had been Cleo- 
 patra's guards, and restored that country to him 
 again, Avhich by her means had been taken away 
 from him. He also added to his kingdom, Gadara, 
 Hippos, and Samaria: and, besides those, the mari- 
 time cities, Gaza, and Anthedon, and Joppa, and 
 Strato's Tower. 
 
 4. Upon these new acquisitions, he grew more 
 magnificent, and conducted Caesar as far as Antioch; 
 but upon his return, as much as his prosperity was 
 augmented by the foreign additions that had been 
 made him, so mucli the greater were the distresses 
 that came upon him in his own family, and chiefly 
 in the affair of his wife, wherein he formerly ap- 
 peared to liave been most of all fortunate; for the 
 affection he had for INIariamne was no way inferior 
 to the affections of sucli as are on that account cele- 
 brated in history, and tliis very justly. As for her,
 
 Chap. Yii. OF THE JEWS. 525 
 
 she was in other respects a chaste woman, and faitli- 
 ful to him; yet had she somewhat of a woman rough 
 by nature, and treated her husband imperiously 
 enough, because she saw he was so fond of her as 
 to be enslaved to her. She did not also consider 
 seasonably with herself that she lived under a mon- 
 archy, and that she was at another's disposal, and 
 accordingly would behave herself after a saucy manner 
 to him, which yet he usually put off in a jesting 
 way, and bore with moderation and good temper. 
 She would also expose his mother and his sister 
 openly, on account of the meanness of their birth, 
 and would speak unkindly of them, insomuch, that 
 there was before this a disagreement and unpardon- 
 able hatred among the women, and it was now come 
 to greater reproaches of one another than formerly, 
 which suspicions increased, and lasted a whole year 
 after Herod returned from Ca?sar. However, these 
 misfortunes, which had been kept under some de- 
 cency for a great while, burst out all at once upon 
 sudi an occasion as was now offered; for as the king 
 was one day about noon lain down on his bed to 
 rest him, he called for ]Mariamne, out of the great 
 affection he had always for her. She came in ac- 
 cordingly, but would not lie down by him: and when 
 he was very desirous of her company, she showed 
 her contempt of him; and added, Ijy way of reproach, 
 that he had caused ^ her father and her brother to 
 be slain. And when he took this injury very un- 
 kindly, and was ready to use violence to her, in a 
 precipitate manner, the king's sister Salome, ob- 
 
 * Whereas Mariamne is here represented as reproaching Herod with 
 the murder of her father [Alexander,] as well as lier brother [Aris- 
 tobiiliis,] while it was her grandfather Hyrcanus, and not her father 
 Alexander, whom he caused to he slain, (as Josephus himself informs 
 us, ch. vi. sect. 2,) we must either take Zonora's reading, which is here 
 grandfather rightly, or else we must, as before, ch. i. sect. 1, allow a 
 slip of Josephus' pen, or memory, in the ])lace before us.
 
 526 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 serving that lie was more than ordinarily disturbed, 
 sent in to the king his cup-bearer, who had been 
 prepared long beforehand for such a design, and 
 bid him tell the king, how Mariamne had persuaded 
 him to give his assistance in preparing a love potion 
 for him; and if he appear to be greatly concerned, 
 and to ask what that love potion was? to tell him, 
 that she had the potion, and that he was desired 
 only to give it him: but that in case he did not appear 
 to be much concerned at this potion, to let the thing 
 drop, and that if he did so, no harm should thereby 
 come to him. When she had given him these in- 
 structions, she sent him in at this time to make such 
 a speech. So he went in, after a composed manner, 
 to gain credit to what he should say, and yet some- 
 what hastily, and said, that "Mariamne had given 
 him presents, and persuaded him to give him a love 
 potion." And when this moved the king, he said, 
 that "this love potion was a composition that she 
 had given him, whose effects he did not know, which 
 was the reason of his resolving to give him this in- 
 formation, as the safest course he could take, both 
 for himself and for the king." When Herod heard 
 what he said, and was in an ill disposition before, 
 his indignation grew more violent: and he ordered 
 that eunuch of Mariamne's who was most faithful 
 to her, to be brought to torture about this potion, 
 as well knowing it was not possible that any thing 
 small or great could be done without him. And 
 when the man was under the utmost agonies, he 
 could say nothing concerning the thing he was tor- 
 tured about, but so far he knew that Mariamne's 
 hatred against him was occasioned by somewhat that 
 Sohemus had said to her. Now, as he was saying 
 this, Herod cried out aloud, and said, that "Sohemus, 
 who had ])een at all other times most faithful to
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 527 
 
 him, and to his government, would not have be- 
 trayed what injunctions he had given him; unless 
 he had had a nearer conversation than ordinary with 
 Mariamne." So he gave order that Sohemus should 
 be seized on and slain immediately; but he allowed 
 his wife to take her trial: and got together those 
 that were most faithful to him, and laid an elaborate 
 accusation against her for this love potion and com- 
 position, which had been charged upon her by way 
 of calumny only. However, he kept no temper in 
 what he said, and was in too great a passion for 
 judging well about this matter. Accordingly, when 
 the court was at length satisfied that he was so 
 resolved, they passed the sentence of death upon her: 
 but when the sentence was passed upon her, this 
 temper was suggested by himself, and by some others 
 of the court, that she should not be thus hastily put 
 to death, but be laid in prison in one of the fortresses 
 belonging to the kingdom; but Salome and her party 
 laboured hard to have the woman put to death; and 
 they prevailed with the king to do so, and advised 
 this out of caution, lest the multitude should be 
 tumultuous if she were suffered to live; and thus 
 was Mariamne led to execution. 
 
 5. When Alexandra observed how things went, 
 and that there were small hopes that she herself 
 should escape the like treatment from Herod, she 
 changed her behaviour to quite the reverse of what 
 might have been expected from her former boldness, 
 and this after a very indecent manner: for out of 
 her desire to show how entirely ignorant she was of 
 the crimes laid against JNIariamne, she leaped out 
 of her place, and reproached her daughter in the 
 hearing of all the people: and cried out. That "she 
 had been an ill woman and ungrateful to her hus- 
 band, and that her punishment came justly upon
 
 528 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 her, for such her insolent behavioin*, for that she 
 had not made proper returns to him who had been 
 their common benefactor." And when she had for 
 some time acted after this hypocritical manner, and 
 been so outrageous as to tear her hair, this indecent 
 and dissembling behaviour, as was to be expected, 
 was greatly condemned by the rest of the spectators, 
 as it was principally by the poor woman who was 
 to suffer; for at the first she gave her not a word, 
 nor was discomposed at her peevishness, and only 
 looked at her, yet did she, out of a greatness of soul, 
 discover her concern for her mother's offence, and 
 especially for her exposing herself in a manner so 
 unbecoming her; but as for herself, she went to her 
 death with an unshaken firmness of mind, and with- 
 out changing the colour of her face, and thereby 
 evidently discovered the nobility of her descent to 
 the spectators, even in the last moments of her life. 
 6. And thus died Mariamne; a woman of an 
 excellent character, both for chastity and greatness 
 of soul; but she wanted moderation, and had too 
 much of contention in her nature, yet had she all 
 that can be said in the beauty of her body, and her 
 majestic appearance in conversation; and thence arose 
 the greatest part of the occasions why she did not 
 prove so agreeable to the king, nor live so pleasantly 
 with him, as she might otherwise have done; for 
 while she was most indulgently used by the king, 
 out of his fondness to her, and did not expect that 
 he could do any hard thing to her, she took too un- 
 bounded a liberty. Moreover, that which most 
 afflicted her was, what he ha^ done to her relations, 
 and she ventured to speak of all they had suffered by 
 him, and at last greatly provoked both the king's 
 mother and sister, till they became enemies to her; 
 and even he himself also did the same, on whom
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 529 
 
 alone she dejjended for her expectations of escaping 
 the last of punishments. 
 
 7. But when she was once dead, the king's affec- 
 tions for her were kindled in a more outrageous 
 manner than before, whose old passion for her we 
 have already described: for his love to her was not 
 of a calm nature, nor such as we usually meet with 
 among other husbands, for at its commencement it 
 was of an enthusiastic kind, nor was it by their long 
 cohabitation and free conversation together, brought 
 under his power to manage; but at this time his 
 love to IVIariamne seemed to seize him in such a 
 peculiar manner, as looked like divine vengeance upon 
 him, for the taking away her life, for he would fre- 
 quently call for her, and frequently lament for her 
 in a most indecent manner. Moreover, he bethought 
 him of every thing he could make use of to divert 
 his mind from thinking of her, and contrived feasts 
 and assemblies for that purpose, but nothing would 
 suffice; he therefore laid aside the administration of 
 pubhc affairs, and was so far conquered by his pas- 
 sion, that he would order his servants to call for 
 Mariamne, as if she were still alive, and could still 
 hear them. And when he was in this way, there 
 arose a pestilential disease, and carried off the greatest 
 part of the multitude, and of his best and most 
 esteemed friends, and made all men suspect that this 
 was brought upon them by the anger of God, for 
 the injustice that had been done to Mariamne. This 
 circumstance affected the king still more, till at length 
 he forced himself to go into desert places, and there, 
 under pretence of going a-hunting, bitterly afflicted 
 himself; yet had he not borne his grief there many 
 days before he fell into a most dangerous distemper 
 himself: He had an inflammation upon him, and a 
 pain in the hinder part of his head, joined with mad-
 
 530 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 ness: and for the remedies that were used, they did 
 him no good at all, but proved contrary to his case, 
 and so at length brought him to despair. All the 
 physicians also that were about him, partly because 
 the medicines they brought for his recovery could 
 not at all conquer the disease, and partly because his 
 diet could be no other than what his disease inclined 
 him to, desired him to eat whatever he had a mind 
 to, and so left the small hopes they had of his 
 recovery in the power of that diet, and committed 
 him to fortune. And thus did his distemper go on, 
 while he was at Samaria, now called Sehaste. 
 
 8. Now Alexandra abode at this time in Jeru- 
 salem, and being informed what condition Herod 
 was in, she endeavoured to get possession of the 
 fortified places that were about the city, which were 
 two, the one belonging to the city itself, the other 
 belonging to the temple; and those that could get 
 them into their hands had the whole nation under 
 their power, for without the command of them it 
 was not possible to offer their sacrifices; and to 
 think of leaving off those sacrifices, is to every Jew 
 plainly impossible, who are still more ready to lose 
 their lives than to leave off that divine worship which 
 they have been wont to pay imto God. Alexandra, 
 therefore, discoursed with those that had the keeping 
 of these strongholds, that it was j^roper for them 
 to deliver the same to her, and to Herod's sons, lest, 
 upon his death, any other person should seize upon 
 the govermnent; and that upon his recovery none 
 could keep them more safely for him than those 
 of his own family. These words were not by them 
 at all taken in good part; and as they had been in 
 former times faithful [to Herod,] they resolved to 
 continue so more than ever, both because they hated 
 Alexandra, and because they thought it a sort of
 
 Chap. Yii. OF THE JEWS. 531 
 
 impiety to despair of Herod's recovery while he was 
 yet alive, for they had been his old friends; and 
 one of them, whose name was Achiabus, was his 
 cousin-german. They sent messengers therefore to 
 acquaint him with Alexandra's design; so he made 
 no longer delay, but gave orders to have her slain: 
 yet was it still with difficulty, and after he had en- 
 dured great pain, that he got clear of his distemper. 
 He was still sorely afflicted both in mind and body, 
 and made very uneasy, and readier than ever upon 
 all occasions to inflict punishment upon those that 
 fell under his hand. He also slew the most intimate 
 of his friends, Costobarus, and Lysimachus, and 
 Gadias, who was also called Antipater; as also Do- 
 sitheus, and that upon the following occasion. 
 
 9. Costobarus was an Idumean by birth, and one 
 of principal dignity among them, and one whose 
 ancestors had been priests to the Kose, whom the 
 Idumeans had [formerly] esteemed as a god; but 
 after Hyrcanus had made a change in their political 
 government, and made them receive the Jewish cus- 
 toms, and law, Herod made Costobarus governor 
 of Idumea and Gaza, and gave him his sister Salome 
 to wife; and this was upon his slaughter of [his 
 uncle] Joseph, who had that government before, as 
 we have related already. When Costobarus had 
 gotten to be so highly advanced, it pleased him, and 
 was more than he hoped for, and he was more and 
 more puffed up by his good success, and in a little 
 while he exceeded all bounds, and did not think fit 
 to obey what Herod, as their ruler, commanded him, 
 or that the Idumeans should make use of the Jewish 
 customs, or be subject to them. He therefore sent 
 to Cleopatra, and informed her that the Idumeans 
 had been always under his progenitors, and that for 
 the same reason it was but just that she should
 
 532 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 desire that country for hiin of Antony, for that he 
 was ready to transfer his friendship to her; and 
 this he did, not because he was better pleased to be 
 under Cleopatra's government, but because he thought 
 that, upon the diminution of Herod's power, it would 
 not be difficult for him to obtain himself the entire 
 government over the Idumeans, and somewhat more 
 also; for he raised his hopes still higher, as having 
 no small pretences, both by his birth and by these 
 riches, which he had gotten by his constant attention 
 to filthy lucre; and accordingly it was not a small 
 matter that he aimed at. So Cleopatra desired this 
 country of Antony, but failed of her purpose. An 
 account of this was brought to Herod, who was 
 thereu2)on ready to kill Costobarus, yet upon the 
 entreaties of his sister and mother, he forgave him, 
 and vouchsafed to pardon him entirely, though he 
 still had a suspicion of him afterward for this his 
 attempt. 
 
 10. But some time afterward, when Salome hap- 
 pened to quarrel with Costobarus, she ^ sent him a 
 bill of divorce, and dissolved her marriage with him, 
 though this was not according to the Jewish laws; 
 
 * Here is a plain example of a Jewish lady giving a bill of divorce 
 to her husband, though in the days of Josephus it was not esteemed 
 lawful for a woman so to do. See the like among the Parthians, Antiq. 
 B. XVIII. ch. ix. sect. 6. However, the Christian law, when it allowed 
 divorce for adultery, Matt, v, 32, allowed the innocent wife to divorce 
 her guilty husl)and, as well as the innocent husband to divorce his guilty 
 wife, as we learn from the shepherd of Hermes, Mand. B. IV. and 
 from the second apology of Justin Martyr, where a persecution was 
 brought upon the Christians upon such a divorce; and I think the Roman 
 laws permitted it at that time, as well as the laws of Christianity. Now 
 this Babos, who was one of the race of the Asamoneans or Maccabees, 
 as the latter end of this section informs us, is related by the Jews, as 
 Dr. Hudson here remarks, to have been so eminently religious in the 
 Jewish way, that the day following the tenth of Tisri, the ijreat day 
 of atonement, when lie seems to have supposed all his sins entirely 
 forgiven, he used every day of the whole year to offer a sacrifice for his 
 sins of ignorance, or such as he supposed he had been guilty of, but 
 did not distinctly remember. See somewhat like it of Agrippa tlie Great, 
 Antiq. B. XIX. ch. iii. sect, li, Vol. III. and Job. i, 4, 5.
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 533 
 
 for with us it is lawful for a husband to do so; but 
 a wife, if she departs from her husband, cannot of 
 herself be married to another, unless her former hus- 
 band put her away. However, Salome chose to 
 follow not the law of her country, but the law of 
 her authority, and so renounced her wedlock: and 
 told her brother Herod, that she left her husband 
 out of her good-will to him, because she perceived 
 that he, with Antipater and Lysimachus, and Do- 
 sitheus, were raising a sedition against him: as an 
 evidence whereof, she alleged the case of the sons 
 of Babas, that tliey had been by him preserved alive 
 already for the interval of twelve years; which proved 
 to be true. But when Herod thus unexpectedly 
 heard of it, he was greatly surprised at it, and was 
 the more surprised, because the relation appeared 
 incredible to him. As for the fact relating to these 
 sons of Babas, Herod had formerly taken great pains 
 to bring them to punishment, as being enemies to 
 his government, but they M^ere now forgotten by 
 him, on account of the length of time [since he had 
 ordered them to be slain.] Now, the cause of his 
 ill-will and hatred to them arose hence, that while 
 Antigonus was king, Herod, witli his army, besieged 
 the city of Jerusalem, where the distress and mis- 
 eries which the besieged endured, were so pressing, 
 that the greater number of them invited Herod into 
 the city, and already placed their hopes on him. 
 Now, the sons of Babas were of great dignity, and 
 had power among the multitude, and were faithful 
 to Antigonus, and were always raising calumnies 
 against Herod, and encouraged the people to pre- 
 serve the government to that royal family which 
 held it by inheritance. So these men acted thus 
 politically, and, as they thought, for their own ad- 
 vantage; but when the city was taken, and Herod
 
 534 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 had gotten the government into his hands, and Cos- 
 tobarus was appointed to hinder men from passing 
 out at the gates, and to guard the city, that those 
 citizens that were guilty, and of the party opposite 
 to the king, might not get out of it, Costobarus being 
 sensible that the sons of Babas were had in respect 
 and honour by the whole multitude, and supposing 
 that their preservation might be of great advantage 
 to him in the changes of government afterward, he 
 set them by themselves, and concealed them in his 
 own farms; and when the thing was suspected, he 
 assured Herod upon oath that he really knew nothing 
 of that matter, and so overcame the suspicions that 
 lay upon him; nay, after that, when the king had 
 publicly proposed a reward for the discovery, and 
 had put in practice all sorts of methods for search- 
 ing out this matter, he would not confess it, but being 
 persuaded that when he had at first denied it, if 
 the men were found, he should not escape unpun- 
 ished, he was forced to keep them secret, not only 
 out of his good-will to them, but out of a necessary 
 regard to his own preservation also: But when the 
 king knew the thing, by his sister's information, he 
 sent men to the places where he had the intimation 
 they were concealed, and ordered both them, and 
 those that were accused as guilty with them, to be 
 slain, insomuch that there were now none at all left 
 of the kindred of Hyrcanus, and the kingdom was 
 entirely in Herod's own power, and there was no- 
 body remaining of such dignity as could put a stop 
 to what he did against the Jewish laws.
 
 Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 535 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 How ten men of the citizens fo/ Jerusalem] made 
 a conspiracy against Herod, for the foreign prac- 
 tices he had introduced, which was a transgression 
 of the laws of their country. Concerning the build- 
 ing of S chaste and Ccesarea, and other edifices of 
 Herod. 
 
 1. Ox this account it was that Herod revolted 
 from the laws of his country, and corrupted their 
 ancient constitution, bv the introduction of foreign 
 practices, which constitution yet ought to have been 
 preserved inviohible; by which means we became 
 guilty of great wickedness afterward, while those 
 religious observances which used to lead the multi- 
 tude to piety, were now neglected: for, in the first 
 place, he appointed solemn games to be celebrated 
 every fifth year, in honour of C^sar, and built a 
 theatre at Jerusalem, as also a very great amphi- 
 theatre in the plain. Both of them were indeed 
 costly works, but opposite to the Jewish customs; 
 for we have had no such shows delivered down to 
 us as fit to be used or exhibited by us; yet did he 
 celebrate these games every five years, in the most 
 solemn and splendid manner. He also made proc- 
 lamation to the neighbouring countries, and called 
 men together out of every nation. The wrestlers 
 also, and the rest of those that strove for the prizes 
 in such games, were invited out of every land, both 
 .by the hopes of the rewards there to be bestowed, 
 and by the glory of victory to be there gained. So 
 the principal persons that were the most eminent in 
 these sorts of exercises, were gotten together, for
 
 536 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 there were very great rewards for victory proposed, 
 not only to those that performed their exercises 
 naked, but to those that played the musicians also, 
 and were called Thymclici; but he spared no pains 
 to induce all persons, the most famous for such 
 exercises, to come to this contest for victory. He 
 also promised no small rewards for those who ran 
 for the prizes in chariot races, when they were drawn 
 by two, or three, or four pair of horses. He also 
 imitated every thing, though never so costly or mag- 
 nificent, in other nations, out of an ambition that 
 he might give most public demonstration of his gran- 
 deur. Inscriptions also of the great actions of Ceesar, 
 and trophies of those nations which he had conquered 
 in his wars, and all made of the purest gold and 
 silver, encompassed the theatre itself: Xor was there 
 any thing that could be subservient to his design, 
 whether it were precious garments, or precious stones 
 set in order, which was not also exposed to sight in 
 these games. He had also made a great prepara- 
 tion of wild beasts, and of lions themselves in great 
 abundance, and of such other beasts as were either 
 of uncommon strength, or of such a sort as were 
 rarely seen. These were prepared either to fight 
 with one another, or that men who were condemned 
 to death, were to fight with them. And truly for- 
 eigners were greatly surprised and delighted at the 
 vastness of the expenses here exhibited, and at the 
 great dangers that were here seen; ^ but to natural 
 Jews, this was no better than a dissolution of those 
 
 * These grand plays and shows, and thymelici, or music meetings, and 
 c'liariot races, when the chariots were drawn by two, three, or four pair 
 of horses, etc., instituted by Herod in Ills theatres, were still, as we see 
 here, looked on by the .sober Jews as heathenish sports, and tending to 
 corrupt the manners of the Jewish nation, and to bring them in love 
 with Paganish idolatry, and Paganish conduct of life, but to the dissolu- 
 tion of the law of Moses, and accordingly were greatly and justly con- 
 demned by them, as appears here and every where else in Josephus.
 
 Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 537 
 
 customs for which they had so great a veneration. 
 It appeared also no better than an instance of bare- 
 faced impiety, to throw men to wild beasts, for the 
 affording delight to the spectators, and it appeared 
 an instance of no less impiety, to change their own 
 laws for such foreign exercises: but, above all the 
 rest, the trophies gave most distaste to the Jews, 
 for as they imagined them to be images, included 
 within the armour that hung round about them, thej^ 
 were sorely displeased at them, because it was not 
 the custom of their country to ])ay honours to such 
 images. 
 
 2. Nor was Herod unacquainted with the dis- 
 turbance they were under; and as he thought it un- 
 seasonable to use violence with them, so he spoke 
 to some of them by way of consolation, and in order 
 to free them from that superstitious fear they were 
 under; yet could not he satisfy them, but they cried 
 out with one accord, out of their great uneasiness 
 at the offences they thought he had been guilty of, 
 that although they should think of bearing all the 
 rest, yet would they never bear images of men in 
 their city, meaning the trophies, because this was 
 disagreeable to the laws of their country. Now when 
 Herod saw them in such a disorder, and that they 
 would not easily change their resolution unless they 
 received satisfaction in this point, he called to him 
 the most eminent men among them, and brought 
 them upon the theatre, and showed them the trophies, 
 and asked them, what sort of things they took these 
 trophies to be? And when they cried out, that they 
 were the images of men, he gave order that they 
 should be stripped of these outward ornaments which 
 were about them, and showed them the naked pieces 
 of wood; which pieces of wood, now without any 
 ornament, became matter of great sport and laughter
 
 538 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 to them, because they had before always had the 
 ornaments of images themselves in derision. 
 
 3. When therefore Herod had thus got clear of 
 the multitude, and had dissipated the vehemency of 
 passion under which they had been, the greatest 
 J} art of the people were disposed to change their 
 conduct, and not to be displeased at him any longer; 
 but still some of them continued in their displeasure 
 against him, for his introduction of new customs, 
 and esteemed the violation of the laws of their country 
 as likely to be the origin of very great mischiefs 
 to them, so that they deemed it an instance of piety 
 rather to hazard themselves [to be put to death,] 
 than to seem as if they took no notice of Herod, 
 who, upon the change he had made in their govern- 
 ment, introduced such customs, and that in a violent 
 manner, which they had never been used to before; 
 as indeed in pretence a king, but in reality one that 
 showed himself an enemy to their whole nation; on 
 which account ten men that were citizens [of Jeru- 
 salem,] conspired together against him, and swore 
 to one another to undergo any dangers in the at- 
 tempt, and took daggers with them under their gar- 
 ments, [for the purpose of killing Herod.] Now 
 there was a certain blind man among those con- 
 spirators, who had thus sworn to one another, on 
 account of the indignation he had against what he 
 heard to have been done; he was not indeed able to 
 afford the rest any assistance in the undertaking, but 
 was ready to undergo any suffering with them, if 
 so be they should come to any harm, insomuch, that 
 he became a very great encourager of the rest of 
 the undertakers. 
 
 4. When they had taken this resolution, and that 
 by common consent, they went into the theatre, 
 hoping that, in the first place, Herod himself could
 
 Chap. Yiii. OF THE JEWS. 539 
 
 not escape them, as they should fall upon him so 
 unexpectedly; and supposing, however, that if they 
 missed him, they should kill a great many of those 
 that were about him; and this resolution they took, 
 though they should die for it, in order to suggest 
 to the king, what injuries he had done to the mul- 
 titude. These cons23irators, therefore, standing thus 
 prepared beforehand, went about their design with 
 great alacrity; but there was one of those spies of 
 Herod's that were appointed for such purj^oses, to 
 fish out and inform him of any conspiracies that 
 should be made against him, who foimd out the whole 
 affair, and told the king of it, as he was about to go 
 into the theatre. So when he reflected on the hatred 
 which he knew the greatest part of the people bore 
 him, and on the disturbances that arose upon every 
 occasion, he thought this plot against him not to 
 be improbable. Accordingly, he retired into his 
 palace, and called those that were accused of this 
 conspiracy before him by their several names; and 
 as, upon the guards' falling upon them, they were 
 caught in the very fact, and knew they could not 
 escape, they prej^ared themselves for their ends with 
 all the decency they could, and so as not at all to 
 recede from their resolute behaviour; for they showed 
 no shame for what they were about, nor denied it, 
 but when they were seized, they showed their daggers, 
 and professed, that "the conspiracy they had sworn 
 to was a holy and a pious action; that what they 
 intended to do was not for gain, or out of any indul- 
 gence to their passions, but principally for those 
 common customs of their country, which all the Jews 
 were obliged to observe, or to die for them." This 
 was what these men said, out of their undaunted 
 courage in this conspiracy. So they were led away 
 to execution by the king's guards that stood about
 
 540 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 them, and patiently underwent all the torments in- 
 flicted on them- till they died. Nor was it long before 
 that spy who had discovered them was seized on by 
 some of the people, out of the hatred they bore to 
 him, and was not only slain by them, but pulled to 
 pieces, limb from limb, and given to the dogs. This 
 execution was seen by many of the citizens, yet would 
 not one of them discover the doers of it, till upon 
 Herod's making a strict scrutiny after them, by 
 bitter and severe tortures, certain women that were 
 tortured, confessed what they had seen done; the 
 authors of which fact were so terribly punished by 
 the king, that their entire families were destroyed for 
 this their rash attempt, yet did not the obstinacy of 
 the people, and that undaunted constancy they showed 
 in the defence of their laws, make Herod any easier 
 to them, but he still strengthened himself after a more 
 secure manner, and resolved to encompass the mul- 
 titude every way, lest such innovations should end 
 in an open rebellion. 
 
 5. Since, therefore, he had now the city fortified 
 by the palace in which he lived, and by the temple, 
 which had a strong fortress by it, called Antonia, 
 and was rebuilt by himself, he contrived to make 
 Samaria a fortress for himself also against all the 
 people, and called it Sebaste, supposing that this 
 place would be a stronghold against the country, not 
 inferior to the former. So he fortified that place, 
 which was a day's journey distant from Jerusalem, 
 and which would be useful to him in common, to 
 keep l)oth the country and the city in awe. He also 
 built another fortress for the whole nation; it was of 
 old called Strato's Tower, but was by him named 
 Cassarea. Moreover, he chose out some select horse- 
 men, and placed them in the great plain: and built 
 [for them] a place in Galilee called Gaba, with
 
 Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 541 
 
 Hesebonitis, in Perea. And these were the places 
 which he particularly built, while he was always invent- 
 ing somewhat farther for his own security, and encom- 
 passing the whole nation with guards, that they 
 might by no means get from under his power, nor 
 fall into tumults, which they did continually upon 
 any small commotion; and that if they did make any 
 commotions he might know of it, while some of his 
 spies might be upon them from the neighbourhood, 
 and might both be able to know what they were 
 attempting, and to prevent it. And when he went 
 about building the wall of Samaria, he contrived to 
 bring thither many of those that had been assisting 
 to him in his wars, and many of the people in that 
 neighbourhood also, whom he made fellow-citizens 
 with the rest. This he did out of an ambitious desire 
 of building a temple, and out of a desire to make the 
 city more eminent than it had been before, but prin- 
 cipally because he contrived that it might at once be 
 for his own security, and a monument of his mag- 
 nificence. He also changed its name, and called it 
 Sebaste. Moreover, he parted the adjoining country, 
 which was excellent in its kind, among the inhab- 
 itants of Samaria, that they might be in a happy 
 condition, upon their first coming to inhabit it. Be- 
 sides all which, he encompassed the city with a wall 
 of great strength, and made use of the acclivity of 
 the place for making its fortifications stronger; nor 
 was the compass of the place made now so small as 
 it had been before, but was such as rendered it not 
 inferior to the most famous cities; for it was twenty 
 furlongs in circumference. Now, within and about 
 the middle of it, he built a sacred place, of a furlong 
 and a half [in circuit,] and adorned it with all sorts 
 of decorations, and therein erected a tem})le, which 
 was illustrious on account of both its largeness and
 
 542 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 beauty. And as to the several parts of the city, he 
 adorned them with decorations of all sorts also: and 
 as to what was necessary to provide for his own 
 security, he made the walls very strong for that pur- 
 pose, and made it for the greatest part a citadel; and 
 as to the elegance of the building, it was taken care 
 of also, that he might leave monuments of the fine- 
 ness of his taste, and of his beneficence, to future ages. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Concerning the famine that happened in Judea and 
 Syria; and hoiv Herod, after he had married another 
 wife, rebuilt Ccvsarea, and other Grecian cities. 
 
 1. NoAV on this very year, which was the thirteenth 
 year of the reign of Herod, very great calamities 
 came upon the country; whether they were derived 
 from the anger of God, or whether this misery re- 
 turns again naturally in certain periods of time; 
 for in the first place there were perpetual droughts, 
 and for that reason the ground was barren, and did 
 not bring forth the same quantity of fruits that it 
 used to produce; and after this barrenness of the 
 soil, that change of food which the want of corn 
 occasioned, produced distempers in the bodies of 
 men, and a pestilential disease prevailed, one misery 
 following upon the back of another: and the circum- 
 stances, that they w^ere destitute both of methods of 
 cure and of food, made the pestilential distemper, 
 which began after a violent manner, the more lasting. 
 The destruction of men also after such a manner 
 deprived those that survived of all their courage, 
 because they had no way to provide remedies sufficient
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 543 
 
 for the distresses they were in. When therefore tlie 
 fruits of that year were spoiled, and whatsoever they 
 had laid up beforehand was spent, there was no 
 foundation of hope for relief remaining, but the 
 misery, contrary to what they expected, still increased 
 upon them; and this not only at that year, while 
 they had nothing for themselves left [at the end of 
 it,] but what seed they had sown perished also, by 
 reason of the ground not yielding its fruits on the 
 ^ second year. This distress they were in made them 
 also, out of necessity, to eat many things that did 
 not use to be eaten; nor, was the king himself free 
 from this distress any more than other men, as being 
 deprived of that tribute he used to have from the 
 fruits of the ground, and having already expended 
 what money he had, in his liberality to those whose 
 cities he had built; nor had he any people that were 
 worthy of his assistance, since this miserable state 
 of things had procured him the hatred of his subjects, 
 for it is a constant rule, that misfortunes are still laid 
 to the account of those that govern. 
 
 2. In these circumstances he considered with him- 
 self how to procure some seasonable help; but this 
 was a hard thing to be done, while their neighbours 
 had no food to sell them, and their money also was 
 gone, had it been possible to purchase a little food 
 
 ' This famine that for two years affected Judea and Syria, the 13th 
 and 14th years of Herod, which are the x?3d and 24th years before the 
 Christian era, seems to have been more terrible during this time than 
 was that in the days of Jacob, Gen. xli., xlii. And what makes the 
 comparison the more remarkable is this, that now as well as then, the 
 relief they had was from Egypt also; then from Joseph the governor 
 of Egypt, under Pharaoh king of Egypt, and now from Petronius the 
 prefect of Egypt, under Augustus the Roman emperor. See almost the 
 like case, Antiq. B. XX. ch. ii, sect. 6, Vol. III. It is also well worth 
 our observation here, that these two years were a sabbatic year, and a 
 year of jubilee, for which Providence, during the theocracy, used to 
 provide a triple crop beforehand, but became now, when the Jews had 
 forfeited that blessing, the greatest years of famine to them ever since 
 the days of Ahab, I Kings xvii,, xviii.
 
 544 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 at a great price. However, he thought it his best 
 way, by all means, not to leave oif his endeavours to 
 assist his people; so he cut off the rich furniture that 
 was in his palace, both of silver and gold, insomuch 
 that he did not spare the finest vessels he had, or 
 those that were made with the most elaborate skill 
 of the artificers, but sent the money to Petronius, who 
 had been made prefect of Egypt by Citsar; and as 
 not a few had already fled to him under their neces- 
 sities, and as he was particularly a friend to Herod, 
 and desirous to have his subjects preserved, he gave 
 leave to them in the first place to export corn, and 
 assisted them every way, both in purchasing and 
 exporting the same, so that he was the principal, if 
 not the only person, who afforded them what help 
 they had. And Hercd taking care the people should 
 understand that this lielp came from himself, did 
 thereby not only remove from him the ill opinion of 
 those that formerly hated him, but gave them the 
 greatest demonstration possible of his good-will to 
 them, and care of tliem; for, in the first place, as 
 for those who were able to provide their own food, 
 he distributed to them their proportion of corn in 
 the exactest manner, but for those many that were 
 not able, either by reason of their old age, or any 
 other infirmity, to provide food for themselves, he 
 made this jjrovision for them, that the bakers should 
 make the bread ready for them. He also took care 
 that they might not ])e hurt by the dangers of winter, 
 since they were in great want of clothing also, by 
 reason of the utter destruction and consumption of 
 their sheep and goats, till they had no wool to make 
 use of, nor any thing else to cover themselves withal. 
 And when he had procured these things for his own 
 subjects, he went farther, in order to provide neces- 
 saries for their neighbours, and gave seed to the
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 545 
 
 Syrians, which thing turned greatly to his own ad- 
 vantage also, this charitable assistance being atforded 
 most seasonably to their fruitful soil, so that every 
 one had now a plentiful provision of food. Upon 
 the whole, when the harvest of the land was apj^roach- 
 ing, he sent no fewer than fifty thousand men, whom 
 he had sustained, into the country; by which means 
 he both repaired the afflicted condition of his own 
 kingdom with great generosity and diligence, and 
 lightened the afflictions of his neighbours, who were 
 under the same calamities, for there was nobody who 
 had been in want that was left destitute of a suitable 
 assistance by him: nay, farther, there were neither 
 any people, nor any cities, nor any private men, who 
 were to make provision for the multitudes, and on 
 that account were in want of support, and had re- 
 course to him, but received what they stood in need 
 of,* insomuch, that it appeared upon a computation, 
 that the number of cori of wheat, of ten attick 
 medimni a-piece, that were given to foreigners, 
 amounted to ten thousand, and the number that was 
 given in his own kingdom was about fourscore thou- 
 sand. Xow it happened that this care of his, and 
 this seasonable benefaction, had such influence on 
 the Jews, and was so cried up among other nations, 
 as to wipe off that old hatred which his violation of 
 some of their customs, during his reign, had procured 
 him among all the nation; and that this liberality of 
 his assistance in this their greatest necessity was full 
 satisfaction for all that he had done of that nature, 
 as it also procured him great fame among foreigners: 
 and it looked as if these calamities that afflicted his 
 land to a degree plainly incredible, came in order 
 to raise his glory, and to be to his great advantage, 
 for the greatness of his liberality in these distresses, 
 which he now demonstrated beyond all expectation,
 
 546 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 did so change the disposition of the multitude towards 
 him, that they were ready to suppose he had been 
 from the beginning not such a one as they had found 
 him to be by experience, but such a one as the care 
 he had taken of them in supplying their necessities 
 proved him now to be. 
 
 3. About this time it was that he sent five hundred 
 chosen men out of the guards of his body as auxiliaries 
 to Caesar, whom ^ ^Elius Gallus led to the Red Sea, 
 and who were of great service to him there. When 
 therefore his affairs were thus improved, and were 
 again in a flourishing condition, he built himself a 
 palace in the upper city, raising the rooms to a very 
 great height, and adorning them with the most costly 
 furniture of gold, and marble seats and beds, and 
 these were so large, that they could contain very 
 many companies of men. These apartments were 
 also of distinct magnitudes, and had jjarticular names 
 given them, for one a^^artment was called Cesar's, 
 another Agrippa's. He also fell in love again, and 
 married another wife, not suffering his reason to 
 hinder him from living as he pleased. The occasion 
 of this his marriage was as follows: There was one 
 Simon, a citizen of Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus, 
 a citizen of Alexandria, and a j^riest of great note 
 there; this man had a daughter, Avho was esteemed 
 the most beautiful woman of that time; and when 
 the people of Jerusalem began to speak much in 
 her commendation, it happened that Herod was much 
 affected with what was said of her; and when he 
 saw the damsel, he was smitten with her beauty, 
 yet did he entirely reject the thoughts of using his 
 
 ' This /T'.lius Gallus seems to l)e no other than that ^ilius Largus 
 whom Dio speaks of as conducting: an expedition that was about this 
 time made into Arabia Felix, according to Petavius, who is here cited 
 bv Spanheim. See a full account of this expedition in Prideaux, at the 
 years 23 and 24.
 
 Cheap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 547 
 
 authority to abuse her, as beheving, what was the 
 truth, that by so doing he should be stigmatized for 
 violence and tyranny, so he thought it best to take 
 the damsel to wife. And while Simon was of a 
 dignity too inferior to be allied to him, but still too 
 considerable to be despised, he governed his inclina- 
 tions after the most prudent manner, by augmenting 
 the dignity of the family, and making them more 
 honourable; so he immediately deprived Jesus, the 
 son of Phabet, of the high priesthood, and conferred 
 that dignity on Simon, and so joined in affinity with 
 him [by marrying his daughter.] 
 
 4. When this wadding was over, he built another 
 citadel in that place where he had conquered the 
 Jews when he was driven out of his government, 
 and Antigonus enjoyed it. This citadel is distant 
 from Jerusalem about threescore furlongs. It was 
 strong by nature, and fit for such a building. It is 
 a sort of a moderate hill, raised to a farther height 
 by the hand of man, till it was of the shape of a 
 woman's breast. It is encompassed with circular 
 towers, and hath a strait ascent up to it, which ascent 
 is composed of steps of polished stones, in number 
 two hundred. Within it are royal and very rich 
 apartments, of a structure that provided both for 
 security and for beauty. About the bottom there are 
 habitations of such a structiu'e as are well worth 
 seeing, both on other accounts, and also on account 
 of the water which is brought thither from a great 
 way Dff, and at vast expenses, for the place itself is 
 destitute of water. The plain that is about this citadel 
 is full of edifices; not inferior to any city in largeness, 
 and having the hill above it in the nature of a castle. 
 
 5. And now, when all Herod's designs had suc- 
 ceeded according to his hopes, he had not the least 
 suspicion that any troubles could arise in his king-
 
 548 AXTIQUITIES Book xy. 
 
 dom, because lie kept his people obedient, as well by 
 the fear they stood in of him, for he was implacable 
 in the infliction of his punishments, as by the prov- 
 ident care he had showed towards them, after the 
 most magnanimous manner, when they were under 
 their distresses: But still he took care to have ex- 
 ternal security for his government as a fortress against 
 his subjects; for the orations he made to the cities 
 were very fine, and full of kindness, and he culti- 
 vated a seasonable good understanding with their 
 governors, and bestowed presents on every one of 
 them, inducing them thereby to be more friendly to 
 him, and using his magnificent disposition, so as his 
 kingdom might be the better secured to him, and 
 this till all his affairs were every way more and more 
 augmented. But then, this magnificent temper of 
 his,. and that submissive behaviouj' and liberality which 
 he exercised towards Ctcsar, and the most powerful 
 men of Rome, obliged him to transgress the customs 
 of his nation, and to set aside many of their laws, 
 and by building cities after an extravagant manner, 
 and erecting temples; ^ not in Judea indeed, for that 
 would not have been borne, it being forbidden for 
 us to pay any honour to images, or representations 
 of animals, after the manner of the Greeks, but still 
 he did thus in the country [properly] out of our 
 bounds, and in the cities thereof. The apology which 
 he made to the Jews for these things was this, that 
 all was done, not out of his own inclinations, but by 
 the commands and injunctions of the others, in order 
 
 ' One may here take notice, that how tyrannical and extravagant 
 soever Herod was in himself, and in his Grecian cities, as to those plays, 
 and shows, and temples for idolatry, mentioned above, ch. viii. sect. 1, 
 and here also, yet durst even he introduce very few of them into the 
 cities of the Jews, who, as Josephus here notes, would not even then 
 have borne tliein, so zealous were they still for many of the laws of 
 Moses, even under so tyrannical a government as this was of Herod the 
 Great. 
 
 i
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 549 
 
 to please Ctesar, and the Romans, as though he had 
 not the Jewish customs so much in his eye as he had 
 the honour of those Romans, while yet he had him- 
 self entirely in view all the while, and indeed was 
 very ambitious to leave great monuments of his gov- 
 ernment to posterity; whence it was that he was so 
 zealous in building such fine cities, and spent such 
 vast sums of money upon them. 
 
 6. Now upon his observation of a place near the 
 sea, which was very proper for containing a city, and 
 was before called Strato's Tower, he set about get- 
 ting a plan for a magnificent city there, and erected 
 many edifices with great diligence all over it, and 
 this of white stone. He also adorned it with most 
 sumptuous palaces, and large edifices for containing 
 the people; and what was the greatest and most la- 
 borious work of all, he adorned it with a haven, that 
 was always free from the waves of the sea. Its 
 largeness was not less than the Pyrfeum [at Athens,] 
 and had towards the city a double station for the 
 ships. It was of excellent workmanship; and this 
 was the more remarkable for its being built in a place 
 that of itself was not suitable to such noble structures, 
 but was to be brought to perfection by materials 
 from other places, and at very great expenses. This 
 city is situate in Phenicia, in the passage by sea to 
 Egypt, between Joppa and Dora, which are lesser 
 maritime cities, and not fit for havens, on account of 
 the impetuous south winds that beat upon them, which 
 rolling the sands that come from the sea against the 
 shores, do not admit of ships lying in their station, 
 but the merchants are generally there forced to ride 
 at their anchors in the sea itself. So Herod en- 
 deavoured to rectify this inconvenience, and laid out 
 such a compass towards the land as might be suffi- 
 cient for a haven, wherein the great ships might lie
 
 550 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 in safety; and this he effected by letting down vast 
 stones of above fifty feet in length, not less than 
 eighteen in breadth, and nine in depth, into twenty 
 fathom deep, and as some were lesser, so were others 
 bigger than those dimensions. This mole which he 
 built by the sea side was two hundred feet wide, the 
 half of which was opposed to the current of the waves, 
 so as to keep off those waves which were to break 
 upon them, and so was called Procymatia, or the 
 first breaker of the waves, but the other half had 
 upon it a wall, with several towers, the largest of 
 which was named Drusus, and was a work of very 
 great excellence, and had its name from Drusus, the 
 son-in-law of C«sar, who died young. There were 
 also a great number of arches where the mariners 
 dwelt. There were also before them a key [or land- 
 ing place,] which ran round the entire haven, and 
 was a most agreeable walk to such as had a mind 
 to that exercise; but the entrance or mouth of the 
 port was made on the north quarter, on which side 
 was the stillest of the winds of all in this place: and 
 the basis of the whole circuit on the left hand, as 
 you enter the port, supported a round turret, which 
 was made very strong, in order to resist the greatest 
 waves, while on the right hand, as you enter, stood 
 two vast stones, and those each of them larger than 
 the turret, which was over against them: these stood 
 upright, and were joined together. Now there were 
 edifices all along the circular haven, made of the 
 polished stone, with a certain elevation, whereon was 
 erected a temple, that was seen a great way off by 
 those that were sailing for that haven, and had in 
 it two statues, the one of Rome, the other of Ceesar. 
 As the city itself was called Csesarea, which was also 
 itself built of fine materials, and was of a fine 
 structure; nay, the very subterranean vaults and
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 551 
 
 cellars had no less of architecture bestowed on them 
 than had the buildings above ground. Some of these 
 vaults carried things at even distances to the haven 
 and to the sea, but one of them ran obliquely, and 
 bound all the rest together, that both the rain and 
 the filth of the citizens were together carried off 
 with ease, and the sea itself, upon the flux of the 
 tide from without, came into the city, and washed 
 it all clean. Herod also built therein a theatre of 
 stone; and on the south quarter, behind the port, 
 an amphitheatre also, capable of holding a vast num- 
 ber of men, and conveniently situated for a prospect 
 to the sea. So this city was thus finished in ^ twelve 
 years; during which time the king did not fail to go 
 on both with the work and to pay the charges that 
 were necessary. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 How Herod sent his sons to Rome; how also he was 
 accused hy Zenodorus, and the Gadarens, hut was 
 cleared of what they accused him of, and withal 
 gained to himself the good-will of Ccesar. Con- 
 cerning the Pharisees, the Essens, and Manahem. 
 
 1. When Herod was engaged in such matters, 
 and when he had already re-edified Sebaste [Samaria,] 
 he resolved to send his sons Alexander and Aristobulus 
 to Rome, to enjoy the company of Ceesar; who, when 
 they came thither, lodged at the house of " Pollio, 
 
 ^ Caesarea being here said to be rebuilt and adorned in twelve years, 
 and soon afterwards in ten years, Antiq. B. XVI. ch. v. sect. 1, there 
 must be a mistake in one of the places as to the true number, but which 
 of them it is hard positively to determine. 
 
 ' This Pollio, with whom "Herod's sons lived at Rome, was not Pollio
 
 552 AXTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 who was veiy fond of Herod's friendship; and they 
 had leave to lodge in Caesar's own palace, for he re- 
 ceived these sons of Herod with all humanity, and 
 gave Herod leave to give his kingdom to which of his 
 sons he pleased; and, besides all this, he bestowed 
 on him Trachon, and Batanea, and Auranitis, which 
 he gave him on the occasion following: One ^ Zeno- 
 doriis had hired what was called the house of Lysa- 
 nias, who, as he was not satisfied with its revenues, 
 became a partner with the robbers that inhabited the 
 Trachones, and so procured himself a larger income; 
 for the inhabitants of those places hved in a mad 
 way, and pillaged the country of the Damascenes, 
 while Zenodorus did not restrain them, but partook 
 of the prey they acquired. Xow, as the neighbouring 
 people were hereby great sufferers, they complained 
 to Varro, who was then president [of Syria,] and 
 entreated him to write to Caesar about this injustice 
 of Zenodorus. When these matters were laid before 
 Cffisar, he wrote back to Varro to destrov those nests 
 of robbers, and to give the land to Herod, that so 
 by his care the neighbouring countries might be no 
 longer disturbed with these doings of the Trachonites, 
 for it was not an easy thing to restrain them, since 
 this way of robbery had been their usual practice, and 
 they had no other way to get their li^ang, because they 
 had neither any city of their own, nor lands in their 
 possession, but only some receptacles and dens in the 
 earth, and there they and their cattle lived in com- 
 mon together: However, they had made contrivances 
 to get pools of water, and laid up corn in granaries 
 
 the Pharisee, already mentioned by Josephus, ch. i. sect. 1, and again 
 presently after this, ch. x. sect. 4, but Asinius Pollio, the Roman, as 
 Spanheim here observes. 
 
 * The character of this Zenodorus is so like that of a famous robber 
 of this same name in Strabo, and that about this very country, and 
 about this very time also, that I think Dr. Hudson hardly needed to 
 have put a perhaps to his determination that they were the same.
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 553 
 
 for themselves, and were able to make great resistance, 
 by issuing out on the sudden against any that attacked 
 them; for the entrances of their caves were narrow, 
 in which but one could come in at a time, and the 
 places within incredibly large, and made very wide; 
 but the ground over their habitations was not very 
 high, but rather on a plain, while the rocks are 
 altogether hard and difficult to be entered upon, unless 
 any one gets into the plain road by the guidance of 
 another, for these roads are not straight, but have 
 several revolutions. But when these men are hindered 
 from their wicked preying upon their neighbours, their 
 custom is to prey one upon another, insomuch that 
 no sort of injustice comes amiss to them. But when 
 Herod had received this grant from Ca?sar, and was 
 come into this country, he procured skilful guides, 
 and put a stop to their wicked robberies, and procured 
 peace and quietness to the neighbouring peoj)le. 
 . 2. Hereupon Zenodorus was grieved, in the first 
 place, because his principality was taken away from 
 him, and still more so, because he envied Herod, who 
 had gotten it; so he went up to Rome to accuse 
 him, but returned back again without success. Now 
 Agrippa was [about this time] sent to succeed Cffisar 
 in the government of the countries bej^ond the Ionian 
 sea, upon whom Herod light when he was wintering 
 about jNIitylene, for he had been his particular friend 
 and companion, and then returned into Judea again. 
 However, some of the Gadarens came to Agrippa, 
 and accused Herod, whom he sent back bound to the 
 king without giving them the hearing: but still the 
 Arabians, who of old bare ill-will to Herod's govern- 
 ment, were nettled, and at that time attempted to 
 raise a sedition in his dominions, and as they thought 
 upon a more justifiable occasion: for Zenodorus, de- 
 spairmg already of success, as to his own affairs.
 
 554^ ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 prevented [his enemies,] by selling to those Arabians 
 a part of his principality, called Auranitis, for the 
 value of fifty talents; but as this was included in the 
 donations of Cssar, they contested the point with 
 Herod, as unjustly deprived of what they had 
 bought. Sometimes they did this by making in- 
 cursions upon him, and sometimes by attempting force 
 against him, and sometimes by going to law with 
 him. Moreover, they persuaded the poorer soldiers 
 to help them, and were troublesome to him, out of a 
 constant hope that they should seduce the people to 
 raise a sedition; in which designs those that are in 
 the most miserable circumstances of life, are still the 
 most earnest; and although Herod had been a great 
 while apprized of these attempts, yet did not he in- 
 dulge any severity to them, but by rational methods 
 aimed to mitigate things, as not willing to give any 
 handle for tumults. 
 
 3. Now when Herod had already reigned seven- 
 teen years, Caesar came into Syria; at which time 
 the greatest part of the inhabitants of Gadara clam- 
 oured against Herod, as one that was heavy in his 
 injunctions, and tyrannical. These reproaches they 
 mainly ventured upon by the encouragement of 
 Zenodorus, who took his oath that he would never 
 leave Herod till he had procured that they should 
 be severed from Herod's kingdom, and joined to 
 Caesar's province. The Gadarens were induced hereby, 
 and made no small cry against him, and that the 
 more boldly, because those that had been delivered 
 up by Agrippa were not punished by Herod, who 
 let them go, and did them no harm, for indeed he 
 was the principal man in the world who appeared 
 almost inexorable in punishing crimes in his own 
 family, but very generous in remitting tlie offences 
 that were committed elsewhere. And while they ac-
 
 Chap. x„ OF THE JEWS. 555 
 
 cused Herod of injuries, and plunderings, and subver- 
 sions of temples, he stood unconcerned, and was ready 
 to make his defence. However, Caesar gave him his 
 right-hand, and remitted nothing of his kindness to 
 him, upon this disturbance by the multitude; and 
 indeed these things were alleged the first day, but the 
 hearing proceeded no farther; for as the Gadarens 
 saw the inclination of Ceesar and of his assessors, and 
 expected, as they had reason to do, that they should 
 be delivered up to the king, some of them, out of a 
 dread of the torments they might undergo, cut their 
 own throats in the night time, and some of them 
 threw themselves down precipices, and others of them 
 cast themselves into the river, and destroyed them- 
 selves of their own accord; which accidents seemed a 
 sufficient condemnation of the rashness and crimes 
 they had been guilty of: whereupon Csesar made no 
 longer delay, but cleared Herod from the crimes he 
 was accused of. Another happy accident there was, 
 which was a farther great advantage to Herod at 
 this time; for Zenodorus' belly burst, and a great 
 quantity of blood issued from him in his sickness, 
 and he thereby departed this life at Antioch in Syria; 
 so Cffisar bestowed his country, which was no small 
 one, upon Herod ; it lay between Trachon and Galilee, 
 and contained Ulatha, and Paneas, and the country 
 round about. He also made him one of the procura- 
 tors of Syria, and commanded that they should do 
 every thing with his approbation: and, in short, he 
 arrived at that pitch of felicity, that whereas there 
 were but two men that governed the vast Koman 
 empire, first Ceesar, and then Agrippa, who was his 
 principal favourite; Cfesar preferred no one to Herod 
 besides Agrippa, and Agrippa made no one his greater 
 friend tlian Herod besides Ceesar. And when he had 
 acquired such freedom, he begged of Ca?sar a tet-
 
 556 AXTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 rarcliy ^ for his brother Pheroras, while he did him- 
 self bestow upon him a revenue of a hundi'ed talents 
 out of his own kingdom, that in case he came to any 
 harm himself, his brother might be in safety, and 
 that his sons might not have dominion over him. 
 So when he had conducted C«sar to the sea, and was 
 returned home, he built liim a most beautiful temple 
 of the whitest stone, in Zenodorus' country, near the 
 place called Panium. This is a very fine cave in a 
 mountain, under which there is a great cavity in the 
 earth, and the cavern is abrupt, and prodigiously deep, 
 and full of a still water; over it hangs a vast mountain; 
 and under the caverns arise the springs of the river 
 Jordan. Herod adorned this j^lace, which was already 
 a very remarkable one, still farther, by the erection of 
 this temple, wliich he dedicated to Cccsar. 
 
 4. At which time Herod released to his subjects 
 the third part of their taxes, under pretence indeed of 
 relieving them, after the dearth they had had; but 
 the main reason was, to recover their good-will, 
 which he now wanted, for thev were uneasy at him, 
 because of the innovations he had introduced in their 
 practices, of the dissolution of their religion, and of 
 the disuse of their own customs; and the people every 
 where talked against him, like those that were still 
 more j^rovoked and disturbed at his procedure : against 
 which discontents he greatly guarded himself, and 
 took away the opportunities tliey might have to dis- 
 turb him, and enjoined them to be always at work, 
 nor did he permit the citizens either to meet together, 
 or to walk, or to eat together, but watched every 
 thing they did, and when any were caught they 
 were severely punished, and many there were who 
 
 * A tetrarchy properly and originally denoted the fourth part of 
 
 an entire kinfrdom or country, and a tetrarch one that was a ruler of 
 
 such a fourth part; which always implies somewhat less extent of 
 dominion and power than helong to a kingdom and to a king.
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 557 
 
 were brought to the citadel Hyrcania, both openly 
 and secretly, and were there put to death; and there 
 were spies set every where, both in the city, and in 
 the roads, who watched those that met together; nay, 
 it is reported, that he did not himself neglect this 
 part of caution, but that he would oftentimes him- 
 self take the habit of a private man, and mix among 
 the multitude, in the night time, and make trial what 
 opinion they had of his government; and as for those 
 that could no way be reduced to acquiesce under his 
 scheme of government, he prosecuted them all manner 
 of ways, but for the rest of the multitude, he required 
 that tiiey should be obliged to take an oath of fidelity 
 to him, and at the same time compelled them to 
 swear that they would bear him good-will, and con- 
 tinue certainly so to do, in his management of the 
 government; and indeed a great part of them, either 
 to please him, or out of fear of him, yielded to what 
 he required of them, but for such as were of a more 
 open and generous disposition, and had indignation 
 at the force he used to them, he by one means or 
 other made away with them. He endeavoured also 
 to persuade Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, and the 
 greatest part of their scholars, to take the oath; but 
 these would neither submit so to do, nor were they 
 jjunished together with the rest, out of the reverence 
 he bore to Pollio. The Essens also, as we call a sect 
 of ours, were excused from this imposition. These 
 men live the same kind of life as do those whom the 
 Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I shall 
 discourse more fully elsewhere. However, it is but 
 fit to set down here the reasons wherefore Herod 
 had these Essens in such honour, and thought higher 
 of them than their mortal nature required; nor will 
 this account be unsuitable to the nature of this history, 
 as it will show the opinion men had of these Essens.
 
 558 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 Now there was one of these Essens, whose name 
 was INIanahem, who had this testimony, that he not 
 only conducted his hfe after an excellent manner, 
 but had the foreknowledge of future events given him 
 by God also. This man once saw Herod when he 
 was a child, and going to school, and saluted him as 
 king of the Jews ; but he thinking that either he did not 
 know him, or that he was in jest, put him in mind 
 that he was but a private man, but INIanahem smiled 
 to himself, and clapped him on his backside with his 
 hand, and said, "However that be thou wilt be king, 
 and wilt begin thy reign happily, for God finds thee 
 worthy of it. And do thou remember the blows that 
 Manahem hath given thee, as being a signal of the 
 change of thy fortune. And truly this will be the 
 reasoning for thee, that thou love justice [towards 
 men,] and piety towards God, and clemency towards 
 thy citizens; yet do I know how thy whole conduct 
 will be, that thou wilt not be such a one, for thou 
 wilt excel all men in happiness, and obtain an ever- 
 lasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and righteous- 
 ness; and these crimes will not be concealed from 
 God, at the conclusion of thy life, when thou wilt 
 find that he will be mindful of them, and pimish thee 
 for them." Now at that time Herod did not at all 
 attend to what INIanahem said, as having no hopes 
 of such advancement; but a little afterward, when he 
 was so fortunate as to be advanced to the dignity 
 of king, and was in the heiglit of his dominion, he 
 sent for INIanahem, and asked him. How long he 
 should reign? INIanahem did not tell him the full 
 length of his reign, wherefore, upon that silence of 
 his, he asked him, farther. Whether he should reign 
 ten years or not? he re]died, "Yes, twenty, nay, 
 thirty years," but did not assign the just determinate 
 limit of his reign. Herod was satisfied with these
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 559 
 
 replies, and gave Manahem his hand, and dismissed 
 him, and from that time he continued to honour all 
 the Essens. We have thought it proper to relate 
 these facts to our readers, how strange soever they 
 be, and to declare what hath happened among us, 
 because many of the Essens have by their excellent 
 virtue, been thought worthy of his knowledge of 
 divine revelations. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 How Herod rebuilt the temple, and r cased it higher, 
 and made it more magnificent than it was before; 
 as also concerning that tower which he called An- 
 tonia. 
 
 1. And now Herod, in the eighteenth year of his 
 reign, and after the acts already mentioned, under- 
 took a very great work, that is, to build of himself 
 the ^ temple of God, and make it large in compass, 
 and to raise it to a most magnificent altitude, as 
 esteeming it to be the most glorious of all his actions, 
 as it really was, to bring it to perfection, and this 
 would be sufficient for an everlasting memorial of 
 him; but as he knew the multitude were not ready 
 nor willing to assist him in so vast a design, he 
 
 * We may here observe, that the fancy of the modern Jews, in calling 
 this temple, which was really the third of their temples, the second 
 temple, followed so long by later Christians, seems to be without any 
 solid foundation. The reason why the Christians here followed the Jews, 
 is, because the prophecy of Haggai ii. 6-9, which they expound of the 
 Messiah's coming to the second or Zorobabel's temple, of which they 
 suppose this of Herod's to be only a continuation, which is meant, I 
 think, of his coming to the fourth and last temple, or to that future, 
 largest, and most glorious one, described by Ezekiel: whence I take the 
 former notion, liow general soever, to be a great mistake. See Lit. 
 Accomp. of Proph. p. 2\.
 
 560 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 thought to prepare them first by making a speech to 
 them, and then set about the work itself; so he called 
 them together, and spake thus to them: "I think I 
 need not speak to you, my countrymen, about such 
 other works as I have done since I came to the 
 kingdom, although I may say they have been per- 
 formed in such a manner as to bring more security 
 to you than glory to myself; for I have neither been 
 negligent in the most difficidt times about what tended 
 to ease your necessities, nor have the buildings I have 
 made been so proper to j^reserve me as yourselves from 
 injuries; and I imagine that, with God's assistance, 
 I have advanced the nation of the Jews to a degree 
 of happiness which they never had before; and for 
 the particular edifices belonging to your own country, 
 and your own cities, that we have lately acquired, 
 which we have erected and greatly adorned, and 
 thereby augmented the dignity of your nation, it 
 seems to me a needless task to enumerate them to you, 
 since you well know them yourselves; but as to 
 that undertaking which I have a mind to set about 
 at present, and which will be a work of the greatest 
 piety, and excellence, that can possibly be undertaken 
 by us, I will now declare it to you. Our fathers 
 indeed, when they were returned from Babylon, built 
 this temple to God Almighty, yet does it want sixty 
 cubits of its largeness in altitude; for so much did 
 that first temple which Solomon built exceed this 
 temple; nor let any one condemn our fathers for their 
 negligence or want of piety herein, for it was not 
 their fault that the temple was no higher; for they 
 were Cyrus, and Darius the son of Hystasj^es, who 
 determined the measures for its rebuilding; and it 
 hath been by reason of the subjection of those fathers 
 of ours to them, and to their posterity, and after 
 them to the Macedonians, that they had not the op-
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 561 
 
 portunity to follow the original model of this pious 
 edifice, nor could raise it to its ancient altitude: but 
 since I am now, by God's will, your governor, and 
 I have had peace a long time, and have gained great 
 riches, and large revenues, and, what is the principal 
 thing of all, I am at amity with, and well regarded 
 by, the Romans, who, if I may so say, are the rulers 
 of the whole world, I will do my endeavour to correct 
 that imperfection, which hath arisen from the neces- 
 sity of our affairs, and the slavery we have been under 
 formerlv, and to make a thankful return, after the 
 most 25ious manner, to God, for what blessmgs I have 
 received from him, by giving me this kingdom, and that 
 by rendering his temple as complete as I am able." 
 
 2. And this was the speech which Herod made 
 to them: but still this speech affrighted many of the 
 people, as being unexpected by them; and, because 
 it seemed incredible, it did not encourage them, but 
 put a damp upon them, for they were afraid that he 
 would pull down the whole edifice, and not be able 
 to bring his intentions to perfection for its rebuilding; 
 and this danger appeared to them to be very great, 
 and the vastness of the undertaking to be such as 
 could hardly be accomplished. But while they were 
 in this disposition, the king encouraged them, and 
 told them, "he would not pull down their temple till 
 all things were gotten ready for building it up entirely 
 again." And as he promised them this beforehand, 
 so he did not break his word with them, but got ready 
 a thousand wagons, that were to bring stones for 
 the building, and chose out ten thousand of the most 
 skilful workmen, and brought a thousand sacerdotal 
 garments for as many of the priests, and had some 
 of them taught the arts of stone-cutters, and others 
 of carpenters, and then began to build, but this not 
 till every thing was well prepared for the work.
 
 562 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 3. So Herod took away the old foundations, and 
 laid others, and erected the temple upon them, being 
 in length a hundred cubits, and in height twenty ad- 
 ditional cubits, which [twenty,] upon the ^ sinking 
 of their foundations, fell down: and this part it was 
 that we resolved to raise again in the days of Nero. 
 Now the temple was built of stones that were white 
 and strong, and each of their length was twenty-five 
 cubits, their height was eight, and their breadth about 
 twelve; and the whole structure, as was also the 
 structure of the royal cloister, was on each side 
 much lower, but the middle was much higher, till 
 they were visible to those that dwelt in the country 
 for a great many furlongs, but chiefly to such as 
 lived over against them, and those that approached 
 to them. The temple had doors also at the entrance, 
 and lintels over them, of the same height with the 
 temple itself. They were adorned with embroidered 
 vails, with their flowers of purple, and pillars inter- 
 woven: and over these, but under the crown-work, 
 was spread out a golden vine, with its branches hang- 
 ing down from a great height, the largeness and fine 
 workmanship of which was a surprising sight to the 
 spectators, to see what vast materials there were, 
 and with what great skill the workmanship was done. 
 
 * Some of our modern students in architecture have made a strange 
 blunder here, when they imagine that Josephus affirms tlie entire foimda- 
 tion of the temple or holy house sunk down into tiie rocky mountain on 
 which it stood, no less than 20 cubits; whereas he is clear, that they 
 were the foundations of the additional 20 cubits only above the hundred, 
 (made perhaps weak on purpose, and only for show and grandeur,) 
 that sunk or fell down, as Dr. Hudson rightly understands him: nor 
 is the tiling itself possil)lc in the other sense. Agrippa's preparation for 
 building the inner parts of the temple 20 cubits higher, (History of the 
 W^ar, B. V. ch. i. sect. 5,) must in all probability refer to this matter, 
 since Josephus says here, that this which had fallen down was designed 
 to be raised up again under Nero, under whom Agrippa made that 
 preparation. But what Josejihus says presently, that Solomon was the 
 first king of the Jews, appears by" the parallel place, Antiq. B. XX. 
 ch. ix. sect. 7, Vol. HI. and other places, to be meant only the first of 
 David's posterity, and the first builder of the temple.
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 563 
 
 He also encompassed the entire temple with very 
 large cloisters, contriving them to be in a due pro- 
 portion thereto; and he laid out larger sums of money 
 upon them than had been done before him, till it 
 seemed that no one else had so greatly adorned the 
 temple as he had done. There was a large wall to 
 both the cloisters, which wall was itself the most 
 prodigious work that was ever heard of by man. The 
 hill was a rocky ascent, that declined by degrees 
 towards the east parts of the city, till it came to an 
 elevated level. This hill it was which Solomon, who 
 was the first of our kings, by divine revelation, en- 
 comjjassed with a wall; it was of excellent work- 
 manship upwards, and round the top of it. He also 
 built a wall below, beginning at the bottom, which 
 was encompassed by a deep valley; and at the south 
 side he laid rocks togetlier, and bound them one to 
 another with lead, and included some of the inner 
 parts, till it proceeded to a great height, and till both 
 the largeness of the square edifice, and its altitude, 
 were immense, and till the vastness of the stones in 
 the front were plainly visible on the outside, yet 
 so that the inward parts were fastened together with 
 iron, and preserved the joints immovable for all 
 future times. When this work [for the foundation] 
 was done in this manner, and joined together as part 
 of the hill itself to the very top of it, he wrought it 
 all into one outward surface, and filled up the hollow 
 places which were about the wall, and made it a 
 level on the external upper surface, and a smooth 
 level also. This hill was walled all round, and in 
 compass four furlongs, [the distance of] eacli angle 
 containing in length a furlong: but within this wall, 
 and on the very top of all, there ran another wall 
 of stone also, having, on tlie east quarter, a double 
 cloister, of the same leni'th witli the wall; in the
 
 564 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 midst of which was the temple itself. This cloister 
 looked to the gates of the temple; and it had been 
 adorned by many kings in former times: And round 
 about the entire temple were fixed the spoils taken 
 from barbarous nations; all these had been dedicated 
 to the temple by Herod, with the addition of those 
 he had taken from the Arabians. 
 
 4. Now on the north side [of the temple] was 
 built a citadel, whose walls were square, and strong, 
 and of extraordinary firmness. This citadel was built 
 by the kings of the Asamonean race, who were also high 
 priests before Herod, and they called it the Tower, in 
 which were reposited the vestments of the high priest, 
 which the high j)riest only put on at the time when he 
 was to offer sacrifice. These vestments king Herod 
 kept in that place, and after his death they were under 
 the power of the Romans, until the time of Tiberius 
 Cffisar; under whose reign Yitellius, the president 
 of Syria, when he once came to Jerusalem, and had 
 been most magnificently received by the multitude, 
 he had a mind to make them some requital for the 
 kindness they had showed him, so, upon tlieir petition 
 to have those holy vestments in their own power, 
 he wrote about them to Tiberius Csesar, who granted 
 his request; and this their power over the sacerdotal 
 vestments continued with the Jews till the death of 
 king Agi'ippa; but after that, Cassius Longinus, who 
 was president of Syria, and Cuspius Fadus, who was 
 procurator of Judea, enjoined the Jews to reposit those 
 vestments in the Tower of Antonia, for that they 
 ought to have them in their power, as they formerly 
 had. However, the Jews sent ambassadors to 
 Claudius CcEsar, to intercede with him for them, upon 
 whose coming, king Agrippa, jun. being then at 
 Rome, asked for, and obtained, the power over them 
 from the emperor, who gave command to Yitellius,
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 565 
 
 who was then commander in Syria, to give it them 
 accordingly. Before that time, they were kept under 
 the seal of the high priest, and of the treasurers of 
 the temple; which treasurers, the day before a festival, 
 went up to the Roman captain of the temple guards, 
 and viewed their own seal, and received the vest- 
 ments; and again, when the festival was over, they 
 brought them to the same place, and showed the 
 captain of the temple guards their seal, which cor- 
 responded with his seal, and reposited them there. 
 And that these things were so, the afflictions that 
 happened to us afterward [about them] are sufficient 
 evidence: But for the tower itself, when Herod the 
 king of the Jews had fortified it more firmly than 
 before, in order to secure and guard the temple, he 
 gratified Antonius, who was his friend, and the 
 Roman ruler, and then gave it the name of the Tower 
 of Antonia. 
 
 5. Xow in the western quarters of the enclosure 
 of the temple there were four gates; the first led 
 to the king's palace, and went to a passage over the 
 intermediate valley; two more led to the suburbs 
 of the city; and the last led to the other city, where 
 the road descended down into the valley bv a oreat 
 number of steps, and thence up again by the ascent, 
 for the city lay over against the temple in the manner 
 of a theatre, and was encompassed with a deep valley 
 along the entire south quarter; but the fourth front 
 of the temple, which was southward, had indeed 
 itself gates in its middle, as also it had the royal 
 cloister, with three walks which reached in length 
 from the east vallej^ unto that on the west, for it 
 was impossible it should reach any farther: and this 
 cloister deserves to be mentioned better than any 
 other under the sun; for while the valley was very 
 deep, and its bottom could not be seen, if you looked
 
 566 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 from above into the depth, this farther vastly high 
 elevation of the cloister stood upon that height, inso- 
 much, that if any one looked down from the top of 
 the battlements, or down both those altitudes, he 
 would be giddy, while his sight could not reach to 
 such an immense depth. This cloister had pillars 
 that stood in four rows one over against the other 
 all along, for the fourth row was interwoven into the 
 wall, which [also was built of stone;] and the thickness 
 of each pillar was such, that three men might, with 
 their arms extended, fathom it round, and join their 
 hands again, while its length was twenty-seven feet 
 with a double spiral at its basis; and the number of 
 all the pillars [in that court] was a hundred and 
 sixty-two. Their chapiters were made with sculptures 
 after the Corinthian order, and caused an amazement 
 [to the spectators,] by reason of the grandeur of the 
 whole. These four rows of pillars included three 
 intervals for walking in the middle of this cloister; 
 two of which walks were made parallel to each other, 
 and were contrived after the same manner; the 
 breadth of each of them was thirty feet, the length 
 was a furlong, and the height fifty feet, but the 
 breadth of the middle part of the cloister was one 
 and a half of the other, and the height was double, 
 for it was much higher than those on each side; but 
 the roofs were adorned with deep sculptures in wood, 
 representing many sorts of figures: the middle was 
 much higher than the rest, and the wall of the front 
 was adorned with beams, resting upon pillars that 
 were interwoven into it, and that front was all of 
 ]K)lished stone; insomuch, that its fineness, to such 
 as had not seen it, was incredible, and to such as 
 had seen it, was greatly amazing. Thus was the first 
 enclosure, in the midst of which, and not far from 
 it, was the second, to be gone up to by a few steps;
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 567 
 
 this was encompassed by a stone wall for a partition, 
 with an inscription, which forbade any foreigner to 
 go in under pain of death. Now, this inner enclosure 
 had on its southern and northern quarters three gates 
 [equally] distant one from another; but on the east 
 quarter, towards the sunrising, there was one large 
 gate, through which such as were pure came in, 
 together with their wives, but the temple farther 
 inward in that gate was not allowed to the women; 
 but still more inward was there a third [court of 
 the] temple, whereinto it was not lawful for any 
 but the priests alone to enter. The temple itself 
 was within this; and before that temple was the altar, 
 upon which we offer our sacrifices and burnt-offerings 
 to God. Into ^ none of these three did king Herod 
 enter, for he was forbidden, because he was not a 
 priest. However, he took care of the cloisters, and 
 the outer enclosures, and these he built in eight 
 years. 
 
 6. But the temple itself was built by the priests 
 in a year and six months: upon which all the people 
 were full of joy; and presently they returned thanks, 
 in the first place to God, and in the next place, for 
 the alacrity the king had showed. They feasted, and 
 celebrated this rebuilding of the temple: And for 
 the king, he sacrificed three hundred oxen to God, 
 as did the rest, every one according to his ability; the 
 number of which sacrifices is not possible to be set down, 
 for it cannot be that we should truly relate it: for 
 at the same time with this celebration for the work 
 about the temple, fell also the day of the king's 
 
 ^ Jnto none of these three did kinf/ Jlerod enter, i. e. 1, Xot into 
 
 the court of the priests; 2, nor into the holy house itself; 3, nor into 
 the separate place belonging to the altar, as the words following imply, 
 
 for none but priests, or their attendants, the Levites, might come into 
 
 any of them. See Antiq. B. XVI. ch. iv. sect. 6, when Herod goes into 
 
 the temple, and makes a speech in it to the people, but that could only 
 
 be into the court of Israel, whither the people could come to hear him.
 
 568 ANTIQUITIES Book xv. 
 
 inaoguraticK^ nciiidi he kept of an cdd cnshm as a 
 f estiiral, and il now ccMndded witli tlie otfaer, wfaidi 
 eesBiadssMBt of them hoth, made tibe festival most 
 ilhtstrioiis. 
 
 7- Thexe was also an occolt parage I : :or the 
 king:: it led frcMU Antaoia to the inner :-_ple, at 
 its eastern gate: ot&t whidi he also erected for him- 
 sdf a tower, that he mi^bt haTe the opportnnitT of 
 a sabtenaneoos ascent to the temple; in order to 
 goard against any sedition wiucli misfit lie made hy 
 the pec^le against th^ kings. It is also ^reported, 
 that dming the time that the t»i^le was binlding; 
 it did not rain in the daytime, but that the showers 
 fell in the ni^bt, so that the work was not hindered. 
 And tins our fathers have dehvered to us; nor is it 
 inciedible, if any one ha^re regard to the manif estatifms 
 of God. And ifcw? was performed the work of tiie 
 rebuildiiig : : .. _ -^. 
 
 £ was- a jfemcs^ JmSea. at He 
 
 ws;' "■ • 3'. J;' ^ ■ '" • -^■-^- - . - "-.^^ foefci i_:.^ijf.j, and 
 
 Btti i BBanrc Sine Imfflfldexs
 
 T 
 
 >K X\X 
 
 rn>v T\rv TV(T^ the cvte:h.v>x of tw-jt vx TMAHi 
 
 [FEOJf THE FTSTSHTyCr OF THE TO£ELE BY H Z " . I 7 
 BEATH OF ALEXAVDES AXES' ^ "'-""' ~ ~ f >. ;. 
 
 CHAP THE I. 
 A law of H^TTod dnh&mi thk^ti^ S^etm^ moM P~~ ^ 
 
 retmrm fir&m R&mt^ /or mT .: Jf. • -^ . ■ 
 
 trivet. 
 
 1. As king" HCTod was «er^ 
 HMiiistratioii of Ms entire gjowt ~^ 
 
 to pot a stop to pafftKolair aet^ ^ 
 dMBC by f ywnniwwals; alwH".: 
 made a lair, ebo way 1 £r 
 he eoaeted of ImiiseM^ - 
 ejected out of Ms kii]^«iK)i]a; 
 iiot ofibr Hoeroas to be boiiM &v tdo^ 
 
 LJksos ia Ibe ad- 
 
 were 
 ■^Sv and 
 
 conlaiiied in it a disseliili> ^ 
 foiefatiiors; for tMs ^ve:^ 
 as did not Mme afl^r tlie 
 neeessitr that tibeT ware 
 such men ^Mmld commaii 
 cHir idigioQs settlenienl^ 
 to sndi as weie fouond to Ili 
 
 'Ae &: 
 
 
 an offence 
 
 a 
 X sock a \
 
 570 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 ment being avoided in our original laws; for those 
 laws ordain, that the thief shall restore four-fold: 
 and that if he have not so much, he shall be sold 
 indeed, but not to foreigners, nor so that he be under 
 perpetual slavery, for he must have been released 
 after six years. But this law, thus enacted, in order 
 to introduce a severe and illegal punishment, seemed 
 to be a piece of insolence in Herod, when he did not 
 act as a king but as a tyrant, and thus contemptuously, 
 and without any regard to his subjects, did he venture 
 to introduce such a punishment. Now this penalty, 
 thus brought into practice, was like Herod's other 
 actions, and became a part of his accusation, and an 
 occasion of the hatred he lay under. 
 
 2. Now at this time it was that he sailed to Italy, 
 as very desirous to meet with Csesar, and to see his 
 sons who lived at Rome: and C^sar was not only very 
 obliging to him in other respects, but delivered him 
 his sons again, that he might take them home with 
 him as having already completed themselves in the 
 sciences; but as soon as the young men were come 
 from Italy, the multitude were very desirous to see 
 them, and they became conspicuous among them all, 
 as adorned with great blessings of fortune, and having 
 the countenances of persons of royal dignity. So 
 they soon appeared to be the objects of envy to 
 Salome, the king's sister, and to such as had raised 
 calumnies against Mariamne; for they were suspicious, 
 that when these came to the government, they should 
 be punished for the wickedness they had been guilty 
 of against their mother: so they made tliis very fear 
 of theirs a motive to raise calumnies against them 
 also. They gave it out that they were not pleased 
 with their father's company, because he had put their 
 mother to death, as if it were not agreeable to piety 
 to appear to converse with their mother's murderer.
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 571 
 
 Now by carrying these stories, that had indeed a 
 true foundation [in the fact,] but were only built 
 on probabilities, as to the present accusation, they 
 were able to do them mischief, and to make Herod 
 take away that kindness from his sons which he had 
 before borne to them, for they did not say these things 
 to him openly, but scattered abroad such words among 
 the rest of the multitude; from which words, when 
 carried to Herod, he was induced [at last] to hate 
 them, and which natural affection itself, even, in length 
 of time, was not able to overcome; yet was the king 
 at that time in a condition to prefer the natural af- 
 fection of a father before all the suspicions and 
 calumnies his sons lay under; So he respected them 
 as he ought to do, and married them to wives, now 
 they were of an age suitable thereto. To Aristobulus 
 he gave for a wife Berenice, Salome's daughter, and 
 to Alexander, Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus. 
 king of Cappadocia. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 How Herod twice sailed to Agrippa: and how, upon 
 the complaint of the Jews in Ionia, against the 
 Greeks, Agrippa confirmed the laws of the Jews 
 to them. 
 
 1. When Herod had despatched these affairs, and 
 he understood that Marcus Agrippa had sailed again 
 out of Italy into Asia, he made haste to him, and 
 besought him to come to him into his kingdom, and 
 to partake of what he might justly expect from one 
 that had been his guest, and was his friend. This 
 request he greatly pressed, and to it Agrippa agreed
 
 572 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 and came into Judea; whereupon Herod omitted 
 nothing that might please him. He entertained him 
 in his new built cities, and showed him the edifice he 
 had built, and provided all sorts of the best and most 
 costly dainties for him and his friends, and that at 
 Sebaste and Cfesarea, about that port that he had 
 built, and at the fortresses which he had erected at 
 great expense, Alexandrium, and Herodium, and 
 HjTcania. He also conducted him to the city 
 Jerusalem, where all the people met him in their 
 festival garments, and received him with acclama- 
 tions. Agrippa also offered a hecatomb of sacrifices 
 to God; and feasted the people, without omitting 
 any of the greatest dainties that could be gotten. 
 He also took so much jDleasure there, that he abode 
 many days with them, and would willingly have stayed 
 longer, but that the season of the year made him 
 make haste away; for, as winter was coming on, he 
 thought it not safe to go to sea later, and yet he 
 was of necessity to return again to Ionia. 
 
 2. So Agrippa went away, when Herod had be- 
 stowed on him, and on the principal of those that 
 were with him, many presents; but king Herod, 
 when he had passed the winter in his own dominions, 
 made haste to get to him again in the spring, when 
 he knew he designed to go to a campaign at the 
 Bosphorus. So when he had sailed by Rhodes, and 
 by Cos, he touched at Lesbos, as thinking he should 
 have overtaken Agrippa there, Init he was taken short 
 here by a northwind, which hindered his ship from 
 going to the shore ; so he continued many days at Chios, 
 and there he kindly treated a great many that came 
 to him, and obliged them by giving them royal gifts. 
 And when he saw that the portico of the city was 
 fallen down, which, as it was overthrown in the 
 Mithridatic war, and was a very large and fine build-
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 573 
 
 ing, so was it not so easy to rebuild that, as it was 
 the rest, yet did he furnish a sum not only large 
 enough for that purpose, but what was more than 
 sufficient to finish the building, and ordered them not 
 to overlook that portico, but to rebuild it quickly, that 
 so the city might recover its proper ornaments. And 
 when the high winds were laid, he sailed to Mity- 
 lene, and thence to Byzantium ; and when he heard that 
 Agrippa was sailed beyond the Cyanean rocks, he 
 made all the haste possible to overtake him, and came 
 up with him about Sinope, in Pontus. He '.vas seen 
 sailing by the shipmen most unexpectedly, but ap- 
 peared to their great joy; and many friendly saluta- 
 tions there were between them, insomuch that Agrippa 
 thought he had received the greatest marks of the 
 king's kindness and humanity towards him possible, 
 since the king had come so long a voyage, and at 
 a very proper season for his assistance, and had 
 left the government of his own dominions, and thought 
 it more worth his while to come to him. Accordingly, 
 Herod was all in all to Agrippa, in the management 
 of the war, and a great assistant in civil affairs, and 
 in giving him counsel as to particular matters. He 
 was also a pleasant companion for him when he re- 
 laxed himself, and a joint partaker with him in all 
 things: in troubles because of his kindness, and in 
 prosperity because of the respect Agrippa had for 
 him. Now as soon as those affairs of Pontus were 
 finished, for whose sake Agrippa was sent thither, 
 they did not think fit to return by sea, but passed 
 through Paphlagonia and Cappadocia; they then 
 travelled thence over great Phrygia, and came to 
 Ephesus, and then they sailed from Ephesus to 
 Samos. And indeed the king bestowed a great many 
 benefits on every city that he came to, according as 
 they stood in need of them; for as for those that
 
 574 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 wanted either monej" or kind treatment, he was not 
 wanting to them; but he supphed the former him- 
 self out of his own expenses: he also became an 
 intercessor with Agrippa for all such as sought after 
 his favour, and he brought things so about, that the 
 petitioners failed in none of their suits to him, 
 Agrippa being himself of a good disposition, and of 
 great generosity, and ready to grant all such requests 
 as might be advantageous to the petitioners, provided 
 they were not to the detriment of others. The inclina- 
 tion of the king was of great weight also, and still 
 excited Agrippa, who was himself ready to do good; 
 for he made a reconciliation between the people of 
 Ilium, at whom he was angry, and paid what money 
 the people of Chios owed Caesar's procurators, and 
 discharged them of their tributes; and helped all 
 others according as their several necessities required. 
 
 3. But now when Agrippa and Herod were in 
 Ionia, a great multitude of Jews, who dwelt in their 
 cities, came to them, and laying hold of the op- 
 portunity and the liberty now given them, laid before 
 them the injuries which they suffered, while they 
 were not permitted to use their own laws, but were 
 compelled to j^rosecute their lawsuits, by the ill usage 
 of the judges, uj^on their holy-days, and were deprived 
 of the money they used to lay up at Jerusalem, and 
 were forced into the army, and upon such other 
 offices as obliged them to spend their sacred money: 
 from which burdens they always used to be freed 
 by the Romans, who had still permitted them to live 
 according to their own laws. When this clamour 
 was made, the king desired of Agrippa that he would 
 hear their cause, and assigned Nicolaus, one of his 
 friends, to plead for those, their privileges. Accord- 
 ingly, when Agrippa had called the principal of the 
 Romans, and such of the kings and rulers as were
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 575 
 
 there, to be his assessors, Nicolaus stood up, and 
 pleaded for the Jews, as follows: "It is of necessity 
 incumbent on such as are in distress to have recourse 
 to those that have it in their power to free them 
 from those injuries they lie under; and for those 
 that now are complainants, they aj^proach you with 
 great assurance; for as they have formerly often ob- 
 tained your favour, so far as they have even wished 
 to have it, they now only entreat that you, who have 
 been the donors, will take care that those favours 
 you have already granted them may not be taken 
 away from them. We have received these favours 
 from you, who alone have power to grant them, but 
 have them taken from us by such as are no greater 
 than ourselves, and by such as we know are as much 
 subjects as we are: and certainly, if we have been 
 vouchsafed great favours, it is to our own commenda- 
 tion, who have obtained them, as having been found 
 deserving of such great favours; and if those favours 
 be but small ones, it would be barbarous for the 
 donors not to confirm them to us; and for those 
 that are the hinderance of the Jews, and use them 
 reproachfully, it is evident that they affront both the 
 receivers, while thev will not allow those to be worth v 
 men to whom their excellent rulers themselves have 
 borne their testimony, and the donors while they 
 desire those favours already granted may be abro- 
 gated. Now if any one should ask these Gentiles 
 themselves, which of the two things they would choose 
 to part with, their lives, or the customs of their fore- 
 fathers, their solemnities, their sacrifices, their fes- 
 tivals, which they celebrated in honour of those they 
 suppose to be gods? I know very well that they 
 would choose to suffer any thing whatsoever, rather 
 than a dissolution of any of the customs of their 
 forefathers; for a great many of them have rather
 
 576 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 chosen to go to war on that account, as very sohcitous 
 not to transgress in those matters: And indeed we 
 take an estimate of that happiness which all mankind 
 do now enjoy by your means from this very thing, 
 that we are allowed every one to worship as our own 
 institutions require, and yet to live [in peace,] and 
 although they would not be thus treated themselves, 
 yet do they endeavour to compel others to comply 
 with them, as if it were not as great an instance of 
 impiety, profanely to dissolve the religious solemnities 
 of any others, as to be negligent in the observation 
 of their own towards their gods. And let us now 
 consider the one of these practices: Is there any 
 people or city, or community of men, to whom your 
 government and the Roman power does not appear 
 to be the greatest blessing? Is there any one that 
 can desire to make void the favours they have granted ? 
 No one is certainly so mad: for there are no men 
 but such as have been partakers of their favours, both 
 public and private; and indeed those that take away 
 what you have gi'anted, can have no assurance, but 
 every one of their own grants made them by you, 
 may be taken from them also; which grants of yours 
 can yet never be sufficiently valued; for if they 
 consider the old governments, under kings, together 
 with your present government, besides the great 
 number of benefits which this government hath be- 
 stowed on them in order to their happiness, this is 
 instead of all the rest, that they appear to be no 
 longer in a state of slavery, but of freedom. Now 
 the privileges we desire, even when we are in the 
 best circumstances, are not such as deserve to be 
 envied, for we are indeed in a prosperous state by 
 your means, but this is only in common with others; 
 and it is no more than this which we desire, to pre- 
 serve our religion without any prohibition; which as
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 577 
 
 it appears not in itself a privilege to be envied us, 
 so it is for the advantage of those that grant it t6 
 us; for if the divinity delights in being honoured, he 
 must delight in those that permit them to be honoured : 
 and there are none of our customs which are inhuman, 
 but all tending to piety, and devoted to the preserva- 
 tion of justice; nor do we conceal those injunctions 
 of ours, by which we govern our lives, they being 
 memorials of piety, and of a friendly conversation 
 among men: And ^ the seventh day we set apart 
 from labour; it is dedicated to the learning of our 
 customs and laws, we thinking it proper to reflect 
 on them, as well as on any [good] thing else, in 
 order to our avoiding of sin. If any one, therefore, 
 examine into our observances, he will find they are 
 good in themselves, and that they are ancient also, 
 though some think otherwise, insomuch, that those 
 who have received them, cannot easily be brought to 
 depart from them, out of that honour they pay to 
 the length of time they have religiously enjoyed them, 
 and observed them. Xow our adversaries take these 
 our privileges away, in the way of injustice: they 
 violently seize upon that money of ours which is 
 offered to God, and called sacred money, and this 
 openly, after a sacrilegious manner; and they impose 
 tributes upon us, and bring us before tribunals on 
 holy-days, and then require other like debts of us, 
 not because the contracts require it, or for their own 
 advantage, but because they would put an aft'ront 
 on our religion, of which they are conscious as well 
 as we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust, 
 and, to them, involuntary, hatred; for your govern- 
 
 ' We may here observe the ancient practice of the Jews of dedicating 
 the Sal>bath-day not to idleness, but to the learning their sacred rites 
 and religious customs, and to the meditation on the law of Moses. The 
 like to which we meet with elsewhere in Josephus, also against Apion, 
 B. I. sect. 2-2.
 
 578 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 meiit over all is one tending to the establishing of 
 benevolence, and abolishing of ill-will among such 
 as are disposed to it. This is therefore what we 
 implorie from thee, most excellent Agrippa, that we 
 may not be ill treated; that we may not be abused; 
 that we may not be hindered from making use of our 
 own customs; nor be despoiled of our goods; nor 
 be forced by these men to do what we ourselves force 
 nobody to do; for these privileges of ours are not 
 only according to justice, but have formerly been 
 granted us by you. And we are able to read to you 
 many decrees of the senate, and the tables that con- 
 tain them, which are still extant in the capitol, con- 
 cerning these things, which it is evident were granted 
 after you had experience of our fidelity towards you, 
 and which ought to be valued, though no such fidelity 
 had been; for you have hitherto preserved what 
 people were in possession of, not to us only, but 
 almost to all men, and have added greater advantages 
 than they could have hoj^ed for, and thereby your 
 government is become a great advantage to them. 
 And if any one were able to enumerate the benefits 
 you have conferred on every nation, which they pos- 
 sess by your means, he could never put an end to 
 his discourse; but that we may demonstrate that we 
 are not unworthy of all those advantages we have 
 obtained, it will be sufficient for us to say nothing 
 of other things, but to speak freely of this king who 
 now governs us, and is now one of thy assessors: and 
 indeed, in what instance of good-will, as to your 
 house, hath he been deficient? What mark of fidelity 
 to it hath he omitted? What token of honour hath 
 he not devised? What occasion for his assistance 
 of you hath he not regarded at the very first? What 
 hindereth, therefore, ])ut that your kindnesses may 
 be as numerous as his so great benefits to you have
 
 Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 579 
 
 been. It may also perhaps be fit here not to pass 
 over in silence the valour of his father Antipater, 
 who, when Caesar made an expedition into Egypt, 
 assisted him with two thousand armed men, and 
 proved inferior to none, neither in the battles on 
 land, nor in the management of the navy; and what 
 need I say any thing of how great weight those 
 soldiers were at that juncture? or how many, and 
 how great presents they were vouchsafed by Ctcsar^ 
 And truly I ought before now to have mentioned 
 the epistles which Cfesar wrote to the senate; and 
 how Antij^ater had honours, and the freedom of the 
 city of Rome, bestowed upon him, for these are 
 demonstrations both that we have received these 
 favours by our own deserts, and do on that account 
 petition thee for thy confirmation of them, from 
 whom we had reason to hope for them, though they 
 had not been given us before, both out of regard 
 to our king's disposition towards you, and your dis- 
 position towards him. And farther, we have been 
 informed by those Jews that were there, with what 
 kindness thou came into our country, and how thou 
 ofi^ered the most perfect sacrifices to God and hon- 
 oured him with remarkable vows, and how thou gave 
 the people a feast, and accepted of their own hos- 
 pitable presents to thee. We ought to esteem all 
 these kind entertainments made both by our nation 
 and our city, to a man who is the ruler and manager 
 of so much of the public affairs, as indications of that 
 friendship which thou hast returned to the Jewish 
 nation, and which hath been procured them by the 
 family of Herod. So we put thee in mind of these 
 things, in the presence of the king, now sitting by 
 thee, and make our request for no more but this, 
 that what you have given us yourselves, you will not 
 see taken awav by others from us."
 
 580 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 5. When Xicolaus had made this speech, there 
 was no opposition made to it by the Greeks, for this 
 was not an inquiry made, as in a court of justice, 
 but an intercession to prevent violence to be offered 
 to the Jews any longer; nor did the Greeks make 
 any defence of themselves, or deny what it was sup- 
 posed they had done. Their pretence was no more 
 than this, that while the Jews inhabited in their 
 country, they were entirely unjust to them [in not 
 joining in their worship,] but they demonstrated their 
 generosity in this, that though they worshipped ac- 
 cording to their own institutions, they did nothing 
 that ought to grieve them. So when Agrippa per- 
 ceived that they had been oppressed by violence, he 
 made this answer: "That on account of Herod's good- 
 will and friendship, he was ready to grant the Jews 
 whatsoever thev should ask him, and that their re- 
 quests seemed to him in themselves just; and that 
 if they requested any thing farther, he should not 
 scruple to grant it them, provided it wan no way to 
 the detriment of the Roman government; but that, 
 while their request was no more than this, that what 
 privileges they had already given them might not 
 be abrogated, he confirmed this to them, that they 
 might continue in the observation of their own 
 customs, without any one's offering them the least 
 injury." And wdien he had said this, he dissolved 
 the assembly; upon which Herod stood up, and 
 saluted him, and gave him thanks for the kind dis- 
 position he showed to them. Agrippa also took this 
 in a very obliging manner, and saluted him again, 
 and embraced him in his arms; after which he went 
 away from Lesbos; but the king determined to sail 
 from Samos to his own country; and when he had 
 taken his leave of Agrippa, he pursued his voyage, 
 and landed at Csesarea in a few days time, as having
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 581 
 
 favourable winds, from whence he went to Jerusalem, 
 and there gathered all the people together to an 
 assembly, not a few being there out of the country 
 also. So he came to them, and gave them a par- 
 ticular account of all his journey, and of the affairs 
 of all the Jews in Asia, how by his means they would 
 live without injurious treatment for the time to come. 
 He also told them of the entire good fortune he had 
 met with, and how he had administered the govern- 
 ment, and had not neglected any thing which was 
 for their advantage; and as he was very joyful, he 
 now remitted to them the fourth part of their taxes 
 for the last year. Accordingly, they were so pleased 
 with his favour and speech to them, that they went 
 their ways with great gladness, and wished the king 
 all manner of happiness. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 How great disturbances arose in Herod's fainily on 
 his preferring Antipatcr, his eldest son, before the 
 rest, till Alexander took that injury very heinously. 
 
 1. But now the affairs in Herod's family were 
 in more disorder, and became more severe upon him, 
 by the hatred of Salome to the young men [Alex- 
 ander and Aristobulus,] which descended as it were 
 by inheritance [from their mother JNIariamne:] And 
 as she had fully succeeded against their mother, so 
 she proceeded to that degree of madness and inso- 
 lence as to endeavour that none of her posterity might 
 be left alive, who might have it in their power to 
 revenge her death. The young men had also some- 
 what of a bold and uneasy disposition towards their
 
 582 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 father, occasioned by the remembrance of what their 
 mother had unjustly suffered, and by their own affec- 
 tation of dominion. The old grudge was also renewed ; 
 and they cast reproaches on Salome and Pheroras, 
 who requited the young men with malicious designs, 
 and actually laid treacherous snares for them. Now, 
 as for this hatred it was equal on both sides, but the 
 manner of exerting that hatred was different: for 
 as for the young men they were rash, reproaching 
 and affronting the others openly, and were unex- 
 perienced enough to think it the most generous to 
 declare their minds in that undaunted manner: but 
 the others did not take that method, but made use 
 of calumnies after a subtle and a spiteful manner, 
 still provoking the yoimg men, and imagining that 
 their boldness might in time turn to the offering 
 violence to their father; for inasmuch as they were 
 not ashamed of the pretended crimes of their mother, 
 nor thought she suffered justly, these supposed that 
 it might at length exceed all bounds, and induce them 
 to think they ought to be avenged on their father, 
 though it were by despatching him with their own 
 hands. At length it came to this, that the whole 
 city was full of their discourses, and, as is usual in 
 such contests, the unskilfulness of the young men 
 was pitied, but the contrivance of Salome was too 
 hard for them, and what imputations she laid upon 
 them came to be believed, by means of their own 
 conduct; for they who were so deeply affected with 
 the death of their mother, that while they said both 
 she and themselves were in a miserable case, they 
 vehemently complained of her pitiable end, which 
 indeed was truly such, and said that they were them- 
 selves in a pitiable case also, because they were forced 
 to live with those that had been her murderers, and 
 to be partakers with them.
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 583 
 
 2. These disorders increased greatly, and the king's 
 absence abroad had afforded a fit opportunity for 
 that increase; but as soon as Herod was returned, 
 and had made the forenientioned speech to tlie mul- 
 titude, Pheroras and Salome let fall words immedi- 
 ately, as if he were in great danger, and as if the 
 young men openly threatened that they would not 
 spare him any longer, but revenge their mother's 
 death upon him. They also added another circum- 
 stance, that their hojDcs were fixed on Archelaus, the 
 king of Cappadocia, that they should be able by his 
 means to come to Cctsar, and accuse their father. 
 Upon hearing such things, Herod was immediately 
 disturbed; and indeed was the more astonished, be- 
 cause the same things were related to him by some 
 others also. He then called to mind his former 
 calamity, and considered that the disorders in his family 
 had hindered him from enjoying any comfort from 
 those that were dearest to him, or from his wife 
 whom he loved so well; and suspecting that his fu- 
 ture troubles would soon ])e heavier and greater than 
 those that were past, he was in great confusion of 
 mind; for divine providence had in reality conferred 
 upon him a great many outward advantages for 
 his happiness, even beyond his hopes, but the troubles 
 he had at home were such as he never expected to 
 have met with, and rendered him unfortunate; nay, 
 both sorts came upon him to such a degree as no 
 one could imagine, and made it a doubtful question, 
 whether, upon the comparison of both, he ought to 
 have exchanged so great a success of outward good 
 things, for so great misfortunes at home, or whether 
 he ought not to have chosen to avoid the calamities 
 relating to his family, though he had, for a compen- 
 sation, never been possessed of the admired grandeur 
 of a kingdom,
 
 584 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 3. As he was thus disturbed and afflicted, in 
 order to dej^ress these young men, he brought to 
 court another of his sons, that was born to him when 
 he was a private man: his name was Aiitipater; yet 
 did he not then indulge him as he did afterwards, 
 when he was quite overcome by him, and let him 
 do every thing as he pleased, but rather with a 
 design of depressing the insolence of the sons of 
 Mariamne, and managing this elevation of his so, 
 that it might be for a warning to them, for this bold 
 behaviour of theirs (he thought) would not be so 
 great, if they were once persuaded, that the suc- 
 cession to the kingdom did not appertain to them 
 alone, or must of necessity come to them. So he 
 introduced Antipater as their antagonist, and imagined 
 that he made a good provision for discouraging their 
 pride, and that after this was done to the young 
 men, there might be a proper season for expecting 
 these to be of a better disposition: But the event 
 proved otherwise than he intended, for the young 
 men thought he did them a very great injury; and 
 as Antipater was a shrewd man, when he had once 
 obtained this degree of freedom, and began to expect 
 greater things than he had before hoped for, he had 
 but one single design in his head, and that was, to 
 distress his brethren, and not at all to yield to them 
 the pre-eminence, but to keep close to his father, 
 who was already alienated from them by the cal- 
 unmies he had heard about them, and ready to be 
 wrought upon in any way his zeal against them 
 should advise him to pursue, that he might be con- 
 tinually more and more severe against them. Ac- 
 cordingly, all the reports that were spread abroad 
 came from him, while he avoided himself the sus- 
 picion of those discoveries proceeding from him, for 
 he rather chose to make use of those persons for
 
 Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 585 
 
 his assistants that were unsuspected, and such as 
 might be believed to speak truth by reason of the 
 good-will they bore to the king; and indeed there 
 were already not a few who cultivated a friendship 
 with Antipater, in hopes of gaining somewhat by 
 him, and these were the men who most of all per- 
 suaded Herod, because they appeared to speak thus 
 out of their good-will to him: and while these joint 
 accusations, which from various foundations sup- 
 ported one another's veracity, the young men them- 
 selves afforded farther occasions to Antipater also: 
 for they were observed to shed tears often, on account 
 of the injury that was offered them, and had their 
 mother in their mouths, and among their friends they 
 ventured to reproach their father, as not acting justly 
 by them; all which things were with an evil intention 
 reserved in memory by Antipater against a proper 
 opportunity; and when they were told to Herod, 
 with aggravations, increased the disorder so much, 
 that it brought a great tumult into the family; for 
 while the king was very angry at imputations that 
 were laid upon the sons of Mariamne, and was de- 
 sirous to humble them, he still increased the honour 
 that he had bestowed on Antipater; and was at last 
 so overcome by his persuasions, that he brought his 
 mother to court also. He also wrote frequently to 
 Cffisar in favour of him, and more earnestly recom- 
 mended him to his particular care. And when 
 Agrippa was returning to Rome, after he had fin- 
 ished his ten ^ years' government in Asia, Herod 
 sailed from Judea; and when he met with him, he 
 had none with him but Antipater, whom he delivered 
 to Agrippa, that he might take him along with him, 
 
 * This interval of ten years for the dnration of Marcus Agrippa's 
 government in Asia, seems to be true, and agreeable to the Roman 
 history. See Usher's Annals at A, M. 339^.
 
 586 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 together with many presents, that so he might be- 
 come Caesar's friend, insomuch, that things already 
 looked as if he had all his father's favour, and that 
 the young men were entirely rejected from any hopes 
 of the kingdom. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 How, during Antipaters abode at Rome, Herod 
 brought Alexander and Aristobulus before Ccesar, 
 and accused them. Aleocandefs defence of him- 
 self before Ccesar, and reconciliation to his father. 
 
 1. And now what happened during Antipater's 
 absence, augmented the honour to which he had been 
 promoted, and his apparent eminence above his 
 brethren, for he had made a great figure in Rome, 
 because Herod had sent recommendations of him to 
 all his friends there, only he was grieved that he was 
 not at home, nor had proper opportunities of per- 
 petually calumniating his brethren; and his chief fear 
 was, lest his father should alter his mind and enter- 
 tain a more favourable opinion of the sons of Mari- 
 amne; and as he had this in his mind he did not 
 desist from his purpose, but continually sent from 
 Rome any such stories as he hoped might grieve and 
 irritate his father against his brethren, under pre- 
 tence indeed of a deep concern for his preservation, 
 but in truth, such as his malicious mind dictated, in 
 order to purchase a greater hope of the succession, 
 wliich yet was already great in itself; and thus he 
 did till he had excited such a degree of anger in 
 Herod, that he was already become very ill disposed 
 towards the young men; but still, while he delayed
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 587 
 
 to exercise so violent a disgust against them, and 
 that he might not either be too remiss, or too rash, 
 and so offend, he thought it best to sail to Rome, 
 and there accuse his sons before Csesar, and not 
 indulge himself in any such crime as might be heinous 
 enough to be suspected of impiety; but as he was 
 going up to Rome, it happened that he made such 
 haste as to meet with Caesar at the ^ city Aquilei: 
 So when he came to the speech of Ctesar, he asked 
 for a time for hearing this great cause, wherein he 
 thought himself very miserable, and presented his 
 sons there, and accused them of their mad actions, 
 and of their attempts against him: That "they were 
 enemies to him; and by all the means they were 
 able, did their endeavours to show their hatred to 
 their own father, and would take away his life, and 
 so obtain his kingdom, after the most barbarous 
 manner; that he had power from Csesar to dispose 
 of it, not by necessity, but by choice, to him who 
 shall exercise the greatest piety towards him, while 
 these my sons are not so desirous of ruling, as they 
 are, upon a disappointment thereof, to expose their 
 own life; if so be they may but deprive their father 
 of his life, so wild and polluted is their mind by 
 time become, out of their hatred to him; that whereas 
 he had a long time borne this his misfortune, he 
 was now compelled to lay it before Casar, and to 
 pollute his ears with such language, while he him- 
 self wants to know wlxit severity they have ever 
 
 * Although Herod met Augustus at Aquilei, yet was this accusation 
 of his sons deferred till they came to Rome, as sect. 3 assures, and as 
 we are particularly informed in the History of the War, B. I. ch. xxiii. 
 sect. 3, Vol. ni., though what he here says helonged distinctly to Alex- 
 ander the elder brother. I mean his being brought to Rome, is here 
 justly extended to both the brothers, and that not only in our copies, 
 but that in Zonoras also: nor is there reason to doubt but they were 
 both at this solemn hearing of Augustus, although the defence was made 
 by Alexander alone, who was the eldest brother, and one that could 
 speak very well.
 
 588 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 suffered from him? or what hardships he hath evei' 
 laid upon them to make them complain of him< 
 and how they can think it just, that he should not 
 he lord of that kingdom, which he in a long time,. 
 and with great danger, had gained, and not allow 
 him to keep it and dispose of it to him who should 
 deserve it best? and this, with otlier advantages, he 
 proposes as a reward for the piety of such a one 
 as will hereafter imitate the care he hath taken of 
 it, and that such a one may gain so great a requital 
 as that is; and that it is an impious thing for them 
 to pretend to meddle with it beforehand, for he who 
 hath ever the kingdom in his view, at the same time 
 reckons upon procuring the death of his father, be- 
 cause otherwise he cannot come at the government; 
 that as for himself, he had hitherto given them all 
 that he was able, and what was agreeable to such 
 as are subject to the royal authority, and the sons 
 of a king: what ornaments they wanted, with servants 
 and delicate fare, and had married them into the 
 most illustrious families, the one [Aristobulus] to 
 his sister's daughter, but Alexander to the daughter 
 of king Archelaus; and what was the greatest favour 
 of all, w^hen their crimes were so very bad, and he 
 had authority to punish them, yet had he not made 
 use of it against them, but had brought them before 
 CcBsar their common benefactor, and had not used 
 the severity which either as a father who had been 
 impiously abused, or as a king who had been assaulted 
 treacherously, he might liave done, he made them 
 stand upon the level with him in judgment; that, 
 however, it was necessary that all this should not 
 l)e passed over without punishment, nor himself live 
 in the greatest fears; nay, that it was not for their 
 own advantage to see the light of the siiti after what 
 they have done, although they should escape at this
 
 Chap. ly. OF THE JEWS. 589 
 
 time, since they had done the vilest things, and would 
 certainly suffer the greatest punishments that were 
 ever known among mankind." 
 
 2. These were the accusations which Herod laid 
 with great vehemency against his sons before Caesar. 
 Now, the young men, both while he was speaking, 
 and chiefly at his concluding, wept, and were in con- 
 fusion. For, as to themselves, they knew in their 
 own consciences they were innocent, but because they 
 were accused by their father, they were sensible, as 
 the truth was, that it was hard for them to make 
 their apology, since, though they were at liberty to 
 speak their minds freely as the occasion required, 
 and might with force and earnestness refute the 
 accusation, yet was it not now decent so to do. There 
 was therefore a difficulty how they should be able 
 to speak, and tears, and at length a deep groan 
 followed, while they were afraid, that if they said 
 nothing, they should seem to be in this difficulty 
 from a consciousness of guilt, nor had they any 
 defence ready, by reason of their youth, and the 
 disorder they were under; yet was not Ceesar un- 
 apprised, when he looked upon them in the confusion 
 they were in, that their delay to make their defence 
 did not arise from any consciousness of great enor- 
 mities, but from their unskilfulness and modesty. 
 They were also commiserated by those that were 
 there in jjarticular, and they moved their father's 
 affections in earnest, till he had much ado to conceal 
 them. 
 
 3. But when they saw there was a kind dispo- 
 sition arisen both in him and in CcTsar, and that 
 every one of the rest did either shed tears, or at 
 least did all grieve with them, the one of them, whose 
 name was AleA'cinder, called to his father, and at- 
 tempted to answer his accusation and said, "O father,
 
 590 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 the benevolence thou hast showed to us is evident, 
 even in this very judicial procedure, for hadst thou 
 had any pernicious intentions about us thou hadst not 
 produced us here before the common saviour of all, 
 for it was in thy power, both as a king, and as a 
 father, to punish the guilty, but by thus bringing 
 us to Rome, and making Ciesar himself a witness to 
 what is done, thou intimatest that thou intendest to 
 save us, for no one that hath a design to slay a man 
 will bring him to the temples, and to the altars: yet 
 are our circumstances still worse, for we cannot en- 
 dure to live ourselves any longer, if it be believed 
 that we have injured such a father; nay, perhaps it 
 would be worse for us to live with this suspicion upon 
 us, that we have injured him, than to die without 
 such guilt: and if our oj)en defence may be taken 
 to be true, we shall be happy, both in pacifying thee, 
 and in escaping the danger we are in, but if this 
 calumny so prevails, it is more than enough for us 
 that we have seen the sun this day; which why should 
 we see, if this suspicion be fixed upon us? Now it 
 is easy to say of young men, that they desire to 
 reign; and to say farther, that this evil proceeds from 
 the case of our unhappy mother. This is abundantlj^ 
 sufficient to j)roduce our misfortune out of the former; 
 but consider well, whether such an accusation does 
 not suit all such young men, and may not be said 
 of them all promiscuously? for nothing can hinder 
 him that reigns, if he have children, and their mother 
 be dead, but the father may have a suspicion upon 
 all his sons, as intending some treachery to him: but 
 a suspicion is not sufficient to prove such an impious 
 practice. Now let any man say, whether we have 
 actually and insolently attempted any such thing, 
 whereby actions otherwise incredible, use to be made 
 credible. Can any body prove that poison hath been
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 591 
 
 prepared? or prove a conspiracy of our equals, or 
 the corruption of servants, or letters written against 
 thee^ though indeed there are none of those things 
 but have sometimes been pretended by way of cal- 
 umny, when they were never done; for a royal family 
 that is at variance with itself is a terrible thing; and 
 that which thou callest a reward of piety, often 
 becomes, among very wicked men, such a foundation 
 of hope, as makes them leave no sort of mischief 
 untried: Nor does any one lay any wicked practices 
 to our charge; but to calumnies by hearsay, how can 
 he put an end to them, who will not hear what we 
 have to say? Have we talked with too great free- 
 dom? yes; but not against thee, for that would be 
 unjust, but against those that never conceal any 
 thing that is spoken to them. Hath either of us 
 lamented our mother? yes; but not because she is 
 dead, but because she was evil spoken of by those 
 who had no reason so to do. Are we desirous of 
 that dominion which we know our father is pos- 
 sessed of? For what reason can we be so? If we 
 already have royal honours, as we have, should not 
 we labour in vain? And if we have them not, yet, 
 are not we in hopes of them? Or, supposing that 
 we had killed thee, could we expect to obtain thy 
 kingdom? while neither the earth would let us tread 
 upon it, nor the sea let us sail upon it, after such 
 an action as that: nay, the religion of all your sub- 
 jects, and the piety of the whole nation, would have 
 prohibited parricides from assuming the government, 
 and from ' entering into that most holy temple which 
 
 ^ Since some prejudiced men have indulged a wild suspicion, as we 
 have supposed already, Antiq. B. XV. ch. xi. sect. 7, that Josepluis' 
 history of Herod's rebuilding the temple is no better than a fable, it 
 may not be amiss to take notice of the occasional clause in the speech 
 of Alexander before his father Herod, in his and his brother's vindic.ition, 
 which mentions the tcuii>le as known by every l)ody to have been built l)y 
 Herod. See John ii. 20. See also another speech of Herod's own to
 
 592 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 was built by thee. But suppose we had made hght 
 of other dangers, can any murderer go off unpun- 
 ished, while Caesar is alive? We are thy sons, and 
 not so impious, or so thoughtless, as that comes to, 
 though perhaps more unfortunate than is convenient 
 for thee. But in case thou neither findest any causes 
 of complaint, nor any treacherous designs, what suffi- 
 cient evidences hast thou to make such a wickedness 
 of ours credible? Our mother is dead indeed, but 
 then what befell her might be an instruction to us 
 to caution, and not an incitement to wickedness. We 
 are willing to make a larger apology for ourselves, 
 but actions never done do not admit of discourse: 
 Nay, we will make this agreement with thee, and 
 that before Ca?sar, the lord of all, who is now a 
 mediator between us, If thou, O father, canst bring 
 thyself by the evidence of truth, to have a mind free 
 from suspicion concerning us, let us live, though 
 even then we shall live in an unhappy way, for to 
 be accused of great acts of wickedness, though falg^ely, 
 is a terrible thing; but if thou hast any fear remaining, 
 continue thou on in thy pious life, we will give this 
 reason for our own conduct, our life is not so de- 
 sirable to us as to desire to have it, if it tend to the 
 harm of our father who gave it us." 
 
 4. When Alexander had thus spoken, Csesar, who 
 did not before believe so gross a calumny, was still 
 more moved by it, and looked intently upon Herod, 
 and perceived he was a little confounded; the persons 
 there present were under an anxiety about the young 
 men, and the fame tliat was spread abroad made 
 the king hated, for the very incredibility of the 
 
 the young men that ])ull('d down liis golden eagle from the front of the 
 temple, where he takes notice, "How the building of the temple cost 
 him a vast sum; and that the Asanioneans, in those 125 years they held 
 the government, were not able to perform so great a work, to the honour 
 of God, as this was." Antiq. B. XVII. ch. vi. sect. 3, Vol. III.
 
 Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 593 
 
 calumny, and the commiseration which the flower of 
 youth, the beauty of body, which were in the young 
 men, pleaded for assistance; and the more so on 
 this account, that Alexander had made their defence 
 with dexterity and prudence; nay, they did not them- 
 selves any longer continue in their former coun- 
 tenances, which had been bedewed with tears and 
 cast downwards to the ground, but now there arose 
 in them a hoj^e of the best: and the king himself 
 appeared not to have had foundation enough to 
 build such an accusation upon, he having no real 
 evidence wherewith to convict them. Indeed he 
 wanted some apology for making the accusation; 
 but Cajsar, after some delay, said, That "although 
 the young men were thoroughly innocent of that for 
 which they were calumniated, yet had they been so 
 far to blame, that they had not demeaned themselves 
 towards their father, so as to prevent that suspicion 
 which was spread abroad concerning them." He 
 also exhorted Herod to lay all such suspicions aside, 
 and to be reconciled to his sons; for that it was not 
 just to give any credit to such reports concerning 
 his own children; and that this repentance on both 
 sides might still heal those breaches that had hap- 
 pened between them, and might improve their good- 
 will to one another, whereby those on both sides, 
 excusing the rashness of their suspicions, might re- 
 solve to bear a greater degree of affection towards 
 each other than they had before. After Ceesar had 
 given them this admonition, he beckoned to the young 
 men. When therefore they were disposed to fall 
 down to make intercession to their father, he took 
 them up, and embraced them, as they were in tears, 
 and took each of them distinctly in his arms, till not 
 one of those that were present, whether freeman or 
 slave, but was deeply affected with what they saw.
 
 594 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 5. Then did they return thanks to Cassar, and 
 went away together; and with them went Antipater, 
 with a hypocritical pretence that he rejoiced at this 
 reconcihation. And in the last days they were with 
 Ctesar, Herod made hhn a present of three hundred 
 talents, as he was then exhibiting shows and largesses 
 to the peojDle of Rome : and Csesar made him a present 
 of half the revenue of the copper mines in Cyprus, 
 and committed the care of the other half to him, and 
 honoured him with other gifts and incomes: And as 
 to his own kingdom, he left it in his own power to 
 appoint which of his sons he pleased for his suc- 
 cessor, or to distribute it in parts to every one, that 
 the dignity might thereby come to them all. And 
 when Herod was disposed to make such a settlement 
 immediately, Caesar said, "He would not give him 
 leave to deprive himself, while he was alive, of the 
 power over his kingdom, or over his sons." 
 
 6. After this Herod returned to Judea again, 
 but during his absence no small part of his dominions 
 about Trachon had revolted, whom yet the com- 
 manders he left there had vanquished, and compelled 
 to a submission again. Now, as Herod was sailing 
 with his sons, and was come over against Cilicia, to 
 [the island] Eleusa, which hath now changed its 
 name for Sebaste, he met with Archelaus, king of 
 Cappadocia, who received him kindly, as rejoicing 
 that he was reconciled to his sons, and that the accusa- 
 tion against Alexander, who had married his daughter, 
 was at an end. They also made one another such 
 presents as it became kings to make. From thence 
 Herod came to Judea, and to the temple, where he 
 made a speech to the people, concerning what had 
 been done in this his journey: "He also discoursed 
 to them about Caesar's kindness to him, and about 
 as many of the particulars he had done, as he thought
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 595 
 
 it for his advantage other people should be acquainted 
 with. At last he turned his speech to the admonition 
 of his sons; and exhorted those that hved at court, 
 and the multitude, to concord: and informed them, 
 that his sons were to reign after him; Antipater first, 
 and then Alexander and Aristobulus, the sons of 
 Mariamne; but he desired that at present they should 
 all have regard to himself, and esteem him king 
 and lord of all, since he was not yet hindered by 
 old age, but was in that period of life when he must 
 be the most skilful in governing; and that he was 
 not deficient in other arts of management that might 
 enable him to govern the kingdom well, and to rule 
 over his children also. He farther told the rulers 
 under him, and the soldiery, that in case they would 
 look upon him alone, their life would be led in a 
 peaceable manner, and they would make one another 
 happy." And when he had said this, he dismissed 
 the assembly. Which speech was acceptable to the 
 greatest part of the audience, but not so to them 
 all, for the contention among his sons, and the hopes 
 he had given them, occasioned thoughts and desires 
 of innovations among them. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 How Herod celebrated the games that were to return 
 every fifth year, upon the building of Ccesarea; 
 a7id how he built and adorned many other places 
 after a magnificent manner; and did many other 
 actions gloriously. 
 
 1. About tliis time it was that Ccesarea Sebaste, 
 which he had built, was finished. The entire building
 
 596 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 being accomplished in the tenth year, the solemnity 
 of it fell into the twenty-eighth j^ear of Herod's reign, 
 and into the hundred and ninety-second olympiad: 
 There was accordingly a great festival, and most 
 sumptuous preparations made presently, in order to 
 its dedication, for he had appointed a contention in 
 music, and games to be performed naked: He had 
 also gotten ready a great number of those that fight 
 single combats, and of beasts for the like purpose: 
 horse races also, and the most chargeable of such 
 sports and shows as used to be exhibited at Rome, 
 and in other places. He consecrated this combat to 
 Caesar, and ordered it to be celebrated every fifth 
 year. He also sent all sorts of ornaments for it 
 out of his own furniture, that it might want nothing 
 to make it decent: nay, Julia, Ccesar's wdfe, sent a 
 great part of her most valuable furniture [from 
 Rome,] insomuch that he had no want of any thing: 
 The sum of them all w^as estimated at five hundred 
 talents. Now when a great multitude was come to 
 that city, to see the shows, as well as the ambassadors 
 w^hom other people sent, on account of the benefits 
 they had received [from Herod,] he entertained them 
 all in the public inns, and at public tables, and with 
 perpetual feasts, this solemnity having in the day- 
 time the diversions of the fights, and in the night-time 
 such merry meetings as cost vast sums of money, 
 and publicly demonstrated the generosity of his soul, 
 for in all his undertakings he was ambitious to ex- 
 hibit what exceeded whatsoever had been done before 
 of the same kind. And it is related that Cssar and 
 Agrippa often said. That "the dominions of Herod 
 were too little for the greatness of his soul, for that 
 he deserved to have both all the kingdom of Syria, 
 and that of Egy])t also." 
 
 2. After this solcmnitv and these festivals were
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 597 
 
 over, Herod erected another city in the plain called 
 Capharsaba, where he chose out a fit place, botli 
 for plenty of water, and goodness of soil, and proper 
 for the production of what was there planted, where 
 a river encompassed the city itself, and a grove of 
 the best trees for magnitude w^as round about it: 
 this he named Antipatris, from his father Antipater. 
 He also built upon anotlier spot of ground above 
 Jericho, of the same name with his mother, a place 
 of great security, and very pleasant for habitation, 
 and called it Cyprus. He also dedicated the finest 
 monuments to his brother Phasaelus, on account of 
 the great natural affection there had been between 
 them, by erecting a tower in the city itself, not less 
 than the tower of Pharos, which he named Phasaelus, 
 which was at once a part of the strong defences of 
 the city and a memorial for him that was deceased, 
 because it bore his name. He also built a city of 
 the same name in the valley of Jericho, as you go 
 from it northward, whereby he rendered the neigh- 
 bouring country more fruitful, by the cultivation 
 its inhabitants introduced; and this also he called 
 Phasaelus. 
 
 3. But as for his other benefits, it is impossible to 
 reckon them up, those which he bestowed on cities, 
 both in Syria and in Greece, and in all the places 
 he came to in his voyages; for he seems to have 
 conferred, and that after a most plentiful manner, 
 what would minister to many necessities, and the 
 building of public works, and gave them the money 
 that was necessary to such works as wanted it, to 
 support them upon the failure of their other revenues: 
 but, what was the greatest and must illustrious of all 
 his works, he erected Apollo's temple at Rhodes, 
 at his own expenses, and gave them a gi*eat number 
 of talents of silver for the repair of their fleet. He
 
 598 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 also built the greatest part of the public edifices 
 for the inhabitants of ^ Nicopohs, at Actium: and for 
 the Antiochians, the inhabitants of the principal city 
 in Syria, where a broad street cuts through the place 
 lengthways, he built cloisters along it on both sides; 
 and laid the open road with polished stone, and was 
 of very great advantage to the inhabitants. And 
 as to the Olympic games, which were in a very low 
 condition, by reason of the failure of their revenues, 
 he recovered their reputation, and appointed revenues, 
 for their maintenance, and made that solemn meeting 
 more venerable, as to the sacrifices and other orna- 
 ments: and by reason of this vast liberality, he was 
 generally declared in their inscriptions to be one of 
 the perpetual managers of those games. 
 
 4. Now some there are who stand amazed at the 
 diversity of Herod's nature and purposes; for when 
 we have respect to his magnificence, and the benefits 
 which he bestowed on all mankind, there is no pos- 
 sibility for even those that had the least respect for 
 him, to deny, or not openly to confess, that he had 
 a nature vastly beneficent; but when any one looks 
 upon the punishments he inflicted, and the injuries 
 he did, not only to his subjects, but to his nearest 
 relations, and takes notice of his severe and unrelent- 
 ing disposition there, he will be forced to allow, that 
 it was brutish, and a stranger to all humanity, inso- 
 much that these men suppose his nature to be dif- 
 ferent, and sometimes at contradiction with itself: 
 but I am myself of another opinion, and imagine 
 that the occasion of both these sort of actions was 
 one and the same: for being a man ambitious of 
 
 * Dr. Hudson here pives lis the words of Suetonius concerning tin.'; 
 Nicopolis, when Aup:ustus rebuilt it: "And that the memory of tiie victT- " 
 at Actium mip;ht be celebrated the more afterward, he built Nicopolis 
 at Actium, and a])])ointed pul)lic shows to be there exhibited every fifth 
 year, in August." vSect. 18,
 
 Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 599 
 
 honour, and quite overcome by that passion, he was 
 induced to be magnificent, wherever there appeared 
 any hopes of a future memorial, or of reputation at 
 present; and as his expenses were beyond his abihties, 
 he was necessitated to be harsh to his subjects; for 
 the jjersons on whom he expended his money were 
 so many, that they made him a very bad procurer 
 of it: and because he was conscious that he was 
 hated by those under him, for tlie injuries he did 
 them, he thought it not an easy thing to amend his 
 offences, for that it was convenient for his revenue, 
 he therefore strove on the other side to make their 
 ill-will an occasion of his gains. As to his own court, 
 therefore, if any one was not very obsequious to him 
 in his language, and would not confess himself to 
 be his slave, or but seemed to think of anv innovation 
 in his government, he was not able to contain him- 
 self, but prosecuted his very kindred and friends, and 
 punished them as if they were enemies; and this 
 wickedness he undertook out of a desire that he 
 might be himself alone honoured. Now for this my as- 
 sertion about that passion of his, we have the greatest 
 evidence, by what he did to honour Cfesar and 
 Agrippa, and his other friends; for with what honours 
 he paid his respects to them who were his superiors, 
 the same did he desire to be paid to himself; and 
 what he thought the most excellent present he could 
 make another, he discovered an inclination to have the 
 like presented to himself. But now the Jewish nation 
 is by their law a stranger to all such things, and ac- 
 customed to prefer righteousness to glory; for which 
 reason that nation was not agreeable to him, because 
 it was out of their power to flatter the king's ambition 
 with statues or temples, or any other such per- 
 formances. And tliis seems to me to have been at 
 once the occasion of Herod's crimes, as to his own
 
 600 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 courtiers and counsellors, and of his benefactions, as 
 to foreigners and those that had no relation to him. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 An embassage of the Jews in Cyrene and Asia to 
 Ca^sa?', concerning the complaints they had to make 
 against the Greeks: with copies of the epistles which 
 Ccesar and Agrippa wrote to the cities for them. 
 
 1. Now the cities ill treated the Jews in Asia, 
 and all those also of the same nation which lived in 
 Lybia, which joins to Cyrene, while the former kings 
 had given them equal privileges with the other citizens; 
 but the Greeks affronted them at this time, and 
 that so far as to take away their sacred money, and 
 to do them mischief on other particular occasions. 
 When therefore they were thus afflicted, and found 
 no end of the barbarous treatment they met with 
 among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors to Caesar 
 on those accounts; who gave them the same privileges 
 as they had before, and sent letters to the same pur- 
 pose to the governors of the pro\dnces, copies of which 
 I subjoin here, as testimonials of the ancient favour- 
 able disposition the Roman emperors had towards us. 
 
 2. "Cfesar Augustus high priest, and tribune of 
 the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews 
 hatli been found grateful to the Roman people, not 
 only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly 
 Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father ^ Caesar 
 the emperor, it seemed good to me and my counsellors, 
 
 ' Augustus here calls Julius Caesar his father, though by birth he 
 was only liis uncle, on account of his adoption l)y him. See the same, 
 Antiq. B. XIV. ch. xiv. sect. 4.
 
 Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 601 
 
 according to the sentence and oath of the people of 
 Rome, that the Jews have Hberty to make use of 
 their own customs, according to the law of their 
 forefathers, as they made use of them under Hvrcanus 
 the high priest of Almighty God; and that their sacred 
 money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and 
 that it be committed to the care of the receivers at 
 Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go 
 before any judge on the Sabbath day^ nor on the 
 ^ day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour : 
 but if any one be caught stealing their holy books, 
 or their sacred money, whether it be out of the 
 synagogue, or public school, he shall be deemed a 
 sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought 
 into the public treasury of the Romans. And I give 
 order, that the testimonial which they have given me, 
 on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise 
 toward all mankind, and out of regard to Caius 
 Marcus Censorinus, together with the present decree, 
 be proposed in that most eminent place which hath 
 been consecrated to me, by the community of Asia 
 at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of 
 what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished." 
 This was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of 
 Csesar. 
 
 3. "Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth greeting: 
 Let those Jews, how many soever they be, who have 
 been used, according to their ancient custom, to send 
 their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the same freely." 
 These were the decrees of Ceesar. 
 
 4. Agrippa also did himself write after the manner 
 following, on behalf of the Jews: "Agrippa, to the 
 magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, 
 
 ^ This is authentic evidence, that the Jews, in the days of Augustus, 
 began to prepare for the celebration of the Sabbath at the ninth hour 
 on Friday, as the tradition of the elders did, it seems, then require of 
 them.
 
 G02 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 sendeth greeting: I will that the care and custody 
 of the sacred money that is carried to the temple at 
 Jerusalem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with 
 it according to their ancient custom; and that such as 
 steal that sacred money of the Jews, and fly to a 
 sanctuary, shall be taken thence and delivered to 
 the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons 
 are taken thence. I have also written to Sylvanus 
 the pretor, that no one compel the Jews to come before 
 a judge on the Sabbath day." 
 
 5. "JNIarcus Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, 
 and people of Cyrene, sendeth greeting: The Jews of 
 Cyrene have interceded with me for the performance 
 of w^hat Augustus sent orders about to Flavins, the 
 then pretor of Lybia, and to the other procurators 
 of that province, that the sacred money may be sent 
 to Jerusalem freely, as hath been their custom from 
 their forefathers, they complaining that they are 
 abused by certain informers, and under pretence of 
 taxes which were not due, are hindered from sending 
 them, which I command to be restored, without any 
 diminution or disturbance given to them: And if any 
 of that sacred money in the cities be taken from their 
 proper receivers, I farther enjoin, that the same be 
 exactly returned to the Jews in that place." 
 
 6. "Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the 
 magistrates of the Sardians, sendeth greeting: Caesar 
 hath written to me, and commanded me not to forbid 
 the Jews, how many soever they be, from assembling 
 together according to the custom of their forefathers, 
 nor from sending their money to Jerusalem: I have 
 therefore written to you, that you may know that 
 both Cfesar and I would have you act accordingly." 
 
 7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write 
 otherwise, "To the magistrates, senate, and people 
 of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting: As I was dis-
 
 Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 603 
 
 pensing justice at Ephesus, on the ides of February, 
 the Jews that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me, that 
 Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them to use 
 their own laws and customs, and to offer those their 
 first fruits which every one of them freely offers to 
 the Deity on account of piety, and to carry them in 
 a company together to Jerusalem without disturbance. 
 They also petitioned me, that I also would confirm 
 what had been granted by Augustus and Agrippa 
 by my own sanction. I w^ould therefore have you 
 take notice, that according to the will of Augustus 
 and Agrippa, I permit them to use and do accord- 
 ing to the customs of their forefathers without dis- 
 turbance." 
 
 8. I have been obliged to set down these decrees, 
 because the present history of our own acts will go 
 generally among the Greeks; and I have hereby 
 demonstrated to them that we have formerly been in 
 great esteem, and have not been prohibited by those 
 governors we were under from keeping any of the 
 laws of our forefathers; nay, that we have been sup- 
 ported by them, while we followed our own religion, 
 and the worship w^e paid to God: and I frequently 
 make mention of these decrees, in order to reconcile 
 other people to us, and to take away the causes of 
 that hatred which unreasonable men bear to us. As 
 for our customs, there is no nation which always 
 makes use of the same, and in every city almost w^e 
 meet with them different from one another; but 
 natural justice is most agreeable to the advantage 
 of all men equally, both Greeks and Barbarians, to 
 which our laws have the greatest regard, and thereby 
 render us, if we abide in them after a pure manner, 
 benevolent and friendly to all men: on which account 
 we have reason to expect the like return from others, 
 and to inform them that they ought not to esteem
 
 604 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 difference of positive institutions a sufficient cause 
 of alienation, but [join with us in] the pursuit of 
 virtue and probity, for this belongs to all men in 
 common, and of itself alone is sufficient for the pres- 
 ervation of human life. I now return to the thread 
 of my history. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 How upon Herod's going dotcri into David's sepulchre, 
 the sedition in his family greatly increased. 
 
 1. As for Herod he had spent vast sums about 
 the cities, both wathout and within his own king- 
 dom: and as he had before heard that Hyrcanus, 
 who had been king before him, had opened David's 
 sepulchre, and taken out of it three thousand talents 
 of silver, and that there was a much greater number 
 left behind, and indeed enough to suffice all his wants, 
 he had a great while an intention to make the attempt: 
 and at this time he opened that sepulchre by night, 
 and went into it, and endeavoured that it should not be 
 at all known in the citv, but took only his most faithful 
 friends with him. As for any money, he found none, 
 as Hyrcanus had done, but that furniture of gold, 
 and those precious goods that were laid up there; 
 all whicli he took away. However, he had a great 
 desire to make a more diligent search, and to go 
 farther in, even as far as the very bodies of David 
 and Solomon; where two of his guards were slain, 
 by a flame that burst out upon those that went in, 
 as the report was. So he was terribly affrighted, 
 and went out and built a propitiatory monument of 
 that fright he had been in. and this of white stone 
 at the mouth of the sepulchre, and that at great ex-
 
 Chap. Yii. OF THE JEWS. 605 
 
 pense also. And even ^ Nicolaus his historiographer 
 makes mention of this monument built by Herod, 
 though he does not mention his going down into the 
 sepulchre, as knowing that action to be of ill repute; 
 and many other things he treats of in the same manner 
 in his book; for he wrote in Herod's lifetime, and 
 under his reign, and so as to please him, and as 
 a servant to him, touching upon nothing but what 
 tended to his glory, and openly excusing many of 
 his notorious crimes, and very diligently concealing 
 them. And as lie was desirous to put handsome 
 colours on the death of ^Nlariamne, and her sons, 
 which were barbarous actions in the king, he tells 
 falsehoods about the incontinence of ]Mariamne, and 
 the treacherous designs of his sons upon him; and 
 thus he proceeded in his whole work, making a 
 pompous encomium upon what just actions he had 
 done, but earnestly apologizing for his unjust ones. 
 Indeed, a man, as I said, may have a great deal to 
 say by way of excuse for Xicolaus; for he did not 
 so properly write this as a history for others, as 
 somewhat that might be subservient to the king 
 himself. As for ourselves, who come of a family 
 nearly allied to the Asamonean kings, and on that 
 account have an honourable place, which is the priest- 
 hood, we think it indecent to sav any thino" tliat is 
 false about them, and accordingly we have described 
 their actions after an unblemished and upright man- 
 ner. And although we reverence many of Herod's 
 posterity, who still reign, yet do we pay a greater 
 
 ^ It is here M-orth our oliservation, how careful Josephus was to the 
 discovery of truth in Herod's history, since he would not follow Xicolaus 
 of Damascus himself, so great a historian, where there was great reason 
 to suspect that he flattered Herod; which impartiality in history Josephus 
 here solemnly professes, and of which impartiality he has given more 
 demonstrations than almost any historian whomsoever: But as to Herod's 
 taking great wealth out of David's sejMdchrc, though I cannot prove it, 
 yet do I strongly suspect it was this very history.
 
 606 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 regard to truth than to them, and this though it some- 
 times happens that we incur their displeasure by 
 so doing. 
 
 2. And indeed Herod's troubles in his family 
 seemed to be augmented by reason of this attempt 
 he made upon David's sepulchre, whether divine 
 vengeance increased the calamities he lay under, in 
 order to render them incurable, or whether fortune 
 made an assault upon him in those cases, wherein the 
 seasonableness of the cause made it strongly believed 
 that the calamities came upon him for his impiety; 
 for the tumult was like a civil war in his palace, 
 and their hatred towards one another was like that 
 where each one strove to exceed another in calumnies. 
 However, Antipater used stratagems perpetually 
 against his brethren, and that very cunningly: While 
 abroad he loaded them with accusations, but still took 
 upon him frequently to apologize for them, that this 
 apparent benevolence to them might make him be 
 believed, and forward his attempts against them, 
 by which means he, after various manners, circum- 
 vented his father, who believed that all he did 
 was for his preservation. Herod also recommended 
 Ptolemy, who was a great director of the affairs of 
 his kingdom, to Antipater; and consulted with his 
 mother about the public affairs also. And indeed 
 these were all in all, and did what they pleased, and 
 made the king angry against any other persons, as 
 they thought it might be to their own advantage: 
 but still the sons of jNIariamne were in a worse and 
 worse condition perpetually, and while they were 
 thrust out, and set in a more dishonourable rank, 
 who vet by birth were the most noble, they could not 
 bear the dishonour. .tVnd for the women, Glaphyra, 
 Alexander's wife, the daughter of Archelaus, hated 
 Salome, both because of her love to her husband, and
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 607 
 
 because Glaphyra seemed to behave herself some- 
 what insolently towards Salome's daughter, who was 
 the wife of Aristobulus, which eciuality of hers to 
 herself Glaphyra took very impatiently. 
 
 3. Xow, besides this second contention that had 
 fallen among them, neither did the king's brother 
 Pheroras keep himself out of trouble, but had a 
 particular foundation for suspicion and hatred; for 
 he was overcome with the charms of his wife to such 
 a degree of madness, that he despised the king's 
 daughter, to whom he had been betrothed, and wholly 
 bent his mind to tlie other, who had been but a 
 servant.- Herod also was grieved by the dishonour 
 that was done him, because he had bestowed many 
 favours upon him, and liad advanced him to that 
 height of power that he was almost a partner with 
 him in the kingdom, and saw that he had not made 
 him a due return for his favours, and esteemed him- 
 self unhappy on that account. So upon Pheroras' 
 unworthy refusal, he gave the damsel to Phasaelus' 
 son: but after some time, when he thought the heat 
 of his brother's affections was over, he blamed him 
 for his former conduct, and desired him to take his 
 second daughter, whose name was Cypros. Ptolemy 
 also advised him to leave off affronting his brother, 
 and to forsake her whom he had loved, for that it 
 was a base thing to be so enamoured of a servant, 
 as to deprive himself of the king's good-will to him, 
 and become an occasion of his trouble, and make 
 himself hated by him. Pheroras knew that this advice 
 would be for his own advantage, particularly because 
 he had been accused before, and forgiven; so he 
 put his wife away, although he already had a son by 
 her, and engaged to the king that he would take 
 his second daughter, and agreed that the thirtieth 
 day after should be the day of marriage; and swore
 
 608 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 he would have no farther conversation with her whom 
 he had put away; but when the thirty days were over, 
 he was such a slave to his affections, that he no longer 
 performed any thing he had promised, but continued 
 still with his former wife. This occasioned Herod to 
 grieve openly, and made him angry, while the king 
 dropped one word or other against Pheroras per- 
 petually; and many made the king's anger an op- 
 portunity for raising calumnies against him. Nor 
 had the king any longer a single quiet day or hour, 
 but occasions of one fresh quarrel or another arose 
 among his relations, and those that were dearest to 
 him; for Salome was of a harsh temper, -and ill- 
 natured to Mariamne's sons; nor would she suffer 
 her own daughter, who was the wife of Aristobulus, 
 one of those young men, to bear a good-will to 
 her husband, but persuaded her to tell her if 
 he said any thing to her in private, and when any 
 misunderstandings happened, as is common, she raised 
 a great many suspicions out of it; by which means 
 she learned all their concerns, and made the damsel 
 ill-natured to the young man. And in order to 
 gratif;^ her mother, she often said, that the young men 
 used to mention Mariamne when they were by them- 
 selves: and that they hated their father, and were 
 continually threatening, that if they had once got 
 the kingdom, they would make Herod's sons by his 
 other wives country schoolmasters, for that the present 
 education which was given them, and their diligence 
 in learning, fitted them for such an employment. 
 And as for the women, whenever they saw them 
 adorned with their mother's clothes, they threatened, 
 that instead of their present gaudy apparel, they 
 should be clotlied in sackcloth, and confined so closely 
 that they should not see the light of the sun. These 
 stories were presently carried by Salome to the king,
 
 Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 609 
 
 who was troubled to hear them, and endeavoured to 
 make up matters: but these suspicions afflicted him, 
 and becoming more and more uneasy, he beheved 
 every body against every body. However, upon his 
 rebuldng his sons, and hearing the defence they made 
 for themselves, he was easier for a while, though a little 
 afterwards much worse accidents came upon him. 
 
 4. For Pheroras came to Alexander, the husband 
 of Glaphyra, who was the daughter of Arclielaus, as 
 we have already told vou, and said, that he had heard 
 from Salome, that Herod was enamoured of Glaphyra, 
 and that his passion for her was incurable. When 
 Alexander heard that, he was all on fire, from his 
 youth and jealousy; and he interpreted the instances 
 of Herod's obliging behaviour to her, which were very 
 frequent, for the worse, which came from those 
 suspicions he had on account of that word which fell 
 from Pheroras; nor could he conceal his grief at the 
 thing, but informed him what words Pheroras had 
 said. Upon which Herod was in a greater disorder 
 than ever, and not bearing such a false calumny, 
 which was to his shame, was much disturbed at it: 
 and often did he lament the wickedness of his 
 domestics, and how good he had been to them, and 
 how ill requitals they had made him. So he sent 
 for Pheroras, and reproached him, and said, "Thou 
 vilest of all men! art thou come to that unmeasurable 
 and extravagant degree of ingratitude, as not only 
 to suppose such things of me, but to speak of them? 
 I now indeed perceive what thy intentions are: it 
 is not thy only aim to reproach me, when thou usest 
 such words to my son, but thereby to persuade liim 
 to plot against me, and get me destroyed by poison. 
 And who is there, if he had not a good genius at 
 his elbow, as hath my son, but would not bear such 
 a suspicion of his father, but would revenge himself
 
 610 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 upon him? Dost thou suppose that thou hast only 
 (h'opped a word for him to think of, and not rather 
 hast put a sword into his hand to slay his father? 
 And what dost thou mean, when thou really hatest 
 both him and his brother, to pretend kindness to 
 them, only in order to raise a reproach against me, 
 and talk of such things as no one but such an 
 imj^ious wretch as thou art could either devise in 
 their mind, or declare in their words. Begone, thou 
 that art such a plague to thy benefactor, and thy 
 brother, and may that evil conscience of thine go 
 along with thee; while I still overcome my relations 
 by kinchiess, and am so far from avenging myself 
 of them, as they deserve, that I bestow greater benefits 
 upon them tlian they are worthy of." 
 
 5. Thus did the king speak. Whereupon Pheroras, 
 who was caught in the very act of his villainy, said. 
 That "it was Salome who was the framer of this 
 plot, and that the words came from her." But as 
 soon as she heard that, for she was at hand, she 
 cried out, like one that would be believed, that no 
 such thing ever came out of her mouth; that they 
 all earnestly endeavoured to make the king hate her, 
 and to make her away, because of the good-will she 
 bore to Herod, and because she was always fore- 
 seeing the dangers that were coming upon him, and 
 that at present there were more plots against him 
 than usual; for while she was the only person who 
 persuaded her brother to put away the wife he now 
 had, and to take the king's daughter, it was no 
 wonder if she were hated by him. As she said this, 
 and often tore her hair, and often beat her breast, 
 her countenance made her denial to be believed; 
 but the perverseness of her manners declared at the 
 same time her dissimulation in these proceedings: but 
 Pheroras was caught between them, and had nothing
 
 Chap. yii. OF THE JEWS. 611 
 
 plausible to offer in his own defence, while he con- 
 fessed that he had said what was charged upon 
 him, but was not believed when he said he had 
 heard it from Salome: so the confusion among them 
 was increased, and their quarrelsome words one to 
 another. At last the king, out of his hatred to his 
 brother and sister, sent them both away; and when 
 he had commended the moderation of his son, and 
 that he had himself told him of the report, he went 
 in the evening to refresh himself. After such a 
 contest as this had fallen out among them, Salome's 
 reputation suffered greatly, since she was supposed 
 to have first raised the calumny; and the king's wives 
 were grieved at her, as knowing she was a very ill 
 natured woman, and would sometimes be a friend, 
 and sometimes an enemy at different seasons: so they 
 perpetually said one thing or anotlier against her, 
 and somewhat that now fell out made them the 
 bolder in speaking against her. 
 
 6. There was one Obodas, king of Arabia, an 
 inactive and slothful man in his nature; but Sylleus 
 managed most of his affairs to him. He was a 
 shrewd man, although he was but young, and was 
 handsome withal. This Sylleus, upon some occasion 
 coming to Herod, and supping with him, saw Salome, 
 and set his heart upon her; and, understanding that 
 she was a widow, he discoursed witli her. Now 
 because Salome was at this time less in favour wath 
 her brother, she looked upon Sylleus with some pas- 
 sion, and was very earnest to be married to him; 
 and on the days following there appeared many, and 
 those very great, indications of their agreement to- 
 gether. Now the women carried this news to tlie 
 king, and laughed at the indecency of it; whereupon 
 Herod inquired about it farther of Pheroras, and 
 desired him to observe them at supper, liow their
 
 612 ANTIQUITIES Book xyi. 
 
 ])eha^^our was one toward another; who told him, 
 that by the signals which came from their heads and 
 their eyes, they both were evidently in love. After 
 this Sylleus the Arabian being suspected, went away, 
 but came again two or three months afterwards, as 
 it were on that very design, and spoke to Herod 
 about it, and desired that Salome might be given 
 him to wife; for that his affinity might not be dis- 
 advantageous to his affairs, by a union with Arabia, 
 the government of which country was already in effect 
 under his power, and more evidently would be his 
 hereafter. Accordingly, when Herod discoursed with 
 hiis sister about it, and asked her, whether she were 
 disposed to this match? she immediately agreed to 
 it. But when Sylleus was desired to come over to 
 the Jewish religion, and tlien he should marry her, 
 and that it was impossible to do it on any other terms, 
 he could not bear that proposal, and went his way; 
 for he said that if he should do so, he should be stoned 
 by the Arabs. Then did Pheroras reproach Salome 
 for her incontinency, as did the women much more; 
 and said that Sylleus had debauched her. As for that 
 damsel, whom the king had betrothed to his brother 
 Pheroras, but he had not taken her, as I have before 
 related, because he was enamoured of his former wife, 
 Salome desired of Herod she might be given to her 
 son by Costobarus; which match he was very willing 
 to, but was dissuaded from it by Pheroras, who 
 pleaded, that this young man would not be kind to 
 her, since his father had been slain by him, and that 
 it was more just that liis son, who was to be his suc- 
 cessor in the tetrarchy, should have her: So he begged 
 his pardon, and persuaded liim to do so. Accordingly 
 the damsel, upon this change of her espousals, was 
 disposed of to this young man, the son of Pheroras, 
 the king giving for her portion a hundred talents.
 
 Chap. YiH. OF THE JEWS. 613 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 How Herod took up Alexander', and hound him: 
 whom yet Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, reconciled 
 to his father, Herod, again. 
 
 1. But still the affairs of Herod's family were 
 no better, but perpetually more troublesome. Now 
 this accident happened, which arose from no decent 
 occasion, but proceeded so far as to bring great diffi- 
 culties upon him. There were certain eunuchs which 
 the king had, and on account of their beauty was 
 very fond of them; and the care of bringing him 
 drink was entrusted to one of them, of bringing him 
 his supper to another, and of putting him to bed 
 to the third, who almost managed the principal affairs 
 of the government, and there was one told the king 
 that these eunuchs were corrupted by Alexander the 
 king's son, with great sums of money: And when 
 they were asked, whether Alexander had had crim- 
 inal conversation with them? thev confessed it, but 
 said they knew of no farther mischief of his against 
 his father, but when they were more severely tor- 
 tured, and were in the utmost extremity, and the 
 tormentors, out of compliance with Antipater, stretched 
 the rack to the verv utmost, thev said, that Alexander 
 bare great ill-will and innate hatred to his father: 
 and that he told them, that Herod desj^aired to live 
 much longer; and that in order to cover his great 
 age, he coloured his hair black, and endeavoured to 
 conceal what would discover how old he was; but 
 that if he would apply himself to him, when he should 
 attain the kingdom, which, in spite of his father, could 
 come to no one else, he should quickly have the first
 
 614 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 jjlace in that kingdom under him, for that he was 
 now ready to take the kingdom, not only as his birth- 
 right, but by the preparations he had made for ob- 
 taining it, because a great many of the rulers, and 
 a great many of his friends, were of his side, and 
 those no ill men neither, ready both to do and to 
 suffer Avhatsoever should come on that account. 
 
 2. When Herod heard this confession, he was 
 all over anger and fear, some parts seeming to him 
 reproachful, and some made him susjDicious of dangers 
 that attended him, insomuch that on both accounts 
 he was provoked, and bitterly afraid lest some more 
 heavy plot was laid against him than he should be 
 then able to escape from; whereupon he did not now 
 make an open search, but sent about spies to watch 
 such as he suspected, for he was now overrun with 
 suspicion and hatred against all about him; and 
 indulging abundance of those suspicions, in order 
 to his preservation, he continued to suspect those 
 that were guiltless; nor did he set any bounds to 
 himself, but supposing that those who stayed with 
 him had the most power to hurt him, they were to 
 him very frightful; and for those that did not use 
 to come to him, it seemed enough to name them [to 
 make them susj)ected] and he thought himself safer 
 when they were destroyed: And at last his domestics 
 were come to that pass, that being no way secure 
 of escaping themselves, they fell to accusing one 
 another, and imagining that he who first accused 
 another, was most likely to save himself ; yet, when 
 any had overthrown others, they were hated, and 
 they were thought to suffer justly, who unjustly 
 accused others, and they only thereby prevented their 
 own accusation'; nay, they now executed their own 
 private enmities by tliis means, and when they were 
 caught, they were punished in the same way. Thus
 
 Chap. Yiii. OF THE JEWS. 61.5 
 
 these men contrived to make use of tliis opportunity 
 as an instrument and a snare against their enemies, 
 yet when they tried it, were themselves caught also 
 in the same snare which they laid for others: And 
 the king soon repented of what he had done, because 
 he had no clear evidence of the guilt of those whom 
 he had slain; and yet what was still more severe in 
 him, he did not make use of his repentance, in order 
 to leave off doing the like again, but in order to 
 inflict the same punishment upon their accusers. 
 
 3. And in this state of disorder were the affairs 
 of the palace: and he had already told many of his 
 friends directly, that they ought not to appear be- 
 fore him, nor come into the palace; and the reason 
 of this injunction was, that [when they were there] 
 he had less freedom of acting, or a greater restraint 
 on himself on their account: for at this time it was 
 that he expelled Andromachus and Gamellus, men 
 who had of old been his friends, and been very useful 
 to him in the affairs of his kingdom, and been of 
 advantage to his family, by their embassages and 
 counsels; and had been tutors to his sons, and had 
 in a manner the first degree of freedom with him. 
 He expelled Andromachus, because his son Demetrius 
 was a companion to Alexander; and Gamellus, be- 
 cause he knew that he wished him well, which arose 
 from his having been with him in his youth, when he 
 was at school, and absent at Rome. These he ex- 
 pelled out of his palace, and was willing enough to 
 have done worse by them; but that he might not 
 seem to take such liberty against men of so great 
 reputation, he contented himself with depriving them 
 of their dignity, and of their power to hinder his 
 wicked proceedings. 
 
 4). Now it was Antipater, who was the cause of 
 all this; who when he knew what a mad and licentious
 
 61G ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 way of acting his father was in, and had been a 
 great while one of his counsellors, he hurried him 
 on, and then thought he should bring him to do 
 somewhat to purpose, when every one that could 
 oppose him was taken away. When therefore An- 
 dromachus and his friends were driven away, and 
 had no discourse nor freedom with the king any 
 longer, the king in the first place examined by 
 torture all whom he thought to be faithful to Alex- 
 ander, whether they knew of any of his attempts 
 against him; but these died without having any thing 
 to say to that matter, which made the king more 
 zealous [after discoveries,] when he could not find 
 out what evil proceedings he suspected them of. As 
 for Antipater, he was very sagacious to raise a 
 calumny against those that were really innocent, as 
 if their denial was only their constancy and fidelity 
 [to Alexander,] and thereupon provoked Herod 
 to discover, by the torture of great numbers, what 
 attempts were still concealed. Now there was a cer- 
 tain person among the many that were tortured, who 
 said, that he knew that the young man had often 
 said, that when he was commended as a tall man 
 in his body, and a skilful marksman, and that in 
 his commendable exercises he exceeded all men, these 
 qualifications given him by nature, though good in 
 themselves, were not advantageous to him, because 
 his father was grieved at them, and envied him for 
 them; and that when he walked along with his father 
 he endeavoured to depress and shorten himself that 
 he might not appear too tall, and that when he shot 
 at any thing as he was hunting, when his father 
 was by, he missed his mark on purpose, for he knew 
 how ambitious his father was of being superior in 
 such exercises. So when the man was tormented 
 about this saying, and had ease given his body after
 
 Chap. Yiii. OF THE JEWS. 617 
 
 it, he added, that he had his brother Aristobuhis for 
 his assistance, and contrived to he in wait for their 
 father, as they were hunting, and kill him: and when 
 they had done so, to fly to Rome, and desire to have 
 the kingdom given them. There were also letters 
 of the young man found, written to his brother, 
 wherein he complained, that his father did not act 
 justly in giving Antipater a country, whose [yearly] 
 revenues amounted to two hundred talents. Upon 
 these confessions Herod presently thought he had 
 somewhat to depend on, in his own opinion, as to 
 his suspicion about his sons: So he took up Alex- 
 ander and bound him: yet did he still continue to 
 be uneasy, and was not quite satisfied of the truth 
 of what he had heard; and when he came to recollect 
 himself, he found that they had only made juvenile 
 complaints and contentions, and that it was an in- 
 credible thing, that when his son should have slain 
 him, he should openly go to Rome [to beg the king- 
 dom,] so he was desirous to have some surer mark 
 of his son's wickedness, and was very solicitous about 
 it, that he might not appear to have condemned him 
 to be put in prison too rashly; so he tortured the 
 principal of Alexander's friends, and put not a few 
 of them to death, without getting any of the things 
 out of them which he suspected. And while Herod 
 was very busy about this matter, and the palace was 
 full of terror and trouble, one of the younger sort, 
 when he was in the utmost agony, confessed that 
 Alexander had sent to his friends at Rome, and 
 desired that he might be quickly invited thither by 
 CcEsar, and that he could discover a plot against 
 him; that Mithridates, the king of Parthia, was joined 
 in a friendship with his father against the Romans, 
 and that he had a poisonous potion ready prepared 
 at Askelon.
 
 618 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 5. To these accusations Herod gave credit, and 
 enjoyed hereby, in his miserable case, some sort of 
 consolation, in excuse of his rashness, as flattering 
 himself with finding things in so bad a condition: 
 but as for the poisonous potion, which he laboured 
 to find, he could find none. As for Alexander, he 
 was very desirous to aggravate the vast misfortunes 
 he was under, so he pretended not to deny the accusa- 
 tions, but punished the rashness of his father with 
 a great crime of his own; and f)erhaps he was willing 
 to make his father ashamed of his easy belief of 
 such calumnies: he aimed especially, if he could gain 
 belief to his story, to j)lague him, and his whole 
 kingdom; for he wrote four letters, and sent them 
 to him, that "he did not need to torture any more 
 persons, for he had plotted against him; and that 
 he had for his partners Pheroras, and the most faith- 
 ful of his friends; and that Salome came in to him 
 by night, and that she lay with him whether he would 
 or no; and that all men were come to be of one mind, 
 to make away with him as soon as they could, and 
 so get clear of the continual fear they were in from 
 him." Among these were accused Ptolemy, and 
 Sapinnius, who were the most faithful friends to the 
 king. And what more can be said, but that those 
 who before were the most intimate friends, were 
 become wild beasts to one another, as if a certain 
 madness had fallen upon them, while there was no 
 room for defence or refutation, in order to the dis- 
 covery of the truth, but all were at random doomed 
 to destruction; so that some lamented those that were 
 in prison, some those that were put to death, and 
 others lamented that they were in the expectation of 
 the same miseries; and a melancholy solitude ren- 
 dered the kingdom deformed, and quite the reverse 
 to that happy state it was formerly in: Herod's own
 
 Chap. vm. OF THE JEWS. 619 
 
 life also was entirely disturbed; and because he could 
 trust nobody, he was sorely punished by the expec- 
 tation of farther misery, for he often fancied in his 
 imagination, that his son had fallen upon him, or 
 stood by him with a sword in his hand; and thus 
 was his mind night and day intent upon this thing, 
 and revolved it over and over, no otherwise than if 
 he were under a distraction. And this was the sad 
 condition Herod was now in. 
 
 6. But when Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, heard 
 of the state that Herod was in, and being in great 
 distress about his daughter, and the young man [her 
 husband,] and grieving with Herod, as with a man 
 that was his friend, on account of so great a dis- 
 turbance as he was under, he came [to Jerusalem] 
 on purpose to compose their differences; and when 
 he found Herod in such a temper, he thought it 
 wholly unseasonable to reprove him, or to pretend 
 that he had done any thing rashly, for that he should 
 thereby naturally bring him to dispute the point 
 with him, and by still more and more apologizing 
 for himself to be the more irritated. He went there- 
 fore another way to work, in order to correct the 
 former misfortunes, and appeared angry at the young 
 man, and said, that Herod had been so very mild 
 a man, that he had not acted a rash part at all. 
 He also said, he would dissolve his daughter's mar- 
 riage with Alexander, nor could in justice spare his 
 own daughter, if she were conscious of any thing, 
 and did not inform Herod of it. When Archelaus 
 appeared to be of this temper, and otherwise than 
 Herod expected or imagined, and for the main, took 
 Herod's part, and was angry on his account, the king 
 abated of his harshness, and took occasion from his 
 appearing to liave acted justly hitherto, to come by 
 degrees to put on the affection of a fatlier, and was
 
 620 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 on both sides to be pitied; for when some persons 
 refuted the calumnies that were laid on the young 
 man, he was thrown into a passion, but when Ar- 
 chelaus joined in the accusation, he was dissolved 
 into tears and sorrow after an affectionate manner. 
 Accordingly, he desired that he would not dissolve 
 his son's marriage, and became not so angry as be- 
 fore for his offences. So when Archelaus had brought 
 him to a more moderate temper, he transferred the 
 calumnies upon his friends; and said, it must be 
 owing to them that so young a man, and one un- 
 acquainted with malice, was corrupted, and he sup- 
 posed that there was more reason to suspect the 
 brother than the son. Upon which Herod was very 
 much displeased at Pheroras, who indeed now had 
 no one that could make a reconciliation between him 
 and his brother; so when he saw that Archelaus had 
 the greatest power with Herod, he betook himself 
 to him ill the habit of a mourner, and like one that 
 had all the signs upon him of an undone man. Upon 
 this Archelaus did not overlook the intercession he 
 made to him, nor yet did he undertake to change 
 the king's disposition towards him immediately, and 
 he said, that it was better for him to come himself 
 to the king, and confess himself the occasion of all, 
 that this would make the king's anger not to be 
 extravagant towards him, and that then he would 
 be present to assist him. When he had persuaded 
 him to this, he gained his point with both of them; 
 and the calumnies raised against the young man 
 were, beyond all expectation, wiped off. And Ar- 
 chelaus, as soon as he had made the reconciliation, 
 went then away to Cappadocia, having proved at 
 this juncture of time the most acceptable person 
 to Herod in the world; on which account he gave 
 him the richest presents, as tokens of his respect to
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 621 
 
 him, and being on other occasions magnanimous, he 
 esteemed him one of his dearest friends. He also 
 made an agreement with him that he would go to 
 Rome, because he had written to Ctesar about these 
 affairs; so they went together as far as Antioch, and 
 there Herod made a reconciliation between Archelaus 
 and Titus, the president of Syria, who had been 
 greatly at variance, and so returned back to Judea. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Concerning the revolt of the Trachonites: How Si/I- 
 leus accused Herod before Cccsar: and how Herod, 
 when Cccsar was angry at him, resolved to send 
 Xicolaus to Borne. 
 
 1. Whex Herod had been at Rome, a«id was come 
 back again, a war arose between him and the Arabians, 
 on the occasion following: The inhabitants of Trach- 
 onitis, after Ceesar had taken the country away from 
 Zenodorus, and added it to Herod, had not now 
 power to rob, but were forced to plough the land, 
 and to live quietly, which was a thing they did not 
 like; and when they did take that pains, the ground 
 did not i^roduce much fruit for them. However, at 
 the first the king would not permit them to rob, and 
 so they abstained from that unjust way of living 
 upon their neighbours, whicli procured Herod a 
 great reputation for his care : But when he was sailing 
 to Rome, (it was at that time when he went to accuse 
 his son Alexander, and to commit Antipater to Caesar's 
 protection,) the Trachonites spread a report as if he 
 were dead, and revolted from his dominion, and be- 
 took themselves again to their accustomed way of
 
 622 AXTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 robbing their neighbours: at which time the king's 
 commanders subdued them during his absence, but 
 about forty of the principal robbers, being terrified 
 by those that had been taken, left the country, and 
 retired into Arabia, Sylleus entertaining them, after 
 lie had missed of marrying Salome, and gave them 
 a place of strength in which they dwelt. So they 
 overran not only Judea, but all Coelesyria also, and 
 carried off the prey, while Sylleus afforded them 
 places of protection and quietness during their wicked 
 23ractices. But when Herod came back from Rome, 
 he perceived that his dominions had greatly suffered 
 bv them, and since he could not reach the robbers 
 themselves, because of the secure retreat they had 
 in that country, and which the Araliian government 
 afforded them, and yet being very uneasy at the in- 
 juries they had done him, he went all over Trach- 
 onitis, and slew their relations; whereupon these 
 robbers were more angry than before, it being a 
 law among them to be avenged on the murderers of 
 their relations by all possible means, so they con- 
 tinued to tear and rend every thing under Herod's 
 dominion with impunity: Then did lie discourse about 
 these robberies to Saturninus and Volunmius, and 
 required that they should be punished; upon which 
 occasion they still the more confirmed themselves in 
 their robberies, and became more numerous; and 
 made very great disturbances, laying waste the coun- 
 tries and villages that belonged to Herod's kingdom, 
 and killing those men whom they caught, till these 
 unjust proceedings came to be like a real war, for 
 the robbers were now become about a thousand. At 
 which Herod was sore displeased, and required the 
 robbers, as well as the money which he had lent 
 Obodas, by Sylleus, whicli was sixty talents, and 
 since the time of payment -vas now past, he desired
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 623 
 
 to have it j^aid him; but Sylleus, who had laid Obodas 
 aside, and managed all by himself, denied that the 
 robbers were in Arabia, and put off the payment 
 of the money; about which there was a hearing before 
 ^ Saturninus and A^olumnius, who were then the pres- 
 idents of Syria. At last, he, by their means, agreed, 
 that within thirty days time Herod should be paid 
 his money, and that each of them should deliver up 
 the other's subjects reciprocally. Xow, as to Herod, 
 there was not one of the other's subjects found in 
 his kingdom, either as doing any injustice, or on any 
 other account, but it was proved that the Arabians 
 had the robbers amongst them. 
 
 2. When this day appointed for payment of the 
 money was past, without Sylleus' performing any 
 part of his agreement, and he was gone to Rome, 
 Herod demanded the payment of the monej', and 
 that the robbers that were in Arabia should be de- 
 livered up; and, by the permission of Saturninus 
 and Volumnius, executed the judgment himself upon 
 those that were refractory. He took an army that 
 he had, and led it into Arabia, and in three days 
 time, by forced marches, arrived at the garrison 
 wherein the robbers were, he made an assault upon 
 them, and took them all, and demolished the place, 
 which was called Baepia, but did no harm to any 
 others; but as the Arabians came to their assistance, 
 under Xacebus their captain, there ensued a battle, 
 wherein a few of Herod's soldiers, and Xacebus, the 
 captain of the Arabians, and about twenty of his 
 soldiers, fell, while the rest betook themselves to 
 flight. So when he had brought these to punish- 
 ment, he placed three thousand Idumeans in Trach- 
 
 ' These joint presidents of Syria, Saturninus and Volumnius, were 
 not perhaps of equal authority, but the latter like a procurator under 
 the former, as the very learned Xoris and Pagi, and with them Dr. 
 Hudson, determine.
 
 624 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 onitis, and thereby restrained the robbers that were 
 there. He also sent an account to the captains that 
 were about Phenicia, and demonstrated, that he had 
 done nothing but what he ought to do, in punishing 
 the refractory Arabians, which, upon an exact in- 
 quiry, they found to be no more than what was true. 
 3. However, messengers were hasted away to 
 Sylleus to Rome, and informed him of what had 
 been done, and, as is usual, aggi*avated every thing. 
 Now Sylleus had already insinuated himself into the 
 knowledge of Cjesar, and was then about the palace: 
 and as soon as he heard of these things, he changed 
 his habit into black, and went in, and told Caesar, 
 That "Arabia was afflicted with M^ar, and that all 
 his kingdom was in great confusion, upon Herod's 
 laying it waste with his army; and he said, with 
 tears in his eyes, that two thousand five hundred of 
 the principal men among the Arabians had been 
 destroyed, and that their captain Nacebus, his fa- 
 miliar friend and kinsman, was slain; and that the 
 riches that were at Raepta were carried off; and 
 that Obodas was despised, whose infirm state of 
 body rendered him unfit for war; on which account 
 neither he, nor the Arabian army, were present." 
 When Sylleus said so, and added invidiously. That 
 "he would not himself have come out of the country, 
 unless he had believed that Cicsar would have pro- 
 vided that they should all have peace one with 
 another, and that, had he been there, he would have 
 taken care that the war should not have been to 
 Herod's advantage." Caesar was provoked when this 
 was said; and asked no more than this one question, 
 both of Herod's friends that were there, and of his 
 own fi'iends, who were come from Syria, "Whether 
 Herod had led an army thither?" And wlicn they 
 were forced to confess so much, Caesar, without stay-
 
 Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 625 
 
 ing to hear for what reason he did it, and how it 
 was done, grew very angry, and wrote to Herod 
 sharply. The sum of his epistle was this. That 
 "whereas of old he had used him as his friend he 
 should now use him as his subject." Sylleus also 
 wrote an account of this to the Arabians; who were 
 so elevated with it, that they neither delivered up 
 the robbers that had fled to them, nor paid the money 
 that was due: they retained those pastures also which 
 they had hired, and kept them without paying their 
 rent, and all this because the king of the Jews was 
 now in a low condition, by reason of Caesar's anger 
 at him. Those of Trachonitis also made use of this 
 opportunity, and rose up against the Idumean gar- 
 rison, and followed the same way of robbing with 
 the Arabians, who had pillaged their country, and 
 were more rigid in their unjust proceedings, not only 
 in order to get by it, but by way of revenge also. 
 
 4. Now Herod was forced to bear all this, that 
 confidence of his being quite gone with which Ca?sar's 
 favour used to inspire him; for Caesar would not 
 admit so much as an embassage from him to make 
 an apology for him: and when they came again, 
 he sent them away without success: so he was cast 
 into sadness and fear; and Sylleus' circumstances 
 grieved him exceedingly, who was now believed by 
 Csesar, and was present at Rome, nay, sometimes 
 aspiring higher. Now it came to pass that Obodas 
 was dead: and Eneas, whose name was afterwards 
 changed to ^ Aretas, took the government, for Sylleus 
 endeavoured by calumnies to get him turned out of 
 his principality, that he might himself take it; with 
 which design he gave much money to the courtiers, 
 
 ^ This Aretas was now become so established a name for the kinp:s 
 of Arabia, [at Petra, and Damascus,] that when the crown came to tliis 
 Eneas, he changed his name to Aretas, as Havercamp here justly ob- 
 serves. See Antiq. B, XIII. ch. xv, sect. 2, Vol. II,
 
 626 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 and promised much money to Citsar, who indeed was 
 angry that Aretas had not sent to him first before 
 he took the kingdom, yet did Eneas send an epistle 
 and presents to Caesar, and a golden crown, of the 
 weight of many talents. Xow that epistle accused 
 Sylleus as having been a wicked servant, and having 
 killed Obodas by poison; and that while he was alive, 
 he had governed him as he pleased; and had also 
 debauched the wives of the Arabians; and had bor- 
 rowed monev, in order to obtain the dominion for 
 himself: yet did not C^sar give heed to these accusa- 
 tions, but sent his ambassadors back, without receiv- 
 ing any of his presents; but in the meantime the 
 affairs of Judea and Arabia became worse and worse, 
 partly because of the anarchy they were under, and 
 partly because, as bad as they were, nobody had 
 power to govern them, for of the two kings, the one 
 was not yet confirmed in his kingdom, and so had 
 not authority sufficient to restrain the evil doers; 
 and as for Herod, Caesar was immediately angry 
 at him, for having avenged himself, and so he was 
 compelled to bear all the injuries that were offered 
 him. At length, when he saw no end of the mis- 
 chief which surrounded him, he resolved to send 
 ambassadors to Rome again, to see whether his friends 
 had prevailed to mitigate Ca?sar, and to address 
 themselves to Ccesar himself: and the ambassador he 
 sent thither was Xicolaus of Damascus.
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 627 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 How Eurycles falsely accnsed Herod's sons; and 
 how their father hound them and wrote to Ccesar 
 about them. Of Sylleus, and how he was accused 
 by Nicolaus. 
 
 1. The disorders about Herod's family and chil- 
 dren about this time grew much worse; for it now 
 api^eared certain, nor was it unforeseen beforehand, 
 that fortune threatened the greatest and most in- 
 supportable misfortunes possible to his kingdom. Its 
 progress and augmentation at this time arose on the 
 occasion following: One Eurycles, a Lacedemonian, 
 (a person of note there, but a man of a perverse 
 mind, and so cunning in his w^ays of voluptuousness 
 and flattery, as to indulge both, and yet seem to 
 indulge neither of then^,) came in his travels to 
 Herod, and made him presents, but so that he re- 
 ceived more presents from him. He also took such 
 proper seasons for insinuating himself into his friend- 
 ship, that he became one of the most intimate of the 
 king's friends. He had his lodging in Antipater's 
 house; but he had not only access, but free conver- 
 sation with Alexander, as pretending to him that 
 he was in great favour with Archelaus, the king of 
 Cappadocia; whence he pretended much respect to 
 Glaphyra, and, in an occult manner, cultivated a 
 friendship with them all, but always attending to 
 what was said and done, that he might be furnished 
 with calumnies to please them all. In short, he be- 
 haved himself so to every body in his conversation, 
 as to appear to be his particular friend, and he made 
 others believe that his being any where was for that
 
 628 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 person's advantage. So he won upon Alexander, 
 who was but young; and persuaded him, that he 
 might open his grievances to him with assurance, 
 and with nobody else. So he declared his grief to 
 him, how his father was alienated from him. He 
 related to him also the affairs of his mother, and of 
 Antipater; that he had driven them from their proper 
 dignity, and had the power over every thing himself; 
 that no part of this was tolerable, since his father 
 was already come to hate them; and he added, that 
 he would neither admit them to his ta])le, nor to his 
 conversation. Such were the comj^laints, as was 
 but natural, of Alexander, about the things that 
 troubled him: and these discourses Eurycles carried 
 to Antipater; and told him, he did not inform him 
 of this on his own account, but that, being overcome 
 by his kindness, the great importance of the thing 
 obliged him to do it: and he warned him to have 
 a care of Alexander, for that what he said was spoken 
 with vehemency, and that, in consequence of what 
 he said, he would certainly kill him with his own hand. 
 Whereupon Antipater, thinking him to be his friend 
 by this advice, gave him presents, upon all occasions, 
 and at length persuaded him to inform Herod of 
 what he had heard. So when he related to the king 
 Alexander's ill temper, as discovered by the words 
 he had heard him speak, he was easily believed by 
 him, and he thereby brought the king to that pass, 
 turning him about by his words, and irritating him, 
 till he increased his hatred to him, and made him 
 imj^lacable, which he showed at that very time, for 
 he immediately gave Eurycles a present of fifty 
 talents; who, when he had gotten them, went to Ar- 
 chelaus, king of Cappadocia, and commended Alex- 
 ander before him, and told him that he had been 
 many ways of advantage to him in making a recon-
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 629 
 
 ciliation between him and his father. So he got 
 money from him also, and went away, before his 
 pernicious practices Avere found out; but when 
 Eurycles was returned to Lacedemon, he did not 
 leave off doing mischief, and so, for his many acts 
 of injustice, he was banished from his own country. 
 
 2. But as for the king of the Jews, he was not 
 now in the temper he was in formerly towards Alex- 
 ander and Aristobulus, when he had been content 
 with the hearing their calumnies when others told 
 him of them, but he was now come to that pass as 
 to hate them himself, and to urge men to speak 
 against them, though they did not do it of them- 
 selves. He also observed all that was said, and put 
 questions, and gave ear to every one that would 
 but speak, if they could but say any thing against 
 them, till at length he heard that Euaratus of Cos 
 was a conspirator with Alexander, which thing to 
 Herod was the most agreeable and sweetest news 
 imaginable. 
 
 3. But still a greater misfortune came upon the 
 young men; while the calumnies against them were 
 continually increased, and, as a man may say, one 
 would think it was every one's endeavour to lav 
 some grievous thing to their charge, which might 
 appear to be for the king's preservation. There were 
 two guards of Herod's body, who were in great 
 esteem for their strength and tallness, Jucundus and 
 Tyrannus; these men had been cast off by Herod, 
 who was displeased at them; these now used to ride 
 along with Alexander, and for their skill in their 
 exercises were in great esteem with him, and had 
 some gold and other gifts bestowed upon them. Now 
 the king having an immediate suspicion of those men, 
 had them tortured, who endured the torture coura- 
 geously for a long time, but at last confessed that
 
 G30 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 Alexander would have persuaded them to kill Herod, 
 when he was in pursuit of the wild beasts. That it 
 might be said he fell from his horse, and was run 
 through with his own spear, for that he had once 
 such a misfortune formerly. They also showed where 
 there was money hidden in the stable under ground, 
 and these convicted the king's chief hunter, that he 
 had given the young men the royal hunting spears, 
 and weapons to Alexander's dependents, at Alex- 
 ander's command. 
 
 4. After these, the commander of the garrison 
 of Alexandrium was caught and tortured; for he 
 was accused to have promised to receive the young 
 men into his fortress, and to supply them with that 
 money of the king's which was laid up in that for- 
 tress, yet did he not acknowledge any thing of it 
 himself; but his son came in, and said it was so, 
 and delivered up the writing, which, so far as could 
 be guessed, was in Alexander's hand. Its contents 
 were these: "When we have finished, by God's help, 
 all that we have proposed to do, we will come to 
 you; but do your endeavours, as you have promised, 
 to receive us into your fortress." After this writing 
 was produced, Herod had no doubt about the treach- 
 erous designs of his sons against him. But Alex- 
 ander said that Diophantus, the scribe, had imitated 
 his hand, and that the paper was maliciously drawn 
 up by Antipater; for Diophantus appeared to be 
 very cunning in such j^ractices, and as he was after- 
 ward convicted of forging other papers, he was put 
 to death for it. 
 
 5. So the king produced those that had been 
 tortured before the multitude at Jericho, in order to 
 have them accuse the young men; which accusers 
 many of the people stoned to death; and when they 
 were going to kill Alexander, and Aristobulus like-
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 631 
 
 wise, the king would not permit them to do so, but 
 restrained the multitude, by the means of Ptolemy 
 and Pheroras. However, the young men were put 
 under a guard, and kept in custody, that nobody 
 might come at them; and all that they did or said 
 was watched, and the reproach and fear they were 
 in was little or nothing different from those of con- 
 demned criminals: and one of them, who was Aris- 
 tobulus, was so deeply affected, that he brought 
 Salome, who was his aunt, and his mother-in-law, 
 to lament with him for his calamities, and to hate 
 him who had suffered things to come to that pass; 
 when he said to her, "Art not thou in danger of 
 destruction also, while the report goes that thou hadst 
 disclosed beforehand all our affairs to Svlleus, when 
 thou wast in hopes of being married to him?" But 
 she immediately carried those words to her brother; 
 upon this he was out of patience, and gave command 
 to bind him; and enjoined them both, now they were 
 kept separate one from the other, to write down 
 the ill things they had done against their father, and 
 bring the writings to him. So when this was en- 
 joined them, they wrote this, that they had laid no 
 treacherous designs, nor made any j^reparations 
 against their father, but that they had intended to fly 
 away; and that by the distress they were in, their 
 lives being now uncertain and tedious to them. 
 
 6. About this time there came an ambassador out 
 of Cappadocia from Archelaus, whose name was 
 Melas; he was one of the principal rulers under him. 
 So Herod being desirous to show Archelaus' ill-will 
 to him, called for Alexander, as he was in his bonds, 
 and asked him again concerning his flight, whither 
 and how they had resolved to retire? Alexander re- 
 plied, "To Archelaus, who had promised to send 
 them away to Rome, but that thev had no wicked
 
 632 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 nor mischievous designs against their father, and 
 that nothing of that nature which their adversaries 
 had charged upon them was true; and that their 
 desire was, that he might have examined Tyrannus, 
 and Jucundus, more strictly, but that they had been 
 suddenly slain by the means of Antipater, who put his 
 own friends among the multitude [for that purpose]." 
 7. When this was said, Herod commanded that 
 both Alexander and Melas should be carried to 
 Glaphyra, Archelaus' daughter, and that she should 
 be asked, whether she did not know somewhat of 
 Alexander's treacherous designs against Herod? 
 Xow as soon as they were come to her, and she saw 
 Alexander in bonds, she beat her head, and in a 
 great consternation, gave a deep and moving groan. 
 The young man also fell into tears. This was so 
 miserable a spectacle to those present, that, for a 
 great while, they were not able to say or do any 
 thing; but at length Ptolemy, who was ordered to 
 bring Alexander, bid him say, whether his wife were 
 conscious of his actions? He replied, "How is it 
 jjossible that she, whom I love better than my own 
 soul, and by whom I have had children, should not 
 know w^hat I doT' Upon which she cried out. That 
 "she knew of no wicked designs of his; but that yet, 
 if her accusing herself falsely would tend to his pres- 
 ervation, she would confess it all." Alexander re- 
 plied, "There is no such wickedness as those (who 
 ought the least of all so to do) suspect, which either 
 I have imagined, or thou knowest of, but this only, 
 that we had resolved to retire to Archelaus, and 
 from thence to Rome." Which she also confessed. 
 Upon which Herod, supposing that Archelaus' ill- 
 will to him was fully j^roved, he sent a letter by 
 Olympus and Volumnius; and bid them, as they 
 sailed by, to touch at Eleusa of Cilicia, and give
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 633 
 
 Archelaus the letter. And tliat when they had ex- 
 postulated with him that had a hand in his son's 
 treacherous design against him, they should from 
 thence sail to Rome; and that, in case they found 
 Nicolaus had gained any ground, and that Caesar 
 was no longer displeased at him, he should give him 
 his letters, and the proofs which he had ready to 
 show against the young men. As to Archelaus he 
 made this defence for himself, That "he had promised 
 to receive the young men, because it was both for 
 their own and their father's advantage so to do, lest 
 some too severe procedure should be gone upon, in 
 that anger and disorder they were in, on occasion 
 of the present suspicions; but that still he had not 
 promised to send them to Caesar: and that he had 
 not promised any thing else to the young men that 
 could show ill-will to him." 
 
 8. When these ambassadors were come to Rome, 
 they had a tit opportunity of delivering their letters 
 to Cssar; because they found him reconciled to 
 Herod; for the circumstance of Nicolaus' embassage 
 had been as follow\s: As soon as he was come to 
 Rome, and was about the court, he did not first of 
 all set about what he was come for only, but he 
 thought fit also to accuse Sylleus. Now the Arabians, 
 even before he came to talk with them, were quarrel- 
 ling one wdth another, and some of them left Sylleus' 
 party, and joining themselves to Nicolaus, informed 
 him of all the wicked things that had been done; 
 and produced to him evident demonstrations of the 
 slaughter of a great number of Obodas' friends by 
 Sylleus, for when these men left Sylleus, they had 
 carried off with them those letters whereby they 
 could convict him. When Nicolaus saw such an op- 
 portunity afforded him, he made use of it, in order 
 to gain his own point afterward, and endeavoured
 
 634 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 immediately to make a reconciliation ])etween Csesar 
 and Herod; for he was fully satisfied, that if he 
 should desire to make a defence for Herod directly, 
 he should not be allowed that liberty; but that if he 
 desired to accuse Sylleus, there would an occasion 
 present itself of speaking on Herod's behalf. So 
 when the cause was ready for a hearing, and the 
 day was appointed, Nicolaus, while Aretas' ambas- 
 sadors were present, accused Sylleus, and said. That 
 "he imputed to him the destruction of the king 
 [Obodas,] and of many others of the Arabians: that 
 he had borrowed money, for no good design; and he 
 proved that he had been guilty of adultery, not only 
 with the Arabians, but Roman women also." And 
 he added. That "above all the rest he had alienated 
 Ca}sar from Herod; and that all that he had said 
 about the actions of Herod were falsities." When 
 Nicolaus was come to this topic, Casar stopped him 
 from going on, and desired him only to speak to 
 this affair of Herod's; and to show that "he had 
 not led an army into Arabia, nor slain two thousand 
 five hundred men there, nor taken prisoners, nor 
 pillaged the country." To which Nicolaus made this 
 answer, "I shall principally demonstrate, that either 
 nothing at all, or but a very little, of those imputa- 
 tions are true, of which thou hast been informed, 
 for had they been true, thou mightest justly have 
 been still more angry at Herod." At this strange 
 assertion Caesar was very attentive; and Nicolaus 
 said, That "there was a debt due to Herod of five 
 hundred talents, and a bond, wherein it was written, 
 that if the time appointed be elapsed, it should be 
 lawful to make a seizure out of any part of his 
 country. As for the pretended army, he said, it 
 was no army, but a party sent out to require the 
 just payment of the money: that this was not sent
 
 Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 635 
 
 immediately, nor so soon as the bond allowed, but 
 that Sylleus had frequently come before Saturninus 
 and Volumnius, the presidents of Syria; and that at 
 last he had sworn at Berytus, ^ by thy fortune, that 
 he would certainly pay the money within thirty days, 
 and deliver up the fugitives that were under his 
 dominion. And that when Sylleus had performed 
 nothing of this, Herod came again before the pres- 
 idents; and upon their permission to make a seizure 
 for his money, he, with difficulty, went out of his 
 country with a party of soldiers for that purpose. 
 And this is all the war which these men so tragically 
 describe; and this is the affair of the expedition into 
 Arabia. And how can this be called a war? when 
 thy presidents permitted it; the covenants allowed 
 it; and it was not executed till thy name, O Caesar, 
 as well as that of the other gods, had been profaned. 
 And now I must speak in order about the captives. 
 There were robbers that dwelt in Trachonitis; at first 
 their number was no more than forty, but they be- 
 came more afterwards, and they escaped the pun- 
 ishment Herod would have inflicted on them, by 
 making Arabia their refuge. Sjdleus received them, 
 and supported them with food, that they might be 
 mischievous to all mankind, and gave them a country 
 to inhabit, and himself received the gains they made 
 by robbery; yet did he ^^I'omise that he would de- 
 liver up these men, and that by the same oaths, and 
 same time that he swore and fixed for payment of 
 his debt: nor can he by any means show that any other 
 persons have at this time been taken out of Arabia, 
 besides these, and indeed not all these neither, but 
 only so many as could not conceal themselves. And 
 
 ^ This oath, hi/ the forlune of Casar, was put to Polycarji, a l)ishop 
 of Smyrna, by the Roman p;overnor, to try whether he was a Christian, 
 as they were tlien esteemed who refused to swear that oatli. ^lartyr, 
 Polycarp, sect. 9.
 
 636 AXTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 thus does the calumny of the captives, which hath 
 been so odiously represented, appear to be no better 
 than a fiction and a lie, made on purpose to provoke 
 thy indignation; for I venture to affirm, that when 
 the forces of the Arabians came upon us, and one or 
 two of Herod's party fell, he then only defended 
 himself, and there fell Xacebus their general, and in 
 all, about twenty-five others, and no more; when 
 Sylleus, by multiplying every single soldier to a 
 hundred, he reckons the slain to have been two thou- 
 sand five hundred." 
 
 9. This provoked Cccsar more than ever: so he 
 turned to Sylleus full of rage, and asked him how 
 many of the Arabians were slain? Hereupon he 
 hesitated, and said he had been im2:)osed upon. The 
 covenants also were read about the money he had 
 borrowed, and the letters of the presidents of Syria, 
 and the complaints of the several cities, so many as 
 had been injured by the robbers. The conclusion was 
 this, that Sylleus was condemned to die, and that 
 CiEsar was reconciled to Herod, and owned his re- 
 pentance for what severe things he had written to 
 him, occasioned by calumny, insomuch that he told 
 Sylleus, that he had compelled him, by his lying 
 account of things, to be guilty of ingratitude against 
 a man that was his friend. At the last, all came 
 to this: Svlleus was sent awav to answer Herod's 
 suit, and to repay the debt that he owed, and after 
 that to be punished [with death] : But still Ca?sar 
 was offended with Aretas, that he had taken upon 
 himself the government, without his consent first 
 obtained, for he had determined to bestow Arabia 
 upon Herod; but that the letters he had sent hindered 
 him from so doing, for Olympus and Volumnius, 
 perceiving that Ciusar was now become favourable 
 to Herod, thought fit immediatelv to deliver him
 
 Chap. XI. OF THK JEWS. 637 
 
 the letters they were commanded bj'^ Herod to give 
 him concerning his sons. When Csesar had read 
 them, he thought it would not be proper to add 
 another government to him, now he was old, and 
 in an ill state with relation to his sons, so he ad- 
 mitted Aretas' ambassadors; and after he had just 
 reproved him for his rashness, in not tarrying till 
 he received the kingdom from him, he accepted of 
 his presents, and confirmed him in his govermnent. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 How Herod, by per7nission from Ccesar, accused his 
 sons before an assemhly of judges at Berytus; and 
 what Tero suffered for using a boundless and mili- 
 tary liberty of speech. Concerning also the death 
 of the young men, and their burial at Alexandrium. 
 
 1. So Caesar was now reconciled to Herod; and 
 wrote thus to him. That "he was grieved for him on 
 account of his sons: and tliat in case they had been 
 guilty of any profane and insolent crimes against 
 him, it would behove him to punish them as parri- 
 cides, for which he gave him power accordingly; but 
 if they had only contrived to fly away, he would 
 have him give them an admonition, and not proceed 
 to extremity with them. He also advised him to 
 get an assembly together, and to appoint some place 
 near ^ Ber\i;us, which is a city belonging to the 
 
 ' What Josephus relates Augustus to have here said, that Berytus 
 u-as a city heloiif/inf/ to the Romans, is confirmed by Spanhcini's notes 
 here: "It was," says he, "a colony placed there by Augustus. Whence 
 Ulpian. De cens. bel. L. T. XV. The colony of Bert/tus was rendered 
 famous by the benefits of Casar: And thence it is that, among the 
 coins of Augustus, we meet with some having this inscription: The hapny 
 colony of Auyustus at Berytus."
 
 638 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 Romans, and tc take the presidents of Syria, and 
 Archelaus king of Cappadocia, and as many more 
 as he thought to be illustrious, for their friendship to 
 him, and the dignities they were in, and determine 
 what should be done by their approbation." These 
 were the directions that Cffisar gave him. Accord- 
 ingly Herod, when the letter was brought to him, 
 was immediately very glad of Caesar's reconciliation 
 to him, and very glad also that he had a complete 
 authority given him over his sons. And it strangely 
 came about, that whereas before, in his adversity, 
 though he had indeed showed himself severe, yet had 
 he not been very rash, nor hasty in procuring the 
 destruction of his sons, he now, in his prosperity, 
 took advantage of this change for the better, and 
 the freedom he now had, to exercise his hatred against 
 them, after an unheard of manner; he therefore sent 
 and called as many as he thought fit to this assembly, 
 excepting Archelaus, for as for him, he either hated 
 him, so that he would not invite him, or he thought 
 he would be an obstacle to his designs. 
 
 2. When the presidents, and the rest that be- 
 longed to the cities, were come to Berytus, he kept 
 his sons in a certain village belonging to Sidon, called 
 Plat ana, but near to this city, that if they were called 
 he might produce them, for he did not think fit to 
 bring them before the assembly: and when there 
 were one hundred and fifty assessors present, Herod 
 came by himself alone, and accused his sons, and 
 that in such a way as if it were not a melancholy 
 accusation, and not made but out of necessity, and 
 upon the misfortunes he was under: indeed in such 
 a way, as was very indecent for a father to accuse 
 his sons, for he was verv vehement and disordered, 
 when he came to the demonstration of the crime they 
 were accused of, and gave the greatest signs of
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 639 
 
 passion and barbarity: nor would he suffer the as- 
 sessors to consider of the weight of the evidence, 
 but asserted them to be true by his own authority, 
 after a manner most indecent in a father against 
 his sons, and read himself what they themselves had 
 written, wherein there was no confession of any 
 plots or contrivances against him. But only how 
 they had contrived to fly away, and containing withal 
 certain reproaches against him, on account of the 
 ill-will he bore them; and when he came to those 
 reproaches, he cried out most of all, and exaggerated, 
 what they said, as if they had confessed the design 
 against him, and took his oath that he had rather 
 lose his life than hear such reproachful words. At 
 last he said. That "he had sufficient authority both 
 by nature, and by Cgesar's grant to him, [to do what 
 he thought fit.] He also added an allegation of 
 a law of their country which enjoined this. That 
 if parents laid their hands on the head of him that 
 was accused, the standers by were obliged to cast 
 stones at him, and thereby to slaj^ him, which though 
 he was ready to do in his own country and kingdom, 
 yet did he wait for their determination: that yet 
 they came thither not so much as judges, to condemn 
 them for such manifest designs against him, whereby 
 he had almost perished by his sons' means, but as 
 persons that had an 023portunity of showing their 
 detestation of such practices, and declaring how un- 
 worthy a thing it must be in any, even the most 
 remote, to pass such treacherous designs [without 
 punishment."] 
 
 3. When the king had said this, and the young 
 men had not been produced to make any defence 
 for themselves, the assessors perceived there was no 
 room for equity and reconciliation, so they confirmed 
 his authority. And in the first place, Saturninus, a
 
 640 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 person that had been consul, and one of great dig- 
 nity, pronounced his sentence, but with great mod- 
 eration and trouble; and said, "That he condemned 
 Herod's sons, but did not think they should be put 
 to death. He had sons of his own, and to put one's 
 son to death, is a greater misfortune than any other 
 that could befall him by their means." After him 
 Saturninus' sons, for he had three sons that followed 
 him, and were his legates, pronounced the same sen- 
 tence with their father: on the contrary, Volumnius' 
 sentence was to inflict death on such as had been 
 so impiously undutif ul to their father ; and the greatest 
 part of the rest said the same, insomuch that the 
 conclusion seemed to be, that the young men were 
 condemned to die. Inmiediately after this Herod 
 came away from thence, and took his sons to Tyre, 
 where Nicolaus met him in his voyage from Rome: 
 of whom he inquired, after he had related to him 
 what had passed at Berytus, what his sentiments 
 were about his sons, and what his friends at Rome 
 thought of that matter? His answer was, "That 
 what they had determined to do to thee was impious, 
 and that thou oughtest to keep them in prison; and 
 if thou thinkest any thing farther necessary, thou 
 mayest indeed so punish them, that thou mayest not 
 appear to indulge thy anger more than to govern 
 thyself by judgment; but if thou inclinest to the 
 milder side, thou mayest absolve them, lest perhaps 
 thy misfortunes be rendered incurable: and this is 
 the opinion of the greatest part of thy friends at 
 Rome also." Whereupon Herod was silent, and in 
 great thoughtfulness, and bid Xicolaus sail along 
 with him. 
 
 4. Now as they came to Ceesarea, every body was 
 there talking of Herod's sons, and the kingdom was 
 in suspense, and the people in great expectation of
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 641 
 
 what would become of them, for a terrible fear seized 
 upon all men, lest the ancient disorders of the family 
 should come to a sad conclusion, and they were in 
 great trouble about their sufferings: nor was it 
 without danger to say any rash thing about this 
 matter, nor even to hear another saying it; but men's 
 pity was forced to be shut up in themselves, which 
 rendered the excess of their sorrow very irksome, 
 but very silent; yet was there an old soldier of 
 Herod's, whose name was Tero, who had a son of 
 the same age with Alexander, and his friend, who 
 w^as so very free, as openly to sj^eak out what others 
 silently thought about that matter: and was forced 
 to cry out often among the multitude, and said, in 
 the most unguarded manner, "That truth was per- 
 ished, and justice taken away from men, while lies 
 and ill-will prevailed, and brought such a mist before 
 pubhc affairs, that the offenders were not able to 
 see the greatest mischief that can befall men." And 
 as he was so bold, he seemed not to have kept him- 
 self out of danger, by speaking so freely; but the 
 reasonableness of what he said, moved men to regard 
 him, as having behaved himself with great manhood, 
 and this at a proper time also, for which reason every 
 one heard what he said with pleasure; and although 
 they first took care of their own safety, by keeping 
 silent themselves, yet did they kindly receive the 
 great freedom he took; for the expectation they were 
 in of so great an affliction, put a force upon them 
 to speak of Tero whatsoever they pleased. 
 
 5. This man had thrust himself into the king's 
 presence with the greatest freedom, and desired to 
 speak with him by himself alone, which tlie king per- 
 mitted him to do, where he said this: "Since I am 
 not able, O king, to bear up under so great a con- 
 cern as I am under, I have preferred the use of this
 
 642 AXTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 bold liberty that I now take, which may be for thy 
 advantage, if thou mind to get any profit by it, before 
 my own safety. Whither is thy understanding gone, 
 and left thy soul empty? Whither is that extraor- 
 dinary sagacity of thine gone, whereby thou hast 
 performed so many and such glorious actions? 
 Whence comes this solitude, and desertion of thy 
 friends and relations? Of which I cannot but de- 
 termine, that thev are neither thv friends nor rela- 
 tions, while they overlook so horrid wickedness in 
 thy once happy kingdom. Dost not thou perceive 
 what is doing ^ Wilt thou slay these two young men, 
 born of thy queen, who are accomplished with every 
 virtue in the highest degree, and leave thyself desti- 
 tute in thy old age, but exposed to one son, who hath 
 very ill managed the hopes thou hast given him, and 
 to relations, whose death thou hast so often resolved 
 on thyself? Dost not thou take notice, that the very 
 silence of the multitude at once sees the crime and 
 abhors the fact? The whole army and the officers 
 have commiseration on the poor unliappy youths, and 
 hatred to those that are the actors in this matter." 
 These words the king heard, and for some time with 
 good temper. But what can one say? When Tero 
 plainly touched upon the bad behaviour and per- 
 fidiousness of his domestics, he was moved at it: but 
 Tero went on farther, and by degrees used an un- 
 bounded military freedom of speech, nor was he 
 so well disciplined as to accommodate himself to the 
 time: So Herod was greatly disturbed, and seeming 
 to be rather reproached by this speech, than to be 
 hearing what was for his advantage, while he learned 
 hereby, that both the soldiers abhorred the thing he 
 was about, and the officers had indignation at it, he 
 gave orders that all wliom Tero had named, and 
 Tero himself, should be bound and kept in prison.
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 643 
 
 6. When this was over, one Trypho, who was 
 the king's barber, took the opportunity, and came 
 and tokl the king, that Tero woukl often have per- 
 suaded hnn, that when he trimmed him with a razor, 
 to cut his throat, for that hy this means he should 
 be among the chief of Alexander's friends, and receive 
 great rewards from him. When he had said this, 
 the king gave order that Tero and his son, and the 
 barber, should be tortured, which was done accord- 
 ingly; but while Tero bore up himself, his son seeing 
 his father already in a sad case, and had no hope of 
 deliverance, and perceiving what would be the con- 
 sequence of his terrible sufferings, said, that "if the 
 king would free him and his father from these tor- 
 ments, for what he should say, he would tell the 
 truth." And when the king had given his word to 
 do so, he said that "there was an agreement made, 
 that Tero should lay violent hands on the king, because 
 it was easy for him to come when he was alone; and 
 that if, when he had done the thing, he should suffer 
 death for it, as was not unlikely, it would be an act 
 of generosity done in favour of Alexander." This 
 was what Tero's son said, and thereby freed his 
 father from the distress he was in; but uncertain it 
 is whether he had been thus forced to speak what 
 was true, or whether it were a contrivance of his in 
 order to procure his own and his father's deliverance 
 from their miseries. 
 
 7. As for Herod, if he had before any doubt about 
 the slaughter of his sons, there was now no longer 
 any room left in his soul for it; but he had banished 
 away whatsoever might afford him the least sugges- 
 tion of reasoning better about this matter, so he already 
 made haste to bring his purpose to a conclusion. He 
 also brought out three hundred of the officers that 
 were under an accusation, as also Tero and his son.
 
 644 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 and the barber that accused them, before an assembly, 
 and brought an accusation against them all; whom 
 the multitude stoned with whatsoever came to hand, 
 and thereby slew them. Alexander and also Aristo- 
 bulus were brought to Sebaste by their father's com- 
 mand, and there strangled; but their dead bodies were 
 in the night time carried to Alexandrium, where their 
 uncle by the mother's side, and the greatest part of 
 their ancestors, had been deposited. 
 
 8. ^ And now perhaps it may not seem unreason- 
 able to some, that such an inveterate hatred might 
 increase so much [on both sides,] as to proceed 
 farther, and overcome nature: but it may justly 
 deserve consideration, whether it be to be laid to 
 the charge of the young men, that they gave such 
 an occasion to their father's anger, and led him to 
 do what he did, and by going on long in the same 
 way, put things past remedy, and brought him to 
 use them so unmercifully; or whether it be to be 
 laid to the father's charge, that he was so hard- 
 hearted, and so very tender in the desire of govern- 
 ment, and of other things that would tend to his 
 glory, that he would take no one into a partnership 
 with him, that so whatsoever he would have done 
 himself might continue immovable; or indeed, whether 
 fortune have not greater power than all prudent 
 reasonings: Whence we are persuaded that human 
 actions are thereby determined beforehand by an in- 
 evitable necessity, and we call her Fate, because there 
 is nothing which is not done by her: wherefore I 
 suppose it will be sufficient to compare this notion 
 with that other, which attributes somewhat to our- 
 selves, and renders men not unaccountable for the 
 
 ' The reader is here to note, that this eighth section is entirely wanting 
 ill tiie old Latin version, as Spanheim truJy observes; nor is "there any 
 other reason for it, I suppose, than the great difficulty of an exact trans- 
 hition.
 
 Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 64.5 
 
 different conducts of their lives, which notion is no 
 other than the philosophical determination of our 
 ancient law. Accordingly of the two other causes 
 of this sad event, any body may lay the blame on 
 the young men, who acted by youthful vanity, and 
 pride of their royal birth, that they should bear to 
 hear the calunniies that were raised against their 
 father, while certainly they were not equitable judges 
 of the actions of his life, but ill-natured in suspecting, 
 and intemperate in speaking of it, and on both ac- 
 counts easily caught by those that observed them, 
 and revealed them to gain favour; yet cannot their 
 father be thought worthy excuse, as to that horrid 
 impiety which he was guilty of about them, while 
 he ventured, without any certain evidence of their 
 treacherous designs against him, and without any 
 proofs that they had made preparation for such at- 
 tempt to kill his own sons who were of very comely 
 bodies, and the great darlings of other men, and no 
 way deficient in their conduct, whether it were in 
 hunting, or in warlike exercises, or in speaking upon 
 occasional topics of discourse: for in all these they 
 were skilful, and especial^ Alexander, who was the 
 eldest; for certainly it had been sufficient, even though 
 he had condenmed them, to have kept them alive in 
 bonds, or to let them live at a distance from his 
 dominions in banishment, while he was surrounded 
 by the Roman forces, which were a strong security 
 to him, whose help would prevent his suffering any 
 thing by a sudden onset, or by open force; but for 
 him to kill them on the sudden, in order to gratify 
 a passion that governed him, was a demonstration 
 of insufferable impiety; he also was guilty of so great 
 a crime in his older age; nor will the delays that he 
 made, and the length of time in which the thing was 
 done, plead at all for his excuse; for when a man
 
 046 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi. 
 
 is on a sudden amazed, and in commotion of mind, 
 and then commits a wicked action, although this be 
 a heavy crime, yet is it a thing that frequently 
 happens; but to do it upon deliberation, and after 
 frequent attempts, and as frequent puttings off, to 
 undertake it at last, and accomplish it, was the action 
 of a murderous mind, and such as was not easily 
 moved from that which is evil: And this temper he 
 showed in what he did afterward, when he did not 
 spare those that seemed to be the best beloved of 
 his friends that were left, wherein though the justice 
 of the punishment caused those that perished to be 
 the less pitied, yet was the barbarity of the man here 
 equal, in that he did not abstain from their slaughter 
 also; but of those persons we shall have occasion to 
 discourse more hereafter. 
 
 END OF VOLUME SECOND.
 
 Date Due 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 The Con^lete Wprks of Josephus 
 
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 Antiquities books- IX_XVI 
 
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