THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2013 http://archive.org/details/influenceofwaceoOOhopk tUi;? Hmttfrattg of (£ Iitraqn FOUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON THE ARTHURIAN ROMANCES OF CRESTIEN DE TROIES A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OP THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH) BY ANNETTE BROWN HOPKINS MENASHA, WIS. THE COLLEGIATE PRESS GEORGE BANTA PUBLISHING CO. 1913 win TO LILIAN WELSH WHOSE INTEREST HAS CONTRIBUTED ESSENTIALLY TO THE COMPLETION OF THIS WORK 644544 CONTENTS Introduction : Statement of the problem 1 Concerning the life of Wace 10 Concerning the life of Crestien . 12 Chapter I, Episodes : Erec f The marriage and coronation ceremonies 17 Cliges, The rebellion of Count Angres 34 Alexander's exploit at Windsor 40 The four days' tournament 42 Arthur's expedition against Constantinople 47 Chapter II, Episodes, continued: Lancelot, The hostility between Arthur's kingdom and the land of Gorre 50 Guinevere's unfaithfulness 61 Yvain, The fountain of Broceliande 63 Harpin de la Montaigne 66 Perceval, King Rion of the Isles 67 Chapter III, Characters 78 Chapter IY, Geography: Bretaigne and Breton 114 Carnant and Nantes 121 General Geography 124 Crestien in England 129 Chapter Y: Romantic background 132 Social and moral ideas 144 Conclusions 146 Index 152 PREFATORY NOTE The following study grew out of a seminary paper on the rela- tion of Waee's Brut to the Cliges of Crestien de Troies which I prepared for, and at the suggestion of, Professor William A. Nitze. My aim in the study has been to show that among the many and diverse influences open to Crestien in the composition of his Arthur- ian romances, the Norman chronicler, Wace, may hold a more im- portant place than criticism has heretofore assigned him; and in- directly to point out, therefore, that Wace is perhaps more signifi- cant than Geoffrey of Monmouth in the transmission of chronicle Arthurian material to the French poets. In my preparation of the work I have received assistance for which I feel greatly indebted. To Professor Nitze I wish to ex- press my appreciation, not only for the suggestion of the subject, but also for his stimulating criticism and for his constant interest in the progress of the work. To Professor Thomas A. Jenkins I am indebted also for unfailing interest, for much of the proof reading, and for discriminating suggestion, especially concerning the lingu- istic problems involved. I am also under obligation to Professor John M. Manly who, together with Professors Nitze and Jenkins, both by precept and by example, has led me to some appreciation of literary values and scholarly ideals. Lastly, I would make acknowledgement to my former instructor and present colleague, Professor Hans Froelicher of Goucher Col- lege, for his careful reading of the final proof. Baltimore, Md. A. B. H. •THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON THE ARTHURIAN RO- MANCES OF CRESTIEN DE TROIES Introduction All students of Arthurian romance have doubtless noticed the fact that attention 1 has now and then been called, generally in an in- cidental way, to the influence exerted by Geoffrey of Monmouth or his translator, Wace, on the French metrical romances of the twelfth century and succeeding periods. Bedier, for example, makes it evi- dent 2 that Thomas is indebted to Wace for descriptions, episodes, geographical and personal names, and a certain historical verisimili- tude ; in other words that Wace exerted upon the author of Tristan an important influence. G. Paris, on the other hand, thought that the indebtedness of the metrical romances 2a to the chronicles is, if it exists, slight and affects only certain details. In view of these opin- * It has seemed best not to include the Guillaume d' Angleterre in this study, partly because the nature of the material handled here is distinctly Arthurian, and the G. is not an Arthurian romance; and partly because Crestien's authorship of this poem has not found general acceptance. G. Paris always regarded it as not the work of C. de Troies. Cf. Bom. VIII (1879) 315 n.; XIII (1884) 442; XXI (1892) 139; XXIX (1900) 154; EL XXX, 1888, 23; Manuel 2nd ed. 1888, 215; Esquisse hist, de la Litt. Frangaise, 1907, 148; JdS, 1901, 705, n. 5; 1902, 58, n. 1; 306, n. 3. See also Paul Meyer, Bom. XIII, 315; XXXVII (1908) 485; O. Borrmann, Litt-blatt XXIX (1908): Das Kurze Beimpaar bei C. von Troyes mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung des W. von Eng., Erlangen, 1907; reprinted in BF (1908) XXV, 287 ff. Crestien's chief supporter is W. Foerster who has discussed the question in nearly all of his editions of Crestien's works. His latest argument in ZrP, July 19J.0, 470 ff., seems to me to leave little to be said on the other side. Agreeing with Foerster are: Groeber, GGr II, 1, 524; ZfS XXII (1900) 4; Wilmotte, MA, 1889, 188; Evolution des Bomans Frangais, Paris, 1903; 65 ; R. Miiller, Vntersuchungen uber den Verfasser der afz. Dichtung, W. von Eng., Bonn, 1881. A discussion of Crestien's possible indebtedness to Wace in the Guillaume must be reserved for separate study. 1 Bedier, Le Boman de Tristan par Thomas, "Soc. des Anc. Textes," Paris, 1905, I, 5, n. 1; 6, n. 2; 7, n. If.; 52, n. 2; 72 ff . ; 76, n. 1; 81 ff . ; 236, n. 1; 254, n. 1; 289 & nn.; 307, nn. 2, 4; 308, n. 1; 406, note to v. 2884; II, 47 ff . ; 99 ff. Brugger, ZfS XX (1898) 79 ff. Golther, Tristan und Isolde in den Dichtungen des Mit- telalters und der neuen Zeit, Leipzig, 1907, 142 ff. Foerster, Der Earrenritter . . . .und das Wilhelmsleben . . . .von Christian von Troyes, Halle, 1899, CLXXVIII. GGr II, 499. Lot, Bom. XXIV (1895), 525, 527; XXVII (1898), 41 ff., 555, 567; XXVIII (1899), 3 ff., 47, n. 2. Paris, G., Bom. X (1881), 488; XVIII (1889), 590; XXVIII, 48, n.; Hist, de la Litt. Frangaise, XXX, 5.; La Litt. Frangaise au Moyen Age (Manuel 4th ed.) Paris, 1909, 95.; JdS, 1902, 307; Esquisse, 110. Paris, P., Les Bomans de la Table Bonde, Paris, 1868-77, I, 24. Thedens, Li Chevaliers as Deus Espees in seinem Verhaltnis zu seinen Quellen, insbesondere zu den Bomanen Crestiens von Troyes, Got- tingen, 1908, 126. 1 Only a few cases he considers doubtful. Op. cit., II, 99. 2a He admitted greater indebtedness on the part of the prose romances, however. See HL XXX, 31, n. Cp. Bruce, J. D., Historia Meriodoci and De Ortu Waluuanii Gottingen, 1913: Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Press, pp. VIII, IX, etc. 2 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES ions it has seemed worth while to investigate consistently the ro- mances of Crestien de Troies for the purpose of discovering what relation exists between the poet of Champagne and the authors of these semi-historical chronicles. As Crestien 's narratives are based for the most part on an Arthurian framework, it is in the Arthur- ian portions of the chronicles that resemblance is mainly to be sought, hence it is with Arthurian material almost exclusively that this study will deal. The legend of Arthur was handed down through two distinct channels : oral tradition and written sources 3 consisting of the chronicle histories of Britain, and perhaps of contes or lais in the style of Marie de France. Certainly oral tradition must have played a great part in the development of Arthurian romance, but the degree of oral influence is obviously difficult to estimate. In ex- amining the chronicles as a source we have a much more tangible substance to handle, and the results obtained may in consequence be more satisfactory. It must be remembered, however, that the chronicles themselves were subject to popular influence. 4 This fact opens up the possibility, in some instances the probability, of a popular source common to both the romance and the history; thus a case of apparent borrowing from the chronicle may be merely a parallel. As such cases seldom admit of conclusive proof, they help to complicate the problem of the romancer's indebtedness to the historian. Wace, for example, introduces into chronicle history the order of the Round Table, but no one believes that the Roman de Brut alone is the source of Crestien 's allusions to that institu- tion. The Round Table, as Wace himself says, 5 was famous even in his day. Hence, though Crestien must have been familiar with Wace's account, it is equally reasonable to suppose that the Round Table was known to him through other channels 6 as well. One "must 3 For the most important theories on the sources of Arthurian material and its transmission to French soil, see Karrenritter CXIV. Loth, Revue Geltique XIII (1892) 475. Nutt, Studies on the Legend of the Holy Grail, London, 1888; Folklore Jour. II, 234; RC XII (1891) 181. Paris, G., Rom. X, 448; Manuel 4th ed. 1909, 95; HL XXX, 5. Zimmer, GGA (1890) 786; ZfS XII (1891) 1; Lit. Centralbl. 1900, col. 2072. Voretzsch, Einfiihrung in das Studium der aft. Lit., Halle, 1905, 339 ff. * See Fletcher, R. H., Arthurian Material in the Chronicles, HSN X (1906) 6, 10, 16, 32, 40, 42, 49, 85, 115, 137. 8 Le Roux de Lincy, Le Roman de Brut par Wace, Rouen, 1836, II, vv. 9998-9. "See Mott, L. F., PMLA XIII (1905) 231. Brown, A. C. L., HSN VII (1900) 183. Golther, Gesch. der deut. Litt., Stuttgart, 1893, I, 148. Weston, J. L., in MSlanget Wilmotte. Paris. 1910. 883. Zimmer, GGA (1890) 795. See also below, pp. 138 ff. INTRODUCTION 3 be on the lookout for sources common to both chronicle and romance and be prepared to give the non-chronicle origin due credit. Arthurian story as presented in the chronicles of Britain devel- oped out of shadowy beginnings. 7 The important points in the records before Geoffrey of Monmouth are as follows: Gildas, De Exicidio et Conquestu Britanniae 8 (547 ca .) does not mention Ar- thur, but he describes the Arthurian period in which he names Ambrosius Aurelianus, a Roman-Briton leader, and gives an account of the battle of Mt. Badon or Bath Hill. Nennius, Historia Brit- onum 9 (796 ca .) is the first to introduce Arthur by name. He en- titles him Dux bellorum. 10 Ambrosius Aurelianus here becomes the magician of the Vortigern tower episode, "the boy without a father," and is called merely, Ambrosius. 11 Twelve battles are named in which Arthur is victor over the Saxons; the last is Mt. Badon where Arthur alone killed 160 men. William of Malmes- bury, Gesta Begum Anglorum (1125) 12 shows that before the mid- dle of the twelfth century the distinction had appeared between the historical and the fabulous Arthur. 13 Henry of Huntington, His- toria Anglorum 1 * (1135 ca .) shows the effect of popular stories, in that he calls Arthur, Dux militum et regum Britanniae. The chron- icles written from the distinctly Saxon point of view, such as Bede's Ecclesiastical History (731), the Saxon Chronicle beginning with the year 527, and JEthelweard' s Chronicle 15 (975 ca .) do not men- tion Arthur at all, but they describe the period, and the wars be- tween the Britons and the Saxons. These records form the his- 7 See Fletcher, op. cit., 1 ff. 8 Mommsen, Mon. Germ. Hist., Auct. Antiquissimi, XIII, Chron. Ill, Berlin, 1898, 1. Giles, J. A., Six Old English Chronicles, "Bohn Lib.", London, 1896, 295. 9 Mommsen, op. cit., 113. Gunn, W., (Vatican MS) London, 1819. Stevenson, J., (Harl MS) London, 1838. San Marte, Nennius und Gildas, Berlin, 1844. Giles, op. cit.. 383. For further bibliography see Fletcher, op. cit., 8. 10 For a discussion of this title, see Zimmer, Nennius Yindicatus, Berlin, 1893, 285. u See p. 5, n. 18 and Fletcher, op. cit. 18, 92 for explanation of the confusion. "Stubbs, "Rolls Series," 1887-9. 14 "This is the Arthur concerning whom the idle tales of the Britons rave wildly even to-day, — a man entirely worthy to be celebrated, not in the foolish dreams of deceit- ful fables, but in truthful histories; since for a long time he sustained the declining fortunes of his native land and incited the uncrushed courage of his people to war." Fletcher, op. cit., 40. "Arnold, "Rolls Series," 1879. 16 Mon. Hist. Brit., 499 ff. The Chronicle of St. Michel's Mount (1056) and the Annates Cambriae (950ca.) contain brief records of Arthur. See Fletcher, op. ext., 31 ff. 4 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTEEN DE TROIES torical contribution to Arthurian story preceding the Historia Begum Britanniae 16 (1135 ca .) of Geoffrey of Monmouth. Geoffrey's sources, as Fletcher 17 points out (p. 49) include all the important historians before his time, together with general and nearly contemporary history, contemporary manners and customs, myths, popular stories, and the Liber Vetustissimus in the British tongue, probably fabulous, which Geoffrey states 17a was given him by Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford. Geoffrey, then, utilized practi- cally every kind of material available, and his additions to Arthur- ian story are many and important. The Historia, which is composed of 12 books, devotes to Arthur- ian narrative from VI, vi to XI, ii. The main points 18 of the nar- rative are here outlined. VIII, xvii-xviii Accession of Uther Pendragon. Wars with the Saxons. xix-xx Uther 's amour and marriage with Ygerne. The birth of Arthur, xxi-xxiv Wars with the Saxons. Death of Uther. IX, i-viii Accession of Arthur and wars with the Saxons. Battle of Bath Hill in which Arthur carries the picture of the Virgin, 19 and slays 470 men. Sub- jugation of Scotland. ix Arthur distributes fiefs to the brothers Aguisel, Urien, and Lot, the father of Modred and Ga- wain. He marries Guanhumara. x Foreign conquests, — Ireland, Iceland, Gothland, the Orkneys. Twelve years of peace. xi Conquests continued, — Norway, Dacia (Denmark) Aquitaine, and Gaul. Arthur bestows Neustria (Normandy) upon Bedver, his butler, and An- degavia(Anjou) on Caius, his sewer. 18 The best edition of the Historia is by San Marte (A. Schulz) Gottfried's von Mon- mouth Historia Regum Britanniae und Brut Tysylio, Halle, 1854. See also Giles, op. cit., 89 ff. For a bibliography of Geoffrey's life and works see Fletcher, op. cit., 50 f. 17 See also Rhys & Evans, The Texts of the Bruts from the Red Book of Hergest, Oxford, 1890, p. XXVII. I7a HRB, I, i. All citations are made from the San Marte ed. 18 Bks. VI, vi — VHI.xvii, though properly belonging to Arthurian story — the ac- count of Merlin's deeds and prophecies — are omitted because they have no bearing on the present problem. Merlin is the development of the Ambrosius Aurelianus of Gildas. See Fletcher, op. cit., 18, 92. 19 Compare Nennius, in Giles, op. cit., 408. INTKODUCTION 5 xii-xiv The grand coronation. xv-xx Rome demands tribute from Britain. Arthur's council decides on war. Arthur assembles his forces. X, ii Arthur entrusts his kingdom to Queen Guanhu- mara and his nephew, Modred, and embarks for the continent. iii Arthur's adventure with the giant of Mont St.- Michel. iv-xii The war with Rome, — exploits of Gawain and others. Death of Caius and Bedver. Defeat of the Romans. xiii Arthur gets word that Modred has usurped the throne and married Guanhumara. XI, i-ii Arthur's return to Britain. War with Modred. Death of Gawain and Aguisel whose realm de scends to his nephew, Eventus (Yvain) son of his brother, Urien. Retirement of Guanhuma- ra. Death of Modred. Disappearance of Ar- thur. It is now evident that Geoffrey of Monmouth is the literary creator of Arthurian story, a creator in the sense that he has brought together from scattered sources, learned and popular, oral and written, much available information already connected with Arthur or that was possible of connection, and has worked it over into a permanent and accessible form. The next important step in the progress of Arthurian story was made by the Norman poet, Wace, 20 whose Geste as Bretons or Bo- man de Brut (date, 1155) 21 purports to be a translation of the Historia. It is important to make clear at the outset the rela- tion of the French to the Latin work in order to decide, if possible, whether Crestien's indebtedness to Wace involves also a use of Geoffrey. We may begin with Wace's own statement as to his con- nection with the Historia. B I, 9 Ki vuelt 22 o'ir et vuelt saveir 20 For account of Wace's life see pp. 10 ff. 21 Brut 15299. 22 Since the only text of the Brut accessible at present is not a critical text, and con- tains a variety of dialectal forms, I have attempted to restore my quotations in some measure to the Norman dialect, using as a basis Warnke's ed. of the Lais of Marie de France, Halle, 1885. 6 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES De rei en rei et d'eir en eir, Qui oil furent et dunt il vindrent Qui Engleterre primes tindrent Quanz reis i a en ordre eii Qui anceis et qui puis i fu, Maistre Wace l'a translate Qui en cunte la verite Si cum li livres le devise. Wace's idea of a translation was that of a free paraphrase where the translator was at liberty to adhere literally to the original or to depart from it at will. Alfred Ulbrich in his dissertation Tiber das Verhdltnis von Wace's Roman de Brut zu seiner Quelle der Hist. reg. Brit, des Gottfried von Monmouth, Erlangen, 1908, has shown that Wace uses both of these methods; at times he takes over Geoffrey 's text word for word, and again, he is quite free with omissions and additions. Ulbrich, Fletcher, 23 and I myself, after comparative analysis of the two works have arrived at practically the same conclusion: the changes made by Wace are nearly all in an effort towards artistic improvement, and his additions to Geoff- rey 's facts are with two exceptions, unimportant. These exceptions are the Round Table and Arthur's return from Avalon. In estimating Wace's influence on Arthurian romance, his stylistic additions are of the highest significance because they give to his book an artistic value that Geoffrey's history does not pos- sess, and thus bring the French narrative much closer to the taste and abilities of the romancers who were to carry on Arthurian story to later times. The author of the Historia is by no means without narrative and descriptive skill, but as anyone can see who compares the two styles, Wace often gets into his short couplets a fire and a feeling impossible to Geoffrey's polished Latin periods. A few examples of his method of amplifying and enlivening his narrative may make this distinction clear, a. Mere amplification. 1. ERB I, iii. Aeneas post Trojanum bellum urbis excidium cum Ascanio diffugiens, Italiam navigio adivit. B 10-36. 26 lines. 2. HRB II, vii. Condidit etiam Ebracus urbem Alclud Albaniam M Ulbrich, op. ext., 71 ff. Fletcher, op. cit., 142 f. INTRODUCTION 7 versus et oppidum montis Agned : quod nunc Castellum Puel- larum dieitur et montem Dolorosum. B 1558-1574. 17 lines. 3. HUB IX, i. Erat auteni Arturus quindicem annorum juvenis, inauditiae virtutis atque liberalitatis : in quo tantam gratiam innata bonitas praestiterat, ut a cunctis fere populis amaretur. B 9247-9265. 23a 18 lines. 4. HBB IX, xiv. Refecti tandem epulis, diversi diversos ludos composituri campos extra civitatem adeunt. Mox milites simu- lacrum praelii ciendo, equestram ludum componunt: mulieres in edito murorum aspicientes, in curiales amoris flammas amore joci irritant. Alii telis, alii hasta, alii ponderosorum lapidum s jactu, alii saxis: alii aleis caeterorumque jocorum diversitate contendentes, quod diei rastabat, postposita lite, praetereunt. B 10801-10867. 66 lines. In comparing these passages it will be observed that the elabor- ation does not consist merely in the addition of words necessitated by the transition from a highly inflected to a less fully inflected language, but in the addition of ideas, of specific detail. In most cases of elaboration Wace infuses into his narrative much of the spirit, emotion, and realistic detail that mark the true mediaeval poet of romance. b. Elaboration infused with spirit. 1. HRB IX, vi. Cumque nulli prout reperiebatur parceret, con- venerunt omnes Episcopi miserandae patriae, cum omni clero sibi subdito, reliquias sanctorum et ecclesiastica sacramenta nudis ferentes pedibus, misericordiam regis pro salute populi sui implorantes. Mox ut praesentiam ejus habuerunt, flexis genibus depreeati sunt, ut pietatem super contrita gente habe- ret. Satis etenim periculi intulerat, nec erat opus perpaucos qui remanserant, usque ad unum delere. Sineret illos porti uniculam patriae habere, perpetuae servitutis jugum ultro con- gestaturos. Cumque regem in hunc modum rogavissent, com- movit eum pietas in lachrymas, sanctorumque virorum petitioni acquiescens, veniam donavit. B 9700-9762. 62 lines. Wace dwells on the wretched appearance of the petitioners, — Ma For the significance of this passage see p. 81. 8 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CEESTIEN DE TROIES women with children in their arms, crying, ' ' Sire, have mercy on us. If you cannot pity the fathers, behold the children and the mothers." He depicts their woe and fear over the separation of families, and describes at length their appeal to Arthur in the name of Christianity. Though the human element is not absent in Geoffrey's account the Latin passage has nothing of the vividness of this. 2. A passage in which the contrast is particularly noticeable is that describing Guinevere's behavior after Modred's defeat. Geoff- rey says merely: HRB XI, i. Quod ut Ganhumarae reginae annunciatum est, confestim desperans, ab Eboraco ad urbem Legionum diffugit atque in templo Julii Martyris inter monachas ejusdem caste vivere proposuit, et vitam monachalem suscepit. This implies that she went merely for the reason that her cause was lost. Waee dwells on her recognition of her guilt, and we can imagine that he saw the end of Guinevere not without feeling when he wrote : B 13621 Mielz volsist morte estre que vive, Mult en esteit morne et pensive, A Karliiin s'en est fui'e, S'en entra en une abei'e Hues devint nunne velee; Tute sa vie i fu celee. Ne fu o'ie ne veiie, Ne fu trovee ne seiie Pur la vergogne del mesfait Et del pechie qu 'ele aveit fait. 23 lines in all. 3. A passage entirely absent from the Historia is that describing the bustle of preparation pending Arthur's grand coronation (B 10609-34). It glows with color and action, and makes the reader feel as though he were acually being jostled in the crowded streets and courts of a mediaeval town. 4. Still another such passage is the account of Arthur's fight with the giant of Mont St.-Michel where Wace adds the interesting de- tail, no doubt drawn from personal observation, that Arthur and his men had to wait for the tide to go out before they could cross over to the rock (11846 ff.). INTRODUCTION 9 5. At times Wace slips into a lyrical strain that might well be- come Crestien or even the author of Partonopeus de Blois: B 3043 Bel fu li tens cum en este Bele la nuit e sanz ore, E la lune bien cler raia. Again, on the eve of the war with Rome when Gawain says to Arthur : B 11045 Bone est la pais apres la guerre Plus riche e mieldre en est la terre, Mult sunt bones les gaberies, Li deduit e les drueries : Pur la noblesce de s'amie Fait juevnes hum chevalerie. (See pp. Ill, 146). These citations are only a few of the many that might be col- lected to show Wace's literary superiority to his original, but they are sufficient to indicate that the Norman chronicler though no less a historian than Geoffrey is far more of a poet and hence much nearer to the taste of Thomas, Crestien, and other romancers to whom his work was accessible. Crestien 's style also is marked by vividness and abundance of realistic detail. Indeed there is not a single parallel between Crestien and Wace, where, when the facts are identical as stated by Geoffrey, Wace, and Crestien, the Champagne poet has not taken Wace's details in addition to the facts. These details are in most cases altogether absent from the Historia. Thus the very nature of Crestien 's art invites him to fol- low Wace. Bedier, in his edition 23b of Thomas 's Tristan argues on this same ground that his poet used Wace and not Geoffrey. Furthermore, Wace writes in Crestien 's tongue, and uses the roman- tic verse form of the period. These considerations while obvious are not without weight. Certainly no poet in that day of transla- tion, borrowing, and imitation would be likely to reject a source ready made for one that must be entirely worked over. It can scarcely be proved that Crestien was not acquainted with the Latin history, but it can safely be said that he shows no 24 evidence of such knowledge. Comparison of the three styles leads to the con- clusion that even if Crestien had the opportunity of using either ^See I, 5, n. 1; 82, n. 1; 308, n. 1; II, 99. Festgabe fur H. Suchier, Halle, 1900, 82, n. 1. 24 See the Dolorous Mount, pp. 142 ff. 10 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES the Historia or the Brut he deliberately chose the latter because it was in closer touch with his genius. Wace Crestien Biographical information concerning both Wace and Crestien is exceedingly meager. What little we know about Wace is preserved in his own poems (chiefly in the Roman de Rou) in the Chronique Ascendante des Dues de Normandie, 2ia in four documents connected with the history of the cathedral of Bayeux, and in Lajamon's Brut. The facts furnished by these records are as follows: The poet was born in the island of Jersey (R II, 5321 ff.). 25 His mother was probably the daughter of Toustein, chamber- lain to Robert I, duke of Normandy (R II, 3237 ff.). His father seems to have been present at St. Valeri, at the embarkation of Wil- liam the Conqueror for England (R II, 6445 ff.). While still a child, Wace was taken to Caen to learn letters (R II, 5326 f.) ; later he continued his education in France. 26 From France he returned to Caen where he became clerc lisant, 27 an office which he held dur- ing the reigns of three Henries (R II, 177 ff, 11493 ff.) who were kings of England and dukes of Normandy. 28 At Caen, too, he busied himself with the making of romances and serventeis, with translating, and with the writing of livres (R II, 143 ff., 5329 ff.) a task which, to judge from his half serious, half humorous account, 24a This work is mentioned apart from the Rou because Wace's authorship of it is still uncertain. See Andresen, G. Paris, and Du Meril as in next note. For accounts of Wace's life and work see Andresen, H., Maistre Wace's Roman de Rou et des Dues de Normandie, Heilbronn, 1877, I, Einleitung ; Archer, T. A., The Battle of Hastings, The Eng. Hist. Rev., Jan. 1894 ; Brequigny, Notices et Extraits des MSS de la Bibliotheque du Roi, V, 21 ff . ; De la Rue, An Epistolary Diss, upon the Life and Writings of Robert Wace, Archeologia XII (1706) 50 ff . ; Diet, of Nat. Biog., LVIII, 404; Du Meril, Jahrbuch fur rom. und eng. Lit. I (1859) 1 ff., reprinted in his Etudes, 1862, 214 ff. De la Rue, Essais sur les Bardes, Caen, 1834, II, 158 ff . ; Flet- cher, op. cit. 127 ff. ; GGr II, i, 635; Kloppe, Recherches sur le Dialect de Ouace, Mag- deburg, 1853; Koerting, Ueber die Quetten des Roman de Rou, Leipsig, 1867; Morley H., Eng. Writers (2nd ed.) Ill, 55 ff . ; Paris, G., Rom. IX (1880) 592 ff . ; Pluquet, La Ghron. Ascendante in Mem. de la Soc. des Antiquaires de Normandie, I, pt. II, Caen, 1825; Retrospective Rev., II (1853) 92 ff.; Round, J. H., Wace and his Authorities, Eng. Hist. Rev., Oct. 1893; reprinted in Feudal Eng., 409 ff . ; San Marte, HRB, Ein- leitung, XXI, ff. ; Schofield, Eng. Lit. from the Norman Conquest to Chaucer, New York, 1906, see Index, 500; Ward, H. L. D., Cat. of Romances in the Brit. Museum, I, 260. The fullest accounts are those of Paris, Du Meril, and Andresen. 25 Andresen's ed., vol. I contains pts. I, II, and the Chron. Ascendante; vol. II consists of pt. III. References to R II mean Rou, Vol. II. 26 G. Paris, Rom. IX, 594, says this means Paris. 2T The exact nature of this office is as yet undetermined. 28 These were Henry I, son of the Conqueror, Henry II, and Prince Henry, son of the latter who was crowned in 1170 during his father's lifetime, but who died before his father in 1183. See Stubbs, The Early Plantagenets, "Epochs of Mod. Hist.," ed. by E. Morris, N. Y., 1891, 81, 103. INTRODUCTION 11 brought him in more reputation than gold. One of the works com- posed during this period must have been the Roman de Brut, for Wace says at the close of this narrative that he finished it in the year 1155 (B 15297 ff.). From Lapmon 29 we learn the interesting detail that Wace's Brut was dedicated to Eleanor, wife of Henry II. 30 As the Chronique Ascendant e states that the Roman de Rou was begun by Wace in 1160, (R I, p. 206, w. 1 ff.) this work too, may have been among the many literary labors undertaken at Caen. Wace was with the court when the bodies of Dukes Richard I and II of Normandy were interred at Fecamp (R II, 2246). He was made prebendary or canon of Bayeux by Henry II, in whose honor he composed at least the third part of the Rou (R II, 172 ff., 185 ff., 5335 f.). Unhappily for the poet he was not allowed to complete his history of the dukes of Normandy. For some reason which he does not divulge, he was compelled to stand by, and see a certain Maistre Beneeit 31 preferred in his place (R II, 11481 ff.). Wace felt tlijs act as an indignity, and the bitter, closing lines of the Rou are a pathetic contrast to the earlier passage where he praises the king as a gracious patron (R II, 167 ff.). Evidence for the dates of Wace's canonship and death is sup- plied by four contemporary documents relating to the history of the cathedral of Bayeux, three of which bear the dates respectively of 1169, 1172, and 1174. The fourth is undated, but according to Du Meril 32 it belongs to the same period as the dated charters. According to this testimony, Wace was prebendary of Bayeux by 1169. Just when he was appointed to this office wo do not know. 33 As no later documents bearing the poet's name have yet come to light, it has been generally concluded that he died shortly after 1174. Of the romances, translations, histories, and serventeis upon which Wace says he was engaged only three aside from the chroni- cles have come down to us. These are short poems, all of a reli- "The Brut ed. by Sir Frederick Madden, London, 1847, I, 3. 30 For discussion of this question see Paris, Rom. IX, 595. 91 "This Benoit has in the past been regularly identified with the well known author of the Roman de Troie, Benoit de Ste-More ; but the identification is now questioned." Schofield, op. ext., 122. Cp. G. Paris JdS, 1902, 203, n. 2. 82 Op. cit., 6. M See G. Paris, Du Meril, and Andresen, u. s. 12 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES gious character: La Vie de St. Nicholas, 3 * La Vie de Ste. Margue- rite, 35 and La Conception de la Vierge. 36 Among the disputed ques- tions concerning Wace 's life and work are : the date of his birth, put variously from 1100 to 1124; the authorship of the Chronique Ascendante and its relation to the Roman de Rou; and the poet's social rank, Du Meril believing that his father was a carpenter, and G. Paris, that Wace was of noble birth. These matters, however, belong more properly to a critical biography of Wace, and are aside from the present purpose. Crestien, unlike Wace, has eliminated the personal element so completely from his writings, that a discussion of his life must comprise little more than an attempt to arrange his works in chronological order and to fix their dates. The accepted facts re- garding Crestien 's life and works are to be found chiefly in his own poems. He was a native, presumably, of Troyes in Champagne (E 9) 37 ; he received a scholastic education; 38 was a protege of Marie de Champagne 39 (L 1 ff.) ; and was the author of five Arthur- ian romances in the following order : Erec, Cliges, Lancelot, Yvain, and Perceval; probably a roman d'avanture called Guillaume d'An- gleterre; 40 a poem called Marc et Iseut; and some pieces based on classic models, principally on Ovid (C 1 ff.). Marc et Iseut and the Ovidiana, 41 as Foerster calls them, are lost. The extant poems can be dated only approximately : Perceval comes before 1191 since it is dedicated to Philip of Flanders (P 12), 34 Ed. by Monmarque (Melanges pub. par la Soc. des Bibliophiles frs. VII and by Delius, Bonn, 1850. 35 Ed. by Joly, A., Paris, 1879 (Extrait des Mem. de la Soc. des Antiquaires de Normandie), reviewed by P. Meyer, Rom. VIII (1879) 275 f. and Deux Redactions diverses de la Ligende de Ste. Marguerite en vers frs par A. Scheler, 1877, re- viewed by P. Meyer, Rom. VII (1878) 339 ff . ; printed in part by Delisle, Rom. II (1873) 93 f.; reprinted by P. Meyer, Rom. VI (1877) 1 ff. See H. Morley, op. ext. 56 ff. 38 Ed. by Manel and Trfibutien, Caen, 1842, and by Luzarche, Tours, 1859. 37 Crestien's romances are referred to in each case by the initial letter of the hero's name. 38 Based on his familiarity with Ovid (G 2 ff., 441 ff.), his mention of Macrobius, and his description of the quadrivium (E 6736, 6741 ff.) 39 Cf. Eructavit, attributed by T. A. Jenkins to Adam de Perseigne, Dresden, 1909. The Eructavit uses Madame de Champagne and la jantis seur le roi France (Philip II) expressions interpreted by H. Arbois de Jubainville as referring to Marie, countess of Champagne. 40 See p. 1, n. * 41 See p. 16 & n. 64. INTRODUCTION 13 then living, who died in 1191 ; 42 Yvain, before 1173 because it men- tions as still living, the Saracen chief, Noradin (Y 595) who died in that year; 43 Lancelot, after 1164, since it is dedicated to Marie, Countess of Champagne who did not acquire that title until after her marriage to Henry I, count of Champagne, in that year. 44 For Erec and Cliges there are no generally accepted dates. The order of the romances is fixed by the opening lines of Cliges which list Erec, the Ovidiana, and Marc et Iseut as already written ; and by the mention in Yvain 3706, 4740 45 of incidents in the Lancelot. Thus the three romances not named in Cliges must have followed it in composition, and of these three, Perceval must be the last, if we accept the word of Gerbert de Montreuil in his continuation of the Perceval, i6 that death prevented Crestien from finishing his poem. The Lancelot also, Crestien left unfinished, probably in order to turn to more congenial work, but it was completed, he tells us, by his friend, Godfrei de Leigny. 47 The poet tells us that he got some of his source material from his patrons .- Marie de Champagne furnished him with the sens and the matiere for his Charrete (L 1 ff.), and Count Philip gave him the Livre of the Grail story (P 66). According to the testimony of his contemporaries and successors, Crestien attained considerable fame in his own day, and was looked upon as a master. 48 "Whether he had any other occupation than that of letters is uncertain, but it is generally agreed that the absence of his name from contemporary official documents points to his rise from an humble origin. 49 The lack of certainty in the dates of the romances, together with entire absence of information on matters concerning the poet's life has given opportunity for much difference of opinion. The chief debatable questions, are the exact dating of the works ; the author- ship of the Philomele, of Guillaume d'Angleterre, and of certain 42 See C, 3rd ed. 1910,. XXI. a See C, 3rd ed. XV. Paris, JdS, 1902, 302. 44 H. Arbois de Jubainville, Hist, des Dues, et des Comtes de Champagne, 1861, III, 82. 45 See E, 1909 ed. VIII, n. 2. ^Potvin ed. VI, 212, Paris, 1866. "See Earrenritter LXXXVI and Paris, Bom. XII (1883) 462. 48 Holland, Crestien von Troies, Tiibingen, 1854, 29, 50, 179, 243; "Large E," XII ff.; C, 3rd ed., VI; E 23; GGr I (1888) 430, n. 2; HL XXX, 25, 143; JdS, 1902, 289 fie. **JdS, 1902, 203, n. 4; C, 3rd ed. VI. 14 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES chansons once accepted unquestionably as Crestien's; whether the poem which Crestien in Cliges calls Marc et Iseut, was an episodic poem or a long romance, and its relation to Cliges; finally, the poet's occupation. The principal investigations in these and all other matters con- nected with Crestien's life have been made by Foerster in Cliges, 3rd ed. 1910, VI ff. and by Gaston Paris in the Journal des Savants, 1902, 302 ff. 50 The datings of Paris and Foerster are as follows. Foerster Paris 1160 ca. Erec 51 1168 1164 ca. Cliges 1170 ca. 1164, after Lancelot 1172 ca. 1173, before Tvain 1173-4 1170, nicht zu spat nach Perceval 52 1174-7 It is evident that both Foerster and Paris limit the period of composition for the five romances to about ten years, the only dif- ference being that Foerster sets the starting point back eight years. Both attempt to date the Erec from the rather uncertain evidence offered by the three rornans d'antiquite, the Thebes, Troie, and £neas, since the Erec 53 mentions these works. They agree that the Troy book, the latest of the three, was dedicated to Eleanor, wife of Henry II of England, and Paris 54 goes so far as to say that the na- ture of the address points to her having been some time on the throne. As Henry came into power in 1154, having married Eleanor two years earlier, Paris dates the Roman de Troie at 1160 or even later. But examination of this so-called dedication thrust obscurely into the middle of the poem (13432 ff., Soc. des anc. Testes 50 For other discussions see G. Paris, La Litt. francaise au Moyen Age, 4th ed. Paris, 1909, 102; Esquisse, 110; HL XXX, 23; Bom. XII, 459 ff. ; Bom. XX (1891) 161; GGr II, i, 495 ff.; Holland, op. cit. ; Muret, Bom. XVI (1887) 361; Suchier, Birch-Hirschfeld, Gesch. der franz. Litt., 1900, 137 ff . ; Weehssler, Die Sage vom heiligen Gral, Bonn, 1898, 146 ff.; Foerster, Walter von Arras (ROM. BIBL. VII) I, p. XIII & n. 22, XV. The subject is treated to some extent in nearly all the editions of Crestien's works. For a good summary of the question see Voretzsch, op. cit., 295 ff. 61 GGr II, i, 498, "vor 1164." Lot, Bom. XXVIII, 323, "1160 ca." M Weehssler, op. cit, 148, "1180-1." 58 The reference in Erec to the Tale of Troy (6844) is merely a passing allusion to Helen, the source of which may not have been the Troy-book; it may have come from the £n(as. 6i JdS, 1902, 303 & n. 2; C, 3rd ed. XVIII. INTRODUCTION 15 ed.) shows, as pointed out by Petit de Julleville, 55 almost nothing upon which to base an identification. Hence, with the date of the Troy-hook still uncertain, that work is of little assistance in dating the Erec. 56 Paris fixed upon 1172 for Lancelot on the ground that Marie, only nineteen at the time of her marriage, 1164, would not be likely to hold the opinions on love which she apparently gave over to Crestien in the sens and the matiere for the Charrete. Foerster objects to this view: "Marie hat ja den zweiten Teil des Heraklius, die schamlose Ehebruchgeschichte der Athanais, veranlasst (6553) und zwar nicht lange nach ihrer Hochzeit; denn der H fallt um 1164;" thus he gives his reason for dating the Lancelot at 1164. Neither is Bedier's date for the Tristan of Thomas, 1160 or between 1155-1170 at the outside, 57 (and both he and Paris 58 agree that Cliges shows the influence of Thomas) of much assistance in fixing the years for the earlier romances except to demonstrate that Cres- tien 's literary career could not have begun later than 1160 and there- fore that Erec and Cliges must have appeared between 1160-1170. Paris 59 assigns Perceval to 1174-7 because at no other period in Count Philip's life was he in a position to receive the tribute paid him by Crestien. Foerster disagrees with this opinion. 59 Wechss- ler's dating for the Perceval is also untrustworthy. He 60 puts it at 1180-1, the year of Count Philip's regency for Philip Augustus on the assumption that the count previous to that period was not sufficiently prominent to have deserved Crestien 's encomium. Gau- tier d'Espinal, 61 however, mentions Philip in no uncertain terms as a lover of poetry ; from which we may infer that it was not Philip 's political position alone, that brought him distinction. Thus it is evident that attempts to give exact dates to the romances have so 6C Hist, de la Litt. francaise, I, 197. Foerster admits that these lines may he an in- sertion, O, 3rd ed. XVIII. Note that the Arsenal MS of the Troie, Soc. des Antiquaires de Normandie, ed., Joly, Paris, 1869, XXVII, 66, shows that this passage is there made to refer to the Virgin. This looks as though the allusion was originally so vague as to admit of an entirely different interpretation in a later MS. 56 Foerster's argument for the date of Cliges, as Paris has already shown (JdS, 1902, 302 f.) is not sound. Foerster seems still to hold the same view (O, 1910, XX). w Tristan II, 46, 55. M Op. cit., 46 ff. JdS, 1902, 347 ff. **JdS, 1902, 305. C, 3rd ed. XXII. M Op. cit., 148. 41 Brakelmann, Les plus anciens Chansoniers de France, Marburg, 1896, 13. 16 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES far proved unsatisfactory, and that for the present we must be content with approximate dates. The Philomele 62 is regarded as Crestien's by Paris, 63 and re- jected by Foerster. 64 The six lyrics, once considered unquestion- ably the work of Crestien are now rejected with the possible excep- tion of two. 65 The poem called by Crestien Marc et Iseut was thought by Paris 66 to be merely a short, episodic composition rather than a long romance, since from the title it appears to have been con- cerned with Marc rather than with Tristan. Foerster 66 takes the reference to mean a Tristan romance which he believes furnished the model for Cliges. He does not acknowledge Crestien's indebtedness to Thomas, but thinks the obligation lay the other way. The question whether Crestien had any other occupation than that of letters is regarded variously. Paris, 67 on the basis of line 5591 in the Lancelot holds that the poet was a herald ; Wechssler, 67 on the ground of his frequent scriptural allusions thinks that he was a cleric; Foerster disagrees with both of these opinions but offers no alternative. On the assumption that Perceval / shows no sign of declining power Paris thinks that Crestien died about the age of 40, and on the basis of the ten year period of production for the romances that he began to write about 1160, at the age of 25. 68 This theory does not seem unreasonable. 62 Ed., de Boer, Paris, 1909. «»J?i XXIX, 489; Bom. XXII (1893) 271; Manuel 4th ed. 83. 84 C, 3rd ed. VII, See also GGr II, i, 592. 65 See Holland, op. cit., 226 ff.; Earrenritter CLXXXII ff.; C, 3rd ed. XIV. 66 JdS, 1902, 297 ff . ; C, 3rd ed. XXXIX ff. 67 JdS, 1902, 295 & n. 2 ; 296 nn. ; Wechssler, op. cit., 146 ff. Groeber, Gr II, i, 497, agrees with Paris. 68 JdS, 1902, 306. Chapter I Episodes — Erec, Cliges In a study of sources the first testimony to be considered is that of the author himself. The story of Erec, Crestien says he took from a conte d'avanture (E 13) ; for Cliges he used un des livres de I'aumeire Mon seignor saint Pere a Biauvez (0 20 f.) ; the sens and the matiere for the Charrete he got, as we have seen, from Marie de Champagne ; 1 for Yvain Crestien does not name a source ; 2 the Perceval owes its being, as already noted, 3 to a livre given the poet by his patron, Philip of Flanders. We possess little definite knowl- edge about the character of these sources: the conte d'avanture was probably an oral tale ; 4 the material furnished by Marie was doubtless oral 5 in form also. The term, livre, mentioned in Cliges and Perceval, may have meant a Latin book. 6 The extent of Cres- tien 's indebtedness to these originals it is obviously impossible to estimate. It is not likely that in any of his romances he relied on one source alone. Like Geoffrey and Waee he built up his story out of material gathered from various channels. Disregarding Wace for the moment, we find Cliges indebted in the first part to the Tristan of Thomas, and in the second, to the Marques de Rome tale ; 7 the Charrete to an other-world abduction story and the Lancelot legend ; 8 and Perceval to the grail story and the legend of Gawain, to say nothing of other elements. 9 In view of these 1 See p. 13. 2 See, however, Golther, ZfS XXV (1903) 139, who thinks the closing lines of Yvain point to a conte. He cites also line 2153. I think the evidence is not clear. 3 See p. 13. *E, 2nd ed. XXII; Paris, Bom. XX (1891) 152. B Earrenritter, XXII, LXXVI; Paris, Bom. XII, 507, 509, 543; Golther, ZfS XXII (1900) 4. For other views see Bom. XII, 485. 8 The exact connotation of livre is uncertain. Surely in E 6742 it means a Latin book, for it there refers to a work of Macrobius, ' but just as surely in L 27 it means a French romance, for there Crestien speaks of his own story, the Charrete, as his livre. In O 20, 24, 27, 30, and in P 67 the use is not quite so clear, but from the context, the reading "Latin book" would seem to be more reasonable. Cp. OGr II, i, 499; Paris, Manuel, 4th ed., 102. 7 Bedier, op. cit., I, 8, n. 1; 10, n. 1', II, 47. "Large 0" XV. Foerster, however declares the first part of C to be "freie Erfindung," C 3rd ed. XXXII. Paris, JdS, 1902, 348, 351, 354, 643, ff . ; van Hamel, Bom. XXXIII (1904) 473 ff. and B6di«r are of one opinion. Cp. Golther, ZfS XXIV (1902) 10.' 8 Earrenritter XX; Y, 3rd ed. XXI; Paris, Bom. XII, 533 ff. 9 Y, 3rd ed. XXI; Nitze, PMLA (N. S.) XVII (1903) 365 ff . ; and p. 86 of this study. 18 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES facts, *aside from the consideration that Crestien's testimony may indicate in a general way either a popular or a literary origin for his romance, such evidence militates neither for nor against Crestien's possible obligation to Wace. In other words, the theory that Cres- tien has borrowed from Wace would not at all conflict with his own statements about his sources, or with any indirect evidence offered by the text. A study of Crestien's relation to the Norman chronicler may be based upon style (reserved for separate investigation, see p. 151, n. 32) and material according to the following categories : Episodes, Characters, Geography, Romantic background, Social and Moral ideas. 10 The chronological order of the romances has been followed, partly for convenience, partly because this arrangement may throw some light on the development of Crestien's chronicle borrowings. The method used is to proceed with one division at a time through all the romances, not to treat each work as a separate unit. Erec The two royal ceremonies in Erec } the marriage of Erec and Enide and later, their coronation, events to which the poet devotes much careful attention, recall in many respects the famous scene in the Brut, descriptive of the coronation of Arthur after his return from the campaign for the mastery of Britain and neighboring ter-, ritory. The passages here compared will be best understood if read with the help of the table on pages 23 ff. The Roman de Brut — the coronation of Arthur. Cp. HBB IX, xii-xiv. 10455 Pur ses richeces demustrer Manda ses reis e tuz ses euntes, E pur faire de lui parler, 10500 Manda ses dus e ses viscuntes; Prist cunseil, si li fu loe, Manda baruns, manda chasez, Qu'a la Pentecuste, en este, Manda evesques e abez. Feist sun barnage assembler Manda Frangeis e Burguignuns, 10460 E dunt se feist curuner Manda Auvergnaz e Gascuns, A Karliiin, en Glamorgan, Manda Normanz e Peitevins, Manda tuz ses baruns par ban. Manda Mansaus e Angevins, (The city described, 10462- Manda Breiban§uns e Flamens, 10497) Manda Hanuiers e Lorens, Tuz ses baruns i fist venir. Manda Frisuns, manda Tieis, 10 As these classes are not always mutually exclusive, occasionally a question prop- erly belonging to the geographical division, for instance, must be treated in connection with episodes or characters. There is, however, a separate chapter on geography. EPISODES 19 10510 Manda Noreis, manda Daneis. Manda Escoz, manda Ireis, Manda puis les Islandeis, Manda puis les Cateneis, Manda puis les Gotlandeis, [Et?]Manda ceus de Galewee Manda ceus qui tindrent Or- canee ; 10519 D'Escoce i vint reis Aguisel, 10521 De Moreif Uriens li reis, E Yvains ses filz li curteis. Loth de Loeneis i vint Qui mult grant part de la curt tint ; 10525 Avuec lui vint Gawains ses filz Qui mult esteit frans e gentilz. 10588 E Kex qui esteit quens d'An- giers, E Beduiers de Neiistrie Que Turn or claime Normandie. The city all a'bustle with prepa- ration, 10609-10635. 10635 Al matin, al jur de la feste, Ce dist l'estoire de la geste, Li vindrent tuit li arcevesque E li abe e li evesque. El palais le rei curunerent E a l'eglise le menerent: Dui arcevesque le menoent Qui a ses dous costez aloent; Chascuns un braz li susteneit De si qu'a sun siege veneit. 10645 Quatre espees i ot a or, Que punt, que helt,que entretor, Quatre reis ces quatre portoent Qui par devant Artur aloent; Cist mestiers lur aparteneit, 10650 Quant li reis Artus curt teneit. Cil d'Escoce, cil de Susguales, E li tierz esteit de Norguales; Cador de Cornuaille esteit Qui la quarte espee teneit. N'aveit pas menurs disnitez Que se il fust reis curunez. Dubric qui de Rome ert legaz, E de Karliiin ert prelaz Emprist a faire le mustier 10660 E ce esteit en sun mestier. La re'ine par grant esgart Fu servie de l'altre part. Devant la feste aveit mandees E a cele curt assamblees Les granz dames de eel pais. 10670 Pur cele feste maintenir En se chambre fu curunee, E el temple as nunains menee. (Confusion at the churches, 10673- ) 10695 As processiiins a, grant presse, Chascuns d'aler devant s'en- gresse 10703 Mult veissiez par ces mustiers Aler e venir chevaliers, 10715 Quant li services est finez, E Ite missa est chantez, Li reis a sa curune ostee Qu'il aveit al mustier portee; Altre curune menur prist 10720 E la re'ine ansement fist; Jus mistrent les greignurs aturs, Plus legiers pristrent e menurs. Quant li reis partit del mustier En sun palais ala mangier. According to the Trojan cus- tom, the men and women eat in separate apartments, 10725- 36 10737 Quant li reis fu al deis assis, , A la custume del pais, Assis sunt li barun entur, 10740 Chascuns en l'ordre de seignur, Li seneschals Kex aveit nun Vestus d'un vermel siglatun Cil servi al mangier le rei; Mil dameisiaus aveit a. sei Qui esteit vestu d'ermine, Cil serveient de la quisine; 10749 Beduiers, de l'altre partie Serveit de la bottellerie: 20 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES 10783 Jan'i vei'ssiez chevalier Qui alques feist a preisier, Qui armes e dras e atur N'eiissent tut d'une culur. D'une culur armes aveient E d'une culur se vesteient; S'i esteient dames prisiees 10790 D'une culur apareilliees Ne ja chevalier n'i eust De quel parage que il fust, Ja peiist, en tute sa vie, Aveir bele dame a amie Se il n'eiist avant este 11 De chevalerie pruve 10801 Quant li reis leva del mangier Ale sunt tuit esbaneier; De la cite as chans issirent. As pluisurs gius se departirent: Li un alerent bohorder E lur isnels chevals pruver. Li altre alerent escremir, Ou piere jeter, ou salir. Tels i aveit qui darz lancoent 10810 E tels i aveit qui jetoent. Chascuns del) geu s'entremeteient Dunt entremetre se saveient. Laws of the game, ladies as spectators, etc., 10813-22 10823 Mult ot a la curt jugleiirs Chanteiirs, estrumanteurs ; Mult po'issiez oi'r chancuns, Rotruenges e novels suns, Vieleiires, lais, e notes, Lais de vieles, lais de notes; Lais de harpe e de fretels; 10830 Lyres, tymbres e chalemels, Symphonies, psalteriuns, Monacordes, cymbes, choruns, Assez i ot tresgiteiirs, Jueresses e jueiirs; Li un dient cuntes e fables. Alquant demandent dez e tables : Tels i a juent a hazart, Ce est uns geus de male part. As eschas juent li plusur, 10840 Al geu del mat ou al meillur. Description of the games in progress, 10841-66. 10867 Treis jurz dura la feste issi. Quant vint al quart, al merceedi, Li reis les dameisels fieva, Honurs delivres lur duna. Enumeration of the gifts, 10871-10900. On turning to Erec, we find that shortly before Crestien brings Erec and Enide to Arthur's court to be married, he gives a list of knights of the Round Table then attendant upon the king. We may thus infer that they were present at the ceremony even though they are not mentioned in the formal list of guests. Therefore this catalogue passage may be properly connected with that describing the marriage. Erec 1687 Mes d'auquanz des mellors barons Vos sai je bien dire les nons, De gaus de la Table Reonde, Qui furent li mellor del monde. Devant toz les buens che- valiers Doit estre Gauvains li pre- miers, 1706 Et Yvains, li fiz Uriien. 1735 . . Beduiers, li conestables, 11 Se il n' eiist iii. fois este De chevalerie esprouve. MS du Roi, 7515 M , Colb. EPISODES 21 1739 . .li fiz Keu, le seneschal, The Wedding 1923 Li rois le don li otroia Et par son reaume anvoia Toz les rois et les contes querre, Caus qui de lui tenoient terre; Que nul tant hardi n'i eiist Qu'a la pantecoste ne fust. N'i a nul qui remenoir ost, Que a la cort ne vaingne tost, Desque li rois les ot mandez. Je vos dirai, or m'antandez! Catalogue of guests 1970 Vint Aguisiaus, li rois d'Escoce, 2012 Li rois Artus a la parsome, Quant assanble vit son barnage, Mout an fu liez an son corage. Apres por la joie angreignier Commanda gant vaslez beignier; Que toz les viaut chevaliers feire. N'i a nul qui n'et robe veire De riche paile d'Alixandre 2020 Chascuns tel come il la vost prandre A s'eslite et a sa devise. Tuit orent amies d'une guise. 2032 L'arcevesques de Cantorbire, Qui a la cort venuz estoit, Les benei' si come il doit. Quant la corz fu tote assanblee, N'ot menestrel an la contree, Qui rien seiist de nul deduit, Que a la cort ne fussent tuit. An la sale mout grant joie ot, 2040 Chascuns servi de ce qu'il sot: Cil saut, cil tume, cil anchante, Li uns conte, li autre chante, Li uns sifle, li autre note, Cil sert de harpe, cil de rote, Cil de gigue, cil de viele, Cil flaiite, cil chalemele. Puceles carolent et dancent, Trestuit de joie feire tancent. N'est riens qui joie puisse feire 2050 Et cuer d'ome a leesce treire, Qui ne fust as noces le jor. Sonent timbre, sonent tabor, Muses, estives et frestel, Et buisines et chalemel. Que diroie de l'autre chose? N'i ot guichet ne porte close. Les issues et les antrees Furent totes abandonees; N'an fu tornez povres ne riches. 2060 Li rois Artus ne fu pas chiches: Bien comanda as panetiers Et as queus et as botelliers Qu'il livrassent a grant plante A chascun a sa volante Et pain et vin et veneison. Nus n'i demanda livreison De rien nule, queus qu'ele fust, Qu'a sa volante ne l'eiist. The wedding night, 2069-2108 Gifts for those assisting in the festivities, 2109-18. 2119 Einsi les noces et la corz Durerent pres de quinze jorz A tel joie et a tel richesce. Por seignorie et por hautesce, Et por Erec plus enorer, Fist li rois Artus demorer Toz les barons une quinzainne. Quant vint a la tierce semainne Tuit ansanble comunement Anpristrent un tornoiemant. The two days' tournament, 2129-2278. The Coronation of Erec and Enide 6546 Apres li pria et dist (Erec asks Arthur to crown him at his own court.) Qu'il le coronast a sa cort. Li rois li dist que tost s'atort; Que corone seront andui, II et sa fame ansanble. o lui, A la natevite qui vient; Et dist: "Aler vos en covient De ci qu'a Nantes an Bre- taingne ; La porteroiz real ansaingne, 22 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Co rone el chief e ceptre el poing ; Cest don et ceste enor vos do- tag." 6559 A la natevite ansanble Li rois toz ses barons assanble, Trestoz par un et les mande, A Nantes venir les comande; Toz les manda: nus n'i remaint. Those who go are not named here. Later, a few nationali- ties are mentioned. 6644 De mainte diverse contree I ot contes et dus et rois, Normanz, Bretons, Escoz, Irois; D'Angleterre et de Cornoaille I ot mout riche baronaille Que des Gales jusqu' an Anjo, 6650 Ne el Mainne ne an Peito N'ot chevalier de grant afeire Ne jantil dame de bon eire, Que les mellors et les plus j antes Ne fussent a la cort a Nantes, Si con li rois les ot mandez. Arthur's generosity beggars that of Alexander the Great and of Caesar, 6655-85. Preparation for the ceremo- ny — description of Erec's coronation robe, 6686-6810. Enide is led into the palace by Oawain and the king of Gavoie, 6826 ff. 6831 Quant eles vindrent el pales, Contre eles vint a grant esles Li rois Artus, et par franchise Lez Erec a Enide assise; 6836 Maintenant comande fors treire Deus corones de son tresor, Totes massices de fin or. Description of the crowns, 6839-53. ' 6854 L'une fist prandre a deus puce- les, Et l'autre a deus barons tenir. Puis comanda avant venir Les evesques et les prieus Et les abez religieus, Por enoindre le novel roi 6860 Selonc la crestiiene loi. Maintenant sont avant venu Tuit li prelat, juene et chenu; Car a la cort avoit assez Venuz evesques et abez. L'evesques de Nantes mei'smes, Qui mout fu prodon et saintis- mes, Fist le sacre del roi novel Mout saintemant et bien et bel, Et la corone el chief li mist. 6870 Li rois Artus aporter fist Un ceptre qui mout fu loez. Description of the sceptre, 6871-83. 6884 Si li mist, qui plus ne tarda, Le roi Erec an sa main destre; Or fu il rois si con dut estre. Puis ra Enide coronee. Ja estoit la messe sonee, Si s'an vont a la mestre eglise Oi'r la messe et le servise; A l'eveschie s'an vont orer. Joy of Enide's parents over the event, 6892-97 6898 Quant il vindrent a l'eveschie, Ancontr'aus s'an ist tote fors O reliques et o tressors La processions del mostier. Croiz et textes et ancansier Et chasses atot les cors sainz, Dont il ot an l'eglise mainz, Lor fu a l'ancontre fors tret, Ne de chanter n'i ot po fet. Onques ansanble ne vit nus Tant rois, tant contes ne tant dus Ne tant barons a une messe, 6910 Si fu granz la presse et espesse, Que toz an f u li mostiers plains. Onques n'i pot antrer vilains, Se dames non et chevalier. Defors la porte del mostier EPISODES 23 An i remest ancor assez: Tant an i avoit amassez, Qui el mostier antrer ne porent. Quant tote la messe o'ie orent, Si sont el pales retorne. Voie antre les tables avoir. A chascune table por voir Avoit ou roi ou due ou conte, E gant chevalier tot par conte A chascune table seoient. Mil chevalier de pain servoient, Et mil de vin, et mil de mes, Vestu d'ermins pelicons fres. De mes divers sont tuit servi: 6920 Ja fu tot fet et atorne, Tables mises, a napes sus: Cine ganz tables i ot et plus; Mes je ne vos vuel feire acroire Chose, qui ne sanble estre voire. Manconge sanbleroit trop granz, Se je disoie que cine ganz Tables fussent mises a tire An un pales, ja nel quier dire; 6953 Mout lor done largemant Chevaus et armes et arjant, Dras et pailes de mainte guise, Por ce qu'il est de grant fran- thur When the guests depart, Ar- 6930 Ainz an i ot cine sales plainnes, Si qui I'an pooit a granz pain- chise Et por Erec qu'il ama tant. nes From these passages from the Brut and the Erec the table below has been made to show the details of agreement. 12 1. The ceremony was performed at a royal residence. B 10461, Carlion E-W 28, Caradigan 13 E-C 6553, 6563, Nantes an Bretaingne PC (Matthew Paris) 14 London 2. It took place on a fete day. B 10458, Pentecost E-W 1928, Pentecost E-C 6551, 6559, 6584, Christmas Day PC (Matthew Paris) 15 Sept. 3, 1188 3. Summons of all the baronage and clergy of the realm. B 10461, 10497 E-W 1924 ff. E-C 6560 ff. PC II, 1 12 The abbreviations here used are: B, Brut; E-W, Erec-wedding; EC, Erec-corona- tion; PC, prose chronicles. The last item is to be disregarded for the present. 13 The story opens with the court at Caradigan, and except for the hunting expe- dition, sometime after the marriage, 3942 ff., there is no indication of a change until line 6584. 11 Schultz, Das hofische Leben zur Zeit der Minnesinger, Leipzig, 1889, I, 643. 15 Schultz, I, 643. This does not seem to be a special day. See, however, this study, p. 33 and note 25. 24 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES 5. 6. A list of the guests. B 19499 ff. E-W 1933 ff. E-C 6568 i, 6644 ff. PC The summons is answered by all. B 10597 ff. E-W 1929 ff. E-C 6563 PC The ceremony is performed by the highest ecclesiastics in the PC (Matthew Paris) 16 The archbishop of Canterbury The order of exercises. a. The coronation takes place in the palace. B 10369 E-W No indication that it was anywhere else. E-C 6831 PC b. The prelate anoints the king with the sacred oil. B E-W E-C 6856 ff. PC III, 10 c. The prelate places the crown on the king's head. B 10637 ff. E-W The couple are blessed by the archbishop, 2032 ff. E-C 6869 PC III, 15 d. The queen is crowned in the same manner as the king. B 10661 ff. E-W E-C 6887 PC II, 10 realm. B 10637 ff., E-W 2032 E-C 6865 Dubricius, archbishop of Canterbury L 'arcevesques de Cantorbire L'evesques de Nantes 16 Schultz, I, 644. See also p. 30, item 15. EPISODES 25 e. The procession goes to the church to hear mass. 1. The clergy and nobility, bearing the regalia, precede the king. B 10645 ff. E-W E-C 6855 ff. PC III, 1 ff. 2. The king is supported by a prelate on either side. B 10641 ff. E-W EC PC III, 7 3. They hear mass at the church. B 10695 ff. E-W E-C 6888 ff. PC III, 17 4. The throngs at the church are very great. B 10695 ff. E-W E-C 6907 ff. PC 8. After mass they return to the palace for the banquet. B 10715 E-W 2060 ff. There is no returning, but there is a feast. E-C 6918 ff. PC III, 18 f . a. The king removes his heavy ceremonial crown for a lighter one, before going to the feast. B 10718 ff. E-W E-C PC III, 19 b. The guests are seated according to rank. B 10737 E-W E-C 6032 ff. Rank not clearly indicated. PC III, 19 " 26 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES c. They are waited upon by the high barons of the realm. B 10741 ff. E-W E-C 6936 f. PC II, 8 f. d. Those who serve are dressed in ermine. B 10744 f. E-W E-C 6936 ff. PC e. The knights of Arthur's court wear their arms all of the same fashion. B 10783 E-W 2022 E-C PC 9. Diversions of various kinds follow the banquet.. B 10801 ff. E-W 2035 ff. The games seem to precede the feast, but the time order is not clearly indicated. E-C PC After a survey of this table it requires little effort to see the apparent imitation of the Brut by the author of Erec. But here the question naturally arises : has Crestien for these descriptions borrowed from a written source, or is he simply reflecting the cus- toms of the day? This leads us to examination of documents de- scribing the marriage and coronation ceremonies of the twelfth cen- tury. 1. Marriage ceremonies. Schultz (op. cit., 624) says that from the eighth century the church began to insist upon the religious element in marriage func- tions, that they should be performed by a priest. Frequently, mar- riage had taken place with almost no ceremony and without an ecclesiastic 17 (Schultz I, 621). He cites in confirmation the Sermo Synodalis, 1009 (Hartzheim III, 3) : " Omnibus annunciate, ut nullus uxorem accipiat nisi publice celebratis nuptiis." The eele- 17 Cp. Perceval (Baist) 2523 ff. EPISODES 27 bration was often on the most magnificent scale. In 1243 when Count Richard of Poitiers, the brother of Henry III of England, married in London the daughter of Count Raymond of Provence, there were prepared for the guests 30,000 plates (Schultz I, 626) : "in coquinali ministerio plura quam triginta millia ferculorum prandentibus parabantur. ' ' In the year 1252 when at York Henry III of England married his daughter to the king of Scotland, the archbishop sent as a present 60 oxen, and these furnished but a single course : "ex dono archiepiscopi in ipso convivio plusquam sexaginta boves pascuales unum ferculum primitivum in generale perf ecerunt. " (Schultz 1,626). Not only were guests invited from all parts of the country, but all sorts of persons were asked to assist in the entertainment. Matthew Paris, describing the wedding of Henry III of England, says: "Convenerunt autem vocata ad convivium nuptiarum tanta nobilium multitudo utriusque sexus, tanta religiosorum numerosi- tas, tanta plebium populositas tanta histrionum varietas, quod vix eos civitas Londoniarum sinu suo eapaci comprehenderet. " (Schultz I, 627). It was the custom in France for the bridal bed to be blessed by~ the priest. Aye d' Avignon, p. 127 : "Quant vint a l'avespre qui fu apres souper et on fet dame Aye en sa chambre mener, lui et le roi Ganor L'evesque va l'estole a son col afubler; lor lit vint beneir le soir apres souper. Puis on fet la chambre vidier por reposer." Durmars 15155: "Li evesques de Limeri senga lor lit et beni. " Blonde of Oxford 4771: "Li prestre benei leur lit." Of. Berthe p. 19, 23; Cliges 3330; Claris 29659; Le Fraisne 416 (Schultz I, 632, n. 7). See also Perceval (Potvin, VI, 206). 18 Usually the court ladies, friends of the bride, accompanied her to the chamber and prepared her for bed. (Schultz I, 633). It was customary for the host to give many and valuable pres- ents: "Et post prandium transmissit dominus rex Angliae magna- tibus ad hospitia sua Francigensis nobiles cuppas argehteas, firma- cula aurea, cingula servica et alia et alia donativa, prout decuit talem regem dare et tales primates gratanter recipere. " (Matthew 18 The above are not political documents, but for accounts of purely social events they are often the only source of information. See Critchlow, F. L., On the forms of betrothal and wedding ceremonies in the old Roman d' Adventure, Baltimore, 1903. Not consulted. 28 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Paris — Sehultz I, 637). This occasion was when Henry III of Eng- land visited Louis IX of France in 1254. These citations point to contemporary life as a possible foun- dation for a number of incidents in the Erec marriage ceremony: the presence of the archbishop, 19 and his officiation, Enide's being crowned presumably in the same manner as Erec, the elegance of the feast, the character of the amusements, the presence of the prelates in the bedchamber, the queen's preparing Enide for bed, and the rich gifts bestowed by Arthur on guests and on those fur- nishing the entertainment. Hence Crestien's description may have been derived in some measure from his knowledge of the customs of his day. 2. The coronation ceremony. The material examined for accounts of coronations is as fol- lows : I, The Becueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France par les Beligieux Benedictins de la Congregation de St. Maur, IX, for the years 877-991, describing the coronation of Louis le Begue of France; II, "Williston "Walker, The Increase of Boyal Power in France under Philip Augustus, 1179-1223, Leipzig, 1888, describ- ing the two coronations of Philip Augustus, accounts based on Benedict of Peterborough (1169-1192), Roger of Hovenden (1170- 1192), The Becueil, etc.; Ill, Benedict of Peterborough, confirmed by Matthew Paris reporting the coronation of Richard I of Eng- land. The excerpts from these documents are entitled "PC I, II, III, ' ' respectively in the table on pp. 23 ff . These particular ac- counts have been chosen because they show that in the space of 300 years the order of exercises has remained practically the same, and hence must have been pretty generally known to persons within reach of such functions. By again referring to the table and in- cluding in the comparison the items lettered PC, we shall see that both Wace's and Crestien's descriptions bear a strong re- semblance to the historical accounts. Benedict of Peterborough's narrative has been selected for the table because it is the fullest, but occasionally an omission has been supplied from another his- torian as indicated. 19 E 2071 ff. These linea are not set down in the table because they refer dis- tinctly to the wedding. \ EPISODES 29 I. From the Recueil IX, 300. The coronation of King Ludovicus performed by the Arch- bishop Hincmaro in the year 877. The order of exercises. 1. Petitio Episcoporum. 2. Promissio Regis. 3. Benedictiones super Hludowicum Regem factae. 4. Sacri olei infusio. 5. Impositio coronae. 6. Septri traditio. 7. Benedictiones. II. W. Walker, the coronation of Philip Augustus, op. ext., 9 f. 1. Summons of the nobles of the realm to be present at the crowning. 2. The time— All Saints' Day, Nov. 1, 1179.. 3. The usage of the Capetian house was followed in that the crowning was in the hands of the primate at Rheims. 4. The ceremony was performed in the usual fashion, by anointment with the sacred oil, and the imposition of the crown. 5. A brilliant assembly of nobles. Prominent were Henry, son of Henry II of England; and Philip, Count of Flanders. 6. Henry bore the crown to be placed on the king 's head. 7. Philip of Flanders carried the sword before the monarch. 8. Philip possibly fulfilled the office of seneschal at the banquet. 9. Other nobles whose names have not been recorded did the lesser services of the festal day. 10. The second coronation occurred after the marriage of Philip to Elizabeth of Hainault (1180). At this coro- nation the same ceremony was performed upon the queen as upon the king. Walker, op. cit., 13. III. Benedict of Peterborough, The Chronicle 20 of the Reigns of Henry II and Richard I, 1169-1192, p. 80. 20 Commonly known under the name of Benedict of Peterborough, ed. from the Cot- ton MSS by Wm. Stubbs, II, London, 1867. Also, Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi Bene- dicti Abbatis, Master of the Rolls Series. 30 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES 1. Procession of the clergy. 2. Two persons follow, bearing the cap and spurs. 3. Two earls with scepter and rod. 4. Three earls with swords. 5. Six counts and barons with the regalia. 6. Two bearing the crown. 7. Richard, under a canopy, supported on either side by a bishop. 8. Richard makes three oaths. 9. He is undressed and shod. 10. He is anointed. 11. He is dressed in consecrated garments. 12. The sword is delivered to him. 13. The spurs and mantle are put upon him. 14. The adjuration at the altar. 15. The coronation by the bishop. 16. He is conducted to the throne and seated between the bishops who led him in procession. 17. He hears mass. 18. He returns to his chamber. 19. The banquet. Interim rex deposuit coronam suam et vestes regales et leviores coronam et vestes sumpsit : et sic coronatus venit prandere. Et archiepiscopi et episcopi, et abbates, et alii clerici sedebant cum eo in mensa sua, unusquisque sec- undum ordinum et dignitatem suam. Comites vero et barones et milites sedebant ad alias mensas et epulaban- tur splendide. After a consideration of these passages, B, E-W, E-C, and PC, it is obvious that Crestien is indebted for his ceremonies neither to Wace alone nor to social customs alone, but probably to both. The features he may have borrowed from the Brut are : 1. The names of certain guests. 2. The practice by Arthurian knights of wearing their arms all of one fashion. EPISODES 31 3. Having the coronation held in the palace, followed by a procession to the church to hear mass, instead of the usual form of having both the coronation and the mass performed in the church. 21 4. The three thousand nobles clad in ermine who waited at the royal banquet. Now, to discuss these points in detail. In the catalogue of knights above mentioned (p. 21) there occur the names Gawain, Yvain the son of Urien, Kay the Seneschal, and Bedver the Butler. Gawain (see pp. 110 ff.) may already have attained sufficient dis- tinction to merit a mention here independent of chronicle influ- ence, but Yvain the son of Urien probably owes his reputation to Wace. Geoffrey mentions Yvain but once, and briefly. 22 Wace adds him to Geoffrey's list of coronation guests, and calls him U cortois (10522). Later, in the passage parallel to that in the HRB, Wace enlarges upon Geoffrey's statement (13595). It is signifi- cant that Kay and Bedver, Kay always first, are almost invariably mentioned together in the Brut. 23 Bedver 's name does not occur in any other of Crestien's romances. Among the wedding guests is Auguisiaus, king of Scotland (1970). He also is a coronation guest in the Brut (10519), is later a prominent figure in the war with Rome (11236, 11431, 12762), and his death, together with that of Gawain, causes Arthur much sorrow 238 (13550). This instance, too, marks the only occurrence of the name in Crestien's works. The similarity of phrasing in the two passages may also be noted : B 10519, D'Escoce i vint reis Aguisel; E 1970, Vint Aguisiaus, li rois d'Escoce. (See p. 79). Therefore, the mention of the names Yvain, Kay, Bedver, and Aguisel would seem to indicate that Cres- tien had these lines of Wace in mind when he wrote of the marriage of Eree. The Arthurian practice of wearing arms all of one fashion seems to have originated with Geoffrey (IX, xiii). Wace follows his 21 Gervaise of Canterbury (Schultz, I, 645) states that Richard's second coronation, April 17, 1194, took place in the palace, and that afterwards he went to the church for mass, but as far as I have discovered, this does not seem to be the usual custom. So for the present I regard this feature in Crestien's account as a borrowing from Wace. 22 See p. 99 and HRB XI, i. 23 B II, pp. 92, 101, 107, 146, 152, 192, 201, 203, 218. Bedver is mentioned sep- arately seven times and Kay, not at all. See pp. 95 ff. of this study. 238 See p. 112. 32 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES original, as usual elaborating the idea somewhat (10783), and is probably responsible for Crestien's use of it in Erec. An examination of historical documents shows that coronations were usually performed in the church and not in the palace. Crestien seems to have followed Wace in having the ceremony per- formed in the palace, and in taking the assembly to the church af- terwards to hear mass. Both Wace and Crestien have groups of noble persons to wait at the royal banquet. In the Brut they are damoisiaus (10744) • in Erec they are chevalier (6936). "With Wace, Kay and Bedver have 1000 each: one group to serve the meats, the other to pour the wines. Crestien has three groups of 1000 each : one to serve bread, the other meats, and the third, wines. This great retinue was clad in ermine. The texts do not say that their garments were trimmed with the fur, but that the attendants were vestu d' ermine B 10745, E 6938). Ermine, together with Russian sable, was the costliest fur in use in the Middle Ages. 24 It was employed ex- tensively for trimming, but never except for royalty was it com- monly used for a whole garment ; nor is it likely that several thous- and persons serving at a banquet, even were they of rank, would be so expensively clad. Crestien was doubtlessly following his lite- rary source here, rather than describing what was actually the custom. The one feature of Erec's coronation that does not seem to be taken from Wace is significant : the anointing of the king. Wace says simply that the archbishops and bishops crowned the king (10639). In the actual coronation the anointing was one of the important parts of the ceremony and is mentioned in every docu- ment consulted. Hence Crestien's use of this detail seems to point to his knowledge of contemporary usage. It is quite possible, how- ever, that Wace did not omit this detail, but that its absence at present is due to a defective text. As for the other points, it appears that both Wace and Cres- tien were probably writing from their own knowledge, direct or indirect, of contemporary life. Items 1, 3, 5, and 6, of the table (p. 23 ff.) need no discussion. 2. It was customary to hold such events 24 Schultz, I, 357. Perceval (Baist) 1777. EPISODES 33 on a fete day. 25 4. A catalogue of names is a convention found everywhere in chronicles, epics, and romances. 7 a, c, d, e, 8 a, b, c, and 9 are conventional incidents of the ceremony. 26 Schultz (I, 551) describes nearly all of the musical instruments mentioned by Wace and Crestien, and shows cuts of several. The acrobatic feats are those in fashion in that day, and the other diversions such as combats, juggling, singing, dancing, and the telling of tales were amusements common to every court. The giving of gifts by the host on the occasion of a great festivity both to guests and to those furnishing the talent was very common, as generosity, largesce, was considered one of the cardinal virtues. 21 It is interesting to note that for at least two picturesque details "Wace seems to have drawn upon the customs of the times. He says that the king was supported in procession by a prelate on either side (10641), and that after mass the king exchanged his heavy, ceremonial crown for a smaller and lighter one before going to dine (10715). These details are mentioned by all three of the chroniclers who describe the coronation of Richard I of England (Schultz, I, 643). These documents have been quoted not so much to show that Wace and Crestien may have had access to like material, as to point out the character of the marriage and coronation ceremonies of the Middle Ages, and hence, to emphasize the fact that Crestien and his original are here reflecting in great measure, contemporary life. Indeed, in a discussion of Crestien 's sources, realism is an element constantly to be reckoned with. Romancer though he is, his love of specific detail often leads him, perhaps unconsciously, to throw light on the manners and customs of his day. This habit is evident, as we have seen, in the account of the marriage. A realistic feature worthy of note in the coronation passage is the 25 Charlemagne crowned emperor, Christmas day, 800. William the Conqueror crowned king of England Christmas day, 1066. Stephen crowned on St. Stephen's day, 1135. John crowned on Ascension day, 1199. Philip Augustus crowned king of France, All Saint's day, 1179. 38 7 b, and 8 d and e have already been disposed of (p. 31 f.) Cp. Bedier, op. cit. I, p. 278, v. 430 ff. This whole passage, the marriage of Tristan and Ysolt as Blanches Mains, though meager, might be compared to the Erec wedding passage. 27 For the largesce of Marie de Champagne, see Jenkins, T. A., Eructavit, Dresden, 1909 (Gesellsch. f. Rom. Lit., Bd. 20), p. VIII, and vv. 9 f. For that of Henry II of England, see p. 11 of this study. See also Gautier, Les Epopies francaises, Paris, 1878- 82, II, 128 ff. 34 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES elaborate description of Erec's robe, embroidered with the symbols of the quadrivium (6736 ff.). The idea of introducing such a picture may have originated in the portrayal of the chariot of Amphiaras in the Roman de Thebes (ed., Constans, Paris, 1900, I, p. 230, vv. 4711 ff.), but the substance may also reflect the poet's scholastic education. 28 Cliges In Cliges with its literary origin, 29 we may expect to find a closer adherence to source books than in Erec with its Celtic other- world coloring. Wace's Brut seems to have been used here, not as the basis of one or two episodes, as in Erec, but as the source of one of the two principal actions composing the first part of the romance, namely: the love story of Alexander and Soredamors, and the treachery of Count Angres. The two threads are con- nected in the fact that the rebellion is introduced technically for the purpose of allowing Alexander to win his spurs and thus become worthy of the hand of Soredamors. The story of Angres 's treason finds a close parallel in that of Modred toward Arthur in the Brut. so According to Crestien, not long after Alexander arrives at Arthur's court the king decides to visit Brittany, committing his island kingdom to his trusted vassal, Angres of "Windsor. 422 Li roi Artus an eel termine S 'an vost an Bretaingne passer. Toz ses barons fet amasser, Por consoil querre et demander, A cui il porra comander Angleterre tant qu'il revaingne, Qui la gart an pes et maintaingne. A similar act is performed by the Arthur of the Brut, when on the eve of his departure for the war with Rome he intrusts his realm to Modred. 28 See p. 12, n. 38. w See p. 17 and n. 7. 80 After working out the parallels in the Brut and the Cliges passages I discovered in a dissertation by R. Thedens, Li Chevaliers as Deus Espees in seinem Verhaltnis zu seinen Quellen, insbesondere zu den Romanen Crestiens von Iroyes, Gottingen, 1908, 126 ff., that the principal points of agreement had been cited in a supplement. But as Thedens has merely tabulated the passages without discussion, and has, in fact, omitted some features, not only in the passage in question, but in other places in Cligbs where there may have been borrowings from the Brut, it seems necessary that the whole subject be given careful investigation. EPISODES 35 11452 A Modret, un de ses nevuz, Chevalier mervillus e pruz, Livra en garde Artur sun regne, E dame Genievre sa f enne. Modrez esteit de grant noblei, Mais n 'aveit mie bonne f ei ; Geoffrey says merely: Comperto igitur adventu ipsorum Ar- turus, Modredo nepoti suo ad conservandum Britanniam, atque Guanhumarae reginae committens, cum exereitu suo portum Ham- onis adivit. X, ii. He gives no hint of the man's perfidy. Wace differentiates him at once: Modred is mervillus e pruz, de grant noblei, mais n'aveit mie bonne fei. Thus we are immediately prepared for the treachery that subsequently comes to light. Crestien says at this point: 429 Par le consoil a toz ansanble Fu eomandee, ce me sanble, Au conte Angres de Guinesores; Car il ne cuidoient ancores Qu'il eiist baron plus de foi An tote la terre le roi. Obviously, Angres 31 is Modred. Like Wace, Crestien at once identifies the man: Car il ne cuidoient ancores qu'il eiist baron plus de foi. Ancores is the keyword here. Crestien understood the value of suspense, a device apparently unappreciated by Wace, 31 Crestien's use of the name, Angres, is confined to this one romance. In the com- pound, Kanelangres, it occurs in the Tristan of Thomas, (Bedier, I, 2) "Son nom etait Rivalin, son surnon Kanelangres." Professor B6dier adds in a note (2): "Le sornom Kanelangres reste mysterieux, malgre' plusieurs tentatives d'interpretation. La forme Kanelangres (cf. Angres dans Cliges) semble atteste par la rime Kanelangres: des, chez, Gottfried [de Strasbourg] v. 321-2." Kanel, Zimmer (Rom. XXVII, 1898, 610) explains as the place whence Rivalin is supposed to have come, and he connects it with Carlisle, — Kanouel, Karduel, Carlisle; but this does not explain Angris. (See also Gol- ther, Tristan und Isolde. . . .Leipzig, 1907, 143). It occurs to me that the name Angres may possibly be explained as an adjective used substantively, for the meaning of the term is quite appropriate to the character of this person. Godefroi lists among others, the foil, meanings for this word: "1. Avec un nom de personne. . . .facheux, importun, genant, difficile, acharni, entete", opinidtre, ardant, courrouce', violent. 2. Engres est quelquesfois pris dans un sens tout a fait defavorable, et signifie mSchant, cruel, sceUrat, impie. 3. Noms propres: Langres-eis,-ais, Lengrais." Unfortunately, G. gives no examples under this last heading. It is clear that the epithets above listed, while appropriate to Count Angres, are not at all suited to Kanelangres. If Crestien's use of the name is not de- pendent upon Thomas, and it is not necessary that it should be, it does not seem unrea- sonable to conclude that the Angres of Cliges is a proper name derived from an adjective. In Yvain, angres is used as an attribute of persons; 838, 1092. 36 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTEEN DE TROIES in this instance, else he would not at the outset have uncovered his villain so boldly with his mais il n'aveit mie bonne fei. In the Brut, Modred is pruz e mervillos. The Brut MS du Boi 7515 3 - 3 - Colbert renders w. 11453 f. by: Artus sa terre commando, Un chevalier qu'il mult ama. Angres is chosen regent par le con- soil a toz ansamble. Thus the parallel is continued in the fact that both Modred and Angres have the confidence of their king. A departure from the chronicle is now made by Crestien in regard to the queen's part in the affair. Wace not only says that Arthur left the kingdom in charge of both Guinevere and Modred, but emphasizes at length the fact that part of the regent's treach- ery lay in his conduct with her, (11452-11469). In Cliges, accord- ing to the demands of the story, the queen accompanies Arthur to Brittany. Crestien selects his material with care : Alexander is the hero of this part of the story, and the queen is necessary in order to bring the hero and heroine together. Furthermore, it is in this affair with Angres that Alexander wins his reputation. The prowess of Alexander must be the theme, a theme to which the rebellion of Angres must be in a measure subordinated. Final- ly, Crestien is, in Cliges, exploiting the idea of honorable love, in contrast to that of the Tristan story. Thus it is highly important that the queen should be presented as irreproachable, since she brings about the union of the hero's parents. 32 In Cliges, nothing of historical import occurs during Arthur's sojourn in Brittany ; Crestien is busied during this interval with the tribulations and transports of the lovers. Then comes the news of Angres 's disaffection, the account of which occupies practically all the rest of the Alexander romance. Wace's story of Modred 's per- fidy runs thus : 13419 En este volt Munt Griu passer E a Rome quida aler ; Mais Mordrez Ten a retorne, Oiez quel hunte e quel vilte : Ses nies, filz sa sorur esteit E en garde Bretaigne aveit ; Tut sun regne li ot livre, A garde li ot commande, 32 See van Hamel, Bom. XXXIII, 465; C, 3rd ed. XXXIX, and this study, 61, 100 ff. EPISODES 37 E Mordrez li volt tut tolir, Assez le delist mieuz servir, De tuz les humes prist umages, E de tuz les ehastels ostages. Apres ceste grant f elonie Fist encor foreur vilenie, Que euntre chrestiane lei Prist a sei la feme le rei ; Feme sun uncle, sun seignur Prist a feme, s'in fist s'oissur. Wace goes on to relate (13437 ff.) how Arthur, leaving Hoel to restore peace in France and Burgundy, hurries back to Britain, ac- companied by the kings of the islands, to wreak vengeance upon the traitor. Modred, reinforced by 700 ship-loads of Saxons, meets Arthur on his landing at Komenel 33 (13485). In the battle that follows, Gawain, the king's nephew, and Aguisel, king of Scot- land, are slain (13506 ff.). Arthur follows the traitor to Win- chester (13559), drives him out, and causes him to flee into Corn- wall (13593). Guinevere, hearing of Modred 's fate, flees to Carlion where she shuts herself up in a convent, never to be heard of more 34 (13628). Pursued into Cornwall, the traitor is overtaken at Camblan 35 where the battle begins with great fury. Here Modred and the king fall, together with many of Arthur's choicest knights (13672), and Arthur, having received a mortal stroke, is carried to Avalon to be healed of his wounds (13681 ff.). Crestien 's narrative is as follows : While Arthur and his court are in Brittany word comes that Angres has broken faith : 1062 Et s'avoit ja grant ost mandee De sa jant et de ses amis, Si s 'estoit dedanz Londres mis Por la cite contretenir, * Quel ore qu'il delist venir. 33 Romney, near the present New Romney on the coast of Kent. Geoffrey says Rutupi (Richborough), also in Kent, about 12 miles north of Dover. 34 Contrast Geoffrey and Wace in their portrayal of Guinevere all through this episode. G. observes her from the ecclesiastical point of view and sits in judgment upon her; W., imbued with the ideas of chivalry, treats her as one to be pitied rather than condemned, laying the blame on Modred rather than on her. HRB X, xiii; XI, i; B 13421 ff. See p. 8 of this study. 85 See Annales Cambriae, "537, Battle of Camblann in which Arthur and Medraut fell." See also, p. 3, n. 15, of this study. 38 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Arthur, troubled and angered, blames his barons for choosing such a regent as Angres who is worse than Granelon (1076), and commanding every able-bodied man in Brittany to follow him, sets sail for England. Crestien indulges in some epic glorification as to the size of Arthur's fleet, a matter on which the chronicle is silent (G 1096 ff.). The king's army lands and encamps on the shore; the port is not mentioned. Later, they move on to London (1211). No battle occurs at the port, as in the Brut, but the effect upon the usurper is the same in both accounts: Modred, having lost the battle, de- serted by his men, refused admittance to London, s'enfui tute nuit (13537) ; and Angres, with Arthur returned, the majority of the people loyal to the king, his own force held together only by bribes and promises, and he, himself, hated by many, apparently fears to risk a battle and, like Modred, flees par nuit (1218). That they both escape by night may not be significant, since that was the usual time for flight. Modred fled from Romney, Angres, from London. Crestien may have chosen London, partly because of its prominence; partly because Wace speaks of London as a place where Modred would have taken refuge had he been ad- mitted. Before Angres left London he took with him 1223 De vitaille, d'or et arjant, Si depart! tot a sa jant. and word is brought to Arthur that Angres 1228 . . tant avoit de vitaille Et d 'avoir pris an la cite, Qu'apovri et deserte Sont li borjois et confondu. The Brut does not offer quite so close a parallel here, but Modred 's behavior at "Winchester when he took feautez, ostages, e seurtez (13545 f.) from the citizens at least shows tyrannical treatment and may have furnished Crestien with his idea. Angres, unable to get a foothold elsewhere, retreats to his own domain, Windsor, where Arthur besieges him and forces a battle, just as the Arthur of the Brut compels Modred to take issue with EPISODES 39 him at Winchester 36 (13561). The behavior of the traitors when each sees himself surrounded by the royal army is much the same : B 13563 Mais quant Mordrez esgarda Tost Qui la cite envirun clost, Semblant fist que se cumbatreit, E que cumbatre se voleit; Car se lungement ert assis N'en partireit qu'il ne fust pris; II sot bien s'Artus le teneit * Que ja vis n'en eschapereit. Tuz ses humes fist asambler E tut isnelement armer, Par cunreis les fist establir E a cumbatre fors issir. We observe here (1) that Arthur will never leave the stronghold until he has taken it; (2) Modred knows that he may expect no mercy if he falls into the king's hands; (3) both besieged forces plan to sally forth and make a sudden attack upon the enemy, — all, ideas that find an echo in the passage from Cliges: 1504 Li cuens Angres est mout marriz, Quant anviron son chastel voit Trainer caus que chiers avoit. Et li autre mout s'an esmaient, Mes por esmai que il an aient N'ont nul talent que il se randent. Mestiers lor est qu 'il se deff andent ; Car bien mostre li rois a toz Son mautalant et son corroz, Et bien voient, s'il tes tenoit, Qu'a honte morir les feroit. A little later : 1648 Li traitor sont a consoil, Qu'il porront feire et devenir. Lone tans porront contretenir Le chastel, e'est chose certaine, 36 It may be noted that Crestien mentions Winchester twice in this part of the romance, not, however, in connection with this particular episode (291, 302). In no other poem does Crestien locate Arthur at Winchester. The geography of Cliges is de- cidedly historical. See p. 124, n. 20; pp. 125, 129. 40 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Se au deffandre metent painne; Mes tant sevent de fier eorage Le roi, qu'an trestot son aage Tant qu'il l'et pris n'an torn era; Adonc morir les convendra. Et se il le chastel li randent, Por ce mile merci n'atandent. Then the besieged decide : 1664 Que demain ainz que jors apeire Istront del chastel a celee, Si troveront l'ost desarmee. Though the conventionality of war plays some part in these ac- counts, Crestien's lines are reminiscent of the Brut passage. Per- haps the least conventional detail is Arthur's reputation for stick- ing at a thing until he has accomplished it. This is a trait pos- sessed by Uther, Arthur's father, a characteristic well known to the older king 's enemies : B 8625 Quar bien saveit, e veirs esteit, Que de quanque il enprandreit A bon chief vendreit a la fin. Crestien may have known this passage but as a matter of fact, Wace's description of Arthur's pertinacity would of itself have furnished him a basis for his lines. Another incident in the war with Angres finds a parallel in the Brut: Alexander's maiden exploit under the walls of "Wind- sor. Just after Arthur's army has reached Windsor, the Greek prince, watching with eager eyes some of the enemy idly tilting on the farther bank of the Thames, calls his followers about him and addresses them thus: 1290 "Seignor," fet il, "talanz m'est pris, Que de l'escu et de la lance Aille a caus feire une acointance, Qui devant nos behorder vienent. Bien voi que por mauves nos tienent Et po nos prisent, ce m'est vis, Quant behorder devant noz vis Sont ci venu tuit desarme. De novel somes adobe: Ancor n'avomes fet estrainne EPISODES 41 A chevalier ne a quintainne. Trop avons noz lances premiers Longuemant gardees antieres. Nostre escu por quoi furent fet? Ancor ne sont troe ne fret. C 'est uns avoirs qui rien ne vaut, S'an estor non ou an assaut, Passons le gue, ses assaillons!" Tuit dient: "Ne vos an faillons." In the Brut on the eve of the war with Rome, Arthur sends legates to the Roman camp : among them is Gawain with a band of brave companions. As they go, the youths urge Gawain to pick a quarrel with the foe that they may have a chance to distinguish themselves : 12074 Li messagier s'en returnerent; Sur lur meillurs chevals munterent, Escuz saisiz, helmes laciez, Haubers vestuz e pris espiez. Dunt vei'ssiez maint chevalier Et maint vallet pru e legier Qui a Gauvain vunt cunseillant E a- cunseil li vunt mustrant, Que la ou il va a la curt, Face tel chose, ainz qu'il s'en turt, Que la guerre seit cumenciee Qui tant a este manaciee : Turne sereit a malvaistie Quant il tant se sunt apruchie S'aucune cause n'en fe'issent, E cil dient que si ferunt, La bataille cumencerunt. 1 In both eases the youths are to provoke the enemy and precipitate the battle; in both companies there is shown the same daredevil impatience to win renown, to bring on the battle maugre the con- sequences; both parties carry out their plans, and start the con- flict. Alexander and his friends leap the ford, and are upon the nonchalant tilters before they can protect themselves, and the Greeks take back to camp four prisoners (1317 ff.). Gawain, on reaching the Roman camp, offers defiance to the emperor (12116 ff.) 42 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES and then slays the emperor's nephew, Quintilian, who took offence at his insults (12148 ff.). The angered Romans fly to arms, and a great battle ensues, into which, when Arthur hears the report, he sends reinforcements. Finally, the foes are driven back and the British heroes return with their prisoners (12480). Another connection between the episodes lies in the relationship existing between the chief actors. Gawain is Arthur's sister's son;, Alex- ander who marries Gawain's sister, may here be emulating his brother-in-law. 37 Lastly, Arthur, both in Cliges and in the Brut shows his approval of the exploit in substantial rewards. (C 1452 ff. ; B 12481 ff.) There is some conventionality about these episodes, to be sure, but it is not so much the conventionality of mere war as of chival- ry, of romance. The romantic spirit of the Brut can not be insisted upon too strongly. As it was shown in the introduction (pp. 6 ff.) is shown here, and will be constantly pointed out, "Wace's Brut, especially in the Arthurian portion is the forerunner of chivalric romance. Hence Gawain's exploit offers a model for such affairs as that of Alexander, and later, for that of Cliges where he attacks the Duke of Saxony's men in the Black Forest (5408 ff.), and for that kind of combat generally to which a poet resorts when he wants to distinguish his hero in a company already distinguished. Thus Crestien may be indebted to Wace for the romantic concep- tion of the incident. (See p. 145 f.). The other episodes to be discussed fall in the Cliges part of the story. The first is the four days' tournament held on the plains of Oxford, in which Cliges wins his great name, appearing each day in armor of a different color, unhorsing Sagremors, Lancelot, Perceval, and meeting his match only in Gawain. (4585 ff.). What is the source of this incident? Miss Weston, in her monograph entitled The Three Days' Tour- nament, 38 has shown that a combat of three days' duration, in each engagement of which, the hero in order to win the hand of a lady, appears in arms of a different color and is successful over his opponent, is a story widely current in folk literature from Greece to Great Britain. 39 On this basis she argues that in the 87 B 9872 ff.; O 467, 2361 ff. 88 London, 1902. See also Carter, C. H., Haverford Essays, Haverford, Pa., 1909, pp. 237 ff. Not consulted. Cp. Bruce, op. cit., VIII, n. 2. 38 G. Paris also pointed out the wide distribution of the Theme, JdS, 1902, 449, n. 1. EPISODES 43 Cliges tournament Crestien was not dealing directly with tradition, but taking the story second-hand after it had already been worked over into romance form (42) ; moreover since the contest lasts four days instead of the customary three, Cliges contains but a mud- dled version of the folk tournament, and is therefore debarred at once from the claim 40 of having introduced the episode into ro- mance. 41 No one can deny, in the face of the evidence brought together by Miss Weston, that the Three Days ' Tournament is a widespread folk-tale, but whether Crestien used this folk-tale, is another mat- ter. It is possible that both of the features upon which Miss Weston insists: disguise in particular colors (black or green, white, and red) and a tournament of invariably three days' dura- tion may have sprung up independently of each other and of folk tradition. Disguise in strange arms, as Professor Nitze has pointed out in his review 42 of Miss Weston 's book, is a common device in mediaeval romance when a knight for some reason or other wishes to ride on a quest or in a tourney incognito. He cites several cases: Perceval le Gallois {Perlesvaus) I, 235, where Gawain is victor in a Three Days' Tournament in which he appears suc- cessively in red armor, in his own, and in gold armor, the Charrete, 5515 ff., where Lancelot, disguised in red arms, the first day obeys the queen's request to faire au noauz, and on the second, redeems his reputation. He mentions also the Ipomedon, the prose Lance- lot, and the Lanzelet of Ulrich von Zatzikhoven. 43 Professor Nitze suggests the query that as green, red, and black knights abound in mediaeval tales, what is more natural than that some one poet should have brought these individual col- ors together to effect a series of disguises for his hero. This pro- cess could have been the starting point for disguise in colors, — 40 Cp. G. Paris, JdS, 1902, 449 and Foerster, L, XLIII, CXXVI who think that Cliges is the first romance to deal with the th«me. F. thinks it C.'s invention; P., that he had a source for it. 41 Op. cit., 14, 37. Miss Weston gives this priority to the Ur-Lancelot, 32. 42 MLN XVIII, 155 ff. 48 Miss Weston also notes these, 35, 38. Paris, JdS, 1902, 449, n. 1, cites IpomtSdon and the prose Lancelot, Sir Oowther, Richard Coeur de Lion, Sone de Nansai. To these may be added the Chevalier du Papegaut (ed., Heuckencamp, Halle, 1896, 29, 11. 30 ff. where the hero, as in the Charrete, complies with the Fairy Mistress's request to faire au noauz the first day, and recovers his former prestige on the second. 44 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES invention based on literary material. The device need not have originated in the folk-tale. The literary version may have at- tracted to it the particular colors of the folk-tale, but the mere idea of a succession of colors need not have been folkloristic. 44 Again, the idea of a Three Days' Tournament is not confined to folk-tale and romance. Both Geoffrey and "Wace speak of Ar- thur's coronation celebration as lasting three days (ERB IX, xiv; B 10802); that is, both state that the games, including the jousts, began directly after the banquet held on the day of the coronation, and that on the fourth day the king exhibited his largess towards the victors. Further, both historians say that a tournament of three days' duration was actually a custom of the Arthurian court (ERB IX, xiii) ; Facetae etiam mulieres consi- milia indumenta habentes, nullius amorem habere dignabantur, nisi tertio in militia approbatus esset. Efficiebantur ergo castrae mulieres, et milites amore illarum meliores. Wace says: 10790 Ne ja chevalier n'i eiist De quel parage que il fust, Ja peiist, en tute sa vie, Aveir bele dame a amie Se il n 'eiist avant este De chevalerie pruve. The important "three days" is supplied by the MS du Roi 7515 3 - 3 - Colbert which reads : for the last couplet, Se il n' eiist Hi fois este De chevalerie esprove. The question is, did the chroniclers get their idea from the folk- tale or from some other source? Examination of the chronicle ac- counts shows that of the nine salient features of the folk-tale, listed by Miss Weston on page 47, they possess but two : a tourna- ment of three days, and the love element. There is no disguise; there are no colors. A knight is here put to the test before his lady and must prove himself in three battles. Not only is there no mention of different colors, but both Geoffrey and Wace state distinctly in this very passage that Arthurian knights wore their arms all of one color. This does not look as though the tourna- ment described in the chronicles originated in the folk-tale. Pos- sibly it was Geoffrey's invention, but more probably it is a reflec- 44 On the significance of these colors, see Miss Weston, 37 and n. EPISODES 45 tion of actual life. Studies in the social life of the Middle Ages record a tournament of several days' duration as a customary event. Schultz 45 in his account, however, says nothing specifically of three days. Gautier 46 speaks of events of the first day followed by several other days of tourney. Prizes were given on the last day. The glossary (844, col. 3) notes the first, second, and third or final day of the tourney, after which, prizes were distributed. Thus tournaments of more than one day, and sometimes of speci- fically three, seem to have been customary in actual life. 47 The number three, aside from the superstition attached to it, would be natural number to fix upon, because it would offer opportunity for a deciding combat in case the first two battles should happen to show no advantage to either of two given opponents. It seems more likely, in view of this evidence, that the tournament of the chronicles is a reflection of contemporary life rather than of pop- ular origin. To return to the original question, does the Cliges tournament in which there are present both the several days and the popular colors, owe its origin to the folk-tale, to a literary source, or to the fashion of the day? Let us examine the Cliges tournament, 4579 ft. The hero is here proving himself before the Arthurian court, though not before his lady unless we suppose him to be indirectly inspired by the absent Fenice. He fights four battles, — one over the conventional number. Note, however, that Cliges in prepar- ing his disguise, sends three squires to London to purchase three suits of armor: black, green, and red (4600). Nothing is said about a fourth suit, yet on the fourth day Cliges appears in white arms against Gawain. 48 Miss Weston does not mention this discrepancy but speaks altogether of a four days' tournament, as though Crestien had blundered by< departing from the popular number ; his object being, she thinks, to combine the two versions of 45 Op. ext., II, 113. 48 La Chevalreie, Paris, 1884, 696. 47 Miss Weston admits that the literary versions may have been influenced by the customs of the day, p. 35. 48 That Cliges is here fighting his uncle, may be an additional reason for disguise. It is a common occurrence in romance for blood relatives to fight as opponents in dis- guise. See Tvain, 5991 ff. where Yvain and Gawain, sons of the brothers, Urien and Lot, respectively (See pp. 4, 99, 111) are matched in combat, though without disguise. The father and son combat motif is another instance. 46 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTEEN DE TROIES the original tale where the colors were in one case, black, red, and white; and in the other, green, red, and white (38). But there are in this episode, as we see, distinct traces of a Three Days' Tourna- ment. In the three combats for which the three suits of armor were prepared, the black, the red, and the green, Cliges is victor. So far, the narrative agrees with the folk-tale. Why does the poet add another day? Perhaps he does it to show honor to his favor- ite knight, Gawain. (See pp. 112 f.) Cliges, as the hero, must be given a chance to measure swords with Gawain. This is Crestien's habit: Erec, Yvain, Perceval are each allowed to meet Gawain in the field, in every case to show that they as heroes may be his equals, but not his superiors. He is the sun that illuminates all chivalry (Yvain 2402), whom even the hero of the romance can- not force into a second place. Gawain could not be Cliges 's oppo- nent on any one of the three days, for those battles were especially designed to distinguish the hero, hence, only by extending the number of days can he bring Gawain into the tourney and make Cliges his peer, but not his conqueror. In the light of this discussion it is possible that the Cliges tour- nament originated in some such way as this. As a test of the hero's valor for the sake of his lady, and as a series of combats in which the hero must always be victorious, the episode reflects the chi- valric, romantic spirit of Wace. In the use of the particular col- ors as disguise it may reflect popular traits, or as Nitze suggests, it may show merely a bringing together of a number of colors al- ready in romance. Finally, the fact that the Cliges tournament starts out as a three days' affair and turns into a four days' com- bat, and that the number of days for the tournaments in Erec, Lancelot, Peredur, and the Chevalier du Papegaut is either more or less than three, while the folk-story never varies from the num- ber three, according to Miss "Weston, leads to the inference that the tournament developed independently in the folk-tale and in romance. The only influence that the popular version is likely to have had on the romance version is the use of the particular colors. The motive and the conception of the Cliges tournament are thor- oughly chivalric and romantic, and hence they could have been inspired either by the Brut or by actual custom. This seems to me a more plausible explanation than insistence upon the episode as a muddled version of the folk-tale. EPISODES 47 The final exploit in Cliges appears to be connected with the mi- litary expeditions of the historical Arthur. It is the projected at- tack on Constantinople. This excursion is motived, however, by a romantic, not a historical situation: Alis, the emperor of Greece and uncle of Cliges has acted dishonorably and tyrannically to- wards his nephew. Cliges goes to Arthur for redress, and the king gathers an armament with which he proposes to go against Con- stantinople, the emperor's capital (6672 ff.) Arthur's assembling his forces recalls Wace's account of the king's preparations to in- vade Roman territory as the result of the Roman emperor's demand for tribute (11402 ff.). Both accounts give the idea of prepara- tion on a very large scale, and both enumerate the dependencies that lend their aid: B 11410 Ireis, Golandeis, Islandeis, Daneis, Noreis, e Orqueneis. Set vint mil armez unt promis. 11418 Cil de Normandie, e d'Anjou, Cil d 'Auvergne e de Peitou ; Cil de Flandres, cil de Buluigne, 11422 Quatre vint mil armes pramistrent De tant deivent servir, ce distrent. Douze cuntes de grant puissance, Que l'on apeleit pers de France, Qui od Gerin de Chartres furent, De douze cent le numbre crurent : 11430 Dis milliers en pramist Hoel, Dels [deus] milliers li quens Aguisel. So much for the knights and the nobles. Of the commons, Wace says : 11438 Ne sai numbrer ne cil n'i firent Qui le grant ost assamble virent. The great host embarks and lands at Barbefloe en Normandie (11445). Crestien says : C 6682 Et li rois dit que a navie Devant Constantinoble ira Et de chevaliers anplira Mil nes et de serjanz trois mile, 48 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Teus que citez ne bors ne vile Ne chastiaus, tant soit forz ne hauz, Ne porra sofrir lor assauz. 6692 Li rois querre et semondre anvoie Toz les hauz barons de sa terre Et fet apareillier et querre Nes et dromonz, buces et barges. D'escuz, de lances et de targes Et d'armeiire a chevalier Fet gant nes anplir et chargier. Por ostiier fet aparoil Li rois si grant, qu'ains le paroil N'ot nes Caesar ne Alixandres. Tote Angleterre et totes Flandres. Normandie, France et Bretaingne, Et toz gaus jusqu'as porz d'Espaingne A fet semondre et amasser. For several reasons this passage is reminiscent of the Brut. First, it is an Arthurian passage. The oriental portion of the romance connects itself with the Arthurian court just twice : in the four days' tournament, and in this incident. Since every other Arthurian passage in Cliges seems traceable to the Brut, and since this Arthurian passage finds a parallel in the Brut there is a likelihood of its' springing from that source, also. Second, the Arthur of the romances is almost invariably inactive, a background figure, before whom more youthful heroes come and go and flash into fame. (See pp. 83 ff., 133 ff.) But in Cliges, Crestien makes Arthur as active a figure as the technique of the story will per- mit. The fact that he brings Arthur forward when he already has two heroes to manage points rather strongly to chronicle influence. Thirdly, if we note the dependencies that the Arthur of the Cliges summons we find that they are some of the very lands subjugated by him in his wars for supremacy recounted by "Wace : C 6702 tote Angleterre. B 9266 ff. narrates Arthur's conquest of England. C 6702 totes Flandres. B 10149 Flandres e Buluigne cunquist. EPISODES 49 C 6703 Normandie, France et Bretaingne. B 10146 ff. Conquest of France by Arthur. B 10415 ff. Arthur gives Normandie as a fief to Bedver, his but- ler. C 6704 Et toz caus jusqu'as porz d'Espaingne. B 10597 Everybody was present at the coronation, even those jusqu'en Espaigne. B 6026 ff. tells of the settlement of Armorica by colonists sent out from Britain. Cp. Cliges 439. For these reasons this account in Cliges looks like a borrowing from the Brut. Under this head should be discussed a few lines from the first part of the story, relative to Arthur's departure for Brittany. Cres- tien says, when the news of Arthur 's coming reached Brittany : 439 Que li rois vient et si baron, S'an font grant joie li Breton, and when Arthur is preparing to return to England on learning of Angres's treachery: 1089 . .par tote Bretaingne" Fait crier que nus n'i remaingne, Qui puisse armes porter an ost, Que apres lui ne vaingne tost. These lines, too, echo Arthur's wars for supremacy, since they show that Brittany was under fealty to him. Further, the Britons' de- light over Arthur's coming is no doubt connected with the fact that the inhabitants of Britain 49 (England) and Brittany (Armor- ica) are of one origin and that in history, amicable relations were further emphasized through Hoel, Duke of Armorica, who was Arthur's nephew. 50 Thus it appears likely that Cliges, in addition to its dependence on the Tristan of Thomas and on the Marques de Borne story is, in such episodes as the Rebellion of Count Angres, Alexander's exploit on the banks of the Thames, the Four Days' Tournament, and the Expedition against Constantinople, more or less indebted to the Brut, of Wace, — a consideration that emphasizes the literary origin of this romance. 49 For discussion of Bretaingne, see pp. 114 ff. 50 B 6026 ff., 9375 ff., 9774, 10592, etc. Chapter II Episodes, Continued The Chevalier a la Charrete Gaston Paris (Bom. XII, 1883, 459) has clearly pointed out the discrepancies 1 in the narrative of the Charrete and the difficulties in the way of determining its sources. Crestien's romance, he says, has but a distant connection with the mythological story of the other-world. The He de verre has been transported from a far-off western region to a province of Britain; the king of the dead has become an actual prince. Only feeble traces of the super- natural are left. Meliaganz seems to have been an Irish chief; 2 here he has become king [rather son of a king] of Somer- set with a capital at Bade. Bade can only be Bath, one of the principal cities of Somersetshire. The name "Bath" is Anglo- Saxon, but figures in Celtic legend. [He then quotes from Geoff- rey and Wace.] Gorre, the land of which Bade is the capital, he is at a" loss how to explain. In regard to the sources of the story he concludes (533) : The Breton conte, which Crestien knew under a much altered form, had a mythological source, the abduction of a queen by the king of the dead, and her rescue by her husband. 3 Later, this story was identified with Arthur and Guinevere. Next, the king of the dead receives the name of Maelwas, 4 is identified with a real personage, and loses in great measure his supernatural character. The other-world traits that persist are, the He de verre, the country whence there is no return, and the pont de Vespee. [He might have added the pont evage.] An Anglo-Norman poem takes the story at this point, but makes Lancelot the deliverer of Guinevere. As yet, he is not her lover. Probably it is to Crestien that the illicit relation of Lancelot and Guinevere is due. The poet says that Marie de Champagne gave him the matiere. Probably as daughter of Eleanor of England she had heard the recital of the 1 See also Earrenritter LXXXIII; and Miss Weston, The Legend of Sir Lancelot du Lac, London, 1901, 42. 2 Rom. XII, 512, n. 3 This theory is based on the testimony of the Vita Gildae, see p. 53. See also Ear- renritter LXVI. Miss Weston, however, thinks Gawain the original rescuer. {Legend of Sir Gawain, London, 1897, 83) Later, in the Lancelot (53) she admits that the only points satisfactorily settled are the original character of the story, and the fact that Lancelot was not at first the hero of the adventure. 4 Paris, Bom. X, 492; XII, 502; Lot, Bom. XXIV 27, 327, 568. EPISODES 51 Anglo-Norman poem and had given it to Crestien. 5 She furnished him with the sens also. Marie de Champagne was active in a move- ment in the latter part of the twelfth century to develop the idea of a love "raffine, savant, intimement lie a la courtoisie et a la prouesse, en donnant a, la femme en tant que maitresse, une im- portance qu'elle n'avait pas eu jusque la. Cet amour," he con- cludes, "est precisement l'inspiration du poeme de Chretien qui le peint telque l'avait concu la theorie de ces cercles elegants, dans la liaison de Lancelot et de Guenievre." This opinion, except of course for the Anglo-Norman hypothesis, has been generally ac- cepted. Is it possible that Wace could have had any influence on the composition of a work apparently so far removed from the atmosphere of chronicle history? We may remember that the HBB 6 and the Brut recount at length Arthur's wars for the control of Britain and neighboring territory — wars with the Picts, Scots, Irish, Saxons, the king of Iceland, and the king of the Orkneys. Special emphasis is given, naturally, to the hostility of the Saxons. The enmity had been of long duration, having begun with the landing of this people under the leadership of Hengist and Horsa in the reign of Vortigern (B 6860). According to history, Arthur's attempts against these foes began at York by the river Duglas (9275). Discouraged he retreats to London (9365). His next move is to Lincoln where he defeats the Saxons in the forest of Celidon( 9403, 7 9422.) Pres- ently the Saxons lay siege to Bath in Somerset. When Arthur gets word of this he desists from pursuing the Picts and Scots and moves upon Bath where he wins one of the great victories of his career, slaying with his Own hand 470 8 Saxons in the one battle. Then he returns to the Picts and Scots in Albania (9642) and there reduces these people and the interfering Irish to subjection (9690), after which, he moves South by way of York (9834). The next summer he makes a successful expedition against Ireland, 6 See also Weston, Lancelot, 48. 6 ERB IX, i, B 9266 ff. 7 For Geoffrey's Eaerllndoit the Brut reads Nicole, Lindocolinum, X, iii. 8 HBB IX, iv. Wace says: quatre cens, 9590. 52 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Iceland, Gothland, and the Orkneys and then settles down to twelve years of peace (9978). 9 It is significant that although most of this fighting takes place in the north, the conflict described in greatest detail is that around Bath, in southwestern England. The meeting of Britons and Saxons at Bath had been famous in history ever since the time of Gildas, 10 that is, about the middle of the sixth century, hence Geoffrey and Wace had a good precedent for their detailed ac- counts. The important point for us is the prominent association of Arthurian story with a locality in southern Britain. Certain features of this militant relation between Britons and Saxons find a parallel in the Charrete. The story opens with Ar- thur's realm on hostile terms with that of King Baudemagus. On account of Crestien's vague and unsatisfactory geography, Gorre, the kingdom of Baudemagus is yet to be identified. Gaston Paris, as we have seen (p. 50) makes no attempt to solve the problem. Brugger 11 devotes 71 pages to the question, offering rather uncer- tainly the hypothesis that Gorre is to be identified with Strathmore in Scotland, but concluding with the confession that the matter is still in der Luft. Rhys 12 connects Gorre with Gower, a peninsula on the southern coast of Wales, an opinion rejected by Brugger. Lot 13 explains the confusion of Bath in Somerset with Gorre through a misunderstanding by Crestien and Godefroi de Laigny of the material they were handling, and suggests that Gorre may be the French pronunciation of the old Welsh Gwydr (Mod. Welsh, Grutr) translating the French verre. Gorre may thus be the He de verre or Glastonbury. This hypothesis, Brugger thinks not impossible. The most reasonable views, it seems to me, are those tending to locate Gorre in the South. Brugger is evidently working in accord with Zimmer's theory 14 of the beginning of historical Arthurian s HUB IX, x. The Brut reads trente cms, but the two variant readings noted by the editor have "12 years," II, p. 13, n. a. 10 Giles, op. cit, 313, 409. Fletcher, op. cit., 4, 7, 8, 30. 11 ZfS XXVIII (1906) 1 ff. 12 Studies in Arthurian Legend, Oxford, 1891, 329. 13 Rom. XXIV, 332. 14 GGA (1890) 525. EPISODES 53 story in the North, when he would place Gorre in Scotland. 15 But, as Zimmer says, the Britons of the North, pushed into the South- west of the island by their Saxon foes, carried Arthurian story with them. Hence by the time of Nennius, in the ninth century, the tradition was already associated with such places as Bath and Carlion. In the EBB, Bath, Carlion, London, Southampton, Cornwall, Winchester figure in Arthur's progress. Moreover, the Vita Gildae, attributed to Caradoc of Lancarvan (1150 ca ) 16 , brings Arthur to Glastonbury there to besiege, with an army drawn from Cornwall and Devon, Melwas, king of the Aestivo regions, Somer- set, who had stolen away Guinevere and concealed her in this strong- hold. 17 In the face of this testimony it seems only reasonable to asso- ciate Gorre with the South. We do not have to go to Scotland to get a body of water with which to surround Gorre (L.657). Som- erset, for example, borders on the Bristol Channel. Whatever the origin of the name may be, I believe that Crestien, as it will ap- pear inevitably in the course of this study, was either ignorant of or indifferent to geographical location ; and that since we have for a clue Bath of Somerset as the capital city of an unidentified region called Gorre, we may, for the present, at least, infer that Gorre was supposed to be in the region of Somerset. To return to the subject of the hostility between Britain and Gorre, in both the Brut and the Charrete, the center of war be- tween these two kingdoms is Bath. Next, the quarrel motiving the plot is not a private matter between Meliaganz and Arthur or any one of his knights; the whole of both realms is involved and the trouble has been going on for some time before the story opens. Just as with the historical Arthur and the Saxons, the difficulty is be- tween old enemies. It is Ascension day ; the Court is assembled at Carlion or Cama- 15 Note that Urien, called by the chroniclers, King of Morray, (Brut 9865, HRB IX, xii) is by Malory made king of Gorre, (Morte d'Arthur ed. Strachey, London, 1909, 27, 31, 35, 42). Whether Malory identified Morray with Gorre it is hard to say. Once, however, he makes Bagdemagus, king of Gore, 405. 16 Paris, Rom. XII, 511 thinks it was later. Lot, Melanges d'Histoire Bretonne, Paris, 1907, 275 says: "Caradoc serait mort en 1156 — Tout ce qu'on peut dire, c'est que son oeuvre est anterieure a 1166, puisqu'on poss&de un manuscrit de la Vita Gildae 6crit en cette annee au plus tard." 17 See p. 50 and n. 3. 54 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES lot. 18 Meliaganz enters suddenly, and approaching Arthur says: 53 Bois Artus, j'ai an ma prison De ta terre et de ta meison Chevaliers, dames et pueeles, Mes ne t'en di pas les noveles Por ce que jes te vuelle randre ; Eincois te vuel dire et aprandre Que tu n'as force ne avoir, Por quoi tu les puisses avoir. Et saches bien qu'einsi morras Que ja eidier ne lor porras. He then demands the queen, saying that he will ride into the woods and await her there. Guinevere departs with Kay; soon af- ter, Gawain and then Lancelot start off in seach of her. During the quest, Lancelot is entertained at the court of a vavasor whose family : 2063 N'estoient pas de la terre, 19 Mes il i estoient au serre, Et prison tenu i avoient Mout longement et si estoient Del reaume de Logres ne. Lancelot tells his host: 2093 Del reaume de Logres sui Ainz mes an cest pais ne fui Then the host says to Lancelot : 2100 Tant mar i fustes, biaus douz sire, Tant est granz domages de vos ! Qu'or seroiz aussi come nos An servitume et an essil. Lancelot, riding forward with his two companions, meets a man who desires to entertain them over night. As the host is about to lead them with him, a squire dashes up crying to him : 2301 Sire, sire, venez plus tost ! Car cil de Logres sont a ost Venu sor ceus de ceste terre S'ont ja commanciee la guerre 18 There seems to be a confusion of names here, L 32, 34, see also p. 74, n. 70. On Camalot, see Paris, Bom. XII, 464. 19 i. e. Gorre. EPISODES 55 Et la tangon et la nieslee ; Et dient qu'an eest contree S'est uns chevaliers anbatuz Qui an mainz lens s'est conbatuz, N'an ne li puet contretenir Passage, on il vuelle venir, Que il n'i past, cni qu'il enuit. Et dient ou eest pais tuit Que il les deliverra toz Et metra les noz au dessoz. Or si vos hastez, par inon los! 2324. The knight thus addressed hurries off to aid his country- men. Those who have heard the squire's message — Lancelot and his companions — rejoice and say that they will go to the assistance of their friends. These friends are the captive Britons. Lancelot and his companions follow the man to a fortress where a great bat- tle takes place in which Lancelot is, of course, the victor. The liberated captives, Cil de Logres, (2425) on inquiring to whom they are indebted learn : 2425 Ce est cil Qui nos gitera toz d'essil Et de la grant maleurte Ou nos avons lone tans este. Later on, Lancelot is again entertained by a host originally from Logres. 2969 Sire, nos venimes piec'a Del reaume de Logres ca says the host to his guest. While in the land of King Baudemagus, Lancelot is to engage in combat with Meliaganz, the king's son, and abductor of Guine- vere. Both sides assemble to witness the battle. 3530 Le chevalier estrange mande Li rois tantost et l'an li mainne An la place qui estoit plainne Des janz del reaume de Logres; *H' *M* W IP *K* 3539 Estoient la tuit aune Trois jorz avoient jeune 56 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Et ale nuz piez et an langes Totes les puceles estranges Del reaume le roi Artu, Por ce que Deus force et vertu Donast contre son averseire Au chevalier qui devoit feire La bataille por les cheitis. The condition of exiled maidens is clearly indicated here. This combat is indecisive and another is arranged for, to be held later. 3904 a la cort La roi Artu iert la bataille Qui tient Bretaingne et Cornoaille: Bretaingne et Cornoaille and Logres appear to be synonymous here. (See p. 118 & n. 7 ; p. 120) . Another reference to the captive people occurs when Lancelot, before he enters the land of Gorre, meets a maiden who says to him : 1310 "Et se vos ne conduisiiez Par les us et par les costumes Qui furent ainz que nos ne fumes El reaume de Logres mises. " 20 Moreover, in other-world abduction stories, if there is any restora- tion usually only one person is brought back, and not a great num- ber, as here. I feel that there has been confusion of sources at this point, and that if Crestien had fully understood the nature of the fairy material he was using, Arthur might not have been placed in such an ignominious position and there might have been fewer inconsistencies in the story. Is it pushing the parallel too far if we read in these passages the idea of captivity of Britons by Saxons, of Saxons by Britons, and the idea that Arthur, the hero of the historical battles, has here, on account of technical requirements, been ^replaced by Lancelot the hero of the romance? There is in support of this view still another piece of evidence: the name and person of Baudemagus, king of Gorre. First, as we have observed, his capital city is Bath in Somerset (6255), the scene of the historical Arthur's great victory over the 20 Foerster also seems to be of this opinion; for he says: "Dem Sinn kann es nur heissen; 'bevor wir von Artus erobert -worden sind' " Earrenritter 372. EPISODES 57 Saxons. Secondly, the name Baudemagus(z) is significant. This word offers quite as much of a crux as Gorre. Here again, B rugger 21 has much to say, but nothing conclusive. Although he recognizes the form Baudemagus, he bases his argument relative to Crestien's use of the word, on the form Bademagus. There is something, however, to be said for Baudemagus. A comparison of the text with the MS variants shows that three times out of four, the name occurs in the Baude-iorm, in the MS considered by Foerster as the most reliable, namely, T; 22 and that in the Godefroi de Laigney portion 23 of the poem the form is invariably Bade — in all the MSS. It is also to be noted that the first occurrence of the name in the text is in the Baude-iorm (656). If the MSS are to be trusted, it looks as though the Baude-iorm was the one used by Crestien. In that case it is possible to see how Bade- developed. Phonetically, it has no connection with Baude. In composition it was probably influenced by Bade, "Bath," since Bade was the capital city of Bademagus ; 24 or, the copyists may not have understood the Baude- iorm and having the name Bade, Bath before them, corrected Baude- to Bade- . This explanation would account for the frequent occurrence of Bade in the MSS other than T and for the absence of Baude- in all the MSS of the Laigny portion. The fact that Baude- occurs once in a later MS (A, 656) but within the Cres- tien part of the poem, note, may indicate an accidental survival of the original form. If Baudemagus was the original form it may offer some testi- 21 ZfS XXVIII, 1 ff. 22 656, 3157, 5158. Foerster says, Karrenritter XI, that he has made up his text from the a group, that is T, 0. (See table on page IX). Therefore the text must be based on T wherever variants from C occur in the footnotes, and vice versa. Hence, as the text reads Baude-, 656, and the variant Bade- occurs in O, the Baude-iorm must be- long to I. Verse 4427 reads Bade- without any variants; so here, the Bade-iorm must be in T too. I have not discussed the variants found in the later MSS: A 3157, Bon- demaguz; E 3157, Badegamus ; E 5158 Bondemagu, because they do not seem to throw any light on the question. These later forms appear in the cyclic romances, see Brugger, ZfS XXVIII, 11. In the Wauchier continuation of the Perceval we find Bagommedes 30615. (Potvin ed.) and Baudemagus 43947. There is no evidence in the Perceval that this person, or these persons, — they do not seem to be the same — have any connection with Baudemagus of the Charrete. 23 Variously given from 6147-6167, to the end. See Karrenritter XVI. 24 Lot, Rom. XXIV, 332; and Brugger, ZfS XXVIII, 7, 16, think that Bade is de- rived from Bademagus — Lot, because he thinks it is thus that Bade of Somerset got confused with Gorre; and Brugger, because as he says, Geoffrey derives Bade from its founder, Bladud- (but Geoffrey does not say a word about the derivation of Bade, II, x). It seems more likely that Bath as a famous place, gave rise to the formation Bademagus. 58 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES mony in favor of the historical theory. Separated into its Obvious members, Baude and Magus the word looks like ' ' Baude, the magi- cian" and may be set beside such a compound as Simon Magus. 25 This idea suggests a connection between Baudemagus, king of- Bath and Bladus, founder of Bath and creator of its mysterious waters, the necromancer 26 whose fame is recounted in the Brut. 1667 Bladus fu mult de grant puissance E sot assez de nigromance. Cil funda Bade e fist les bainz ; Unques n'i orent este ainz, De Bladu fu Balda 27 numee, La secunde letre I ostee. Ou Bade ot par le baing cest nun Pur la merveilluse facun; Les bainz fist chauz e saluables E al poeple mult profitables. Note that Bladus was a magician and the marvelous nature of the baths is due apparently to his necromantic art. On turning to the Charrete we find that king Baudemagus is apparently connected with mysterious waters and marvelous structures. (1) Gawain and Lancelot in their quest of Guinevere are met by a damsel (640) who tells them that the queen has been abducted by Meliaganz, son of the king of Gorre, and carried to this king- dom. To their question, where is this land, she replies : 651 "Tost le savroiz; Mes ce sachiez, mont i avroiz Anconbriers et felons trespas; Que de legier n'i antre an pas Se par le congie le roi non (Li roi Baudemaguz a non), Si puet an autrer totes voies Par deus mout perilleuses voies Et par deus mout felons passages. 25 See Hart, J. M., A British Icarus in MLN, Dec. 1910. 26 Brugger ZfS XXVIII, 7, suggests the equations: As Geoffrey derives Bade from Bladud, so Crestien or his source, derives Bade from Bademagut. As Geoffrey makes Bladud founder of Bath, so Crestien has Bademagut live in Bath. The first equation is answered on p. 57, n. 24, the second, I agree to. 27 Probably what Wace wrote was Bada rather than Balda. This change at once renders an obscure passage clear: Bada (Latin) would give in French, Bade. EPISODES 59 Li uns a non Li Ponz Evages, Por ce que soz eve est li ponz ; Si a de l'eve jusqu'au fonz Autant de soz come de sus, Ne de ca mains de la plus, Ainz est li ponz tot droit an mi; Et si n'a que pie et demi De la et autretant d'espes Bien fet a refuser cist mes, Et s'est ce li mains perilleus; Mes il a assez antre deus Avantures don je me tes. Li autre ponz est plus mauves Et est plus perilleus assez ; Qu' ains par home ne fu passez; Qu'il est come espee tranchanz Et por ce trestotes les janz L'apelent Le Pont De L 'Espee." (2) When Lancelot reaches the perilous ponte de I' espee, and dismounts upon the near side, he sees the water : 3023 . . . . . . l'eve felenesse, Roide et bruiant, 28 noire et espesse, Si leide et si espoantable Con se fust li fluns au deable, Et tant perilleuse et parfonde 28 Qu'il n'est riens nule an tot le monde, S'ele i cheoit, ne fust alee Aussi come au la mer salee. Lancelot, of course, essays the perilous passage, and on arriving on the further shore, immediately sees before him a bower from the window of which is leaning King Baudemagus (3152 ff.) (3) The second perilous passage, the bridge laid deep under the water, is attempted by Gawain (5125 ff.) Accomplishing the ordeal with great difficulty he reaches the opposite shore in a faint. As soon as he revives, he inquires after the queen and is an- swered by those who were with King Baudemagus : "These epithets are frequently used by Cretien to describe other- world waters, E 5879; P (Baist), 2950. 60 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES 5157 Et cil qui li ont respondu D'avuee le roi Baudemagu. Thus Baudemagus seems to have some connection with the perilous passage into the land of Gorre. Furthermore, Baude- magus as he leans from the tower window apparently watching Lancelot crossing the pont de I'espee is described as mout soutis et aguz, epithets entirely appropriate to a magician. (3158). Again, both Bladus and Baudemagus are represented as per- sons kindly disposed. Bladus made health-giving baths; Baude- magus is always friendly towards those who come from the ene- my's camp. It is his son Meliaganz who is the bitter and unfor- giving foe (3157, 4427, 4254.) Baudemagus seems out of place. Possibly he had no part in the original abduction story. He may have come from another source. Why not from the Brut? Finally, the names Bladus and Baude- are related phoneti- cally. 29 The compound was doubtless invented by Crestien or his source. There is another possible explanation for the second part of this name: Maguz(s) may equate Mdbuz, the name of an enchanter in the German Lanzelet. Mdbuz or rather Mabon, a closely related form, is found compounded with Evrain or Agrain in Mabona- grain, 30 the victim of the Joie de la Cort episode in Erec (5367). In the Erec appear Mabonagrain, and Evrain, his uncle who plays the role of Hospitable Host. In the Bel Inconnu are found Mabon, the enchanter of the Gaste Cite, and Evrain his accomplice (3321, 3343). Thus if Mabon has been compounded in the one instance by Crestien it is possible that the form has served him a second time, in Baudemagus. But in either case, whether we adopt Magus, magician, or Mabuz, 31 the name of a magician, we arrive at prac- tically the same result : the word refers to a person of supernat- ural powers, and may still be connected with Wace's Bladus. 29 Bladus > Baldus by metathasis of I. Baldus > Baudus by vocalization of I. See Suchier, Les Voyelles Toniques du Vieux Frangais trad. par. Ch. Guerlin de Guer, Paris, 1906, § 50 and esp. § 56. *° Pointed out by Lot, Bom. XXIV, 321. 81 For further discussion of Mabon see Philipot, Bom. XXV, (1896) 275. There is often a similarity in the names of other- world characters : the Red Knight, Garlan the Red, Esclados li Ros; Flore de mont, la Dame aux cheveux blons, Blanchefleur ; Melwas, Meliganz, Maheloas, etc. EPISODES 61 As a connection between Bladus and Baudemagus seems pos- sible on the ground of phonology as well as of character, the sup- position that Crestien borrowed his king of Bath from Wace does not seem unreasonable. Another situation in the Charrete that may have been inspired by the Brut is the liaison of Guinevere and Lancelot. We have al- ready seen (p. 50) that according to Paris, Crestien was the first to introduce into Arthurian romance the illicit love of this pair, for originally the rescuer of the abducted queen was her husband. 32 But sometime before the composition of the Charrete the unfaith- fulness of Guinevere had been recorded in the chronicles. 33 Wace, much impressed by the guilt of Modred and the queen, recorded his opinion forcibly in the very episode which Crestien knew well. It has been shown (pp. 36, 101) why for technical reasons it was impossible for Crestien to have followed Wace in leaving the queen of the Cliges in England and in engaging her in guilty relations with Angres. But there is no reason why the action of Guinevere should not, at the time he borrowed from Wace for the Angres episode, have made an impression on him which bore fruit in his next romance, the Charrete. 3 * It may be suggested that Crestien knowing Thomas's Tristan, and having perhaps composed a Tristan of his own was in the Charrete attempting to reproduce somewhat the same situation, but the other explanation is more likely since he had a very good model in the guilt of Guinevere herself. 35 For the abduction of Guinevere there is, as we have seen, a 32 The story of Guinevere as an unfaithful wife was current as tradition however before Crestien's day. See Weston, Lancelot 45 f . ; Rhys, Celtic Folklore 49; HL XXX, 200 f. &HRB X, xiii; XI, i. 34 The Brut 11460, describes Modred's love of Guinevere thus: II aveit la reine amee Mais ce esteit chose celee; II s'en celot mais qui quidast Qu'il la feme sun uncle amast? Change uncle to rei and these lines would describe very well the love of Lancelot and Guinevere. 85 See Golther, ZfS XXII (1900) 3; and Foerster, Earrenritter, LXXV, LXXXII, who remark on the parallel between the lovers in the Tristan and in the Charrete. 62 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CEESTIEN DE TROIES chronicle foundation, the Vita Gildae 36 (after 1150, see p. 53 and n. 16 ). "Gildas 37 ingressus est glastonian — Melvas rege reg- nante in Aestiva regione — glastonia, id est urbs vitrea (quae nomen sumsit a vitro) est (et) urbs nomine primitus in britannice sermone [suppl. dicta quis witryn?]. Obsessa est itaque ab Arturo tyranno cum innumerabili multitudine propter Guennuvar uxorem suam violatam et raptam a praedicto iniquo rege et ibi ductam propter refugium, inviolati loci, propter inundationes arundineti ac flumi- nis et paludis, causae tutelae. Quaesiverat rex rebellis?) reginam per unius anni circulum, audivit tamen (1. tandem?) illam glasto- niae commorantem. Illico commovit exercitus totius cornubiae et Dibueniae paratum est bellum inter inimicos. Hoc vivo, abbas Glastoniae, comitante clero et Gilda sapiente, intravit medias acies. Consulvit Melvas regi suo pacifice est redderet captam; reddita ergo fuit quae reddenda fuerat per pacem et benevolentiam. " This episode has several points in common with the Charrete story. First, the names of the abductors are similar : 38 secondly, their kingdoms seem to be in the same region. (See p. 53). Third- ly, the queen's rescue is accomplished only after a struggle involv- ing not one or two heroes only, but whole armies (pp. 53 ff.). It is possible that the Vita Gildae was known to Crestien or at least that he was familiar with the story as there told ; but the theme of Guinevere's infidelity and her liaison with some one closely related 86 There is probably little actual fact in this narrative. Lot, Melanges d' Histoire Bri- tonne, 237, regards it is "une invention romanesque destinee a rehausser la gloire de 1' abbaye de Glastonbury (dans la Sommersetshire ) en faisant croire qu'elle possede les reliques des plus illustre 'savant' des Bretons." He regards Guinevere's abduction as of Welsh origin (269). This possible Welsh source may be connected with the tradition cited by Rhys and Miss Weston (see p. 61, n. 32) of Guinevere's unfaithfulness. See also Paris Bom. X, 491; XII, 511. However, Lot. op eit, 274, 282, shows that the Vita has probably been influenced by Geoffrey, hence Geoffrey may have been the inventor of this conception of Guinevere. Such a situation would be thoroughly romantic. Geoffrey mentions Oaradoc as a contemporary, together with Henry of Huntington and William of Malmesbury. (San Marte ed. p. 176; Lot, op. cit., 275, p. 2). 87 Ed., San Marte. This extract was taken from Rom. X, 491, n. 1 where it is quoted by Paris. 88 Paris, Rom. XII, 502 n. 1, finds a phonetic relation between Melvas and Meleagant; Zimmer and Foerster do not agree to this, (Earrenritter XXXVIII,) but connect Melvas with Maheloas, sire de Vlsle de Voirre (Erec 1946). Paris also points out this relation. Brugger, ZfS XXVIII, 8, n. 12, says that since Melwas and Meliaganz are alike in char- acter and as Melvas and Maheloas are both from the Isle de Verre, the three named must be intended to represent the same character. Did Crestien get his Maheloas from the Vita Gildae? EPISODES 63 to Arthur, is for reasons already assigned, probably due to the in- fluence of Wace. 39 This discussion leads to the opinion that Crestien, while adopt- ing as the substructure of his romance an other-world abduction story, and developing as the theme the conception of an amour court ois subtilized by Andre le Chapelain 40 and transmitted by Marie de Champagne, is at the same time reminiscent of certain episodes and situations found in the Roman de Brut. There is no desire here to disagree with established views as to the origin of the Charrete story, but merely to show that beside the various ele- ments already known to exist, there may be also an historical element quite as possible to trace as the mythical and folkloristic features. Such a conclusion obtains further support when we re- call Crestien 's technique. His habit of rationalizing other- world scenery and traditions is well known. 41 Paris has said that the other- world coloring, when the story reached Crestien 's hands, lost much of its former significance, an observation to which all who have read the romance must agree. That Crestien, with the story of Modred's treachery and of Arthur's conquests fresh in mind after writing Cliges should have chosen to blend so-called his- torical facts with popular tradition in the effort to give realistic effect seems not improbable. . Yvain Wace, while enumerating in the Roman de Rou the heroes and peoples who accompanied Duke William to the exercise of his ven- geance upon the unfortunate Harold, steps out of the highway of his narrative for a moment to describe the strange forest of Broce- liande which contributed forces to William's cause. Among those who went to England were : Vol. II 6395 . . . . . cil deyers Breceliant Dune Bretun vunt sovent fablant, Une forest mult lunge e lee, Qui en Bretaigne est mult loee. La funtaine de Berentun 39 Thedens, op. cit., 128, is also of this opinion, but we reached our conclusions in- dependently. 40 See Rom. XII, 523. ^Erec 2432-2577, Yvain 907 ff.; Perceval 1682 ff. 64 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Sort d'une part lez un perrun Aler suleient veneiir A Berentun par grant chalur, E a lur corz l'eve espuisier E le perrun desuz moillier. Pur co suleient pluie aveir; Issi suleit jadis ploveir En la forest e envirun Mais jo ne sui par quel raison. La suelt Ten les fees veeir, Se li Bretun nus dient veir, E altres merveilles plusurs; Aires i suelt aveir d'osturs E de granz eers mult grant plente; Mais vilain unt tut deserte, La alai jo merveilles querre, Vi la forest e vi la terre, Merveilles quis, mes ne trovai, Fol m'en revinc, fol i alai, Fol i alai, fol m'en revinc Folie quis, pur fol me tine. As soon as we reach the word fablant we are at once transported into the realm of fancy and are prepared for the rain-bringing pro- perties of the fountain when its water is poured upon the marvel- ous stone, — a phenomenon, it seems, too deep for "Wace to fathom. Crestien, apparently, has made effective use of this legend at the beginning of his romance. Calogrenanz has begun the story of his disgrace. For an entire day, lonely as a peasant he rode : 181 Parmi une forest espesse. Mout i ot voie felenesse, De ronces et d' espines plainne; * JjL Jfc Jfc Jt, JZ, J£- Jf. TV* TV" "it" "JV" "Tv" TP Tanque de la forest issi Et ce fu an Broceliande. After his hospitable entertainment by the vavasor and the instruc- tions of the hunchback herdsman he journeys on until nearly noon (411) when he comes in sight of the tree and the fountain so carefully described by his informant. (370 ff.) Then he essays the adventure. EPISODES 65 432 La mervoille a veoir me plot De la tanpeste et de l'orage, Don je ne me ting mie a sage ; Que volontiers m'en repantisse Tot maintenant, se je po'isse, Quant je oi le perron crose De l'iaue au bacin arose. Mes trop an i versai, ce dot ; Que lors vi le ciel si derot Que de plus de quatorze parz Me feroit es iauz li esparz, Et les nues tot pesle mesle Gitoient noif et pluie et gresle. Tant fu li tans pesmes et forz Que cant foiz cuidai estre morz Des foudres qu'antor moi cheoient Et des arbres qui despecoient. Sachiez que mout fui esmaiiez Tant que li tans fu rapaiiez. The points of coincidence in these episodes are : 1. The place — Broceliande. 2. The magic nature of fountain and stone. a. The rain making properties of the fountain are active only after the water has been poured on the stone. b. A sudden rain follows this act. 3. The disappointment of the seekers. 4. The final lines of the story : B 6418 ; Y 577. "Wace goes to the fountain hunting for marvels, but not find- ing any he concludes that he went on a fool's errand. Calogre- nanz also goes purely to seek adventure, and getting well paid for his curiosity, sadly reflects that he too went on a fool's errand. After his defeat by Esclados li Ros he picks himself up and returns thoughtfully home, echoing the words of the deceived Wace : 577 Einsi alai, einsi reving, Au revenir por fol me ting. There are, however, several points of divergence in these stor- ies. "Wace's fountain has a name, Berenton. The result of pour- ing water on the stone is in the Bou apparently nothing more than a rain; in Yvain it is a violent storm. "Wace's fountain 66 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES has a beneficial effect on vegetation; huntsmen in the hot season pour its water from their horns upon the stone to bring rain. Crestien's fountain is harmful to vegetation and to man. Thun- derbolts splinter the trees and the fury of the snow, rain and hail terrifies Calogrenanz almost to death. The birds that come out on the tree after the storm seem here to symbolize a spirit of thanks- giving that the peril is over. Lastly, in Yvain there is an ultimate effect: the combat to which Calogrenanz is forced by the defender of the fountain. The fountain of Berenton has no protector. In spite of these differences there is enough similarity between the passages to warrant the opinion that Crestien has borrowed from the Rou, if the episode were unique with "Wace. But the fountain of Broceliande is described in mediaeval Latin litera- ture ; 42 marvelous stones and fountains with rain-making prop- erties are found in Celtic story ; 43 and there are extant, traces of a fountain cult among the gallo-Romans. 44 These facts have led scholars to a division of opinion on the question of Crestien's in- debtedness to Wace for this feature, Foerster 45 holding the affirma- tive side against Baist, 45 Brown 48 and Kolbing. 45 However, one need not accept or disagree with either of these views entirely. It is quite possible that, in the case of the fountain, as with other features of popular tradition such as the Round Table, the fame of this celebrated spring had reached Crestien through some other source than the Ron, and that he knew the Rou account at the same time. 46 The latter may at least have served him as a starting point. It cannot be shown that Crestien is dependent for this episode en- tirely either upon Wace or upon some other source, but the verbal similarity between the closing lines of the two passages is evident without demonstration and certainly indicates that Crestien must have known Wace's account. There is another episode in Yvain reminiscent of Wace ; namely, 42 Yvain, 3rd ed., XXV. 43 Brown, A. 0. L., HSN VIII. "Nitze, MP III (1905) 267 ff. ; VII (1909) 145 ff. See also in this connection Miss L. B. Morgan, MP VI (1908) 331 ff. 45 Yvain, 3rd ed., XXXI; ZrP XXI, 402. ESN VIII, (1901) 23. ZfvL (N. F.) XI, 442. 48 Professor Nitze is also of this opinion. MP III, 274, n. 2 where he says it is possible that Crestien got a hint of the fountain from Wace. See also MP III, 269. EPISODES 67 the hero's combat with Harpin de la Montaigne (4182 ff.) which recalls in one respect Arthur's fight with Dinabuc, the giant of Mont St.-Michel (Brut 11874 ff.) Both Wace and Crestien com- pare the fall of the giant to the fall of a great oak tree. B 11942 Tel escrois fist al chaement Cume chaisnes qui chiet par vent. Y 4244 Li jaianz chiet, la morz l'asproie; Et se uns granz chasnes che'ist, Ne cuit greignor esfrois feist Que li jaianz fist au cheoir. Of course, since the material for comparison is so obvious, this simile may be a stock figure. It is hard to determine indebtedness on such a slight foundation, for this is the only parallel in the whole episode. However, the point of similarity has seemed worth noting. The Conte du Oraal The episode of King Rion of the Isles offers a particularly dif- ficult problem, partly because Crestien makes only a passing refer- ence to the incident, partly because of the varied opinions held concerning the geographical question involved. . There are three matters to consider : the identification of Rion, — the name and per- son, the location of his realm, and the source of Crestien 's allu- sion: is it a borrowing from Wace, from Thomas, or from cur- rent tradition? When the charcoal burner is questioned by Perceval on the road to Arthur 's court, he says, in giving the youth directions : You will find King Arthur glad (823) 47 because he has vanquished Rion of the Isles : 828 Li rois Artus e tote s'ost S'est au roi Rion combatuz Li rois des Isles fu vaincuz E de c'est li rois Artus liez. 1. The name. The first clue to the meaning of these lines is through the name, Rion. The Brut relates (11598) that when Ar- thur was on his way to meet the Romans he turned aside from the march to punish the giant Dinabuc of Mont St.-Michel, who had forcibly carried off Helena, the niece of Hoel of Brittany. After 47 All citations are made from the text as printed by Baist unless otherwise indicated. 68 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROEES he had cut off the monster's head he remarked that he had never before encountered a stronger giant except Riton (11959). Then follows the narrative of his exploit with Riton: 11960 Ritun aveit tant rei cunquis E venqu e ocis e pris, De lur barbes q'ot escorchiees ) Ot unes pels apareilliees ; Pels en ot fait a afubler, Mult deveit um Ritun duter. Par grant orguil e par fierte, Aveit al rei Artus mande Que la siue barbe escorchast E bunement li enveiast; E si cum il plus forz esteit, E il plus des altres valeit, La soe barbe enveiereit, E a ses pels orle fereit. E se Artus cuntrediseit Ce que Ritun li requerreit, Cors a cors ensamble venissent, E sol a sol se cumbatissent ; E li quels qui 1' altre ocireit Ou qui vif vaincre le poreit, La barbe eiist, prei'st les pels E feist orle et tassels. Artus a lui se cumbati El munt d' Araive sil venqui; Les pels e la barbe escorcha, Unques puis Artus ne trova Gaiant qui fust d'itel valur Ne dunt il eiist tel paiir. Wace's story is easily traceable to Geoffrey who gives in con- densed form precisely the same account (X, iii). Here the name of the giant occurs as Rithonem (ace). Rhys 48 tells a story, Celtic in origin, of a giant named Rhita. 49 Two brothers who were kings fell into a long and deadly quarrel which was broken up only by 48 Celtic Folklore, Oxford 1901, 560. 49 Iola MSS, 193b. The footnote there tells the reader that the story was copied from the Book of Iaco ab Dewi. EPISODES 69 the appearance of Khita Gawr, king of Wales, who attacked them on the ground of their being mad, conquered them, and shaved off their beards. When the other twenty-eight kings of Prydain 50 heard of this outrage they gathered their armies to take ven- geance on Rhita, but after a great struggle they met with a fate like that of the two brothers. Then all the neighboring kings com- bined to make war on Rhita, but they also were vanquished and treated in the same ignominious fashion as the thirty kings of Prydain. With the beards Rhita had a mantle made to cover him from head to foot — a mantle of no mean size since he was said to be as large as two ordinary men. Then Rhita turned his attention to establishing just and equable laws between king and king, and one realm with another. 51 The antagonist of Geoffrey's story can be no other than this Rhita of Celtic legend. The association of the giant with Arthur is quite natural. No one but Arthur could conquer a person who had arrived at such a pitch of arrogance as this beard-hunting king. The climax is reached when Rhita demands the beard of Arthur himself, and the denomnent is inevitable. The form Rhita is Goidelic,' Rhys thinks (p. 564). He concludes from Geoffrey's Rithonem that the old Welsh form was probably Rithon. But in the Brut Tysilio 52 and in the Triads the name is Rhitta. As the Brut Tysilio is a Welsh rendering of Geoffrey's Historia the trans- lator must have understood Rhitta to represent Geoffrey's Ritho- nem. There certainly seems to be some connection between the forms Rhita and Rithonem and the names undoubtedly belong to the same person. As Wace's Riton would derive from the Latin accu- sative, Rithonem, and would give Rion by loss of intervocalic t, phonologically Rion, Riton, and Rithonem are the same name. A 60 Britain. See Loth, J., Mabinogion, I, 242. B1 Mab. II, 289 f. Three severe regulations for the island of Prydein. The third is that of Rhitta Gawr the giant who made for himself a mantle of beards of kings. He had them flayed off to punish the kings for oppression and injustice. The Triads which are late (see Mab. II, 302) are evidently trying here to reconcile the two rather contradictory sides of Rhita, brought out in the earlier story. 62 Translated into German by San Marte, and published in the volume containing the HBB 475 ff. It was made from the English translation by Rev. Peter Roberts, the Chronicle of the Icings of Britain in "Collectanea Cambriea" 1811, repub. by M. Pope as A History of the Icings of ancient Britain, 1862. See Fletcher, op. cit. 117 and nn., and San Marte BRB LXIX. 70 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES comparison of the episodes in which the characters Rithon-em, Riton, Rhita, figure shows that they are the same person. It now remains to see whether Crestien's Rion, whose name is identical with Ritho-n-em, Riton is also the same person. Crestien tries to show that Rion was a formidable enemy of Arthur's, since his downfall brings such evident rejoicing. If - we return to the Brut passage we note, that never before Arthur encountered Riton did he meet with a foe of such valor, and never before did he have such fear of an opponent. Arthur's satisfac- tion as noted by Crestien is a natural consequence of the king's state of feeling as described by Wace. 2. The location of Rion's realm. The problem of locating Rion's realm, involves bringing into some sort of agreement the testimony of the different versions regarding the whereabouts of the giant's kingdom, habitation, or place of combat. 53 The task seems well-nigh Herculean since it is not at all certain that the chroniclers and romancers themselves knew exactly what they were talking about. Consequently there has been a great deal of specu- lation over the matter, with no satisfactory results. Indeed the re- sults are bound to be unsatisfactory even when based solely on the texts, because the readings are in several cases far from clear. The Conte du Graal (830) calls Rion li rois des Isles. "Where are these islands? In the Celtic story Rhita is king of Wales. 54 Geoffrey has the battle take place in Aravio Monte. The first edition of the HRB by Ascenius, Paris, 1508, reads Aram- in both places where the name occurs: the prophecies of Merlin VII, iii (where it has nothing to do with the Rion story) B3 For lack of evidence to the contrary we may assume that these are one and the same, unless we except the Chevalier as deus espees, and even there it is not clear that the combat is not fought in Ris's realm. Ch. a* Deus Espees, ed., Foerster, Halle, 1877, p. 68. 64 Rhys. Celtic Folklore, 563, says: "Rhita is not said, it is true, to have been a Gwoydel (Goidel) but he is represented as ruling over Ireland [The story as Rhys tells it does not show this], and his name ... is not Welsh." Earlier (pp. 474-9), he says that the giant Rhita, Ritta, Ricca Gawr, the name is variously spelt, was, according to a well known tradition, buried on Mount Snowden. But as the earliest record of this tradition is 1420 ca. (Rhys, p. 474) no one can tell whether the unwritten tradition goes much further back or not, hence the story cannot be trusted to throw light on the situation of Rhita's habitation or battle ground. The name Ricca occurs in the Mabino- gion, 107, when it is merely mentioned, and Rita, as a place name is found five times in the Book of Llan Dav. (Rhys, 478). San Marte, HRB 403 tells a story found in the Mabinogi of Eulhwch and Olwen which he calls "ein ziemlich ahnliches Abenthurer" to the Rhita story. The gist of the tale is that Kay and Bedver pull out the beard of the giant Dillus Varwawc, in order to make a rope with which to hold a certain Drudwyn. This episode may show the effect of the Rhita tale. See p. 96, this study. EPISODES 71 and in the Rion episode X, iii (San Marte, 347, 405). These two forms seem to have puzzled Brugger ZfS XXVII, 103, n. 57: "Wir wissen eben noch nieht was der mons Aramus (Aravius) be- deutet. " San Marte locates the mountain in Merionethshire (405) "Es ist sehr wahrscheinlieh das Arranvawigebirge in Merioneth- shire dessen hochsten Gipfel, Arran Fawddy, 983 Fuss iiber die Meeresflache sieh erhebt. ' ' This looks as though he inclined to the form Aram-. The oc- currence of the two forms can be explained as a paleographic con- fusion, Aramo-Aravio. 55 Which then was the form used by Geoff- rey? A comparison of the MSS readings would be of service here, but the MSS are not at present available. In the meantime it would be well to observe how Geoffrey's translators understood the name. The Brut reads El mont d'Araive. Araive would derive regularly from Aravio. The two variants cited by the editor are ''mont de Rave" (MS du Roi, 73 Cange) and "mont d' Artane" (MS de l'Ars, 171, BL) : de Rave could be explained as a paleo- graphic error, the a of Araive becoming joined to the preposition de, and then being written as e. Artane is not so easily explained. As far as the form of the word is concerned the evidence of- fered by Wace is in favor of Araive - Aravio, but this evidence cannot be trusted implicitly. It is unfortunate that the best MS of the Brut (Additional 32125, Brit. Museum) is still unpublished. 59 It was this MS or one like it, according to Imelmann, which La^amon must have used since his readings of proper names are generally better than those of the text of "Wace's Brut. La^amon's Brut, extant in two MSS, renders the name as follows : MS A : 57 "Munte of Rauinte"; B : 58 "Monte of Ravin." A, Imelmann says, is older, but B is, on the whole, more cor- rect (op. cit. 12.) especially in respect to proper names. Both readings, however, are in favor of the v(u) form rather than that 55 A glance at the editor's note on this name, Brut II, p. 158, shows that he evi- dently had before him no other reading of the HUB than "in Aramo monte." 56 See Imelmann La)amon, Versuch uber seine Quellen, Berlin, 1906, 18. Possibly the Brut, which apparently once stood between Wace's and Lajamon's Bruts, might have shed some light on this difficulty. Cf. O. Sommer, Vulgate Version of the Arthurian Romances, Carnegie Institute Pub., 1909, vol. I, p. xxii. B7 Cott. Calig. A, IX. M Cott. Otho C. XIX, Brit. Museum. The MSS are ed. by Sir Frederick Madden and printed in parallel columns, London, 1847, III, p. 37. 72 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES with m. Ravin would represent "Wace's variant, Rave, which we saw probably goes back to Araive. In view of this evidence, then we may, for the present, accept the Latin Aravio rather than Aramo as Geoffrey's original form. The Welsh translation of the His- toria, the Brut Gruff ydd ab Arthur renders Geoffrey's "in Aravio" by Eryri. 59 Rhys says that by this the translator understood Aravio to mean Snowden, in North West Wales. This view is supported by the fact that in the Prophecies of Merlin (ERB VII, iii) where Aravio occurs it is immediately followed by the name of Wales. Thomas, 60 who calls the giant Orguillus, has him dwelling in Africa, and traveling as far as the marches of his realm to do battle with Arthur. This change of name and location 61 seems odd since as Professor Bedier says: 62 "II [Thomas] avait sous les yeux, quand il rimait cet episode, La Oeste as Bretons de Wace." Professor Bedier offers no explanation. Since Thomas has changed both the name and abode of the giant, his testimony may now be excluded. Crestien could not have borrowed his allusion from the Tristan because he uses the name found in Geoffrey and Wace, and does not tell the story, while Thomas tells the story, but under entirely different names. On referring again to the Perceval passage we see that a few lines before Eion's name is introduced, Arthur is at Carduel, a castle situated on the sea (821). Perceval will find him glad (823) because he has vanquished Rion of the Isles. This implies that Arthur has come freshly from the combat. The connection of Carduel with the Rion episode recalls the fact that the beard story is told in the Chevalier as Deus Espees, 63 an Arthurian romance 69 The text of the Bruts from the Bed Book of Bergest, ed., Rhys and Evans, Oxford, 1890, 213; Celtic Folklore, 562. 60 Tristan, ed., BSdier, I, v. 716. 61 As far as I know, there seems to be no precedent, popular or literary, for associa- ting Arthur with Africa. Acc. to Geoffrey & Wace he at no time went further east than the Alps, EBB X, xiii; B 13419. 62 I, 289, note. 63 Among the later romances the episode occurs in the following: Robt. de Borron, Merlin (Paris, P.) II 192, 318; Huth Merlin (Paris, G.) "La Soc. des Ancient textes" I, 202; Wheatley's Merlin, II, 617; Malory Morte d' Arthur, vol. I, BK I, 74, II, 75; Morte d'Arthure, an Eng. poem, (date 1440) Ed., G. G. Perry, London, 1865. The cyclic romances show such modification of the original tale in the way of additions and inconsistencies that it is not worth while to bring them into the discussion, for they would only complicate without helping a problem already sufficiently involved. EPISODES 73 of unknpwn authorship, dated by Foerster 64 before the middle of the thirteenth century. Thus it is not too late to be of service here, and in fact, is of positive importance when we remember that this story is an excellent example of Crestien's influence on succeeding romancers and that it stands especially close to the Conte du Graal. 65a It may show how one of Crestien's imitators understood this passage. In this romance the name of the king (he does not appear to be a giant) is Ris. This form seems to be the usual old French nominative to an accusative such as Ritonem.™* His epithet is d'outre ombre (across the Humber), 208 ; he is called also "le roi de Noroiibellande" (9253). At the time that he sends his insulting message to Arthur he is engaged in besieging a vassal of Arthur's, the Queen of Garadigan (261) or Caradigan (2540, 2579).' The honor of the combat • with Ris, 66 here transferred for technical purposes from Arthur to the Chevalier as Deus Espees occurs : 2132 En la forest De Cardueil or rather: 2141 De la forest en une lande Loins montant as liues d' Irelande Demie liue, et ie coisi Par desous un tertre The names, Carduel and Caradigan require some explanation. It is generally agreed 67 that Carduel is Carlisle in Cumberland. "p. XXXII. eBa See Thedens, op. cit., esp. p. 12 ff. Cf. Schwan-Behrens, Altfrz. Gram. 8, § 289. 66 The Wauchier continuation of the Conte del Graal (Potvin, III, 13481) tells of a certain Ris de Yolen, une lande Les Carlion de hois enclose. He is an opponent of King Cadovalant's in a tourney at Arthur's court. Brugger ZfS XXV, (1903) 106, n. 57 identifies him with Ris d'outre Ombre. As there is absolutely nothing to go on but the Ris, I do not agree to this identification. Ris de Volen is not connected with Arthur and he is not hunting beards. It may be said in >answer to this that neither is Crestien's Rion hunting beards. But Crestien's Rion is a foe of Arthur's and his name is identical with that of the giant in the HRB and the Bruts of Wace and Lajamon. One would scarcely be likely to connect even Ris d'outre Ombre with the beard hunter if we had nothing to go on but the name Ris. m Brugger ZfS XX, 122, n. 52 ; "large" Erec, 298, n. Later, E, 2nd ed. 1909, Foer- ster seems uncertain; see gloss., Carduel; Hertz, Spielmanns Buch, Stuttgart, 2nd ed. 1906, 370 ff.; Lot, Rom. XXVII, 554; XXVIII, 31; Loth, RC XIII, 499. For explanation of the form Carduel see Brugger and Loth, loc. cit. and Zimmer, GGA I (1890) 525, who agree that it arose from the confusion of Carloil (Carlisle) and Carlion, but that it means Carlisle. The Carlion of the romances is believed to be the present Carlion in Monmouth- shire near the border of Wales. Comp. Henry of Huntington ("Master of the Rolls" 7) 74 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Cardigan is much less certain. Foerster, (Large "E," 298) seems to agree with Zimmer that it is not to be identified with the present town of Cardigan, in Cardigan county, Wales. Zimmer goes further (GGA I (1890) 595 ff.) and suggests that Cardigan, Caradigan is a corruption of Kaer Agned (Edinborough) 68 the mountain, Agned of Nennius's battle. 69 ''Could not," he says, "Karadigan be a corruption of Kaer Agned just as Kar-duel is a corruption of Kaer Luel?" The testimony of the Chevalier as Deus Espees, while it does not show the coincidence of Caradigan with Edinborough, at least supports the theory of a northern loca- tion. Crestien's use of Carlion, 70 with two exceptions, either agrees with the general theories or throws no light on the subject at all. These exceptions are Carduel en Gales, already discussed and Carlion-Carduel in the Perceval. Early in the story Arthur is es- tablished at Carduel (817), but later we find him, without any explanation for the change, holding court at Carlion (3965) and swearing : "Kairlion quam vocamus Carleuil." It is thus that B. and L. explain Crestien's puzzling Carduel en Gales, Tvain, 7. Foerster, "Large Tvain," n. to v. 7 thinks Crestien understood Gales here to mean the whole territory formerly occupied by the Britons, but it is not always safe to base upon Crestien's or any other romancer's geographical or historical knowledge. The phrase Carduel en Gales occurs in the chronicles of both Jean le Bel and Froissart who speak of it as a castle once occupied by Arthur and who locate it on the river Tyne. The expression may not be significant here but may only have been carried over from the romancers. See Les Vrayes Chroniques de Messire Jean le Bel, pub., Polain, Brussels. 1863 I, 46; and Le Chronique de Jean Froissart, Ed., S. Luce, Paris, 1869, II, 51. Evidence for the northern locality of Carduel is found in the lay of Lanval by Marie de France. 5 A Kardoil surjurnot li reis Arthur, li pruz e li curteis, Pur les Escoz e pur les Pis Qui destruieient le pais. En (la) terre de Loengre entroent E mult suvent le damajoent. A la Pentecuste en este I aveit li reis surjurne Carlisle answers exactly to this description. Stuart Glennie, Arthurian Localities, in Wheatley's Merlin (EE IS) I, CIV, speaks of Carleon on the Dee as Chester, and of Kaerliun as Dumbarton, the Urbs Legionis of Nennius's ninth battle. Possibly urbs legionis was a common name for any fortified place. 88 See Skene, Celtic Scotland I, 240. Comp. p. 141 & n. 15 of this study. 69 Fletcher, op. cit. 16 ; Giles, op. cit. 409 and n. ''"Carlion (L 31) doubtless means the Monmouthshire Carlion since the geography of the Charrete is generally southern (see pp. 50 ff.). Caradigan occurs only in Erec 28, 249, 1032, 1088, 1519, but there is no clue as to its location. These names are not found in Cliges. EPISODES 75 4096 Par Monseignor saint Davi Que 1 'an aore e prie an Gales. The description of Car duel sor mer assis certainly distinguishes this place from Carlion. 71 " And Gales and Saint Davi certainly identify Carlion with the Monmouthshire town, but how account for the change from Carduel when there has been no word about the removal of the court? This apparent discrepancy can be ex- plained by observing Crestien 's seeming carelessness 71b in hand- ling the names of Arthur's residences. The poet seldom accounts for the king's moves and still less frequently motives them. He places Arthur, in the same romance, now in one castle or town, now in another with little or no attempt to give a reason for the change. Therefore we cannot prove confusion of names in the passage under discussion where Crestien is apparently indif- ferent as to which residence or how many residences he may assign to Arthur in the course of a single story. 72 To return to the identification of Rion's realm, since the author of the Chevalier as Deus Espees locates the combat with Rion a half league from the forest of Carduel it is highly probable that he got the idea of Carduel, as a point of departure, from Crestien. 73 He did not get it from Wace, as we know, although he used Wace for his story. 7 * Hence he must have understood from the Perceval passage that the combat occurred near Carduel, and also that Rion's realm was not far from this city; therefore he makes Ris king of Northumberland. He certainly got no hint of this from Wace, nor apparently from any other of his sources. 75 Therefore 718 Loth, BO XVI (1895) 87, remarks that the estuaries such as the Firth «f Forth or of Clyde were often designated as the sea, esp. by Bede. This may explain Carduel sor mer. nb Exceptions are Cliges, where Arthur's moves are fully accounted for and Perceval 8853, where Crestien says that at Pentecost the court will be held at Orcanee, a promise which he carries out (9065, 9127, 9155). "See Erec 28, 249, 284, 1032, 1088, 1519 ff., 5282, 6414; Tvain 7, 2170 ff., 2680; Perceval 334, 2694, 2715, 4117. Note the distinction observed by Gerbert (Potvin VI, p. 206). Three bishops officiate at the wedding of Blanchefleur and Perceval: "L'uns fu li vesques de Cardueil Et I'autres de Caradigan — E U vesques de Garlion." Carlion occurs a number of times in Wace's Brut 3244, 3248, 3253, 10461, 16058, 14264, etc. Carlisle occurs there but once, 1637, Kaerleil. There is no evidence of confusion in the Brut. 73 See p. 73 and Thedens op. cit., 14. 74 Thedens, 93. Since he used Wace this probably explains his "tertre" 2144, a sur- vival of Wace's "Mont d'Araive." 75 Thedens, op. cit. 76 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES it is possible that Crestien's islands, if they are not works of the imagination, were thought to lie somewhere off the coast of Cum- berland; or, if we follow the testimony of the Oruffydd ab Arthur (p. 72, this study) somewhere off the coast of North Wales ; though, as a matter of fact there are no islands in these localities that would very well fit the case. The discussion of this geographical question must inevitably have shown that with mediaeval historians and romancers, espe- cially the latter, geography seems to be an uncertain quantity. "We are not yet sure that Geoffrey understood his in Aravio Monte; Wace is no help in the matter for he here renders Geoffrey literally and without elaboration; neither do we get any assistance from La^amon. Perhaps both Thomas and Crestien departed from their original at this point for the simple reason that it was a puzzle to them. The true relation between Carlion, Carduel and Caradigan of the romances is still unproved. The only definite conclusion we can reach is that the collective evidence points in a general way to a northern locality. We cannot make the various habitations of the beard hunter coincide, and it is not necessary that we should. There is sufficient similarity between the different stories to show their relation without forcing this coincidence. There are one or two other matters still to bring forward. Why did Crestien make Rion particularly a roi des Isles when he ap- parently had no precedent for so doing? There are two possible answers to this question. (1) Crestien has established Arthur at Carduel sor mer. This may have suggested making Rion king of the islands of the sea. (2) We may recall in the very adventure in which the Rion episode is related, that Arthur vanquishes the giant of the island, Mont Saint-Michel. Crestien could not have known one story without the other, hence the Dinabue adventure may have given him the idea of making Rion an island king. Again, if Crestien had the Riton episode before him why did he allude to it only in this brief fashion? He is thus unique, for every one before and after him who has used the incident tells the whole story. For an answer one must go to Crestien's technique. It is not his habit to relate anecdotes about Arthur. Arthur is al- ways, except in Cliges, a background figure. Moreover, the first half of Conte du Graal is told with a good deal of directness. EPISODES 77 Crestien is here interested in the psychology of his hero, he is just about to present Perceval at the court ; to stop at this point and re- late an adventure about Arthur, already past, -would be bad art. The author of the Chevalier as Deus Espees has used the Rion story as a motif that occupies most of the first part of the romance. The chroniclers, whose duty is was to celebrate the achievements of Arthur, had a good reason for making much of the story. Therefore Crestien need not be considered unusual because he chose to dismiss Rion with a mere reference. The original question has now been answered: namely, the source of Crestien 's allusion. "We have seen that it could not come from Thomas, that it is not likely to have come from tradition be- cause Geoffrey of Monmouth appears to be the first to associate the Rhita story with Arthur. Hence Arthur's combat with Rion must be a literary transmission and according to the evidence here- tofore presented (pp. 5 ft,) that Crestien made his borrowings from Wace and not from Geoffrey, the reference in the Conte du Oraal probably owes its origin to the Roman de Brut. \ Chapter III Characters Few of Crestien's characters can be shown to owe their being solely to the Roman de Brut; some of his most distinguished figures do not appear in the pages of the chronicle at all. But in spite of the presence of features not traceable to the Brut, and of origins impossible to determine, there are certain lesser figures and cer- tain traits in leading characters for which "Wace may be considered responsible. It is curious that the two distinct classes of Arthur- ian figures, historic and romantic, extensive as they both are, pos- sess but few characters in common. The following table indicates those found in the Historia, the Brut and Crestien's romances. H Auguselus, 1 IX, ix if. Arturus, VIII, xix ff. Beduerus, IX, ii ff. Bladud, II, viii, x Cadvallo-n-em, XII, i, ff. Caj us, Cheudo, IX, xi, ff. Eventus, 5 XI, i G(u)anhumara, IX, x ff. Hiderus, XIV, v Igerna, VII, xix, xx Lot, 8 VIII, xxi ff. Merlinus, VI, xvii ff. B Aguisel, 9856 ff. f Artur, 8966 ff. \ Artus 8 Beduer -ier-iers-oer f Bladus, 1667 i Bladud, 1681 ff. Cadvalan Cadualan, 14447 Kex, 10411 ff. Kei, 12996 Yvains, 10522 Ivain, 13600 Genievre, 9882 Yder, 12336, 12346 Ygerne, 8799 ff. Lot, 9056 ff. Merlin, 9 7555 Aguisiaus, E 1970 Artus - Artu 2 Beduiers, E 1735 ( Baudemaguz, ( Bademaguz,* L 645 ff. Cadovalanz,-E 315, 6816 Ke Keus, Kew, E L T P Yvains Yvain, E L (?) 6 Y P Ganievre 7 Guenievere Yder, E 1046 ff. Ygerne, P 8706 Lot, E 1737, L 6267, P 8099, 8715 Merlin, E 6693 1 On the name see Brugger, ZfS XXVIII, 17. 2 When the name occurs in all the five romances, the titles of the romances are omitted. s On the name see Zimmer, GGA 1890, 818 n. 1; 830, n. 2. Both forms used indif- ferently for nom. & acc. Arturs "Large E," 1992, and p. 312, n. 4 See pp. 56 ff. 6 On the name, see Zimmer GGA (1890) 798, 818, n. 1; ZfS XII, 233; Loth, RC XIII, (1892) 493; Lot, Rom. XXV (1896) 1; BMier, Rev. de deux mondes (Oct. 5, 1891) 848, n. 1; Rhys, Eibbard Lectures, London, 1892, 63. 6 See p. 98, n. 68. 7 Not mentioned by name in C & P. 8 On the name see Loth, RC XVI (1895) 84; Rhys, op. cit., 125 ff. 8 See Brut I, p. 352, n. c. On the name see Zimmer, ZfS XII, 253. CHARACTERS 79 Modredus, Modedrius IX, ix ff. Ritho-n-em, X, iii Urianus, IX, ix, xii ; XI, i Utherpendragon, VI, v ff. Mordret, 11452 ff. Nut, 12336 Pandragon, 7767 Riton, 11958 Urien, 9856 (Uter)pendragon 1,6597 ff.; II 8431 ff. Gawain(s), 9057 ff. W(V)alw(v)ains Angres, C 431 ff. Nut, E 1046, 1213, 6819, P 4683 ? 10 Pandragon, E 1811 Rion, P 829 Uriien E Y P Uterpandragon, Y 663, P 425, 8704 Gauvain(s) Walgannus, 11 Walguainus, Walganius, IX, x ff. Erec — 14 characters Cliges = 4 Lancelot = 6-7 " Yvain =' 7 " Perceval = 10-11 " Examination of the table shows the following facts : 1. Some of Crestien's most prominent figures are absent from the chronicles: Erec, Lancelot, Perceval, Sagremor. 2. Yvain, one of Crestien's chief heroes, is mentioned but once by Geoffrey and but twice by Wace. 3. Gawain, together with the king and queen, appears in every romance. 4. More of these characters are found in Erec than in any of the other romances. Crestien's evident independence of Wace in character por- trayal is not at all surprising when we consider (1) that many of these characters must have come into the French romances through channels other than the chronicles; (2) that the mere difference be- tween historical and romantic technique would be sufficient to di- vide Crestien from Wace in the actual presentation of character; (3) Crestien's individuality; for in the conception and portrayal of character he is often unique. The figures traceable wholly or in part to the Brut are : Aguisel. Aguisel receives but one brief mention from Cres- tien (E 1970) where he is listed among the guests at the wedding of Erec and Enide: Vint Aguisiaus U rois d'Escoce. In the chroni- cles, Aguisel is a great figure. He is brother to Urien and Lot, and like them is re-established by Arthur in his ancestral domain (B 9854). He is a coronation guest (B 10516) and gives counsel to Arthur concerning the message of the Roman emperor (B 11235). He commands troops in the last battle with the Romans 10 See p. 102, n. 73. "On the name see HL XXX, 29, n. 1; Zimmer, GGA, 1890, 818 n., 830 n. 2. 80 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES (B 12761) and falls in the war with Modred (B 13549). Wace's only addition to the Historia account is that Arthur was much grieved over the death of Aguisel. 12 The appearance of Aguisel's name in Erec in the passage already shown to be possibly indebted to Wace, (p. 23) coupled with the verbal similarity of the line in Erec to the corresponding line in the Brut (10519) points rather clearly to the origin of Crestien's reference. 13 Arthur. The personality of the historical 14 Arthur, arising from obscure beginnings in the meager account of Nennius, 15 grew slowly in the hands of succeeding chronicles 16 until on reaching Geoffrey of Monmouth it appears as a highly elaborated and fin- ished study. The Arthur of the Historia is a combination of the barbaric chief and the Christian emperor. At the early age of fifteen he showed such unparalleled strength and liberality, such innate grace and goodness as to win the love of all (IX, i). His generosity is a constant note. At his first coronation he wen many a follower by his distribution of gifts (IX, i, xii). During his conquest of Gaul even the enemy, dazzled by his munificence, deserted to him in great numbers. (IX, xi) His freedom in giving at the grand coronation was unprecedented even among poten- tates. All noble deeds he rewards lavishly (IX, xi, xiv; X, iv). In war he displays such strategic skill and personal magnetism as to draw men after him into the conflict (IX, iii, iv; X, vi, xi). He shows veneration of religious institutions, by carrying the image of the Virgin into battle, IX, iv) and by having himself crowned a second time partly to observe Pentecost the more solemnly (IX, xii). "When the Scots make an appeal to him for their lives in the name of the Saints' relics and the Host, moved to tears, he freely pardons them (IX, vi). He is shrewd in argument and eloquent 12 In the Brut Tysilio (tr. San Marte) Aguisel is Arawn, son of Cynvarch, 549, and according Ho the Myv. Arch, he was one of Arthur's three wise counsellors (Loth. Mab. II, 2). Perhaps this last detail shows the influence of Geoffrey on the Triads. Aguisel in the HBB is one of Arthur's counsellors (IX, xviii.) See Loth, Mab. II, 202. 18 Lot, Bom. XXVII (1898) 555, is also of this opinion. 14 For theories concerning the mythical Arthur see Rhys, Studies in Arthurian Legend, Oxford, 1891. 16 Then Arthur fought against them [the Saxons] in those days, together with the kings of the Britons, but he himself was leader in the battles (dux bellorum) [Battles enumerated] the twelfth on Mount Badon, when Arthur alone in one day killed nine hundred and sixty men; and in all the battles he was victor. Fletcher, op. cit., 15. 16 See p. 3. CHARACTERS 81 in appeal (IX, xvi; X, vii, xi). He generously recognizes the sup- port of his retainers in war (X, vii) ; he makes wise appointments to his dependencies (IX, ix, xi) ; he loves Gawain as a son and cannot be consoled at his death 17 (XI, ii). Although the nobility of Arthur's character is constantly ap- parent, at the same time he possesses traits that might grace a Tamburlaine. Armed, he presents a figure terrible in aspect; broken faith he punishes with instant death (IX, iii) ; invading foes he treats with unparalleled severity (IX, v. vi). He wars with the ferocity of a lion whether in general fight or in single combat, and by working himself up into a rage he seems to increase his physical strength (IX, iv, xi). He glories in the chance for sin- gle combat, (IX, xi) and if the advantage is not soon apparent, he becomes vexed, furious, and lays on with added violence until he is victor (X, iii). Alone, he slays the great giant of Mont Saint- Michel, and at the horrible sight of the fallen monster, bursts into a fit of laughter (X, iii). Inspired by the greatness of his name, men flock from all quarters to swell his immense army, and king- dom after kingdom falls a prey to his all embracing ambition un- til Rome itself, unable to withstand the fury of his onslaught, suf- fers shameful defeat (IX, x, xi; X, xi). He is not only invincible in war but irresistible as the center of his court (IX, xi, xiii). He fights the Saxons that he may enrich his followers with their wealth, and build up such a court as the world had not then seen (IX, i; IX, xiii) — the model for fashion and chivalry, for courtesy and largess, the gathering place of gallant knights and beautiful women (IX, xiii). In the eyes of Geoffrey, the Arthur whom he has thus depicted is an ideal figure, the union of every martial, chivalric, and Christian virtue, a great soldier, a great king, and a great man. His rage in war and cruelty to foes are but necessary factors in the make up of the national hero of early times. In what way does Wace add to or modify Geoffrey's presenta- tion? In the main, the character is developed on the same gen- eral plan, yet the whole conception is gentler. 18 Wace's picture of the youthful prince on his coming into power is worthy the emula- tion of a messire Gawain. 17 His grief is more apparent in the Brut 13506, 13551. See pp. 37, 110 & n. 101 b; 112. . 18 Cp. Fletcher, op. cit., 137. 82 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES B 9247 Joveneiaus esteit de quinze ans De sun aage forz e granz. Les teces Artus vus dirai, Neiant ne vus en mentirai: Chevaliers fu mult vertuus, Mult preisanz e mult glorius. Cuntre orgoillus fu orgoillus E cuntre humle dolz e pitus Forz e hardiz e cunquerranz. 19 E se besuignus le requist, S' aidier li pout, ne l'eseundist Mult ama pris, mult ama gloire, Mult volt sun fait metre en memoire ; ■ Servir se fist curteisement E mult se maintint noblement Tant cum il vesqui e regna, Tuz autres princes surmunta De curteisie e de pruesce E de valur e de largesce. Arthur wars with the Saxons not from a motive of self agrandi- zement, but in the just desire to avenge the death of his father and his uncle. Wace makes no mention of Arthur's anger over the slow progress of the battle of Bath Hill; he treats briefly Arthur's repulse of the king of Ireland who came to aid the Scots (9690), but he details very fully, the Scots' petition for money and Ar- thur's willingness to pardon them (9700). "Wace emphasizes more strongly than Geoffrey, Arthur's desire to give his vassals their share of glory in his conquests (11059). In Gaul he wins fol- lowers not only through his bounty but Tant pur sun sagement parler Tant pur la noblesce de lui Tant por paur, tant pur refui (10208). In Flanders and in Boulogne he conducts his army with great prudence and does not lay waste the country as he does in the Historia (10149). Geoffrey has Arthur in the battle with the 19 The absence of rime here shows that a line has been omitted, whether from the editor's text or from the MS we cannot tell. The context of line 9255 points to an emission before it rather than after it. CHARACTERS 83 Romans slay a man and a horse at every blow. Wace omits the slaying of horses. 20 (H X, xi, xxvi. B 13298). If Arthur has here lost the traits of the barbaric chief, he is none the less glorious as the imperial champion of chivalry. His courage is no whit diminished because it is shorn of ferocity. These ruder characteristics are replaced in the Brut by a certain naive egotism. As a youth, mult vuelt sun fait metre en memoir e (9259). Later, he has himself crowned not to observe Pentecost the more solemnly, (H IX, xii) but Pur ses richesces demustrer, Et pur faire de lui parler (10455) ; and his battle cry is: 13283 Jo sui Artur qui vus condui, Qui pur hume de champ ne fui. In spite of such ingenuous egotism, Wace's Arthur is a refinement of Geoffrey's hero, and is a conception essentially chivalric. In the Chronicles Arthur dominates the whole of the Arthurian period; even Gawain is decidedly inferior in importance. It is Arthur himself who extends his empire from the islands of the far North to the Alps on the Southeast. It is Arthur for whom the magnificent coronation is held. Hoel, Gawain, Kay, Bedver may perform prodigies of valor in the Roman war, but it is Arthur who at the dramatic moment rushes in, and by his personal magnetism and sheer physical might saves the day to the glory of Britain and the shame of Rome. The attitude of the early metrical romancers towards Arthur is totally different. The cause of this difference lies partly in romantic technique. 21 The great dramatic theme of Arthurian romance is the struggle on the king's part to keep his knights about him, and on the knights' part to go to seek adventure. The result is always the same; the knights go and Arthur remains. 22 The hero is either an Arthurian knight already well known, such as Lancelot or Gawain whom some motive draws away from the court at the beginning of the story, or he is an untried youth such 20 Fletcher op. ext. 138, remarks that the injuring of horses was not in accordance with the laws of chivalry. Horses, however, were not equipped with protective armor until the thirteenth century, Schultz, op. ext., II, 100. Cp. Yvaxn 855-860 where Crestien says that the combatants were careful not to wound their horses. 21 See p. 48, and pp. 133 ff. ^Erec 2282, 4233, 6416, 6495, Cliges 5082, Lancelot 89 ff., Yvain 2476 ff., Per- ceval 832, 4040, 4095, 9184. 84 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CEESTIEN DE TROIES as Alexander or Perceval, attracted to the court in the hope of winning a name, and lured off as soon as he has made a reputation. Given such conditions, the position of the romance Arthur is in- evitable. His function is to keep intact a brilliant following. He is no longer an active figure. 23 In the romances of Crestien he rarely moves except among his royal residences. Already the ruler of an empire, his might is established and he is disturbed only by private enemies. At least once a dull echo reaches us of past battles (P 819) — but in the world of these early romances Ar- thur rarely lifts a sword. In Erec Arthur appears as the pattern of a king and knight, ruling in the full consciousness of divine right and the responsibil- ities of a crown (E 59, 1769). He loves his retainers, 24 his treat- ment of women is highly chivalric, 25 and he speaks sensibly (307). He displays great largess at Erec's marriage and coronation, and in the latter ceremony, takes an active part. 26 The only other oe- cupation in which he seems to engage is the chase at which he is found on two occasions (36, 3942). The splendor of his court is mentioned six times. 27 It is interesting to note that Cliges, the romance most closely related to the Brut, should present Arthur very much in the role of the historical figure. Here and only here is Arthur portrayed in the two-fold capacity of king and soldier; as the center of an illustrious court and as a leader in military expeditions. Not- withstanding the fact that he has two heroes to manage, Crestien for once breaks the bonds of his technique and allows Arthur to assume a little of his pristine activity. His greatness and fame are mentioned eight times 28 and much more emphatically than in Erec. His generosity is given great emphasis. 29 Affairs of state enter in: Arthur makes a visit across the sea to his province of Brittany where he is received with joy. 30 While he is there, word comes of the revolt of Angres to whom he had intrusted the gov- 23 Cp. "Large E" XXXIV, XXXVIII; E, 2nd ed. XVII, Zimmer GGA I (1890) 523 ff. 24 308, 1545, 4233, 4299. 25 341, 1549, 1751, 1830. 26 2015, 2060, 6661, 6560, 6733, 6810, 6953. 27 28, 652, 1518, 1691, 3883, 6416. 28 69, 115, 150, 310, 1093, 2603, 4255, 5026. 29 1450, 1532, 2425. 80 422, 438, See p. 119 of this study. CHARACTERS 85 ernment of Britain during his absence (1053). Arthur's anger throughout this episode, culminating in his own proposition that the traitors as punishment should be ecartele 31 is worthy of the epic rage of the chronicle Arthur. Again, at the very close of the romance he raises an armament to sail against the Emperor of Constantinople (6682). The fact that Arthur is thus prominent in a narrative already encumbered with two heroes offers further evidence in favor of Crestien's indebtedness to the Brut for the Arthurian portions of the Cliges (p. 48). The Arthur of Charrete presents so marked a contrast to the Arthur of Cliges that he seems scarcely to be the same person. His greatness receives but one feeble and passing notice, and even that, in the non-Crestien portion (6711). He is practically never in the foreground. 32 <^He has become a weakling like the degenerate Char- lemagne^ 3 He lets Meliaganz insult him (60, 6174) and Kay out- wit him (84 ff.). Angered and grieved (184) he gives up Guine- vere to the seneschal and lets the two ride away without lifting a hand to arrest them. Arthur is here sacrificed to the more im- portant interests of the story. 34 The motif takes the chief actors away from the court at once, and keeps them distant nearly the whole time. Arthur is a mere point of departure. Arthur's role in the Yvain is again small, but at least it allows him to appear in reinstated dignity. Here as in Erec his chivalric vir- tues are emphasized : courtesy, prowess ( 1, 2373 ) , and the reputa- tion of being li rois et li sire Des rois et seignors del monde (2370). In the Perceval he resumes somewhat the personality of the Charrete Arthur. His fame has spread far and wide ; 35 he is graced with the virtues of charity, gentleness, justice, but he is a very sober figure throughout. He is vexed at the behavior of his 31 1442. These lines may show the influence of the Roland 3960, even though this was a common method of putting traitors to death, for Crestien calls Angres a traitor qui est pire de Guenelon (1076). 32 In fact the scene is at the court but three times and remains there but a brief period: 31, 5320, 6750. 33 La Chanson de Roland, 46, 690, 3711; Le Couronnement de Louis, ed., E. Lang- lois, Paris, 1888. 34 This is a good instance of the incongruity of material in the Lancelot. Arthur's dignity is sacrificed to the demands of an other-world prince who is however represented as a mortal being. To the king of the dead even Arthur would naturally yield, but to a rude interloper named Meliaganz of the land of Gorre, Arthur's submissiveness is out of place. 88 425, 818, 2794, 8082, 8130. 86 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES vassals (820), melancholy over the depredations of the Red Knight (886, 919), unmoved by Perceval's rude entrance (909), constantly irritated by Kay over whom he seems to have no control, 36 and sad and pensive over the long absence of Gawain (9184). As in the Charrete he is subordinated to greater interests, but the cause for such depreciation is less apparent here than in the Lancelot. This inconsistency in the presentation of Arthur's character seems to indicate more than one source of influence. Exactly what originals Crestien used for his conception of Arthur besides Wace's history it is not easy to determine. ^Perhaps the inactive Arthur has been affected in some measure by the degenerate Char- lemagne of the epics, but there is still another possibility. On re- calling what has already been said about Crestien 's sources for his romances, (pp. 17 f.) we find that Erec partly and Cliges almost wholly reflect literary origins ; that Lancelot and Yvain seem to go back to popular sources, mainly; that Perceval points to both in- fluences. If we may accept Crestien 's statement (P 66) that the book given him by Philip of Flanders contained the grail story, we do not have to assume that it included any mention of Arthur or his court. The Arthurian framework had by the time of the Per- ceval, become conventional with Crestien. Aside from these state- ments there is certainly much of popular origin in the story. 37 Erec and Cliges which, so far, appear to have been more close- ly influenced by the chronicles than have the other romances, nat- urally reflect to some extent the historical Arthur, while those ro- mances more or less/popular in origin may go back to stories in which some other hero, Lancelot, or Gawain, played the chief role. Though the second part of this statement may apply also to Erec and Cliges, the difference lies in the fact that these two stories have been influenced by the historical conception of Arthur suffi- ciently to check the gradually growing tendency of the romancer to push Arthur into the background, — a tendency which becomes an established habit in Crestien 's later romances and in those of his successors. 388 Thus, the nature of the original material may have been partly 86 1217, 1253, 2840, 4040, 4076, 4242. 87 See p. 17 & n. 9 and Paris, Bom. XVIII (1889) 598. Ma The prose romancers conceived of Arthur much more in the manner of the chronicles. See "Large E," XXXVIII. CHARACTERS 87 responsible for the position of Arthur in the type of romance that bears his name. For technical reasons Arthur was inevitably forced to make way, often for the hero of the original story. His fame was too great, however, to admit of actual removal, hence he was retained to preside over a brilliant court where heroes are attracted (some of whom were never before associated with Ar- thur) and where they obtain distinction which without such asso- ciation they might never have won in the minds of the audiences who listened to their adventures. (See p. 133). The presence of Arthur, then, gives unity to the tale and social eclat to the hero. Every mediaeval romancer, if he wished to obtain recognition for his story, hastened to connect his hero with the court of Arthur. 38 " Baudemagus. (See pp. 56 if.) Bedver. (See pp. 31, 96 ff.) Cadovalanz. Li rois Cadovalanz (E 315) is mentioned in Erec as one of the mellors barons de la cort (312) and later (6816) he with Gawain-and several others goes to conduct Enide to her coro- nation. In the chronicles there is a British king named Cadualo- n-em (HRB XXII, i ff.; Cadvalan 39 B 14447) who occupies a rather prominent place. He comes, however, after the Arthurian period. The only similarity to Crestien's figure is in the name and in the fact that he is a king. Cadovalant (acc.) could derive from Cadualan with the addition of t through analogy with other names in t. The presence of this ending in the Erec (z=ts, nom.) seems to have been required by the rime, for in both places the name oc- curs as a rime word : 315, Cadovalanz - vaillanz; 6816, lanz - Cado- valanz. The t of Cadovalant may, however, be an assumption of the editors. Cadovalanz might have as accusative Cadovalan (cp. an-anz < annus). Thus in either case it is at least possible that Crestien borrowed his rois Cadovalanz from the Brut. Kay. Perhaps the most interesting of these figures is Kay. Here as in Arthur contrary traits enter in to complicate the con- ception, and render it strikingly inconsistent. Kay is one person in Erec and in Lancelot, 40 a totally different person in Yvain, and S8b Besides Crestien's romances see Le Bel Inconnu, Yder, Le Chevalier as Deus Espees, and many others, HL XXX, 14 ff. For further discussion of C's treatment of Arthur, see pp. 132 ff. w Variants: Cadualan, 14476, 14828; Cavalens, 14565; Cadualain, 14913. 10 He does not appear in Cliges. 88 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES a combination of contrasting qualities in Perceval. Crestien's first romance presents the seneschal rather favorably. He appears first 41 in amicable conversation with Gawain over the approach of a strange knight with his dwarf and maid (1091). Gawain sends" Kay to apprise the queen of their arrival, an errand to which he attends with perfect sweetness of temper. He comes upon the scene but once again 42 in Erec: in the episode where he meets the hero in the forest and tries to bring him to Arthur (3959). The seneschal has ridden forth on Gawain 's horse without permission and coming upon Erec in one of the forest paths, he seizes his bridle rudely and addresses him without salutation. To Erec's angry protest at being thus accosted Kay replies graciously : 3994 "Ne vous enuit; Car por vostre bien le demant. Je voi et sai certainnemant Que bleciez estes et navrez. Anquenuit buen ostel avrez. Se avuee moi volez venir. Je vos f erai mout chier tenir Et enorer et aeisier; Car de repos avez mestier. Li rois Artus et la reine Sont ci pres an une"gaudine De trez et de tantes logie. Par buene foi le vos lo gie, Que vos an veigniez avuec moi Veoir la re'ine et le roi, Qui de vos grant joie feront Et grant enor vos porteront. ' ' To Erec's ungracious refusal of this courteous invitation, Kay an- swers merely that he is very foolish (4017). Not until Erec has given a second and very indignant refusal does Kay kindle and return his defiance come hon plains de grant felonie (4044). This last phrase suggests that the deterioration of Kay had begun even as early as the Erec. 43 His ill humor under the circumstances . 41 His first appearance in character. His name only is mentioned in 317. 42 His name is merely mentioned in 1526, 1739. Kay appears in 1739 as the father of Gronosis qui mout sot de mal. From line 4044 Erec, and from the Kay of Yvain and of Perceval we may infer that Gronosis came honestly by this trait. 43 See also p. 93, n. 50. CHARACTERS 89 however, is quite justified, and to speak of any one capable of ut- tering such a gentle appeal as that which Kay has just made, as lion plains de grant felonie seems ill-timed. It looks as though Kay in this passage were the victim of opposing influences from without. After the combat to which this quarrel leads, Kay re- ceives his defeat quietly, acknowledges that he had taken Ga wain's horse, and on returning tells the whole story to Arthur. The seneschal's behavior on this occasion may not have been altogether tactful, but there is certainly nothing despicable in it. The Charrete presents Kay very much in the manner of the Erec. Although it is through the wiles of the seneschal that Gui- nevere is stolen from the court, he seems to possess the love of all (84 ff.). On his avowal to leave the king's service Arthur says there is nothing in the world that he would not give Kay if the seneschal would only remain (109). The queen, sent to entreat him, actually drops on her knees before him because Arthur will never be happy without Kay's company. Can this be the Kay of Yvainf (See infra). The disgrace that overtakes the seneschal on his departure with the queen, is consistent with Crestien's gen- eral conception of Kay's soldiership. Kay is never allowed to win a battle. 44 In spite of his trickery, he is later appointed to the guardianship 45 of Guinevere in the castle of Baudemaguz (4539 ff.), an office performed if not exactly with competence, yet at least in good faith. It is significant that the queen in this episode speaks of Kay as cortois et leans 46 (4860). The Kay of the Lancelot has little skill in arms, but is clever, courteous, loyal, and much beloved by Arthur. In direct contrast to the conception in Erec and in Lancelot stands the Kay of the Yvain. He is a veritable J onsonian humor who can speak only according to his cue. He is introduced (69) mout ranponneus fel et poignanz et afiteus, and his insulting remarks to 44 Compare Erec 4050, Yvain 2254, Perceval 4266. Whoever meets with no success in deeds of arms was considered a coward and was universally despised by his com- panions. (Schultz op. ext. II, 1.) Kay is always such a butt. 46 Crestien does not actually say that Kay has to guard the queen, but he implies as much. 46 The fact that Lancelot takes up Kay's quarrel with Meliaganz, and offers to be his champion does not argue in favor of his love for Kay, particularly. He does it of course to save his own reputation. Kay, we remember, has been charged with illicit relations with the queen, and the guilty Lancelot protects the seneschal in order to save himself. 90 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Calogrenanz justify these epithets. His taunts bring on some ugly- repartee with the queen, after which, Kay is silenced for the mo- ment by Calogrenanz who in phrases plain but picturesque explains to the company that Sir Kay speaks as his nature 47 dictates (115), an idea that finds constant echo (131, 591, 612). He is especially ad- dicted to the use of ramposnes (630, 894, 1348). When Kay after a sneering tirade against Yvain, asks Arthur for the battle with the new defender of the fountain (2228) and is defeated, it gives amuse- ment to all even to Arthur (2284). Kay, de honte assomez, Et mas et morz et desconfiz, cuts a very different figure from the Kay whom Gawain unhorses in Erec. Only once can Crestien say anything good of him: 635 Bien set ancontre vilenie Respondre san et corteisie, lines reminiscent of the courteous Kay of the Erec. Thus the Kay of Yvain is a spiteful, quarrelsome fellow who can never open his mouth to say a pleasant word, in consequence of which behavior he has the respect of none and is frequently being put in ludicrous positions. In the Kay of the Conte du Graal both the good and the evil qualities are apparent, though the latter are more prominent. At the outset Kay takes an unreasonable prejudice against Perceval. He rails at the youth for wanting the Red Knight's armor, an af- fair in which he is not called upon to meddle (979). He strikes the little maid who foretells Perceval's renown, and kicks the fool into the fire because the latter prophesies evil for him on account of his venomous tongue (1026). Later (2834) Kay would insult the fool but is too cowardly. Again and again 48 does Arthur rebuke him, but to no purpose. Once the king utters the sentiment of Guinevere in the Yvain, " That Kay's complexity was handed on to later romancers is evidenced by the fact that the Livre d' Artus, (1230-1250 acc. to G. Paris) a continuation of the Merlin story, attempts to redeem Kay's character, by holding him not responsible for his bitter words. See Freymond, ZfS XVII (1895), 12 & n. 2. See also Merlin I, pp. XVIII, XXI, "Soc. des anc. Textes", where Paris thinks that the explanation given in the Livre d'Artus was the invention of Robert de Boron. For other examples of inconsis- tency in the portrayal of Kay see Sachse, HA XXIX (1861) 165 ff. The queen's use of Monseignor in 131 in speaking of Kay would seem to be derisive. On the significance of this title see Stowell, W. A., Old French Titles of Respect in Direct Address, Balto., 1908, 223. *8 979, 1217, 1253, 2840, 4076, 4242. CHARACTERS 91 P 4076 E Kex qui envieus estoit E est ancor et tozjorz iert Ne ja mil bien dire ne quiert — an idea repeated in 4236. The constant reiteration of this note here and in Yvain, leads to the impression that Kay in these narra- tives is little more than an abstraction. In the episode where Per- ceval, meditating upon the blood-drops in the snow, is interrupted successively by Sagremor, Kay and Gawain in their attempts to bring him to Arthur, (4126 ff.) the seneschal, bitter over his own failure, taunts Gawain, about to make his trial, with being a sort of carpet knight. Gawain, he says, will do battle in a silken surcoat in- stead of armor; he will break no lance, but his tongue will not fail him (4352). But the Perceval also takes a markedly sympathetic attitude towards the seneschal. ( 1 ) Kay is handsome in appearance but not in manners. 2755 E Kex parmi la sale vint Trestoz desafublez et tint An sa main destre un bastonet El chief un chapel de bonet Dont li chevol estoient blont N'ot plus bel chevalier el mont E fu treciez a une tresce Mais sa biaute e sa proesce Empirient le felon gap La cote f u d 'un riche drap De soie tote coloree Ceinz fu d'une ceinture ovree Don la boclete et tuit li mambre Estoient d'or bien m'an remambre E l'estiore ensi le tesmoigne. Chascuns de sa voie s 'esloigne Si com li vint parmi la sale Ses fellons gas sa lengue male Redotent tuit si li font rote N'est mie sage qui ne dote Ou soit a gas ou sait a certes Felenies trop descovertes : Ces felons gas tant redotoient 92 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Trestuit cil qui laenz estoient C'onques mis a lui ne parla. Nowhere else does Crestien mention Kay's beauty or his prowess. How could Kay who is too cowardly to insult a fool and who never wins a battle be possessed of prowess and be called one of the finest knights in the world ? We have found him courteous and loyal, but never expert in arms. These lines may point to a double source for the character of Kay. (2.) Kay knows how to be courteous if he would. 49 4366 Ha sire Kex plus belemant Fait il le me poissiez dire. The general impression that we get of Kay in Yvain and elsewhere in Perceval is that he does not know how to speak graciously, that his speech is ugly because he cannot help himself. (3".) After Kay's overthrow by Perceval, Arthur has the best physician and three nurses called to attend him, for he loved him very much. 4300 E li rois qui molt l'avoit tandre E molt l'amoit an son corage Li envoie un mire molt sage E treis puceles de s'escole. These lines are an echo of Arthur's love for Kay in the Charrete. Thus the Conte du Graal offers the final testimony as to Cres- tien 's inconsistency everywhere in the portrayal of this character/ On the one hand we have a Kay pleasantly obliging, courteous, hos- pitable, though a little impulsive and tactless, handsome, courageous, loyal, and greatly beloved by Arthur; on the other, a schemer, a mean, contemptible weakling, who can never open his mouth with- out a sneer, who boastfully and stupidly takes battles upon himself only to be whipped like a fool amid the laughter and jeers of the onlookers. How could such an impossible combination of qualities have come about? Two distinct influences must have been active in the composition of Crestien 's seneschal. The origin of Kay of the ven- omous tongue has not yet been conclusively determined. G. Paris implies that the first indication of an unfavorable conception is * 9 Cp. Yvain 635. CHARACTERS 93 found in Crestien. 50 Gradually, he says, Kay's faults were exag- gerated until in the later romances he becomes ' ' un lache, un traitre, et finalement le plus odieux de scelerats. Cette transformation est complete dans les romans en prose." (HL xxx, 52). Sachse (op. cit. 181) called attention to figures in some of the great epics that perform the function of a contrast figure or foil piece in the court in much the same manner that Kay does in the Arthurian romances. Such characters are : Thersites, Hagen and Ganelon. 51 \ To these may be added the mischief-making Loki of Norse mythology, the boaster Unferth of the Beoivulf, the cowardly and crafty seneschal of Thomas's Tristan, 51 * and Bricriu of the Bit- ter Tongue in Irish heroic saga. Since such a character is found in the sagas of different nations and periods we may conjecture that it was doubtless regarded as part of the epic equipment, and hence that it may have originated among different peoples independently. There are, however, certain traits in the seneschal of the Tristan and in Bricriu which suggest an actual prototype-for Kay of the venomous tongue. The situation in the Tristan is as follows. 52 The king of Ire- land has proclaimed that whoever can slay the devastating dragon shall have his daughter's hand and half of his kingdom. Each day the seneschal arms himself in hopes of securing the coveted prize, but his cowardice prevents him from ever meeting the dragon face to face. The poet describes him as outre-cuidant, mauvais de coeur, dissimule, cauteleux, menteur et fourbe (117). When the slayer of the dragon finally appears in the person of Tristan, the seneschal sees his opportunity. Severing the head of the dead monster in Tristan's absence he loudly proclaims himself victor, and as loudly demands the reward. The king would grant it according to prom- ise, but Isolt and the queen protest, the latter saying (123) "il est un fou gonfle de demesure, fourbe et de mauvais coeur, sans plus 50 HL XXX, 51. What he actually says is that the first indication of an unfavorable conception is found in the Tristan of Eilhart von Oberg (1175ca); but immediately af- terward he states that it was not impossible for Eilhart or his French original to have known Crestien. According to Paris's own dating, Tvain, the first of Crestiens works to depict Kay as a markedly disagreeable person could not have been written later than 1174, hence Crestien may have been the first to picture Kay thus. Bla See p. 137. ™See Cliges, 3rd ed. 1910, LII. B2 B6dier, ed. I, 117 ff. 94 THE INFLUENCE OF WAGE ON CRESTIEN I>E TROIES de f oi qu 'une f emme publique, ruse et envieux, hai de tous et couard, et plain d 'autres vices honteux a tout homme noble. ' ' The deceiver on seeing himself baffled, becomes vexed and ironi- cal : " Nuire a ses amis, ' ' he says to Isolt, ' ' blamer, se montrer amie de ses ennemis, telle est bien la coutume des femmes. Femme hait qui 1 'aime, et convoite ee qu 'elle ne peut obtenir, et s 'eff orce vers ce qu'elle n'obtiendra jamais, et repousse ce qu'elle devrait aimer." (127). Thinking himself safe he proposes a combat with anyone who dares challenge the truth of his assertion that he is the slayer of the dragon. Tristan now steps in, and the terms of combat are agreed upon. Before the battle comes off, however, Tristan in the presence of the court produces the tongue of the dragon which he had fortunately taken from the head on departing from the scene of conflict. The king now sends for the head, and when it is seen to be without a tongue all are convinced of the seneschal's villainy. "Alors chacun de tourner en derision et de maudire le felon, et depuis il fut toujours et partout raille et honni, pour avoir ose produire un tel mensonge devant les plus hauts hommes et les plus sages du pays. " (140). Although Crestien's Kay can nowhere be accredited with a deed similar to this, yet in personality he certainly reminds one of the Irish seneschal. Since he , deceived Arthur in order to carry Guinevere away from the court he could be called dissimule, coute- leux, ruse and even mauvais de coeur. This latter epithet may be applied also to the Kay of Yvain and to the venomous tongued Kay of Perceval. Since people shun Kay for fear of his evil speech, this implies that he was hai de tout. (P 2785). He may rightly be called outre-cuidant and gonfle de demesure when he insists that Arthur give him the battle with the defender of the fountain and when he asks to go to meet the strange knight who reveals him- self as Perceval. His speeches to Guinevere and Calogrenanz in Yvain and to Gawain and Perceval in the Conte du Graal though more caustic may be put beside the words of the seneschal to Isolt. Envy and cowardice are both counted among Kay's traits. Fi- nally the ludicrous situation in which Kay is often placed after his overthrow in a battle of his own seeking is not unlike that of the Irish seneschal who .finds his machinations brought to light before the whole court. It has already been shown that Crestien borrowed from Thomas to a considerable extent; it is not impos- CHARACTERS 95 sible that he derived from this source a hint for the degenerate Kay. 53 Another prototype for the disagreeable Kay, especially for his propensity to evil speech is, as above noted, the Irish Bricriu. This person, known in Irish legend as Bricriu of the Bitter Tongue figures conspicuously in the Fled Bricriend (Feast of Bricriu). 54 His chief business is to make dissension among the heroes. On this occasion he builds a grand house, and with malicious intent invites all the warriors of Ulster and their wives to partake of a feast. They accept his invitation on condition that as soon as he has laid out the feast he remove himself from their presence lest he sow discord among them. Bricriu complies with this con- dition, but nevertheless manages to play his tricks. He succeeds, in the course of the entertainment, in getting each warrior aside and telling him that he alone is the best hero of Ulster; then to each woman he says that she is the wife of the best hero. The results are not hard to imagine. Though Kay is drawn by Cres- tien to a much smaller scale than Bricriu, still, in his quarrelsome habits and his trickery as exhibited in the Charrete, Yvain, and Perceval he is reminiscent of the Irish hero. Crestien's source for the heroic Kay is perhaps still easier to trace. The Kay of "Welsh saga is in valor and initiative next to Arthur. The Mabinogi of Kidhwch and Olwen represents him as a very Odysseus in craftiness. 55 He is possessed of supernatural powers : Kynyr Keinvarvawc says to his wife, "Si ton fils [Kay] jeune femme, tient de moi, jamais son coeur sera chaud; jamais il n'y aura de chaleur dans ses mains — si est mon fils, il sera tetu . . . lors qu'il portera un fardeau, grand ou petit, on ne l'appercevera jamais ni par devant lui ni par derriere: personne ne supportera l'eau et le feu aussi longtemps que lui: il n'y aura pas un serviteur ni un officier comme lui." (214) 63 In the Roman de Tristan et Iseut renouvele par J. Bedier, Paris, n. d., p. 60 the seneschal has a name, Agvynguerran le Roux. This name reminds us of Anguingerrons, seneschal of Clamadex des Illes the oppressor of Blanchefleur, P 1980 ff. Bedier says in the preface (p. 18) that the chapter, III, in which this episode is related is based on Eilhart d'Oberg. According to Paris (See p. 93, n. 50) Eilhart's Tristan and Cres- tien's Perceval were composed about the same time (1175ca, HL XXX, 51). Has this name been borrowed from one or the other, and on which side does the obligation lie? M "Irish texts Society" II, ed., George Henderson, London, 1899. w Loth, Mob. I, 231, 257. 96 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Again : Kei avait ce privilege qu 'il pouvait respirer neuf nuits et neuf ' jours sous l'eau; il restait neuf nuits et neuf jours sans dormir un coup de l'epee de Kei, aucun medecin ne pouvait le guerir; c 'etait un homme precieux que Kei : quand il plaisait a Kei, il devenait aussi grand que l'arbre le plus eleve de la foret. — Quand la pluie tombait le plus dru, tant ce qu'il tenait a la main etait sec au-dessus et au-dessous, a la distance d'une palme, si grande etait sa chaleur naturelle. 56 Elle tenait meme lieu de combustible a ses compagnons, quand le froid etait le plus vif." (225). Single-handed he can do the work of an army (266, 268). In the Dream of Rhonabwy as a warrior he wins universal admiration (300). His trusted companion is Bedwyr, 57 and Arthur always has great hope of an enterprise in which these two heroes take part 68 (261). On one occasion Arthur addresses him as cher Kei (199). Only once does Kay become enraged: when he presents Arthur with the leash made of the beard of the giant Dillus. On receiving the gift the king responds in a taunting rime : Kay has made a leash of the beard Of Dillus son of Eurei Were he living, thy death he'd be. (269) The story-teller remarks here : So great was Kay 's wrath that the warriors of the Island had much trouble in making peace be- tween him and Arthur. Henceforth Kay no longer went to aid Arthur in time of need. How old this particular tradition is we cannot tell, but it seems scarcely probable that this episode was the starting point for the conception of the venomous Kay, because his anger here is entirely justifiable, and is of heroic proportions quite unlike the petty ill temper of the romantic Kay. The Black Book, the Triads, and the Welsh Bards from the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries all testify to Kay's great prowess 68 This trait Kay shares with Cuchulain. See GGA, 1890, 517 f. It is in curious contrast to the one mentioned in the previous passage, that his heart should be cold, etc. 67 226, 259, 261, 266, 268. 68 Malory makes Kay Arthur's foster brother, and before this, Lajamon had made Kay and Arthur relatives. See Fletcher, op. ext., 159 & n. 1. CHARACTERS 97 (Mab, I, 198, n.) and several places in the region of Snowden bear his name today. 59 If Loth is right in dating the earliest of the Mabinogion, the Dream of RJionabwy not before 1159, (Mab. I, 18) the legends themselves as he says, must go back still earlier, and as Kay in this redaction and in the tale of Kulhwch and Olwen, also belong- ing to this first period, 60 is represented as an heroic figure, the probability is that such was the original conception. This view finds support in the fact that the nobler Kay is found in a docu- ment written sometime before 1159, 61 namely : the Historia Regum Britanniae of Geoffrey of Monmouth. Kay, prominent through- out the Arthurian period, nowhere gives the slightest promise of the vices that degrade him in the French romances. 62 Gawain himself is scarcely more honored. Kay's companion is Bedver; they are glorious peers scarcely ever mentioned apart. Arthur celebrates his conquests in Gaul by bestowing Neustria (Norman- dy) on Bedver his butler, and Andegavia (Anjou) on Cajus his steward (IX, xi). Together they serve Arthur at the grand coro- nation ( IX, xii, xiii. ) When Arthur goes to combat with the giant of Mont St.-Michel, he departs privately, taking with him only Kay and Bedver 63 (X, iii). Like the compaignon of the epic they command a division of the army in the Roman war (X, vi) and by their death the Britons sustain great loss (X, ix). In the last bat- tle Kay receives a mortal wound in trying to avenge the death of his friend. After the victory Arthur gives orders for the honor- able burial of the fallen nobles among whom Kay and Bedver re- ceive special mention 64 (X, xiii). B9 Rh£s, Celtic Folklore, 565. e0 Mab. tr. Lady C. Guest, (ed., A. Nutt) London, 1902, Introd. 61 See Fletcher op. cit. 45 & n. — not later than 1138. 62 Zimmer, ZfS XIII, 27, n. 1 remarks upon the great difference between the Kay of Welsh saga and of French Arthurian romance, and says that if the Arthurian court is modeled on that of Charlemagne and his twelve peers then Kay as a foil figure is parallel to Ganelon. However he does not think there is resemblance of characters. See also GGA, 1890, 517, 525, 830, & n. 1 ; Freymond, ZfS XVII, 11, & this study, 137. 03 Fletcher (op. cit. 91) says that the association of Kay and Bedver with Arthur in this expedition represents a trace of a version in which these persons, now subordinates, held the first place. He points out that a similar affair, that of Dillus Varvawc in Kulhwch and Olwen (Loth, Mab. 1, 268) they still occupy the place of principals. (See 91, n. 1 for bibl. of parallels to this story). Also see Fletcher (111) for a discussion of how Geoffrey made over the Celtic heroes Kay and Bedver into great Norman nobles. 61 If the earliest Mabinogion were not written before 1159 it is possible that they as well as the Triads (Mab. II, 202) have been affected by Geoffrey's Historia. Arthur's 98 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROTES Wace's additions to this account are significant. Kay, Ar- thur's master seneschal was valiant and loyal (10410).. He and Bedver were very faithful and knew all the king's counsel (10419). In describing the battles with the Romans, "Wace becomes exclama- tory over the glorious deeds of Kay and Bedver, and says that their very eagerness wrought their undoing (12989). Thus, accord- ing to record, no stain had fallen upon the character of Kay by the year 1155, the date of the Brut, or, to include the early Mabino- gion, by the year 1159. 65 The source of Crestien's nobler Kay is now probably apparent. Both Crestien and Wace 66 speak of his loyalty, of his nearness to Arthur, of his splendid appearance as a warrior, of his courage and his kindness. Unless we assume that Crestien got his conception from Welsh tradition, which is not likely, 67 we may conclude that the Brut is probably responsible for his portrayal of the chivalric Kay. Tvain. Crestien's Yvain li fiz Urien makes his first appear- ance in Erec, 1706 as one of the Round Table knights, and per- haps also in 2230, in the tournament celebrating the marriage of Erec and Enide. 68 love of Kay, the association of Kay and Bedver as matchless warriors, Arthur's confi- dence in the success of an enterprise led by Kay and Bedver (Mab. I, 261,) the effect of Kay's prowess on Arthur's army (Mab. I, 300) — these facts are decidedly reminis- cent of Geoffrey. It is interesting to note that the three later Mabinogion parallel to some extent to Crestien's Erec, Yvain and Perceval present the deteriorated Kay. In Owain, however, he is not painted in as strong colors as in Yvain. These tales, says Loth, Mab. I, 198, n. 1, have come under French influence. Did the degenerate Kay then originate on French soil? See also Zimmer GO A, 1890, 525. 66 Paris HL XXX, 51, says that Wace's account shows him to have been ignorant of the unfavorable legends about Kay. 66 CRESTIEN WACE CRESTIEN WACE L 4860 10410 P 2760 12995 109 10419 P 2762 " P 4300 11600 E 3994 13041 67 It must be observed that the Mabinogion Kay is drawn more in the style of a hero of the folk epic, but Wace's Kay is a member of chivalric society. There is one char- acteristic of Kay present in the Charrete and in Kulhwch and Olwen but not in the Brut, that is craftiness. Kay of the Lancelot outwits Arthur, as we have seen and takes Guinevere from the court (84 ff. ) In K. & O. when the shepherd's wife in the castle of Yspaddaden Penkawr goes to embrace him, he substitutes a log of wood for his body and thus saves himself from being crushed to death (Mab. I, 231) ; in the same story he passes himself off as a furbisher of swords, and succeeds in slaying the giant Gwrnach Gawr (Mab. I, 257). This trait may have come to Crestien through Welsh legend. 68 Foerster in his glossary identifies this Yvain of the tourney as the son of Urien, but as the knight is called in this place simply "Yvain" and as there are mentioned CHARACTERS 99 Goeffrey calls the son of Urien, Eventus and mentions him but once (X, i). In the war with Modred, Aguisel is slain and is suc- ceeded in his kingdom of Albania by his brother Urien 's son, Eventus who afterwards (postea) performed many famous ex- ploits in decertationibus. Just what Geoffrey meant by this phrase is not clear. It would seem to refer to the dissension be- tween Arthur and Modred, yet that falls at the very end of the Arthurian period and therefore is of short duration. And Yvain's name does not occur again in Geoffrey's book. Wace avoids this difficulty by substituting : B 13605 Ivains fu de mult grant valur, De grant pris et de grant honur, Et mult f u preisiez .... Whether this praise of Yvain is due solely to Wace's original or whether to some tradition concerning Yvain we cannot tell, but from the particular terms in which Yvain is here described and from the fact that he is mentioned in the Brut 69 and not in the Historia as one of the coronation guests, it is probable that "Wace knew more of Yvain than he discovered in Geoffrey's history. As the records concerning Yvain's parentage do not seem to antedate Geoffrey, it is possible that Geoffrey 70 either invented the relationship or got it from tradition. Probably the latter is the more likely conjecture, since in the Mdbinogion and the Triads Owein ab Uryen is of frequent occurrence, 71 and although these documents may reflect the influence of Geoffrey, yet the frequency with which the name occurs and the distinction of the hero suggest that Yvain's lineage was established before Geoffrey's time. Possibly Crestien's Yvain may owe something of his valorous and courteous nature to the words of Wace above quoted. In one in the narrative besides the son of Urien three' other persons by this name, all members of Arthur's circle, it is impossible to tell which particular Yvain is meant in 2230. These Yvains are listed among the Round Table Knights in the passage 'where Yvain li fiz Urien occurs: Yvains de Loenel 1707; Yvains li Avoutre 1708; Yvain(s) de Cavaliot 1709. With the exception of Yvains li Avoutre, Crestien does not mention these persons again. Yvain li Avoutre appears as the brother of Yvain the son of Urien in the Perceval 8121. He is not a brother germain, however, whence his name Avoutre. He, together with his brother is represented as Molt preu molt sage e molt cortois (8127). 69 10521 De Moroif Uriens li rois Et Yvains ses fiz li cortois. ™Mab. I, 18. 71 Owein and Lunet, Mab. II, 2. The Dream of Rhonabvjy, Mab. I, 303. Triads 205, 216, 260, 281 & n. 5. 100 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES of the two cases where Yvain is mentioned exclusive of the Cheva- lier au Lion he is called li cortois li Men afeitiez (P 8117) and tant sage e tant cortois (P 8120) ; and throughout the fountain story he acts in accord with the virtues attributed to him by the Brut. Lunete recognizes him as a prodon (999) and tells Laudine: 1606 Et aussi buen seignor vos rande Si com il est poesteis The lady herself calls him mout frans (1517) and again she says 2119 N'onques mes certes nel conui, S'ai mout o'i parler de lui. Si hauz hon est, ce sachiez bien, Con li fiz au roi Uriien. Sanz ce, qu'il est de haut parage, Est il de si grant vasselage, Et tant a corteisie et san Que desloer nel me doit l'an. De mon seignor Yvain, ce cuit, Avez bien oi' parler tuit, Et ce est il, qui me requiert. Plus haut seignor, qu'a moi n'afiert Avrai au jor que ce sera. Laudine and Gawain speak of his cortoisie (1295, 2210) and Cres- tien introduces him on one occasion as mout preuz et cortois (6230). He is constantly the champion of the oppressed. He avenges his cousin germain, Calogrenanz, (581) he rescues Lunete from her accusers (3750, 4566) ; in the quarrel of the two sisters over their inheritance he becomes the champion of the younger (4815, 5098). He rescues Gawain 's niece from the giant Harpin de la Mon- taigne (4135). In the Pesme Aventure, touched by the sight of the wretched maidens he essays the adventure (5107). Through- out he is the compainz of Gawain and their mutual devotion is marked. 72 Of course it is highly conventional to endow the hero of romance with all noble qualities, yet the fact remains that Wace 's Yvain is possessed of the very same traits as the Chevalier au Lion and thus the Brut may in some measure have influenced Cres- tien's conception of Yvains li fiz Urien. Guinevere. Crestien's portrayal of Guinevere like that of Ar- 72 2484, 4045, 6160, 6275, 6475. CHARACTERS 101 thur is highly inconsistent. In Erec, Gliges and Perceval she is a paragon of virtue. She is franche et sage and speaks cortoisement, (E 1206) and is distinguished by her generous treatment of Enide (1535, 1681, 1764). She is the guiding genius of Alexander and Soredamors and directs their passion to its legitimate end (C 2279). Gawain in the Perceval speaks of her as his dame and amie (9090) and makes her the subject of a noble encomium. 8140 Certes dame tant est cortoise E tant est bele et tant est sage Que dex ne fist loi ne lengage Ou lan trovast si sage dame ; Puis que dex la premiere fame Ot de la coste Adan formee Ne fu dame se renomee; E ele le doit mult bien estre Qu'ausins come li sages mestre Les petiz anfanz andoctrine Ausi ma dame le reine Tot le monde anseigne e aprant Que le li toz li biens descent Car de li vient e de li muet De me dame partir ne puet Nus qui des conselliez san aut - Qu 'ele set bien que chascuns vaut Et que an doit a chascun fere Por ce qu'ele li doie plere. Nus horn bien ne enor ne fait A cui ma dame apris ne l'ait Ne ja nus n'iert si desheitiez Qui de ma dame parte iriez. Nowhere else does Crestien describe the queen so generously. On the other hand in Yvain she is far from attractive. The coarseness of her addresses to Kay and her reception of his rude rejoinders produce anything but a pleasing impression (86, 125, 612). This conception, possibly colored by contemporary manners, is not in accord with Crestien 's portrayal of Guinevere anywhere else. A third picture of Guinevere is given in the Charrete which tale exploits her liaison with Lancelot. Here artistically, she is at once 102 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES superior to the Guinevere of the other romances, because, as the heroine, she receives from the poet the attention that lifts her from the position of a mere figure to the dignity of a character ; but ethi- cally, of course, she is not consistent with Crestien's other con- ceptions. Aside from the Modred incident we learn little of Guinevere from the Chronicles. Geoffrey has her descended from a noble Roman family, and excelling all the women of the island in beauty (IX, ix) "Wace adds that she was courteous (9884) 9892 Mult fu large e bele parliere; Artur l'ama mult e ot chiere. Guinevere's amour with Modred has already been discussed (pp. 61 ff.). This episode as we have seen may have been the starting point for Crestien's conception of the queen of the Charrete but the indebtedness can be no greater than that. Thus, Guinevere of the Lancelot is apparently the only Guinevere likely to have been in- fluenced by the Brut. The attributes of the queen in Erec and in Perceval may possibly have been suggested by Wace's lines, but Guinevere's position as the consort of Arthur would cause these virtues to be given her inevitably. Yder son of Nut Yders li fiz Nut appears first as Erec's arrogant rival in the sparrow-hawk adventure (138 ff). After his defeat when he goes at Erec's bidding to surrender himself to the queen (1183) he loses his pride and haughtiness ; later he appears as a member of Ar- thurian society when he attends the queen and Enide at the corona- tion (6819). Crestien does not mention him in any other romance. 73 Yder occurs as Hiderus in the HRB (X, iv), where he is not dis- tinguished, however, as the son of Nut. Here he advances with re- inforcements to aid the Britons under Gawain, who has brought on a battle with the Romans. Wace has Arthur send Yder the son of Nut to the assistance of Gawain 's troops (12336). Crestien's Yder has in common with the Yder of the Brut these 78 There are two other Yder's in Erec: Li rois Yders, 313, and Yders del Mont Dolereus, 1724. Li rois Yders seems to appear in Lancelot, also, 5823. These persons do not appear to be connected with Yder son of Nut (See "Large E ," 302). There is a Nut mentioned in Perceval as the father of Giuflez, a knight who is to essay the adven- ture of Montesclere (4683), but there is nothing here to show that this Nut is the father of Yder. In Erec, 1728, there is a Girfiez son of Do who may be the same person as Giuflez son of Nut, or he may be connected with the celebrated Gwydyon ab Don (Loth, Mab. I, 120, n. 2). CHARACTERS 103 features : he is the son of Nut and is an Arthurian knight. Further than this he cannot be connected with the legendary, historical or the romantic Yder. 7 * In romance, Yder 's achievements are the fight with the bear and the fight with the giants, and his love of Guinevere. 75 The first record we have of the giant incident is that by William of Malmes- bury (1060? - 1143). Here, Yder disappears after the combat and Arthur thinking him dead, has mass sung for him at Gastonbury. 78 In the Mabinogi of Geraint and Enide Yder (Edern) performs the same part as in Erec, but in the 1 older tales he is presented more favorably. Kulhwch and Olwen mentions him as an Arthurian knight {Mob. I, 203). In the Dream of Rhonabwy he commands an army of men of Denmark 77 (I, 300). Here he is also one of Arthur's counsellors. Therefore, Crestieh's treatment of Yder seems to be for the most part independent. There seems to be no precedent for connecting him with the Sparrow-hawk adventure, but the association of Yder with the court of Arthur may have developed from Wace. Everywhere in the Welsh stories Edern is called the son of Nudd. 78 According to Zimmer, the original of this name is Nu. 10 Crestien's rimes would seem to attest such a view: Erec 1213, Nut- reconut; 6819, Nut-corut. According to Rhys, 808 the Goidelic form of the name is Nuada, the Brythonic, found in Latin inscriptions, is Nodens-Nodentis. 80 " It survives in Welsh literature as Nud, but - 71 See Gelzer, Einleitung zur einer altfz. Yder romans, Strasbourg, 1908, 46. 75 See Gelzer, op. ext., 45; HL XXX, 200 f.; Rom. XV, 565. 78 See Be Antiq. Glaston, eccles. Migne, Patul. lat. t. 179, col. 1701. G. Paris, HL XXX, 199, thinks Wm's account was borrowed from a chivalric romance contem- porary with or anterior to his work. Lot, Rom. XXVII, 52, considers the account an interpolation. See also 568, n. 2, where he calls attention to Paris's error (loc. cit.) in stating that Yder was killed and buried at Glastonb. Baist, ZrP IX (1885) 326, thinks it genuine. 77 Perhaps this is another evidence of Geoffrey's influence on the Mabinogion. The HRB represents Arthur as conquering Dacia (Denmark) IX, xi. That Edern, an Arthurian knight, should be leading an army of Denmark may go back to Geoffrey's account. 78 There are several Nudd's in the Mabinogion: Nudd the father of Edern, Gwynn, and Owein (I, 252, n. 2) Nudd Hoel ab Senaullt (II, 219, n. 5, 236, 296); and in the Triads, Nudd ab Keidiaw (II, 296, n. 2). This last Nudd, says Loth, has been confused with Nudd Hoel ab. S. and in every case with Nudd the god Nodens, father of Gwynn [and of Edern, too, apparently]. ™ZfS XIII (1891) 50. 80a Hibbard Lectures, London, 1892, 125 ff. «<»> See Mab. I, 252, n. 2. 104 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES the person seems to be a different character from Nuada. The more complete counterpart of Nuada is the mythical Welsh king Llud Llawereint, or silverhanded. The early form of this name would be Lodens. Lodens thus appears as a modification of Nodens; hence the Irish Nuada gives the Welsh NM and Lud, two distinct per- sons. Lodens gives Lothus, Loth, or Lot of the Arthurian romances. (See p. 105). The development of these characters may throw light on the growth of Arthurian story. The Irish Nuada (Rhys, 119) was king of a mythical colony called the Tuatha De Danann who took pos- session of Erin in early times, and who formed a group of divini- ties worshiped by the ancient Goidels. Nud and Lud, counterparts of Nuada in Welsh literature, appear in Arthurian romance as mor- tals seemingly. Yder Son of Nut commands an army of Denmark and is buried at Glastonbury, Lot is king of Londonesia (Lothian) and is the father of Gawain. Here we may trace (1) a mythologi- cal beginning, (2) the transition from divinity to mortal (3) asso- ciation with Arthurian story, (4) the localizing of Arthurian story in the North and finally in the South. 81 Ygerne. All that we learn from Crestien about Ygerne is this: She is the mother of Arthur; (P 8697) he has not seen her for more than sixty years. When Uther Pendragon, his father, was buried, the queen, Ygerne, came into this country (the land of the Castle Marvelous) with her treasure and shut herself up in the castle and in the palace. She is represented as a gracious lady, who, when Gawain arrives makes him lord of the castle (8057). Her name is mentioned by Crestien nowhere else. According to the well known story (HRB VIII, xix), Ygerne is the mother of Arthur and Anna by Uther, who, becoming enamored of her beauty at the Easter festival when he was holding High Court in London, later, with Merlin's aid, wrests her from her lawful hus- band, Gorlois Duke of Cornwall, indirectly causes the latter 's death and then takes her in formal marriage. Wace's principal additions are that Ygerne besides being beau- tiful was sage and of mult halt parage; (8801) and a general enlivening of the narrative. Wace 's foundation for the above state- ment may have come from Welsh tradition. The Brut Tysilio calls 81 Cp. with Zimmer's theory of origin of the historical Arthur in the North, GO A, 1890, 817 ff. CHARACTERS 105 Ygerne, Eigr and makes her the daughter of Amlawdd the Great (San Marte, 541). In the Welsh genealogy of saints of the Isle of Britain, Amlawdd Wledie is mentioned as the father of Tywanwedd or Dwywanwedd who was mother of several saints {Mob. I, 185, n. 2.) This detail, the providing of Ygerne with Amlawdd Wledie as a father is found, according to the Myr. Arch. 587, in a Welsh ver- sion 500 years old, of Geoffrey of Monmouth. This MS gives for Gorlois the form Gorloes which, as Loth remarks, is more correct and nearer the Cornish form than Gwrlois of the Brut Tysilio. The significance of this testimony is that Eigr's or Ygerne 's parentage seems to have been a matter of very early tradition and may explain Wace's mult halt parage. Apparently there is no evidence to show that Ygerne 's connection with Uther dates earlier than the Histo- ria; 82 hence the incident may be regarded as a chronicle transmis- sion, and Crestien, as having obtained Arthur 's pedigree from Wace. Lot. Among the Round Table knights listed in Erec occurs the name, Loz li rois (1737) . The next occurrence is in Yvain. Gawain says to Yvain : Gauvains ai non fiz li roi Lot ( 6267 ) . We last meet with Lot's name in Perceval (8099) where Gawain tells the queen of the Marvelous Castle that Lot had four sons of whom he was the eldest, and a little later (8713) Gawain hears that his own mother, the wife of Lot is one of the queens of this castle. Thus, all we learn of Lot from Crestien is that he was an Arthurian knight and father of Gawain. Historically, Lot was a person of distinction. He rules over Londonesia, a district comprising the modern counties of Berwick, Roxburgh, and Lothian, 83 and he marries Anne, the sister of Ar- thur, by whom he has two sons, Modred and Gawain. 84 Arthur reestablishes Lot in his ancestral territory. Next, he sets out to conquer Norway that he may secure this land for Lot, his sister's husband (IX, xi). He is here represented as the nephew of Siche- lin, king of Norway who had died, leaving the throne to his nephew. The Norwegians contest the appointment, but Arthur quickly sub- duing them, puts Lot in power. 85 Again in the same chapter, we 82 Fletcher, op. cit., 90, thinks it based on a wide spread folktale which appears in the classic story of Jupiter and Alcmena. Cp. also the birth of Merlin. HRB, VI, xvm. 83 Loth, RO XVI (1895), 85. 84 HRB IX, ix; VIII, xxi. See also San Marte, p. 367, n. 11. 86 See Loth, RO XVI, 84 ff. 106 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES are told that Gawain is Lot 's son. As king of Norway, Lot is among the coronation guests, and later commands troops in the war with Rome (X, vi.) Wace's additions are of no importance. He men- tions Lot twice among the coronation guests; in the passage where Geoffrey lists the name: as Loth de Loenois (10523), and later as Lot qui est rois des Norois (10578) as though they were different persons. 86 Apparently Lot does not figure in the Mabinogion. There and in the Triads Gwyar is the father of Gawain 87 (Gwalchmei). Ac- cording to the evidence therefore, Lot 's connection with Arthur and his relationship to Gawain seem to date from Geoffrey of Mon- mouth, 88 hence it is probably through Wace that Crestien was led to assign to Lot the two chief roles of the historical figure : a knight of the Round Table and the father of Gawain. Merlin. It is curious that Merlin, who from the time of Geoff- rey 89 on is so prominently associated with all matters Arthurian should receive from Crestien but one brief and indirect mention. In describing Arthur's generosity on the occasion of Erec's coro- nation Crestien says: 6690 Anmi la cort sor un tapit Ot trante muis d'esterlins blans; Car lors avoient a eel tans Coreii 90 des le tans Merlin Par tote Bretaingne esterlin. These lines imply that the silver has been accumulating for a very long time, hence its quantity; and therefore, that le tans Merlin must mean "in the far past." The origin of so vague an allusion to such a renowned person as Merlin is obviously impossible to trace. 86 Confusion may be owing to the fact that the form Leir found in at least one MS of the HBB (see San Marte 367 n. 11) occurs in the Brut MS du Roi 7515 3 - 8 - Colbert in this line : Leith qui est rois des Northois. Wace may have followed a MS with the Leir form here and not have realized that Leir and Lot were intended for the same person. 87 Why Loth, Mab. I, 227, n. 2, should say that in the Mabinogion, Gwalchmei is presented as the son of Loch Llawwynnyawc, when he is nine times spoken of as the son of Gwyar (I, 222, 227, 311; II, 47, 96, 100, 137, 265, 268) and nowhere men- tioned as the son of anyone else, I do not understand. The name of Loch Llarowynnawc occurs but once in the Mabinogion (Ref. to I, 295 in gloss, seems to be incorrect). 88 Loth, BC XVI, 84 also implies such a conclusion. 89 In Celtic legend Merlin was associated with Arthur certainly before Geoffrey's time. See Fletcher, op. cit., 91. 90 On the form of this word, see "Large E" 333, n. CHARACTERS 107 Angres - Modred. The relationship of Angres to Modred has been discussed in connection with the episodes in the first part of Cliges. It is necessary to add here only that the parallel does not extend to their connection with Arthur. Modred is Arthur's nephew, the son of his sister Anne and Lot of Londonesia (HRB IX, ix). Geoffrey states this fact in connection with Arthur's ap- portioning of territory to the three brothers Aguisel, Urien, and Lot. Wace does not speak of Modred until Arthur is about to embark for Gaul when he entrusted his kingdom A Mordret un de ses nevuz (11451). Later on he mentions the relationship more specifically: Ses nies, fils sa sorur esteit (13423). Angres is merely a vassal and is not related to Arthur by blood. Nut See pp. 102 ff. Pandragon See Uther Pendragon, pp. 108 ff. Bion See pp. 67 ff. Urien. Crestien 's only mention of Urien is in relation to Yvain. Yvain li fiz Urien. 91 Once he gives a hint of Urien 's station (Y 2123) where he says that Yvain as the son of Urien is of high line- age. This idea finds an echo in the Brut where Arthur is apportion- ing his northern conquests among the brothers Lot, Aguisel and Urien, (B 9854). Wace says they are of mult franc linage and of halt parage and bien emparente. The MS du Boi 73 Cange reads : Trois freres de mult grant paraige I avoit de real linaige. Their ancestors had held the lands beyond the Humber by right and had done wrong to none. Geoffrey does not emphasize their high lineage: he states merely that they were regali prosopia orti (IX, ix). Bofh chroniclers put Urien, King of Murefensium (Moray), among the coronation guests; (IX, xii; 10521) and speak of him as father of Eventus (Yvain) to whom fell the kingdom of Agui- sel after the latter 's death (XI, i; 13597). In the council held before the British invasion of Roman territory Aguisel speaks and is introduced as the brother of Lot and Urien. 92 Urien (Uryen ab Kynvarch) is a distinguished figure in Welsh legend. As in the chronicles and romances he is the father of Owein 93 ■ (Yvain). 1706, Y 1018, 1818, 2122, 3631, P 8113. B2 B 11236. Geoffrey does not mention this item. 83 Mob. II, i. 108 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES He is a favorite hero with Talesin, 94 and he is king of Reged, a dis- trict often placed in the north. Urbgen (Urien) is mentioned in a genealogical passage in Nennius. 95 According to the Iola MSS 127 Uryen came from South Wales, helped to expel the Gaels and final- ly was canonized. Uryen was the son of Kynvarch, a name borne by the great tribes of Northern Britons. The name Urbgen (Urien) is found also among the Armorican Britons, and Llywarch Heu often celebrates Uryen and Owein. (Mob. II, i, n. 1). Urien 's name appears three times in the Triads. His slayer is Llofvan (Llovan) Llaw Divro; (Mab. II, 234 & n. 1); he is one of the three pillars of combat in the Isle of Prydein (II, 235) and one of the three blessed progeny (II, 260). These facts all go to prove that Urien was a widely known person in Welsh tradi- tion; hence that Wace's insistence on his high descent is well founded and may account for Crestien's use of this detail in Yvain. Utherpendragon. Crestien mentions the name of Uther Pen- dragon but three times. In Yvain (663) Arthur swears fame Uterpandragon son pere that he will go to see the fountain. In Perceval, Uther is twice alluded to as the father of Arthur (426, 8704). In the HBB, Uther plays an important role, second only to that of Arthur himself. To give his history briefly: Constantine king of Britain had three sons : Constans, Aurelius Ambrosius, and Uther Pendragon (VI, v). Constans becomes the tool of Vorti- gern (VI, vi) who sets him upon the throne until he himself is ready to occupy it, when he has the weakling king assassinated. At this, those in charge of the two younger brothers flee with them to Armorica. (VI, viii) Towards the end of Vortigern's bloody reign Merlin prophesies the coming of Aurelius Ambrosius and his brother who are to seize the throne (VIII, i). Merlin's words come to pass the very next day. The sons of Constantine arrive with a large army, burn Vortigern in a tower, and take possession of the realm (VIII, ii). Aurelius as the elder now rules Britain. During his reign Uther is detailed with Merlin to bring over the Giant's ai Mab. II, i, n. 1. 85 Giles, op. ext., 414. "Against him, Theodoric of the Deiri, fought four kings : Urien, and Ryderthen, and Guallauc, and Morcant. Theodoric fought bravely together ■with his sons against that Urien." CHARACTERS 109 Dance from Ireland and set it up in Salisbury plain (VIII, x). Uther wins great distinction in Ireland while battling for these magic stones (VIII, xii). At the death of Aurelius a star of won- derful magnitude appears, announcing his decease and presaging the reigns of Uther and his marvelous son. Uther, then warring in Cambria, defeats the enemy and returns to "Winchester to take the throne (VIII, xvi). To commemorate the portent he has two dragons made in the likeness of the fiery dragon he had seen at the ray of the star. One of these he presented to the cathedral of Winchester and the other he kept to carry with him in his wars. From this time on he was called, says Geoffrey, "Utherpendragon : quod Britannica lingua caput draconis appellamus. " 96 Uther contin- ues to fight the Saxons (VIII, xviii). He becomes enamoured of Ygerne wife of Gorlois, duke of Cornwall to whom he gains access with Merlin's help, (VIII, xix) and whom he marries on the death of Gorlois (VIII, xx). Their children are Arthur and Anne. (See p. 105). The rest of Uther's life is spent in warring with his old foes, the Saxons by whom he is at last treacherously pois- oned (VIII, xxiv). He is at once succeeded by his son Arthur (IX, i). Uther appears throughout to have been an able king. Wace's additions are, as usual, chiefly stylistic. He details Uther's career at considerable length and vivifies especially the episode with Ygerne. Uther's love plaints might have been ut- tered by Alexander for Soradamors (8885 ff.). References to Uther in the Triads show plainly the influence of Geoffrey, 97 yet it is strange that he is nowhere mentioned as the father of Arthur. Hence it has been concluded that the relation- ship is an invention of Geoffrey 's. 98 98 VIII, xvii. Pendragon really means "Head Leader" and has nothing to do with dragon, says Fletcher, op. ext., 89. 97 Uther's flight into Llydaw (Armorica), his return, and the burning of Vortigern in the tower (II, 211). This passage has, either been influenced by Geoffrey or else both it and the Historia episode go back to the same source. Uther is also noted among the three first magies of the Isle of Prydein (II, 224). 98 P. Paris, Les Romans de la Table Ronde, Paris, 1868, I, 48; Loth, Mab. I, 187, note. Fletcher, op. ext., 89, says that some MSS of Nennius state that Arthur was called Slab Uther because he was cruel from his boyhood. Mab Uther means "terrible war- rior" but may also mean, "son of Uther." Geoffrey may have used the interpolated text and either on purpose or erroneously have equated Uter with Uthr Ben. This procedure would have been just what was needed to furnish Arthur with a father and fill up the gap which Nennius's narrative implies between Arthur and the Aurelius Ambrosius of Gildas. As Ben and Pen are linguistically identical, the expansion of the name into Uther Pendragon is easily understood. U. P. = Head Leader. 110 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES It is probable that Crestien is indebted to "Wace for Arthur's parentage. Pandragon. There is a reference to Uther in Erec that deserves special mention. Arthur says: 1811 L 'usage Pandragon, mon pere Qui fu droiz rois et anperere Doi je garder et maintenir. It is noticeable that Pandragon occurs here alone. Nowhere else does Crestien employ this appellative without Uther. And only in one place in the Brut does it occur, not exactly without Uther, but separated from the given name: 7767 Uter ses frere Pandragon. It is possible that Crestien made use of this detail. The passage is also noteworthy in sentiment. Arthur wishes to keep the laws of his father who was king and emperor by right. This recalls the career of the chronicle Uther who lawfully assumed the crown af- ter his two elder brothers, and who seems never to have been un- worthy of it. Hence Arthur would naturally desire to preserve the statutes made by such a father. This certainly looks like a his- torical allusion. , Gaivain. Apparently the first" mention of Gawain is in the Gesta Regum Anglorum of William of Malmesbury. ' ' In the Prov- ince of Wales called Ros, he says, (some time not far from the year 1090, we must infer) was discovered the tomb of Walwen, who, being the son of Arthur's sister, was not unworthy of him. He ruled in that part of Britain which is still called Walweitha, 100 a very valiant knight, but he was driven from his kingdom by the brother and nephew of Hengist; first getting satisfaction, how- ever, by inflicting great harm upon them. He shared deservedly in the glory of his uncle, because they deferred for many years the ruin of their falling country. ' ' 101a As Fletcher says, we may infer from this passage that legends about Gawain were already known in which he was distinguished as Arthur's nephew. 101 " Geoffrey, building upon this tale and "Paris, HL XXX, 29; Weston J. L., The Legend of Sir Gawain, London, 1897, 8. 100 Galloway, acc. to Paris, loc. cit. See also Weston, Perceval I, 192. 101a Quoted from Fletcher, op. cit., 104. 101b See the ballad of King Arthur and King Cornwall where Arthur says to Gawain: "My sisters sonne be yee." Sargent and Kittridge, Eng. <& Scot. Pop. Ballads, Boston, 1904, 50. See also Nitze, MP IX (1912) 26. CHARACTERS 111 doubtless other stories, elaborates the portrait of Gawain just as he has done that of Arthur, though in both the Historia and the Brut, Arthur is always first. The HBB makes Gawain the son of Lot and Anne, and the brother of Modred (IX, ix). At the age of twelve he was sent to Pope Sulpicius to be trained in arms (IX, xi). On the eve of the war with Rome Arthur sends him as an envoy (see pp. 41 ff.) to the Roman camp where through his reckless behavior he brings on a battle in which he performs many valorous deeds (X, iv ff.). One of these exploits is a combat with the emperor, Lucius, who re- ceives the youth with joy as one whose fame had long been known to him (X, xi). Gawain meets his death in the last great conflict of Arthurian history, the war with Modred in which Arthur him- self disappears from the stage (XI, i.) In the Historia, Hoel, Duke of Brittany, also represented as Arthur 's nephew, is a peer of Gawain 's. Together they command a company of foot in the Roman war and help to change the tide of battle. Geoffrey says of them (X, x) : Hoelus ergo et Wal- gainus quibus meliores praeterita secula non genuerunt. Gawain is here a high spirited youth, slaying easily, coolly, tauntingly, and winning the commendation of Arthur for his successes. Wace makes several important additions to Geoffrey's portrait. First, Gawain 's greatness is predicted at the time of Arthur's birth, that is, before he himself is born (9057) and his parentage is also recorded here. Geoffrey does not mention these items. On his return from Pope Sulpicius he is thus described : 10106 Pruz fu e de mult grant mesure, D'orgoil e de forfait n'ot cure; Plus vuelt faire qu'il ne dist E plus duner qu'il ne pramist. When Arthur calls a council to deliberate upon the demands of the Roman Emperor, Gawain is among the speakers and addresses the assembly in words full of the spirit of chivalry and youthful enterprise. (See pp. 9, 146). His part in the war is treated with greater emphasis than in the HBB. In the thick of the fight he speaks with stingingly courteous irony : 12237 E Walwein dist, par curteisie : Marcel, en enfer oii tu vas, A Quintilien nunceras, 112 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Par tei li mant e tu li di Que Bretun sunt assez hardi. Hoel is still his peer, but to Geoffrey's praise Wace adds: 13168 Tel dui vassal ne furent ainz Unques el siecle trespasse N'orent ensamble tel este De bunte et de curteisie De sen et de chevalerie. In battle they rage like lions (13168) and Gawain is of mult grant air (13225.) At his death Arthur grieves 102 mightily, for there was no man he loved so well (13506, 13551). Thus in the Brut Gawain has become a figure distinguished for valor, courtesy, sense, moderation, for always keeping his promises, and for inspiring the love and confidence of his king. In personality he is essentially chivalric, — a character ready for the hand of the romancer. Let us see how Crestien has apparently availed himself of this material. Crestien in his treatment of Gawain indulges in a spe- cies of hero worship. Gawain appears in every romance and is conspicuous in three ; 103 in fact in the Conte du Oraal his achieve- ments occupy practically half the narrative. 1048 Often he is entitled mes sire; and again and again does Cres- tien attribute to him the virtues present in the Gawain of the Brut. 1. As Arthur's sister's son, he is always on the king's right hand 104b (E 2286, C 2350, 5084; Y 2380, 2717 ; P 4048). 2. He is always a figure of distinction both as a soldier and a man of gentle birth and is frequently a peer of the technical hero (E 1691, 9062, 2129 ; C 4923, 4917, 4951; Y 2395, 2401, 4790, 5851, 6447; P 4650, 4448, 5490). 3. He has a sense of ironical humor (Y 2431, 2533). 4. Everywhere his words and actions are marked by sense, especially by tact and justice (E 39, 299, 308, 4112; C 5168; L 226, 392; Y 2395, 2411, 2484) Mesure (P 4741, 5149, 8082) Cortoisie (#.4093; Y 2411; P 4311, 4393, 5337, 5454, 5786, 7931, 8096). 5. His beha- vior is distinguished by reasonable pride and self confidence, and by the dignity of character belonging to the nobly born and bred, — the mult grant air of Wace's Gawain (E 4104; L 6505; Y 3698, 4083; 102 See pp. 37; 81; 110, and n. 101 b. 103 Lancelot, Tvain, Perceval. See also p. 46. 104a Tn e Conte = 9199 lines. To Perceval are given 4814; to Gawain, 4385. 104b Nitze, MP IX, 26, n. 4, remarks upon Arthur's reliance upon Gawain. CHARACTERS 113 P 5258, 4365, 4717). To these virtues Crestien adds frankness (E 4094) ; Gawain never hides his name from those who ask it, 105 (Y 6264; P 5583, 8795) ; generosity, and a knowledge of healing herbs (P 6874) . Except for the latter trait there is nothing here that does not find a parallel in the character of Wace's Gawain. If, as Miss Weston says, 106 Crestien 's poems represent the earliest and most primitive form of the Gawain stories, then the possibility of diverse sources for the character of Gawain is lessened, and the chances that in personality Crestien 's Gawain has been here influenced by the chronicle are more than likely. When these various details are put together it is evident that Wace probably had considerable influence on Crestien 's portrayal of such of his characters as are found in the Brut. This conclu- sion seems the more apparent when we differentiate the men from their actions. If we try to parallel their exploits we discover that the borrowings are few ; 107 but if personality is considered, there is scarcely a character whose traits do not appear to a greater or less extent in the Brut. It is possible that Crestien borrowed from Wace the Arthur of Cliges, the nobler Kay, practically all of Gawain 's character, Baudemagus, Aguisel, Lot, Bedver, Ygerne, Utherpendragon ; some details for Yvain son of Urien, Yder son of Nut, Guinevere of the Charrete, and the name Cadovalanz. The only figure in the table that cannot be traced to Wace is Merlin, since with Crestien he is nothing but a name. 105 This is a trait of Erec's also (E 1059, 4153, 6034). Possibly since Crestien used it for Erec first, he later borrowed it for Gawain. 106 Gawain, 8. 107 Exceptions are Angres, Rion, and the Arthur of Cligis. Chapter IV Geography Bretaigne and Breton One of the cruxes in the geography of Arthurian romance is in the terms Bretaigne and Breton. When Crestien, for instance, uses Bretaigne does he mean Great Britain (or England), Wales, or Brittany ? When he employs the term Breton does he mean the inhabitants of England, of Wales, or of Brittany? This problem has received detailed investigation by Brugger (ZfS XX, 79 ff. ; XXVII, 69 ff.) and Lot (Rom. XXIV, 497 ff.; XXV, 1 ff., and XXVIII, 1 ff.) with the result thus formulated by Brugger (op. cit., 83 ff.)- Mediaeval writers use the term Bretaigne in three dif- ferent senses : I. Bretaigne means the island inclusive or exclusive of Scot- land before and during the Germanic conquest; also the realm of King Arthur. II. Bretaigne means Armorica, the present Brittany on the continent, after the British migration of the fifth century. III. Bretaigne means the island inclusive or exclusive of Scot- land, but especially England after the Germanic conquest. Breton signifies the inhabitants of Bretaigne I, exclusive of Scot- land, naturally, and of Bretaigne II. It does not seem to desig- nate the inhabitants of Bretaigne III. 1 " In addition to these two meanings Breton denotes the remnant of Britons occupying the districts of Wales, Cornwall and Strathclyde, especially Wales, after the Germanic conquest ; but the districts themselves inhabited under these circumstances were never designated as Bretaigne. Bretaigne III is simply England, or England and Scotland toge- ther. Therefore Breton may mean the Welsh, but Bretaigne does not mean Wales. Bretaigne III, and Breton denoting the remnant of the British race in England after the Germanic conquest are distinctly learned terms employed chiefly by Latin writers. lb Bre- ton meaning the inhabitants of Armorica and Breton meaning the British remnant are of rare occurrence. 2 18 See ZfS XX, 84. lb This is, according to Brugger's investigation. He has not included the Rou in his studies. There, Breton invariably refers to the inhabitants of Armorica. See p. 116 2 Lot agrees with Brugger (Bom. XXVIII, 2 ff. ) on the explanation of Bretaigne, but partially differs with him on that of Breton (op. cit., 5 ff.) GEOGRAPHY 115 The obvious conclusion to be drawn from this discussion is that when a single term is employed in such a diversity of mean- ings there is bound to be confusion. Most writers both in Latin and in the vernacular doubtless used the terms Bretaigne, Breton indifferently to denote insular or continental relations. They did not care to make a distinction, for the people of whom they were speaking belonged to one and the same race. The confusion, once begun in the chronicle histories or in current speech, crept into the romances with the result that it is impossible at times to tell with certainty whether the author means insular Britain and its people, or the land and people of continental Britain. Geoffrey of Monmouth, 3 however, seems to have observed a careful distinction between Britannia-Bret ones I and Britannia- Bretones II. Britannia II EBB V, xii (a) regnum Armoricum, quod nunc Britannia dicitur. (b) altera Britannia. V, xiv per universas Armorica regni fe- citque alteram Britannican. V, xvi ad Armoricam quae jam altera Britannia vocabatur. VI, iv in minorem Brittanniam quae tune Armorica sive Letania dicebatur. VII, iii in Armorica regno. Britones II V, XV Armoricosque Britones. IX, ii Hoelus ex Dubricio rege Armorican- orum Britonum. IX, xii Hoelus dux Armoricanorum Britonum. IX, XV Hoelo rege IX, xvi Hoelus rex ' x, V " dux x, ix Donee venerunt ad aciem Armoricanorum. Britonum quam Hoelus et "Walgainus reg- nabant. x, xi Impetum in Armoricanos faciunt. XI, i Dimisso Hoelo duce Armoricanorum Britones. x, vi Hoelus dux Armoricanorum. * The discussions of Lot and Brugger deal almost entirely with the Lais. 116 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Thus Geoffrey never fails to modify the terms Britannia and Bre- tones when he means the land and people of Brittany. Wace, in his Brut, has not only made numerous insertions re- specting Armorica and its people, but he has failed to follow Geoffrey's distinction. He designates Brittany by three different terms I. Armoriche, 796, 6031, 6081, 6473, 6476, 7745, 7916, 14462. II. Bretaigne le menur, 6071, 6837, 9377, 13173, 14463, 4288. So far, he follows Geoffrey, but the name he most frequently uses to describe the continental district is the one he generally employs for Great Britain or England : simply, III. Bretaigne, 794, 795, 2082, 3927, 6073, 6082, 6137, 6475, 14619, 14630, 15133. It is always possible to tell, however, whether Wace means insular or Continental Britain. His use of Breton for the people of Brit- tany is rare. The word in this sense occurs but four times in the whole Brut: 9995, 13199, 13682, 14468. Lines 9995 4 and 13682 4 mentioning respectively the Round Table as fabled about by the Britons, and Arthur's return which Wace says they expect, must refer to the Armorican Britons. Line 13199 certainly alludes to the Armoricans, for it is part of a passage describing the valor of Cil de Bretaigne la menur who were led to battle by their Duke Hoel (13173 ff). Line 14468 alludes to the fact that the Britons of Armorica are descended from insular Britons. Thus in these four instances of the use of Breton for the Armoricans, Wace, though not distinguishing the terms, seems to be clear. Wace's practice in the Rou is in accord with the principles formulated by Brugger. The new name for England, Engleterre, rules throughout except in two cases where the author says he is giving the archaic names : I. p. 13, v. 81 Engleterre Bretaine out nun. II. p. 29, v. 15 Engleterre Bretainne out nun. Everywhere else Bretaigne means Brittany. Armorica is an archa- ism also and occurs but twice: I, p. 14, v. 85; II, p. 30, v. 25. Breton refers invariably to the people of Brittany. After the Germanic people became the chief race of the island, 5 the inhabi- 4 Lot (Bom. XXIV, 507, n. 4) seems to think that these are the only lines referring to the Armorican Britons. 5 See ZfS XX, 84. GEOGRAPHY 117 tants were generally called "English" even while, among the learned, the old term Bretaigne was still employed. In the Ron, Wace is writing of a time when the new names had become firmly established. Bretaigne, meaning England and Armorica are ar- chaisms and of rare occurrence ; hence there was no cause for confu- sion. The Bou then may be excluded from this discussion, since it cannot have affected the romancers in their confusion of names. By comparing the Historia and the Brut in their use of Brit- tannia, Bretones; Bretaigne, Breton we can see how the distinc- tion came gradually to break down. Geoffrey uses different names to designate the different places and peoples. Wace employs one name to designate the two places and peoples but is still clear in the use of it. This confusion finds illustration in the works of Crestien. Bretaigne occurs but twice in Erec. The first instance, Nantes en Bretaingne, (6553) will be treated later (pp. 121 ff.) The sec- ond case is perfectly clear (6696) : Crestien is speaking of a quantity of silver that had been accumulating since the time of Merlin par tote Bretaingne. This is treasure belonging to Arthur which he dispenses at the coronation. Hence Bretaigne must mean England or Great Britain, not Brittany. 6 Bretaigne is found more frequently in Cliges than anywhere else. The meaning of the term in lines 16, 77, 114, 2397, 2410, 4219, 4224, 4255, 4310, 4317, 4325, 4477, 5167, 5181, 5206, 5208, 5296, is obviously "Great Britain." In lines 423, 438, 1051, 1059, 1089, 1102, 6703 the meaning is just as clearly "Brittany." But line 5066 is doubtful. Crestien says : Cliges avuec le roi demore Jusqu'au novelement d'este, S'a par tote Bretaingne este Et par France et par Normandie. The connecting of Bretaigne with France and Normandy at once causes ambiguity. This combination of names occurs again in a 9 It is difficult to tell from Crestien's use of Bretaigne, meaning the island, whether he means "Great Britain" or simply "England." Occasionally he writes Engleterre ; this leaves us in no doubt. Of course, his idea of Bretaigne the island is the territory ruled over immediately by and subject to Arthur. On this basis Scotland would be included and Bretaigne would indicate "Great Britain." I have thus regarded it in this dig- cussion except where the difference is indicated. 118 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES place where the meaning is perfectly clear. Arthur in preparing an armament to go against Constantinople is assisted by 6702 Tote Angleterre, totes Flandres, Normandie, France et Bretaingne. The presence of Angleterre in this group leaves no doubt as to the signification of Bretaingne; it is of course "Brittany." But because Bretaingne means Brittany in this group, does this neces- sitate its denoting Brittany in the other? Since Cliges was with the king who we know was in England at the time, we would nat- urally think that Bretaingne was Great Britain; but since he was during this period out of the island long enough to go into France and Normandy, it does not at all follow that Bretaigne is Great Britain; it could just as well be Brittany. Moreover, Cres- tien says : He was with the king till the beginning of summer and [si] he went par tote Bretaingne etc. The si rather separates the two ideas: his being with the king and his going through Bre- taigne, France and Normandie, thus throwing Bretaingne closer to the second element of the sentence than the first. We have here a real puzzle. Though the balance weighs a little more heavily in favor of Brittany than of Great Britain, it is not enough to be decisive. Bretaigne occurs but once in the Charrete where it means England : 3905 Le roi Artu iert la bataille, Qui tient Bretaingne et Cornoaille. With this exception the word to denote England is, in Lancelot, Logres. 7 In Yvain the only name for Great Britain is Bretaigne which occurs but three times: 1, 2329, 2546. Bretaigne is not found here in any other sense. In the Perceval the name for Great Britain is exclusively Logres. Bretaigne meaning Armorica does not occur. Crestien seems to use Breton both in its broadest sense (not heretofore noted) referring to Brythonic Celts in general, and with a more restricted meaning to denote either insular or con- tinental Britons. The connotation of Breton in E 652 Erec m'ape- 7 According to Loth, Mab. 100, n. 1, Logres is used in the romances in the restricted sense: "Loegr ou Loeggr est le nom que les Gallois donnent a 1' Angleterre proprement dite au sud de l'Humber." See this study, p. 56. GEOGRAPHY 119 lent li Breton, may be Bretons in general. 8 The other occurrence of Breton in Erec, indicates the Armoricans : 6646 Normanz, Bretons, Escoz, Irois; D'Angleterre et de Cornoaille. Cliges, vv. 440, 567, refer clearly to the Armoricans. The Breton here are the people Arthur goes to visit across the sea in Brittany. Li Breton receive joyfully the news of his coming, and welcome him just as good vassals should. (See p. 84) Line 2603, however, is ambiguous. Alexander says to his son, Cliges : ja ne savras Conoistre, conbien tu avras De proesce ne de vertu, Se a la cort le roi Artu Ne te vas esprover eincois Et as Bretons et as Francois. The ideas Bretons and Frangois are thrown together, and as one, are separated from the idea "Arthurian court," just as in the case of Bretaigne above. We simply cannot tell with certainty whether Crestien means the people of England or of Brittany, or Brythonic Celts in general. Breton does not occur in any sense in Lancelot or in Perceval. It is found once in Tvain where it seems to mean Bretons in gen- eral (37). 9 Though Crestien is generally clear in his use of these terms, there are four cases, two for Bretaigne (E 6553, C 5066) and two for Breton (E 651, C 2608) where he is ambiguous. The employment of these names in the double sense, if it did not reach Crestien through oral sources probably came to him from Wace. This does not mean that the Brut is directly respon- sible for the ambiguity, but it does mean, as above stated, that Wace by using, however clearly, the same word to denote entirely different ideas made ambiguity possible for later writers who were either indifferent to, or did not wish to observe the distinc- tion. 10 8 Lot, Rom. XXVIII, 18 f., recognizes such a connotation. 9 Foerster, Tvain (1891) XV, takes this to mean Armoricans. 10 Thomas's use of Bretaigne in the double sense is probably owing to the Brut. He is clear, however, except in one instance, 2123, which after all probably means England, See Bedier, ed. II, 455, gloss. It is possible that Thomas as well as Wace may have influenced Crestien in this respect. Breton is found but once, 3076, and means "people of Brittany." 120 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES In this connection there is another respect in which Crestien recalls "Wace's practice. That is the coupling of Bretaigne or Angleterre with Cornwall : Erec, 6647 D 'Angleterre et de Cornoaille. Cliges, 80 An Bretaingne n'an Cornoaille. Cliges, 1480 Cil de Gales et de Bretaingne. Et d'Escoce, et de Cornoaille. Lancelot, 3906 Qui tient Bretaingne et Cornoaille. (See p. 56). The habit of mentioning these places together probably started with Wace and ultimately of course with Geoffrey. Both chroniclers tell how Brutus and Coreneus in the early days divided the island of Albion between them and how each named his portion of the ter- ritory after himself, — whence Britain and Cornwall. 11 This dis- tinction may be said to contribute a new meaning for Bretaigne, a meaning which appears to have been suggested to Crestien by Wace, that is: England exclusive of Wales, Scotland and Corn- wall. This seems to be the most limited sense in which the term , is employed. {VUgis 80, 1480). Wales is always carefully differentiated by Wace from Bre- taigne, Engleterre, Escoce, and Cornoailles. Note lines 2251, 5189, 5856, 7491, 8391, 8419, 8493, 12595, 13922, 14380, 15195, and see especially HBB XII, xix and Brut 15255, 15279 ff. where these authors state particularly that the inhabitants of Wales after they were subdued by the barbarians: jam non vocabantur Brit- ones sed Gualenses; Les remenailles des Bretons Que nos or Galois apelons. These passages exactly illustrate Brugger's Bre- ton IV (ZfS XX, 85) Crestien, also, is careful to observe the dis- tinction : Gales, E 6649 ; C 1461, 1480, 2369 ; P 481, 2715, 4097 ; Y 7 Carduel en Gales (see p. 73 f.). Galois, C 1824, 2427, 4828 ; E 1526, 1738 ; P 233, 241, 583, 589, 769, 3537. Thus Cres- tien, unless he got his idea from current speech, was probably fol- lowing Wace in his use of Bretaigne, Breton in the double sense; in the coupling of Bretaigne and Cornwall; and in the sharp dis- tinction between Wales and the Welsh on one hand and Great Brit- ain and its inhabitants on the other. The following table summarizes Crestien 's use of the terms above discussed. "HUB I, xvi; Brut, 1201 ff. GEOGKAPHY 121 Bretaigne 1. Great Britain or Arthur's realm. The most common meaning, seen in E, C, Y. 2. England as distinct from Cornwall, Wales and Scotland. C 80, 1480; L 3906. 3. Armorica, C. Breton 1. Brythonic Celts in general, i. e. Celts ruled over by Arthur both in the Island and in Armorica and not always distinguished from each other. E 652, C 2608, Y 37. 2. Armoricans exclusive of other Celts, C. Gales — Wales as distinct from the rest of Arthur's ter- ritory. E, C, Y, P. Galois — The Welsh as distinct from Arthur's other sub- jects. E, C, P. Carnant and Nantes The interpretation of Nantes en Bretaingne (E 6553) depends upon the locality of Erec's kingdom, a question which scholars view differently. According to Foerster 12 and Zimmer, 12 the cap- ital of Erec's realm is Nantes on the Loire. According to G. Paris, Loth, and Lot 13 it is in Great Britain. There is a Kelli- Carnant in Gwent, South Wales, and a Ros-Carnant in Cornwall. In identifying Erec's capital with Nantes on the Loire, Zim- mer finds evidence in support of his theory for the Armorican origin of Arthurian romance. Erec's prototype is Eoricus, king of the West Goths in 466 who conquered South Gaul between the Rhone and the Loire. From d'estre Gales, the reading of the best MSS, Zimmer evolves Dextra Gallia, or the land conquered by Eoricus. The form Dextra Gallia was found he thinks in the tales of the romanized Britons (Armoricans) through whom Ar- thurian legend was transmitted to the literature of Northern France. Paris and Loth identify Erec with a celebrated Armorican hero named Weroc, whose country was called Bro-Weroc or "Land of 12 Karrenritter CXV; ZfS XIII (1891) 35. "Paris, Rom. XX (1891) 157, 166; Loth, RO XIII, 482, 503, n. Lot, Rom. XXV (1896) 588 f . ; Brugger, ZfS XXVII (1908) 75 ff. rejects the theories of both groups, offering one which does not seem very plausible. 122 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Weroc," but they think Carnant is in England and has been con- fused by Crestien with Nantes on the Loire. D 'outre Gales or D'estre Gales they think a portion of Wales. Lot shows that there was an Erec »- ~W VT TV" 1261 L'oz s'est sor Tamise logiee: Tote la pree est herbergiee Des pavellons verz et vermauz. Es colors se fiert li solauz S'an reflanboie la riviere Plus d'une grant liue pleniere. 130 T TT E INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES When the first sally is made, the one in which Alexander wins his spurs, the Greeks: El gue tuit an an frois s'esleissent (1317). This gives us the exact situation of Arthur's troops. They are on the east bank of the river, encamped in the low meadowland, — just the position an army would take after having marched on "Windsor from London. When the organized attack is made, the king has no difficulty in getting his army across the river because, the drought has made the fords very shallow (1485 ff.) ; a condi- tion quite possible when we remember the low lying meadowland on the east bank of the Thames and the frequent shallows through this part of the course. When the army is across, one division is detailed to close in on the lower side of the castle which would mean going to the right, and the other portion, to mount the hill directly in front. Everything in the description seems to agree with the actual facts. The only difficulty is that there are many other castles answering to this description equally well. The com- monest site for a redout was a hill with a river winding below it, both forming natural defenses. A glance at the chateaux along the Loire and its tributaries: Blois, Amboise, Loches, Chinon will show each crowning the top of a precipitous slope with a rather shallow river flowing at the foot. The evidence for Crestien's familiarity with Windsor is strong, but it is not conclusive. 29 Again, in the Cliges portion of the narrative, Alexander and Soredamors on returning to Greece embark at Shoreham (2440). Shorham, some miles east of Southampton, is quite a possible point from which to sail ; further, it is not mentioned in either chronicle. Later, Cliges when he visits England to receive that instruction in proesce and vertu which his father has urged, goes first to Galingue- fort (Wallingford) where he learns that the court is about to en- gage in a tournament on the plains of Oxford, not far distant (4588 ff.). The relation of Wallingford to Oxford and the sit- uation of the latter place in low-lying land are correctly given. Wal- lingford seems too unimportant a place to be mentioned by any one who had not been in the region. Crestien might have heard of it through other sources, however. Though it does not occur in 29 Paris cites all of these illustrations, and especially Windsor as striking evidence in favor of Crestien's personal knowledge of these places. He thinks also that the mention of Gloegestre and Evroic, Corque in the Erec point in this direction likewise. (JdS, 1902, 302). See Foerster's comment on this view, C, 3rd ed. 1910, XXXIII, n. GEOGRAPHY 131 the Brut, it does appear in the Bou and in close proximity to Oxford : I, p. 211, v. 121, Oxenfort I, p. 211, v. 128, Walingefort According to Freeman's Norman Conquest Windsor, Wallingford, and Oxford were prominent in the Anglonorman period. "Wind- sor, Wallingford .... were built in the course of William 's reign (1066-1089) . . . .Windsor was the most famous and abiding of all." (IV, 69) "Oxford castle founded by Robert of Oily 1072, a fortress that played a great part in the wars of the preceding century." (p. 46). Oxford, Wallingford and Windsor are castles defended by the Abbot of Abington between 1071 and 1084 (p. 339). The close association of the three names in the history of the period makes it possible for Crestien to have attained his information regarding them through some other channel than personal experience. Though he may have derived his names from the chronicles he did not get his topography from Wace, hence he must have known the ground himself or have obtained his information from some one else thor- oughly familiar with it, perhaps from some one in Beauvais where he got his Uvre. The latter supposition, that the knowledge is sec- ond hand, is the more likely since he shows no such familiarity with English topography in his other romances. That Crestien should exhibit an accuracy here not evident in his other narratives is not surprising when we recall the close connection between the Brut and the Cliges in these passages. His close adherence to his source here may have led him to be more careful than usual with his lo- cations. Chapter V Romantic Background — Social and Moral Ideas — Conclusions Under the caption "Romantic Background" may be discussed the Arthurian Court, the Round Table, the Castle of Maidens, and the Dolorous Mount. 1 Although these features find a place in the Historia and the Brut it is very improbable that they all reached Crestien through the chronicle source. With the exception of the Arthurian Court they have a distinctly popular flavor and suggest, rather than any obligation of Crestien to Wace, the more likely pos- sibility that both Wace and Crestien go back to a common source. The Arthurian Court, however, is a literary creation established by Geoffrey of Monmouth (See pp. 4 ff.) and enlarged on by Wace; hence the likelihood of transmission through the chronicles is much less uncertain here than in some other cases. Geoffrey presents the court of Arthur as a perfect organiza- tion, famous the world over as the. model of elegance and prowess, the members of which are as invincible in the courtly exercises of love and the tourney as they are when on the battle field contend- ing against the power of Rome. Wace's picture, by the addition of the Round Table, and a more chivalric and brilliant coloring, forms a romantic background ready made for the Arthurian poet. The most elaborate court scene is that of the grand coronation al- ready treated in connection with the Erec marriage and coronation ceremonies (pp. 18 ff.). It will be necessary here only to em- phasize the attractive details. The choice of time — the feast of Pentecost ; the choice of location — the stately city of Carlion-upon- Usk with its deep forests, rich meadows, and ancient churches (10478) ; the busy scene of preparation that stirred the city to its farthest corners; the brilliant assemblage who represented Ar- thur's conquests from Ireland on the west to Italy on the east, from the islands of the far north to the very borders of Spain ; the pic- turesque ceremony; the glittering banquet served by an ermine- clad retinue ; the diversity of amusements provided ; and, to crown all, Arthur's unexampled display of largess at the close, — the ac- tion, the pomp and pageantry of this scene to which Wace devotes 1 The Dolorous Mt. is mentioned only in the HBB. (see pp. 9, 142 ff.)- ROMANTIC BACKGROUND 133 450 lines, offers material that no Arthurian poet who had access to it, certainly not Crestien, would be likely to pass by. We have already seen how Crestien probably utilized this pas- sage for episodes ; we shall now see how he used it for background 21 purposes. The change from the court of the chronicles to that of the ro- mances is, like the change from the historical to the romantic Arthur, largely a matter of technique (See p. 48 and pp. 83 ff.). The Arthurian court, however, even in the chronicles is more or less of a background institution. It is only when the activities of war are over, when the heroes have won distinction in many quar- ters that they assemble at Carlion-upon-Usk to take part in a grand pageant testifying to the wealth and power of the great Arthur and the closeness of the bonds uniting his vast body of retainers (B 10455). And from this courtly gathering just as in romance the heroes go forth to seek new fame. At the dramatic moment, when the festivities have reached their height, enters the imperial Roman messenger. At once the revelry ceases, and the revelers disperse to the grim business of preparing for war (10901). With Crestien the court is also at times a mere scene, a place through which knights are constantly passing on their way to and from adventure; but there is a difference. In Crestien 's stories the court is a stationary factor. It is the center, and as was shown in treating the character of Arthur, it is the king himself who sup- ports the institution. He remains while the knights come and go. Wherever our interest is allowed to drift in the course of the tale, we always know that we shall return at least once or twice either with the hero or with one of his victims to find Arthur holding court at Carduel, Chester, Robais, or some other of his numerous residences. In the chronicles the arrival of the Roman messenger is not, as is the coming of the Loathly Damsel in Perceval (4572), a signal for separation between Arthur and his knights; all go, with Arthur at their head, to prepare for war with Rome. The custom of treating the court as a point of departure for knightly exercises of various sorts appears, as far as our evidence goes, to have started with Crestien, just as the conception of the inactive Arthur seems to have been introduced into romance by 2a See GGr II, i, 496. 134 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Crestien. The function of the court is clear already in Erec, and in the subsequent romances it plays the same role. But even though it has in the romances become a background element it still shines with undiminished glory. Crestien apparently set the fashion of bringing all chivalric enterprise into relation with Arthur and his circle. The surest way of arousing interest he doubtless found, was to introduce his audience to the Arthurian atmosphere as soon as circumstances permitted. (See p. 87). Thus Erec, Lancelot, and Yvain all open with a court scene. In accordance with this method, the poet in Cliges and Perceval connects with Arthur, stories originally for- eign to Arthurian legend. At the beginning of the former tale Crestien hastens to tell us that the hero is del lignage le roi Artu (10) ; in the Conte du Graal, Perceval's first adventure is with an Arthurian knight (288) ; shortly afterwards it appears that the hero's father met with his reverses at the time of Uther Pen- dragon (419) and that one of Perceval's brothers went to learn arms at the court of king Ban of Gomeret (447) an Arthurian knight mentioned in Erec (1975) ; lastly, Gawain when he comes to the Castle Marvelous, finds there Ygerne the mother of Arthur 26 (8706). Crestien 's pictures of the court all emphasize its power, mag- nificence, and fame. E 27 Un jor de Pasque, au tans novel, A Caradigan, son chastel, Ot li rois Artus cort tenue. Ains si riche ne fu veiie ; Car mout i ot buens chevaliers, Hardiz et corageus et tiers, Et riches dames et puceles, Filles a rois, jantes et beles. E 3882 Erec, fiz le roi Lac, ai non. Rois est mes pere d 'Outre-Gales. Riches citez et beles sales Et forz chastiaus a mout mes pere : Plus n'an a rois ne anperere Fors li roi Artu solemant. On this subject see Nitze, MP IX (1912) 4, n. 1 ; 7, n. 3 ; Bruce, op. cit., XXVII. ROMANTIC BACKGROUND 135 Celui an ost je voiremant, Car a lui nus ne s'aparoille. E, 6416 Le jor devant estoit seingniez An ses chanbres priveemant; Ansanble o lui ot solemant Cine canz barons de sa meison. Onques mes an nul seison Ne fu trovez li rois si seus, Si an estoit mout angoisseus, Que plus n'avoit jant a sa cort. The four days' tournament held on the plains before Oxford is an indication of courtly grandeur, and the magnificent reception accorded to Arthur and his retinue on the occasion of their visit to Laudine is probably an echo from that brilliant circle. Laudine and her household, riding great Spanish horses, approach Arthur and salute him together with all his followers ; the very castle walls resound with their ringing welcome ; flags fly, the walks are covered with carpet, people throng the streets waiting to see the great king ; curtains cover the roadways as a protection against the heat of the sun; and what with the noise of bells, horns, and drums, God could not have been heard to thunder there. Dancing girls play on flutes and tabors, youths leap and tumble, and the great lady her- self, dressed in imperial ermine, her head garlanded with rubies, comes forward radiant and smiling to hold the stirrup of the king of kings and lords of this world. 3 (Yvain 2329 ff). From the Perceval we learn that 3965 . aCarlion.. . li rois Artus cort tenoit A feste bien priveemant Qu'il n'i avoit que seulemant Treis mile chevaliers de pris. This bit of epic glorification is doubtless imitated from the passage in Erec above quoted, and has become a stock situation. The same observation may be made of Yvain 1 ff., Perceval 2747 ff., and 9180 ff. Concerning the renown of the court, Crestien writes : a This scene may also reflect actual custom. See pp. 26 ff. 136 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES E 652 Erec m'apelent li Breton. De la cort al roi Artu sui, Bien ai este trois anz a lui. Je ne sai, s'an ceste contree Vint onques nule renomee Ne de mon pere ne de moi ; Cliges is full of allusions to the fame of the court. From partly the same motive that prompts Rivalin to visit the court of Mark, 4 Alexander is inspired to seek the court of Arthur : 68 O'i ot feire manssion Del roi Artu qui lors regnoit Et des barons qui il tenoit An sa compaignie toz jorz, Par quoi iert dotee sa corz Et renomee par le monde. Wace, it may be recalled, says that Arthur's greatness was univer- sally feared (10020 ff.). Alexander will never wear casque upon his head until he is dubbed knight by Arthur : 113 S'irai presanter mon servise Au roi qui Bretaingne justise, Por ee que chevalier me face. Ja n'avrai armee la face Ne hiaume el chief, jel vos plevis, A nul jor que je soie vis, Tant que li rois Artus me caingne L 'espee, se feire le daingne ; He would see those renowned nobles of a foreign land (150 ff.). When he and his companions are conducted to Arthur they appear : 310 Devant le meillor roi del mont. Alexander addresses the king thus : 342 "Rois," fet il, "se de vos ne mant Renomee qui vos renome, Des que Deus fist le premier home, Ne nasqui de vostre poissance Rois qui an Deu eiist creance. Rois, li renons qui de vos cort 4 Thomas, Tristan, ed., Bedier, I, p. 4. ROMANTIC BACKGROUND 137 M'a ainene a yostre cort Por vos servir et enorer, Later, Alexander, instructing his son, Cliges, tells hira : 2603 "Biaus fiz Cliges, ja ne savras Conoistre, conbien tu avras De proesce ne de vertu, Ne te vas esprover ein^ois Et as Bretons et as Francois. And Cliges, who has well learned his lesson, says to his uncle, Alis : 4251 "An Bretaingne, se je sui preuz, Me porrai tochier a la queuz Et a l'essai fin et verai, On ma proesce esproverai. An Bretaingne sont li prodome Que enors et proesce renome. Et qui viaut enor guehaignier, A caus se doit aconpaignier ; Qu'enor i a et si guehaingne. Qui a prodome s'anconpaingne." 6 Zimmer 6 is of the opinion that the Arthurian court is modeled on the court of Charlemagne and the twelve peers. He says : ' ' Eine Umgestaltung der Arthursage unter Einfluss der Charlemagnesage ist Arthurs Tafelrunde nach dem Muster von Charlemagne and seinen 12 Pairs. Dass aber diese Umgestaltung nicht von Chres- tiens, dem altesten bekannten franzosischen Bearbeiter der bre- tonischen Arthurstoffe, in die Sage gebracht wurde, dafiir ist Waee in seiner Uebersetzung von Gottfrieds Historia regum Bri- tanniae mit dem bekannten vers, Fist Artus la roonde table dont Breton dient mainte fable, (B 9996) ein vollgiiltiges Zeugnis da der Brut von Wace doch alter ist als irgend eines der Arthurepen Chrestiens. Mit dieser Umgestaltung Arthurs nach Charlemagne scheint mir eine weitere in engem Zusammenhang zu stehen. . . . Ist nun Arthurs Tafelrunde eine Nachahmung des Charlemagne und seiner Pairs, dann durfte unter den Helden der Tafelrunde auch die Figur des turkischen Ganelon nicht fehlen; nach ihr ist Kei der breton. Arthursage umgebildet. " (See p. 93). It is quite possible that the idea of the Arthurian court was 6 The Charrete contains no distinct reference to the renown of Arthur's court. e 6GA, 1890, 830. 138 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CEESTIEN DE TROIES borrowed from the court of Charlemagne by Geoffrey, and then transmitted by him to Wace who added to it the institution of the Round Table, a feature popular in origin, but made an organiza- tion of the court after the manner of the institution of the Twelve Peers in the Court of Charlemagne. Such an influence from the Charlemagne saga seems reasonable when we note that there is another trace of this source in the chronicles : the actual mention of the Twelve Peers. They engage in battle with the Trojans, 7 and later, are numbered among Arthur's vassals at the coronation. 8 Fi- nally, they serve under Arthur in the war with Rome. 9 Twice, we see, they are connected with Arthur. If this influence is admitted it seems more likely to have reached Arthurian story in the chron- icle stage than after the material had developed into the form of romance. The spirit of chivalry in the twelfth century, particular- ly in the romances of the Round Table, had become what Gautier calls ' ' moins sauvage, mais moins virile, ' ' 10 and the romances would naturally be more attracted to the luxuriousness of the Ar- thurian court as portrayed by Geoffrey and "Wace, than to the austere and military court of Charlemagne. It appears highly probable that Crestien as the first Arthurian romancer got his idea of the Arthurian court from the Brut of Wace. His use of Wace's court scene for his Erec may have made an impression on him which bore fruit in all but one of his subse- quent romances. Wace's famous account of the Round Table, one of his few extended additions to the facts of Geoffrey's narrative, and ap- parently the earliest record of this institution runs thus : 9994 Pur les nobles baruns qu'il ot Dunt chascuns mieldre estre cuidot; Chascuns s'en teneit al meillur, Ne nus n'en saveit le peiur, Fist Artus la Roiinde Table Dunt Bretun dient mainte fable : Iluec seeient li vassal Tut chevelment e tut ingal; 7 HBB I, xiii; B 623. 8 HBB IX, xii; B 10586. 9 HBB IX, xix; B 11424. 10 La Chevalrie, Paris, 1884, 32. ROMANTIC BACKGROUND 139 A la table ingalment seeient E ingalment servi esteient. Nus d'els ne se poei't vanter Qu'il seist plus halt de sun per; Tuit esteient assis meiain, Ne n'i aveit nul de forain. N'esteit pas tenuz pur curteis Escoz ne Bretuns ne Franceis, Normant, Angevin ne Flamenc Ne Burguignun ne Loherenc, De qui que il tenist sun fiu Des oceidant dusqu'a Munt Giu, Qui a la curt le rei n'alast, E qui od lui n'i surjurnast, E qui n'aveient vesteiire E euntenance e armeiire A la guise que cil esteient Qui en la curt Artur serveient De pluisurs terres i veneient Cil qui pris a honur querreient. Tant pur oir ses curteisies, Tant pur vee'ir ses mananties, Tant pur conoistre ses baruns, Tant pur aveir ses riches duns. The most significent lines for our purpose are: Fist Artus la Roiinde Table Dunt Bretun dient mainte fable. Bretun is gener- ally taken to mean Armorican Britons because the Round Table as conceived by Wace and the French romancers was not known to the legends of the Brythonic Celts. 11 The Round Table may have originated in an aetiological myth 12 common to Pan-Celtic society, and yet have taken the form it possesses in the Brut only among the Armorican Britons. It is scarcely possible that Wace developed the Table out of the mythological conception; he found it on Ar- morican soil, perhaps as an actual table, 13 either distinct from or already associated with Arthur in the mainte fable. "Zimmer, GGA, 1890, 518, 795; A. C. L. Brown, HSN VII (1900) 183 ff.; See, however, Lot, Rom. XXIV, 507, n. 2, who objects to Z.'s theory. "Mott, PMLA XIII (1898) 259. » See Schultz, op. ext., I, 422. 140 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES Wace's other references point only to the meaning, "a broth- erhood of knights ' ' and not that of an actual table : 10553 De eels qui en la curt esteient E qui le cors au rei serveient, Qui sunt de la roiinde table Ne quis je mie faire fable. These lines describe the persons who served Arthur at the corona- tion banquet. The following lines recount the end of the battle of Camlan, which resulted in the dissolution of Arthurian society: 13672 La peri la bele juvente Que reis Artus aveit nurrie E de pluisurs teres coillie; E cil de la Table Roiinde Dunt tels los fu par tut le munde. Hence, Wace's idea of the Round Table seems to be that of an actual table — the primitive meaning, together with the later and more common signification, that of a chivalric order. There is no evidence of Mott's third meaning: the celebration of a courtly fes- tival on a fete-day. 14 Crestien 's allusions to the Round Table are few and brief : E 83 De la Table Reonde estoit, Mout grant los an la cort avoit. E 1682 De chevaliers i avoit tant, Quant eles an la sale antrerent, Qui ancontre eles se leverent, Que je n'an sai nomer de disme, Le trezisme ne le quinzisme ; Mes d'auquanz des mellors barons Vos sai je bien dire les nons, De gaus de la Table Reonde, Qui furent li mellor del monde. P 8088 E estes vos, dites le moi, De ces de la Table Reonde Des meillors chevaliers del monde? These passages show that Crestien 's idea of the Round Table was nothing more than an order of chivalry. In other words, it has in his hands become thoroughly rationalized. Thus his conception differs from that of Wace who saw in the Table not only a broth- u Op. ext., 231; Schultz, op. cit, II, 117. ROMANTIC BACKGROUND 141 erhood of knights, but originally, an actual board around which Arthur's retinue might sit as equals. This fact, taken together with Wace's assertion that the Table was famous in Breton legend, would suggest that Crestien did not obtain his knowledge of this institution through the Norman poet alone. The Castle of Maidens and the Dolorous Mount are mentioned in the HRB in connection with the founding of York: Condidit etiam Ebraucus oppidum montis Agned: quod nunc Castel- lum Puellarum dicitur et montem Dolorosum (II, vii). Anscombe thinks that the appellation "Mt. Agned" is the result of a des- perate piece of etymology which sees a-fwv "a struggle, contest, battle," and aytovta, "anguish (of mind)" in the name, "Agned." Castellum Puellarum, he says, is an erroneous translation of Gas- tell Vrewynion, misread Castell Vorivynion, and it shows that the MS Geoffrey used confused Agned with Breguoinion. 15 Wace's rendering of Geoffrey's account runs thus: 1564 E en un munt le chastel fist Qui des Puceles a surnum; Mais jo n'en sai pur quel raisun Li chastels ot num de Puceles Plus que de dames, ne d'anceles. Ne me fu dit, ne jo nel di ; Ne jo n'ai mie tut o'i, Ne jo n'ai mie tut veii Ne demande, ne retenu- Mult estovreit a hume entendre Qui de tut voldreit raisun rendre. Wace gets around this desperate piece of etymology in spite of his fondness for such exercises, by omitting the montis Agned and the montem Dolorosum altogether. As it is, the castellum puellarum appears to have troubled him sorely enough, and he seems to have wisely decided to keep out of further etymological difficulties. Crestien 's nearest approach to the phrase, Chastels de Puceles is Isle as Puceles, which may be identical with the former expres- 15 Local names in the Arthuriana, in ZCP V, 114. He identifies Agned with Acon- bury, by corruption, Acornbury, a hill in Herefordshire. Comp. p. 74, of this study. 142 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES sion, 16 and which he uses, not in a rational sense, but only in con- nection with fairy motifs. He uses it in Yvain. The hero comes to a castle where he sees in an enclosed garden or meadow (5191 ff.) 300 damsels in wretched condition. Addressing them he learns that long before his arrival the king of the Isle as Puceles (5256 ff.) had fought with two monsters of this castle and had been defeated. In consequence, he had to pay a yearly tribute of thirty maidens until someone shall come who can slay the monsters and free the damsels from captivity. A story somewhat similar to this is assigned to Gawain in the Perceval. Gawain, following the false knight who had stolen his horse, comes to a castle situated on a rock (7200). After defeat- ing his oppressor in combat he is entertained by a boatman (7423) who dwells below the castle. Here the guest learns that the place is under the spell of enchantment (7568). Within, dwell two queens, a mother and a daughter (7492 ff.) whose husbands are dead, and who have been unjustly deprived of their inheritance. Many orphan damsels live with these queens, waiting for some one to lift the spell and marry them off honorably (7543). This place with its story looks very much like an Isle or a Castle of Maidens. 17 It has the usual traits: high situation and oppressed damsels waiting for rescue. The Dolorous Mount, a name which Geoffrey seems to use synon- omously with the Castle of Maidens, and which Wace omits entire- ly, is used by Crestien but once, namely: in speaking of the 16 Comp. the Isle de Voirre which has been identified with Glastonbury, Rom. X, 491; XX, 149; ZfS XII (1890) 246 and in the Chevalier du Papegaut, ed., Heucken- camp, 57, the He Fort also called the Roche sans Paour, where there is no indication that either place is an actual island. The Isle as Puceles is now generally regarded as Edin- borough; thus in topography it would well correspond with the examples just cited. See Yvain, 3rd ed. 217; HL XXX, 202; Bruce, op. cit., LVIII, n. 3. 17 Miss Paton, Studies in the Fairy Mythology of Arthurian Romance, Boston, 1903, 88, is also of this opinion. The adventure seems to show traces of a fairy-mistress episode. To continue the story, Gawain essays the adventuie of the castle, that of the Magic Bed, is hailed by the captives with thanksgiving over his success, is held in great honor by the queen who with much reluctance lets him go from her to engage in a combat; after several experiences he returns to her and is joyfully received. (7569 ff.) The Castle of Maidens is thus connected with a fairy-mistress motif here just as in Yvain. This would accord with Miss Weston's view, Perceval, I, 190. The Castle Marvelous seems to be within the confines of Galloway (P 8349, 8612) which place has the character of an other-world region. See Miss Weston, op. cit., 186, and this study, p. 126. The non-Crestien portions of the Grail story all mention the Castle of Maidens and always with a supernatural coloring. See Potvin ed., Elucidation, 401; Gautier cont. (Nutt's summary, 17); Manessier, 20; Gerbert, 23. ROMANTIC BACKGROUND 143 knights of the Round Table in Erec, Yders del Mont Dolereus 18 (1724). The name is simply mentioned in a long list of knights, and no clue is given as to the nature of either the person or the place. There is in the Perceval a Mont Perilleus (4686) which may possibly be identified with the Dolorous Mount. A hideous hag, entering the court says that whoever would win great renown should go Au pui qui est soz Montesclere (4668) where a damsel is seated: He who can raise the siege and deliver the damsel (evidence of oppression again as in the Castle of Maidens) shall have great praise and be able to wear in safety the espee as es- tranges ranges. Several knights make ready for the adventure, saying they will go Devant le Chastel Orguilleus e sor le Mont Perilleus (4685). This looks as though the pui qui soz Montes- clere and the Mont Perilleus were one and the same. 19 It is evident that Crestien has employed the Castle of Maidens and the Dolorous Mount in an entirely different way from that in which they are used in the Historia, a fact which leads to the conclusion that Crestien did not borrow these features from a chronicle source. It is more probable that Geoffrey 20 and Crestien go back to common, popular origins, and for the following reasons : 1. One of Geoffrey's chief sources is popular history whether oral or written. (See Fletcher, op. cit., 75). 2. The Castle or Isle of Maidens is an element in Celtic other- world scenery. In the story of Echaid Airan, 21 Mider took Etain to a fairy habitation called Sith Afernan and the Mound of Fair Women. In the Imram Mailduin, the hero 18 He is not to be confused with Yder, son of Nut. 19 The problem of identifying the Mount Perilous or Dolorous becomes still further complicated if we turn to the non-Crestien portions of the Perceval. The Elucidation, in connection with the Castle of Maidens, speaks of a Pont Perellous and a Castle Orguellous (Potvin, 409) ; Gautier (Nutt, 18) mentions the Mount Dolorous as a place where Arthur's knights sought for Perceval; Gerbert (Nutt, 23) mentions the Castle Dolorous where two knights lost their wits. The Mabinogi of Peredur ab Ewrac (Mab. II, 84) has Peredur fight the black serpent of the earn on Mount Dolorous. In the tail of the serpent is a stone. Whoever can hold the stone in one hand can have in the other as much gold as he desires. Doubtless these places are all related ; just how the relation came about is not easy to determine, nor is the question pertinent. It is sufficient to know that they are elements of fairy machinery. 20 Wace, as is evident from the nature of his comment has merely translated Goeff- rey and does not understand the nature of the material. 21 Windisch, Irische Texte, Leipzig, 1880, 117; Rhys, Studies in Arthurian Legend, 126. 144 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES visits the Island of the Chaste Maiden, and the Isle of Mai- dens. 3. In this case Geoffrey is associating names, doubtless taken from a popular source, with an actual place. In writing Castel- lum Puellarum and its synonym, Montem Dolorosum he may merely have been given popular names for Edinborough. (See p. 141). 4. Wace on meeting with these terms tries to rationalize one of them still further by giving it a literal explanation, and fail- ing, omits the other entirely. The Castle of Maidens, then was an element of popular tradi- tion the fairy nature of which seems to have been more fully un- derstood by Crestien than by the chroniclers. It now seems probable that Crestien has constructed his roman- tic background chiefly out of popular material. It is not at all likely that his Castle of Maidens and Dolorous Mount came from the chronicles. Wace's account of the Round Table he doubtless knew, but it was probably not his only source of information on this subject. The Arthurian Court is the only feature traceable with any certainty to a non-popular source, and this in Crestien 's hands seems more likely to have owed its origin to Wace's Brut than to the Charlemagne saga. Social and Moral Ideas Several ideas of a moral and social nature voiced by Wace find a parallel in Crestien 's romances. The first is the value of books as preservatives of the deeds of the ancients, and the onward pro- gress of civilization from Greece, to Rome, to Western Europe. This sentiment, found in the introduction to the Rou, is repeated in the opening lines of Cliges. The similarity lies more in the general attitude of mind than in special details — an attitude that must have been conventional; hence the possibility of obligation on Crestien 's part is slight in the extreme. 22 Another parallel is to be found in a warning against the evils of sloth, a speech put into the mouth of Cador, Duke of Cornwall in the chronicles (EBB IX, xv; B 11013 ff.) The tenor is that a life of luxury, of interest in women and amusements unfits a knight 22 Paris, JdS, 1902, 345, n. 2, is of the same opinion. He calls it a scholastic com- monplace. SOCIAL AND MORAL IDEAS 145 for the performance of his chivalric duties. Hence, war may be welcomed as of timely advent. The hero's indulgence in this form of sloth is the primary motif of the Erec. It is Verliegen- heit, or what Tennyson 23 has well termed "Uxoriousness," that causes Erec to forgo all manly exercises and devote himself entirely to Enide. When aroused to the consciousness of this sin, he re- deems himself only through a long series of self-imposed exper- iences whereby his valor is put to the proof and is not found wanting (2443 ff.). 24 Against falling into error of this kind, Gawain warns Yvain in an effort to induce him to leave Laudine and return to his former place in Arthur 's court ( Y 2484 ff . ) . Cador's speech might obviously have furnished Crestien with the general idea which he developed by means of specific illustra- tions, yet here again the point of view is not unique. Sloth as one of the seven deadly sins met with universal condemnation in the Middle Ages. That two writers of the twelfth century should independently be inveighing against sloth is not only natural, 23 but inevitable. That they should both have chosen this particular form of sloth to inveigh against, is also natural and inevitable. Both Wace and Crestien wrote for courtly circles; they are here doubt- less reflecting directly the sentiments of those circles. It is of course possible that Crestien was influenced by this discourse of Cador's, but not at all probable, even though it may have been known to him. A discussion of Crestien 's relation to Wace in respect to social ideas would be incomplete without a word upon the most influen- tial social institution of that day ; namely, chivalry. The chivalric spirit of the Brut seen in the treatment of character, scene, and incident, has been constantly pointed out, yet it seems well to bring together these scattered references in order to emphasize the importance of Wace's chronicle in the transmission of chivalric 23 Cambridge ed. of his poetical works, p. 333, v. 60. 2 *Cp. Paris, Bom. XX (1891) 163 ff . ; Mile. Borodine, La Femme et V Amour au XII Steele d'apres les poems, de Chretien de Iroyes, Paris, 1909, reviewed by M. Roques in Bom. XXXIX (1910) 378 ff. Roques thinks the Joie de la cort episode in Erec is de- signed to show the dangers of sloth, and particularly to show the contrast between ro- mantic or selfish love, insensible to the activities of the world, and the higher love of Erec and Enide which is ennobled by contact with the actual world (380). This seems to me a good suggestion. 26 Schultz, op. ext., II, 1. 146 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES ideas to the romancers. The descriptions of Arthur's court with its exclusive institution, the Round Table; the attitude towards women, — the part they play as incentives to combat where every knight had to prove himself before his lady in three different bat- tles {Pur la noblesce de s'amie Fait juvenes hum chevalerie, says Gawain, B 11050) ; the sympathetic portrayal of the sinning Gui- nevere, in contrast to Geoffrey's stern condemnation; the emphasis upon noble lineage, upon courtesy, prowess, moderation, and other chivalric virtues ; the picture of the brilliant young Gawain newly returned from his education at the hands of Pope Sulpicius where he acquired skill in arms, prowess, moderation, and learned to avoid pride and error, and to do more than he promised, — a portrait of an ideal damisel which might be put beside Chaucer's Yong Squier; the picture of Arthur as the consummation of a Christian king and warrior; of Kay and Bedver, glorious in deeds of arms ; of Uther, vanquished and subdued by love like Alexander, Cliges, Yvain, or any other romantic hero ; the admonition against sloth, a sin particularly antagonistic to the principles of chivalry, — all these details give to the Brut a chivalric coloring not to be disre- garded in considering Wace's relation to the romancers. Moreover, Waee's chivalry is essentially the chivalry of refinement and ele- gance, in contrast to the austerity of that institution as portrayed in the epic of the preceding century, and is in no way different from the chivalry of the Arthurian romances. Conclusions It now remains to formulate the conclusions. We have con- sidered the possibilities of influence on episodes, characters, geo- graphy, romantic background, and moral and social ideas in Cres- tien's five Arthurian romances. I. Episodes a. Episodes that appear to have been suggested wholly by the Brut : 26 The rebellion of Angres — Cliges Arthur's proposed attack on Constantinople — Cliges King Rion of the Isles — Perceval 2t That is, they do not show traces of other sources. Whatever difference exists appears to he due to Crestien's invention. CONCLUSIONS 147 b. Episodes that may have been suggested in part by Wace : The marriage and coronation of Erec and Enide — Erec Alexander's exploit under the walls of Windsor — Cliges The four days' tournament — Cliges Hostility between Arthur's kingdom and the land of Gorre — Lancelot Guinevere 's unfaithfulness — Lancelot The fountain of Broceliande — Tvain Yvain 's combat with Harpin de la Montaingne — Tvain II. Characters. a. Persons in the Brut whose names are merely mentioned by Crestien : Aguisel, King of Scotland Bedver the Butler King Cadovalanz Lot, King of Norway and father of Gawain Nut, father of Yder Urien, father of Yvain Uther Pendragon Yder, son of Nut. (See pp. 102 ff.) Ygerne b. Persons borrowed in character but with change of name in whole or in part : Baudemagus Bladus Angres Modred Eion Riton c. Persons borrowed in name and in character, whose character is presented consistently with the conception in the Brut : Gawain Yvain d. Persons whose characters are consistent only in part with Wace's conception: The historical Arthur The unfaithful Guinevere The historical Kay e. Persons that show no evidence of having come from Wace: Merlin. Sixteen of Crestien 's characters, therefore, show a more or less close resemblance to corresponding characters in the Brut. Six of 148 THE INFLUENCE OP WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES these are, in the works of both Crestien and his source, distinguished figures: Angres, Arthur, Gawain, Guinevere, Kay, Yvain. III. Geography. a. The use of Bretaigne : 1. To mean Great Britain and Armorica 2. To mean England exclusive of Scotland, Wales and Cornwall b. The general geography of certain romances : 1. Cliges shows a decidedly historical geography through the laying of the scene successively at Southamp- ton, Winchester, Dover, 27 Canterbury, 27 the Thames, London, Wallingford, Oxford. 2. Lancelot. The scene lies in Bretaingne et Comoailles and in and around Bath. c. Geographical names that point back to historical events or situations described in the Brut. 1. Reminiscent of Arthur's conquests in the Island or on the continent, and used by Crestien to denote royal residences or territory over which Arthur has the sovereignty : Anjou Ireland Brittany Normandy Carlion The Orkneys Chester Poitou Galloway Scotland Gloucester Wales York 2. Reminiscent of the amour of Uther and Ygerne: Tintagel 3. Reminiscent of the primitive history of the Island: Logres IV. Romantic background. The influence of Wace seems to be traceable in Crestien 's conception and presentation of the Arthurian Court. Wace may not be regarded as exclusively responsible for Crestien 's use of the Round Table. Crestien did not borrow from Wace the Cas- tle of Maidens and the Dolorous Mount. In fact, the latter occurs only in the HUB. 27 Merely mentioned. CONCLUSIONS 149 Y. The Moral and Social ideas : a. The two moralistic ideas: books as the preservatives of ancient civilization, and the dangers of sloth are not likely to have come from Wace. They more probably represent a con- ventional attitude. b. Wace 's conception of chivalry is likely to have had direct and important influence. When one takes into consideration the bulk of Crestien's work and the motifs, situations, events, and characters therein contained which are totally unconnected with Wace's chronicles one is likely to feel that Crestien's obligation is not large, and rests, as Gaston Paris thought, only on a few details. 28 But these details when brought together, form a considerable body of material, and in some cases play an important role. The marriage and coronation ceremonies of the Erec are the two most important . spectacular events in the romance, occupying together 800 lines or about one eighth of the whole narrative. The story of Angres's treachery is one of the two lines of action in the first half of Cliges. The hos- tility between Arthur's kingdom and Gorre constitutes the envelop- ing action of the Charrete. Traits of six of Crestien's leading char- acters probably owe their being to Wace : The Arthur of the Cliges, the Guinevere of the Charrete, Gawain, Yvain, Angres, Kay. The geography of Cliges and Lancelot seems to have been suggested by the Brut. Crestien's conception of the Arthurian Court, the in- stitution that dominates all of his romances is probably colored by Wace's descriptions. Not only do these prominent features show the effect of Wace, presumably, but a number of minor details are as we have seen, probably traceable, at least in part, to Wace's chronicles. A consideration that adds to the difficulty in determining the degree of Crestien 's indebtedness is that his use of models does not appear to be slavish. To judge by what is known of his method, 29 his tendency seems to be to take an idea from Wace as a suggestion, a point of departure, and develop it either independently, or by relating it to material found elsewhere. This method he appears to have followed in the Erec marriage and coronation ceremonies, in 28 Paris in expressing this view, did not have Crestien especially in mind ; he meant Arthurian metrical romances in general. See p. 1, & n. 1. 20 See Nitze, MP VII (1909) 145 f.; IX, 4, n. 1. 150 THE INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES the Broceliande fountain episode in Yvain, and in the Cliges inci- dents, traceable to the Brut. The converse of this method he may have followed in his handling of the Charrete situation, and in the character of Arthur, for example. Here he has apparently re- ceived his suggestion from some other source and has used Wace for purposes of modification. The fact that Crestien seems to have followed Thomas for his Cliges more closely than he has imitated "Wace at any time does not oppose the above theory. In this case the imitation appears to have been done with deliberate purpose. Crestien is here presenting the converse of the situation in the Tristan, is writing what Foerster calls an Anti-Tristan, and his end could be much more effectively gained by following his original in framework and in detail than if he had adopted a different structure. Even the Marques de Borne story on which the second part of the romance is based 30 has not been followed to the letter. Apparently Crestien not only adds many important details but his point of view is quite different from that of his original. 31 Incidently this study has emphasized the following points of interest : 1. Crestien seems to have used his sources chiefly for pur- poses of suggestion rather than of servile imitation. 2. He is for the most part indifferent to geographical accuracy, his interest lying mainly in the conduct of his characters. 3. On the whole, Crestien is nearer Wace in his earlier tales, Erec and Cliges than he is in his later narratives. This fact may throw some light on the development of Arthurian romance. The chronicle certainly gave it a start. Then it attracted popular and other features and became more and more complex, until it reached the height of complexity in the prose romances. 4. The Arthurian Court as a focus for adventure, the romantic Arthur, and the romantic Kay may have originated with Crestien. 5. Critical opinion, when it has recognized the value of Geoffrey as the literary transmitter of Arthurian legend, has neglected the importance of Wace in this function. Wace, by employing the octosyllabic couplet which became the romantic verse form of the period; by the exhibition of narrative skill in the use of suspense 30 See C, 3rd ed. XXXIX. 81 See C, 3rd ed. XXXIII. CONCLUSIONS 151 and by vivifying his story with abundant specific detail, dialogue, and direct address; and by the markedly chivalric treatment of character and situation, is highly significant as an artistic medium for the transmission of chronicle Arthurian material from Geoffrey of Monmouth to the literature of northern France. 32 33 A study of Wace's influence on Crestien from the point of view of material alone, touches only one side of the question ; style also should be considered. In such features as the tirade lyrique (See MP IV [1906] 627) and direct parallelism (MP III [1905] 517) Warren shows that Wace had no small influence on the poets of his day, among whom Crestien was naturally prominent. These investigations suggest fruitful possibilities. There are also such matters as rime, diction, figures of speech, the practice of using proverbs, and of specific detail in description and narrative that deserve examination. This subject of style would involve a study not only of the writings of Wace and Cres- tien, but also to some extent of French poetry before and contemporary with the Brut and the Rou in order to determine how far certain elements of 6tyle common to Wace and Crestien are peculiar to or used excessively by Wace, or are commonplaces of the day. Such an investigation would obviously better be handled in a separate volume. INDEX JEthelweard's Chronicle, 3. Agned, Mount, 7, 74, 141. Aguisel, 4, 5, 19, 21, 31, 37, 47, 78-80, 99, 107, 113, 126, 147. Alexander, father of Cliges, 34-42, 49, 84, 101, 109, 129, 130, 136, 137, 146, 147. Ambrosius Aurelianus, See Merlin. Andegavia, See Anjou. Andre le Chapelain, 63. Angres, 34-40, 49, 61, 79, 84, 107, 129, 146, 147, 148, 149. Anjou, 4, 19, 22, 47, 97, 123, 124, 148. Aquitaine, 4. Aravius, Araive, Mountain of, 68, 70- 76. Armoriea, See Brittany. Arthur, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 78, 113, etc. character of, 80-87. coronation of, 18-20. return of, 6. Arthurian Court, 87, 132-139, 144, 146, 149, 150. Avalon, 6, 37, 124, 126. Bade, See Bath. Ban of Gomeret, 134. Bath, Bath Hill, 3, 4, 50-61, 82, 124. Baudemagus, 52, 55-61, 78, 87, 89, 113, 147. Bede, 3. Bedver, 5, 19, 20, 31, 78, 83, 87, 97, 98, 113, 146, 147. Benedict of Peterborough, 28, 29. Berenton, 63, 64, 65, 66. Bladud, Bladus, 58, 60, .78, 147. Boulogne, Buluigne, 47, 48, 82: Bretons (Britons) 22, 52, 55, 56, 63, 64, 97, 108, 112, 114-121, 123, 136, 137, 138, 139. Bricriu, 93, 95. Britain (Bretaigne I) 2, 3, 5, 35, 37, 52, 53, 56, 83, 85, 105, 106, 108, 110, 114-121, 122 (?), 124, 136, 148. Brittany (Bretaigne II) Armoriea, 34, 36, 38, 48, 49, 84, 108, 114- 121, 122(?), 123, 125, 129, 148. Broceliande, 63, 64, 65, 66, 122, 123- 124, 125, 147, 150. Brut Gruff y old ab Arthur, 72, 76. Brut (Lajamon), 71. Brut, Roman de (Wace) 2, 5-10, 11 18, etc. chivalric spirit of, 145, 146. Burgundians (Burguignuns), 18, 139. Burgundy, 37. Cador, Duke of Cornwall, 144, 145. Cadovalanz, Cadvall-on-em, Cadvalan, 78, 87, 113, 147. Caius, See Kay. Cainalot, 53. Canterbury, 24, 125, 129, 148. Caradigan, 13, 73-76, 134. Carduel, 72-76, 123, 124, 133. Carlion, Karliiin, 8, 18, 19, 23, 37, 53, 74, 75, 125, 132, 148. Carlisle, See Carduel. Carnant, 121-123. Castle Marvelous, 104, 105, 134. Castle of Maidens, 7, 132, 141-144, 148. Charlemagne, 85, 144. court of, 137-138. Chester, 122, 124, 125, 133, 148. Chevalier as Bens Espees, 72, 75, 77. Chevalier de la Charrete, See Lance- lot. Chevalier du Papegaut, 43, 46. Cliges, 42, 45, 46, 47, etc. Cliges, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 27, 35-50, 79, etc. Constantinople,^ Expedition against, 47, 49, 85, 146. Conte du Graal, See Perceval. Cornwall, 19, 22, 37, 53, 56, 114, 118, 119, 120, 121, 123, 125, 148. Crestien de Troies, 2, 9, 12-16, 17, etc. Dacia, See Denmark. INDEX 153 Daneis (The Danes), 19, 47. De Exicidio et Conquestu Britanniae, 3. Denmark, 4, 103, 104, 128. Dover, 125, 129, 148. Dream of Rhonabwy, 96, 97, 103. Dux bellorum, 3. Echaid Airan, 143. Edinborough, See Agned. England (Angleterre), 22, 48, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 148. Enide, 18, 79, 87, 98, 102. coronation and marriage of, 20-34. Eoricus, 121. Erec, 18, 79, 88, 98, 102, 106, 121-3, 134, etc. coronation and marriage of, 20-34. Erec, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18-34, 79, etc. Eryri, 72. Esclados li Ros, 65. Escoz (inhabitants of Scotland), 80, 82, 119, 123, 139. Eventus, See Yvain. Flemish (Flamens) 18, 139. Flanders, 47, 48, 82, 118, 125. Four Days' Tournament, 42-46, 135, 147. France, 47, 48, 49, 117, 118, 125. French (Franceis), 18, 139. Galloway, 19, 125, 126, 148. Galinguefort, See Wallingford. Galvoie, Gavoie, See Galloway. Ganelon, 38, 85, 137. Gaul, 4, 82, 97, 107, 121. Gawain, 4, 5, 9, 17, 19, 20, 31, 37, 41- 42, 45-46, 54, 58, 59, 79, 81, 83, 86, 88, 89, 91, 94, 97, 100, 102, 104, 105, 106, 128, 134, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149. character of, 110-113. Geoffrey of Monmouth, 1, 3, 4, 5-10, 17, etc. Geraint, 122. Gesta Regum Anglorum, 3, 110. Geste as Bretons, See Roman de Brut. Gildas, 3, 162. Glastonbury, 52, 53, 62, 104. Gloucester, 125, 148. Godfrei de Leigny, 13, 57. Gorre, 50, 52, 53, 56, 57, 58, 60, 147, 149. Gothland, 4, 52, 128. Gotlandeis (inhabitants of Gothland), 19, 47. Guanhumara, See Guinevere. Guerec, 122. Guillaume d' Angleterre, 1, 12, 13. Guinevere, 4, 5, 7, 8, 36, 37, 50, 51, 53, 54, 58, 61-3, 78, 85, 89, 90, 94, 100-102, 103, 113, 147, 148, 149. Hantone, See Southampton. Harpin de la Montaigne, 67, 100, 147. Henry of Huntington, 3. Hiderus, See Yder. Historia Anglorum, 3. Historia Britonum, 3; Historia Regum Britanniae, 4-10, 18, etc. Hoel, Duke of Brittany, 37, 47, 49, 67, 83, 111, 115. Iceland, 41, 51, 128. Icelandeis, 19, 47. He as Puceles, 141. He de Verre, 50, 52. Imram Mailduin, 143. Ireland, 4, 51, 82, 93, 109, 125, 132, 148. Ireis (inhabitants of Ireland), 22, 47, 51, 119, 123. Joie de la Cort, 60, 145. Karliiin, See Carlion. Kay, Kei, Keus, Kex (Caius), 19, 21, , 31, 54, 78, 83, 85, 86, 113, 137, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150. character of, 87-98. Kulhwch and Olwen, 95, 97, 103. La 3a in on, 12, 71. Lancelot, 17, 42, 50, 51, 54-63, 79, 83, 86, 101. Lancelot, 12, 13, 15, 17, 50-63, 79, ete. Liber Vetustissimus, 4. Logres, 54, 55, 56, 118, 125, 148. 154 THE. INFLUENCE OF WACE ON CRESTIEN DE TROIES London, 23, 37, 38, 53, 104, 125, 129, 130, 148. Lot, 9, 19, 78, 79, 104, 105-106, 107, 111, 113, 128, 147. Mabinogion, 95, 97, 99, 103, 106. Marie de Champagne, 13, 15, 17, 50, 51, 63. Marie de France, 2. Marques de Rome, 17, 49, 150. Meliaganz, 50, 53-61, 85. Melwas, 50, 53, 62. Merlin, 3, 70, 78, 104, 106, 108, 109, 113, 117, 147. Merlin, Prophecies of, 72. Modred, 4, 5, 34-40, 61, 63, 79, 80, 99, 102, 105, 107, 111, 147. Mont Perilleus, 143. Mont Saint Michel, 5, 8, 67, 76, 81, 97. Mount Badon, See Bath Hill. Mount Dolorous, 7, 132, 141-144, 148. Nantes, 21, 22, 23, 24, 117, 121-123. Nennius, 2, 74, 80, 108. Neustria, See Normandy. Normandy, 4, 19, 47, 48, 49, 97, 117, 118, 125, 148. Normans, 18, 22, 119, 123, 139. Noreis (inhabitants of Norway), 19, 47, 106. Norway, 4, 105, 106, 128, 147. Nut, 79, 102, 103-104, 107, 113, 147. Orcanie, See Orkneys. Orkneys, 4, 19, 51, 52, 125, 128, 148. Orqueneis (inhabitants of the Ork- neys), 47. Ossenefort, See Oxford. Owein, See Yvain. Oxford, 42, 125, 130-131, 148. Partonopeus de Blois, 9. Pendragon, See Uther. Perceval, 42, 67, 72, 79, 82, 86, 90, 91, 92, 94, 134. Perceval, 11, 13, 15, 17, 27, 67-77, 79, etc. Peredur, 46. Philip Augustus, 15, 28, 29. Philip of Flanders, 12, 13, 15, 17, 29, 86. Peitevins, 18, 123. Peitou, Poitou, 47, 123, 125, 148. Pont de l'Espee, 50, 59, 60. Pont Evage, 50, 59. Recueil des Historiens des Gauls et de la France, 28, 29. Red Knight, 86, 90. Rhita (Gawr) See Rion. Rion, King of the Isles, 67-77, 78, 107, 146, 147. Ris, See Rion. Riton, See Rion. Roman de Brut, See Brut, Roman de. Roman de Rou, See Rou, Roman de. Rome, War with, 5, 9, 79, 83, 102, 106, 107, 111, 132, 133, 138. Rou, Roman de, 12, 63, 65, 66, 116, 127, 144. Round Table, 2, 6, 20, 66, 98, 105, 106, 132, 137-141, 144, 146, 148. Sagremor, 42, 79, 91. Saxon Chronicle, 3. Scotland, 4, 19, 21, 53, 114, 120, 121, 125, 126, 148. Sloth, 144-145, 149. Snowdon, See Eryri. Southampton, 53, 125, 127-128, 129, 130, 148. Spain, 49, 132. Tamise (Thames), 40, 125, 129, 130, 148. Thomas, 1, 9, 15, 17, 49, 61, 67, 72, 93, 94, 150. Tintagel, 125, 129, 148. Triads, 96, 99, 106, 108, 109. Tristan, 1, 9, 15, 17, 49, C% 72, 93, 150. Urien, 4, 5, 19, 20, 31, 79, 98, 99, 100, 113. character of, 107-108. Uther (Pendragon), 4, 40, 79, 104, 105, 107, 113, 129, 134, 146, 148. character of, 108-110. Uxoriousness, 145. Verliegenheit, 145. Vita Gildae (Caradoc of Lancarvan), 53, 62. INDEX 155 Vortigern, 3, 108. Wace, 1, 2, etc. Compared with Geoffrey of Mon- mouth, 5-10. Life of, 10-12. Wales, 22, 52, 69, 70, 72, 74, 75, 76, 108, 110, 114, 120, 121, 122, 125, 148. Walgannus, See Gawain. Walker, Williston, 28, 29. Wallingford, 125, 130-131, 148. Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, 4. Weroc, 121. William of Malmesbury, 3, 110. Winchester, 38, 39, 53, 109, 125, 129, 148. Windsor, 34, 35, 38, 40, 129, 130, 147. Yder, 78, 102-104, 113, 147. Ygerne, 4, 78, 104-105, 113, 129, 134, 147, 148. York, 51, 125, 141. Yvain, 5, 19, 20, 31, 78, 79, 90, 98- 100, 105, 107, 113, 123, 124, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149. Yvain, 12, 13, 17, 63-67, 79, etc. I I THE xmpipv