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 THE MEMOIRS 
 
 OF 
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES: 
 
 CONTAINIMO 
 
 THE HISTORY OF LEWIS XI. ANI> CHARLES VIIL 
 
 OF FRANCE AND OF CHARLES THE BOLD, 
 
 DUKE OF BURGUNDY ; 
 
 TO WHICH PRINCBS BB WAS SBCRSTABY; 
 
 WITH A SUPPLEMENT ; AS ALSO SEVERAL ORIGINAL TREATIES, 
 NOTES, AND OBSERVATIONS ; AND, LASTLY, 
 
 THE SECRET HISTORY OF LEWIS XL 
 
 OUT OF A BOOK CALLED 
 
 Wbt Sbtanlralous ©fiwnicU : 
 
 AND THB 
 
 LIFE OF THE AUTHOR, WITH NOTES BY THB 
 FAMOUS SLEW AN. 
 
 FaitUtill; Translated from the late Edition of Monsieur Godefrojr, HitCoriographer 
 
 Rojal of France. To which are added Kemaiks on all 
 
 the Occurrence] relating to England. 
 
 NEW EDITION. IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 VOL. II. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED FOR G. AND W. B. WHITTAKER, 
 AVE-MARIA-LANE. 
 
 MOCCCXXIII.
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed by Wilhau Clowes, 
 
 Northumbcrlaiid-coart.
 
 CONTENTS OF VOL. II. 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 Chap. I. Of the delivering up the Duchy of Burgundy to the 
 King, page i. 
 
 IT. Of the King of France's wheedling tlie English after the Duke 
 of Burgundy's death, for fear they should have interrupted him in 
 the conquest of the territories belonging to the said Duke, p. 3. 
 
 III. Of the Conclusion of the Marriage between the Princess of 
 Burgundy and Maximilian, then Duke of Austria, and Emperor 
 since, p. I3. 
 
 IV. King Louis, by the management of Charles d'Amboise his 
 Lieutenant, recovers many towns in Burgundy that the Prince of 
 Orange bad persueuied to revolt from him, p. 24. 
 
 The first alliance between the Swiss Cantons, viz., those of Zurich, 
 Bern, Soleure, Lucem, Vry, Switz, Underwald above and below 
 the Wood, Zoug, and Glaris ; and France, under Charles VIL , 
 auno 1453, p. 3S. 
 
 A stricter alliance between Loais XI. and the Swiss Cantons, 1474. 
 p. 33. 
 
 V. Of the Lord of Argenton's being sent to Florence during the 
 Wars in Burgundy, and his receiving homage of the Duke of Milan 
 in the King's name for the Duchy of Genoa, p. 35. 
 
 VI. Of Philip de Comines's return out of Italy into France, and of 
 the Battle of Guinegate, p. 40. 
 
 VII. Of King Louis's being surprised with a Distemper that for some 
 time took away the use both of his senses and tongue ; of his 
 recovery and relapse several times, and of his keeping himself in 
 the Castle at Plessis les Tours, p. 46. 
 
 A Treaty between Ivouis XI. of France, and Maximilian, Duke of 
 Austria, as well for himself as his children at Arras, Dec. 23, 1483, 
 P-57. 
 
 A 9
 
 IV CONTENTS. 
 
 Vm. Of the King's sending for the Holy Man of Calabria to 
 Tours, supposing he could cnre him ; and of the strange things 
 that were done by the King during his sickness, to preserve his 
 authority, p. 70. 
 
 IX. Of the Conclusion of .the Marriage between the Dauphin and 
 Margaret of Flanders, and her being carried into France, upon 
 which Edward lY. King of England, died with indignation, p. 74* 
 
 X. Of the King's behaviour towards his Neighbours and Subjects 
 during his sickness ; and of the several things that were sent him 
 from several parts for the recovery of his health, p. 82. 
 
 XI. Of King Louis's sending for his son Charles a little before his 
 death, and the precepts and commands which he laid upon him 
 and others before he departed, p. 85. 
 
 XIT. A Comparison of the troubles and sorrows which King Louis 
 suffered, with those he brought upon other people ; with a con- 
 tinuation of his transactions till the time of his death, p. 87. 
 
 XIII. A Digression concerning the miseries of mankind, especially 
 of Princes, by the example of those who reigned in the Author's 
 time, and first of King Louis, p. ga- 
 
 The Author's Conclusion, p. 113. 
 
 SUPPLEMENT. 
 
 Chap. I. Of King Charles's accession to the Crown j the death of 
 Monsieur Oliver, King Louis's barber, and others j and of the 
 resumption of King Louis's exorbitant grants, p. lis. 
 
 II. Of the Assembly of the States held at Tovars ; of tlie Duke of 
 Orleans's pretending to the regency of France ; of the Civil War 
 raised by him, and of his retiring into Bretagne, p. 118. 
 
 III. Of the Civil Wars in Bretagne, between the Duke and his No- 
 bility ; and of the death of Peter Landois, Treasurer of Bretagne, 
 p. 124. 
 
 IV. Of the King's making war in Bretagne, and the Count de 
 Dunois's Embassy to the King for Peace, p. 129. 
 
 v. Of the Battle of St. Aubin, in which the Duke of Orleans was 
 taken prisoner; of the treaty of peace between the King and the 
 Duke of Bretagne; and of the death of that Prince, p. 138. 
 
 VI. Of the King's marriage with the Lady Anne of Bretagne, by 
 wliich that duchy was united to the crown of France, p. 144.
 
 CONTENTS. V 
 
 VII. Of the troubles in England ; of the Ring of England's be- 
 sieging Bologne ; of the peace between the Ring aud hifn ; and 
 of the surpriaiug Arras and St. Omers by the Ring of the Romans, 
 p. 148. 
 
 VIII. Of the restitution of Roussillon and Perpignan to the Ring of 
 Spain ; of the Emperor Frederic's death ; of the peace between 
 the Ring of the Romans and the Ring ; aud of the Duke of 
 Orleans's releasement out of prison, p. 155. 
 
 The Author's Preface, p. 1 59. 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 Chap. I. Of Rene, Duke of Lorrain's coming into France, to de- 
 mand the Duchy of Bar, and the County of Provence, which the 
 Ring had in his possession, and his being disappointed in his pre- 
 tensions to the kingdom of Naples, to which he laid claim as well as 
 the Ring, with au account of their Titles, p. 161. 
 
 II. Of the coming of the Prince of Salerno, a Neapolitan by birth, 
 into France ; of the endeavonrs that were used by him and Lo- 
 dowick Sforza, surnamed the Moor, to persuade the Ring to make 
 War upon the Ring of Naples, and the occasion of it, p. 167. 
 
 III. Of the peace that was concluded between Charles VIII. the 
 Ring of the Romans, and the Archduke of Austria, and of the re- 
 turning the Lady Margaret of Flanders, before this expedition to 
 Naples, p. 178. 
 
 A Treaty of peace between Ring Charles VIII. and Maxhnilian I. 
 Ring of the Romans, aud his son Philip, Archduke of Austria, 
 concluded at Senlis, May 23, 1493, p. 182. 
 
 IV. Of the Ring's sending to the Venetians, in order to induce them 
 to enter into an Alliance with him, before his undertaking his 
 expedition to Naples, and of the preparation in order to it, p. 191. 
 
 v. Of . Ring Charles's setting out from Vienna in Dauphind, 
 to conquer Naples in person ; and the action that was performed 
 by his fleet under the command of the Duke of Orleans, p. 197. 
 
 VI. Of the Ring's resolution at Asti to go in person into the king- 
 dom of Naples, by the persuasion and advice of Lodowick 
 Sforza ; of Philip de Comines's being sent in an embassy to Ve- 
 nice ; of the Duke of Milan's death ; and of Count Lodowick's 
 making himself duke, in prejudice of a son of the late Duke of 
 Milan, p. 303. 
 
 VII. Of Peter de Medicis's putting four of his strongest garrisons 
 into tlie Ring's possession ; and of bis restoring Pisa (which was 
 one of them) to its ancient liberty, p. 209.
 
 TI CONTENTS. 
 
 VIII. Of the King's departure from Pisa towards Florence ; and of 
 the fli^jht and destruction of Peter de Medicis, p. 217. 
 
 IX. Of the King's entrance into Florence, and what other towns 
 he passed through in his march to Rome, p. 222. 
 
 X. Of the King's sending the Cardinal of St. Peter ad Vincula (who 
 was afterwards Pope by the name of Julins II.) to Ostia: What 
 the Pope did at Rome in the mean time ; of the King's entry into 
 Rome, notwithstanding all the endeavours of his enemies to the 
 contrary ; and of the factions between the Ursini and the Colonni 
 in Rome, p. 225. 
 
 XI. Of King A Iphonso's causing his son Ferrand to be crowned 
 King ; flight into Sicily, and of the mischief his father, old Fer- 
 rand, and he had done in their reigns, p. 230. 
 
 XII. Of Ferrand the younger's being crowned Kmg of Naples ; his 
 encamping at Saint Germain, in order to oppose King Charles ; 
 and of the agreement King Charles made with the Pope during 
 Lis stay at Rome, p. 239. 
 
 XIII. Of the King's departure from Rome to Naples ; of the 
 transactions in tiiat kingdom in the mean time ; and an account 
 of what places the King of France passed through in his march, 
 p. 243. 
 
 XIV. Of King Charles's being crowned King of Naples . The 
 Errors in his Government of that kingdom ; and of a discovery 
 of a design in his favour against the Turks, by the Venetians, 
 p. 248. 
 
 XV. A long Digression of the Author's concerning the State and 
 Government of the Venetians ; and of the transactions which he 
 saw and observed dnring his residence in that city as Ambassador 
 from the King of France, p. 254. 
 
 BOOK VIII. 
 
 Chap. I. Of the order in which the King left his affairs in the 
 kingdom of Naples upon his return into France, p. 274. 
 
 II. Of the King's departure from Naples, and his return to Rome, 
 from whence the Pope fled to Orvieto ; of the Conference the 
 King bad with the Lord of Argenton upon his return from Ve- 
 nice ; his deliberation about the Restitution of the Florentine 
 towns ; and the memorable predictions of Friar Jerome of Flo- 
 rence, p. 278. ,
 
 CONTENTS. Vll 
 
 III. Of the Ring's retaining Pisa, and several other towns in his 
 hands, while the Dnke of Orleans on the other side entered 
 Novara in the Duchy of Milan, p. 234. 
 
 IV. Of King Charles's dangerous passage over the mountains 
 between Pisa and Sarzanaj of the Germans burning Pontremoli ; 
 and the Duke of Orleans's behaviour at Novara in the mean 
 time, p. 28S. 
 
 v. Of the King's passing the Apennine mountains with his train of 
 artillery, by the assistance of the Swiss ; the great danger which 
 the Marshal de Gie and his whole vanguard were in ; and the 
 King's arrival at Fomova, p. 395. 
 
 VI. The Battle of Fornova, in which the French defeated their 
 enemies ; and of the Count dePetillaue's making his escape from 
 his imprisonment during the fight, and his rallying tlieir army, 
 p. 307. 
 
 VII. Of the Lord of Argenton's {;oing alone to parley with the 
 enemy, upon the refusal of those who were deputed to go alons; 
 with him ; and of the King's safe arrival with his whole army at 
 Asti, p. 323- 
 
 VIII. Of the King's fitting out a fleet with the intention to have 
 relieved the Castles of Naples, and the miscarriage of that design, 
 
 p. 336. 
 
 IX. Of the famine and misery the Duke of Orleans and his army 
 were reduced to at Novara; of the death of the Marchioness of 
 Montferratj of the death of the Duke of Vendosme ; and the 
 conclusion of a peace for the preservation of the besieged, 
 after several negotiations, p. 339. 
 
 X. Of the deliverance of the Duke of Orleans and his army u|)on 
 terms of accommodation ; of the misery tliey suffered during their 
 being besieged in Novara ; and of the arrival of the Swiss that 
 came to tlie relief of the King and the said Duke, p. 353* 
 
 XI. Of the peace that was concluded between the King and the 
 Duke of Orleans on tlie one part, and ihe league on the other ; and 
 of the conditions and articles contained in that Treaty, p. 3St>. 
 
 XI L Of the King's sending the Lord of Argenton to Venice again, 
 to invite the Venetians to accept of the terms of peace that were 
 offered ; tlie Venetians' refusal, and the tricks and juggliugs of the 
 Duke of Milan, p. 362. 
 
 Xlll. Of the King's forgetting those that wore left behind at 
 Naples, upon his return into France^ and of tlu- Dauphin's death, 
 which was a great affliction to the King and Queen, p. 368.
 
 VllI CONTENTS. 
 
 XIV. Of the King's receiving the news of the loss of the Castle of 
 Naples ; the selling of the towns belonging to the Florentines to 
 several persons ; the treaty of Atella, in Apuglia, much to 
 the prejudice of the French ; and the death of Ferrand King of 
 Naples, p. 373. 
 
 XV. Of several Plots that were formed (in favour of our King) by 
 some of the Italian princes, not only for the recovery of Na- 
 ples, but for the destruction of the Duke of Milan ; of their 
 miscarrying for want of supplies ; and of another design against 
 Genoa, which came to the same ill end, p. 382. 
 
 XVI. Of certain differences that arose between Charles, King of 
 France, and Ferrand, King of Castile, and the ambassadors that 
 were sent to both of them to accommodate the affair, p. 390. 
 
 XVII. A Digression concerning the misfortunes which happened 
 to the House of Castile in the Author's time, p. 400. 
 
 XVIII. Of the magnificent building which King Charles began not 
 long before his death ; his good inclination to reform the Church, 
 the Laws, the Treasury, and himself ; and of his dying suddenly in 
 this resolution in his castle at Amboise, p. 406. 
 
 XIX. Of the burning Friar Jerome at Florence by the malice and 
 solicitation of the Pope, and several Venetians and Florentines 
 who were his enemies, p. 410. 
 
 XX. The obsequies and funeral of Charles VIII., the coronation 
 of his Successor Louis XII., with the genealogies of the Kings of 
 France to Kipg Louis XII. p. 414.
 
 THE MEMOIRS 
 
 OF 
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES, 
 
 LORD OF ARGENTON. 
 
 BOOK THE SIXTH. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Of the delivering up the Duchy of Burgundy to the King. — 147T. 
 
 But to return to my history, and the continuation 
 of these Memoirs, which, at your lordship's request, 
 my good Lord Archbishop of Vienne, I first began. 
 Whilst the king was busy in subduing the towns 
 and places above-mentioned in the marches of Pi- 
 cardy, his army in Burgundy was, to all outward 
 appearance, commanded by the Prince of Orange *, 
 (who is still living,) a subject and native of the pro- 
 vince of Burgundy, but lately disgusted, and a second 
 time become an enemy to Duke Charles, so that 
 
 • John de Chalon, the second of that name, Prince of Orange. In 
 the 1475, the 8th of September, he did homage to Louis XI. for the 
 said principality, as his father William had done; and the same day and 
 year he did homage for certain lands lying in Dauphine, which the 
 dauphin held from the king. Afterwards there was an arrest of Dau- 
 phin^ issued out against him, by which decree the said principality 
 was forfeited, and annexed to the dau phin's patrimony for ever, be- 
 cause the said John had committed felony against the king. — See 
 F.Mktthibv's History of Louis XI. Book x'l., p. 750. 
 
 Vol. II. B
 
 2 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the king employed this Prince of Orange as a per- 
 son who had great interest both in the duchy and 
 county of Burgundy, and was well beloved, and nobly 
 born ; but the Lord de Craon was the king's lieu- 
 tenant, and had really the command of the army ; 
 for the king's greatest confidence was reposed in 
 him, and not without reason, for he was a person of 
 great wisdom and penetration, and faithful to his 
 master, but a little too much given to avarice. 
 When the Lord de Craon drew near Burgundy, he 
 sent the Prince of Orange and others before to 
 Dijon, to reason the case with them, and demand 
 their obedience to the king. The commissioners 
 managed their affairs so dexterously, especially by 
 the Prince of Orange's assistance, that not only 
 Dijon, and all the rest of the towns in the duchy, 
 but several also in the county of Burgundy, revolt- 
 ed ; only Aussone, and some few other castles, re- 
 mained firm and steadfast to the young princess, 
 Duke Charles's daughter. The Prince of Orange was 
 promised a large revenue, besides all the towns in 
 the county of Burgundy, which were formerly in the 
 possession of his grandfather, the Prince of Orange*, 
 but now in dispute, by reason of a claim to them put in 
 by his uncles, the Lords of Chasteau-Guyon f. The 
 Prince of Orange complained, that Charles Duke of 
 Burgundy had been partial to these lords in their 
 claim, which having been solemnly argued before 
 
 ■» Louis de Chalons, surnamed the Good, who, by his first wife, 
 Joan de Montbeliard, had one William, the father of John. 
 
 t Louis and Hugh de Chalons, Lords of Chasteau-Guyon, children 
 of the said Louis de Chalon, by his second wife, Eleanor d'Armaig-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINBS. 3 
 
 him, the duke in the midst of the whole court, gave 
 judgment against him, much to the prejudice of 
 the prince, at least as he pretended ; upon which 
 the prince deserted the duke's service, and went 
 over to the king. But notwithstanding all the fair 
 promises above-mentioned, when the Lord de Craon 
 was in possession of all the towns and castles, and 
 other places that the prince pretended to, in right 
 of his grandfather, he would deliver none of them 
 to the prince, for all the solicitation he could make. 
 The king was sensible of the injury that was done 
 the Prince of Orange, and wrote to the Lord de 
 Craon about it, who kept the whole country in awe, 
 but his majesty did not believe that the prince had 
 either courage or interest enough to stir them up 
 to a rebellion, as he did afterwards, at least a great 
 part ; but I shall leave that for the present, and 
 discourse of something more material in this place. 
 
 CHAPTER IL 
 
 Of the King of France's wheedling the English after the Duke of 
 Burgundy's Death, for fear they should have interrupted him in the 
 Conquest of the Territories belonging to the said Duke. — 1477. 
 
 They who shall give themselves the trouble of 
 reading these Memoirs hereafter, and have a better 
 knowledge of the affairs of this kingdom and its 
 neighbouring states than, perhaps, I have, may 
 wonder that, since the Duke of Burgundy's death 
 to this time, which is little less than a year, I have 
 
 B2
 
 4 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 not mentioned a word of the English, nor of their 
 suffering the king to seize upon those towns which 
 were near them, as Arras, Bologne, Hesdin, Ijesides 
 several castles, and lie so many days before St. 
 Omers ; the reason of it was, because, in cunning 
 and artifice, our king was much superior to King 
 Edward, who was indeed a brave prince, had won 
 eight or nine battles in England, in which he had 
 been always present himself, and fought constantly 
 on foot, which redounded much to his honour ; but 
 these were at several times, and depended not much 
 upon his understanding, for upon the success of 
 one battle, he was absolute master of course, till 
 another rebellion or commotion disturbed him. In 
 England, when any disputes arise, and proceed to a 
 war, the controversy is generally decided in eight 
 or ten days, and one party or other gains the vic- 
 tory ; but with us, on this side of the water, affairs 
 are managed quite otherwise ; our expeditions are 
 to be carried on another way. The king was 
 obliged to keep a watchful eye upon his neighbours, 
 as well as the rest of his kingdom, and particularly 
 upon the King of England above all, who was to be 
 satisfied at any rate, and cajoled and amused with 
 ambassadors, promises, and presents, lest he should 
 attempt something that might interrupt his designs ; 
 for our master was sensible that both the nobility, 
 commons, and clergy of England, were always 
 ready to enter upon a war with France, being in- 
 cited thereunto, not only upon the account of an 
 old title, but the desire of gain, for it pleased God 
 to permit their predecessors to obtain several
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 5 
 
 memorable battles in this nation, and to continue 
 in the possession of Normandy and Guienne for 
 the space of three hundred and fifty years, before 
 Charles VII, gave them the first blow ; during 
 which time they have carried over a considerable 
 booty into England, not only in plunder, which they 
 had taken in the several towns, but in the richness 
 and quality of their prisoners, who were many of 
 them great princes and lords, that paid them vast 
 ransoms for their liberty, so that every Englishman 
 since thought to do the same thing, and return 
 home laden with spoils. But this was not to be 
 looked for in our king's days, for he would never 
 venture the whole kingdom upon the doubtful issue 
 of a battle, nor do any thing so rashly as to dis- 
 mount himself, and all his nobility, to fight the 
 English on foot, as was done at the battle of Agin- 
 court ; and if he had been reduced to that extre- 
 mity, he would certainly have managed his affairs 
 with more prudence and caution, as may be pre- 
 sumed from the manner of his conduct when King 
 Edward was in France. The king found himself 
 under an absolute necessity to caress and wheedle 
 the King of England, and the rest of his neigh- 
 bours, whom he perceived inclinable to peace, in 
 hopes of his money ; and therefore his pension of 
 fifty thousand crowns was punctually paid at Lon- 
 don, and allowed it to be called tribute by the Eng- 
 1 sh. Besides this pension, he was obliged to pay 
 seventy-five thousand crowns to King Edward be- 
 fore his departure from France, and this the Eng- 
 lish called a fine for that kingdom. He also dis-
 
 5 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 tributed sixteen thousand more among the King of 
 England's officers that were about his person, par- 
 ticularly to the chancellor, the master of the rolls, 
 who is now chancellor, the high chamberlain, the 
 Lord Hastings, a man of honour and prudence, and 
 of great authority with his master, and he deserved 
 it, upon the account of the faithful service he had 
 done him ; Sir Thomas Montgomery, the Lord 
 Howard, (who afterwards espoused King Richard's 
 interest, and was created Duke of Norfolk,) the 
 Lord Cheney, master of the horse ; Mr. Chalenger, 
 and a Marquis*, who was the Queen of England's 
 son, by her first husband. Besides these great pre- 
 sents, he was also very generous to ambassadors, 
 and whomsoever was sent to him from the English 
 court, though their messages were never so harsh 
 and displeasing ; so by this means he despatched 
 them always with such fair words and large pre- 
 sents, that most of them went away very well sa- 
 tisfied ; and though they were certainly assured, 
 at least some of them, that what he did was only to 
 gain time to effect and carry on his designs, yet 
 their private interest prevailed with them to wink 
 at it, though highly to the detriment and disadvan- 
 tage of the public affairs. 
 
 To all those persons of quality above-mentioned, 
 the king gave considerable presents, besides their 
 pensions. To the Lord Howard, besides his pen- 
 sion, he gave to my certain knowledge, in less 
 
 * This was Thomas Gray, the first Marquis Dorset of that name, 
 and the son of Sir John Gray, of Grooby, slain fighting against the 
 Yorkists, at the battle of St. Albans.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINKS. / 
 
 than two years' time, in money and plate, above 
 twenty-four thousand crowns ; to the Lord Hast- 
 ings, who was King Edward's chamberlain, he 
 gave at one time above one thousand marks in 
 plate, and all the acquittances of every English- 
 man of quality, except the Lord Hastings, are still 
 to be seen in the chamber of accounts at Paris. 
 This Lord Hastings was at that time high cham- 
 berlain of England, (an office of great reputation, 
 and executed singly by one man.) It was with 
 great difficulty and solicitation, that he was made 
 one of the king's pensioners : at the time when I 
 was in the Duke of Burgundy's service, I had 
 brought him over to his interest, and he allowed 
 him a pension of a thousand crowns a year. Upon 
 my telling our king what I had done, he employed 
 me to try what I could do to bring him over to his 
 interest, for he had been his particular enemy in the 
 Duke of Burgundy's time, was since a favourer of 
 the young Princess of Burgundy, and was once 
 like to have prevailed with the King of England to 
 cross the seas once more to assist the princess : I 
 began our amity by letters ; the king allowed him 
 a pension of two thousand crowns per annum, 
 which was double to what had been paid him by 
 the duke, and sent one of the stewards of his 
 house, called Peter Cleret, with it ; giving him ex- 
 press order to take his receipt, that hereafter it 
 might appear upon record, that the lord chamber- 
 lain, chancellor, admiral, master of the horse, and 
 several other great lords of England, were at the
 
 8 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 same time pensioners to the King of France. This 
 Peter Cleret was a cunning man, was privately ad- 
 mitted to the lord chamberlain, at his house in 
 London, and having delivered his compliments 
 from the king, presented his two thousand crowns 
 in gold, (for to foreign lords of great quality, the 
 king never gave any thing else.) The chamberlain 
 having received the gold, Peter Cleret desired his 
 lordship would be pleased to give him a receipt for 
 it ; the lord chamberlain scrupling to do it, he re- 
 peated his request, and entreated him that he 
 would give him only three lines under his hand, 
 directed to the king his master, lest his majesty 
 should think he had embezzled it himself, for he 
 was of a very suspicious temper. The lord cham- 
 berlain seeing he persisted, (though his demand 
 was but reasonable,) replied, '* Monsieur Claret, 
 what you desire is not unreasonable, but this pre- 
 sent proceeds from your master's generosity, not 
 any request of mine ; if you have a mind I should 
 receive it, you may put it into my sleeve, but 
 neither letter nor acquittance you are like to have 
 of me ; for to be free with you, Monsieur Peter, 
 it shall never be said for me, that the high cham- 
 berlain of England was pensioner to the King of 
 France, nor shall my hand be ever produced in his 
 chamber of accounts." Cleret urged the matter 
 no farther, but left the money and returned his 
 answer to the king, who was highly displeased at 
 Cleret's not bringing his receipt, but he com- 
 mended and valued the lord chamberlain above all
 
 PHILIP DE COMINKS. 9 
 
 the King of England's ministers ever after, paid 
 him his pension constantly, and never asked for 
 his receipt. 
 
 In this posture were affairs between the King of 
 England and our master : however, the King of 
 England was earnestly solicited to assist the young 
 princess, and the king sent several embassies to our 
 master, to press him either for a peace, or a cessa- 
 tion of arms : for some of the privy council, and 
 the parliament, (which is of the same nature of 
 our convention of the three estates, composed of 
 several persons of wisdom and penetration, who 
 came out of the country, and were not pensioners 
 of France as the rest were,) pressed hard, that the 
 King of England would interpose vigorously for 
 the Princess of Burgundy; urging, that we did 
 but dissemble with them, and amuse them with 
 hopes of this marriage, as it very plainly appeared : 
 for at the treaty at Piquigny the kings had mu- 
 tually sworn, that within the space of a year, the 
 King of England's daughter should be sent for, and 
 delivered into the hands of the King of France's 
 ambassador : and that though the King of France 
 had permitted her to be styled dauphiness, yet the 
 time was elapsed, and no lady was sent for. But 
 all the arguments they made use of, could not pre- 
 vail with King Edward, and for several reasons. 
 King Edward was a voluptuous prince, wholly ad- 
 dicted to his pleasures and ease ; and having been, 
 in his former expeditions, reduced to great straits 
 and necessities, he had no mind to involve himself 
 in a now war on this side the crater : the fifty
 
 10 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 thousand crowns being also punctually paid him in 
 the Tower, softened his heart, and hindered him 
 from concerning himself in that affair. Besides, 
 his ambassadors were always bribed, entertained 
 so nobly, and left the French court so well satis- 
 fied, that no exceptions could be taken ; though 
 the king's answers were always uncertain, in order 
 to gain time ; assuring them still, that in a few 
 days he would send a considerable embassy of his 
 own, which would satisfy their master in every 
 point. 
 
 As soon as the King of England's ambassadors 
 were returned, about three weeks or a month after, 
 sometimes more, sometimes less, (which in such 
 cases is a great matter,) the king our master would 
 send his; but always new persons, and such as 
 had not been employed in any overture with the 
 English before, to the end, that if any thing had 
 been promised by their predecessors, but not after- 
 wards performed, they might pretend ignorance, 
 and not be obliged to give them an answer. The 
 ambassadors, who were sent into England, used 
 their utmost endeavours to possess King Edward 
 of the good inclinations of the King of France, 
 and they managed that affair so cunningly, that he 
 sate still, and never endeavoured to give the least 
 assistance to the Princess of Burgundy : for, in- 
 deed, both the King and the Queen of England 
 were so ambitious of the match with their daugh- 
 ter, that upon that account, not to mention se- 
 Yeral others, the king was willing to wink at 
 proceedings ; these and take no notice of the re-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. H 
 
 monstrance that was made him by several of his 
 priv/ council, and the commons assembled in par. 
 iiament, who represented to him, how prejudi- 
 cial it would be to the interest of the whole na- 
 tion. Besides, the queen herself was afraid the 
 marriage should be broken off, which began al- 
 ready to be laughed at in England, especially by 
 such as were desirous of war. But to clear up this 
 matter a little more, the king our master never 
 designed to consummate this marriage, by reason 
 of the disproportion in their years ; for the young 
 lady*, who is now Queen of England, was much 
 older than the dauphin, who is now King of 
 France f. So that a month or two were spent in 
 sending ambassadors from one court to another, 
 and such artifices and amusements were made use 
 of purely to gain time, and hinder the English from 
 an opportunity of declaring war against him : for 
 certainly, had it not been in hopes of this mar- 
 riage, the King of England would never so tamely 
 have suffered our king to have taken so many towns 
 as it were under his nose, without endeavouring 
 to have defended them ; and had he appeared at 
 first for the young Princess of Burgundy, our king 
 being so fearful of bringing any thing to a hazard, 
 would not have encroached so far upon the domi- 
 nions of the House of Burgundy, nor have weak- 
 ened it so much. My design in writing of these 
 transactions, is, to shew the method and conduct of 
 
 • Hejr name was Elizabeth, who afterwards was married to 
 Henry VII., by which match the Houses of York and Lancaster were 
 united. 
 
 t Charles VIH.
 
 12 THE MEMOIRS OP 
 
 all human affairs, by the reading of which such 
 persons as are employed in the negotiation of great 
 matters, may be instructed how to manage their 
 administrations ; for though their judgment may 
 be great ; yet a little advertisement sometimes does 
 no harm. This I have been assured of, that if 
 the Princess of Burgundy would have been per- 
 suaded to have married Earl Rivers, the Queen of 
 England's brother, they would have furnished her 
 with a considerable number of troops ; but that 
 marriage was looked upon to be very unequal, for 
 he was but an Earl * of a slender estate, and she 
 the greatest fortune of her time. Many over- 
 tures and bargains were made between the Kings 
 of England and France ; among the rest the King 
 of France offered, that if he would join with him, 
 and come over in person, and invade the Low Coun- 
 tries, which belonged to the Princess of Burgundy, 
 his majesty would consent that the King of Eng- 
 land should have all Flanders for his share, and 
 hold it without homage, and the province of Brabant 
 besides, in which the King of France would en- 
 gage to reduce four of the chief towns at his own 
 expense, and afterwards deliver them up to the 
 King of England. Besides, he proffered, (to lessen 
 his charge in the war,) to pay ten thousand of the 
 King of England's troops for four months together ; 
 to provide him a large train of artillery, horses, 
 and carriages, to convey them, upon condition the 
 
 * This was Anthony Woodville, Earl Rivers, not of ancient no- 
 bility, since his father, Richard Woodville, was but a commoner, 
 till made Earl Rivers by King Edward.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 13 
 
 King of England would invade Flanders, whilst he 
 made war upon them in another place. The King 
 of England's answer was, that the towns in Flan- 
 ders were large, and not easy to be kept when they 
 were taken, and Brabant was the same ; besides, 
 the English had no great inclination to undertake 
 that war, upon account of the commerce that was 
 betwixt them ; but since the king was bo gene- 
 rously inclined, as to allow him a share in his con- 
 quests, he desired he would give such places as he 
 had conquered already in Picardy, as Bologne, and 
 others ; upon surrendering up of which, he would 
 be ready to declare on his side, and, if he would 
 engage to pay it, send an army to his assistance. 
 This wa? a wise and politic answer. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Of the Conclusion of the Marriage between the Princess of Buigundjr, 
 and Maximilian then Duke of Austria, and Emperor since. — 1477. 
 
 After this manner, (as I said before,) trans- 
 actions were managed between the two kings, ours 
 designing nothing but to gain time, by which 
 means the Princess of Burgundy's affairs began 
 visibly to decay ; for of those few soldiers that re- 
 mained after her father's death several revolted 
 from her to the king, especially after the Lord des 
 Cordes had quitted her service, and carried several 
 others along with him. Some were forced to leave 
 her, because their estates or abodes lay very near,
 
 14 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 or were within the towns which had declared for 
 the king : Others, in hopes of preferment ; for in 
 that respect no prince was so noble and generous 
 to his servants as he. Several commotions and 
 parties discovered themselves daily in the great 
 towns, and particularly in Ghent, of which his ma- 
 jesty was still jealous, as you have already heard. 
 Several husbands were proposed to her, and every 
 body was of opinion, there was a necessity of her 
 marrying, to defend those territories that she had 
 left, or, (by marrying the dauphin,) to recover 
 what she had lost, and settle all in a general peace- 
 Several were entirely for this match, and herself 
 as earnest for it as any body, especially before the 
 letters presented by the Lord d'Hymbercourt and 
 the chancellor to the king were betrayed to the 
 ambassadors from Ghent. Some opposed that, and 
 urged the disproportion of their age, the dauphin 
 being but nine years older, and besides engaged to 
 the King of England's daughter ; and these were 
 mighty friends to the Duke of Cleves. Others re- 
 commended Maximilian the emperor's son, and at 
 present King of the Romans. The princess herself 
 had conceived an extreme hatred against the king, 
 ever since he discovered and delivered the letters ; 
 for she looked upon him as the occasion of the 
 death of her two principal ministers of state, and 
 of the dishonour and surprise that was put upon 
 her, when the letters were delivered to her publicly 
 in the council, as you have heard before. Besides, 
 it was that, which gave the Gantois a pretence 
 and confidence to banish so many of her servants.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINBS. 15 
 
 to remove her mother-in-law and the Lord de Ra- 
 vestein from about her, and put her maids of ho- 
 nour into such a consternation, that not one of 
 them durst open a letter without first shewing it to 
 the Gantois, nor speak any thing to their mis- 
 tress, but in their hearing. This disgust made the 
 princess carry herself very shy and strange to the 
 Bishop of Liege*, who was of the house of Bour- 
 bon, and a great promoter of this match with the 
 dauphin, which certainly would have been very 
 honourable and advantageous for the princess, had 
 it not been for the extreme youth of the dauphin ; 
 but the bishop was very indifferent in the matter, 
 removed to Liege, and that affair was laid wholly 
 aside. Without dispute it must have been a very 
 difficult matter to have managed that negotiation 
 to the satisfaction of both parties ; and 1 am of 
 opinion, whoever had undertaken it, would have 
 gained but little credit by it in the end. However, 
 (as I have been informed,) a council was held 
 about it, at which Madam Hallewinf first lady of 
 the bed-chamber to the princess, was present, who 
 being asked her opinion about the dauphin, re- 
 plied, " That there was more need of a man than 
 a boy; That her mistress was capable of bearing a 
 child, which was what her dominions wanted more 
 than any thing else." Some condemned the lady 
 for answering so abruptly, others commended her, 
 alleging that what she spoke was purely in re- 
 
 * Louis de Bourbon, son of Charles Duke of Bourbon and Agne» 
 of Burgundy. 
 
 t Joan de la Clite, lady of Comines, at that time widow of John 
 Lord of Hallewin, and cousin to Philip de Comines.
 
 16 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 lation to that marriage, and the necessity of her 
 lady's dominions ; so that now the only talk was, 
 who should be the person. I am verily persuaded, 
 that if the king had been inclined to have had her 
 marry the Count d'Angoulesme *, who is now 
 living ; she would have consented to it, so desirous 
 was she to continue her alliance with France, but 
 God thought fit to appoint her another husband, 
 for reasons unknown perhaps to us, unless it might 
 be, that it might occasion great wars and confu- 
 sions on both sides, which could not possibly have 
 happened, had she married the Count d'Angou- 
 lesme ; but by this match the provinces of Flanders 
 and Brabant sustained great miseries and afflic- 
 tions. The Duke of Cleves was at the same time 
 in Ghent with the princess, making friends, and 
 trying all arts, which he thought might contribute 
 to the marriage between the princess and his son, 
 but she had no inclinations to that; for the hu- 
 mour of the young gentleman neither pleased her, 
 nor any person about her court. At last a marriage 
 was proposed between her, and the emperor's son, 
 the present King of the Romans, of which there 
 had formerly been some overtures between the em- 
 peror and Duke Charles, and it was concluded be- 
 tween them. The emperor had in his custody a 
 letter written by the young lady, at her father's 
 command, under her own hand, and a diamond 
 ring of considerable value. The design of the 
 letter, was to acquaint his imperial majesty, that in 
 
 • The author means Charles, father of King Francis I.
 
 PHILIP DE COMiNES. 17 
 
 obedience to her father's commands, she promised 
 to accomplish the marriage with his son the Duke 
 of Austria, in the same form and manner, as her 
 father the Duke of Burgundy should think fit to 
 prescribe. 
 
 The emperor sent ambassadors * to the princess, 
 who was at Ghent ; but, upon their arrival at 
 Brussels, orders were sent to them to stop there, 
 and commissioners should be sent thither to receive 
 and answer their demands. This was only a con-, 
 trivance of the Duke of Cleves, who was extremely 
 unwilling they should come to Ghent, and endea- 
 voured to send them back again dissatisfied; but 
 the ambassadors went on, for they had intelligence 
 in the princess's court, or, at least, the Duchess 
 Dowager t had, who was removed from the princess, 
 as you have heard before, upon occasion of the 
 letter. This old lady, as I have been since in- 
 formed, advised them to proceed in their journey 
 notwithstanding these letters ; gave them instruc- 
 tions how they were to behave themselves upon 
 their arrival at Ghent, and assured them that the 
 young princess, and the greatest part of her court, 
 were willing enough for the match. Upon this in- 
 formation, the ambassadors advanced, and taking 
 no notice of the orders which they had received. 
 
 * These ambassadors, according to the Memoirs of Monsieur 
 Oliver de la Marche, were, the Duke of Bavaria, George de Baden 
 Bishop of Mets, George Hester chancellor of the dochy of Austria, 
 mentioned before. Book IV. Chap. II. and one Doctor William 
 Mortingal- 
 
 t Margaret, daughter of Richard Duke of York, and sister to Ed- 
 ward IV., King of England, third wife of Charles Duke of Burgundy. 
 
 Vol. II. C
 
 18 THE MEMOIRS OP 
 
 went directly for Ghent, at which the Duke of 
 Cleves was highly offended ; but he knew nothing 
 as yet, of the inclination of the court ladies. It 
 was resolved that the princess should give them 
 audience, and, after they had delivered their em- 
 bassy,, let thjem know that they were very welcome, 
 that she would acquaint her council with their de- 
 sires, and order them to return her answer ; and, 
 that the princess should not concern herself any 
 farther about it. The ambassadors being admitted 
 to a public audience, presented their credentials, 
 and then delivered their embassy ; which was only 
 to let her highness know, that the marriage had 
 been concluded formally between the emperor and 
 her father, and that by her own consent and ap- 
 probation, as appeared by the letter under her own 
 hand, which they produced, and the diamond ring 
 which had been sent as a pledge of the said mar- 
 riage. Upon which they insisted, that the young 
 princess should consummate the marriage according 
 to the engagement, both of her father and herself, 
 and then they conjured her to declare before the 
 whole assembly, whether she wrote the letter or 
 not, and whether she designed to make good her 
 promise ? The young princess, without any con- 
 sideration, replied, that she wrote the letter, and 
 sent the ring in obedience to her father's com- 
 mands, and freely owned the contents of it. The 
 ambassadors expressed their humble acknowledg- 
 ments, and returned very joyful to their lodgings. 
 The Duke of Cleves was extremely dissatisfied 
 with her answer, as being contrary to what was
 
 PHILIP DE COMINKS. 19 
 
 agreed on in council, and upbraided the young 
 princess, as having acted very indiscreetly in this 
 affair. To which she replied, *' That it was not 
 in her power to do any otherwise, since it was a 
 thing agreed on long before, and she could not 
 deny it." Having taken her answer into consider- 
 ation, and finding that several about the princess 
 were of the same opinion, he resolved to give over 
 his solicitation, and in a few days retire into his 
 own country. After this manner was the marriage 
 concluded ; and Duke Maximilian came to Cologn, 
 where several of the princess's servants went to 
 attend him, and carry him money, with which, as 
 I have been told, he was but very slenderly fur- 
 nished ; for his father was the nearest and most 
 covetous prince, or person, of his time. The Duke 
 of Austria was conducted to Ghent, with about 
 seven or eight hundred horse in his retinue, where 
 the marriage was consummated, which at first 
 sight brought no great advantage to the subjects 
 of the young princess ; for, instead of supporting 
 her, she was forced to supply him with money. 
 His armies were neither strong enough, nor in a 
 condition to face the king's ; besides the humour 
 of the house of Austria was not so pleasing to the 
 subjects of the house of Burgundy, who had been 
 bred up under rich princes, that had good offices 
 and employments to dispose of; whose palaces 
 were sumptuous, whose tables were nicely served, 
 whose dress was magnificent, and whose liveries 
 were noble and splendid. But the Germans are of 
 c 2
 
 20 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 a quite contrary temper ; boorish in their conver- 
 sation, and nasty in their way of living. 
 
 It seems to me, (and that after mature consider- 
 ation with myself,) that upon good and solid 
 advice, and not without the particular assistance 
 of God, that law was made in France, whereby 
 women are excluded, and no daughter suffered to 
 inherit the crown ; to prevent its falling into the 
 hands of a foreign nation, or prince, which the 
 French would hardly endure, or, indeed, any other 
 nation ; for there is no sovereignty whatever but 
 at length revolves upon the natives, as may be 
 seen in France, where the English had the govern- 
 ment for four hundred years together, and, at this 
 present, have nothing left of all their conquests in 
 this kingdom, but Calais, and two trifling castles, 
 scarce worth the keeping ; the rest they parted 
 with, much more easily than they conquered it ; 
 for they lost more in one day than they had 
 gained in a year. The same thing is observable in 
 the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, and other 
 provinces, where the French had possession for 
 many years together ; of all which, there is now 
 no monument of their power remaining, but the 
 sepulchres of their fathers. And, if it were pos- 
 sible for them to admit a foreign prince, whose 
 wisdom was great, and his retinue small, and well 
 regulated ; yet they could hardly be prevailed with 
 to receive him with a great train, or suffer that he 
 should send for great numbers of his other subjects, 
 upon pretence of making war upon his neighbours ;
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 21 
 
 because animosities will certainly arise among 
 them, by reason of their diversity of humours, and 
 the violences they will commit ; for they cannot 
 have so much love and affection for the country, 
 as they who were born in it ; especially if they 
 aspire and aim at the offices or employments, which 
 belong more properly to the natives. So that it is 
 very requisite for a wise prince, upon his coming 
 into a foreign country, to adjust all differences of 
 that nature ; and, if he be not master of this virtue, 
 (which proceeds more immediately from God than 
 any thing else,) the rest, though called virtues, 
 will be of no advantage to him : and, if he reigns 
 long, he and all his subjects shall find themselves 
 involved in troubles, especially when he comes to 
 be superannuated, and his ministers to have no 
 farther hopes of prolonging his life. 
 
 This marriage was performed with great pomp 
 and solemnity, but their affairs were not in a much 
 better posture ; for they Avere both very young. 
 Duke Maximilian was a person of no great know- 
 ledge or penetration in any thing, both in respect 
 of his youth, and his being in a foreign country. 
 Besides, his education had been but indifferent, 
 and not suitable to the management of great af- 
 fairs ; nor, if it had been better, he had not a suf- 
 ficient body of troops ready to have attempted any 
 thing considerable : so that his poor countries 
 lay exposed to the insults of their neighbours, and 
 were in great troubles, which have continued to 
 this day, and are like to continue. For which 
 reasons, as 1 said before, it is a great misfortune
 
 22 THE MEMOIRS 01.' 
 
 to any country to entertain a foreign sovereign ; 
 and God has been very merciful to France, in esta- 
 blishing that law against the inheritance of the 
 daughter. A private or indifferent family may be 
 much the better for it ; but, a great kingdom like 
 ours, will always find great inconveniences, and 
 be much incommoded. Few days after the con- 
 summation of this marriage, (if not at the very 
 time of treaty,) the whole country of Artois was 
 lost. It will be sufficient for me to deliver the 
 substance, and if I fail in terms, or the just com- 
 putation of times, I hope the reader will excuse 
 me. The king's affairs went on prosperously, 
 without any manner of opposition, taking some 
 town or other every day ; only now and then some 
 overture or proposition was made, but came to 
 nothing ; for both sides being high in their de- 
 mands, the war could not but continue. Duke 
 Maximilian and the young princess had a son the 
 first year, and. it was the Archduke Philip, who is 
 still living : the next year they had a daughter, 
 called Margaret*, who, at present, is our queen ; 
 the third they had was called Francis f, after 
 the name of Francis Duke of Bretagne, who was 
 
 * This Margaret is the lady, whom the Gantois betrothed to 
 Charles VIII., against her father's consent, as appears by IX. chapter 
 of this book. Charles VIII. never performed the marriage with her, 
 but when he was arrived to the age of one and twenty, he sent her 
 back to her father. She was afterwards married to the King of Cas- 
 tile, and lastly to Philibert Duke of Savoy. She was born in the 
 year 1480. — De la Marche. 
 
 t Monsieur Oliver de la Marche, in his Memoirs, says, that this 
 young prince was baptized in the church of St. Gudule in Brussels, and 
 the cardinal Ferry de Cluny was his second godfather.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 23 
 
 his godfather. The fourth year the princess* died 
 of a fall from her horse, or a fever, but it is certain 
 she fell, and some say she was breeding. Her 
 death was a mighty loss to her subjects, for she 
 was a person of great honour, affable, and gene- 
 rous to all people, and more beloved and respected 
 by her subjects than her husband, as being sove- 
 reign of their country. She was a tender and 
 passionate lover of her husband, and of singular 
 reputation for her modesty and virtue. This mis- 
 fortune happened in the year 1482. 
 
 In Hainault the king was possessed of two towns, 
 Quesnoy le Comte and Bou chain, both which he 
 restored ; at which several persons were highly 
 astonished, as knowing his aversion to peace, and 
 how desirous he was to take all, and leave the 
 house of Burgundy nothing ; and my opinion is, 
 if he could have done it handsomely, and destroyed, 
 or divided his territories at his ease, he would not 
 have failed to have done it. But, as he told me 
 afterwards himself, he surrendered those towns in 
 Hainault for two reasons ; the first was, because 
 he thought a prince was more obliged to take care 
 of the places of strength and importance in his 
 own country, where he was anointed and crowned 
 king, than such as were out of his dominions, as 
 these were. The other was, because there had 
 been solemn oaths and confederacies between the 
 emperors and the kings of France, not to invade or 
 
 * She died the second of March, in the year 1482, through an 
 excess of female modesty, choosing rather to die, than suffer a sur- 
 geon to set her thigh, which was broken by the fall from her horse.
 
 24 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 usurp upon one another ; and these places belong- 
 ing to the empire, were restored in the year 1477. 
 Upon the same account Cambray was likewise de- 
 livered, or put into a state of neutrality, the king 
 being contented to lose it ; but the truth is, they 
 received him at first upon those terms. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 King Louis, by the management of Charles d'Amboise his Lieute- 
 nant, recovers many Towns in Burgundy, that the Prince of Orange 
 had persuaded to revolt from him. — 1478. 
 
 Though the war was still carried on in Bur- 
 gundy, yet the king could not accomplish his de- 
 signs; because the Prince of Orange, who had 
 revolted from him, was chosen by the Burgundians 
 to be their lieutenant ; and underhand assisted by 
 the Germans, but more for the sake of his money, 
 than out of love to Maximilian ; for there was not 
 a man in the whole country that espoused his in- 
 terest, at least during the time I speak of. These 
 Germans were Swiss troops, and maintained the 
 war upon their own score, not as soldiers in Maxi- 
 milian's pay ; for the S^iss are neither friends nor 
 well-wishers to the house of Austria. The Bur- 
 gundians had little assistance besides, because 
 their pay was but bad ; though no prince could 
 better have supplied them than Duke Sigismond of 
 Austria, Maximilian's uncle, whose territories lay 
 near, especially the county of Ferrete, which he
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 25 
 
 had sold, not many years before, for ten thousand 
 florins of the Rhine, to Charles Duke of Burgundy, 
 and afterwards re-possessed himself of, without 
 returning the money ; and as he took, so he keeps 
 it by force. Sigismond was a person of no great 
 penetration, nor very just and honourable in his 
 dealings, and from such allies no great assistance 
 is to be expected : he was of the number of those 
 princes I mentioned before, who are above con- 
 cerning themselves with their own affairs, and 
 know nothing of them, but as their ministers of 
 state are pleased to represent ; and they are always 
 rewarded for their indolence and supineness,in their 
 old age, as Sigismond was here. During the wars, 
 his ministers, who had the sole administration of 
 affairs, engaged him on what side they pleased ; 
 and for the most part he entered into an alliance 
 with the King of France against his own nephew, 
 and would have given his territories (which were 
 very large) to a foreign family, and disappointed 
 his own relations, (for though he had been twice 
 married, he never had any issue,) but at last, not 
 above three months si6ce, by the persuasion of 
 another set of ministers, he conveyed all to his 
 nephew Maximilian, (at present King of the Ro- 
 mans,) reserving only a pe'nsion of about a third 
 part of the revenue, without any other authority 
 or power ; but, as I have been informed, he has 
 often repented of it since ; and if it be not true, it 
 is very probable. And such is the fate of princes 
 who live so carelessly, and like beasts, and who 
 certainly are highly to be condemned, upon account
 
 26. THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of the great charge and duty that God has laid 
 upon them in this world. These errors and impru- 
 dent actions are not to be laid to the charge of 
 weak and stupid princes, but of those who are en- 
 dued with a sufficient share of sense and under- 
 standing, and yet squander away all their time in 
 pleasure and impertinence ; such princes have no 
 reason to complain when any misfortune befals 
 them. And on the other side, those who divide 
 their time according to their age, sometimes in 
 council, and sometimes in diversions, are much 
 more to be commended ; and those subjects are 
 more happy who have such a prince to rule over 
 them. 
 
 The war in Burgundy was carried on for some 
 time by the little assistance they received from the 
 Germans ; yet the king's forces were too powerful 
 for them, for the Burgundians wanted money, and 
 their garrisons were corrupted ; the Lord de Craon, 
 who was the king's general in those parts, besieged 
 Dole, the chief town in the county of Burgundy ; 
 which he presumed he should quickly make himself 
 master of, upon account of the weakness of their 
 garrison, but his confidence proved much to his 
 disadvantage ; for being surprised by a sudden 
 sally, he lost some few of his men, and, to his 
 eternal dishonour, a great part of his cannon ; 
 which so highly raised the king's displeasure against 
 him, that, being vexed at this unfortunate action, 
 he began to think of sending a new governor into 
 the county of Burgundy, not only upon account of 
 this misfortune, but for the great and excessive
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 27 
 
 sums of money which he had exacted in those 
 parts : however, before the general laid down the 
 command of the army, he had engaged and de- 
 feated a party of Germans and Burgundians, in 
 which action Monsieur de Chesteauguyon * (the 
 greatest lord of Burgundy) was taken prisoner ; and 
 besides that, nothing of importance was done that 
 day ; I speak only by hear-say, and, if we may 
 believe report, the Lord de Craon behaved himself 
 with a great deal of valour and intrepidity in that 
 engagement. As I was saying, the king, for the 
 reasons above-mentioned, resolved to put a new 
 governor into the county of Burgundy ; but not to 
 meddle with the profits or advantages of the Lord 
 de Craon's places f, he only deprived him of his 
 guards, and left him but six men at arms, and a 
 dozen archers to attend him : the Lord de Craon 
 was grown very unwieldy, and retired well satis- 
 fied to his country-seat, which was richly furnished, 
 and where he lived in great ease and plenty. The 
 king put into his post Monsieur Charles d'Amboise, 
 Lord of Chaumont, a valiant, discreet, and dili- 
 gent officer ; who, upon his first advancement, en- 
 deavoured to persuade the Germans from assisting 
 the Burgundians, and to get them to enter into 
 the king's service, (not that he valued their service, 
 but to facilitate his conquest of the rest of that 
 
 • Hugh de Chalon, son of William Prince of Orange. 
 
 t This Lord de Craon was at that time Governor of Champagne, 
 Brie, Burgundy, and Tourraine : he was also in possession of the 
 government of several other cities in France, and chief cbamberlaiu 
 to the king ; besides enjoying the whole revenue of the barony of 
 Craon in Anjou, which was his own inheritance.
 
 28 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 country.) To this purpose the king sent to the 
 Germans or Swiss, (whom he styled " The Con- 
 federate Lords,") and offered them very fair terms : 
 first, a pension of two thousand francs, to be paid 
 to four of their chief towns, as Bern, Lucern, 
 Zurich, and I suppose Fribourg, with their three 
 cantons (upon the mountains) Swiss, which now 
 gives name to the whole country, Souluerre and 
 Ondreval : twenty thousand francs per annum to 
 particular persons, whose assistance he used in his 
 negotiations ; and, to oblige them, he made him- 
 self one of their burgesses, and their principal 
 ally, and desired it might be declared in writing ; 
 but they made some difficulty of consenting to that, 
 because, time immemorial, the Duke of Savoy had 
 been their principal ally ; yet at length they con- 
 sented, and promised to furnish the king with a 
 body of six thousand men, to be employed conti- 
 nually in his service, upon condition he should pay 
 to each man four florins and a half in Dutch money 
 every month, which was granted, and that num- 
 ber was continued in the king's service till his 
 death. A poor prince could not have been able to 
 have managed this affair, which turned so much to 
 the king's advantage at that time ; though I am of 
 opinion, in the end it will be a prejudice to him, 
 for they are now so used to money, (which was a 
 stranger to them before,) especially gold, that it 
 was like to have raised a civil war among them, 
 which was the only thing that was capable of ruin- 
 ing, or doing them any mischief: for their country 
 is so poor and mountainous, and the inhabitants
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 29 
 
 of such a martial temper, that few or none of the 
 neighbouring princes thought it worth their while 
 to endeavour to conquer them. When these trea- 
 ties were agreed on, and the Swiss in Burgundy 
 had entered into the king's service, the Burgundian 
 power was utterly broken and destroyed : to bring 
 matters to a conclusion, the governor, Monsieur de 
 Chaumont, had performed several notable exploits, 
 he besieged Rochefort, a castle near Dole, com- 
 manded by Monsieur de Vaudray ; having taken it 
 by capitulation, he also besieged Dole, (where, as 
 I said before, his predecessor had been repulsed,) 
 and took it by storm ; the new revolted Swiss de- 
 signed to have got in, and defended it ; but a body 
 of frank archers getting in amongst them, (not 
 with any suspicion of their design, but desire of 
 plunder,) when they were entered, all of them fell 
 to pillaging, and the town was burnt and destroyed. 
 Not long after he besieged Aussone, a strong town, 
 but he held intelligence with some of the garrison ; 
 and wrote to the king for some of the offices for 
 them, before his investing the town, which was 
 readily granted. I was not upon the place myself, 
 yet I was well informed, both by the report which 
 was made to the king, and the letters which were 
 sent to him, of which I had frequently a sight, 
 being employed by the king to return answers to 
 many of them. Aussone had but a small garrison 
 in it, and the chief officers being in treaty with the 
 governor, in five or six days the place was surren- 
 dered ; so that there remained nothing in all Bur- 
 gundy for the king to take possession of, but three
 
 30 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 or four castles upon the mountains, to wit, Jeu 
 and others, and Bezan^on, which is an imperial 
 town, not at all, or very little, subject to the 
 county of Burgundy ; but being seated as it were 
 in the middle of it, paid a sort of an obedience to 
 the prince of that country. The governor took 
 possession of the town, and the inhabitants having 
 paid him the homage, which they were accustomed 
 to do to the princes who had possession of Bur- 
 gundy formerly, he immediately quitted it. After 
 this expeditious manner was the whole province 
 subdued ; and the king followed the business very 
 closely, as fearing the governor desired some place 
 might still hold out, in order to continue longer in 
 his command, and not be moved into another coun- 
 try to serve him upon some other expedition : for 
 Burgundy is a plentiful country, and he managed 
 it as if it had been his own inheritance, so that he, 
 as well as the Lord de Craon, had feathered his 
 nest there. This province for some time continued 
 in peace, under his administration ; but afterwards 
 several towns rebelled, as Beaune, Semur, Verdun, 
 and others, (I was then present, being sent by the 
 king with the pensioners of his household ; this 
 was the first time the pensioners had ever any 
 officer to command them, and since they have never 
 been without,) which towns were reduced by the 
 wisdom and conduct of our general, and the indis- 
 cretion of the enemy. By this one may plainly see 
 the vast difference there is between men ; which pro- 
 ceeds from the grace of God, who gives wise mi- 
 nisters of state to that nation he designs to sup-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 31 
 
 port, and to the prince that governs it, wisdom to 
 choose them ; and has made, and does still make 
 it appear, that in all things he will maintain our 
 monarchy, not only in the person of our late vir- 
 tuous master, but of this also, though he has some- 
 times suffered him to be in affliction. Those who 
 lost these places the second time, were strong 
 enough to have defended them, had they assembled 
 their forces time enough, and thrown them into 
 the town ; but they gave the governor leisure to 
 draw his troops together, which they ought not to 
 have done ; for, having intelligence of his strength, 
 and knowing the country was entirely in his in- 
 terest, they ought to have thrown themselves into 
 Beaune ; which was a strong town, and more de- 
 fensible than the rest. The very day the governor 
 marched out into the field to invest a little town 
 called Verdun, upon information of their weak 
 condition, the Burgundians entered it, in their 
 march to Beaune ; they were in all, both horse and 
 foot, six hundred choice men out of the county of 
 Ferrete, commpnded by several old Burgundian 
 officers, among whom Simon de Quingey was one; 
 they halted when they should have got into Beaune, 
 (which if they had done,) the place had been almost 
 impregnable, but for want of good counsel they 
 staid a night too long, were besieged in Verdun, 
 and taken by storm ; and after them Beaune was 
 reduced, and all the rest of the revolters, the loss 
 of which towns the Burgundians could never re- 
 cover; I was at this time with the king's pen- 
 sioners (as I said before) in Burgundy, from whence
 
 32 THE MEMOIRS OV 
 
 I was commanded by the king, upon an informa- 
 tion he had received, that I had favoured certain 
 of the citizens at Dijon about the quartering of 
 soldiers. This charge, with other little suspicions, 
 was the cause why he sent me away suddenly for 
 Florence ; I obeyed him, as I had reason to do, 
 and, upon the receipt of his letters, set out imme- 
 diately for Italy. 
 
 The first Alliance between the Swiss Cantons, viz., 
 those of Zurich, Bern, Soleurre, Lucern, Vry, 
 Switz, Underwald above and below the Wood, 
 Zoug, and Glaris ; and Charles VII. Anno 1453. 
 
 1. We Charles VII. King of France, 8fC., do, in 
 the first place, promise by these presents for our- 
 selves and successors, that there shall always be a 
 lasting friendship and concord, between our subjects 
 and successors, and the cantons of the old League of 
 High Germany, and their successors : And that we 
 will give no manner of assistance to any who shall 
 make any attempts against them ; nor receive, nor 
 agree to receive, into our kingdom, any who shall 
 pretend to attack them. 
 
 2. That the subjects of the cantons of what degree 
 soever, may pass and return with their goods and 
 attendance, armed or unarmed, a foot or on horse- 
 back, through our kingdoms and territories, without 
 any molestation by word or deed, provided that by 
 this leave no damage or injury be done to our sub- 
 jects, the princes of the blood, confederates and al- 
 lies : In confirmation of all which, we have affixed 
 our seal to these presents.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 33 
 
 This Treaty was ratified by Louis XL in 1463. 
 And in 1470, a new Alliance made between that 
 Prince and the Swiss, against the Duke of Bur- 
 gundy ^ to this effect. 
 
 We Louis, 8fC. shall in no time to come, either by 
 ourselves or others, separately or^ conjointly, give 
 any succour, aid, favour or assistance, to the Duke 
 of Burgundy, against our most dear friends, the 
 cantons of the grand liege, viz. Zurich, Bern, Lu- 
 ceru, Vry, Switz, Underw^ald, 8fC., so that they in 
 general or particular, may receive any detriment in 
 body or goods, or any other way whatsoever : We 
 also, of the said league promise never directly nor 
 indirectly to give any succour, favour, or assistance, 
 tothesaidDukeof Burgundy,against the most serene 
 lord, the most christian King, so as that either he or 
 his, in general or particular, might receive any de- 
 triment in body and goods, or any other way what- 
 soever, sincerely, and without all manner of fraud. 
 At the same time our meaning is, that the alliances 
 made long ago between the said king and us, be 
 preserved inviolable in all points, and in their per- 
 petual force and vigour. Given at Tours, Septem- 
 ber 20, 1470, and the tenth of our reign. 
 
 A stricter Alliance between Louis XL and the Swiss 
 Cantons, 1474. 
 
 In the first place, the king in all and every of his 
 wars, and especially against the Duke of Burgundy, 
 and all others, is faithfully to aid, succour, and 
 defend us at his own charge. 
 
 Vot. II. D
 
 34 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 2. He shall, as long as he lives, be bound to pay 
 us every year, in his city of Lyons, the sum of 
 twenty thousand francs, viz., five thousand every 
 quarter, to be distributed equally between our par- 
 ties : And if the king, in his wars and armies, has 
 occasion for our help, and does require it, we shall 
 then be obliged, at his charge, to supply him with 
 such a number of troops armed as we shall think 
 proper, and are able : That is, in case we be not 
 engaged in a war of our own ; and he shall pay every 
 soldier four florins and a half of the Rhine a month, 
 allowing twelve months in the year. 
 
 3. The king, when he shall require our assistance, 
 shall in one of the towns of Zurich, Bern, or Lu- 
 cern, have a month's pay for every soldier that shall 
 be raised for him, and two months' pay in the city 
 of Geneva, or some other places, as most commo- 
 dious, and at the choice of the cantons. 
 
 4. The three months' pay shall commence from the 
 day that our men shall quit their homes : They shall 
 enjoy the same privileges as the king's own subjects; 
 and at what time soever we shall require the said 
 king to send us succours in our wars against the 
 Duke of Burgundy, and that by reason of his other 
 wars he is engaged in, he cannot do it ; then to the 
 end we may be able to maintain our said wars, the 
 said king shall, as long as we shall continue in arms, 
 pay us in the city of Lyons the sum of twenty thou- 
 sand florins of the Rhine, per quarter, without preju- 
 dice, and over and above the sum above mentioned. 
 
 5. And when we shall make a peace or a truce 
 with the Duke of Burgundy, or any other enemy of
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 35 
 
 the king or us, we shall be obliged particularly to 
 include the said king therein ; and he is to do the 
 same by us in all his wars against the Duke of Bur- 
 gundy and others. 
 
 6. Both the parties include their allies in this 
 treaty. 
 
 7. At the instant that we are engaged in a war 
 with the Duke of Burgundy, the king shall sincerely 
 and with all his might levy war against the said 
 duke, and do every thing as is usual in war, both 
 for his and our advantage, without fraud or deceit. 
 
 8. We will maintain this union and friendship 
 inviolably, which is to last during the king's life. 
 We have in the usual form delivered these presents 
 to the king, who has done the same to us. 
 
 Done January 10, 1474. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Of the Lord of Ar^enton'a being sent to Florence during the Wars in 
 Burgundy, and his receiving Homage of the Duke of Milan, in the 
 King's name, for the Duchy of Genoa. — 1478. 
 
 The design of my going into Italy was, to adjust a 
 diflPerence between two illustrious families, very 
 eminent in those days. One was the family of the 
 Medicis, the other of the Pacis ; which last being 
 supported by the Pope, andFerrand King of Naples, 
 endeavoured to cut off Laurence do Medicis*, and 
 
 * Sumamed the Magnanimous, governor of the republic of Flo- 
 rence. * 
 D 2
 
 36 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 all his adherents. They failed in their design upon 
 Laurence de Medicis, but they slew his brother Ju- 
 lian*, in the great church in Florence, and with 
 him one Feuguinetfj a person of honour, and a par- 
 tisan of the house of Medicis, who threw himself 
 before Julian, in hopes to have saved him. Lau- 
 rence was much wounded, but made his retreat in- 
 to the vestry of the church, whose doors were of 
 copper, and given as a free gift by his father. A 
 servant, whom he had delivered out of prison but 
 two days before, did him considerable service, and 
 received several wounds which were aimed at Lau- 
 rence. This assassination was committed at the 
 time of high mass, and the moment appointed for 
 execution was when the priest should begin the 
 Sanctus. But it fell out otherwise than was de- 
 signed ; for, supposing all sure, some of the con- 
 spirators ran to the palace, to kill the senators which 
 were there, (which senate consisting of about nine 
 persons, has the whole administration of the affairs 
 of that city, and is changed every three months,) 
 but being ill backed, and having run up stairs into 
 the palace, some body pulled one of the doors after 
 them ; so that when they were got up, there were 
 not above four or five, and those in such a terrible 
 consternation, that they knew not what to say or 
 do. The senators and their servants that attended 
 them, perceiving the astonishment of the conspira- 
 
 ♦ Father of Julius de Medicis, who was afterwards Pope, by the 
 name of Clement VIII. 
 
 t Fransquin Noli, which comes nearer to Francesco Nori, men- 
 tioned in Machiavel's History of Florence.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 37 
 
 tors, looked out of the windows, saw all the town 
 in confusion, and heard Seignor James de Pacis, 
 and his accomplices, crying out in the palace-yard, 
 *' Liberia., Liberia, Popolo, Popolo" thinking by this 
 means to have stirred up the people to have taken 
 their parts, and joined with them in the insurrec- 
 tion, but they were mightily mistaken in their de- 
 signs, for the mob kept themselves very quite; 
 upon which James de Pacis and his adherents, 
 despairing of success, betook themselves to flight. 
 The governors and magistrates of the city, who 
 were then in the palace, finding how matters went, 
 immediately seized upon the five or six who were 
 got up into the rooms, with a design to have mur- 
 dered them, and caused them to be hanged at the 
 bars of the palace windows, among whom was the 
 Archbishop of Pisa. The senators finding the 
 people unanimously declare for the house of Medi- 
 cis, sent immediately to all the passes upon the 
 road, to stop and apprehend all persons that were 
 found flying, and to bring them before the senate. 
 James de Pacis was presently apprehended, and 
 with him an officer of the pope's, who had the 
 command of a brigade under the Count Hieronymo, 
 who was privy to, and concerned in, the plot. Pa- 
 cis and his accomplices were hanged up at the same 
 windows by their brethren, but the pope's officer 
 had the favour of being beheaded. Several more 
 were discovered in the town, (and amongst them 
 Francisco de Pacis,) and all hanged immediately ; 
 so that in the whole there were about fourteen or
 
 38 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 fifteen persons of quality hanged, besides servants 
 which were killed in the town. 
 
 Not long after this accident I arrived at Flo- 
 rence, in quality of an agent for the king, having 
 made no stay since I left Burgundy, unless it were 
 two or three days with the Duchess of Savoy, the 
 king's sister, who received me very graciously. 
 From thence I proceeded to Milan, where I conti- 
 nued two or three days likewise, to solicit supplies 
 for the said Florentines, with whom at that time 
 the Milanois were in alliance. The Milanois grant- 
 ed them very freely, it being their own duty, as 
 well as the king's request, and sent them immedi- 
 ately a reinforcement of three hundred men at 
 arms, and afterwards a greater. In short, the 
 pope, immediately upon this tumult in Florence, 
 excommunicated the Florentines, and caused his 
 own army, in conjunction with that of the King of 
 Naples, to march. The Neapolitan army was nu- 
 merous, made a fine appearance, and had abun- 
 dance of brave soldiers in it. They first besieged 
 Castellina, not far from Senes, and took it, with 
 several other places ; so that it was a great hazard 
 but the Florentines had been utterly ruined, for 
 they had enjoyed a long peace, and were not sen- 
 sible of their danger. Laurence de Medicis, who 
 was governor in that city, was but young, and ma- 
 naged by persons of his own years ; yet his judg- 
 ment was of great authority among them ; they had 
 but few good officers, and their army was but small. 
 The pope's and King of Naples* army were com-
 
 PHILIP D£ COMINES. 3^ 
 
 manded in chief by the Duke of Urbin, a wise 
 man, and a brave commander; with him there 
 were likewise Robert d'Arimini, (since a great 
 man,) Constantine de Pesaro,and several other offi- 
 cers, and two of the king's sons, that is, the Duke 
 of Calabria, and Don Frederick, both of them still 
 living, and many other persons of quality. They 
 took all places which they besieged, but not with 
 the same expedition which we do in France, for 
 they were not well skilled in the art of masking and 
 defending a town, but for encamping and supply, 
 ing their army with provisions, and giving orders 
 for all things necessary for a campaign, they un- 
 derstood that better than we. The king's inclina- 
 tion toward them was in some measure serviceable 
 to them, but not so much as I could have wished, 
 for I had no supplies of men to reinforce them, 
 more than what were in my own retinue. I staid 
 in Florence and its territories a whole year, was 
 nobly treated at their expense all the while, and 
 with more civility at last than at first ; but being 
 recalled by the king, I set out for Milan, where I 
 received homage of John Galeas, Duke of Milan, 
 for the duchy of Genoa, which homage was per- 
 formed to my master by the duke's mother, in her 
 son's name ; after which I returned to my master, 
 who received me very graciously, and admitted me 
 more freely to his affairs than ever before, permit- 
 ting me to lie with him, though I was unworthy 
 of that favour, and though he had several persons 
 about his court more deserving of such a familia- 
 rity than myself. But he was so discreet and so
 
 40 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 sagacious a prince, that no minister of his could 
 possibly miscarry in any negotiation he was em- 
 ployed in, provided he acted directly according to 
 his instructions. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Of Philip de Comines's Return out of Italy into France, and of the 
 Battle of Guinegate.— 1479. 
 
 Upon my return from Italy, I found our king a 
 little impaired and decayed in his health , and in- 
 clinable to be sickly ; yet not so much as to neglect 
 his affairs, which he managed himself, and was still 
 engaged in his wars in Picardy, upon which his 
 heart was mightily set, and the enemy was no less 
 fond of it, if they could have got it into their pos- 
 session. The Duke of Austria (at present king of 
 the Romans) having that year the Flemings at his 
 command, invested Therouenne, and the Lord des 
 Cordes, the king's lieutenant in Picardy, having 
 assembled all the forces that were in that province, 
 and the frontier towns, and joining them with eight 
 thousand Frank archers, marched to relieve it : 
 Upon news of his approach, the Duke of Austria 
 raised the siege, and, advancing to meet him, they 
 came to an engagement at a'place called Guinegate. 
 The duke had twenty thousand men or more: out of 
 the country of Flanders, besides some few Germans 
 and about three hundred English, under the com- 
 mand of Sir Thomas Abrigan, who had tjeen in the
 
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 ' 42 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 least opposition either there or at Arras : Yet he 
 durst not venture, which proved highly to his disad- 
 vantage ; but in such cases one knows not always 
 what measures are best to be taken, and indeed he 
 had some reason to fear. I speak of this battle only 
 by hearsay, for I was not in it ; but to continue my 
 discourse, I thought it necessary to mention it. I 
 was with the king, when he received the news of this 
 defeat ; his majesty was extremely concerned at it, 
 for he had not been used to lose any thing, but had 
 been successful in all his enterprises, as if every 
 thing had succeeded according to his direction ; 
 though, to speak truth, his judgment and penetra- 
 4;k)n in state affairs contributed very much to his 
 success : For he would never venture any thing, 
 and always endeavoured to avoid a battle ; nor was 
 this fought by any positive orders from him. His 
 armies were always so numerous, few princes were 
 able to cope with him, and he had a larger train of 
 artillery than any of his predecessors. His method 
 was to assemble his troops on a sudden, and attack 
 those places that were ill provided, and slenderly 
 fortified ; into which he immediately put such a 
 strong garrison, with a sufficient quantity of artillery, 
 that it was almost impossible to retake them ; be- 
 sides, if the governor or any other officer in the 
 town had a mind to betray it for money, he was 
 sure to have the king for a chapman, and they need 
 not be afraid to demand an extravagant sum ; for 
 let it be never so exorbitant, his majesty would cer- 
 tainly give it rather than venture a battle, or under- 
 take a siege. He was mightily alarmed at the first
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. <© 
 
 news of this battle, supposing he had lost all, and 
 that they durst not tell him the truth ; for he was 
 sensible, had it been an absolute defeat, all that 
 he had got from the house of Burgundy in those 
 marches and elsewhere, would certainly have been 
 in very great danger. However, as soon as he was 
 informed of the whole truth, and found matters were 
 not so bad as he at first imagined ; he was better sa- 
 tisfied, and gave orders that, for the future, no battle 
 should be fought without his knowledge and con- 
 sent, and was reconciled to the Lord des Cordes. 
 From this very hour the king resolved to set a treaty 
 of peace on foot, between him and the Duke of Aus- 
 tria, but to manage the whole negotiation purely to 
 his own advantage ; and so to curb the duke with his 
 own subjects, (who he knew were as desirous as 
 himself to have the wings of his authority clipped,) 
 that it should not be in his power for the future to 
 disturb or incommode him. He was likewise very 
 desirous to make some new regulations in the afiairs 
 of his own kingdom, for the advantage of his sub- 
 jects, particularly about delays and protraction in 
 processes of law ; to this purpose he determined to 
 restrain the court of parliament, not by diminution 
 of their number or authority ; but they took cogni- 
 zance of many things against his consent, which oc- 
 casioned his hatred against them. He was also de- 
 sirous to establish in his kingdom, one general 
 custom as to weights and measures ; and that all the 
 laws should be written in French, and reduced into 
 one code or abridgment, to prevent the frauds and 
 prevarications of the lawyers, which are greater there
 
 44 
 
 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 than in any other nation in Europe, as the nobility 
 has often experienced to their cost. And, doubt- 
 less had God permitted him to live six or seven years 
 longer in peace and health, he would have enacted 
 several excellent law^s, and done abundance of glo- 
 rious things for the benefit and advantage of his 
 subjects ; and it was but reasonable he should do so, 
 for, from the beginning of his reign to this time, he 
 had oppressed and tyrannized over them more than 
 all his predecessors. But no man's authority or 
 remonstrance could persuade him, it must come of 
 its own accord, as certainly it would, if God had 
 not afflicted him with sickness : Wherefore it is 
 best to make use of our time, and do all the good 
 that lies in our power, while we are in health, and 
 our senses in perfect strength and vigour. 
 
 The peace which the king designed to make with 
 the Duke of Austria, his duchess, and their domi- 
 nions, was to be eff'ected by the mediation of the 
 Gantois, upon proposals of a match between the 
 Dauphin, (who is now our king,) and the daughter 
 of the duke and duchess, by which they should 
 leave him the counties of Burgundy, Auxerrois, 
 Masconnois, and Charolois ; and in exchange the 
 king would restore the province of Artois, retain- 
 ing only the city of Arras, in the same posture of 
 defence it was in, at that time of treaty ; for the 
 town was not considerable since the new fortifica- 
 tions, which were very strong, were added to the 
 city. Before they fell into the king's hands, the 
 town was much stronger than the city, with a large 
 ditch, and thick walls between them ; but now the
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 45 
 
 city was in a much better posture of defence, and 
 kept for the king by the bishop of the place, con- 
 trary to the practice of the Dukes of Burgundy, for 
 above a hundred years together ; for they always 
 made whom they pleased bishop, and put in a go- 
 vernor besides : but the king, to shew his autho- 
 rity, proceeded in a quite different manner, caused 
 the town walls to be demolished, and new ones to 
 be raised about the city, which before, (as I said,) 
 was weaker than the town, with great ditches be- 
 twixt them ; so that in effect, the king gave no- 
 thing in the treaty ; for he that was master of the 
 city could command the town when he pleased. 
 There was not the least mention made of the 
 duchy of Burgundy, the county of Boulogne, the 
 towns upon the Somme, or the chastellanies of 
 Peronne, Roye, and Mondidier. The Gantois were 
 extremely pleased with these proposals, behaved 
 themselves very disrespectfully to the Duke and 
 Duchess of Austria ; and some of the other great 
 towns in Flanders and Brabant were as importu- 
 nate and saucy as they, concurring in the opinion 
 of the Gantois, and particularly Brussels, which 
 was grown prodigiously rich, by reason that Duke 
 Philip and Charles for a long time had kept their 
 courts there ; and the Duke and Duchess of Austria 
 had their residence in it at that very time. But 
 the long ease and pleasures that they had enjoyed 
 under the above-mentioned princes, made them so 
 far forget both God and their sovereign, that at 
 last they pulled down misfortunes upon their heads, 
 and occasioned their own ruin.
 
 46 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Of King Louis's being s>irprised with a Distemper, that for some 
 time took away the use of both his Senses and Tongue ; of his 
 Recovery and Relapse several times, and of his keeping himself in 
 the Castle at Plessis les Tours. — 1479. 
 
 In the year 1479, in the month of March, a truce 
 was concluded between the two princes ; though 
 the king was very solicitous for a peace, especially 
 in those places I have mentioned, which would 
 have proved very advantageous for his affairs. He 
 began now to decline in his age, and to be subject 
 to infirmity, and as he was sitting at dinner one 
 day at Forges, near Chynon, he was seized on a 
 sudden with a fit that took away his speech. Those 
 who were about him took him from the table, 
 held him to the fire, shut up the windows, and 
 though he endeavoured to get to them for the 
 benefit of the air, yet imagining it for the best, 
 they would not suffer him to stir. It was in 
 March, 1479, when this fit seized upon him after 
 this manner, which deprived him of his speech, 
 understanding, and memory. It was your fortune, 
 my Lord of Vienne, to be present at that time, 
 and act the part of a physician ; for having ordered 
 him a glyster, and caused the windows to be 
 opened to give him fresh air, he came a little to 
 himself immediately, recovered his speech and his 
 senses in some measure, and mounting on horse- 
 back, he returned to Forgees, for he was taken 
 with this fit in a small village about a quarter of a
 
 PHILIP DB COMINES. ^ 
 
 league off, whither he went to hear mass. He was 
 diligently attended, and made signs for every thing 
 he wanted : among other things, he desired the 
 official of Tours to come and take his confession, 
 and made signs that he should be sent for, for I 
 was gone to Argenton about ten leagues off: upon 
 my return I found him at the table, and with him 
 Monsieur Adam Fumee* , (physician to the late 
 King Charles, and at present master of the re- 
 quests,) and one Monsieur Claude, another physi- 
 cian. He made signs that I should lie in his 
 chamber ; he understood little that was said to 
 him, and his words were not intelligible ; but be 
 felt no manner of pain. I waited on him above a 
 month at the table, and in his chamber as one of 
 the gentlemen of the bed-chamber, which I took 
 for a great honour, and it gave me great reputa- 
 tion. At the end of two or three days, he began 
 to recover his speech and his senses ; he fancied 
 nobody understood him so clearly as myself, and 
 therefore would have me always to attend him. 
 He confessed himself to the official in my pre- 
 sence, for otherwise he could not have understood 
 what he had said : there was no great matter in 
 his confession, for he had been at confession a few 
 
 ♦ Lord of Roches St. Quintin in Touraine, the chief master of 
 the Board of Green Cloth, and afterwards Keeper of the Great Seal 
 of France in 1 479, from the removal of the Chancellor Doriolle, to 
 tlie year 1483, in which William de Rochefort was promoted to the 
 chancellorship. lie was the son of Paul Fum^e, Governor of Nantes, 
 who was sent to Rome by Louis XL, in an embassy to the pope. 
 The same Adam Fum^e was counsellor and chief physician to 
 Charles VII., Louis XL, and Charles VIII., and died in the year 
 1500
 
 48 
 
 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 days before, because whenever the Kings of France 
 touch for the king's evil, they confess themselves 
 first, and he never missed touching once every 
 week, and if other princes do not the same, I think 
 they are highly to blame : for there are always 
 great numbers of people to be touched. As soon 
 as he was a little recovered, he began to inquire 
 who they were who held him by force from going 
 to the window ; and having an account of their 
 names, he banished them the court, took away 
 their employments from some of them, and never 
 saw them again. From some, as Monsieur de 
 Segre *, Gilbert de Grassy Lord of Champeroux, 
 he took away nothing, but banished them from his 
 presence. Many wondered at his fancy ; con- 
 demned his proceedings, and affirmed they had 
 done what in their opinion they thought for the 
 best, and that they were in the right ; but the ima-^ 
 gination of princes are different, and all those 
 who undertake to give an account of them have 
 not judgment enough to distinguish them. He was 
 jealous of nothing so much as the loss of his regal 
 authority, which was then very great ; and he 
 would not suffer his commands to be disobeyed in 
 the most trivial point. On the other hand, he re- 
 membered that his father. King Charles, in the 
 last fit of which he died, took a fancy that his 
 courtiers had a mind to poison him, to make way 
 for his son ; and it made so deep an impression 
 upon him, that he refused to eat, and by the ad- 
 
 * James d'Espany, Knight, Lord of Usse, Segre, and St. Michel 
 upon the Loyre, chamberlain to Louis XI.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 49 
 
 vice of his physicians, and all the chief of his fa- 
 vourites, it was concluded he should be forced; 
 and so after a great deliberation they forced vic- 
 tuals down his throat, upon which violence he 
 died. King Louis having always condemned that 
 way of proceeding, took it very heinously that 
 they should use any violence with him, and yet he 
 pretended to be more angry than he was ; for the 
 great matter that moved him was an apprehension 
 that they would govern him in every thing else, 
 and pretend he was unfit for the administration of 
 public affairs, by reason of the imbecility of his 
 senses. 
 
 After he had thus severally handled the persons 
 above-mentioned, he made an inquiry into what 
 had been done in council, and the orders which had 
 been made for ten or twelve days before he fell sick, 
 of which the Bishop of Alby, his brother the Go- 
 vernor of Burgundy, the Mareshal de Gie, and the 
 Lord du Lude, had the principal charge, and were 
 most responsible, as being with him when he fell 
 ill, and lodged under him in two little chambers. 
 He would also see all letters and despatches as they 
 arrived, and couriers arrived every hour ; they 
 shewed him the originals, and I read them to hiin : 
 he would pretend to understand them, take them 
 into his own hand, and make as if he read them to 
 himself, when in truth he did not understand one 
 syllable of them. Yet he would offer now and then 
 at a word, and make signs what answers should be 
 given ; but little business was despatched during 
 his illness, the greatest part hanging in suspense 
 Vol. II. }•:
 
 60 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 till we could see what would be the event ; for he 
 was a prince that required all things to be done 
 with the utmost nicety and exactness. This indis- 
 position continued about a fortnight, at the end of 
 which he recovered his speech and senses pretty 
 well ; but he remained very weak, and in great 
 fear of a relapse, for naturally he was not apt to 
 put confidence in his physicians. As soon as he 
 was a little recovered he released the Cardinal 
 Balue out of the castle of Lookes, where he had 
 been a prisoner for fourteen years, though the pope 
 and other princes had many times interceded for 
 his enlargement, of which crime he was absolved 
 afterwards by an express bull from his holiness, 
 which the king had solemnly requested. When he 
 was first seized with his illness, those who were 
 about him gave him over for dead, and orders were 
 given out for remitting an heavy tax, which, at 
 the instigation of the Lord des Cordes, (his lieute- 
 nant in Picardy,) he had lately laid upon his sub- 
 jects, for the raising ten thousand foot as a stand- 
 ing force, and two thousand five hundred pioneers, 
 which were to be called the " Gens du Camp ;" to 
 which he added one thousand five hundred of his 
 old standing forces, who were to fight on foot 
 upon occasion, among the rest ; besides which he 
 caused a vast number of tents and pavilions to be 
 made, and wagons to enclose all, in imitation of 
 the Duke of Burgundy, whose camp cost him fif- 
 teen thousand francs a year. When it was ready, 
 he went to review this body of new-raised forces 
 in a large plain near Pont d^l Arche in Normandy.
 
 PHILIP DE COMTNES. 51 
 
 In this camp there were the six thousand Swiss I 
 mentioned before, which was the greatest number 
 of them we had ever seen before. From thence he 
 returned to Tours, where he was taken with a new 
 fit, lost his speech again, and for two hours toge- 
 ther every body thought him dead, being laid upon 
 a straw-bed in a gallery, with several people about 
 him : the Lord du Bouchage and I devoutly recom- 
 mended him to St. Claude, and all that were present 
 concurred with our prayers; but immediately he 
 recovered his speech, and walked up and down the 
 house, but very weak and feeble ; and this second 
 fit took him in 1481. He went into the country as 
 formerly, and particularly with me to Argenton, 
 where he continued a month together very ill ; 
 from thence he went to Tours, where he was also 
 vei7 sick, and undertook a voyage to St. Claude, 
 to whom we had recommended him, as you have 
 already heard : at his departure from Tours he 
 sent me into Savoy to oppose the Lords de la 
 Chambre, Miolans, and Bresse, (though he was 
 privately their friends,) for their having seized 
 upon the person of the Lord de Lins of Dauphine, 
 whom he had recommended to be governor to his 
 nephew, Duke Philebert. He sent a considerable 
 body of troops after me, which I carried to Mascon 
 against Monsieur de Bresse ; however, he and I 
 were agreed underhand. Being informed that the 
 I^ord de la Chambre was at the Duke of Savoy's 
 court at Turin, in Piedmont, he gave me notice 
 of it, and I caused our soldiers to retire ; for he 
 brought the Duke of Savoy to Grenoble, where the
 
 52 THE MBMOIRS OF 
 
 Marshal of Burgundy, the Marquis de Rothelin, 
 and myself, went to receive and compliment his 
 highness. The king sent for me back to him to 
 Beaujeu, in Beaujolois : I was amazed to find him so 
 weak, and wondered how he had strength enough 
 to bear the fatigue of travelling so well as he did ; 
 but his great spirit carried him throughout all dif- 
 ficulties. At Beaujeu he received advice that the 
 Duchess of Austria was dead of a fall from her 
 horse : she had been set upon a hot-headed young 
 pad, that threw her down against a piece of tim- 
 ber, and was the occasion of her death. Others 
 said she died of a fever, not of her fall ; but be it 
 which it will, she lived not many days after, to the 
 great detriment of her friends and subjects; for 
 after her death they never had peace. The people of 
 Ghent had a greater love and respect for her than 
 her husband, as being their natural sovereign. 
 This misfortune happened in the year 1482. The 
 king told me of it with a great deal of joy and sa- 
 tisfaction ; being extremely pleased that the two 
 children were under the tuition of the Gantois, 
 who (he knew) were inclined to any mischief that 
 might weaken the power of the house of Bur- 
 gundy ; and now he thought this was the only time 
 to attempt something, because the Duke of Austria 
 was young, his father still living, involved in war 
 on every side, a stranger, and his forces very 
 weak ; and the covetous temper of the present em- 
 peror made him less beloved than the rest. 
 
 From that time the king began to solicit the 
 Gantois by his agent the Lord des Cordes, about
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 53 
 
 the marriage of the dauphin with the Lady Mar- 
 garet, the duke's daughter, who is at present our 
 queen. The Lord des Cordes applied himself in 
 this affair to one William Rym, pensionary of the 
 town, (a cunning subtle man,) and Coppenol, the 
 town-clerk, who was an hosier, and a person of 
 great reputation among the people, who, in times 
 of trouble, are soonest wrought upon by such. The 
 king returned to Tours, and kept himself so close, 
 that very few were admitted to see him; for he 
 was grown jealous of all his courtiers, and afraid 
 they would either depose, or deprive him, of some 
 part of his regal authority. He removed from 
 about him all his old favourites, especially if they 
 had any extraordinary familiarity with him ; but 
 he took nothing from them, only commanded them 
 to their posts or country-seats : but this lasted not 
 long, for he died a while after. He did many odd 
 things, which made some believe his senses were a 
 little impaired ; but they knew not his humours. 
 As to his jealousy, all princes are prone to it, es- 
 pecially those who are wise, have many enemies, 
 and have oppressed many people, as our master 
 had done. Besides, he found he was not beloved 
 by the nobility of the kingdom, nor many of the 
 commons ; for he had taxed them more than any 
 of his predecessors, though he now had some 
 thoughts of easing them, as I said before ; but he 
 should have begun sooner. King Charles VIH. 
 was the first prince who, (by the assistance of se- 
 veral grave men, who had served him in the expul- 
 sion of the English out of Normandy and Guienne,)
 
 54 THB MEMOIRS OF 
 
 gained that point of laying taxes upon the country 
 at his pleasure, without the consent of the three 
 estates of the kingdom ; but then the occasions 
 were great and indispensable to secure his new con- 
 quests, and to disperse such people as were bur- 
 thensome to the kingdom. Upon which the great 
 lords of France consented to what the king did, 
 upon promise of certain pensions in lieu of what 
 should be levied upon them. Had this king lived 
 long, and those who were then of his council, 
 without dispute he would have enlarged his domi- 
 nions considerably ; but, considering what has 
 already, and what is likely to follow upon it, he 
 has laid a great load both upon his own, and the 
 souls of his successors, and given his kingdom a 
 wound, which will bleed a longtime; and that was, 
 by establishing a standing army, in imitation of 
 the princes of Italy. King Charles at his death 
 had taxes laid upon all things in his kingdom, 
 amounting to one million eight hundred thousand 
 francs, with which he maintained about one thou- 
 sand seven hundred men at arms, to be constantly 
 in pay, and, in the nature of guards, to preserve 
 the peace, and secure the provinces in the king- 
 dom ; by which means there was no free quarter, 
 nor riding up and down the country, which was a 
 great ease to the people. At the death of our 
 master he had raised four million seven hundred 
 thousand francs ; of men at arms about four or five 
 thousand foot for the camp, and above twenty-five 
 thousand standing forces ; so that it is no wonder 
 if he entertained such jealousies and fears of his
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. ^ 
 
 subjects, and fancied he was not beloved by them. 
 Yet, as he was fearful in this case, he had confi- 
 dence likewise in several who had been brought up, 
 and received their preferments under him ; of which 
 he might have found many that would have died be- 
 fore they would have forsaken him in any thing. In 
 the first place, nobody was admitted into Plessis du 
 Pare, (which was the place where he kept himself,) 
 but his domestic servants, and his archers, which 
 were four hundred, some of which kept constant 
 guard at the gate, while others walked continually 
 about to prevent its being surprised. No lord, nor 
 person of quality was permitted to lie in the castle, 
 nor to enter with any of his retinue ; nor indeed did 
 any of them come in, but the Lord de Beaujeu, 
 the present Duke of Bourbon, who was his son-in- 
 law. Round about the castle of Plessis he caused 
 a lattice, or iron gate, to be set up, spikes of iron 
 planted in the wall, and a kind of crows-feet, witl* 
 several points to be placed along the ditch, where- 
 ever there was a possibility for any person to enter. 
 Besides which, he caused four watch-houses to be 
 made all of thick iron, and full of holes, out of 
 which they might shoot at their pleasure, and 
 which were very noble, and cost above twenty 
 thousand francs, in which he placed forty of his 
 cross-bows, who were to be upon the guard night 
 and day, with orders to let fly upon any man that 
 offered to come near before the opening of the gate 
 in the morning. He also persuaded himself that 
 his subjects would be mighty fond of divesting him 
 of his power, and taking the administration of
 
 56 THfi MEMOIRS OF 
 
 affairs upon themselves, when they saw their op- 
 portunity ; and, indeed, there were some persons 
 about the court, that consulted together how they 
 might get in, and despatch those affairs, which at 
 present hung in suspense ; but they durst not at- 
 tempt it, and they acted wisely ; for the king had 
 provided against every thing. He often changed the 
 gentlemen of his bed-chamber, and all the rest of 
 his servants, alleging that nothing was more de- 
 lightful to nature than novelty. For conversation, 
 he kept only one or two with him, and those of in- 
 ferior condition, and of no great reputation ; who, 
 if they had been wise, might well think, as soon 
 as he was dead, the best they could expect would 
 be to be turned out of all their employments ; and 
 so it happened. Those persons never acquainted 
 him, with any thing that was sent or writ to him, 
 unless it concerned the preservation of the state, 
 and defence of the kingdom ; for he concerned not 
 himself for any thing, but to live quietly and peace- 
 ably with all men. He gave his physician ten 
 thousand crowns a month, and within the space of 
 five months he received of his majesty above fifty- 
 four thousand. He also promised large endow- 
 ments to the church, but it was never made good ; 
 for they were thought to have had too much al- 
 ready.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 57 
 
 A Treaty between Louis XI. of France, and Maxi- 
 milian Duke of Austria, as well for himself as 
 his Children, at Arras, December 23, 1482. 
 
 1. There shall be a perpetual peace, union and 
 alliance between the king, dauphin, and kingdom, 
 their countries, territories, and subjects on the one 
 part ; and Duke Maximilian of Austria, Duke 
 Philip, and the Lady Margaret of Austria, his 
 children, their countries, territories, and subjects 
 on the other ; laying aside all rancour and enmity 
 towards one another, any or all manner of injuries, 
 either in word or deed. 
 
 2. For the more firm establishing of the peace, 
 a treaty of marriage is agreed to between the dau- 
 phin, the king's son and heir-apparent to the 
 crown, and the Lady Margaret of Austria, only 
 daughter of the said duke, and of the late Mary of 
 Burgundy, only daughter of Duke Charles of Bur- 
 gundy, to be solemnized when the said lady shall 
 be of age fit for it. 
 
 3. As soon as the peace is proclaimed, the said 
 lady shall forthwith be conducted to Arras, and be 
 put into the hands of Monsieur de Beaujeu, or 
 another prince of the blood authorized by the king 
 for that purpose ; and the king shall take care to 
 bring her up as his eldest daughter, the wife of 
 the said dauphin. 
 
 4. Upon the delivery of the said lady. Monsieur 
 de Beaujeu, 8fC., shall swear solemnly, in the pre- 
 sence of the princes and lords who shall conduct
 
 58 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 her, in the king's name, that the dauphin, when 
 she comes of age, shall take her in marriage, and 
 proceed to the consummation of the same. 
 
 5. The like oath Monsieur de Beaujeu shall take 
 in the name of the dauphin, being authorized 
 thereunto by the king upon the account of his 
 youth. 
 
 6. In consideration of this marriage, the Duke 
 of Austria, and the states of his country, agree in 
 their own names, and in that of Duke Philip, that 
 the countries of Artois, Burgundy, the lands and 
 seigniories of Masconnois, Auxerois, Salnis, Bar- 
 sur-Sein and de Noyers, shall be given in dower 
 with her to the dauphin, to be enjoyed by them, 
 their heirs by that marriage, whether male or fe- 
 male, for ever ; but for failure thereof, to return to 
 Duke Philip and his heirs : And seeing these coun- 
 tries, and the greatest part of the province of Ar- 
 tois, are at present in the king's possession ; it is 
 agreed they shall be the dowry and inheritance of 
 the said lady, to be enjoyed by the dauphin, her 
 intended husband, and her heirs. But in case 
 those countries should come into any hands than 
 those of the dauphin, and the heirs of this mar- 
 riage, the king, dauphin, and their successors. 
 Kings of France, may in that case retain the said 
 counties of Artois and Burgundy, with the other 
 seigniories, till the king's pretensions to Lisle, 
 Doway, and Orchies are determined. And in case 
 they are not adjudged to return to him, he and his 
 successors shall pretend no right to them ; but the 
 earls and countesses of Flanders shall enjoy them
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. ' 59? 
 
 as formerly. Moreover, as soon as the said lady 
 shall arrive at Arras, she shall be there received 
 and declared Countess of Artois and Burgundy, 
 and lady of the other territories. 
 
 7. From thenceforward the said county of Artois, 
 except the castle and bailiwick of St. Omer, shall 
 be governed according to its ancient rights and 
 privileges, as well the cities as the open country, 
 by and in the name of the dauphin, her future 
 husband; and the domain and revenue, with the 
 officers, and justice, and others, shall appertain to 
 him. 
 
 8. The same thing shall be done in respect to 
 the county of Burgundy, and the other seigniories. 
 
 9. The king, at the request of the said duke and 
 states, to restore Arras to its ancient government 
 under the administration of the dauphin, by ap- 
 pointing officers for that purpose ; the king is con- 
 tent that the dauphin shall do so. 
 
 10. As to the town, castle, and bailiwick of 
 St. Omer, (which is in the province of Artois,) it is 
 comprehended with the said county of Artois, in 
 the dower of the said Lady Margaret, and so shall 
 be forthwith delivered into the possession of the 
 dauphin, upon the completing and consummating 
 of the marriage with her. 
 
 11. The guarding and government of the said 
 town, castle, and bailiwick, from hence forward is 
 to be put into the hands of the inhabitants, in order 
 to be given up to the dauphin, upon the consumma- 
 tion of his marriage ; and they shall make solemn 
 oath before the king or his commissioners, that
 
 60 * THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 during the minority of the lady, they shall not de- 
 liver them up to the Duke of Austria, Duke Philip, 
 or their agents. 
 
 12. The like oath shall be taken by them to the 
 Duke of Austria, that they shall not deliver them 
 up to the king, dauphin, or their agents, during 
 the minority, and till the consummation of the 
 marriage. 
 
 13. For the better support of the town, the 
 domain thereof. See, shall be applied towards it 
 during the minority; neither shall the town and 
 bailiwick pay the tax called the Ordinary Aid of 
 Artois. 
 
 14. As to the appointing of officers, such as 
 bailiff, 8fC., the duke, as father of the lady, shall 
 have the nomination during the said time, and the 
 dauphin, as her intended husband, the institution : 
 But, if the said lady should happen to die before 
 the consummation of the marriage, the inhabi- 
 tants shall restore the town, with its appendices, 
 to the Duke of Austria, and' Duke Philip, his son, 
 or successors. 
 
 15. The privileges of the town shall be main- 
 tained, and justice administered in the same manner 
 as formerly ; and the estates of the place shall take 
 care to provide for the guard of it. 
 
 16. As to the neighbouring forts and castles, the 
 lords of them shall oblige themselves not to injure, 
 but to assist, them in defence of the same. 
 
 17. If a war should break out between the king 
 and the duke, they shall not intermeddle, or receive 
 a garrison from either.
 
 PHILIP DB COMINBS. 61 
 
 18. It shall be free for the inhabitants of all 
 conditions to go and traffic, or otherwise, into 
 France, or the dominions of the Duke of Austria, 
 and other neighbouring kingdoms and countries. 
 
 19. Upon the surrendering of the town up to 
 the dauphin, and the Lady Margaret, upon the mar- 
 riage, those princes shall make oath to maintain it, 
 as a member of the county of Artois, and the county 
 of Artois in all its privileges, as their predecessors, 
 the counts and countesses of Artois have done, 
 without innovation in the government there. 
 
 20. The king consigns the provision made for 
 the town, by the late Duchess of Austria, and the 
 duke, [her husband, for the discharge of the debts 
 and rents due from it. 
 
 21. The king and the dauphin oblige themselves 
 to pay the debts contracted by the duchess, the 
 Duke of Burgundy, her father, and their other 
 predecessors, by mortgaging the revenues of the 
 said county. 
 
 22. The yearly pensions assigned by the duchess, 
 Duke Charles, S^c, upon the domain of the said 
 counties and seigniories of Burgundy and Artois, 
 shall be continued. 
 
 23. In consideration of this lady's dowry, the 
 king and dauphin renounce all claims and preten- 
 sions upon the duchies, counties, goods, moveables 
 and immoveables, whatsoever, remaining after the 
 death of the duchess, the lady's mother. 
 
 24. In case, upon the account of death, or other- 
 wise, the said marriage should not be consummated, 
 the dowers, and the said counties and seigniories.
 
 62 
 
 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 shall be restored to the Duke of Austria ; but at 
 the same time with a salvo to the king's preten- 
 sions to the towns and chastellanies of Lisle, Do- 
 way and Orchies. 
 
 25. If, after the consummation of the marriage, 
 the dauphin should die, (whether he leaves children 
 or not by the said lady,) she shall enjoy the counties 
 of Artois and Burgundy as her portion, and withal 
 fifty thousand livres of Tournay yearly in dower, 
 assigned to her in Champaigne, Berry, and Tou- 
 raine. 
 
 26. If she should happen to die before the dau- 
 phin, the children shall succeed in those territories 
 that are her portion ; and in case there are no 
 children, they shall revert to the next heirs. 
 
 27. Neither the king nor dauphin shall, during 
 the minority of Duke Philip, pretend to have the 
 government of the said countries of Brabant, FJan- 
 ders, <^c., but shall leave them in the condition 
 they are. 
 
 28. If Duke Philip should die under age, and the 
 said lady becomes his heir, the king and dauphin 
 shall agree that the government of the said coun- 
 tries shall continue upon the same footing. 
 
 29. In case Duke Philip die without issue of his 
 body, and that his dominions fall to his sister, and 
 her heirs, who shall also be heirs to the crown of 
 France, the king and the dauphin shall engage, 
 that the said countries shall be maintained in all 
 their ancient rights and privileges. 
 
 30. The king's sovereignty over the country of 
 Flanders is acknowledged by the duke and the
 
 PHILIP DE COMINBS. 63 
 
 states, and Duke Philip, when he comes of age, 
 shall do homage for the same in the usual form. 
 
 31. The king confirms all the ancient and mo- 
 dern privileges of the three members of Flanders, 
 and particularly the towns and corporations of the 
 country of Flanders, the towns and chatellanies of 
 Lisle, Doway, and St. Omer. 
 
 32. The inhabitants of Antwerp shall have also 
 their privileges maintained. 
 
 33. Customs and tolls shall be paid as usual. 
 
 34. Margaret Duchess of Burgundy, widow of 
 the late Duke Charles, is comprehended in this 
 treaty, and she shall have the full enjoyment of the 
 lands of Chaussins and La Pierriere, upon the re- 
 paying of twenty thousand crowns in gold to the 
 country of Burgundy ; and in case, by the death 
 of the young duke, those countries should come into 
 the hands of France, she shall be maintained fully 
 in her dower, and find all kind assistance, as a 
 cousin and relation , from the king and dauphin. 
 
 35. A general act of indemnity is agreed to on 
 both sides, in as ample manner as could be de- 
 sired by oflenders. 
 
 36. The subjects and adherents of bot^i parties 
 shall be reinstated in their dignities, benefices, fiefs, 
 lands, seigniories, and other inheritances, rents, 
 8fc., without being called in question for any thing 
 that happened during the war, and notwithstanding 
 any declarations, confiscations, and arrests, to the 
 contrary whatsoever. 
 
 37. If the inheritances of any persons who fol- 
 lowed the fortune of the adverse party have been
 
 64 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 sold in court for the payment of their debts, they 
 shall forthwith re-enter upon the peace, and pay 
 their debts within a year after, if not, the order of 
 court shall stand. 
 
 38. In case the debts were purely personal, for 
 which the inheritance of the followers of the op- 
 posite party have been sold, the debtor shall return 
 to his inheritance, without making any compensa- 
 tion to the purchaser. 
 
 39. The subjects on both sides shall return to 
 the possession of their immoveable goods, as well 
 before the troubles begun in Duke Charles's time, 
 as after. 
 
 40. As to the profits and income of estates, which 
 have been levied by the commanders of the respec- 
 tive parties, those that received them shall never 
 be accountable for them, and no prosecution in law, 
 upon that account, shall take effect against them. 
 
 41. All personal debts granted by the princes, or 
 pursuant to their order, shall be theirs who had 
 the grant of them : As to all other moveables in 
 being upon the peace, they shall belong to those 
 that had them before the war, without any molesta- 
 tion, or any impediment whatsoever. 
 
 42. The town of St. Omer and its dependencies, 
 are fully discharged of all rewards, remissions, Sfc, 
 which have been granted them. 
 
 43. The Duke of Austria and his children are, 
 by this treaty, fully discharged of all debts they 
 may owe to those who adhered to the contrary party, 
 and they and their descendants shall never be mo- 
 lested for them.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 6§ 
 
 44. Upon returning to their possessions, nobody 
 shall take any oath to the prince or lord under 
 whom the said possessions are, saving vassals and 
 feoffees. 
 
 45. The widow of the late Peter of Luxemburg, 
 and the ladies Mary and Frances, her daughters, 
 shall be restored to their estates, as well those 
 which they enjoyed in the lifetime of Lewis de 
 Luxemburg, Count of St. Paul, Madame Jane de 
 Bar his wife, and John de Luxemburg, Count of 
 Marie, their eldest son : In like manner. Monsieur 
 de Croy, Count of Porcien, particularly to the 
 county of Porcien, the granaries belonging to the 
 castle of Cambarsay, Montcornet, and other appa- 
 nages, in the seigniory of Bar-sur-Aube, and other 
 places in Picardy. 
 
 46. The king shall favour the Count de Romont, 
 in his pretensions to the county of Romont, and 
 the county of Vaux ; and as for the Princes and 
 Princesses of Orange, the Count of Joigny, Lie- 
 part de Chalon, the Lord of Lorme, Messieurs 
 William de la Beaume, Du Lain, Claude de Thou- 
 longeon, and the Sieur de la Bastie, they are com- 
 prehended in this peace, and shall be repossessed. 
 
 47. In like manner, the monks of Anchin are re- 
 stored to their abbey ; so are those of the church 
 and abbey of St. Wast d' Arras, and the inhabitants 
 of Arras, whether they have withdrawn into the 
 one or the other prince's country, shall freely re- 
 turn home, and follow their respective occupations, 
 without any let or hinderance, as before the war. 
 
 48. The heirs of those who have been put to 
 
 Vol. II. F
 
 66 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 death for adhering to the party opposite to him un- 
 der whom they lived, shall return to their estates 
 and succeed : The widows also of such, shall have 
 their rights and dowries. 
 
 49. As to persons enjoying their own, they shall 
 not be obliged to go and reside where their e&tates 
 are, either in the one or the other countries. 
 
 50. The king consents to free the county of Ar- 
 tois, the towns of Arras, Aire, Lens, Bapaum, 
 Bethune, their villages, and the chastellany of Lil- 
 liers, from the tax called the ordinary aid of Artois, 
 and all other extraordinary ones, for the space of 
 six years, from the day of the date of the peace : 
 And seeing the late Duchess of Austria hath ex- 
 empted the hospitals of Doway, 4"C., from paying 
 any taxes to the country of Artois for their inheri- 
 tances, the king and dauphin confirm the same 
 privileges. 
 
 51. Those who shall return to their possessions 
 shall not be accountable for any rent due during 
 the war ; and the lands which, by reason of the 
 war, have been untilled, shall have no rent paid for 
 them till next Christmas. 
 
 52. Those who, at their entry upon fiefs and in- 
 heritances, are obliged to pay fines and other du- 
 ties to their lords, shall have three months allowed 
 them to do it in after the peace, and so remain un- 
 molested. 
 
 53. The nobility and feoffees of the territories of 
 the Duke of Austria, and his son Philip, shall not 
 be obliged to serve under any but them, or their 
 lieutenants ; and in case that they, or one of them.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINGS. 67 
 
 should be in the king's service, if they are not there 
 in person, the other shall not be obliged to serve in 
 person, but may send another. 
 
 54. The decrees and sentences made in the court 
 of Malines, as also of the grand council of the 
 dukes Philip and Charles, the duchess Mary and 
 the present duke, shall remain firm, and not be 
 brought before the parliament of Paris, or any 
 other sovereign court. But those suits and clauses 
 which are not yet decided in the said courts, shall 
 be brought before the parliament of Paris, and 
 there be determined. 
 
 55. In like manner, mortmains, compositions, 
 new acquests, and ennoblings, made by the said 
 dukes and duchess, shall remain good ; only the 
 subjects of the county of Artois shall be obliged to 
 take new patents for their nobility, which shall be 
 granted without any charge to them. 
 
 56. The abolitions, remissions, and pardons, 
 granted by duke Charles, his daughter, and the 
 dukes of Austria, to the countries of Flanders, 
 Lisle, Doway, Artois, and Burgundy, shall be valid, 
 only the subjects of Artois shall sue them out as 
 before. 
 
 57. The inhabitants on the frontiers of the duke, 
 and others subject to the French crown, cited to 
 appear in person in the court of parliament, or 
 before royal judges, shall appear only by their 
 proctors, during the minority of the said lady; and 
 the same privilege is granted to St. Omer. Those 
 preferred to livings by duke Charles, his daughter, 
 Sfc, shall remain in quiet possession of them, not- 
 
 F 2
 
 68 "FHE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 withstanding any pretence of a pragmatic, or the 
 like, to the contrary. 
 
 58. Tournay, Tournesis, St. Amand, and Mor- 
 tagne, «^c., are comprehended in this treaty ; and 
 any places the king may have in the duchy of 
 Luxemburg, shall be restored to the arch-duke, 
 and his son Philip ; so shall also the houses of 
 Flanders, and of Conflans, and the house of Artois, 
 in the said country. 
 
 59. After the lady shall be delivered into the 
 hands of those appointed to receive her for the 
 dauphin, the troops, for the benefit of trade, shall 
 be withdrawn by the king from the little places 
 on the frontiers ; and for the larger ones, the garri- 
 sons shall be regulated to the satisfaction of the 
 Duke of Austria, and the states of the country. 
 
 60. As for the duke's desiring to have the King 
 of England and Duke of Bretagne comprehended 
 in the treaty, it is answered, " the English are in 
 truce with France, and for the Duke of Bretagne, 
 the king is at peace with him." 
 
 61. The king, after the peace, will assist the 
 duke against William de Aremberg, a Liegeois, and 
 all others that shall invade Brabant, 8^c, 
 
 62. The duke's subjects shall have all manner of 
 protection and encouragement, in respect to navi- 
 gation and commerce, with those of France. 
 
 63. Any prizes taken after the publication of the 
 peace shall be restored, for the prevention whereof, 
 the peace shall on both sides be proclaimed without 
 delay. 
 
 64. Such as are malefactors and delinquents,
 
 PHILIP DE C0MI1MKS. 69 
 
 after the peace, shall be seized on both sides, and 
 returned to be punished by the parties to whom 
 they belong^. 
 
 65. The infractors and violators of this peace, be 
 they who they will, shall be punished unfeignedly 
 for an example to others, in the places where they 
 are taken. 
 
 66. In case this peace should any way be contra- 
 vened, it shall not however be reputed an infraction, 
 or rupture ; but the breach shall forthwith be made 
 up, and reparation made, without coming to hos- 
 tilities either by sea or land, before the king and 
 the duke's ambassadors have met together to ad- 
 just the difference in an amicable way. 
 
 67. It is agreed, that as soon as the said lady is 
 brought to Lisle or Doway, and before she be con- 
 ducted to Arras, the promises and sureties which 
 follow shall be given the duke and states : That in 
 case the dauphin do not accomplish the marriage 
 in due time, the said lady shall be returned, at the 
 king's or dauphin's charge, to her father or bro- 
 ther, in one of the good towns of Brabant, Flan- 
 ders, or Hainault, in the duke's possession ; and the 
 king and dauphin, in that case, shall quit all pre- 
 tensions for keeping the territories and countries of 
 Artois, Burgundy, Charolois, Masconnois, Auxer- 
 rois, the lordships of Salms, Bar-sur-Seine, and 
 Noyers, and surrender them to the duke in the name 
 of his son Philip, while under age, or to Philip 
 when at age ; reserving only the homage and sove- 
 reignty to him. 
 
 68. The king shall also, upon the failure of the
 
 70 THB MEMOIRS OF 
 
 marriage, renounce his right to Lisle, Doway, and 
 Orchies, and consent they shall belong for ever to 
 the counts and countesses of Flanders. 
 
 69. The signing, sealing, and ratifying, of all the 
 premises in ample and due form, shall be done by 
 the parties on either sides. The treaty shall also be 
 registered and verified in the court of the parlia- 
 ment of Paris, chambers of accompts, and of the 
 finances. 
 
 The rest of the articles being mere matter of 
 form, concerning the observation of the treaty, we 
 shall omit them. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Of the King's sending for the Holy Man of Calabria to Tours, sup- 
 posing he could cure him ; and of the strange things that were done 
 by the King during his sickness, to preserve his authority. — 1482. 
 
 Among men renowned for devotion and sanctity 
 of life, he sent into Calabria for one friar Robert, 
 whom, for the holiness and purity of conversation, 
 the king called the " Holy Man," and in honour to 
 him our present king erected a monastery at Plessis- 
 du-Parc, in compensation for the chapel near Pies- 
 sis at the end of the bridge. This hermit, at the 
 age of twelve years, was put into a hole in a 
 rock, where he lived three and forty years and up- 
 wards, till the king sent for him by the steward of 
 his household, in the company of the Prince of Ta- 
 rento, the King of Naples' son. But this hermit 
 would not stir without leave from his holiness, and
 
 PHILIP DK COMINES. 71 
 
 from his king, which was great discretion in a man 
 so inexperienced in the affairs of the world as he 
 was. He built two churches in the place where he 
 lived ; he never eat flesh, fish, eggs, milk, or any 
 thing that was fat, since he undertook that aus- 
 terity of life ; and truly I never saw any man living 
 so holy, nor out of whose mouth the Holy Ghost 
 did more manifestly speak ; for he was illiterate, 
 and no scholar, and only had his Italian tongue, 
 with which he made himself so much admired. This 
 hermit passed through Naples, where he was re- 
 spected, and visited (with as much pomp and cere- 
 mony, as if he had been the Pope's legate) both by 
 the King of Naples and his children, with whom 
 he conversed as if he had been all the days of 
 his life a courtier. From thence he went to Rome, 
 where he was visited by the cardinals, had audience 
 three times of the Pope, and was every time alone 
 with him three or four hours ; sitting always in a 
 rich chair placed on purpose for him, (which was 
 great honour for a person in his private capacity,) 
 and answering so discreetly to every thing that was 
 asked him, that every body was extremely astonished 
 at it, and his holiness granted him leave to erect 
 a new order, called the Hermits of St. Francis. 
 From Rome he came to our king, who paid him the 
 same adoration, as he would have done to the Pope 
 himself, falling down upon his knees before him, 
 and begging him to prolong his life : He replied as 
 a prudent man ought. I have heard him often in 
 discourse with the king that now is, in the presence 
 of all the nobility of the kingdom ; and that not
 
 72 
 
 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 above two months ago, and it seemed to me, what- 
 ever he said or remonstrated, was done by inspira- 
 tion; or else it was impossible for him to have 
 spoken of some things that he discoursed of. He 
 is still living, and may grow either better or worse, 
 and therefore I will say nothing. There were some 
 of the courtiers that made a jest of the king's send- 
 ing for this hermit, and called him the Holy Man, 
 by way of banter ; but they knew not the thoughts 
 of that wise king, and had not seen what it was 
 that induced him to do it. 
 
 Our king was at Plessis, with little company but 
 his archers, and the jealousies mentioned before, 
 against which he had carefully provided ; for he 
 left no person, of whom he had any suspicion, 
 either in town or country ; but he sent his archers 
 not only to warn, but to conduct them away. No 
 business was communicated to him but what was 
 of great importance, and highly concerned him. 
 To look upon him, one would have thought him 
 rather a dead than a living man. He was grown 
 so lean, it was scarce credible: his clothes were 
 now richer and more magnificent than they had 
 ever been before ; his gowns were all of crimson 
 satin, lined with rich martens' furs, of which he 
 gave to several, without being demanded; for no 
 person durst ask a favour, or scarce speak to him of 
 any thing. He inflicted very severe punishments 
 for fear of losing his authority, as he told me him- 
 self. He removed officers, disbanded soldiers, re- 
 trenched pensions, and sometimes took them away 
 quite ; so that, as he told me not many days before
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 73 
 
 his death, he passed away his time in making and 
 ruining men, which he did in order to be talked of 
 more than any of his predecessors, and that his 
 subjects might take notice he was not yet dead ; for 
 few were admitted into his presence, (as I said 
 before,) and when they heard of his vagaries, no- 
 body could easily believe he was sick. He had 
 agents in all foreign courts. In England, their bu- 
 siness was to carry on the treaty of marriage, and 
 pay King Edward and his ministers of state their 
 pensions very punctually. In Spain, their instruc- 
 tions were to amuse that court with fair words, and 
 to distribute presents as they found it necessary for 
 the advancement of his affairs. In remoter coun- 
 tries, where he had no mind his indisposition 
 should be known, he caused fine horses or mules to 
 be bought at any rate whatever ; but this was not 
 in France. He had a mighty curiosity for dogs, 
 and sent into foreign countries for them ; into 
 Spain for one sort ; into Bretagne for another ; to 
 Valentia for a third ; and bought them dearer than 
 the people asked. He sent into Sicily to buy a 
 mule of a private officer of that country, and paid 
 him double the value. At Naples, he caused all 
 the horses and strange creatures to be bought up 
 that could be found, and a sort of lions in Barbary 
 no bigger than a fox, which he called Adits. He 
 sent into Sweden and Denmark for two sorts of 
 beasts those countries aflbrded ; one of them called 
 an elk, of the shape of a stag, and the bigness of 
 a buffalo, with short and thick horns ; the other, 
 called Rengiers, of the shape and colour of a fal-
 
 74 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 low deer, but their heads much larger ; for each of 
 which he gave the merchants four thousand five hun- 
 dred Dutch florins. Yet, when all these rarities were 
 brought to him, he never valued them, and many 
 times would not so much as see the persons who 
 brought them to court. In short, he behaved him- 
 self after so strange and tyrannical a manner, that 
 he was more formidable, both to his neighbours 
 and subjects, than he had ever been before ; and 
 indeed that was his design, and the motive which 
 induced him to act so unaccountably. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Of the Conclusion of the Marriage between the Dauphin and Mar- 
 garet of Flanders, and her being carried into France ; upon which 
 Edward IV., King of England, died with Indignation. — 1482-S. 
 
 But .to return to our principal design, the con- 
 clusion of these Memoirs, and the affairs of all 
 the illustrious persons of the age in which they 
 were transacted, it is absolutely necessary for us to 
 speak of the conclusion of the marriage between 
 our present king (then Dauphin of France) and the 
 daughter of the Duke and Duchess of Austria, 
 which was effected by the mediation of the citizens 
 of Ghent, to the great displeasure of the King of 
 England, who found himself deluded in the hopes 
 he had entertained of marrying his daughter to the 
 dauphin, of which marriage both himself and his 
 queen were more ambitious than of any other match
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 15 
 
 in the world ; and never would believe any man, 
 whether subject or foreigner, that endeavoured to 
 persuade them that our king's intentions were not 
 sincere and honourable. For the parliament of 
 England had remonstrated to them several times, 
 when our king was in Picardy, that after he had 
 conquered that province he would certainly fall 
 upon Calais and Guynes, which are not far off. 
 The ambassadors from the Duke and Duchess of 
 Austria, as also those from the Duke of Bretagne, 
 who were in England at that time, represented the 
 same thing to him, but to no purpose ; for he 
 would believe nothing of it, and the nation suf- 
 fered for his negligence and incredulity : yet I am 
 entirely of opinion it proceeded not so much from 
 ignorance as avarice, as being afraid to lose his 
 annual pension of fifty thousand crowns, which 
 our master paid very punctually; and, besides, he 
 was unwilling to leave his ease and pleasures, to 
 which he was extremely given. There was a con- 
 ference at Halots, in Flanders, about this mar- 
 riage, where the Duke of Austria, (now King of 
 the Romans,) was present, with several commis- 
 sioners from the three estates of Flanders, Brabant, 
 and other territories belonging to the duke and his 
 children. There the Gantois acted several things 
 contrary to the duke's inclination ; they banished 
 his officers, removed whom they pleased from about 
 his son, told him their desire to have the marriage 
 concluded, in order to peace, and forced him to an 
 accommodation, whether he would or not. The 
 duke was very young, had but few about him that
 
 76 THE MEMOIRS OP 
 
 were proper to manage an affair of that import- 
 ance ; for all the brave men belonging to the house 
 of Burgundy were either slain or revolted, (as I 
 said before,) or at least the greatest part, I mean 
 of such as were fit to be statesmen, and capable of 
 advising him ; so that coming thither with a small 
 retinue, and having lost his duchess, who was 
 sovereign in those provinces, he lost much of his 
 former confidence, and durst not speak so boldly to 
 his subjects as when she was alive. In short, the 
 king was informed of all these proceedings by the 
 Lord des Cordes, was very well pleased, and a 
 day was set for the young lady to be conducted to 
 Hesdin. 
 
 A few days before, in the year 1481, Aire was 
 delivered up to the Lord des Cordes, by the Lord 
 de Cohem,'(born in Artois,) for a sum of money, 
 who had held it und^r his captain, the Lord de 
 Beurs, for the Duke of Austria, a good while. 
 The surrender of this town, which was very strong, 
 and situated in the Artois, at the very entrance 
 into their country, spurred on the Flemings to 
 hasten the marriage, for though they were well 
 enough pleased at the diminution of the duke's 
 power, yet they did not care to have the king so 
 near them upon their frontiers. As soon as mea- 
 sures were concerted, as I said before, ambassadors 
 were sent to the king from Flanders and Brabant ; 
 but all depended upon the Gantois, by reason of 
 their force, that the duke's children were in their 
 hands, and they always the most forward in every 
 commotion : \vith them there came, in behalf of
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 77 
 
 the King of the Romans, certain young noblemen 
 much about his own years, and but indifferently 
 qualified to make terms of peace for their country ; 
 Monsieur John de Berghes was one, and Monsieur 
 Baudouin de Lannoy was the other, besides some 
 few secretaries. Our king was very ill, had no 
 inclination to be seen, and pretended great diffi- 
 culty to swear the treaties in the manner agreed 
 on : but it was because he was unwilling they 
 should see him: however, he was persuaded, and 
 swore them at last, being much to his advantage ; 
 for whereas in all his former overtures for the 
 match, he proposed only the county of Artois, or 
 Burgundy, or which of the two they pleased to 
 assign him : now, the states of Ghent, (as he 
 called them,) were contented he should have both, 
 and the country of Masconnois, Charolois, and 
 Auxerois, into the bargain ; and if they could have 
 delivered them, he should have had Hainault, Na- 
 mur, and all the subjects of that family, (whose 
 inhabitants spoke French naturally,) on purpose to 
 weaken their sovereign. Our master was a cun- 
 ning politician, and understood well enough that 
 Flanders was of little importance to him, unless 
 he . could have Artois with it, which lies betwixt 
 France and them ; and is as it were a bridle to the 
 Flemings, affording good soldiers upon occasion, 
 to correct their wantonness and effeminacy ; and 
 therefore in taking from the Earl of Flanders the 
 county of Artois, he should leave him the most in- 
 considerable prince in Europe, without either sub- 
 jects or authority, but by the permission of the
 
 78 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Gantois ; whose commissioners, William Rym and 
 Coppenole, whom I mentioned before, (governors 
 of Ghent,) were at that time principal in the em- 
 bassy. Upon the return of the ambassadors, the 
 Lady Margaret was conducted to Hesdin, and de- 
 livered into the hands of the Lord des Cordes in 
 the year 1483, and with her Madam de Raves- 
 tein*, Duke Philip of Burgundy's natural daughter : 
 there were appointed, and ready to receive them, 
 the present Monsieur and Madam de Bourbon, the 
 Lord d'Albret, and others from the king ; they 
 brought her to Amroise, where the dauphin at- 
 tended her. If the Duke of Austria could have 
 taken her from her convoy, he would willingly have 
 done it, before she had passed his dominions ; but 
 the Gantois had placed too strong a guard about 
 her, for they began to abate much of their obe- 
 dience to him, and many considerable persons 
 joined with them, as having the custody of the 
 young heir, and power of placing and displacing 
 whom they pleased. Among the rest of the nobi- 
 lity who were resident in Ghent, there was the 
 Lord of Ravestein, brother to the Duke of Cleves, 
 and chief governor to the young prince, whose 
 name is Philip, still living, and like to possess vast 
 territories, if it please God to spare his life. But 
 whoever was pleased with this match, the King of 
 England was highly affronted ; for he thought him- 
 self deluded and baffled, and in danger of losing 
 his pension or tribute, as the English called it. He 
 
 * Anne de Burgundy, second wife of Adolphus de Cleves, Lord 
 of Ravestein.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 79 
 
 feared likewise it would render him contemptible 
 and mean at home, and occasion some rebellion, 
 because he had rejected the remonstrances of his 
 parliament. Besides, he saw the King of France 
 encroaching upon, and ready to invade his domi- 
 nions with a very great force ; which made such a 
 deep impression upon his spirits, that he fell 
 sick upon it immediately, and died not long 
 after ; though some say of a catarrh *. But let 
 them say what they please, the general opinion 
 was, the consummation of this marriage killed 
 him in the month of April, 1483. It is a great 
 fault in a prince to be obstinate, and rely more 
 upon his own judgment than the opinion of his 
 council ; and sometimes it occasions such losses 
 and disappointments as are never to be repaired. 
 Our king was presently informed of King Etlward's 
 death ; but he still kept it secret, and expressed no 
 manner of joy upon hearing the news of it. Not 
 long after, he received letters from the Duke of 
 Gloucester, who was made king, styled himself 
 Richard III., and had barbarously murdered his 
 two nephews. This King Richard desired to live 
 in the same friendship with our king as his brother 
 had done, and I believe would have had his pen- 
 sion continued ; but our king looked upon him as 
 an inhuman and cruel person, and would neither 
 answer his letters nor give audience to his ambassa- 
 dor; for King Richard, after his brother's death, 
 
 * There were various opinions concerning this prince's death ; 
 some attributed it to poison, others to grief» but the generality to a 
 surfeit, which is most probable.
 
 80 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 had sworn allegiance to his nephew, as his king 
 and sovereign, and yet committed that inhuman 
 action not long after, and, in full parliament, 
 caused two of his brother's daughters *, (who 
 were remaining,) to be degraded, and declared ille- 
 gitimate, upon a pretence which he justified by 
 the Bishop of Bath, who having been formerly in 
 great favour with King Edward, had incurred his 
 displeasure, was cashiered, imprisoned, and paid 
 a good sum for his releasement. This bishop 
 affirmed, that King Edward being in love with a 
 certain lady which he named, and otherwise un- 
 able to have his desires of her, had promised her 
 marriage ; and caused him to contract them, upon 
 which he enjoyed her, though his promise was 
 only to delude her ; but such delusions are danger- 
 ous, as the effects frequently demonstrate. I have 
 known many a courtier who would not have lost a 
 fair lady for all the swearing in Christendom. 
 This malicious prelate smothered this revenge in 
 his heart near twenty years together, but it re- 
 coiled upon himself ; for he had a son, whom he 
 was extremely fond of, and to whom King Richard 
 designed to give a plentiful estate, and to have 
 married him to one of the young ladies whom he 
 had declared illegitimate, (who is now Queen of 
 England, and has two fine children.) This young 
 gentleman being at sea by commission from King 
 Richard, was taken upon the coast of Normandy ; 
 and upon a dispute between those that took him, 
 
 * There were at that time five of King Edward's daughters alive^ 
 viz., Elizabeth, Cicely, Anne, Katharine, and Bridget.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINKS. 81 
 
 he was brought before the parliament at Paris, 
 put into the Petit Chastellet, and suffered to lie 
 there till he was starved to death : this King 
 Richard himself reigned not long, for God on a 
 sudden raised him up an enemy without power, 
 without money, without right *, (according to my 
 information,) and without any reputation but what 
 his person and deportment contracted ; for he had 
 suffered much, been in distress all the days of his 
 life, and particularly as prisoner in Bretagne to 
 Duke Francis, from the eighteenth year of his age, 
 who treated him as kindly as the necessity of his 
 imprisonment would permit. The King of France 
 having supplied him with some money, and about 
 three thousand Normans, the loosest and most pro- 
 fligate persons in all that country, he passed into 
 Wales, where his father-in-law, the Lord Stanley, 
 joined him with twenty-six thousand men at the 
 least ; in three or four days' time he met the bloody 
 King Richard, fought him, slew him in the field of 
 battle, crowned himself King of England, and 
 reigns at this present time. I have discoursed on 
 this subject already, but it is not improper to men- 
 tion it again, if only to shew that God in our 
 times has taken vengeance for such cruelties im- 
 mediately, without delaying his judgments : several 
 other princes besides have met with the same 
 
 * If no other right is to be allowed but what we call hereditary, 
 in the strict meaninj^ of it, it is certain Henry VII. had none; since 
 he claimed under his mother, who was then alive, and even out- 
 lived him, without ever renouncing; and if we should look fartlier 
 back into his descent, we should find it so far from being clear in his 
 favour, that cjuite the contrary would appear to us from history. 
 
 Vol. II. G
 
 82 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 reward of their villanies, in our clays, hail we 
 but leisure to enumerate them. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Of the King's Behaviour towards his Neighbours and Subjects during 
 his Sickness ; and of the several things that were sent him from 
 several parts, for the Recovery of his Health. — 1483. 
 
 After the consummation of this marriage, which 
 our king had so earnestly desired, the Flemings 
 were perfectly at his command : Bretagne (which 
 he hated so much,) was at peace with him, but he 
 kept them in great awe by the number of his forces, 
 which he quartered upon their frontiers. Spain 
 was quiet, and that king and queen desired nothing 
 more than to live in peace and amity with him, 
 for he kept them likewise in perpetual fear and ex- 
 pense about the country of Roussillon, which he 
 held of the house of Arragon, and had been given 
 him by John King of Arragon, father to the present 
 King of Castile, as security for some conditions 
 which were never performed. The princes of Italy 
 were all ambitious of, and courted his friendship ; 
 some of them were entered into an alliance with 
 him, and sent their ambassadors often to his court. 
 In Germany the Swiss were as obedient as his own 
 subjects. The Kings of Scotland and Portugal 
 were his allies. Part of Navarre was perfectly at 
 his disposal. His subjects trembled at his nod, 
 and whatever he commanded was executed without
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 83 
 
 the least difficulty or hesitation. Whatever was 
 thought conducible to his health, was sent to him 
 from all corners of the world. Pope Sixtus*, who 
 died last, being informed that the king in his de- 
 votion desired the corporal, or vest, which the 
 apostle St. Peter used when he sung mass, he sent 
 it immediately, and several relics besides. 
 
 The holy vial atRheims, which was never stirred 
 before, was brought to his chamber at Plessis, and 
 stood upon his cupboard's head when he died, for 
 he designed to be anointed with it again, as he was 
 at his coronation. Some were of opinion, he de- 
 signed to have anointed himself all over, but that 
 was not likely, for the vial was but small, and no 
 great store of oil in it. I saw it myself at the time 
 I speak of, and also when he died, for he was in- 
 terred in the church of Notre Dame de Clery. The 
 Great Turkf that now is, sent an embassy to him, 
 which came as far as Riez, in Provence; but the 
 king would not hear him, nor permit he should 
 proceed any farther, though he brought him a large 
 roll of relics which had been left at Constanti- 
 nople, in the hands of the Turk ; all which, and a 
 considerable sum of money besides, he offered to 
 deliver into the king's hands, if he would secure a 
 brother of the Turk's J, who was then in France, 
 
 * Innocent VIII. succeeded him in the year 1492, from whence 
 one may guess pretty near the time when the author composed these 
 Manic irs. 
 
 + This was Bajazet II., who succeeded his father Maliomet II., in 
 the year 1481, and died in 1512. 
 
 X Sultan Zemi, who was afterwards imprisoned by Pope Alexan- 
 der VI., in 1494. 
 
 G 2
 
 84 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 in the custody of the knights of Rhodes, and is 
 now at Rome, in the hands of the pope. From all 
 which one maybe able to judge of the great esteem 
 and character he bore in the world for wisdom and 
 grandeur, when religious things, dedicated only to 
 devotion, were employed for the lengthening of his 
 life, as well as things temporal and secular*. But 
 all endeavours to prolong his life proved ineffectual ; 
 his time was come, and he must follow his prede- 
 cessors. Yet in one thing God Almighty favoured 
 him in a peculiar manner, for, as he had made 
 him more prudent, liberal, virtuous, and greater in 
 every thing than the contemporary princes, who 
 were his neighbours and enemies ; so he suffered 
 him to survive them, though it was not very long. 
 For Charles Duke of Burgundy, the^duchess his 
 daughter. King Edward of England, Duke Galeas 
 of Milan, and John King of Arragon, were all 
 dead : but King Edward and the Duchess of Aus- 
 tria a very little before him. In all of them there 
 was a mixture of bad as well as good, for they were 
 but mortals. But, without flattery, I may say of 
 our king, that he was possessed of more qualifica- 
 tions suitable to the majesty and office of a prince, 
 than any of the rest, for I knew the greatest part of 
 them, and was acquainted with most of their trans- 
 actions, so that I do not speak altogether by guess 
 or hearsay. 
 
 * Some say he drank children's blood for the recovery of his 
 health.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 85 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Of King Louis's sending for his Son Charles a little before his Death '> 
 and the Precepts and Commands which he laid upon him and 
 others, before he departed. 
 
 In the year 1483, the king had a great mind to 
 see the dauphin his son, whom he had not seen for 
 several years before ; for, besides his being of opi- 
 nion it was for his son's health to have but few 
 come near him, he was afraid lest he should be 
 taken out of his management, and give occasion 
 for some conspiracy against him, as had been done 
 by him against his father, King Charles VII., 
 when, at eleven years old*, he was taken away by 
 some lords of this kingdom, and engaged in a war 
 called la PrAguerie, which yet lasted not long, and 
 was rather a court faction than a solemn war. 
 
 Above all things, he recommended to the dau- 
 phin certain of his servants, and laid his commands 
 expressly upon him not to change any of his officers, 
 declaring that upon the death of his father Charles 
 VII., and his accession to the throne, he had im- 
 prudently turned out all the good officers of the 
 kingdom, both military and civil, who had assisted 
 his father in the conquest of Normandy and Guy- 
 cnne, served him in the expulsion of the English, 
 and contributed much to the restoration of i)eace 
 and tranquillity ; which rash method of proceeding 
 
 ♦ He must have been at least eighteen years old, for he died in the 
 sixtieth, or sixty-hrst, year of his age, and \va^ born at Boiuges. the 
 6th of July, in the year 1433.
 
 86 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 proved highly to his prejudice, for that was the 
 foundation of the war called the public good, which 
 I mentioned before, and which had like to have 
 cost him his crown. After the king had given 
 these documents to his son, and concluded the mar- 
 riage above mentioned, upon a Monday his fit 
 seized him, (of which he died,) and held him till 
 the Saturday following, which was towards the lat- 
 ter end of August, 1483, at which time I was pre- 
 sent, and therefore I think myself obliged to say 
 'something of his death. Not long after his being 
 seized with this last fit, he was deprived of his 
 speech, as he had been formerly ; and though he 
 recovered that again, yet he found himself much 
 weaker, though indeed he was too weak before, had 
 scarce strength to lift his hand to his mouth, and 
 was grown so meagre and lean, every body that saw 
 him pitied him. The king, perceiving he had not 
 long to live, called for the Lord de Beaujeu, (who 
 married his daughter, and is now Duke of Bour- 
 bon,) and sent him to Amboise, tohis son the king, 
 as he called him. He recommended his son to him, . 
 and all his servants, gave him the command and 
 government of the young king, and obliged him, 
 for several good reasons, not to permit certain per- 
 sons to come near him ; and the Lord de Beaujeu 
 observed his commands strictly, or at least the best 
 part of them, (for some were contradictory, and 
 not to be observed,) I am of opinion, considering 
 what has since happened, it had been much better 
 both for the kingdom and himself. After this he 
 sent the chancellor, with all that were under him.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 87 
 
 to cany the seals to the king his son. He also 
 sent him a good part of his guards, his captains, 
 the officers of his hounds and hawks, and all others 
 which depends upon his sports : he desired all that 
 came to wait on him to go to Amboise, and pay 
 their respects to the king, as he called him, beg- 
 ging of them to be faithful and true to him ; and 
 by every one he sent him some message or other, 
 but more especially by Stephen de Vers, who had 
 lived all along with the young king, in quality of 
 first gentleman of his bed-chamber, and was made 
 Bailiff of Meaux by King Louis. After the reco- 
 very of his speech, his senses never failed him, and 
 indeed were never so quick, for Jie had a continual 
 looseness upon him, which kept the vapours from 
 ascending to his head. In all his sickness he never 
 was the man that complained, which most other 
 people do when they are ill, at least I am of that 
 nature, and I have known several of the same tem- 
 per, and the common opinion is, that complaining 
 does alleviate our pain. 
 
 CHAPTER XH. 
 
 A Comparison of the Troubles and Sorrows which Kingi^uis suf- 
 fered, with those he brouglit upon other People ; with a Continua- 
 ■ lion of his Transactions till the Time of his Death. — 1483. 
 
 He was continually discoursing on some subject 
 or another, and always with a great deal of sense 
 and judgment. His last fit (as I said before) con-
 
 88 
 
 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 tioued from Mondc^y to Saturday night. Upon 
 which account I will now make comparison be- 
 tween the evils and sorrows which he brought upon 
 others, and what he suffered in his own person : 
 for I hope his sufferings and torments here on 
 earth, have translated him into Paradise, and will 
 be a great part of his purgatory : and if, in respect 
 of their greatness and duration, his sufferings were 
 inferior to what he had brought upon other people, 
 yet, if you consider the grandeur and dignity of 
 his office, and that he had never before suffered 
 any thing in his own person, but been obeyed by 
 all people, as if all Europe had been created for 
 no other end, but to serve and be commanded by 
 him ; you will find that little which he endured was 
 so contrary to his nature and custom, that he was as 
 great a sufferer as any. His chief hope and con- 
 fidence was placed in the hermit I spoke of, (who 
 was at Plessis, and came thither from Calabria,) 
 he sent continually to him, believing it was in his 
 power to prolong his life if he pleased ; for, not- 
 withstanding all his precepts and recommendations 
 to his son, he had great hopes of recovering, and 
 if it had so happened, he would qujckly have dis- 
 persed the throng he sent to Amboise, to wait upon 
 his son. Finding his thoughts were so intent upon 
 this hermit, it was the advice of a certain gravfe 
 divine, and others who were about him, that it 
 should be declared to him, that his condition was 
 desperate, that he did but flatter and delude him- 
 self, and that there was no hopes left for him but 
 in the mercy of God ; and it was also agreed among
 
 PfllLlP DE COMINES. 89 
 
 them, that his physician, Dr. James Coctier, (in 
 whom he had great confidence,) should be present 
 when this declaration was made him. This Coctier 
 received of him every month ten thousand crowns, 
 as if that would have lengthened his life. This 
 resolution was taken by Monsieur Oliver, to the 
 end that he should lay aside all thoughts of hermit 
 and doctor, and apply himself wholly to the settle- 
 ment of his conscience. As he had advanced 
 Monsieur Oliver and others, as it were in an in- 
 stant, and against all reason, to employments be- 
 yond their capacities, so they took upon them 
 impudently to open an affair to him, that had been 
 more proper for other people ; nor did they ob- 
 serve that reverence and respect towards him, 
 which was proper in such a case, and would have 
 been used by those persons who had been brought 
 up with him a long time, and in a mere whim had 
 been lately removed from court but a little before. 
 But, as he had sent a sharp message of death to 
 two great persons whom he had formerly beheaded, 
 (the Duke de Nemours and the Count de St. Paul,) 
 by commissioners deputed on purpose, who in plain 
 terms told them their sentence, appointed them con- 
 fessors, and acquainted them that in a few hours 
 they must resolve to die ; so with the same blunt- 
 ness, and without the least circumstance of intro- 
 duction, these imprudent persons told him : " Sir, 
 things are now come to that pass, we must do our 
 duties ; do not place your hopes any longer in this 
 hermit, or any thing else, for you are a dead man. 
 Think therefore upon your conscience, for that is
 
 90 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the only remedy you have left." Every one added 
 some short saying to the same purpose ; to which 
 he answered, " I hope God will assist me, for per- 
 haps I am not so sick as you imagine." 
 
 What sorrow was this to him to hear this news, 
 this sentence of death ? Never man was more fear- 
 ful of death, nor used more things to prevent it 
 than he. He had, all his life long, commanded 
 and requested his servants, and me among the 
 rest, that whenever we saw him in any danger of 
 death, we should not use any long stories, but ad- 
 monish him at a distance to confess himself, with- 
 out ever mentioning that cruel and shocking word 
 Death, which he did believe he should not be able 
 to bear with any tolerable patience. However, he 
 endured that and several more things as terrible, 
 when he was ill, and indeed more than any man I 
 ever saw die. He spoke several things, which were 
 to be delivered to his son, whom he called king ; 
 confessed himself very devoutly, said several prayers 
 according to the sacraments he received, and called 
 for them himself. He spoke as judiciously as if he 
 had never been sick, discoursed of all things which 
 might be necessary for his son's instruction, and 
 among the rest gave orders that the Lord des Cordes 
 should not stir from his son in six months ; and 
 that he should be desired to attempt nothing against 
 Calais, or elsewhere, declaring, that though he 
 had designed himself to undertake such enterprises 
 as those, and with good intention both to the king 
 and the kingdom, yet they were very dangerous, 
 especially that of Calais, lest the English should
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 91 
 
 resent it ; and he left it in charge, that for six or 
 seven years after his death, they should, above all 
 things, preserve the kingdom in peace, which 
 during his life he would never suffer. And indeed 
 it was no more than was necessary ; for, though 
 the kingdom was large and fertile, yet it was grown 
 very poor, upon the marching and counter-march- 
 ing of the soldiers up and down in their motions 
 from one country to another, as they have done 
 since, and in a worse manner. He also ordered 
 that nothing should be attempted against Bretagne, 
 but that Duke Francis should be suffered to live 
 quietly and in peace ; that both he and his neigh- 
 bours might be secure, and the king and kingdom 
 remain free from wars, till the king should be of 
 age, to take upon him the administration of affairs 
 himself. 
 
 You have heard with what indiscretion and 
 bluntness they acquainted the king with his ap- 
 proaching death ; which I have mentioned in a 
 more particular manner, because in a preceding 
 paragraph I began to compare the evils, which he 
 made several others suffer, who lived under his 
 dominion, with those he endured himself before 
 his death ; that it might appear, though they were 
 not perhaps of so long a duration, that they were 
 as great and terrible, considering his station and 
 dignity, which required more obedience than any 
 private person's and had found more ; so that the 
 least opposition was a great torment to him. Some 
 five or six months before his death, he began to
 
 02 
 
 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 grow jealous of every body*, especially of those 
 who were most capable and deserving of the admi- 
 nistration of affairs, He was afraid of his son, 
 and caused him to be kept close, so that no man 
 saw or discoursed with him, but by his special 
 command. At last he grew suspicious of his 
 daughter, and his son-in-law the Duke of Bourbon, 
 and required an account of what persons came to 
 speak with them at Plessis, and broke up a council 
 which the Duke of Bourbon held there by his 
 order. At the time the Count de Dunois and his 
 son-in-law returned from conducting the ambas- 
 sadors, who had been at Amboise to congratulate 
 the marriage betwixt the dauphin and the young 
 queen, the king being in the gallery, and seeing 
 them enter with a great train into the castle, called 
 for a captain of the guards, and commanded him 
 to go and search some of the lords' retinue, to see 
 whether they had any arms under their robes ; and 
 that he should do it in discourse, and so as no 
 notice might be taken. Behold then, if he had 
 caused many to live under him in continual fear 
 and apprehension, whether it was not returned to 
 him again ; for of whom could he be secure when 
 he was afraid of his son-in-law, his daughter, and 
 his own son ? I speak this not only of him, but of 
 all other princes who desire to be feared, that re- 
 venge never befalls them till they grow old, and 
 
 * It always happens, says Seneca, that those who endeavour to 
 render themselves formidable to others, sooner or later feel the effects 
 of living in continual fear and apprehension ; a dreadful punishment 
 no doubt of it, but it is what all tyrants justly deserve.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 93 
 
 then, as a just ponancc, they are afraid of every 
 body themselves ; and what grief do you think it 
 must be to this poor king to be tormented with 
 such terrors and passions ? 
 
 He was still attended by his physician, Doctor 
 James Coctier, to whom in five months' time h{> 
 had given fifty-four thousand crowns, in ready mo- 
 ney, besides the bishopric of Amiens for his ne- 
 phew, and other great offices and estates to him 
 and his friends ; yet this doctor used him so scur- 
 vily, one would not have given such unbecoming 
 language to one's servants, as he gave the king, 
 who stood in such awe of him, he durst not forbid 
 him his presence. It is true he complained of his 
 impudence afterwards, but he durst not change 
 him, as he had done all the rest of the servants ; 
 because he had told him after a most audacious 
 manner one day, " I know some time or other you 
 will remove me from court, as you have done the 
 rest; but be sure, (and he confirmed it with an 
 oath,) you shall not live eight days after it." With 
 which expression he was so terrified, that ever 
 after he did nothing but flatter and present him, 
 which much needs be a great mortification to a 
 prince, who had been obeyed all along by so many 
 brave men much above the doctor's quality. 
 
 The king had ordered several cruel prisons to be 
 made, some of iron, and some of wood, but covered 
 with iron plates both within and without, with 
 terrible cages about eight foot wide and seven 
 high ; the first contriver of them was the Bishop
 
 94 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of Verdun*, who was the first that hanseled them, 
 being immediately put in one of them, where he 
 continued fourteen years. Many bitter curses he 
 has had since, for his invention, and some from me, 
 having lain in one of them eight months together, 
 ill the minority of our present king. He also or- 
 dered heavy and terrible fetters to be made in 
 Germany, and particularly a certain ring for the 
 feet, which was extreme hard to be opened, and 
 like an iron collar, with a thick weighty chain, 
 and a great globe of iron at the end of it, most 
 unreasonably heavy ; which engines were called 
 the King's Nets. However, 1 have seen many 
 eminent and deserving persons in these prisons, 
 with these nets about their legs, who have after- 
 wards been advanced to places of trust and honour, 
 and received great rewards from the king : Among 
 the rest, a son of the Lord de la Grutase, (who 
 was taken in battle,) whom the king married very 
 honourably afterwards, made him his chamberlain, 
 and seneschal of Anjou, and gave him the com- 
 mand of a hundred lanees. The Lord de Piennes 
 and Verger, both prisoners of war, had commands 
 given them in his army, were made his or his 
 son's chamberlains, and had great estates given 
 them. Monsieur de Rochefort, the constable's 
 brother, had the same, as also one Roquebertin, a 
 Catalonian, and prisoner of war ; besides others of 
 
 * Perillus heretofore was put into the brazen bull that he had 
 made for the tyrant Phalaris, to punish his subjects in. — Plin. I. 31. 
 chap. 8.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 95 
 
 several countries, too numerous to be mentioned in 
 this place. This by way of digression. But to 
 return to my principal design. As in his time thia 
 barbarous variety of prisons was invented, so be- 
 fore he died he himself was in greater torment, 
 and more terrible apprehension than those whom 
 he had imprisoned, which I look upon as a great 
 mercy towards him, and part of his purgatory; 
 and I have mentioned it here, to shew that there is 
 no person, of what station or dignity soever, but 
 is punished some time or other, either publicly or 
 privately, especially if he has been the cause of 
 other people's sufferings and misfortunes. The king 
 towards the latter end of his days caused his castle 
 of Plessis-les-Tours, to be encompassed with great 
 bars of iron in the form of a grate, and at the four 
 corners of the house four watch-towers of iron, 
 strong, massy, and thick, to be built. The grates 
 were without the wall on the other side of the 
 ditch, and went to the bottom. Several spikes of 
 iron were fastened into the wall, set as thick by 
 one another as was possible : He placed likewise 
 ten bow-men in the ditches, to shoot at any man 
 that durst approach the castle till the opening of 
 the gate ; ordered they should lie in the ditches, 
 but retire to the watch towers upon occasion. He 
 was sensible enough that this fortification was too 
 weak to keep out an army, or any great body of 
 men, but he had no fear of such ; his great appre- 
 hension was, that some of the nobility of his king- 
 dom having intelligence within, should attempt to 
 make themselves masters of the castle by night,
 
 96 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 and having possessed themselves of it partly by 
 affection, and partly by force, should deprive him 
 of the regal authority ; and take upon themselves 
 the administration of public affairs ; upon pretence 
 he w^as incapable of business, and no longer fit to 
 govern. The gate of Du Plessis was never opened, 
 nor the dravt^-bridge let down before eight in the 
 morning, at which time the courtiers were let in ; 
 and the captains ordered their guards to their 
 several posts, with a main guard in the middle of 
 the court, as in a town upon the frontiers that 
 was closely besieged : nor was any person admitted 
 to enter but by the wicket, and those only by the 
 king's order, unless it were the steward of his 
 household, and such officers as were not admitted 
 into the presence. 
 
 Is it possible then to keep a prince, (with any 
 regard to his quality,) more strictly confined than 
 he kept himself ? The cages which were made for 
 other people, were about eight feet square ; and 
 he, (though so great a monarch,) had but a small 
 court of the castle to walk in, and seldom made 
 use of that ; but generally kept himself in the gal- 
 lery, out of which he went into the chambers, and 
 from thence to mass, but not through the court. 
 Who can deny but he was a sufferer as well as his 
 neighbours ? considering his being locked up, 
 guarded, afraid of his own children and relations, 
 and changing every day those very servants whom 
 he had brought up and advanced ; and though 
 they owed all their preferment to him, yet he durst 
 not trust any of them, but shut himself up in those
 
 PHtLIP DE COMINKS. 97 
 
 strange chains and enclosures. If the place where 
 he confined himself was larger than a common 
 prison, his quality was as much greater than a 
 common prisoner's. It may be urged that other 
 princes have been more given to jealousy than he, 
 but it was not in our time ; and, perhaps, their 
 wisdom was not so eminent, nor their subjects so 
 good. They too might, probably, be tyrants, and 
 bloody-minded, but our king never did any person 
 a mischief who had not offended him first. I have 
 not recorded these things purely to represent our 
 master as a suspicious and mistrustful prince ; but 
 to shew, that by the patience which he expressed 
 in his sufferings, (like those which he inflicted on 
 other people,) they may be looked upon, in my 
 judgment, as a punishment which God inflicted 
 upon him in this world, in order to deal more mer- 
 cifully with him in the next, as well in those things 
 before-mentioned, as in the distempers of his body, 
 which were great and painful, and much dreaded 
 by him before they came upon him ; and, likewise, 
 that those princes, who are his successors, may 
 learn by this example, to be more tender and in- 
 dulgent to their subjects, and less severe in their 
 punishments than our master had been. I will not 
 accuse him, or say I ever saw a better prince ; for 
 though he oppressed his subjects himself, he would 
 never see them injured by any body else. 
 
 After so many fears, sorrows, and suspicions, 
 God, by a kind of miracle, restored him both in 
 body and mind, as is His divine method in such 
 kind of wonders. He took him out of the world 
 
 Vol. II. H
 
 98 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 in perfect ease, understanding, and memory ; 
 having called for all the sacraments himself, dis- 
 coursing without the least twinge, or expression of 
 pain, to the very last moment of his life. He gave 
 directions for his own burial, appointed who should 
 attend his corps to the grave, and declared that he 
 desired to die on a Saturday of all days in the 
 week ; and that, he hoped Our Lady would pro- 
 cure him that favour, in whom he had always 
 placed great part of his trust, and served her de- 
 voutly. And so it happened ; for he died on Sa- 
 turday, the 30th of August, 1483, about eight at 
 night, in the castle of Plessis, where his fit took 
 him on the Monday before. His soul, I hope, is 
 with God, and enjoys an everlasting rest in the 
 kingdom of Paradise. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 A Digression concerning the miseries of Mankind, especially of 
 Princes, by the example of those who reigned in the Author's 
 time, and first of King Louis. — 1 4S3. 
 
 Small hopes and comfort, ought poor and in- 
 ferior people to place in the riches and honours of 
 this world, considering what our king suffered and 
 underwent to obtain them, and was at last forced 
 to leave them all, and could not with all his care 
 and diligence protract his life one single hour. I 
 knew him, and was entertained in his service in 
 the flower of his age, and the height of his pros-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 99 
 
 perity, yet I never knew him free from labour and 
 care. Of all diversions he loved hunting and 
 hawking in their seasons, but his chief delight 
 was in dogs. As for ladies, he never meddled with 
 any in my time ; for about the time of my coming 
 to court he lost a son called Joachim, who was 
 born in 1459, for whose death he was extremely 
 afflicted, and made a vow in my presence never to 
 be concerned with any other woman but the queen ; 
 and though this was no more than what he was 
 obliged to, by the canons of our church, yet it was 
 much, that his command of himself would be so 
 great, that he should be able to continue his reso- 
 lutions so firmly, considering the queen, (though 
 an excellent princess in all other respects,) was not 
 a person in whom a man could take any great 
 delight. 
 
 In hunting, his eagerness and pain were equal 
 to his pleasure, for his chase was the stag, which 
 he always run down. He rose very early in the 
 morning, rode sometimes a great way to his dogs, 
 and would not leave his sport, let the weather be 
 never so bad ; and when he came home at night 
 was always very weary, and, generally, in a violent 
 passion with some of his courtiers, or huntsmen; 
 for hunting is a sport not always to be managed 
 according to the master's direction ; yet, in the 
 opinion of most people, he understood it as well 
 as any man of his time. He was continually at his 
 sports, lying up and down in the country villages 
 as his recreations led him, till he was interrupted 
 
 H2
 
 100 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 by the war, which, for the most part of the summer, 
 was constantly between him and Charles Duke of 
 Burgundy, and at winter they made a truce. He 
 was also involved in some trouble about the county 
 of Roussillon, with John, King of Arragon, father 
 of Peter of Castile, who, at present, is king ; for 
 though both of them were poor, and already in- 
 cumbered with their subjects in Barcelona and 
 elsewhere, and the son had nothing but the expec- 
 tation of succeeding after the death of Don Fre- 
 derick de Castile, his wife's brother, (which fell to 
 him afterwards,) yet they made considerable oppo- 
 sition ; for that province being entirely devoted to 
 their interest, and being universally beloved by the 
 people, they gave him abundance of trouble, and 
 the war was spun out till that king's death, in 
 which several brave men lost their lives, and his 
 treasury was exhausted ; so that he had but a little 
 time during the whole year, to spend in pleasure, 
 and even then the fatigues he underwent were 
 troublesome to him. When his body was at rest 
 his mind was at work, for he had affairs in several 
 places at once, and would concern himself as much 
 in those of his neighbours as his own, putting 
 officers upon all the great families, endeavouring 
 to divide their authority as much as possible. When 
 he was at war he laboured for a peace or a cessation, 
 and when he had obtained them, he was as impa- 
 tient for war. He troubled himself with many 
 trifles in his government, which he might better 
 have let alone ; but it was his temper, and he
 
 PHILIP DE COMIXES. 101 
 
 could not help it ; besides, he had a prodigious 
 memory, he forgot nothing, but knew every body, 
 as well in other countries as his own. 
 
 And certainly he seemed to be born for universal 
 monarchy rather than to govern a single kingdom : 
 I speak not of his minority, for then I was not with 
 him. But when he was eleven years old, he was, 
 by the advice of some of the nobility, and others of 
 his kingdom, embroiled into a war with his father 
 Charles VII., which lasted not long, but was called 
 La Praguere. When he was. arrived to man's es- 
 tate, he was married much against his inclination to 
 the King of Scotland's daughter * ; but he never had 
 the least tenderness or affection for her during 
 the whole course of her life. Upon her decease, 
 by reason of the broils and factions in his father's 
 court, he retired into Dauphine, (which was his 
 own,) whither many persons of quality followed 
 him, and indeed more than he could t^ntertain. 
 During his residence in Dauphin^ he married the 
 Duke of Savoy's daughter, and not long after had 
 great difference with his father-in-law, and a terri- 
 ble war was begun between them. His father. 
 King Charles VII., seeing his son attended with so 
 many good officers, and raising men at his pleasure, 
 resolved to go in person against him, with a consi- 
 derable body of forces in order to disperse them. 
 As he was upon his march, he put out proclama- 
 tions, requiring them all, as his subjects, under 
 
 * Her name was Marg;aret, she was daughter to James 1. King of 
 Scotland. She had a loathsome complexion, and a stinking breath, 
 which were the two reasons why Louis XI. never loved her.
 
 102 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 great penalty, to repair to him ; and many obeyed, 
 to the great displeasure of the dauphin, who, find- 
 ing his father incensed, resolved to retire, and leave 
 that country to him ; and accordingly removed with 
 but a very slender retinue, into Burgundy, to Duke 
 Philip's court, who received him honourably, fur- 
 nished him nobly, and maintained him, and his 
 principal servants, by the way of pensions, as the 
 Count de Comminges, the Lord de Montauban, and 
 others ; and the rest he presented as he saw occa- 
 sion, during the whole time of their residence there. 
 However, the dauphin entertained so many at his 
 own expense, that his money often failed, to his great 
 disgust and mortification ; for he was forced to bor- 
 row, or his people would have forsaken him, which 
 is certainly a great affliction to a prince who was ut- 
 terly unacquainted with those courses : So that du- 
 ring his residence atthat court, too, he had his anxie- 
 ties, for he was constrained to flatter and fawn upon 
 the duke and his ministers, lest they should think he 
 had been too burdensome, and had laid too long upon 
 their hands, for he had been with them six years, and 
 his father King Charles was still pressing and solicit- 
 ing the Dukeof Burgundy, by hisambassadors, either 
 to deliver him up to him, or to banish him out of 
 his dominions. And this, you may believe, gave 
 the dauphin some uneasy thoughts, and would not 
 suffer him to be idle : In which season of his life 
 then was it, that he may be said to have enjoyed 
 himself ? I believe from his infancy to his death, 
 his whole life was nothing but one continued scene 
 of troubles and fatigues ; and I am of opinion, that
 
 PHiLIP DE COMINES. 103 
 
 if all the days of his life were computed in which 
 his pleasures out-weighed his pain, they would be 
 found so few, that there would be twenty mournful 
 ones to one pleasant. He lived about sixty-one 
 years, yet he always fancied he should never out- 
 live sixty, giving this for a reason, that since the 
 time of Charles le Grand there had not any king of 
 France lived beyond that age ; bnt he was far ad- 
 vanced in his sixty-first. 
 
 What ease, what pleasure, did Charles, Duke of 
 Burgundy, enjoy, more than our master King Louis? 
 In his youth, indeed, he knew but little trouble, for 
 he did not begin to enter upon any action, till the 
 two and twentieth year of his age ; so that before 
 that time, he lived in great ease and quiet. His 
 first quarrel was with his father's chief officers ; and 
 the father taking their part, he immediately with- 
 drew from court, retired in a huff into Holland, 
 where being well received, he fell immediately into 
 intelligence with the Gantois, and went and visited 
 them sometimes. He had no allowance from his 
 father; but Holland, being a rich country, they 
 made him great presents, as several other great 
 towns did ; hoping thereby to insinuate themselves 
 into his favour, and reap the advantage after Duke 
 Philip's death. And it is the common custom of 
 the world to adore the rising sun, and court him 
 whose authority will be greater, rather than him 
 who is already at the height, and can never be 
 higher. For this reason, as soon as Duke Philip 
 was informed that the Gantois had expressed a 
 great kindness for his son, and that he understood
 
 104 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 how to manage it : He answered, " They always 
 love him who is to be their sovereign ; but as soon 
 as he is invested with the power they hate him as 
 much." And his saying was true, for from the 
 time of Duke Philip's death, and Charles's posses- 
 sion, their love began to decline, and they shewed 
 it to the purpose ; and he on the other side cared as 
 little for them ; yet they did more mischief to his 
 posterity than they could possibly do to him. But 
 to continue these memoirs. From the time Duke 
 Charles undertook his war for the towns in Picardy, 
 (which our master had redeemed from Duke Philip,) 
 and joined himself with the lords of the kingdom, 
 in the war called the " Public Good :" what plea- 
 sure, what tranquillity had he ? He had continual 
 trouble and labour, without the least cessation or 
 refreshment, either to his body or mind ; for glory 
 having got the entire possession of his heart, it 
 spurred him on to attempt new conquests, and Ih- 
 vade the dominions of those princes that bordered 
 upon his : He was always in the field during sum- 
 mer, exposing his person to the greatest danger, 
 taking the care and command of the whole army 
 upon himself ; and yet he thought it too little. He 
 was the first that rose, and the last that went to bed 
 in the camp ; and took as much pains as the poorest 
 foot-soldier in the army. In winter, when the 
 campaign was over, his mind was busily employed 
 about raising of money ; six hours every morning he 
 set apart for conferences, and giving audience to 
 ambassadors, and in this perpetual hurry of affairs 
 he ended his days, and was killed by the Swiss in
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 105 
 
 the battle of Nancy, as you have already heard ; so 
 that it cannot be said, that he enjoyed one happy 
 clay, from the time of his setting up for conquests 
 to the hour of his death, and then what were the 
 fruits of all his pains and labour ? Or, what ne- 
 cessity was there of it, since he had towns and ter- 
 ritories large enough already to have made him 
 happy, if he could have been contented. 
 
 The next whom we shall have occasion to men- 
 tion is EMward IV., King or England, a great and 
 powerful prince : in his minority he saw his father 
 the Duke of York defeated, and slain in battle, 
 and with him the father of the Earl of Warwick, 
 who governed the king in his youth, and managed 
 all his affairs, and, to say the truth, it was the 
 Earl of Warwick who made Edward king, and de- 
 throned his old master, King Henry VI., who had 
 reigned many years in that kingdom, and (in my 
 judgment, and the judgment of the world,) was 
 their lawful king : but, in such cases, the disposi- 
 tion of kingdoms and great states is in the hands 
 of God, who orders them as He pleases, for indeed 
 all things proceed from Him. The reason of the 
 Earl of Warwick's espousing the interest of the 
 House of York against King Henry, who was of 
 the Lancastrian family, was upon a difference that 
 happened at court betwixt the Duke of Somerset 
 and the Elarl of Warwick. The king not having 
 wisdom enough to compose it, it grew to that 
 height, that the queen* (who was of the house of 
 
 * Her name was Marg;aret, who after the death of her liusband, 
 Henry VI., returned into France, where she died, and made over her 
 right to the kingdom of Sicily to Louis X I.
 
 106 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Anjou, and daughter to Rene, King of Sicily,) in- 
 terposed in it, and inclined to the duke's party 
 against the Earl of Warwick ; for every body had 
 acknowledged Henry his father, and grand-father, 
 for their king. The queen had acted much more 
 prudently in endeavouring to have adjusted the dis- 
 pute between them than to have said, " I am of 
 this party, and will maintain it ;" and it proved so 
 by the event, for it occasioned many battles in Eng- 
 land, and a war wrhich continued nine-and-twenty 
 years, and in the end all the partisans of both sides 
 were destroyed: so that factions and parties are 
 still very fatal, especially to the nobility, who are 
 too prone to propagate and foment them. If it be 
 alleged that by this means both parties are kept in 
 awe, and the secret minds of the subject are dis- 
 covered to the prince ; I agree a young prince may 
 do it among his ladies, and it may be pleasant and 
 diverting enough, and give him opportunity of 
 finding out some of their intrigues ; but nothing is 
 so dangerous to a nation as to nourish such factions 
 and partialities among men of courage and mag- 
 nanimity ; it is no less than setting one's own 
 house on fire ; for immediately some or other cry 
 out, " The king is against us," seize upon some 
 fortified town, and correspond with his enemies. 
 And certainly the factions of Orleans and Burgundy 
 ought to make us wise in this case ; for they begun 
 a war which lasted seventy-two years, in which the 
 English were concerned, and thought by these un- 
 happy divisions to have conquered the kingdom. 
 But to return from this digression. This King Ed-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 107 
 
 ward was a very young prince, and one of the most 
 beautiful of his age : as soon as he had overcome 
 all his difficulties, he began to give himself up 
 wholly to pleasures, and took no delight in any 
 thing but ladies, dancing, entertainments, and such 
 like effeminate diversions ; and in this voluptuous 
 course of life, if I mistake not, he spent about six- 
 teen years, till the quarrel happened between him 
 and the Earl of Warwick, in which contest, though 
 the king was driven out of the kingdom, yet his 
 misfortune lasted not long; for he quickly returned, 
 fought his adversary, defeated and killed him, and 
 re-assuming the government, fell again to his plea- 
 sures, and indulged himself in them after a more 
 violent manner than before. From this time he 
 feared nobody ; but, living a luxurious life, he 
 grew very fat, and his excess inclining him to dis- 
 eases, in the very flower of his age, he died sud- 
 denly (as it was reported) of an apoplexy, and his 
 family lost the kingdom, (as you have heard,) as to 
 the succession in the male line. 
 
 In our time also, there reigned two wise and 
 valiant princes, Matthias, King of Hungary, and 
 Mahomet Ottoman, Emperor of the Turks. This 
 Matthias was the son of a valiant young gentle- 
 man, called "The White Knight of Walachia*," 
 a person of great honour and conduct, who for a 
 long time had governed the kingdom of Hungary, 
 and had fought several battles with the Turks, who 
 are neighbours to it, by reason of the territories 
 
 ♦ It was so that they called the famous Jphn Corvin, alias Ilun- 
 niades.
 
 108 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 which they have usurped in Sclavonia and Greece. 
 Not long after his death, Lancelot came to man^s 
 estate, who was heir to that kingdom, and to the 
 kingdoms of Bohemia and Poland besides. This 
 Lancelot was advised by some persons (as was re- 
 ported) to seize upon the two sons of the white 
 knight, pretending that their father having usurped 
 and exercised so much power in that kingdom 
 during his infancy, it was not improbable but his 
 sons might do the same. Upon which the said 
 Lancelot resolved to have them both apprehended, 
 and his orders were accordingly obeyed. He put 
 the eldest to death, and sent the other, which was 
 Matthias*, a prisoner to Buda, the chief town in 
 Hungary, but he did not remain long under that 
 confinement : (God Almighty being perhaps pleased 
 with the services of his father :) for, awhile after, 
 this Lancelot was poisoned at Prague, in Bohemia, 
 by a lady of quality, (whose brother I have seen ;) 
 he had been in love with her, and she with him ; 
 but being incensed at his marriage in France, with 
 the daughter of King Charles VILf, (called now 
 the Princess of Vienne,) which was contrary to his 
 engagement to her, she poisoned him in a bath, as 
 he was eating an apple, by conveying the poison 
 into the haft of his knife. Upon the death of 
 Lancelot, the barons of Hungary assembled at 
 Buda for the election of a king, according to an 
 
 * Matthias Corvin, son of John Hunniades, was chosen King of 
 Poland at the age of eighteen, after the death of Ladislaus, about 
 the year 1458. 
 
 t Her name was Magdalen, daughter to King Charles Vll., after- 
 wards married to Gaston de Foix, Prince of Vienne.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 109^ 
 
 ancient privilege they had when he died without 
 issue. Whilst they were mightily divided, and in 
 great controversy about the election, the widow of 
 the white knight, and mother of Matthias, en- 
 tered the town in a very splendid equipage, for 
 she was rich, especially in ready money, which 
 her husband had left her, by the power of which 
 she was able to raise men immediately ; and, be- 
 sides, it is not improbable but she had a party in 
 the town, and among the electors, upon account of 
 the services and authority of her husband. As 
 soon as she came into the city, she marched di- 
 rectly to the prison, and released her son*, upon 
 which part of the barons and prelates that were 
 assembled fled out of the town, and those that 
 remained chose this Matthias for their king, who 
 reigned among them in great prosperity, with as 
 much applause and esteem as any of his prede- 
 cessors, and in some things more. He was a man 
 of as much courage as any of that age ; and ob- 
 tained many signal victories over the Turks, with- 
 out any loss to his own kingdom, which he much 
 enlarged, as well on that side as towards Bohemia, 
 
 * Other historians differ extremely from Philip de Comines in this 
 particular; for they meike no mention of Matthias's being released 
 out of prison by his mother, but say, tliat King Ladislaus, being 
 hated by the Hungarians, retired into Bohemia, and took this Mat- 
 thias along with him as a prisoner ; where, soon after, the king died 
 of poison, that was given him by a Bohemian lady, according to our 
 author. After the death of King Ladislaus, George Boiebrac usurped 
 the kingdom of Bohemia, and kept Matthias still a prisoner at 
 Prague ; but the nobility of Hungary, having chosen him to be their 
 king upon the account of his father's eminent services, sent to this 
 Boiebrac to demand his rcleasement, who not only set him at liberty, 
 but gave him his daughter in marriage, and sent him into Hungary, 
 with a splendid and numerous retinue.
 
 110 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 (which was most in his possession,) as in Wala- 
 chia, (where he was born,) and Sclavonia ; on that 
 side towards Germany he took the greatest part of 
 Austria from the Emperor Frederic, and kept it 
 till his death, which happened in Vienna, the chief 
 city of Austria, 1491. He was a prince who ma- 
 naged his affairs discreetly both in peace and in 
 war. Towards the latter end of his days, finding 
 he was become formidable, he began to affect 
 grandeur and a splendid way of living, and pro- 
 vided a world of rich hangings, jewels, and plate, 
 for the ornament of his palace. All his business 
 relating to the public was despatched by himself, 
 or his direction: he had also an inclination to make 
 himself terrible to his own subjects, and turned a 
 very tyrant towards his latter end ; after which he 
 fell into a grievous and incurable distemper, as it 
 were in his youth, (for he was but eight-and-twenty 
 years of age*,) and died : his life having been one 
 continued scene of labour and sorrow, without any 
 considerable pleasure or ease. 
 
 The Great Turk, whom I mentioned before, was 
 a wise and valiant prince, but he made more use 
 of his cunning than courage. His father was a 
 valiant prince, took Adrianople, (that is to say, the 
 city of Adrian,) and left his son very great ; but his 
 son, at the age of twenty-three, took Constanti- 
 nople, or the city of Constantine ; I have seen his 
 
 * This place is certainly corrupted. For Matthias was born the 
 24th of February, 1443, and died the 4th of April, at Vienna, in 
 the year 1491. So that by this computation he was eight-and-forty 
 years old, and therefore this twenty-eight years ought to be forty- 
 eight.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. Ill 
 
 picture drawn at that time, which represented him 
 vigorous and sprightly. It was a great shame and 
 reflection upon all Christendom to suffer that city 
 to be lost ; he took it by assault, and the Emperor 
 of the East (whom we called Emperor of Constan- 
 tinople,) was slain at the breach. Many brave 
 men were killed with him in this assault, many 
 great ladies ravished, and all manner of cruelties 
 committed. This was his first exploit, but he con- 
 tinued to perform wonderful actions, and so many, 
 that I heard a Venetian ambassador say once in the 
 presence of Charles Duke of Burgundy, that this 
 Mahomet had conquered two empires, four king- 
 doms, and two hundred cities ; he meant, indeed, 
 the empires of Constantinople and Trebisonde ; the 
 kingdoms of Bosnia, Syria, Arminia, and I think 
 Morea was the fourth. He conquered likewise 
 several fair islands in the Archipelago (where the 
 Venetians have two,) as Negropont and Mitylene; 
 besides which he subdued most part of Albania 
 and Sclavonia : and as his conquests were great 
 over the Christians, so were they no less consider- 
 able over those of his own religion, among whom 
 he destroyed several great princes, as the Prince of 
 Caramania*, and abundance of others too tedious 
 
 * In some French books it is Carnia, in others Carmenia, but cer- 
 tainly it should bfe Caramania, which is a sea province, on the south- 
 east of Natolia, containing the old provinces of Lycia, Paraphilia, 
 ■Pisidia, and part of Cilicia. For the better understanding of this 
 passage, and who this Caramanian prince was, it will be necessary to 
 acquaint the reader that, about the year 1 290, four illustrious fami- 
 lies, to wit, the Ottomans, Assembecs, Scandelors, or Candelors, and 
 the Caramans, with powerful armies, commanded by their respective 
 captains, came out of Persia. Every one of these families conquered
 
 112 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 to mention here. The greatest part of his affairs 
 were transacted by himself, according to the prac- 
 tice of our king and the King of Hungary, who 
 were without all dispute the wisest princes that had 
 reigned for a hundred years before. But the gene- 
 rosity of our master's conversation, and his libera- 
 lity to his servants, as well foreign as others, dis- 
 tinguished him very much from the rest, and made 
 him more venerable than either of the other two, 
 and it is no wonder, for he was styled the most 
 Christian King. As to worldly pleasures and en- 
 joyments, this Turk had his share, and spent most 
 of his time in them ; and it was well he did so, for 
 otherwise he would have done more mischief to 
 Christendom, had he not been so employed. He 
 indulged his genius in all kinds of sensuality, and 
 was strangely given to gluttony, which brought him 
 
 some province or another. The Ottomans subdued Bithynia, Phry- 
 gia, and Galatia ; the Assembecs, Syria, Armenia, Cappadocia, and 
 Paphlagonia; tlie Scandelors possessed themselves* of the greatest 
 part of Pontus ; and the Caramans, of Cilicia, Lycia, Lycaonia, and 
 Pamphylia. But the Ottoman house at last swallowed up the other 
 three. This Mahomet conquered the Assembecs in the year 1459. 
 However, it was some considerable time before these people could 
 be subdued, for their king, Usumcassanes, fought three bloody battles 
 with Mahomet, in two of which he got the better of him ; but in the 
 third, Mahomet, by the help of cannon, which was utterly unknown to 
 the eastern nations, entirely defeated Usumcassanes's army, and slew 
 his son Zeinalde in the field of battle. After this defeat, Mahomet 
 conquered Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, took Trapezonde, the seat of the 
 Assembecs' empire, with the greatest part of Armenia and Syria, as 
 is mentioned in our author. After this, Mahomet took the greatest 
 part of Cilicia from Pyramitus, Prince of the Caramans ; and after 
 the death of Mahomet, his son Bajazet slew Abraham, the last prince 
 of the Caramans, in battle, and utterly destroyed that family. As for 
 the Scandelors, after the destruction of the Assembecs and Caramans, 
 their prince surrendered his country to Bajazet, who gave him, in lieu 
 of it. certain revenues in Natolia.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 113 
 
 an ill habit of body, and occasioned a numberless 
 train of diseases, which continued upon him as 
 long as he lived. Every spring he had a swelling 
 in one of his legs, that made it as big as a man's 
 middle, (as I have heard from those who have seen 
 it,) which never broke, but dispersed of its own 
 accord, and no surgeon could tell what to make of 
 it, but all agreed his intemperance was the occa- 
 sion of it, though perhaps it was a judgment from 
 heaven ; and one reason why he suffered himself to 
 be seen so seldom, and shut himself up in his cha- 
 riot when he went abroad, was, lest he should dis- 
 cover that infirmity, and grow contemptible to the 
 people. He died about the fifty-second year of his 
 age, and suddenly ; yet he made a will, and I have 
 seen it, and, if it be true, he seemed to have some 
 remorse for a tax which he had lately laid upon 
 his subjects. Let Christian princes consider what 
 they do, since they have no more power to raise 
 money, without the permission and consent of their 
 subjects, than he. 
 
 THE AUTHORS CONCLUSION. 
 
 Thus have you seen the death of several illustri- 
 ous persons in ashorttime, who have borne so much 
 sorrow, and endured so many fatigues, only to ex- 
 tend their dominions, and advance their fame ami 
 glory, beyond that of their neighbouring monarchs, 
 perhaps not only to the shortening of their lives, 
 but to the endangering the welfare of their immor- 
 
 VOL. II I
 
 114 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINES. 
 
 tal souls. I am not speaking here of the Turk, 
 for I question not but that he is gone to his prede- 
 cessors, but of our king and the rest, of whom I 
 hope God will have mercy. But to speak freely, 
 (as one that is no great scholar, but has had some 
 experience in the world,) would it not have been 
 better for them, and for all other great princes and 
 subjects whatever, to be less ambitious in all their 
 desires ; that is, not to be so solicitous and careful 
 about temporal things, and have such vast and un- 
 reasonable designs in view ; but to be more cauti- 
 ous of provoking God, oppressing their subjects, 
 and invading their neighbours, by so many cruel 
 and unchristian ways, as I have said before, and 
 rather employ their time in tranquillity and inno- 
 cent diversions ? Their lives would be longer, their 
 infirmities the later, their deaths less desirable to 
 other people, and less terrible to themselves. Can 
 we desire any clearer examples to prove how poor 
 and inconsiderable a creature man is, how short 
 and miserable his life, and how little difference be- 
 twixt princes and private persons, since as soon as 
 they are dead, whether rich or poor, their bodies 
 are abominable, all people fly and shun them, and 
 their souls are no sooner separated but they pre- 
 pair to receive their doom, which is given by God 
 at that very instant of time, according to every 
 man's works, and this is called the particular judg- 
 ment.
 
 SUPPPLEMENT 
 
 TO THE 
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINES; 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 THE MOST REMARKAKLE OCCURRENCES, BOTH IN FRANCE AND 
 OTHER NEIGHBOURING KINGDOMS, FROM THE DEATH OF 
 LOUIS XI., TO KING CHARLES VIIl.'s EXPEDITION TO NAPLES, 
 
 VIZ., FROM 1483 TO 1493, or J 494. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Of King Charles's Accession to the Crown, the Death of Monsieur 
 Oliver, King Louis's Barber, and others ; and of the Resumption 
 of King Louis's exorbitant Grants. — 1483. 
 
 Upon the death of Louis XL, who died the 
 30th of August, in the year 1483, his only son, 
 Charles VIII,, then Dauphin of France, came to 
 the crown. He was but thirteen years and two 
 months old when his father died; and therefore 
 the solemnity of his coronation was deferred till 
 the June following, that he might be full fourteen 
 before he was crowned. The king, his father, had 
 educated him at Amboiae in such a private and 
 solitary way, that none but his domestics were 
 ever permitted to have access to him ; neither 
 would his majesty suffer him to learn any more 
 Latin than this single sentence, Qui nescit dissi- 
 
 I 2
 
 116 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 mulare, nescit regnare ; not that he had any aver- 
 sion to human learning, but only out of fondness 
 and paternal care, he was afraid that too great an 
 application to his studies might weaken and spoil 
 the delicate and tender constitution of the prince. 
 However, King Charles, after his coming to the 
 crown, grew extremely desirous of learning ; ap- 
 plied himself very closely to the reading of history, 
 and other books of humanity in the French lan- 
 guage, and even endeavoured to make himself mas- 
 ter of the Latin. 
 
 Before the king's coronation, the princes of the 
 blood, and the nobility of the kingdom, (who had so 
 often been injured and affronted in the late king's 
 reign, by Oliver le Dain, his barber ; one Danielja 
 Fleming, Monsieur Oliver's servant; and Mon- 
 sieur John Doyace, who had managed the affairs of 
 the whole kingdom during part of the reign of 
 Louis XI.,) caused informations secretly to be ex- 
 hibited against them, for several murders, rapines, 
 and other enormous offences, which they had 
 formerly committed ; though some of them were 
 by the express command of the late king. These 
 informations being brought before the court of par- 
 liament, they were immediately apprehended, their 
 process made out against them, and at last they 
 were all three condemned to death : and the year 
 following, which was 1484, Monsieur Oliver and 
 his servant Daniel were executed at Paris ; and 
 Monsieur Doyac had his ears cut off, and his 
 tongue bored through. One of the crimes com- 
 mitted by Monsieur Oliver, and his servant Daniel,
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINES. 117 
 
 and for which they were executed, was this : a 
 certain gentleman was committed to prison by the 
 order of Louis XI., and having a very young and 
 beautiful lady for his wife. Monsieur Oliver falls 
 desperately in love witb her, and promises to re- 
 lease her husband by his intercession, provided she 
 would consent to prostitute herself to his loose de- 
 sires. Accordingly she did ; but instead of per- 
 forming his promise, the very next day he ordered 
 his servant Daniel to put him into a sack, and 
 throw him into the Seine, where he was drowned. 
 This Oliver was by birth a Fleming, had been bar- 
 ber to King Louis, and of greater power and au- 
 thority with the king than any nobleman in France. 
 This power and influence which he had over the 
 king, was gained by vile and slavish offices about 
 his royal person, too low to mention here; but 
 among the rest, he generally used to suck his 
 majesty's piles, with which he was terribly af- 
 flicted ; and this base and loathsome office he per- 
 formed, not out of any love or respect to the king, 
 but through avarice, and an ambition to maintain 
 his power and credit at court ; which ended imme- 
 diately upon the death of his master, as you have 
 already heard, notwithstanding the strict charge 
 the king gave his son upon his death-bed, to con- 
 tinue his favour to Monsieur Oliver ; and not to 
 sufffer what he had generously given him to be 
 taken from him, since by his service, his life 
 had been long preserved. But notwithstanding 
 princes in their life-time support and countenance 
 such base and scandalous ministers, and how ready
 
 118 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 soever such may be to execute their masters' un- 
 lawful and arbitrary commands, yet at last they 
 find that credit at court is no inheritance ; and that 
 God, who leaves no villany unpunished, finds a 
 time to reward them according to their deserts. 
 Besides, immediately after the death of Louis XL, 
 a strict inquiry was made into all the exorbitant 
 and superstitious grants that were made by him 
 in his life, all which were resumed ; and what- 
 ever lands had been alienated from the crown, 
 were united to it again. 
 
 CHAPTER IL 
 
 Of the Assembly of the States held at Tovers ; of the Duke of Or- 
 leans's pretending to the Regency of France ; of the Civil War 
 raised by him, and of his retiring into Bretagne — 1484, 1485. 
 
 The King, in the July after his coronation, 
 which was in the year 1484, held a general and free 
 assembly of the states of the kingdom, at Tovers, 
 after a far different manner from what had been 
 done in the reign of his father, who summoned 
 none but such as were of his own choosing, and in 
 the court interest, neither durst any of the mem- 
 bers speak their minds freely ; but in all matters 
 of debate the whole assembly were forced to act 
 entirely according to the king's will and pleasure, 
 which generally was violent and arbitrary. But at 
 this convention there was a glorious appearance of 
 the nobility, commons, and clergy ; their votes
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP D£ COMINES. 119 
 
 were free and unbiassed ; and every member had 
 the liberty to remonstrate, and complain freely of 
 whatever injury or injustice, (contrary to the laws 
 of the realm, and the customs of their ancestors) 
 they had received in the late king's reign. In this 
 convention it was unanimously agreed upon, that 
 there should be no regent chosen in France, but 
 that Anne Duchess of Beaujeu, the King's eldest 
 sister, should be intrusted with the government of 
 his royal person, according to the last will and 
 testament of his father Louis XL : and that the 
 privy council should consist of twelve persons 
 chosen out of the body of the nobility, by whose 
 advice the whole affairs of the kingdom should 
 be transacted and despatched, but all in the king's 
 name, and under his hand and seal. After this 
 John Duke of Bourbon was created constable of 
 France, and by degrees the affairs of the whole 
 kingdom were entirely managed by the Duchess of 
 Beaujeu, upon the account of her having the go- 
 vernment of her brother in her own hands. 
 
 However, Louis Duke of Orleans, being the next 
 prince of the blood Royal of France, by the per- 
 suasion of some that were about him, who expected 
 great preferment, if the administration of affairs 
 was in his hands ; and especially at the instigation 
 of the Count de Dunois, son of John, commonly 
 called the Bastard of Orleans, (a person of an en- 
 terprising genius and a subtle wit,) remained still 
 at Paris, and came daily into council, notwith- 
 standing the resolution of the three states ; and 
 with that boldness, as plainly showed him to be a
 
 120 SUPPLEM'ENT TO THE 
 
 person from whom it was impossible to hide any of 
 their designs and intrigues. This assurance of the 
 Duke of Orleans did not a little displease the 
 Duchess of Beaujeu ; upon which the Prince of 
 Orange, the Marshal de Rieux, and the rest of the 
 Barons of Bretagne, that were exiles at that time 
 in France, understanding how affairs went, came 
 to the Duchess of Beaujeu, and offered their ser- 
 vice to her and the king ; at which the Duke of 
 Orleans was highly incensed. Besides, the duke 
 used his utmost endeavours to vilify and disparage 
 her female administration ; but it did not much 
 prevail upon the people, because the duke himself 
 was not yet four and twenty years old, and still 
 under his mother's guardianship ; and it seemed 
 unreasonable to place him at the helm of affairs, 
 who was not capable to manage his own private 
 concerns ; so that the same reason hindered him 
 from the government at this time, that excluded 
 his grandfather heretofore, during the lunacy of 
 Charles Vi. But this reason did not satisfy the 
 duke nor his friends ; upon which the Duchess of 
 Beaujeu finding that the Duke of Orleans con- 
 tinued still at Paris, and daily brought over by his 
 cunning insinuations, those that were in authority, 
 to his own party ; (endeavouring by that means to 
 obtain the regency of the kingdom,) sent certain 
 persons, by the advice of the privy council, to 
 Paris, to arrest his person. The duke being in- 
 formed of their designs as he was playing at 
 tennis, immediately withdrew ; (and pretending to 
 go to his palace,) leaves Paris attended only by
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINES. 121 
 
 one Guyot Pot, and John de Louen one of the gen- 
 tlemen of his bed-chamber, and lay that night at 
 Pontoise. The next morning he went to Vernueil, 
 and from thence to Alen9on, where he staid some 
 time ; during which he endeavoured to draw the 
 Count d'Angoulesme, the Duke of Bourbon, and 
 the Lord d'Albret, over to his party ; and at last 
 they all declared themselves for him, and unani- 
 mously resolved to stand by him, and support him 
 in this undertaking, with their lives and fortunes. 
 All these great lords, (who had considerable places 
 in the government,) were immediately removed, 
 upon their declaring for the Duke of Orleans; 
 however, they raised a considerable array out of 
 the vassals of their own territories, and contrived 
 the matter so nicely, as to gain the Duke of Lor- 
 rain, the Prince of Orange, and the Count de Foix, 
 over to their side. The Duke of Orleans, being 
 assisted by these princes and lords, assembled his 
 army at Blois, with a design to march directly to 
 Orleans ; but the citizens of that place finding 
 their duke was coming thither with a design to 
 surprise it and make it the seat of the war, shut 
 their gates upon him, and would not suffer him to 
 enter it. Upon this refusal he marched with an 
 army of about four hundred men at arms, and a 
 good body of foot to Bougencey being attended by 
 the Counts de Dunois and Foix, and other French 
 officers, where they halted for some time, and whi- 
 ther the king sent a considerable body of forces to 
 besiege them ; but finding the place not to be of 
 any great strength in itself, and not in a good pos-
 
 122 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 ture of defence at that time, and perceiving that 
 the mal-contents of the kingdom did not come 
 into them as they expected they would have done, 
 they immediately clapped up a peace vv^ith the king ; 
 by the articles of which it was agreed, that the 
 Duke of Orleans should make his submission to 
 the king ; and that the Count de Dunois, who was 
 the contriver and fomenter of this rebellion, should 
 depart the kingdom ; which he did, and retired to 
 Asti. But, notwithstanding this peace, the Duke 
 of Bourbon and the Count d'Angoulesme, who had 
 raised their armies on purpose to assist the Duke 
 of Orleans, marched towards Borges ; whither 
 the king followed with a numerous army, accom- 
 panied by the Duke of Orleans, who was forced to 
 take arms against his friends and allies. The two 
 armies were now in sight of each other, and nothing 
 less than a battle was expected ; however, by the 
 wisdom and management of the Marshal de Gie, 
 and the Lord de Graville, (two persons of great 
 authority in the French court during the Duchess 
 of Beaujeu's administration,) a peace was con- 
 cluded between the king and his nobility, in which 
 the Lord d'Albret was comprehended ; and, after 
 this matter, all these armies separated without any 
 bloodshed ; and the king retired to Amboise, the 
 Duke of Orleans to Orleans, and the Count de Foix 
 with the Cardinal his brother, to. the Duke of 
 Bretagne at Nantes, who had married their sister. 
 This rebellion was called the Mad War, and hap- 
 pened in the year 1485. 
 Immediately after the conclusion of the peace
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINES. 123 
 
 the Count de Dunois returned from Asti, and re- 
 tired to his own town of Partenay in Poictou, which 
 was at that time strongly fortified with a double 
 ditch and a triple wall. The king having intelli- 
 gence of this, and of his adding new fortifications 
 to the town, and knowing him to be a cunning en- 
 terprising person, sent to the Duke of Orleans, 
 (who was then at Orleans diverting himself with 
 justs and tournaments,) to cometohimat Amboise. 
 After three or four messengers, the last of which 
 was the Marshal de Gie, the Duke of Orleans went 
 to Blois, and the next day, being twelfth-eve, in 
 the year 1485, he left Blois, early in the morning, 
 with his hawks, pretending he went to fly them in 
 the fields, and without stopping by the way, rode 
 that day to Fronteraux, of which his sister was 
 then abbess ; from thence he went to Clisson, and 
 from Clisson to Nantes, where he was honourably 
 received by the Duke of Bretagne. This was the 
 second time of the Duke of Orleans's coming into 
 Bretagne, as by the sequel of this short history 
 will more plainly appear. The king having intel- 
 ligence of his leaving Blois in this clandestine 
 manner, resolved to besiege the Count de Dunois 
 in his town of Partenay, and found a way, (before 
 the secret was discovered,) to draw over to his 
 party, the Marshal de Rieux, and the other barons 
 of Bretagne, who were retired to Chateaubrian to 
 the Lady de Laval, who was mistress of it. For 
 the Duke of Bretagne, by the assistance of the 
 Duke of Orleans, and the Count de Dunois, en- 
 deavoured to be revenge<l of the said barons, for
 
 124 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 the death of Peter Landois, treasurer of Bretagne, 
 of which we shall say something in the following 
 chapter. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Of the Civil Wars in Bretagne between the Duke and his Nobility ; 
 and of the Death of Peter Landois, Treasurer of Bretagne. — 1485. 
 
 About the same time, or a little before, that 
 the Mad War happened in France, a disturbance 
 of the same nature broke out in Bretagne, though 
 not with the same success. The seeds of this re- 
 bellion were sown in the late king's reign, but did 
 not spring up for fear of a foreign war, (with 
 which Louis XI. always threatened the Bretons,) 
 till after his death. But all apprehensions of a 
 foreign invasion being then vanished ; the fire, 
 which upon this occasion was first kindled,' began 
 to break out. Monsieur Chauvin, chancellor of 
 Bretagne, (a very worthy person,) died miserably 
 in the castle of L'Hermite, where the duke had 
 imprisoned him, at the request and instigation of 
 his treasurer. Monsieur Peter Landois, a hosier's 
 son of Tours, who, after the treasurer's death, en- 
 tirely governed and managed the duke at his plea- 
 sure. This so highly affronted the nobility, that 
 some of them, to wit, the Prince of Orange, the 
 Marshal de Rieux, and several others, (who were 
 then at Nantes, and hated this Landois, as being 
 the occasion of the chancellor's death,) entered
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DK COMINES. 125 
 
 into a conspiracy against him, and, for the better 
 executing their design, they watched an opportu- 
 nity to surprise him, either in the castle with the 
 duke, or in his own house, called Pabotiere, about 
 a mile from Nantes ; in order to which they di- 
 vided themselves into two bodies, with one of 
 which they besieged his house, and with the other 
 entered the castle ; and, that they might be sure to 
 prevent his escape, they shut up the gates, searched 
 every corner of the castle, not so much as sparing 
 even the duke's chamber, into which they violently 
 rushed, as believing that Monsieur Landois might 
 be retired thither by way of safety and protection. 
 But he, being a mile from Nantes, in the above- 
 mentioned house, had time enough to make his 
 escape at a back gate, before it was surrounded ; 
 and so saved himself that time. Immediately 
 there was a great uproar in the town, for one of 
 the Duke of Bretagne's servants, who was let down 
 the castle wall by a rope, upon the nobility's en- 
 tering the castle, made a great noise and disturb- 
 ance, aggravating the heinousness of the attempt, 
 and affirming that the castle was stormed, the duke 
 assaulted, and his person in imminent danger, 
 unless he was speedily succoured. The poor deluded 
 citizens, (being ignorant that this attempt was 
 made only for the surprising of Monsieur Peter 
 Landois,) immediately armed themselves, and with 
 great fury ran to the castle ; threatening to put all 
 the nobility to the sword, of whom not one durst 
 appear upon the walls, to speak to the enraged 
 multitude, who had planted cannon against the
 
 126 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 castle; and resolved to seize upon whoever ap- 
 peared, except the duke himself. At last the duke, 
 attended by his nobility, shewed himself to the 
 people ; who presently fell on their knees before 
 him, expressing abundance of joy and satisfaction 
 at his being safe, and out of danger ; and thus 
 was the insurrection ended in a moment, and every 
 one departed quietly to his house. 
 
 Though the duke was so gracious as to pardon 
 the nobility, yet they were immediately banished 
 Bretagne, upon which they retired into France to 
 Charles VIII., as you have already heard. After 
 the pacification of these troubles. Monsieur Peter 
 Landois recovered his former credit and interest 
 with the duke ; and prevailed with him to write to 
 his cousin-german the Duke of Orleans, to desire 
 the favour of him to come into Bretagne, which 
 he did by the persuasion of the Count de Dunois, 
 who endeavoured to divorce him from the king's 
 sister, and marry him to Anne, the Duke of Bre- 
 tagne's eldest daughter and heir; which also hap- 
 pened after the Duke of Orleans came to the crown, 
 though it was not accomplished at that time. The 
 Duke of Orleans, accompanied by the Duke of 
 Alengon, arrived at Nantes, after the above-men- 
 tioned insurrection, in April 1484, where they were 
 honourably received by the Duke of Bretagne, who 
 made heavy complaints to them of the insolence 
 offered him by the Prince of Orange and the Mar- 
 shal de Rieux ; and desired their assistance to 
 revenge himself on those two lords, which they 
 promised him in general terms, and then took their
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINES. 127 
 
 leave of him, to go to Rheims to King Charles's 
 coronation. After this some difference happened 
 between the king and the Duke of Orleans ; but, 
 at last, matters were amicably adjusted, in the year 
 1485, as you have already heard. 
 
 Monsieur Peter Landois, seeing the duke his 
 master in alliance with the Duke of Orleans, and 
 the Duke of Orleans and his faction at peace with 
 the king, was resolved to be revenged of his ene- 
 mies ; and prevailed upon the Duke of Bretagne 
 to publish a proclamation, commanding all the 
 houses of the nobility that were in the above- 
 mentioned conspiracy, to be razed ; and, to put it 
 in execution, an army was raised in the duke's 
 name, to raze Ancenix, where the Prince of Orange 
 and the Count de Commings were retired; who, 
 having intelligence of it, by the assistance of their 
 friends, and the banished lords, raised also another 
 army to oppose the designs of Monsieur Peter 
 Landois ; but, when these two armies came to face 
 each other, the remembrance and love of their 
 native country altered their resolutions so, that 
 they threw down their arms, and embraced each 
 other like friends. After this mutual and friendly 
 agreement, the Prince of Orange and the Count 
 de Commings were restored to the duke's favour, 
 and to the administration of affairs under him; so 
 that the whole storm fell upon Monsieur Landois 
 alone, whom, (knowing him to be in the castle,) 
 they immediately resolved to seize upon, even 
 though he were in the duke's arms. Upon this 
 resolution, one, (whom the nobility and commons
 
 12(S SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 had by consent chosen to be their new chancellor,) 
 went by compulsion, and acquainted the duke, that 
 nothing but his delivering up Monsieur Peter 
 Landois would appease the tumult ; and, that they 
 would proceed against him only in form of law, 
 without doing any thing to him, till his cause was 
 fairly heard and examined into. After this manner, 
 and upon these fair promises, he was surrendered 
 to them, immediately imprisoned, and for form's 
 sake, examined. Several heinous crimes were ob- 
 jected against him, and, in the end, he was con- 
 demned and executed, before ever his trial was 
 known to the duke, who designed to have granted 
 him his pardon, however the proceedings of the 
 court went; and, to prevent that, his execution 
 was hastened. This action, (which the duke 
 esteemed as an high affront offered to himself in 
 particular,) rendered the nobility more odious to 
 him than they were before. The duke created a 
 new chancellor, and to oppose his nobility, very 
 kindly received the Duke of Orleans, who, about 
 the same time, retired out of France to his court, 
 with several of his faction ; upon which the nobi- 
 lity, being greatly alarmed, fled a second time into 
 France, where the king, (designing to make war 
 upon the Duke of Bretagne for entertaining the 
 Duke of Orleans,) willingly received them into his 
 service, and entered into an alliance with them, as 
 in the end of the last chapter you have already 
 heard. There was a report that the Duke of Or- 
 leans had a design to get himself divorced from the 
 Lady Jane, the king's sister, who was forced upon
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINKS. 129 
 
 him against his inclinations, by Louis XL, and to 
 marry Anne, the Duke of Bretagne's eldest daugh- 
 ter and heir ; the hopes of which match was the 
 occasion of his journey into Bretagne. But the 
 Lord d'Albret had entertained also great hopes of 
 that match, which drew him into the Duke of 
 Bretagne's service ; nay, he had even assurances 
 of the marriage, under the hands of all the nobility 
 that were with the Duke of Bretagne, except the 
 Duke of Orleans. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 On the King's making War in Bretagne, and the Count de Dunois'a 
 Embassy to the King for Peace. — 1486, 1487, 1488. 
 
 The only thing that the banished nobility of 
 Bretagne desired was, to be recalled, and to re- 
 main in peace and quiet in their own country. The 
 king's desire, on the other hand, was to be re- 
 venged of the Duke of Bretagne, for entertaining 
 and protecting the Duke of Orleans in his rebellion 
 against him. To carry on his intended designs 
 against Bretagne, the king entered into an alliance 
 with these noblemen, and to assist them, raised 
 an army and commenced a war against the Duke 
 of Bretagne, in the year 1486. This army invaded 
 Bretagne in three several parts : the Lord de 
 St. Andre, with a body of four hundred lances, 
 and five or six thousand foot, penetrated into Bre- 
 tagne on one side ; the Count de Montpensier, 
 with a considerable detachment, on another ; and 
 
 Vol. II. K
 
 130 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Louis de la Trimoiiille, Viscount of Tovars, (who 
 had married the Count de Montpensier's sister,) in 
 a third ; so that the province of Bretagne had three 
 French armies in it at once, with whom also the 
 above-mentioned barons joined, and by their in- 
 terest occasioned several castles in Bretagne to be 
 surrendered to the king's forces, at which the duke 
 was extremely surprised : but the Duke of Or- 
 leans, the Counts de Dunois and Comminges, who 
 were with him, used all their arguments to en- 
 courage and keep up his spirits, and under pre- 
 tence of a marriage to be concluded between the 
 Lady Anne, his eldest daughter, and the Lord 
 d'Albret, who had the command of a hundred 
 lances, and was capable of raising a considerable 
 body of foot in Gascony and Guienne, (where he 
 had large possessions,) they persuaded the Lord 
 d'Albret to join with them, who presently left the 
 king's service,' and came into the duke's. How- 
 ever, the Duke of Bretagne leaving Nantes in the 
 possession of his cousin, the Prince of Orange, re- 
 tired to Malestroit, a castle of great strength, 
 where he assembled an army of six hundred lances 
 and sixteen thousand foot, in order to relieve Ploer- 
 mel, (about three or four leagues from Malestroit) 
 which the king had besieged. While the duke's 
 army was marching towards Ploermel, one of the 
 officers began to talk after a mutinous manner, 
 saying, " he knew no reason for this war, neither 
 could he tell the design -of it ; affirming that their 
 duke was governed and managed by the French, 
 and they made the Bretons, at their pleasure,
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINES. 131 
 
 revenge French quarrels upon the French ; and 
 therefore he pprsuaded them to return home 
 to their wives and children, and not venture in 
 other people's quarrels, to lose their lives so ridi- 
 culously." This speech so intimidated and dis- 
 couraged the whole army, that they separated im- 
 mediately, and returned every man to his own 
 home ; by this means, for want of being rein- 
 forced, the garrison of Ploermel was forced to sur- 
 render upon terms : yet, notwithstanding the ar- 
 ticles of capitulation to the contrary, the town was 
 plundered, the most substantial inhabitants made 
 prisoners, and a considerable ransom demanded 
 for them. The Dukes of Bretagne and Orleans, 
 and the rest of the lords that were with them at 
 Malestroit, being informed of the separation and 
 return of their army, as also of the surrender of 
 Ploermel, went to Vennes, on Whitsun-eve, in the 
 year 1487, whither the king's army pursued them 
 so closely, that they had scarce time to get on 
 ship-board, and sail to Corisick, and from thence 
 up the river Loire to Nantes, being forced to leave 
 part of their baggage behind them at Vennes, 
 which surrendered immediately after they had left 
 it, without any manner of resistance. Sometime 
 after the taking of this town, the French in a 
 small skirmish, at a place called Jove, between 
 Chateaubrian and Nantes, defeated a great body 
 of Bretons, under the command of Amaulry de la 
 Mossy, near Nantes : the king himself was at An- 
 cenix at that time. After the taking of Vennes, 
 the king's army marched to Nantes, which he fn- 
 
 K -^
 
 132 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 vested on the 19th of July, in 1487 ; within the 
 town there was the Duke of Bretagne and his two 
 daughters, Anne and Isabella, the Duke of Orleans, 
 the Prince of Orange, the Ladies de Laval and 
 Chateaubrian, the Bishop of Nantes, the Count 
 de Comminges, and several other lords ; all which 
 left the castle, and took up their lodgings in the 
 town. The people of the town having some jea- 
 lousy of the bishop and the Lady de Laval, whom 
 they suspected to be in the French interest, they 
 were put into the custody of some of the chief ci- 
 tizens. The king besieged this town with an army 
 of ten thousand men, and a large train of artil- 
 lery, with which they sorely battered the walls and 
 towers both of the town and castle ; but the be- 
 sieged fired as briskly upon the king's troops, and 
 made several bold sallies, in which both sides be- 
 haved themselves with a gi'eat deal of valour and 
 intrepidity. 
 
 You must now understand, that the Count de 
 Dunois, who was in Lower Bretagne, in order to 
 embark for England, where he designed to solicit 
 for some supplies, being hindered by contrary 
 winds, brought with him fifty thousand of the 
 commons of Bretagne, to relieve the town of 
 Nantes ; and the French supposing they were unfit 
 for service let them pass quietly, without attack- 
 ing them. The king at last, finding the heat of 
 the weather increase, and that he could not carry 
 the town by force, raised the siege on the 6th of 
 August, and marched with his army and besieged 
 Dole, which he took without any resistance, plun-
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINES. 133 
 
 dered, and made all the garrison and the inhabi- 
 tants prisoners of war. Besides, the king's army 
 spoiled and ravaged all the country round about, 
 killed the people, and drove away their cattle: but 
 the Marshal de Rieux, and the greatest part of the 
 banished lords of Bretagne, that were in the king's 
 army, being concerned at, and lamenting the mi- 
 serable condition of their native country, began to 
 grow weary of the war ; and alleged that their al- 
 liance with the king was not with a design to de- 
 stroy, but to recover their country, and that the 
 French that were fled into Bretagne might return 
 into their's ; wherefore, since the French lords re- 
 siding in Bretagne had protested solemnly that 
 they were willing to return into France, provided 
 the king would pardon their going over to the 
 duke ; and that the duke on the othe rhand had, 
 with the unanimous consent of all his subjects, 
 offered the banished lords of Bretagne not only 
 their pardon, but also the restitution of all their 
 goods and lands ; they saw no reason for the con- 
 tinuance of the war any longer, and therefore were 
 for having each party return home in peace. These 
 allegations, though there was a great deal of truth 
 in them, did but little move and affect the French, 
 nor several of the Bretons themselves, who were 
 still for carrying on the war. Upon this, the 
 Marshal de Rieux, who was Lord of Ancenix, a 
 town very commodious for the king to erect maga- 
 zines in, for the subsistence of his troops, and 
 which (notwithstanding he held it for the king) he 
 garrisoned with his own tenants and servants, sur-
 
 134 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 rendered the place to the Duke of Bretagne, and 
 made the townsmen swear allegiance to him. And 
 besides, before the news of this revolt was spread 
 abroad, he marched with a good body of troops to 
 Chateaubrian, which was also held for the king, 
 and being received into the town after a friendly 
 manner, he put a garrison of his own soldiers in 
 it, and forced all those to leave the town that would 
 not return to the obedience of the duke. From 
 thence he marched to and besieged Vennes, on the 
 25th of January, which was held by the French, 
 under the government of Gilbert de Grassay, and 
 Philip de Moulins, two experienced commanders, 
 who surrendered the place upon terms, on the 
 3d day of March following. 
 
 On the other hand, the king's army was not idle, 
 for they took Ancenix by storm, and, by the king's 
 express command, razed the walls, towers, and 
 houses, so that one stone was not left upon ano- 
 ther ;' and this the king did to spite the Marshal 
 de Rieux, to whom the town belonged, and who 
 had lately revolted from him, as you have already 
 heard. Chateaubrian was also recovered by the 
 king's forces, and the castle razed. From thence 
 the king's army marched to Fougeres, a frontier 
 town, and of considerable strength, which they 
 also besieged ; upon which the Duke of Bretagne, 
 fearing he should lose all his country, resolved to 
 send the Count du Dunois on an embassy to the 
 king, of which you shall hear more in its proper 
 place. 
 
 About this time, which was in the beginning of
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINES. 135 
 
 the'year 1488, the Lord d'Albret, who had been 
 long resident at the court of Spain, came by sea, 
 and landed in Lower Bretagne with four thousand 
 men ; his forces marched immediately to Rennes, 
 but he himself came directly to Nantes, to wait on 
 the Duke of Bretagne. Upon his first arrival, he 
 demanded the accomplishment of the marriage be- 
 tween him and the Lady Anne, the duke's eldest 
 daughter ; but the lady would not consent to it, to 
 the great displeasure of her father, who was igno- 
 rant of her having placed her afffections on the 
 Duke of Orleans, by the management and persua- 
 sion of the Count de Dunois, for which reason, and 
 to save his honour, he endeavoured to withdraw the 
 instrument he had given for the accomplishment of 
 the said marriage, and which was in the hands of 
 the Lady de Laval, sister to the Lord d'Albert, 
 among the rest of the writings of the other Lords 
 of Bretagne. And he managed the affair so cun- 
 ningly, that at last he got it, for he gave the Lady 
 de Laval to understand that this match could never 
 be accomplished without obtaining an instrument 
 under the Duke of Bretagne's hands, and that he 
 had prevailed with him to give one, provided it 
 it was written word for word by that which the 
 Count de Dunois had already sealed ; therefore, if 
 she would be pleased to order his writing to be de- 
 livered to him, he would make his secretary take 
 an exact copy of it, which should bo presented to 
 the duke, in order to have him sign it. The Lady 
 de Laval, supposing his intentions to be just and 
 honourable, delivered him his own writing, which
 
 136 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 he never restored, for immediately after this he 
 was sent, with certain lawyers, in an embassy to 
 the king, who was then at Angiers, to know what 
 his majesty demanded in Bretagne, and the reason 
 of his destroying so many towns and castles in that 
 province. 
 
 The Duke of Bretagne, as we have already ob- 
 served, being in a great consternation to see Fou- 
 geres invested by the king's army, sent the Count 
 de Dunois, by the unanimous consent of his nobi- 
 lity, in an embassy to the king. The Count de Du- 
 nois all along in his journey to the French court, 
 so magnified and extolled the blessings and advan- 
 tages of peace, that the eyes of the whole kingdom 
 were fixed upon him, as the only person by whose 
 mediation they were to obtain it. Upon his being 
 admitted to an audience of the king, who was then 
 about eighteen years old, he, after a very eloquent 
 manner, remonstrated the present circumstances of 
 the Duke of Bretagne, and the other French lords 
 that had retired to his court, alleging, " That the 
 duke being grown old, worn out with diseases, hav- 
 ing buried his wife, being destitute of issue male, 
 having only two daughters, one twelve years old, 
 and the other less ; and lastly, being forsaken by 
 his nobility, upon account of their hatred to Mon- 
 sieur Peter Landois, and not through any mal- 
 administration on his part, began to languish in 
 grief and sorrow, and therefore the nobility of 
 France that were nearly allied to him, out of a 
 natural and sincere affection, were retired to his 
 court, purely to comfort him in his afflictions,
 
 MEMOIRS Olf PHILIP DE COMINES. 137 
 
 among whom none were so near to him as the Duke 
 of Orleans and the Prince of Orange, except his 
 own children, one being his uncle's son, and the 
 other his sister's ; and that these and others of his 
 near relations, that were still at his court, staid there 
 upon no other design ; adding, that the duke was 
 not to be accused of secret practices against his 
 majesty, in not forbidding them his dominions, 
 since they came purely to comfort him in his dis- 
 tress. But perhaps, (continued he,) it will be ob- 
 jected, that there are several others of the nobility 
 of France with him, who have made war against 
 the king: But what war? Why, as the Bretons 
 were marching with an army to raise the siege of 
 Ploermel, being informed that it was impossible 
 to do it, without venturing a battle with the French, 
 out of respect to his majesty, they declined fighting, 
 marched home, and suffered their towns to be taken 
 and plundered, rather than engage the king's troops. 
 Besides, as soon as the duke knew the king's royal 
 pleasure, in relation to the return of the banished 
 nobles of Bretagne, he immediately restored them 
 to his favour, and the possession of their estates. 
 What offence, (added he), has the duke committed? 
 What is the cause of the war against him ? Cer- 
 tainly none. But, on the other hand, many reasons 
 why the king should commiserate the present circum- 
 stances of the Duke of Bretagne, and consent to give 
 him peace. This was the substance of the speech, 
 which, as he said, he was commanded to deliver to 
 the king ; but he would not have undertaken so 
 weighty a charge, had he not been entirely convinced
 
 138 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 of the duke's singular affection to his majesty, and 
 that the French lords that were in Bretagne were 
 honest and faithful subjects to their king, and 
 were ready to sacrifice their lives and fortunes in 
 the defence of him and his kingdom." This speech 
 of the Count deDunois inclined the king to hearken 
 to overtures of peace, which was already set on 
 foot, and which was broken off by the sudden news 
 of a battle, of which you shall be informed in the 
 following chapter. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Of the Battle of St. Aubin, in which the Duke of Orleans was taken 
 Prisoner. Of the Treaty of Peace between the King and the Duke 
 of Bretagne, and of the Death of that Prince. — 1488. 
 
 You have already been informed of the siege of 
 Fourgeres, which still continued, and notwith- 
 standing the Count de Dunois's embassy to the 
 king was carried on with so much vigour and suc- 
 cess, that the town was reduced to great extre- 
 jnity ; upon which the Duke of Orleans, and the 
 rest of the nobility of Bretagne, being fearful of 
 losing the town, immediately left Nantes, and went 
 to Rennes, where they assembled their forces, in 
 order to raise the siege of Fougeres. Their army 
 consisting of four hundred men at arms, and twelve 
 thousand foot of their own country, as some write ; 
 but others say but eight thousand, besides three 
 hundred English, and eight hundred Swiss, and a 
 large train of artillery. This army, which was
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINES. 139 
 
 commanded in chief by the Duke of Orleans, and 
 under him by the Lord d'Albret, the Marshal de 
 Rieux, the Lords de Chateaubrian,Leon, Crenettes, 
 Pont I'Abbe, Plessis, Balines, Montigny Montuet, 
 and the Lord Rivers, an English peer, encamped 
 as soon as they were assembled, near a village call- 
 ed Andouille, on Wednesday, the 23d of July, in 
 1488. In the night there vs^as some disturbance in 
 the camp among the Gascons, w^hich w^as like to 
 have occasioned a quarrel between the Duke of 
 Orleans and the Lord d'Albret, but the matter was 
 soon adjusted. In the mean time these great lords, 
 who lay encamped at Andouille, received an ex- 
 press with the news of the taking of Fougeres, by 
 the French, upon terms of agreement, by which the 
 garrison was permitted to march out with their 
 bag and baggage. No sooner had these lords re- 
 ceived the news of the surrender of Fougeres but 
 they called a council of war, in which it was una- 
 nimously resolved to decamp, and march directly 
 to St. Aubin, being of opinion they might easily 
 take the town, in which there was but a small gar- 
 rison of the French, especially since they might be 
 joined by the garrison that marched out of Fou- 
 geres, which would be a considerable reinforce- 
 ment to their army. On the other hand, it unluc- 
 kily happened, that the French army bent their 
 march also towards St. Aubin, with a design to 
 cover the place, and prevent the Bretons from be- 
 sieging it. However, neither of the armies en- 
 tered the town, because, before they arrived at it, 
 both met and fought ; for you must understand,
 
 140 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 that the same day that the Bretons received the 
 news of the surrender of Fougeres, they broke up 
 from Andoville, and marched to Orange, a village 
 about two leagues from St. Aubin, where they re- 
 ceived intelligence that the king's army was march- 
 ing directly, with a full resolution to fight them. 
 
 The next day, early in the morning, the Bretons 
 consulted how to draw up their army in order of 
 battle ; and because the infantry were jealous of 
 the French horse, and especially of the Duke of 
 Orleans himself, it was judged proper that he and 
 the Prince of Orange should quit their horses, and 
 fight on foot, among the Swiss ; and so they did. 
 The van-guard was commanded by the Marshal de 
 Rieux ; the main-battle, by the Lord d'Albret ; and 
 the Lord de Chateaubrian brought up the rear. 
 Upon the right wing was placed their artillery ; 
 and to dismay and terrify the French the more, by 
 making them believe they had a greater number of 
 English than really there were, (for there were but 
 three hundred, under the command of the Lord Tal- 
 bot,) seventeen hundred Bretons, dressed and armed 
 after the English manner, were ordered to join 
 them. On Monday morning they drew up in the 
 above-mentioned order of battle near a great wood, 
 in expectation of the French. The king's army 
 (which was commanded by the Lord de la Tri- 
 moiiille. Viscount of Tovars) marched from Fou- 
 geres w^ith a full resolution to give the Bretons 
 battle. The van was led by Adrian de I'Hospital 
 and Gabriel de Montfalzois ; before which a small 
 party of French officers advanced to get intelligence
 
 MEMOIRS OP PHILIP DE COMINES. 14l 
 
 of the Bretons, and as soon as they had discovered 
 in what order they were drawn up, and how posted, 
 they returned to their army, which boldly marched 
 on to attack the Bretons. After some cannonading, 
 which killed abundance of men on both sides, the 
 French attacked the Bretons' van-guard with incre- 
 dible fury and intrepidity, and they were as warmly 
 received by the Marshal de Rieux, who commanded 
 it ; so that, being repulsed there, they wheeled off, 
 and marched directly to the main battle, which 
 being vigorously charged sword in hand, the ca- 
 valry of Bretagne began to give ground, which 
 dispirited those in the rear, that, without fighting 
 a stroke, they immediately fled. The French pur- 
 sued them, and made sad havoc among the in- 
 fantry: the van-guard, seeing this disorder and 
 confusion, and that there were no troops left to 
 support them, fairly turned their backs, and fled 
 too. In short, the French obtained a complete 
 victory, and killed all those that wore the red cross, 
 supposing they had been English, besides twelve or 
 thirteen hundred Bretons more, horse and foot. 
 The Duke of Orleans was taken prisoner by some 
 of the foot, as was also the Prince of Orange, who 
 had pulled off his black cross, and laid himself flat 
 upon the ground among the dead, as if he was 
 killed ; he was known by a French archer, and 
 both he and the Duke of Orleans were brought pri- 
 soners to St. Aubin, under a strong guard. The 
 Lord d'Albret, seeing the battle was lost, mounted 
 on horseback, and made his escape ; the Marshal 
 de Rieux also saved himself, and retreated to Di-
 
 142 
 
 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 nan ; but the Lords de Leon, Pont I'Abbe, Mont- 
 fort, and several other lords of Bretagne, were 
 slain, and about six thousand common soldiers. Of 
 the king's side about twelve hundred or a thousand 
 common soldiers, and but one officer of note, which 
 was Monsieur James Galeot, a brave soldier, and 
 mucli lamented in the army. This battle was 
 fought on Monday the 28th of July, 1488, soon 
 after which the Duke of Orleans was carried pri- 
 soner to the castle of Luzignan, and from thence 
 he was removed to Poictiers, where he remained 
 for some time, and lastly to the great tower of 
 Bourges. 
 
 The second day after the battle, the Lord de la 
 Trimouille sent an herald to Rheims, to summon 
 the town to surrender to the king ; which, after some 
 consultation, returned this answer: " That the 
 king had no right to the town ; that he had, un- 
 justly, and without any provocation, invaded Bre- 
 tagne; and that, notwithstanding his numerous 
 army, it would hot be in his power entirely to ruin 
 and destroy their country as he intended ; for God, 
 who defended the Bretons in their rights and liber- 
 ties, was able to shew his power against him now, 
 as he did against King John at Poictiers, and King 
 Philip of Valois, at Crecy ;" adding farther, " that 
 if the Lord de la Trimouille thought fit to invest 
 the town, and lay formal siege to it, he would find 
 in it forty thousand men, twenty thousand of which 
 were able to bear arms, and resolved to make a 
 vigorous defence." This answer was brought to 
 the Lord de la Trimoiiille, who considered a long
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINK9. 143 
 
 time before he made any reply to it ; and after- 
 wards sent the same herald to Anglers, where the 
 king was, to acquaint his majesty with it. Upon 
 which the king convened his council, to resolve 
 what measures were to be taken in this nice affair. 
 The greatest part of them were for besieging the 
 town ; but William de Rochfort, Chancellor of 
 France, was on the contrary opinion, which was 
 founded on the king's title to the duchy of Bre- 
 tagne, which was commonly reported to come by 
 means of a certain writing that the Lord John de 
 Bross, Lord of Boussac, husband to Dame Nicola 
 of Bretagne, daughter and heir to Charles of Blois, 
 Earl of Ponthieure, had made to the king's ances- 
 tors, together with several other titles, which were 
 not as yet proved in due form of law : adding far- 
 ther, that if his majesty had no lawful title to it, 
 it would be base and tyrannical in him to usurp 
 another prince's dominions : therefore the chancel- 
 lor's advice was, that, according to the desire of 
 the ambassadors, certain grave and judicious per- 
 sons, learned in the law, should be chosen to ex- 
 amine and inquire into the right on both sides. 
 This opinion at last prevailed, and accordingly the 
 king agreed to the demands of the ambassadors of 
 Bretagne, that both he and their master should ap- 
 point some of their council, who should meet in 
 some indifferent place, to examine the charters and 
 writings on both sides, and fairly and equitably 
 determine to whom the duchy belonged ; and that, 
 in the mean time, the king should keep all the 
 towns that his majesty was possessed of already in
 
 144 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Bretagne. The Duke of Bretagne was extremely 
 pleased with this agreement ; and, because the 
 plague was hot in Nantes, he removed from thence, 
 with his own daughters, the Lady de Laval, the 
 Lord d'Albret, the Count de Dunois, the Marshal 
 de Rieux, the Count de Comminges, and several 
 other persons of quality, to Coizon upon the Loire, 
 about three leagues above Nantes, where soon 
 after, to wit, on Wednesday the 27th of September, 
 1488, he died of an illness occasioned by a fall, 
 and left the government of his duchy of Bretagne, 
 and his two daughters, to the Marshal de Rieux, 
 with whom also the Count de Comminges was 
 joined as an assistant. His body was carried to 
 Nantes, and interred in the church belonging to 
 the Carmelites of that place. 
 
 CHAPTER VL 
 
 Of the King's Marriage with Lady Anne of Bretagne, by which that 
 Duchy was united to the Crown of France. — 1489. 
 
 Not long after the Duke of Bretagne's death, 
 died also his younger daughter, the Lady Isabella, 
 by whose decease the Lady Anne became his sole 
 heir. Her marriage occasioned great contention 
 among the nobility of Bretagne ; for some of them 
 were for marrying her to the Lord d'Albret, a 
 powerful lord in Guienne, to whom (as it was falsely 
 reported) she was contracted by her father's consent 
 the day before he died ; but this faction was soon
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINES. 145 
 
 dispirited by the young lady's positively i-efusing- to 
 consent to this match. Others openly declared 
 themselves for Maximilian, son to the Emperor 
 Frederic ; alleging, that he would not only be a 
 protector of their liberty, but also a strong defence 
 against any designs or attempts of France. The 
 King of France was not ignorant of this treaty, but 
 knew that several ambassadors had been sent be- 
 tween Maximilian and the nobility of Bretagne ; 
 and so far was this affair advanced, that Maxi- 
 milian himself thought the business was done, be- 
 gan to grasp the whole duchy of Bretagne in his 
 imagination, and believed no enterprise too great 
 for him to undertake, provided, if to the Low Coun- 
 tries, (which he got by his first marriage,) he could 
 join the duchy of Bretagne by a second. The King 
 of France often assembled his privy-council, about 
 ways and means how to break off this match, and 
 divert the terrible storm that threatened the king- 
 dom ; but it was Maximilian's own remissness in 
 the affair that furthered their designs the most. 
 At last, after some consultation, it was resolved in 
 council, that the king should not stand to his 
 contract with Maximilian's daughter ; but should 
 send her back to her father, and with all expedi- 
 tion endeavour to accomplish a marriage between 
 him and the Lady Anne of Bretagne ; alleging that 
 the neighbourhood of so powerful a prince as Maxi- 
 milian was, could not but be of dangerous conse- 
 quence to the kingdom of France, being one from 
 whom his majesty could expect nothing but dissem- 
 bled friendship now, and certain war hereafter; 
 
 Vol. II. h
 
 140 , SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 considering that having already forgotten his al- 
 liance and affinity with the king, began one war after 
 another against him, and by that means shewed 
 himself to be an open enemy to the king and kingdom . 
 Upoa this resolution ambassadors were despatched 
 to the court of Bretagne,to treat of a marriage with 
 the Lady Anne. At first she was extremely surprised 
 at this proposal, and told the ambassadors, that she 
 had already given her faith and honour to Maximi- 
 lian, which she could not break ; and, besides, she 
 was solemnly married to him, (according to the 
 uswal manner of princes,) by his proxy, Wolfgangus 
 Poleme of Austria, sent by him into Bretagne, for 
 that purpose. However, the Lady de Laval, and 
 other ladies of quality, who were her chief favour- 
 ites, being corrupted by French gold, and large pro- 
 mises, persuaded her that this French match would 
 be most for her safety and advantage, cunningly 
 insinuating, that if she married Maximilian, he 
 would scarce be able to defend Bretagne, consider- 
 ing he had always disappointed them of the suc- 
 cours he had promised to send them. As for her 
 scruple of conscience, they told her that the Pope, 
 who had power over ecclesiastical laws, would 
 easily be prevailed with to dispense with her vow 
 to Maximilian, since this match would be so much 
 for her advantage, and the preservation of her ter- 
 ritories. The young princess, though she was a 
 person of great wit and virtue, yet, being overcome 
 by these artful and insinuating persuasions, con- 
 sented to the request of the king's ambassadors, 
 and delivered up both herself and her dominions
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DK GOMINES. 147 
 
 into his majesty's hands ; and soon after the mar- 
 riage was solemnized, to the great joy and satisfac- 
 tion of the French court. Thus Bretagne came 
 under the French power, to the unspeakable grief 
 of all its subjects, who desired still to be governed 
 by a particular duke of their own, as they had ever 
 been in times past. 
 
 Soon after this marriage, the Count de Dunois, 
 who had been the chief promoter of the peace, and 
 a great instrument in this match, (by which he en- 
 tirely regained the King's favour,) died suddenly on 
 horse-back, and, according to common report, for 
 want of something to eat. As soon as the king had 
 settled affairs in Bretagne, he returned into France, 
 and ordered the Lady Margaret of Flanders to be 
 still kept, attended by the Princess of Tarento, in 
 the castle of Melun, upon the Seine. 
 
 Maximilian was informed of the secret designs 
 and practices of the French, and seemed not to va- 
 lue them; but when he found the marriage was 
 solemnized, he began to double his hatred against 
 the king ; openly exclaimed against him, swore he 
 would destroy France with fire and sword, and im- 
 mediately invaded Picardy with a numerous army. 
 The Lord des Cordes, who was governor of that 
 province, opposed him, and valiantly defended the 
 country, to his own honour and the advantage of 
 France : However, Maximilian being resolved to be 
 thoroughly revenged of France, stirred up the Eng- 
 lish, (the ancient enemies of that kingdom,) to in- 
 vade it on that side, and promised them great sup- 
 plies both of men and money. Upon this account, 
 
 L 2
 
 148 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 we are obliged to say something of the affairs of 
 England, because the English are our next neigh- 
 bours, and both in peace and war, have always 
 concerns with us, and we with them. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Of the Troubles in England ; of the King of England's besieging 
 Bologne ; of the Peace between the King and him ; and of the 
 surprising Arras and St. Omers by the King of the Romans. 
 1489-90. 
 
 King Eklward IV., the same that had an inter- 
 view with Louis XL, at Picquigny, (where the 
 French outwitted the English in the treaty of 
 peace that was concluded there,) dying in the year 
 1483, left behind him two sons* and several 
 daughters f. The government of the two sons was 
 
 ♦ Edward and Richard, both inhumanly murdered, and as ob- 
 scurely buried by their own uncle Richard Duke of Gloucester, who 
 afterwards usurped the kingdom by the title of Richard III. 
 
 t His eldest daughter the Lady Elizabeth was married to Henry 
 Earl of Richmond, afterwards known by the name of Henry VH., by 
 which match the two contending houses of York eind Lancaster were 
 united. The younger daughters were bestowed, one in a nunnery, 
 and others on inferior lords. Cicely was married to John Viscount 
 Wells : Anne to Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolk, Bridget was a 
 professed nun at Dartford . Mary was contracted to the King of Den- 
 mark, but died before consummation of marriage : Margaret died an 
 infant : and Catharine married William Courtney Earl of Devonshire. 
 All these younger princesses died without issue, except the Lady 
 Catharine ; and her posterity also failed in the third descent. Henry 
 her son, Marquis of Exeter, suffered by attainder in the reign of 
 Henry VHL, his cousin-german ; being not long before designed heir- 
 apparent to the crown, (an honour fatal in England,) and his son Ed- 
 ward untimely came to his end in Padua in Italy, in the reign of 
 Queen Mary ; by whose favours he had regained his father's honours 
 and possessions.
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINES. 149 
 
 committed to the Duke of Gloucester, King's Ed- 
 ward's brother, who barbarously murdered them, 
 slew those of the nobility whom he thought would 
 oppose his designs, and usurped the crown. At 
 last the Duke of Buckingham, (who had espoused 
 the Duke of Gloucester's interest, even to the usur- 
 pation of the crown,) fell out with him, and invited 
 Henry Earl of Richmond, who had been an exile 
 in Bretagne for many years, to come over into Eng- 
 land, promising to join him with a powerful army 
 immediately upon his landing. The Earl of Rich- 
 mond communicated this affair to Peter Landois, 
 by whom the Duke of Bretagne was entirely go- 
 verned at that time ; who, being in hopes that the 
 Earl, (if by his interest he obtained the kingdom 
 of England,) would assist him against his enemies, 
 persuaded the Duke of Bretagne to assist him with 
 men and money, to carry on this enterprise, who 
 accordingly furnished him with three large ships 
 and a considerable body of land forces, with which 
 he put to sea, and sailed immediately for England. 
 As soon as they were arrived on the coast of Eng- 
 land, and ready to disembark, the Earl of Rich- 
 mond received the unwelcome news of the death of 
 the Duke of Buckingham, (whom King Richard 
 had beheaded,) the defeat of his troops, and King 
 Richard's being upon the sea-coast with a powerful 
 army, in expectation of his landing. Upon this 
 intelligence the Earl of Richmond returned, in 
 hopes of recovering the coast of Bretagne, from 
 whence he set sail ; but a tempest overtook him 
 and drove him upon that of Normandy, whefc he
 
 150 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 was forced to land. The Duchess of Beaujeu hav- 
 ing notice of his landing, sent a gentleman belong- 
 ing to her household, to invite him to court ; where 
 the king received him very graciously, and where 
 he made some stay, after which he returned to 
 Vennes in Bretagne, to remain there till a more 
 favourable opportunity. Peter Landois seeing him- 
 self disappointed in his designs, altered his mind, 
 and made overtures to King Richard to deliver the 
 Earl of Richmond into his hands ; but the earl, 
 being secretly informed of it, under pretence of 
 going a hawking one morning, fled with about ten 
 or twelve horse into France to King Charles VIII., 
 who afterwards furnished him with ships and 
 some soldiers, to assist him in his design upon 
 England ; by whose help, and that of his own re- 
 lations, who had invited him over, and espoused 
 his interest, he fought, vanquished and slew King 
 Richard in the field ; and was himself crowned king 
 in his room. This generous assistance of King 
 Charles's joined to the King of England's desire of 
 living peaceably and growing rich, was the reason 
 why Henry VII., during all the wars and troubltes 
 in Bretagne, never invaded France, though he had 
 often been earnestly solicited to do it, both by the 
 Duke of Bretagne, the Count de Dunois, and the 
 rest of the lords of that faction. For generally 
 when any troubles arose in France, our neigh- 
 bours, especially the English, within a year, are 
 invited to take part of the feast, and so was 
 Henry VII., King of England ; and he had certainly 
 invaded France, if the above-mentioned reasons.
 
 MEMOIRS OK PHILIP DE COMINBS. 151 
 
 joined to some other private ones, to wit, fear of a 
 civil war in his ow^n kingdom, had not kept him 
 at home. 
 
 However, notwithstanding the King of England's 
 backwardness to invade France ; yet, in the year 
 1493, partly by the instigation of Maximilian, who 
 had promised him great assistance in his wars, 
 (but disappointed him,) and partly to please his 
 own subjects, who already began to think him too 
 much in the French interest, by suffering them, to 
 the prejudice of England, to annex the duchy of 
 Bretagne to the crown of France ; he passed the 
 seas, and besieged Bologne*, whither the Lord des 
 Cordes, and the Bastard of Cardonne, governor of 
 Arras, were sent with a small body of troops to re- 
 inforce the garrison, and put the place into a pos- 
 ture of defence. Besides, the king raised an army 
 in order to relieve the town ; but, those forces not 
 being assembled in any great haste, the two above- 
 mentioned officers took upon them the command 
 and defence of it. The siege was not carried on 
 with any vigour, so that the French sent an herald 
 into the English camp to make some overtures of 
 peace, to which King Henry seemed not to be 
 averse, as well for the affection he bore the King 
 of France, wh6 had assisted him in his obtaining 
 the crown of England, as also fear of sedition at 
 home, which hindered him from being long absent 
 out of his dominions ; because Maximilian had 
 broken his word with him : and, lastly, because he 
 
 • According to our Engliih chronicles, the »iege of Boiopie w»« 
 in the year 1491.
 
 152 ' SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 hoped, by this peace*, to receive of the king a vast 
 sum of money, which he loved extremely well, as 
 being the most covetous prince that every reigned 
 in Europe. The Lord des Cordes finding the King 
 of England's inclinations for peace, went and had a 
 conference with him in his camp. His majesty's 
 demands were, first, a great sum of money, which 
 he said he had lent the late Duke of Bretagne ; 
 and, secondly, that the king should pay him all the 
 charge he had been at in this war. To all these 
 demands the King of France agreed, and an order 
 was signed, by which the King of England was to 
 receive annually such a certain sum of money till 
 the whole demanded by him was paid ; and, in this 
 shameful and dishonourable manner the King of 
 England returned home. In the mean time, while 
 the Lord des Cordes and the Bastard of Cardonne, 
 were at Bologne, treating with the King of Eng- 
 land ; the citizens of Arras knowing the town not 
 to be well fortified, tampered with the garrison to 
 persuade them to deliver it up to Maximilian, who 
 accordingly sent a detachment thither, which se- 
 cretly, and with great diligence, approached the 
 walls of the place. When all things were in readi- 
 ness, and the gates being so slightly guarded, that 
 the traitors, with their false keys, had opened 
 them, they began a song, in which they desired 
 
 ♦ Sir Francis Bacon, in the life of Henry VII., says it rather de- 
 serves the name of a bargain than a treaty of peace ; and that the 
 king being ashamed of the inglorious terms he had made with the 
 French king, a little before the peace was concluded, under-hand 
 procured some of the chief officers of his army and captains of his 
 fleet, to address him to make peace in an earnest manner, and in the 
 nature of a supplication.
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINES. 153 
 
 the enemies to hasten their march, who immedi- 
 ately came up to the gates, and were admitted into 
 the town. Paul Carquelevant, a Breton, who was 
 governor of the town in the absence of the Bastard 
 of Cardonne, retired upon the enemy's first en- 
 trance, with his garrison into the castle ; but, fear- 
 ing least it should be taken by storm, presently 
 abandoned it after a most shameful manner ; for if 
 he had but held out till the next day a considerable 
 body of French troops had been sent to relieve it. 
 The town was plundered, and several people killed, 
 neither did they spare the churches nor the houses 
 of those that betrayed it. The author of this trea- 
 son was a poor smith, that lived upon the town- 
 wall, and was the only person that was suflTered to 
 remain in the town when Louis XI. transported 
 the townsmen as a colony into France. Carquele- 
 vant, the governor, when the town was surprised, 
 lay fast asleep, and dead drunk, as it was reported. 
 The town was plundered by reason that Maximilian 
 owed his soldiers some months' pay, and were 
 forced to do it for subsistence. St. Omers was 
 also surprised at the same time, though some refer 
 it to another ; but, whenever it was taken, it is 
 certain it was owing to the negligence of the 
 guards that were posted at the gates: for the 
 enemy, whose troops were commanded by Monsieur 
 George Deberfin, made a shew upon their first in- 
 vesting the town, as if they designed to have scaled 
 it, at which time the French garrison were in arms 
 upon the walls and ready to receive them ; and the 
 town was strong and very defensible both by art
 
 154 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 and nature. Upon this the enemy pretended to be 
 afraid, retired to their camp, nay, even farther, 
 when the French garrison sallied out to fall upon 
 their rear; and thus they continued to retreat for 
 eight days together, and, by this piece of policy 
 and dissimulation, made the French careless and 
 negligent in their duty, which, being perceived by 
 the Burgundians and Germans, they, with great 
 expedition, planted scaling ladders against the 
 walls and bulwarks of the town*, and easily entered 
 it, the guards being fast asleep, and in some places 
 none at all. As soon as they had scaled the walls, 
 they forced open the gates, put the French garrison, 
 and the greatest part of the citizens, to the sword, 
 and so became masters of the town. 
 
 At the same time also Amiens was attempted by 
 the Burgundians in the night, and like to have been 
 surprised by the same negligence of the guards ; 
 but Catharine de Liques, (a woman of an heroic 
 courage,) awakened the guards out of their dead 
 sleep, by which means the alarm-bell was rung, 
 and the garrison and the townsmen repaired im- 
 mediately to their arms ; part of which defended 
 the walls, and the rest of them made a sally, 
 fought and defeated Maximilian's troops, who ge- 
 nerously owned, that the vigilance and industry of 
 one woman had wrested the victory out of their 
 hands.
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE (OMINES. 155 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Of the Restitution of Roussillon and Perpignan to the King of 
 Spain ; of the Emperor Frederic's Death ; of the Peace between 
 the King of the Romans and the King; and of the Duke of 
 Orleans's releasement out of Prison. — 1492-3. 
 
 Ferdinand, King of Arragon, desired nothing 
 more than to recover the countries of Roussillon 
 and Perpignan out of the king's hands, which were 
 mortgaged by him, (as he said,) to Louis XI. for 
 fifty thousand crowns. The nobility of France 
 would not consent to this restitution, because those 
 two countries were a barrier to the kingdom on 
 that side towards Spain, alleging that they were 
 not engaged to King Louis, but absolutely sold ; 
 and though the King of Spain maintained, that 
 Louis XL, by his last will and testament, had or- 
 dered those countries to be restored, as knowing 
 them to be unjustly detained ; yet his remonstrances 
 and allegations were but of little force. Therefore 
 finding he could do no good that way, he began to 
 tamper with priests and holy people ; hoping, by 
 their preaching up conscience and justice to the 
 king, to gain of his majesty what was impossible 
 for him to obtain by any other means. In order to 
 effect his designs, he corrupted, with a large sum 
 of money. Father Oliver Maillard, or, according to 
 other authors, John de Mauleon, a Franciscan 
 friar, and confessor to the Duchess of Beaujeu, 
 the king's sister ; who, under pretence of religion, 
 hiding his hypocrisy and avarice, persuaded her.
 
 156 SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 that if restitution of these territories were not im- 
 mediately made to the King of Spain, that the king 
 her brother could never expect a prosperous and 
 happy reign. The Duchess of Beaujeu being 
 touched in conscience by this friar's persuasions, 
 opened the whole matter to Lewis d'Amboise, 
 Bishop of Alba, the king's school-master, who, in 
 conjunction with her, so terrified the king's con- 
 science, that he not only made restitution of the 
 said territories by the hands of the above-men- 
 tioned bishop, but also gave the King of Arragon 
 the money that his father, Louis XL, had paid for 
 them ; upon these conditions, that the said King 
 of Arragon and his successors should, for the 
 future, be in friendship and amity with the king- 
 dom of France ; that he should make no war 
 against it, nor aid or assist with either money, 
 troops, provisions, or counsel, the enemies thereof; 
 nor to grant them a passage through his dominions. 
 And after this manner were these provinces re- 
 stored, to the universal dislike and mortification 
 of the subjects of France ; but, in reality, the king 
 was rather inclined to restore them, because his 
 majesty began already, by the persuasion of some 
 of his courtiers, to have some thoughts of his ex- 
 pedition to Naples, for the recovery of that king- 
 dom ; which afterwards succeeded, though the 
 king, both at that time, and long afterwards, kept 
 his designs secret to himself, and one or two more ; 
 which intended expedition, we believe, was the 
 principal cause of his restoring the above-men- 
 tioned provinces, to oblige the King of Spain to
 
 MEMOIRS OP PHILIP DE COMINES. 157 
 
 stand neuter, and not give him any disturbance in 
 his designs. But he was mistaken ; for no sooner 
 had the king passed the mountains with his army, 
 but the King of Spain forgot all his favours and 
 obligations, and endeavoured to form an alliance 
 with his enemies against him. 
 
 During these transactions in France, the Em- 
 peror Frederic died ; to whom his son Maximilian 
 succeeded, who, however, was never crowned, nei- 
 ther was he ambitious of that honour ; for if he 
 had, he might easily have obtained it. 
 
 The Emperor Maximilian, designing to quiet and 
 pacify the state of the empire, which his father's 
 death had involved in some troubles, seemed more 
 desirous to make peace with the king than he had 
 formerly been, which happened very fortunately 
 for the king's affairs ; for, without a peace with 
 Maximilian, it had been impracticable for his ma- 
 jesty to have undertaken his expedition to Italy ; 
 but both parties being inclined to peace, it was 
 soon concluded. The emperor's daughter was re- 
 stored to him, and with her the county of Artois, 
 and all the towns his imperial majesty demanded. 
 And thus the king, being in peace with all his 
 neighbours, to wit, the Emperor and the Kings of 
 England and Spain ; and being by his marriage in 
 the quiet possession of the duchy of Bretagne, and 
 by that means having no enemy to fear, he began 
 wholly to think of his intended expedition to Italy, 
 on which he had long fixed his mind. 
 
 Besides, about this time, the king, at the earnest 
 request and solicitation of his sister Jane, (a lady
 
 158 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINBS. 
 
 of singular piety and virtue,) restored, not only to 
 his liberty, but his favour, Louis Duke of Orleans, 
 (the Lady Jane's husband,) who was taken pri- 
 soner at the battle of St. Aubin, in Bretagne, as 
 you have already heard ; by which action of gene- 
 rosity the king not only deserved the highest com- 
 mendations for his clemency in preserving his 
 enemy, and restoring him to his former dignity and 
 honour, but by it took care that no discontented 
 subject at home should disturb the tranquillity of 
 the kingdom in his absence, in his expedition to 
 Italy, to which the Memoirs of Philip de Comines 
 now call us ; which history, from the death of 
 Louis XL to this present time, have been supplied 
 out of other good and valuable authors ; because 
 Philip de Comines himself, who was either in pri- 
 son or in disgrace at court, almost from the death 
 of Louis XL to the above-mentioned expedition 
 into Italy, (in which he was present,) has been 
 silent, and has left nothing in writing to posterity 
 of what occurrences happened during that space of 
 time. 
 
 BND OF THE SUPPLEMENT.
 
 THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE, 
 
 GIVING AN ACCOUNT OP THE DESIGN OP HIS MEMOIRS CONCERNING 
 THE REIGN OF CHARLES VIII., THE SON OP LOUIS XI., BUT WITH 
 INTERMISSION OF SOME YEARS, FROM THE DEATH OF LOUIS XI., 
 TILL HE RE-ASSUMES HIS DISCOURSE, WHICH IS FROM THE YEAR 
 
 1483, TO 1494. 
 
 TO continue these Memoirs, which were begun by me, Philip 
 de Comines, concerning- the exploits and reign of our late King, 
 Louis XI., I will now give you an account what induced his son 
 Charles VIII. to undertake his expedition into Italy, in which 
 I was present. The king set out from Vienne, in Dauphin^, the 
 23d of August, 1494, and returned into his kingdom in the year 
 1495. Before he undertook this enterprise, it was warmly de- 
 bated whether he should go or not, for to all persons of experi- 
 ence and wisdom it was looked upon as a very dangerous under- 
 taking ; nor indeed \vas any body for it but himself, and one 
 Stephen de Vers, a native of Languedoc, of very mean extrac- 
 tion, and one who had never seen or had the least knowledge of 
 military affairs. There was also one Brissonet, who was of 
 the council, and belonged to the finances, but his heart failed 
 him, and he shrunk his neck out of the collar. However, this 
 expedition turned much to his advantage afterwards, for he had 
 great preferment in the church, was made a cardinal, and his 
 fortune advanced by the addition of several spiritual promotions. 
 De Vers was possessed of a plentiful estate before, was made 
 seneschal of Beaucarie, and president of the accounts at Paris, 
 for in his youth he had served the king faithfully, in qua- 
 lity of gentleman of the bed-chamber, and, by his persuasion. 
 Monsieur Brissonet was brought over to his party ; so that they 
 two were the chief promoters of this expedition, which the greatest
 
 160 THE author's preface. 
 
 part of the kingdom rather blamed than commended them for . 
 because not only all things necessary for so great an enterprise 
 were wanting, but the king was young, foolish, and obstinate, 
 without either money, officers, or soldiers. So that before 
 he began his march he was forced to borrow a hundred thou- 
 sand francs of the bank of Genoa, at an extravagant interest, 
 from mart to mart, besides what he took up in other places, as 
 you shall hear hereafter. They had neither tents nor pavilions, 
 though it was winter when the army entered into Lombardy : 
 one thing, indeed, was very handsome, and that was a brigade of 
 young volunteers, who were lively and brisk, but under no com- 
 mand or discipline. So that we may conclude this whole expe- 
 dition, both going and coming, was conducted purely by God ; 
 for, as we said before, the wisdom of the contrivers of this scheme 
 contributed but little. However, they may boast of this, that 
 they were the occasion of highly advancing the honour of their 
 king-.
 
 THE MEMOTRS OF 
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES, 
 
 LORD OP AR6BNTON. 
 
 BOOK THE SEVENTH. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Of Ren^, Duke of Lorrain's coining into France, to demand the 
 Duchy of Bar and the County of Provence, which the King had 
 in his Possession, and his being disappointed in his Pretensions to 
 the Kingdom of Naples, to which he laid Claim as well as the 
 King, with an Account of their Titles. 
 
 iVs soon as the king was fourteen or fifteen years 
 old, which was an age fit to be crowned*, the Duke 
 of Lorrain came to demand the duchy of Bar, which 
 King Louis XI. had kept from him, and the county 
 Provence, which King Charles of Anjou, his cousin- 
 german, dying without issue, left to Louis XL by 
 his last will and testament. The Duke of Lorrain 
 laid claim to it, as being son to the daughter of 
 Rene King of Sicily, Duke of Anjou, and Earl of 
 Provence, alleging that the King of Sicily had 
 highly injured him, for that the said Charles of 
 Anjou was but his brother's son, whereas he was 
 descended from his own daughter. But the king 
 
 * He was crowned at Rheims, the 80th of May, 1484. 
 
 vot. n. M
 
 162 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 pretended that Provence could not be transferred 
 by will to a daughter. The conclusion of this affair 
 was, Bar was restored for a sum of money which 
 the king insisted upon ; and the Duke of Lorrain 
 being in great favour, and having many friends at 
 court, (especially John Duke of Bourbon, who was 
 old, and desirous to marry his sister,) had the com- 
 mand of a hundred lances given him, and a pension 
 of thirty-six thousand francs for four years, in which 
 time his title to Provence was to be examined into* 
 I was one of his council which was chosen on pur- 
 pose, which consisted of the king's relations, and 
 the three estates of the kingdom, to determine the 
 matter. Stephen de Vers, whom I mentioned be- 
 fore, was another, who had got some estate in Pro- 
 vence, which he was unwilling to part with, and 
 therefore made the king, young as he was, to de- 
 clare, (in the presence of his sister, the Duchess of 
 Bourbon,) the Count de Comminges, and the Lord 
 du Lau, (both likewise of the council,) and myself, 
 that we should have a care he did not lose the 
 county of Provence, and this was transacted before 
 the above-mentioned agreement. 
 
 Before the expiration of the four years, some 
 persons of Provence produced a new will of 
 Charles I., who was brother to St. Louis, and of 
 other Kings of Sicily of the house of France. By 
 these it was pretended, that not only the country of 
 Provence belonged to the king, but the kingdom of 
 Sicily also, and other places possessed by the house 
 of Anjou, and that the Duke of Lorrain had no title 
 to any of them, (which other people denied ;) those
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 163 
 
 who were against the Duke of Lorrain's title, were 
 influenced by this Stephen de Vers, who possessed 
 his master that the last King Charles, Earl of Pro- 
 vence, son of Charles of Anjou, Count du Maine, 
 and nephew to King Ren^, had left it to him by his 
 will ; for he had made him his heir before he died, 
 and preferred him before the Duke of Lorrain, who 
 was his own daughter's son ; and this, they urged, 
 was done by King Rene, in consideration of the 
 wills of Charles I. and his wife the Countess of 
 Provence, by which they had enjoined that that 
 kingdom and the country of Provence should not 
 be separated, nor descend to a daughter, whilst 
 there was a son living of the line. And they 
 affirmed that the wills of their successors were 
 to the same effect, and particularly the will of 
 Charles II. 
 
 During the time of these four years, they that 
 had the management of the king, who were the 
 Duke and Duchess of Bourbon *, one Graville f, 
 
 * Madame de Beaujea, Duchess of Bourbon, was appointed by 
 Louis XI. and tlie three estates of the kingdom, to be Regent of 
 France, during the minority of her brother, Charles VIII. But the 
 Duke of Orleans, who wa» afterwards Louis XII., opposed that de- 
 cree, and in conjunction with some of the nobility, took up arms, 
 and demanded the regency, as the first prince of the blood; and it 
 was against this confederacy tliat the Duchess of Bourbon invited and 
 called in the Duke of Lorrain to her assistance. 
 
 t Louis Malet, Lord of Graville, Marcoussy, and Bois-males- 
 herbes. Governor of Picardy and Normandy, and made Admiral of 
 France in the year 1485. He enjoyed that post once more after the 
 death of hia son-in-law, Charles de Amboise, Lord of Chaumont, 
 lieutenant-general for the king and governor of Paris, Milan, Genoa, 
 and Normandy, knight of the kings order, marshal and lord high- 
 steward of France ; nephew to the famous Cardinal George d'Am- 
 boise ; who arrived to the honour and dignity of being admiral of 
 France, by the resignation of his father-in-law, the Admiral de Gra- 
 
 M 2
 
 164 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 and others, lords of his bed-chamber, who were in 
 great power, sent for the Duke of Lorrain to 
 court, and put him into places of great trust and 
 authority : that being a person of a more enter- 
 prising temper than the rest of the courtiers, he 
 might aid and assist them in their undertakings; 
 besides, they questioned not to find a way to get 
 rid of him when they had no farther service for 
 him, as they did afterwards, when they found they 
 were able to manage affairs by themselves ; and the 
 power of the Duke of Orleans, and the rest of the 
 nobility in his faction was weakened, and began 
 to decline apace : and to say the truth, after the 
 expiration of the four years, the Duke of Lorrain 
 would stay no longer at court, unless they would 
 put him into possession of the county of Provence, 
 or secure it to him in writing at a prefixed time, 
 and continue his pension of thirty-six thousand 
 francs ; but not agreeing in the point, the Duke 
 of Lorrain left France, highly disgusted with the 
 court. 
 
 Four or five months before his leaving the court, 
 a very advantageous overture was made him, if 
 he had known how to have accepted it. The whole 
 kingdom of Naples was in rebellion against King 
 Ferrand, for his and his son's tyranny, so that all 
 the barons, and three parts of the kingdom, sub- 
 mitted themselves to the church ; but the said King 
 Ferrand, with the assistance of the Florentines, 
 
 ville, and died two years afterwards, in the year 1508, at Corregio, 
 in Lombardy. The Admiral de Graville died the 30th of October, 
 in the year 1516.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. l^ 
 
 pressed them very hard ; upon which the pope, and 
 the lords who were in arms against them, sent to the 
 Duke of Lorrain, to have him made king, and they 
 were so far in earnest in the matter, that the galleys, 
 under the command of the Cardinal of Saint Peter 
 ad Vincula, waited for him a long time at Genoa, 
 whilst he was quarrelling at court, though ambassa- 
 dors from all the nobility of that kingdom were with 
 him, and pressing him daily to be gone. The re- 
 sult of all was, the king and his council expressed 
 great readiness to assist him. He was promised six 
 hundred thousand francs, and received twenty 
 thousand of them, the rest he lost; he had leave 
 to carry his hundred lances along with him, and 
 was told that the king would send ambassadors to 
 foreign courts, to espouse his interest. However, 
 though the king was now nineteen years of age, 
 yet he was still governed by the persons above- 
 named, who were always filling his ears with his 
 undoubted title to the kingdom of Naples, which I 
 insert the rather, because persons of little consi- 
 deration are often capable of raising greater 
 troubles ; and so I understood they did here, by 
 several of the Duke of Lorrain's ambassadors to 
 Rome, Florence, Genoa, and elsewhere ; as also by 
 the duke himself as he passed by Moulins, where 
 I then resided, upon account of the dispute be- 
 tween the court and John Duke of Bourbon . But the 
 Duke of Lorrain's opportunity was half lost already 
 by his own delay ; however, I went out to meet 
 and compliment him, though I had no obligation
 
 166 THE MEMOIRS OK 
 
 to do it ; for he was partly the occasion of my 
 beina removed from court, and had given me very 
 abusive language ; but nobody so dear to him as 
 I ; he caressed me at a most extravagant rate, and 
 complained heavily of those who had the present 
 administration of affairs. He continued two days 
 with John Duke of Bourbon, and then he set out 
 for Lyons. 
 
 In short, his friends were so weary and tired 
 with expectation, that both pope and barons came 
 to an accommodation with King Ferrand, upon 
 which the barons adventuring to Naples, were all 
 seized and imprisoned, though the pope, the Ve- 
 netians, the King of Spain, and the Florentines, 
 were all of them their guarantees, and had pro- 
 mised and sworn to the contrary. The Prince Sa- 
 lerno escaped into France, refusing to be compre- 
 hended in the treaty of accommodation, as know- 
 ing the revengeful temper of King Ferrand ; and 
 the Duke of Lorrain returned with great shame 
 and dishonour into his own country. He was never 
 afterwards in any credit with our king, who took 
 away his lances, stopped his thirty-six thousand 
 francs for the county of Provence, and in that 
 condition he stands this very day *, 1497. 
 
 * It is presumed the Author finished these Memoirs in this year.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. Jfi^ 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Of the coming of the Prince of Salerno, 9 NeapoHtan by Birth, into, 
 France ; of the Endeavours that were used by him and Lodowick. 
 Sforza, surnamed the Moor, to persuade the King to make War 
 upon the King of Naples, and the Occasion of it. 
 
 The Prince of Salerno with three of his ne- 
 phews, sons to the Prince of Bisignan, fled to 
 Venice, where they were kindly received. Their 
 business was to consult that senate, (as the prince 
 told me himself,) to know what prince they 
 should address themselves to, whether to the Duke 
 of Lorrain, the King of France, or the King of 
 Spain. He told me this answer was, that the 
 Duke of Lorrain's affairs were in a desperate con- 
 dition, and it was impossible for him ever to re- 
 lieve them ; that the King of Spain would be too 
 powerful by the addition of the kingdom of Naples 
 to the Isle of Sicily, and what he had already in 
 the gulf of Venice ; and that his strength at sea 
 was very considerable already : but if they might 
 advise, they would rather have them apply them- 
 selves to the King of France, for with the Kings of 
 France who formerly reigned in Naples they have 
 held very good friendship and amity ; and this I 
 believe was spoken without any prospect of what 
 happened afterwards. The conclusion of all was, 
 the barons came into France, were well received, 
 but indifferently supplied ; they solicited very hard 
 for two years together, and all their application 
 was to Stephen de Vers, at that time seneschal of
 
 168 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Beaucaire, and chamberlain to the king. One day 
 they were in hopes, another in despair ; however, 
 their friends used the same diligence in Italy, espe- 
 cially in Milan, where John Galeas was duke, not 
 the great Galeas, who was buried in the Charter- 
 house in Pavia, but the son of Duke Galeas and 
 the Duchess Bona, a daughter of the House 
 of Savoy, which duke being a weak prince, the 
 duchess had the education of her children ; and I 
 have seen her, (when she was a widow) in great 
 authority, but managed by one of her secretaries 
 called Cico, who had been a long time in that 
 family, and had driven out or imprisoned all 
 the brothers of this Duke Galeas, to secure the 
 duchess and her children. Among the rest he ba- 
 nished one Lodowick, (who was since Duke of 
 Milan,) whom he recalled, though he was her 
 enemy, and actually in arms against her ; as also 
 one Robert di St. Severino, a person of great va- 
 lour and experience in military affairs, whom by 
 the advice of this Cico she had likewise banished. 
 At last, by the persuasion of one Anthony Tassino, 
 who was her carver, (a native of Ferrara, and of 
 mean extraction,) she recalled them very indis- 
 creetly ; presuming that according to their oaths 
 and promises, they would do no harm to Cico. 
 But the third day after their return they took Cico, 
 put him in a tub, and in derision carried him 
 in triumph through the town. This Cico had 
 married with one of the family of the Visconti, 
 and had they been in the way, those durst not have 
 seized him. This was a contrivance of X^dowick's,
 
 PHILIP DE COMINBS. 168 
 
 that Robert di St. Severino, being to pass that way, 
 might have the pleasure of beholding him in that 
 posture, for he knew he abhorred him : after which 
 Cico was conducted to the castle of Pavia, where 
 he died a prisoner. 
 
 They paid the lady all possible respect, and, as 
 she thought, complied with her in every thing ; but 
 they held private cabals among themselves, and 
 never communicated any thing to her but what was 
 of little importance, and she took it for the great- 
 est kindness imaginable not to trouble her with 
 any thing. 
 
 They gave her leave to caress Anthony Tossino, 
 and make him what presents she pleased : they as- 
 signed him an apartment near her own, and per- 
 mitted him to carry her on horseback behind him 
 quite through the town, and nothing but feasting 
 and dancing was to be seen in her palace. This 
 way of living did not continue long, scarce half a 
 year, during which time she made him several rich 
 presents, and all packets were directed to him, 
 which rendered him odious to, and highly distasted 
 Lodowick, (uncle to the children,) who intended to 
 make himself sovereign, as he did afterwards. 
 One morning the children were both taken from 
 their mother, and carried to the castle, which they 
 called ** the Rock," where they were secured by the 
 appointment of Lodowick, Robert di St. Severino, 
 and one Pallevoisin, the young duke's governor,) 
 and captain of the castle*, who before the death 
 
 * This captain had no ill design upon the children aa the rest had ; 
 but only consented to their being put into the castle, as believing 
 them safer there than under the government of their foolish mother.
 
 170 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of Duke Galeas never stirred out of it, nor a long 
 time after ; till at length he was taken by the cir- 
 cumvention of Lodowick, and the folly of his 
 master, w^ho took after the mother, and w^as no 
 wiser than he could be. When these persons had 
 secured the children in the castle, they seized upon 
 the treasury, (which at that time was the richest 
 in Christendom,) and took an account of it ; after 
 which they caused three keys to be made, of which 
 she had one, but she never touched one farthing of 
 the money afterwards. They made her renounce 
 the guardian of her son, and Count Lodowick was 
 deputed in her place ; besides, they wrote letters 
 full of reflections on her into several places, and 
 particularly into France, which I saw, and those 
 contained severe remarks on her conduct, in rela- 
 tion to her favourite Anthony Tessino ; yet they sent 
 him away without any other punishment, for the 
 Lord Robert was his friend, and would not suffer 
 either his person or estate to be touched. But 
 these two great men could not as yet get admittance 
 into the castle when they pleased ; for the captain 
 had a brother in it, and near a hundred and fifty 
 men, who always ordered the gate to be very strictly 
 guarded when they entered, and would not suffer 
 above one or two to come in with them, and this 
 caution was used for a long time. 
 
 In the mean while a great dispute arose between 
 Lodowick and Robert di St. Severino, as is usual, 
 for it is impossible for two persons in authority to 
 agree long ; but Lodowick getting the upper hand, 
 the other quitted Milan, and went into the Vene- 
 
 '"^^
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 171 
 
 tian service. Yet since that two of his sons, the 
 Lord Galeas and the Count di Cajazzo, came 
 back, and served the Count de Lodowick and the 
 state of Milan ; some say they came with their 
 father's consent, others say not ; be it which it 
 will, Lodowick entertained them very kindly, and 
 they have, and do still, serve him very faithfully. 
 You must know that this Robert, their father, was 
 of the house of St. Severino, but by a natural 
 daughter, which in Italy is no great matter ; for a 
 natural daughter with them is as good as one law- 
 fully begotten. I mention this particular upon 
 account of their assisting us in our enterprise in 
 that country in favour of the Prince of Salerno, 
 (who is chief of the house of St. Severino,) and 
 for other reasons, which you shall hear in another 
 place. 
 
 This Lodowick began presently to make it ap- 
 pear, that he would stick at nothing to establish his 
 authority ; caused money to be coined with the 
 duke's effigies on one side, and his own on the 
 other, which disgusted abundance of the people of 
 Milan. The duke was married to the Duke of 
 Calabria's daughter, who, after the death of his 
 father, Ferrand King of Naples, was king himself 
 by the name of Alphonso ; the young lady was very 
 courageous, and would fain have irritated her hus- 
 band to the vindication of his authority ; but he 
 was a weak prince, and still discovered all she said. 
 The captain of the castle maintained his reputation 
 for a long while, but never stirred from his com- 
 mand . .Jealousies began now to arise, so that both
 
 172 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the sons never went abroad together ; but when one 
 went forth the other staid behind. In short, about 
 a year or two before our expedition into Italy, this 
 Lodowick having been abroad with the young duke, 
 and designing some mischief against him, waited 
 on him back to the castle. The captain having 
 ordered the draw-bridge to be let down, and ad- 
 vanced a little way upon it with some of his offi- 
 cers to receive the duke, and kiss his hand, accord- 
 ing to the usual custom ; the duke being at some 
 distance from the bridge, the captain was forced to 
 step forward a pace or two ; upon which the two 
 sons of St. Severino, and others that were with 
 them, seized on him and secured him. Those of 
 the castle pulled up the draw -bridge, upon which 
 this Lodowick, causing the end of a candle to be 
 lighted, swore he would cut off the captain's head 
 if they did not surrender the castle before that 
 candle was burnt out ; upon which they submitted, 
 and he fortified it, and put a strong garrison in it 
 for himself, though all was done in the duke's 
 name. Lodowick caused a charge to be exhibited 
 likewise against the captain, upon pretence that he 
 would have delivered up the castle to the emperor ; 
 and seized upon several Germans, which (as he 
 gave out) were agents in the business, but dis- 
 charged them again ; and beheaded one of his se- 
 cretaries as a principal manager of that affair, and 
 another for carrying messages betwixt them. Lo- 
 dowick kept the captain a long while in prison, but 
 at last he released him, pretending, that when the 
 Duchess of Milan had upon a certain time corrupted
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 173 
 
 one of his brothers, and hired him to kill him as 
 he was entering into the castle, the captain had 
 prevented it ; and upon that account he had now 
 spared his life. Yet I am of opinion, had he been 
 guilty of a design of delivering that castle to the 
 emperor, (who had a double title to it, as Emperor 
 and Duke of Austria, which family pretends to it 
 likewise,) he would scarce have excused him, for 
 it would have produced great disturbance in Italy, 
 and the whole state of Milan would have revolted 
 in a day ; for whilst they were under the dominion 
 of the emperors, every house paid but half a ducat 
 taxes ; but now, both clergy, nobility, and people, 
 are miserably oppressed, and, to speak the truth, 
 under perfect slavery. 
 
 Lodowick, being in possession of the castle, and 
 finding all the soldiers belonging to the family de- 
 voted to his service, resolved to proceed ; for he 
 that is master of Milan has the whole government, 
 and the senate, at his mercy ; because the principal 
 senators, and those who have the charge of other 
 places in that government, have their residence 
 there ; and for the bigness of it I never saw a richer 
 or finer country than the duchy of Milan : and if 
 the prince could content himself with a yearly re- 
 venue of five hundred thousand ducats, the subjects 
 would grow wealthy, and the prince be secure ; but 
 he raises six hundred and fifty or seven hundred 
 thousand ducats every year, which is absolute ty- 
 ranny, and makes the people so fond of revolutions. 
 Upon this consideration, and what has been said 
 before, Lodowick (being married to the Duke of
 
 174 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Ferrara's daughter, by whom he had several chil- 
 dren) prepared to accomplish his designs, and took 
 care to strengthen himself with friends, both in 
 Italy and abroad. He first entered into an alli- 
 ance (for mutual preservation) with the Venetians, 
 to whom he had been a great friend, to the preju- 
 dice of his father-in-law, from whom, not long be- 
 fore, the Venetians had taken a small territory 
 called the Polesan, encompassed entirely with wa- 
 ter, and wonderfully fruitful, which place (though 
 but half a league distance from Ferrara) the Vene- 
 tians keep to this day, and in it there are two pretty 
 towns, Rovigo and Labadio, which I have seen. 
 This country was lost upon the Duke of Ferrara's 
 making war upon the Venetians at first by himself; 
 but before the end of the war Alphonso, Duke of 
 Calabria, (whilst his father Ferrand was alive,) 
 Count Lodowick with the forces of Milan, the Flo- 
 rentines, the pope, and the city of Bologna, came 
 in to his assistance : yet, when the Venetians were 
 conquered, or at least very low, their treasury ex- 
 hausted, their soldiers corrupted, and several of 
 their towns lost, Lodowick made an honourable 
 and advantageous peace for them, by which all 
 was to be restored to every body but the poor Duke 
 of Ferrara, who had begun the war at the instiga- 
 tion of Ferrand, and this Lodowick, who had mar- 
 ried his daughter ; for the Duke of Ferrara was 
 forced to let the Polesan remain in the hands of 
 the Venetians, who kept it to this day. It was re- 
 ported that Lodowick had sixty thousand ducats for 
 his pains ; whether true or false, I cannot yet de-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINKS. 175 
 
 termine ; but I am sure the Duke of Ferrara was 
 of that opinion himself. At this time he was not 
 married to his daughter, and therefore the friend- 
 ship between him and the Venetians continued. 
 
 None of all the subjects or relations of John 
 Galeas, Duke of Milan, gave Lodowick the lest dis- 
 turbance in his designs upon the government, un- 
 less it were the young duchess ; who was a wise 
 lady, daughter to Alphonso, Duke of Calabria, (as 
 I said before,) eldest son toFerrand, King of Naples. 
 In the year 1493, Count Lodowick began to solicit 
 Charles VIII., now reigning in France, to an expe- 
 dition into Italy, to conquer the kingdom of Naples, 
 and to supplant and exterminate those who pos- 
 sessed it ; for whilst they were in authority, Lodo- 
 wick durst not attempt what he did afterwards ; for 
 at that time Ferrand, and Alphonso, his son, were 
 both very rich, of great experience in the wars, and 
 had the reputation of being very valiant princes ; 
 though it appeared otherwise upon occasion. This 
 Lodowick was a wise man but very timorous and 
 humble where he was in awe, and false when it was 
 for his advantage ; and this I do not speak by hear- 
 say, but as one that knew him well, and had many 
 transactions with him. But to proceed, in the 
 year 1493, Count Lodowick began to tickle King 
 Charles, (who was but twenty-two years of age,) 
 with the vanities and glories of Italy, remonstrating 
 (as is reported) the right which he had to the king- 
 dom of Naples, which he knew well enough how to 
 blazon and display. He addressed himself in every 
 thing to Stephen de Vers (who was now become
 
 176 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 seneschal of Beaucaire, and much enriched, though 
 not to the height of his ambitious desires) and Ge- 
 neral Brissonet, who was rich, well skilled in the 
 management of the finances, and a great man with 
 the seneschal of Beaucaire, by whose means, Count 
 Lodowick persuaded Brissonet to turn priest *, and 
 he would make him a cardinal ; but the seneschal 
 was to have a duchy : For the better management of 
 these afi^airs. Count Lodowick, in the year 1493, sent 
 a formal embassy to the king at Paris : The chief 
 of the embassy was the Count di Cajazzo, eldest 
 son of Robert di St. Severino, (whom I mentioned 
 before.) This Count di Cajazzo met the Prince of 
 Salerno, at Paris, who was his cousin, and chief of 
 the house of St. Severino, and being banished his 
 own country by Farrand, was then in France, press- 
 ing and soliciting that king to an enterprise against 
 Naples. With the Count di Cajazzo came also 
 Count Charles de Bellejoyeuset, and the Lord Ga- 
 leas Visconti of Milan ; both of them were well at- 
 tended, and in great splendour ; but their discourse 
 was only in public, and then in general terms by the 
 way of compliment and visitation ; and this was the 
 first solemn embassy that ever Lodowick sent to the 
 king. He had formerly sent one of his secretaries 
 to endeavour to procure that his nephew, the Duke 
 of Milan, might be permitted to do homage for 
 Genoa, by proxy, which was granted against all 
 appearance of reason. It is true, the king was at 
 
 ♦ He must certainly be in orders before that time, or else he could 
 not have been in possession of the bishopric of St. Malo. 
 
 t Belzioso, in Marco Guazzo, whom P. Jovius, in the history of 
 his time^ names Balbianus ; and the Italian, Balbiaoo.
 
 PHILIP DE COMIXES. 177 
 
 liberty to do him that favour, and depute some per- 
 son or other to receive his homage ; for, vehen he 
 was under the guardianship of his mother, I (being 
 then ambassador at Milan for the late King Lewis 
 XI.) received it by commission from the king in the 
 castle of Milan ; but then Genoa was out of his 
 hands, and in the possession of Baptista di Campo- 
 forgoso, and now Count Lodowick had recovered it, 
 and gave eight thousand ducats (to some persons 
 about the king) to be invested : But they did their 
 master a mighty injury, for they might have had 
 Genoa as well for him ; or, if it must be sold, why 
 for so little ; since Duke Galeas paid my master. 
 King Lewis, fifty thousand ducats at one payment, 
 of which I had thirty thousand given me by his 
 majesty ; and yet they pretended they received the 
 eight thousand ducats by the king's consent. Ste- 
 phen de Vers was one of the number of those that 
 received them, who beat down the price to prepare 
 and oblige Lodowick to his interest, when his de- 
 sign should be fit for execution. The ambassadors 
 being arrived at Paris, (as I said before,) and ha- 
 ving had their public audience, the king took the 
 Count di Cajazzo into his closet, and had a private 
 conference with him for some time : This Count di 
 Cajazzo was in great reputation in Milan, and his 
 brother, John Galeas di St. Severino, was in 
 greater, especially in military affairs, who began 
 to make large offers of his interest and assistance to 
 the king, both in men and money ; for his master 
 had already as absolute a command of the state of 
 Milan as if it had been his own, and could dispose 
 
 Vol. II. N
 
 178 THE MEMOIRS OP 
 
 of it as he pleased. He represented the business 
 very easy to the king, and the next day he and the 
 Lord Galeas took their leave of his majesty and de- 
 parted ; but Count Charles de Bellejoyeuse remained 
 behind, and to solicit it still, and immediately after 
 they were gone, he put himself into the French ha- 
 bit, and managed this affair so dexterously, that 
 several of the courtiers began to approve of the de- 
 sign. The king sent into Italy one Peron de Bashe, 
 (educated in the family of Anjou, under John, Duke 
 of Calabria,) as his ambassador to Pope Innocent, 
 the Venetians, and the Florentines. These embas- 
 sies from one court to another, and secret negotia- 
 tions continued seven or eight months, and among 
 those who were privy to it, the enterprise was talke<l 
 of several ways ; but none of them ever imagined 
 that the king designed to have gone himself in 
 person. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Of the Peace that was concluded between Charles VIII., the King of 
 the Romans, and the Archduke of Austria; and the returning of the 
 Lady Margaret of Flanders, before this Expedition to Naples. 
 
 During this suspension of affairs, a peace was 
 negotiated at Senlis betwixt the king and the Arch- 
 duke of Austria, heir to the house of Burgundy: 
 and, though a truce was already concluded, yet new 
 occasion of difference arose ; for the king forsook 
 the daughter of the King of the Romans, and sister 
 to the archduke (upon account of her being too
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 179 
 
 young,) and married the daughter of Francis, Duke 
 of Bretagne, that he might keep that province 
 peaceably ; the greatest part of which at the time of 
 the treaty was in his possession, except the town 
 of Rennes, where the young lady lived under the 
 guardianship of her uncle, the Prince of Orange, 
 who had been instrumental in making the match 
 between her and the King of the Romans, and mar- 
 ried her by proxy publicly in the church, about the 
 year 1492. In favour of the archduke, the Em- 
 peror Frederick sent a solemn embassy, and offered 
 his mediation. The King of the Romans, the Count 
 Palatine, and the Swiss did the like, in order to 
 compose this difference ; for they all were of opinion 
 great disputes would arise, and that the King of the 
 Romans had very great injury done him ; not only 
 to take from him a person whom he thought was his 
 wife, but to send back his daughter who had been 
 lawfully married, and Queen of France for several 
 years together. In short, a peace was concluded ; 
 for every body was weary of war, especially Duke 
 Philip's subjects, who had suffered so much both by 
 their wars with the king and their distractions and 
 divisions at home, that they were not able to carry 
 it on any longer. The peace was made only for 
 four years, to give some repose ; and Maximilian's 
 daughter was to be sent back, though with some 
 difficulty ; for there were some persons both about 
 the king and the lady that strenuously opposed it. 
 I was at this treaty myself with the rest of the com- 
 missioners, who were, Peter, Duke of Bourbon, 
 the Prince of Orange, the Lord des Cordes, and 
 
 N2
 
 180 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 several other persons of quality. It was concluded, 
 that all the king was possessed of in the province 
 of Artois, should be restored to Duke Philip, ac- 
 cording to the agreement in the treaty of marriage 
 in 1492, and that if that was not accomplished, 
 that then all the lands which went in dower with 
 the daughter, should be restored, either to her or 
 Duke Philip. But the archduke's subjects had al- 
 ready surprised Arras and St. Omers, so that there 
 remained nothing to be restored but Hesdin, Aire, 
 and Bethune ; the revenue and lordship of which 
 places were immediately delivered, and they put in 
 what officers they pleased, only the king was to re- 
 main in possession of the castles for the term of 
 four years ; during which he might put what garri- 
 sons he pleased into them ; but at the end of four 
 5'ears, which were to expire on St. John's Day, 
 1498, the king was obliged, both by oath and pro- 
 mise, to restore them to the archduke. Whether 
 these changes of marriages were according to the 
 laws and canons of the church or not, I cannot re- 
 solve, and, therefore, shall leave it without any 
 determination ; for I find the doctors divided about 
 this point, and as some have told me they were not 
 lawful, so others have maintained that they were. 
 Be it which way it will, the ladies were all unfor- 
 tunate in their children. Our queen had three 
 sons successively in four years, but all of them died, 
 though one lived to be three years old. Madam 
 Margaret of Austria was married to the Prince of 
 Castile, only son to the King and Queen of Castile 
 and several other kingdoms ; which prince died the
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 181 
 
 first year of his marriage, (which was in the year 
 1487,) leaving his princess with child, and she mis- 
 carried of a son not long after his death, to the un- 
 speakable affliction of the King and Queen of Cas- 
 tile, and the whole kingdom. Presently after these 
 changes, the King of the Romans married the 
 daughter of Galeas, Duke of Milan, sister to the 
 above-mentioned Duke John Galeas ; which mar- 
 riage was contracted by Count Lodowick, highly to 
 the dissatisfaction of the princes of the empire, and 
 several other of the King of the Romans' friends, 
 who looked upon the lady as not of an extraction 
 illustrious enough for him. For, as for the Vis- 
 conti, from whom the present Dukes of Milan are 
 descended, there is no great matter of nobility 
 among them, and less among the Sforzi ; for the 
 first of that house was Duke Francis, whose father 
 was a shoemaker in a little town called Cotignole ; 
 but he was a brave and magnificent person, and his 
 son was a greater ; for he made himself Duke of 
 Milan, by the assistance and management of his 
 wife, (who was the natural daughter of Duke Philip 
 Mary,) conquered it, and possessed it, not as a ty- 
 rant, but as a good and lawful prince ; being equal 
 in virtue and goodness with most (and those of the 
 best) princes of his time. Thus much I have writ- 
 ten that I might shew what has already been the 
 consequence of these changes ; nor can I tell what 
 there is still remaining behind.
 
 182 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 A Treaty of Peace between King Charles VIII. and 
 Maximilian I., King of the Romans, and his Son, 
 Philip Archduke of Austria, concluded at Senlis, 
 May 23, 1493. 
 
 1. A good peace, firm friendship, and perpetual 
 alliance, is and shall ever remain between the most 
 Christian king, the dauphin, their kingdom, terri- 
 tories, and subjects, and the King of the Romans, 
 and Archduke Philip his son, as well in their own 
 name, as in the name of the Lady Margaret of 
 Austria, the said king's daughter, and the arch- 
 duke's sister, for themselves, their countries, terri- 
 tories, subjects, 8fC., laying aside all malevolence, 
 and forgetting all past injuries. 
 
 2. Seeing the most Christian king, after his 
 marriage to the queen, hath notified by his ambas- 
 sadors to the King of the Romans and the Arch- 
 duke, his desire to send back the said Lady Mar- 
 garet, and to have her conducted suitable to her 
 quality, to any place agreed on, and for this end 
 had sent her as far as Amiens ; he does still ofifer, 
 at his own charge, to conduct her suitable to her 
 quality, from the town of Meaux, where she now 
 rfesidesi before the 3d of June next, to St. Quintin, 
 and to put her from thence forward into the hands 
 of the ambassadors of the King of the Romans and 
 the archduke. 
 
 3. Upon such a delivery of the said lady into the 
 hands of the commissioners appointed by the King 
 of the Romans and the archduke, the said princes 
 shall give proper instruments to the king, freeing
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 183 
 
 him from all obligations of marriage with her, who 
 shall also do the same by her. 
 
 4. The most Christian king and the archduke re- 
 serve to themselves the liberty of recovering any 
 rights in an amicable way, and by course of law, to 
 such things as are not adjusted by this peace. 
 
 5. The counties of Burgundy, Artois, and Cha- 
 rolois, and the lordship of Noyers, with all their 
 appurtenances, shall be delivered up to the King 
 of the Romans, as guardian to his son the arch- 
 duke ; and also the towns and castles of Hes- 
 din, Aire, and Bethune, now in possession of the 
 King of France, shall be deposited in the hands of 
 the Mareschal de Querdes, who shall keep them 
 without any charge to the archduke, save the usual 
 profits taken by the commanders of the said places ; 
 and he shall take an oath to the king and archduke 
 both for the due maintenance of their rights, and 
 shall keep no guard therein, as may be prejudicial 
 to either party ; who shall engage not to oblige him 
 thereunto on either side : and if they do, he shall 
 then be discharged of all his oaths, till the arch- 
 duke shall arrive at the age of twenty, which will 
 be on St. John Baptist's Eve, in 1498. 
 
 6. The archduke, after he is of age, having done 
 homage to the king in due form, those towns and 
 places shall be given up to him by the mareschal, 
 or others who ought to do it, and have the com- 
 mand therein. 
 
 7. The officers shall continue in their places, hav- 
 ing commissions from the archduke till he comes 
 of age and does homage.
 
 184 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 8. As to the city of Arras, its revenue and tem- 
 poralities, it shall be deposited in the hands of the 
 bishop and chapter, to whom it belongs, under the 
 ordinary jurisdiction of the bailiwick of Amiens, 
 in the usual manner ; and as to the captainship, 
 which is in the king's disposal, he shall be content 
 to appoint the person that now is, or shall be, 
 nominated by the archduke till of age, under the 
 usual obligations, but the city shall be entirely 
 in the king's power, when the archduke comes af 
 age. 
 
 9. The houses of Flanders, Artois, and Conflans, 
 so called in and near Paris, shall be delivered to 
 the archduke. 
 
 10. The archduke shall not be obliged to do ho- 
 mage till he is of age ; but the king shall, at the 
 same time, enjoy his usual rights and prerogatives. 
 
 11. The counties of Masconnois, Auxerrois, and 
 Bar-sur-Seine, shall be enjoyed by the king, till the 
 pretensions of the parties are decided. 
 
 12. What rights the archduke pretends to have 
 acquired by the treaty of 1482, shall remain in 
 being, and the king shall be free to controvert the 
 same. 
 
 13. The ecclesiastical preferments conferred by 
 the king in Artois, Burgundy, Charolois, and 
 Noyers, shall remain as they are. 
 
 14. Free commerce shall be restored both by sea 
 and land, and on fresh waters, paying the usual 
 customs as before the breaking out of the war. 
 
 15. The cities, towns, and villages of Tournay, 
 Tournesis, Mortagne, St. Amand, 8fc., as the king's
 
 PHILIP DE COMINKS. 185 
 
 subjects, are expressly comprehended in this peace ; 
 so are the allies of both parties. 
 
 16. Cambray, the Cambresis, with all its inhabi- 
 tants, are, by common consent, included in the 
 peace, and maintained in all their rights under either 
 prince to whom they belong, and the infractors on 
 either side shall be punished by the conservators of 
 the peace. 
 
 17. A general act of indemnity shall be granted 
 by both parties, upon the account of taking up 
 arms, (^c, for the contrary side, no process being 
 ever to be formed against them : and those who 
 have a mind to sue out a pardon, it shall be freely 
 granted them. 
 
 18. All persons, as well ecclesiastics as laics, 
 shall, by this peace, return to the peaceable posses- 
 sion of their dignities, benefices, and inheritances, 
 wherever situated, on either side, and be kept in 
 the peaceable possession of the same, notwith- 
 standing any declarations, confiscations, sentences, 
 and arrests to the contrary ; and the judges, magis- 
 strates, See., shall be obliged to be assisting herein. 
 
 19. Under this article of returning to their 
 estates and rights are comprehended the old serv- 
 ants of the late Dukes Philip and Charles, who, 
 after the death of Duke Charles, stuck to the king, 
 who, by virtue of this peace, shall enjoy their pen- 
 sions assigned them in his lifetime, upon the de- 
 mesnes of the counties of Artois and Burgundy. 
 
 20. If any inheritance have been sold for contu- 
 macy, or on the account of personal debts owing, 
 the debtors shall, within a year after the proclaiming
 
 186 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of the peace, return to their possessions, paying 
 the said debts, 8^c. 
 
 21. As to the rents, profits, and incomes of those 
 inheritances, granted in a way of reward, or the 
 like, by either party, all that has been done of that 
 kind since 1470, to the present peace, shall never 
 be accounted for ; but yet with an exception to any 
 inheritances that, in due course of law, have been 
 adjudged to creditors for arrearages of rents, which 
 arrearages have been given away or remitted, such 
 gifts or rel easements shall not take place, but for 
 such arrearages as have escheated in time of war. 
 
 22. As to moveables which have not been made 
 away, but are found upon the premises which the 
 subjects of either party shall return to, the debts 
 and arrearages that have not been given away nor 
 adjuged by law, they shall belong to the said sub- 
 jects, and not those who shall have a general list of 
 their moveables. 
 
 23. The enjoyments of the dignities, benefices, 
 inheritances, S^c.^ by the subjects of either party, 
 shall not oblige them to reside where they are ; 
 neither are they by that bound to take an oath to 
 the prince in whose dominions they are, unless they 
 are fiefs, and their vassals. 
 
 24. Those who shall return to their estates by 
 virtue of this peace, shall not be prosecuted for 
 rent charges escheated during the war ; and those 
 lands which lay waste and uncultivated during the 
 war, shall be liable to the payment of no rents. 
 
 25. No reprisals shall be made after the peace, 
 upon the account of damages sustained by the sub-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 187 
 
 jects of either party, nor any letters of mart, con- 
 tramart, or the like granted. 
 
 26. By this peace all the people of Arras, of what- 
 ever condition, that have absented themselves since 
 the surprise of that city, wherever they are, are free 
 to return and traffic there, notwithstanding any 
 promises or otherwise to the contrary : And whe- 
 ther they do return or not, they shall, as much as 
 any of the other subjects, enjoy their estates, rights, 
 benefices, moveables, and utensils yet in being, 
 without any molestation whatsoever. 
 
 27. In like manner the people of St. Omer, of 
 what calling or quality soever, who resided therein 
 while it was neuter, and afterwards by reason of 
 the taking and re-taking it, absented themselves 
 from it, shall, notwithstanding any interdiction or 
 sentence against them, return, and enjoy their 
 estates, benefices, ^c, without any manner of mo- 
 lestation ; and all offences and injuries shall be en- 
 tirely remitted. 
 
 28. The Lady Margaret, widow of Charles, late 
 Duke of Burgundy, is comprehended in this treaty. 
 The king consenting she shall enjoy the lands and 
 seignories of Chauchnis and la Perriere, with all 
 their appurtenances in the viscounty of Auxonne, 
 in the same manner as the late Duchess Isabella, 
 the mother of Duke Charles, enjoyed them, upon 
 the payment of twenty thousand crowns in gold. 
 
 29. The most Christian king names for his allies, 
 his imperial majesty, the kings of Castile, Eng- 
 land, Scotland, Hungary, Bohemia, and Navarre, 
 the Duke of Bavaria, the Count Palatine, and all
 
 188 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the dukes and branches of the house of Bavaria, 
 the electors of the Holy Empire, the duke and 
 house of Savoy, the duke and house of Milan, the 
 doge and republic of Venice, the Duke of Lorrain, 
 the Duke of Guelderland, the marquis and house 
 of Montferrat, the bishop and city of Liege, the 
 Swiss Cantons, the commonwealths of Florence 
 and Genoa. And, on the part of the said King of 
 the Romans and archduke, his most sacred imperial 
 majesty, the kings of Castile, Hungary, Portugal, 
 Denmark, England, and Scotland, the electors of 
 the Holy Roman Empire, as the king of Bohemia, 
 and others, the marquis and house of Montferrat, 
 the bishop and city of Liege, and all the princes 
 of the empire, the Swiss Cantons, cities and com- 
 munities of the empire are comprehended. 
 
 30. In this peace are also comprehended the 
 king's counsellor William de Harancourt, bishop 
 and count of Verdun, as well in his own person as 
 for his bishopric and county of Verdun lordships, 
 subjects, 8fC. So are also, by the consent of the 
 said princes, the archbishop, and even all the in- 
 habitants of Brianson. 
 
 31. The respective parties obliged themselves, 
 in the most solemn manner, to the observance of 
 this treaty; so they do also their subjects, vas- 
 sals, 8fc. 
 
 32. Any contravention which may happen of 
 this treaty on either side, shall be repaired at 
 farthest in the space of six weeks. 
 
 33. For the greater confirmation of this peace, 
 the King of France will procure to the king of
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 189 
 
 the Romans and the archduke, the instruments and 
 seals of the dukes of Orleans, Bourbon, Nemours, 
 the counts of Angoulesme, Montpensier, and Ven- 
 dosme ; of the Prince of Orange, of the mareschals 
 and admirals of France : and of the cities, towns, 
 and communities, of Paris, Rouen, Lyons, Poic- 
 tiers, ToTars, Angers, Orleans, Amiens, and Tour- 
 nay. And the King of the Romans and archduke, 
 engage to procure those of the Dukes of Saxony, 
 Marquis of Baden, Monsieur de Ravestein, Counts 
 Nassau and of Zollern, Prince of Chimay, and 
 Messieurs de Bevres, Egmont, Fiennes, Chievres, 
 Walhain, Molembais, du Fay, Fresnoy, great bai- 
 liff of Hainault, of the town and communities of 
 Louvain, Brussels, Antwerp, Boisleduc, Ghent, 
 Bruges, Lisle, Doway, Arras, St. Omer, Mons, 
 Valenciennes, Dort, Middleburg, and Namur. 
 And whoever shall contravene this treaty, without 
 reparation made in six weeks, these guarantees 
 are then obliged to leave the contravener, and 
 give assistance to the injured party, and be dis- 
 charged of their oaths. 
 
 34. The instruments on both sides shall be re- 
 gistered and verified in the most regular and au- 
 thentic manner. 
 
 35,. The conservators of this peace for the 
 marches on the side of the country of Burgundy, 
 on the king's part, are, the Prince of Orange, 
 M. de Baudricout, governor of Burgundy, and the 
 bailiffs of Dijon, Chaalons, Anthun, and Mascon, 
 or their lieutenants. For marches of Champaign 
 and Rhetelois, M. de Orvat, governor of Cham-
 
 190 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 paign, the bailiffs of St. Peter le Monstier, Troyes, 
 and Vitri, or their lieutenants ; and, for the marches 
 of Picardy, the Mareschal des Quardes, the bailiffs 
 of Amiens and Vermandois, the seneschals of Pon- 
 thieu, Boulonois, and the governors of Mondidier, 
 and Roye, or their lieutenants ; and for the sea, 
 the admiral, 8^c. The conservators on the King of 
 the Romans and the archduke's part, for the 
 marches of Flanders and Artois, are, M. de Nassau, 
 with the governors of Lisle, Arras, and the bailiffs 
 of the said countries respectively ; for the marches 
 of Hainault, the princes of Chimay, and the grand 
 bailiff of Hainault ; for Luxemburg, the Marquis 
 of Baden ; for Burgundy, the governor of the 
 county of Burgundy, and the bailiffs of Damont, 
 Daval, and Dole ; and for the sea, Monsieur de 
 Braves, admiral, 8^c. 
 
 36. No manner of protection or shelter shall be 
 given to vagrants, thieves, and robbers, on either 
 side ; but they shall be banished, or otherwise 
 brought to condign punishment, wherever they are 
 found. 
 
 37. The same thing is to be done in respect to 
 rovers, or pirates by sea. 
 
 38. Neither party shall receive or support those 
 who shall any way contravene this peace ; but they 
 shall be punished for the infractions they make ; 
 but the peace at the same time shall not be vio- 
 lated. 
 
 39. The said princes and their officers shall assist 
 one another against all those who shall delay or 
 refuse to keep this peace ; and they shall on both
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 191 
 
 sides be taken for common enemies ; and those 
 who shall any way assist or favour them, shall in 
 like manner be answerable for the mischiefs done 
 by them, and be punished as violaters of the peace. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Of the King's sending to the Venetians, in order to induce them to 
 enter into an Alliance with him, before his undertaking his ifxpe- 
 dition to Naples, and of the Preparation in order to it- — 1493. 
 
 You have already been informed of the Count 
 di Cajazzo, and other ambassadors, taking their 
 leave of the king at Paris ; of the several secret 
 negotiations that were carried on in Italy ; and how 
 the heart of our king, (though very young,) was 
 strangely bent upon this expedition ; which, how- 
 ever, he discovered to nobody but the two persons 
 above-mentioned. His request to the Venetians 
 was, that they would give him their assistance and 
 council in this expedition ; and they returned this 
 answer : That he should be very welcome in Italy, 
 but that they were wholly incapable of assisting 
 him, upon account of their continual apprehensions 
 of the Turk ; (though at that time they were at 
 peace with him ;) and to undertake to advise so 
 wise a king, who had so grave a council, would 
 savour of too much presumption ; but they would 
 rather assist than disturb him in his designs. 
 
 This they believed a very discreet answer, and 
 truly so it was ; and I am of opinion, that their
 
 192 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 affairs are managed with more prudence and dis- 
 cretion at this day, than any princes or states in 
 the world : but God will still have us know, that 
 the wisdom and policy of man is of no force, where 
 he pleases to interpose ; for he orders things many 
 times quite otherwise than they were expected. 
 The Venetians did not imagine that the king would 
 come in person, and, (whatever they pretended,) they 
 had no apprehension of the Turk ; for the Turk, 
 who then reigned, was a man of no courage nor 
 activity. But their design was to be revenged of 
 the house of Arrogan, both father and son, for 
 whom they had a mortal hatred, because, (as they 
 said,) it was at their instigation that the Turks fell 
 upon them at Scutari. I mean the father of this 
 Turk *, called Mahomet, who did abundance of 
 mischief besides to the Venetians. They had se- 
 veral complaints against Alphonso Duke of Cala«- 
 bria, and among the rest, that he had been the oc- 
 casion of the war which the Duke of Ferrara made 
 upon them, which was very expensive, and had 
 like to have proved their ruin. They complained 
 also that he had sent a man to Venice to poison 
 their cisterns, at least, such as he could come at ; 
 for some are kept under lock and key. In that city 
 they use little other water ; (for they are wholly 
 surrounded by the sea ;) but that water is very 
 good, and I drank of it eight months together in 
 my first embassy thither, (for I was there since.) 
 
 * Bajazet II., son of Mahomet, who succeeded his father in 1481, 
 and died in 1512.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 193 
 
 But these were not the true reasons of their ani- 
 mosity to the house of Arragon ; the real occasion 
 was, because the father and son restrained them, 
 and kept them from extending their conquests both 
 in Italy and Greece ; for their eyes were upon them 
 on every side, and yet without any title or pretence, 
 they had lately subdued the kingdom of Cyprus*. 
 Upon these considerations the Venetians thought 
 it highly for their advantage, that a war should be 
 begun between our king and the house of Arragon ; 
 hoping it would not have been brought to a con- 
 clusion so soon as it was, and that it would only 
 weaken the power of their enemies, and not utterly 
 destroy them : and then, (let what would happen,) 
 one side or other would give them towns in Apuglia, 
 (which borders upon their gulf,) for their assis- 
 tance ; and so it happened, but they had like to 
 have been mistaken in their reckoning. Besides, 
 they thought to have transacted affairs so secretly, 
 that nobody could have accused them of inviting 
 our king into Italy, since they had neither given 
 him counsel nor assistance, as appeared to the 
 world by their answer to Peron de Basche. 
 
 In the year 1494 f, the king advanced to Lyons, 
 to examine into his affairs ; but nobody ever ima- 
 gined he would have passed the mountains him- 
 self. He was met there by the Lord Galeas di 
 St. Severino, brother to the Count di Cajazzo, 
 
 * The Venetians conquered the kingdom of Cyprus in the year 
 1473, which was taken from them by Selim II., Emperor of the 
 Turks, in 1571. 
 
 t Some authors sav it was in the year 1498. 
 Vol. II. O
 
 194 
 
 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 with a numerous retinue, on the part of Count 
 Lodowick, whose lieutenant and chief minister he 
 was. He brought him arms, and abundance of 
 fine horses dressed on purpose for a tournament : 
 He tilted very well himself, was young, and a fine 
 gentleman ; and the king used him according to 
 his merit, entertained him with a great deal of 
 honour, and made him a knight of his own order ; 
 after which he returned into Italy, but the Count 
 de Bellejoyeuse staid with the king to promote his 
 expedition. By this time a great fleet was pre- 
 paring at Genoa, where the Lord d'Urse master of 
 the horse, and several others, were negotiating 
 the king's affairs. At length, about the beginning 
 of August that year, the king removed to Vienne in 
 Dauphine, and the nobility of Genoa resorted to 
 him daily. The king also sent to Genoa at that 
 time Louis * Duke of Orleans, now King of France, 
 a young prince, and very handsome, but much ad- 
 dicted to his pleasures. It was the opinion of every 
 body at that time, that he was to command the 
 army in chief; and that it was to have been em- 
 barked and landed in the kingdom of Naples, by 
 the assistance and direction of the Prince of Sa- 
 lerno and Basignano, whom we have mentioned 
 before. They had gotten fourteen great ships, 
 besides several galleys and galeons, ready at[Genoa ; 
 and the king was as much obeyed in those parts 
 as at Paris, for the city belonged to the state of 
 Milan, where Count Lodowick governed, without 
 
 * Louis Duke of Orleans, Brother-in-law to Charles VIII., after- 
 ■wTirds XII., King of France.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINKS. 195 
 
 any competitor but the duke his nephew's wife, 
 daughter to King Alphonso, (for at that time his 
 father King Ferrand was dead:) But the poor lady 
 had no great power, since the king's army was 
 ready to march, and her husband a weak prince, 
 and discovered whatever she said to her uncle, 
 who had already caused a messenger to be drowned 
 that she had sent to her father. 
 
 The equipping of this fleet was very expensive, 
 and I believe cost no less than three hundred thou- 
 sand francs, which quite exhausted the king's trea- 
 sury ; and yet did him no great service after all his 
 expense, for as I observed before, neither his ex- 
 chequer, his understanding, nor his preparations, 
 were sufficient for such an important enterprise, 
 and yet by the mere favour of Providence he suc- 
 ceeded in it, which was visibly manifest to all the 
 world. I do not say that the king wanted wisdom, 
 considering his age; but he was but two and 
 twenty years old, and not as yet capable of under- 
 standing state affairs. Those who were the chief 
 managers of this affair, (I mean Stephen de Vers 
 seneschal of Beaucaire, and Monsieur Brissonet, at 
 present cardinal of St. Malo,) were two per- 
 sons of indifferent fortunes, and less experience, 
 which made the power of God more conspicuous ; 
 for our enemies were reputed wise, warlike, and 
 rich, well furnished with counsellors and officers, 
 and in possession of the whole kingdom ; I speak 
 of Alphonso of Arragon, (newly crowned by Pope 
 Alexander,) who was in amity both with the Flo- 
 rentines and the Turks. King Alphonso had a son 
 o 2
 
 196 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 called Don Ferrand, a hopeful gentleman of about 
 two or three and twenty years old, performed his 
 exercises very well, and was extremely beloved in 
 that kingdom ; and a brother called Don Frederic 
 (who was king after the death of Ferrand,) a wise 
 prince, and admiral of their fleet, who was edu- 
 cated a long time on this side the mountains, and 
 one that you, my Lord of Vienne have often, (by 
 your skill in astrology,) assured me would be king ; 
 and he promised me, (upon my telling him of it,) 
 a pension of four thousand livres, if it proved true, 
 as it did twenty years afterwards. 
 
 But to proceed. The king changed his resolu- 
 tion, being prevailed upon by the Duke of Milan's 
 letters, the importunity of Charles de Bellejoyeuse 
 his ambassador, and his two ministers above-men- 
 tioned ; but by degrees Brissonet's courage began 
 to fail him, finding that all sober and rational per- 
 sons condemned the expedition, as beginning in 
 August, without money, and every thing else that 
 was necessary to carry it on. So that the seneschal 
 was the only man that was consulted ; for the 
 king looked sour upon Monsieur Brissonet for 
 three or four days, but he was reconciled to him 
 afterwards. About this time one of the seneschal's 
 servants died of the plague, and he durst not ap- 
 pear at court ; which was a great mortification to 
 him, for there was nobody else to carry on the 
 design. The Duke and Duchess of Bourbon were 
 with the king, and used all their interest to hinder 
 this expedition, and Monsieur Brissonet did the 
 same ; so that one day it was laid aside, and the
 
 PHILIP DK COMINES. 197 
 
 other revived. At last the king resolved to march, 
 «,nd thinking to pass the mountains more commo- 
 diously in small bodies, I mounted on horseback, 
 and advanced before ; but was countermanded, and 
 assured that design was given over. The same day 
 fifty thousand ducats were taken up of a merchant 
 of Milan, but the Count Lodowick was security to 
 the merchant. I was engaged for six thousand of 
 that sum, and others for the rest ; but it was bor- 
 rowed without interest. Before that, we had bor- 
 rowed of the bank of Soly in Genoa, a hundred 
 thousand francs, the interest of which in four 
 months amounted to fourteen thousand francs ; 
 but some people said the persons above-mentioned 
 kept part of the money for their own private use. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Of King Charles's setting out from Vienne, in Dauphine, to conquer 
 Naples in person ; and the Action that was performed by his 
 Fleet, under the command of the Duke of Orleans. — 1492-4. 
 
 In short, the King, on the 23d of August, 1494, 
 set out from Vienne, in Dauphin^, towards Asti. 
 At Suza the Lord Galeas di St. Severino came post 
 to meet his majesty, who advanced from thence to 
 Turin, where he borrowed the jewels of Madame de 
 Savoy, daughter to the late William Marquis of 
 Montferrat, and widow to Charles Duke of Savoy. 
 Having pawned them for twelve thousand ducats, 
 he removed a few days after to Casale, to the 
 Marchioness of Montferrat, widow of the late
 
 198 ^ THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Marquis of Montferrat, a young and prudent lady, 
 and daughter to the King of Servia. The Turk 
 having over-run her country, the emperor, (in re- 
 spect of the relation betwixt them,) took care of 
 her, and married her there. She also lent the 
 king her jewels, and they were engaged as the 
 other for twelve thousand ducats ; by which you 
 may see what a prosperous beginning there was of 
 this war, had not God himself interposed. The 
 king continued at Asti for some time. The wines 
 in Italy were sour this year, and therefore not at 
 all agreeable to the French, no more than the ex- 
 cessive heat of the air. Count Lodowick and his 
 lady came with a numerous retinue to wait on his 
 majesty ; they staid there two days, and then re- 
 moved to a castle called Non, about a league from 
 Asti, belonging to the duchy of Milan, to which 
 place the king's council resorted to him daily. 
 
 King Alphonso had two armies in the field, one 
 in Romania towards Ferrara, under the command 
 of his son ; who was attended by the Lord Virgil 
 Ursin, the Count de Pittelhane, and the Count 
 John James di Trivulce, who at this time are in 
 our interest. To face this body of forces, there was 
 the Lord d'Aubigny on the king's side, a wise man 
 and a brave officer, and with him about two hun- 
 dred Frenchmen at arms, and five hundred Italians 
 in the king's service, commanded by the Count di 
 Cajazzo above-mentioned, as an officer under Count 
 Lodowick. They were in great pain for this bri- 
 gade, for if they had been defeated, we should 
 have retired, and have left Count Lodowick to shift
 
 PHILIP Dfi COMINES. 199 
 
 for himself ; and the enemy had a strong party in 
 the duchy of Milan. 
 
 The other army, which was commanded by Don 
 Frederick, Alphonso's brother, was at sea ; and 
 the fleet that had this body of forces on board, lay 
 at Pisa and Leghorn, (for the Florentines espoused 
 their interest,) and with it a certain number of 
 galleys, commanded by Breto di Flisco, and other 
 officers of Genoa, by whose assistance they were in 
 hopes of making themselves masters of that city ; 
 and they missed it but narrowly. They landed 
 some thousands of men at Specie and Rapalo, and 
 had they not met with a timely opposition, it is 
 probable they had carried their point ; but that 
 very day, or the next, the Duke of Orleans arrived 
 there with some ships, a good number of galleys, 
 and one great galeass, which was mine, and com- 
 manded by Albert Mely. The duke and chief per- 
 sons in that army were on board my galeass, and 
 several great pieces of cannon, (for she was very 
 strong ;) and getting as near the shore as possible, 
 they cannonaded the enemy so briskly with their 
 great guns, (which till that time were unknown in 
 Italy,) that they beat them from their post, landed 
 what soldiers they had in the ships ; and from Ge- 
 noa by land, where the whole army lay, there came 
 to them a considerable body of Swiss, commanded 
 by the bailiff of Dijon. There were other rein- 
 forcements also sent from the Duke of Milan, un- 
 der the command of the Lord John Lewis di Flisca, 
 brother to the above-mentioned Breto, and the 
 Lord John Adorni ; these were not in the engage-
 
 200 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 ment, yet they did their duty, and maintained se- 
 veral passes with a great deal of courage and re- 
 solution. In short, by the strength of these re-in- 
 forcements our army attacked and utterly defeated 
 the enemy, of whom about a hundred or sixscore 
 were killed in the pursuit, and about eight or ten 
 taken prisoners, among whom there was one Sig- 
 nior Forgosa, son to the Cardinal of Genoa. Those 
 who were taken were stripped by the Duke of Mi- 
 lan's soldiers, and dismissed ; for in Italy that is 
 the law of arms. I had a sight of all letters which 
 brought an account of this victory to the king and 
 the Duke of Milan ; and after this manner was the 
 army defeated, and never afterwards durst ap- 
 proach us. Upon our return to Genoa the citizens 
 began to rise in arms, and slew several Germans 
 that were in the city ; but the tumult was soon ap- 
 peased, after some of the ring-leaders of the in- 
 surrection were killed. 
 
 Something must be said of the Florentines, who 
 sent two embassies to the King of France before 
 his setting out upon this expedition : but their de- 
 sign was only to wheedle and amuse him. The first 
 time the seneschal. Monsieur Brissonet, and my- 
 self, were deputed to treat with their ambassadors, 
 who were the Bishop of Arezzo, and one Peter 
 Soderini. Our demands were only to grant us pas- 
 sage for our troops, and a hundred men at arms to 
 be paid by them after the Italian establishment, 
 (which is but ten thousand ducats a month.) The 
 ambassadors replied according to the instructions 
 that were given them by Peter de Medicis, a young
 
 PHtLIP DE COMINES. 201 
 
 than of no extraordinary parts, son of Laurence de 
 Medicis lately deceased, who had been one of the 
 wisest men of his time, governed the city almost 
 as a prince, and left it in the same condition to his 
 son. Their family had been of about two genera- 
 tions, Laurence the father of this Peter, and Cosmo 
 who founded it, and was worthily to be reckoned 
 among the chief of that age : considering their 
 profession, (which was merchandising,) I think 
 this family was the greatest in the world ; for their 
 factors and agents had so much reputation upon 
 their account, that it is scarce credible. I have 
 seen the effect of it in England and Flanders : I 
 saw one Gerard Quanvese, who kept King Eklward 
 upon his throne, almost upon his own credit, 
 during the time of the civil wars in that kingdom ; 
 for he furnished the king at different times with 
 sixscore thousand crowns, but not at all to his 
 master's advantage, though at length he got it 
 again. I knew also another, one Thomas Portu- 
 nay, who was security between King Edward and 
 Charles Duke of Burgundy, for five hundred thou- 
 sand crowns, and another time for eighty thou- 
 sand. I cannot commend merchants for doing so; 
 but it is highly commendable in a prince to be 
 punctual with them, and keep his promise exactly; 
 for he knows not how soon he may want their as- 
 sistance ; and certainly a little money at some criti- 
 cal juncture of affairs does wonders. 
 
 This family of the Medicis was looked upon to 
 be in a declining condition, (as illustrious houses 
 will decay in all kingdoms and governments,) for
 
 202 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the authority of his predecessors was a great pre- 
 judice to Peter ; though indeed Cosmo, the first of 
 it, was mild and gentle in his administration, and 
 behaved himself as he ought to do in a free go- 
 vernment. Laurence, the father of Peter, (of whom 
 we are now speaking,) upon occasion of the dif- 
 ference betwixt him and the Pisans above-men- 
 tioned, (in which several of them were hanged,) 
 had a guard of twenty soldiers assigned him, for 
 the security of his person, by an order from the 
 senate, which at that time acted nothing without 
 his direction and approbation. However, he go- 
 verned very moderately ; for, (as I said before,) 
 he was a wise man ; but his son Peter thought it 
 his due, and employed his guards to the terror and 
 vexation of his people, committing great injuries 
 and insolencies by them in the night, and invading 
 the common treasure, which his father had done 
 too before him, but managed it so prudently, that 
 the people were almost satisfied with his pro- 
 ceedings. 
 
 The second time Peter sent as his ambassadors 
 to Loin, Peter Caponi and others, excusing him- 
 self, as he had done before, that King Louis XL 
 had commanded the Florentines to make peace with 
 King Ferrand, in the time of John Duke of Anjou, 
 and to forsake the alliance of the Duke ; alleging, 
 that since it was by command of the late King of 
 France that they had entered into an alliance with 
 the House of Arragon, and the term of the said 
 alliance not being to expire for some years, they 
 could not in justice de sert it : however, if his ma-
 
 PHILIP DK COMINES. 203 
 
 jesty entered their territories, they would rather 
 assist than oppose him ; but they thought no more 
 of his coming in person than the Venetians did. In 
 both these embassies there was somebody still who 
 was an enemy to the Medicis, and at this time 
 more particularly Peter Caponi, who often informed 
 us what measures were to be taken in order to 
 make the city of Florence revolt from Peter de Me- 
 dicis, traducing him more sharply than he really de- 
 served : he advised the king to banish all Floren- 
 tines out of our kingdom, and so he did. I men- 
 tioned this particular that you may more easily 
 understand the sequel of these Memoirs ; for the 
 king had conceived a great enmity against Peter de 
 Medicis ; and the seneschal and Monsieur Brissonet 
 held great intelligence with his enemies in the city, 
 especially with this Caponi, and with two of Peter's 
 cousin-germans of his own name. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Of the King's Resolution at Asti to g^o in person lAto the Kingdom 
 of Naples, by the Persuasion and Advice of Lodowick Sforza : of 
 Philip de Comines being sent on an Embassy to Venice : of the 
 Duke of Milan's Death, and of Count Lodowick's making himself 
 Duke in prejudice of a Son of the late Duke of Milan. — 1494. 
 
 I HAVE given an account of the engagement at 
 Rapalo by sea : Don Frederic (upon this defeat) 
 retired to Pisa and Leghorn, without staying for 
 the forces which he had put on shore ; at which the 
 Florentines were highly disgusted, as being always
 
 204 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 in their own minds more inclinable to favour the 
 French than the house of Arragon : and our 
 army in Romania, though the weaker of the two, 
 yet it had better fortune than the other, and forced 
 the Duke of Calabria to give ground by degrees ; 
 which the king observing, he took a resolution to 
 march forward, being solicited to do it by Count 
 Lodowick, and others whom I have mentioned be- 
 fore ; and at his arrival Count Lodowick saluted 
 him after this manner : 
 
 " Sir, do not fear the success of this enterprise 
 in the least ; Italy consists but of three estates that 
 are considerable : Milan, which is one of them, is 
 yours already; the Venetians are neutral, and you 
 will have to do only with Naples. When we were 
 united, and joined together in a mutual alliance, 
 several of your predecessors have been too powerful 
 for us. If you would be ruled by me, I would assist 
 in making you greater than Charlemagne ; for when 
 you have conquered the kingdom of Naples, we 
 will easily drive this Turk out of the empire of 
 Constantinople." If he meant it of the Turk who 
 now reigns, it was likely enough ; but affairs on 
 our side must have been managed more wisely. 
 Upon this the king began to be wholly governed by 
 Count Lodowick, which highly displeased some of 
 our courtiers, among whom there was one of the 
 gentlemen of the bed-chamber, and I know not 
 who besides ; but their resentment was to no pur- 
 pose, nobody took notice of them ; for what they 
 did was but in complaisance to the Duke of Orleans, 
 who pretended to the duchy of Milan. But, above
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 205 
 
 all, none was so much disgusted as Monsieur Bris- 
 sonet, who now began to look upon himself as a 
 considerable person, and was become the seneschal's 
 rival in power ; and Lodowick having proposed to 
 the king and the seneschal to leave him behind, he 
 was highly incensed against the count, talked bit- 
 terly against him, and endeavoured to possess all 
 people that he would leave them in the lurch. It 
 had been more wisdom in him to have been silent ; 
 but he was never employed in, nor indeed fit for, 
 any affairs of state ; for he had not the command 
 of his tongue by any means, though otherwise he 
 was very well affected to his master. The conclu- 
 sion of all was, that several ambassadors should be 
 sent, and I among the rest, to Venice. I put off 
 my journey for some days, because the king was 
 fallen sick of the small-pox, and being taken with 
 a high fever besides, was thought to be in danger; 
 but it lasted not above five or six days, so that I 
 resolved upon my journey, and left the king at 
 Asti, not suspecting in the least that he would have 
 proceeded any farther. In six days' time I arrived, 
 with my mules and train, all safe at Venice ; for 
 the way was extremely good. I was very unwilling 
 to depart, as fearing the king would have gone 
 back ; but God had otherwise appointed. The 
 king marched directly for Pavia by the way of Ca- 
 sale, where he visited the Marchioness of Mont- 
 ferrat, a lady much in our interest, but a great 
 enemy to Count Lodowick, and he as much to her. 
 The king was no sooner at Pavia, but jealousies 
 began to arise ; they would have had the king to
 
 206 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 lodge in the town, and not in the castle ; but 
 nothing- would serve his turn but the castle, and lie 
 there he did, and his guards were doubled; and 
 not without cause, for, as some told me since, who 
 were then with him, he was in manifest danger. 
 Count Lodowick was much surprised at it, and 
 questioned the king about it, whether he was sus- 
 picious of him. In short, things were so carried 
 on both sides, that the amity was not like to last 
 long : but our people were the most indiscreet in 
 their language ; not the king, but some of his 
 nearest relations. In this castle of Pavia there was 
 at that time John Galeas, Duke of Milan, (whom 
 I have mentioned before,) and his duchess, the 
 daughter of King Alphonso. The duchess looked 
 very melancholy ; for her husband was dangerously 
 sick, and kept in that castle under a kind of re- 
 straint, with herself, her son, and one or two of 
 her daughters : her son is still living, and was then 
 about five years of age. Nobody might see the 
 duke, but any one might see the child. I passed 
 that way three days before the king, but was in- 
 formed of the duke's illness, and of his not being 
 willing to give me leave to pay my respects to him : 
 however, the king was permitted to visit him when 
 he came, for he was his cousin-german. His ma- 
 jesty told me since the subject of their discourse 
 was only in general terms, for he was unwilling to 
 disoblige Count Lodowick in any thing : yet he had 
 a great mind (as he said) to have given him notice 
 of the designs against him. At the same time the 
 duchess threw herself at Count Lodowick's feet.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINGS. 20T 
 
 and begged of him to have compassion on her 
 father and brother ; he replied it was not in his 
 power ; but she had more reason to have petitioned 
 for her husband and herself, for she was young and 
 very beautiful. 
 
 From thence the king marched to Placentia, 
 where Count Lodowick was informed that his ne- 
 phew the Duke of Milan lay a dying ; he took his 
 leave of the king, and being pressed to return, he 
 promised it faithfully. Before he reached Pavia, 
 the duke was dead, upon which he went post im- 
 mediately to Milan ; this I saw in a letter which 
 the Venetian ambassador that was with him wrote 
 to Venice, assuring the senate of his design to 
 make himself duke. It is certain both the Duke of 
 Venice and the senate were much against it, and 
 asked me if my master would not espouse the 
 young duke's interest ? Though the thing was but 
 reasonable, yet knowing how necessary the count's 
 interest and assistance were to the carrying on our 
 designs, my answer was in doubtful terms. In 
 short, he made himself Duke of Milan, and, as 
 many affirmed, that was his design of inviting and 
 drawing us into Italy. He was charged also with 
 the death of his nephew, whose friends and rela- 
 tions put themselves into a condition to have wrest- 
 ed the government out of his hands, and they might 
 easily have done it, had it not been for his alliance 
 with our king ; for they had already assembled their 
 forces in Romania, as you have heard, but the 
 Count di Cajazzo, and Monsieur d'Aubigny made 
 them retire, for Monsieur d'Aubigny, with atjout a
 
 208 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 hundred and fifty or two hundred Frenchmen at 
 arms, and a good body of Swissers, advancing upon 
 them, Don Ferrand and the rest retreating towards 
 their friends , decamping still about half a day be- 
 fore us, towards Forli*, which belonged to a lady 
 that was a bastard of the house of Milan, and wi- 
 dow of Count Hieronimo, nephew to Pope Sixtus. 
 It was reported that she favoured their party, but 
 our men having battered a small town of hers for 
 some time, they took it by storm, upon which, and 
 the inclination she had to us before, she came over to 
 our side. The people of Italy began generally to as- 
 sume new courage, and be desirous of novelty ; for 
 they saw that which they had never seen before, 
 and that was the use of great guns, which, though 
 frequent in France, was not till then known in Italy. 
 Don Ferrand retreated towards his own kingdom, 
 and marched for Cesenna, a city of the pope's, in 
 the marquisate of Ancona ; but the people stripped 
 and plundered all the stragglers they could meet 
 with, for they were disposed all over Italy to revolt, 
 had things been managed wisely on our part, with- 
 out violence and plunder. But all was done quite 
 contrary, at which I was extremely concerned, for, 
 by this ungenerous way of proceeding, we lost all 
 the honour and renown that the French nation 
 might otherwise have gained in that expedition. 
 At our first entrance into Italy we were adored like 
 saints, and every body thought us people of the great- 
 est goodness and sincerity in the world, but that opi- 
 
 * It was anciently called Forum Livii, according to the descriptioa 
 of old Italy.
 
 PHILIP DK COMINES. 209- 
 
 nion lasted not long, our own disorders, and the 
 clamours and false reports of our enemies quickly 
 convinced them of the contrary, for they accused us 
 wherever they came with all imaginable rapacity, 
 plundering and robbing their houses, and ravishing 
 their wives and daughters, whenever they fell into 
 our hands. Nor could they have invented any thing 
 to have rendered us more odious, for they are the 
 most jealous and avaricious people in Italy of any in 
 Europe. As to our ravishing of the women they 
 wronged us, but for the rest there was too much 
 truth in it. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Of Peter de Medicis's putting Four of his strongest Garrisons into 
 the King's possession, and of his restoring Pisa, which was one of 
 them, to its ancient Liberty. 
 
 The king, as you have heard, was at Placenza *, 
 when he ordered a solemn funeral for his cousin- 
 german, the Duke of Milan, and indeed he knew 
 not how else to spend his time, since Count Lodo- 
 wick the new duke had left him. Those who had 
 an opportunity of being well acquainted with these 
 affairs have told me, that the whole army under- 
 standing how ill they were provided with every thing 
 necessary for such an expedition, had a great incli- 
 nation to have returned ; and that those who were 
 the chief promoters of it at first, began now to con- 
 
 ♦ A neat populous and pleasant city in the dukedom of Parma, 
 situated upon the Po. 
 
 Vol. II. P
 
 210 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 demn it, as the Lord d'Urse, master of the horse, 
 (though at that time sick at Genoa,) for he wrote a 
 letter upon some intelligence that he pretended to 
 receive, which increased and heightened their for- 
 mer fears and apprehensions; but God, as I said 
 before, conducted this enterprise, for the king had 
 received the unexpected news that the new Duke of 
 Milan was upon his return, and that the Florentines 
 were disposed to an alliance with us, in opposition 
 to Peter de Medicis, who played the tyrant among 
 them, to the great dissatisfaction of his nearest re- 
 lations, and several other considerable families in 
 that city, as the Caponi, the Soderini, the Nerli, 
 and almost the whole town ; upon which the king 
 left Placenza, and marched towards the territories 
 of the Florentines, to force them to declare for him, 
 or to seize upon their towns, which were but in an ill 
 posture of defence, and take up his winter quarters 
 in them, which was already begun. Several small 
 places received him very readily, and among the 
 rest Lucca, which at that time was at war with 
 Florence. The Duke of Milan had always advised 
 the king to take up his quarters in those parts, and 
 advance no farther that winter, in hopes, by the 
 king's interest and favour, to get into his own pos- 
 session Pisa, a strong and fair city, Sarzana and 
 Pietro Sancto, for the two last had belonged lately 
 to Genoa, and had been taken from them by the 
 Florentines, in the time of Laurence de Medicis. 
 
 The king marched by Pontremolo, which belongs 
 to the duchy of Milan, and besieged Sarzana, the 
 strongest castle the Florentines had, but ill pro-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 211 
 
 vided, by reason of their divisions ; and, to say true, 
 the Florentines never fight willingly against the 
 French, for they have been always faithful and ser- 
 viceable to them, in respect of their trade and inte- 
 rest in that kingdom, as also upon account of being 
 Guelphs*. Had Sarzanabeen furnished as it ought to 
 have been, the king's army had certainly been ruined 
 in besieging it, for the country is mountainous and 
 barren, full of snow, and not able to supply us with 
 provisions. The king lay before it but three days, 
 and the Duke of Milan came to him before any 
 composition. Having passed through Pontreraolo, 
 the citizens and garrison fell out with our Germans, 
 which were commanded by one Buffer, and in the 
 dispute some of our Germans were slain. I was 
 not present at this action myself, but I have been 
 informed of it both by the king, the duke, and se- 
 veral others that were there ; and this accident 
 produced great inconveniences, as you will know 
 hereafter. Our affairs went smoothly on at Flo- 
 rence, and were brought to that height, that fifteen 
 or sixteen persons were deputed to attend the king, 
 the citizens publicly declaring they would not ex- 
 pose themselves to the displeasure of the king and 
 the Duke of Milan, who had a resident in Florence, 
 and Peter de Medicis was forced to concur, for as 
 matters, then stood, he knew not how to avoid it, 
 and to have done otherwise would have ruined 
 them, considering how ill they were both provided 
 
 * The Guelphs and the Gibellines were two factiona that begun in 
 Italy in the reign of the Emperof Frederic II. The former espoused 
 the pope's interest, and the latter the emperor's, in the year 1240. 
 P 2
 
 212 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 and disciplined. Upon their ambassadors' arrival, 
 they offered to receive the king into Florence, and 
 what other places his majesty pleased, the designs 
 of most of them being fixed upon his journey to 
 Florence, which they thought would conduce to the 
 expulsion of Peter de Medicis, and they pressed it 
 very earnestly by the friends they had gained about 
 the court, whom I have often mentioned before. 
 
 On the other hand, Peter de Medicis managed 
 his affairs as diligently, by one Laurence Spinoli, 
 his factor, who, (governed his bank at Lyons,) was 
 a man of integrity, and had lived a considerable 
 time in France ; but could not get intelligence of 
 the secret affairs of our court ; nor indeed could 
 they who lived constantly in it depend upon any 
 thing, their counsels were so various. However, 
 Spinoli practised with those who had authority 
 there, as the Lord de Bresse, (since Duke of Savoy,) 
 and the Lord de Myolans, who was chamberlain to 
 the king. As soon as the Florentine ambassadors 
 were returned, Peter de Medicis, and some of his 
 friends, waited on the king, with their answers to 
 what had been demanded. They perceived the in- 
 evitable ruin of the city would be the consequence 
 of disputing any thing the king thought fit to re- 
 quire ; wherefore they resolved to gain his favour, 
 by doing something extraordinary, beyond what 
 the rest of the states of Italy had done. Upon the 
 news of their approach, the Lord de Piennes, a 
 native of Flanders, and chamberlain to the king, 
 and Monsieur Brissonet, (whom I have so often 
 mentioned before,) were appointed to meet them.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 213 
 
 They proposed the surrender of Serzana to Peter 
 de Medicis, which was immediately done. They 
 demanded farther, that he would give the king pos- 
 session of Pisa, Leghorn, Pietro Sancto, and Li- 
 brefacto, and he granted it, without communicating 
 with his colleagues, who were told, that the king 
 was to be received into Pisa, and stay there some 
 time to refresh his troops ; but they never thought 
 those places were to be continued in his hands. 
 However, he had put their whole power and for- 
 tunes into our custody. Those who managed this 
 treaty with Peter de Medicis, have often told me 
 and other people, (smiling and laughing at his 
 condescensions,) that they were astonished at them, 
 and that he had made several concessions, which 
 they had scarce the confidence to demand. In 
 short, the king entered Pisa, and the ambassadors 
 returned to Florence, where Peter de Medicis or- 
 dered lodgings to be prepared for the king in his 
 own house, which is the fairest and best furnished 
 for a merchant and man of his quality of any in 
 Europe. 
 
 We must now say something of the Duke of 
 Milan, who was already grown weary of the king ; 
 and heartily wished him out of Italy, that he might 
 still keep the possession of such places as were de- 
 livered up by the Florentines. He pressed the king 
 very hard to have Sarzana and Pietra Sancta re- 
 stored to him, which, he said, belonged to the 
 Genoese, and, at the same time, he lent the king 
 thirty thousand ducats, upon which, (as he told 
 me, and several others since,) he was promised he
 
 214 
 
 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 should have them ; but, finding he could not get 
 them, he was highly disgusted at it, and pretending 
 his affairs required him at home, left the king, 
 who never saw him afterwards. But he ordered 
 the Lord Galeas di St. Sever ino to stay with the 
 king, giving him instructions that he should be 
 present in all councils with the Count Charles 
 de Bellejoyeuse, whom I have mentioned before. 
 During the king's stay at Pisa, the Lord Galeas, 
 at his master's instigation, invited several of the 
 chief citizens of the town to his lodging ; and per- 
 suaded them to rebel against the Florentines, and 
 petition the king to restore them to their liberty, 
 hoping, by this means, that the city would fall 
 again into the Duke of Milan's hands, where it 
 had formerly been in the time of Duke John Galeas 
 the first Duke of Milan of that name ; which John 
 was a great tyrant, but lived very honourably. His 
 body lies in the charter-house at Pavia, not far 
 from the park, it is laid much higher than the 
 altar ; the monks shewed it me, (or, at least, his 
 bones,) with a ladder, which were no sweeter than 
 nature permitted. One of the monks, who was 
 born at Burges, in discourse, called him Saint ; 
 I whispered him in the ear, and asked him why he 
 gave him the title of Saint ; for one might see 
 painted about him, the arras of several cities 
 which he had wrongfully usurped ; besides, his 
 horse, and he being of fine marble, were placed 
 above the altar, and yet his body lay under the 
 ffeet of his horse : he answered me softly, " Iri this 
 country we call all saints who do us any good, and
 
 PHILIP DE COMINBS. 215 
 
 he built this church ;" which is of fair marble, 
 and, indeed, the best I ever saw in my life of that 
 kind. 
 
 But, to proceed, this Galeas di St. Severino had 
 an ambition to be a great man, and Lodowick, 
 Duke of Milan, (whose bastard daughter he had 
 married,) seemed ambitious of making him so ; 
 for his own children were not old enough as yet. 
 The Pisans had been cruelly treated by the Floren- 
 tines, and used as their slaves ; for they had been 
 conquered by them about one hundred years, much 
 about the time in which the Venetians subdued 
 the country and city of Padua, which was their 
 first acquisition upon the terra firma. These two 
 cities were much alike ; they had been long ene- 
 mies to those who had the government of them ; 
 they were almost equal in power, and it was a 
 great while before they could be conquered. The 
 Pisans called a council, and finding themselves en- 
 couraged by so a great person, and being naturally 
 desirous of liberty, as the king was going to mass, 
 a great number of women and men cried out to 
 him, " Liberty, Liberty," begging of him, with 
 tears in their eyes, that he would vouchsafe to re- 
 store it. There was at that time one Rabot, a 
 counsellor of the parliament of Dauphin^, and then 
 either actually master of the requests, or executing 
 that office for somebody else, who, (having pro- 
 mised to do so, or not well understanding the nature 
 of their demands,) acquainted the king, (as he was 
 walking before him,) with the deplorable con- 
 dition of the Pisans, and told his majesty, he ought
 
 216 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 in justice to redress their wrongs, for never people 
 had been so tyrannically dealt with. The king not 
 understanding what they meant by that word Li- 
 berty, and beginning to commiserate the afflictions 
 of Italy, and the miseries the poor subject endures, 
 both under prince and commonwealth, replied, he 
 was willing it should be so ; though, (to speak 
 truth,) he had no authority to do it ; for the town 
 was not his own, and he was received into it only 
 in friendship, and to relieve him in his present ne- 
 cessities. Monsieur Rabot having told them the 
 king's answer, the people began immediately to 
 fill the streets with acclamations of joy, and running 
 to the end of the bridge upon the river Arno, they 
 pulled down a great lion, called Mazorco, which 
 stood upon a marble pillar, and represented the 
 government of Florence, and threw it into the river. 
 When they had so done, they caused another to be 
 set up of the King of France, with his sword in 
 his hand, and the Mazorco, or lion, under his 
 horse's feet. After that, when the King of the 
 Romans came to that town, they served the King 
 of France's statue as they had served the poor lion ; 
 for it is the humour of the Italians to side with 
 the strongest always ; but these Pisans were, and 
 are still, so barbarously treated, they ought in jus- 
 tice to be excused for what they do.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 217 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Of the King's Departure from Pisa towards Florence ; and of the 
 Flight and Destruction of Peter de Medicis. 
 
 The king stayed not long there, but departed for 
 Florence ; where they complained to him of the in- 
 jury he had done to the Florentines, and that it 
 was not according to his promise, to restore the 
 Pisans to their liberty. Those whom he appointed 
 to answer their memorial, excused it in the best 
 manner they could ; alleging, that his majesty was 
 not rightly informed, nor did he understand any 
 thing of another agreement, of which I shall say 
 something hereafter. But in the first place I must 
 speak of the fortune of Peter de Medicis, of the 
 king's entrance into Florence, and of the garrisons 
 that his majesty left in Florence, Pisa, and other 
 places, which the Florentines had lent him. After 
 Peter de Medicis, by the consent of some few of 
 his colleagues, had delivered up the above-men- 
 tioned towns to the king, he returned to Florence, 
 supposing the king would not have kept them, but 
 that after he had refreshed himself for three or 
 four days, and had left Pisa, they would have been 
 delivered him again. I am of opinion, that had 
 the king proposed to them to have staid there 
 the whole winter they would easily have consented 
 to it ; though Pisa, except in the numbers of the 
 people, and the richness of their furniture, is of 
 greater value and importance to them than Flo- 
 rence itself. Peter de Medicis, upon his return to
 
 218 
 
 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Florence, was but coldly received by the people, 
 who looked discontentedly upon him, and not with- 
 out reason ; for he had disarmed them of their 
 power and authority, and robbed them of all the 
 conquests they had gained for a hundred years be- 
 fore ; so that their hearts seemed to presage the 
 calamities which have happened to them since. For 
 this cause, (which I believe was the principal, 
 though they never declared it,) for the hatred they 
 bore him, (as I have said before,) and for the reco- 
 very of their liberties, which they desired impa- 
 tiently, (without any respect to the services of 
 Cosmo and Laurence his predecessors,) they re- 
 solved to drive him out of the town. Peter de 
 Medicis having some intelligence, but no certain 
 knowledge of their designs, went to the senate to 
 acquaint them of the king's approach, who was 
 within three miles of the city ; but coming ac* 
 cording to his usual custom, with his guards, and 
 knocking boldly at the palace gate, he was denied 
 entrance by one of the Nerli, (of whom there were 
 several brothers, that I was well acquainted with, 
 and their father, all very wealthy people,) who told 
 him he might enter if he pleased alone, but other- 
 wise not ; and he that gave him this answer was 
 armed. Upon which, Peter de Medicis returned 
 to his house, put himself and his domestics in 
 arms, and sent word of it to one Paul Ursini, who 
 was in the Florentine service ; for by the mother's 
 side Peter de Medicis was akin to the Ursini, of 
 which family his father and himself had always 
 had several in their service ; resolving to stand
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 219 
 
 upon his guard, and oppose any insurrection that 
 might happen in the city. But not long after 
 hearing a great cry of " Liberty, Liberty," and the 
 people being assembled in arms, he left the city, 
 according to the prudent advice that was given 
 him by this Ursini ; though it was a sad parting 
 for him, for in power and riches he and his prede- 
 cessors had been equal with the greatest princes, 
 and that day fortune began to be adverse, and he 
 lost both authority and estate. I was at Venice 
 myself, but the news of it was communicated to me 
 by the Florentine ambassador, who was there, and 
 was extremely concerned at it ; for I had a great 
 respect for his father. Had this Peter believed me 
 formerly, he had not then been in that condition ; 
 for upon my first arrival at Venice I wrote to him, 
 and offered to make his peace with the king, and 
 it was in my power to have done it ; for I had 
 commission from the seneschal and Brissonet both 
 to do it, and the king would have been contented 
 barely with passage for his troops, or at the worst, 
 to have had Leghorn put into his hands, for which 
 he would have done whatever Peter could have de- 
 sired ; but by the persuasion and ill counsel of 
 Peter Caponi, whom I have mentioned before, did 
 but laugh at me for the offer I made him. 
 
 The next morning the Florentine ambassador 
 deliveretl a letter to the senate of Venice, im- 
 porting that Peter de Medicis was banished Flo- 
 rence for endeavouring to make himself sovereign 
 of that city, by the assistance of the Ursini, and 
 the house of Arragon ; besides other complaints
 
 220 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 against him, which were not true. But such are 
 the accidents and successes in this world ; he who 
 is beaten and flies, is not only sure to be pursued 
 by his enemies, but shall be forsaken, and per- 
 haps persecuted by his friends, as was too visible in 
 the behaviour of this ambassador, Anthony Solde- 
 rini, (one of the wisest statesmen in all Italy.) 
 The day before the delivery of this letter, he men- 
 tioned Peter de Medicis to me with the respect due 
 to his sovereign lord, now he declared himself his 
 enemy by order from the state ; but to do him jus- 
 tice, he said nothing, of himself that was to his 
 prejudice. The next day I was informed that 
 Peter de Medicis was coming to Venice, that the 
 king had made his triumphal entry into Florence, 
 and that the senate had recalled their ambassador, 
 telling him, " They were necessitated to sail by 
 that wind," that was their expression. I saw their 
 letter myself, for he showed it me upon his leaving 
 Venice. Two days after his departure, Peter de 
 Medicis arrived at Venice, in the disguise of a 
 servant in a livery. The Venetians were at a loss 
 how to behave themselves towards him ; they were 
 afraid of disobliging the king, and yet they could 
 not in reason refuse to give him protection ; how- 
 ever, they made him wait two days before they 
 would declare their resolutions, desiring to know 
 of me how my master would take it : I had never 
 received any orders from the king to resent it, and 
 being willing to serve him, I answered, " That I 
 supposed this flight was from the people, not from 
 the king." Upon which he was received, and the
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 221 
 
 next day after his appearance before the senate, 
 I made him a visit. The senate ordered a hand- 
 some apartment for him, permitted himself and 
 about twenty of his retinue to wear their swords, 
 and showed him a great deal of honour and respect ; 
 for though his grandfather Cosmo had formerly 
 hindered them from making themselves masters of 
 Milan, yet they had a reverence for the honour of 
 his family, which had been so renowned all over 
 Europe. When I came into his presence, me- 
 thought he seemed not to answer my expectation : 
 He gave me a narrative of his misfortunes, and I 
 gave him the best consolation I could: Among 
 the rest of his complaints, he told me he had lost 
 all ; but that which made the deepest impression 
 on his spirits, was, that having written to a factor 
 of his in town, to furnish him with cloth for him- 
 self and his brother, and only to the value of a 
 hundred ducats, he had been refused ; which was 
 a strange thing, considering his estate and autho- 
 rity, which had continued in great lustre in that 
 family for threescore years together. Not long 
 after, he heard the good news from the Lord de 
 Bresse, since Duke of Savoy, and the king wrote 
 to him to come to him. However, the king left 
 Florence about the same time, as you will find 
 hereafter ; but I was forced to say something of 
 this Peter de Medicis by the by.
 
 222 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Of the King's Entrance into Florence, and what other Towns he 
 passed through in his march to Rome. 
 
 The next day the king made his entrance into 
 Florence, where Peter de Medicis had prepared a 
 noble apartment for him in his own palace, and ap- 
 pointed the Lord de Ballassat * to attend him ; but 
 as soon as his majesty was informed of the flight 
 of Peter de Medicis, he fell a rifling the palace, 
 upon pretence that the bank of Lyons was in ar- 
 rear to him for a considerable sum of money ; and 
 among other things he seized upon a whole uni- 
 corn's horn, valued at six or seven thousand du- 
 cats, besides two great pieces of another, and se- 
 veral other things ; and other people followed his 
 example. The best of his furniture was conveyed 
 into another house in the city ; but the mob plun- 
 dered it. The senate got part of his richest jewels, 
 twenty thousand ducats in ready money that he 
 had in bank in the city ; several fine agate cups, 
 besides an incredible number of seals admirably 
 well cut, which I have seen, and three thousand 
 medals of gold and silver, weighing near forty 
 pounds' weight ; which I believe was more than in 
 all Italy besides : so that his losses in the city that 
 day, might be computed at a hundred thousand 
 crowns, if not more : but the king being got into the 
 
 * Ferron, in his Supplement to Paulus Emilius, calls him Mat- 
 thseus Balassius, which comes pretty near the name ; but others, who 
 pretend to know the family, call him De Balnac.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 223 
 
 city, a treaty was set on foot between him and the 
 Florentines, and I am of opinion the citizens em- 
 braced it very heartily. They gave the king six- 
 score thousand ducats, paid him fifty thousand 
 down, and the rest in two short payments after- 
 ward. They lent him all the above-mentioned 
 places, and changed their arms, which were the 
 red fleur-de-lis, and bore the king's, who took 
 them into his protection, and swore upon the altar 
 of St. John to restore the towns which they had 
 put into his possession, within four months after 
 his arrival at Naples, or sooner, if he should re- 
 turn in France ; but matters succeeded otherwise, 
 as you will find in the sequel of these Memoirs. 
 
 The king made but a little stay at Florence ; but 
 advanced with his army to Sienna, where being well 
 received, he advanced to Viterbo, where the enemy, 
 (Don Ferrand being retreated towards Rome) de- 
 signed to post and fortify themselves, and fight if 
 they saw an advantageous opportunity, as King 
 Alphonso's and the pope's ambassadors at Venice 
 told me ; and truly I expected the arrival of King 
 Alphonso in person there, (for he had the reputa- 
 tion of being a man of courage,) and that he would 
 have left his son in the kingdom of Naples to have 
 managed afl*airs in his absence. According to my 
 judgment the place would not have been altogether 
 improper for them ; for he would have had his own 
 kingdom, and the patrimony of the church, and 
 the towns and places belonging to the Ursini be- 
 hind them. And I was extremely surprised to hear
 
 224 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 by letters, that the king was at Viterbo*, and 
 that one of the commanders had delivered up the 
 castle upon the intercession of the cardinal Petri 
 ad Vincula, (who was governor of it,) and the Co- 
 lonni. I fancied then that God would put an end 
 to this affair, and began to repent of my having 
 advised and written to the king to come to an ac- 
 commodation ; for they offered him very fair. 
 Aqua Pendente, Montefiascone, and all the adja- 
 cent towns were delivered up before the surrender 
 of Viterbo, as I was informed by letters from the 
 king and others to the Senate at Venice, who had 
 daily intelligence of what passed from their am- 
 bassadors, which they shewed me, or else or- 
 dered their secretaries to give me an account. 
 From Viterbo the king marched towards Rome, 
 through the dominions of the Ursini, which were 
 all surrendered to him by the Lord Charles 
 Ursini, pretending that he had orders from his 
 father to do so, (who was always in King Al- 
 phonso's service,) and that whilst Don Ferrand 
 was entertained in the territories of the church, so 
 long was he commanded to wait on the king, and 
 no longer. This was exactly according to the cus- 
 tom in Italy, both among princes and captains, 
 and all persons ; for there they carry fair with 
 their very enemies, for fear it should be their mis- 
 fortune to be of the weakest side. The king 
 
 * A commander in this place signifies a person, who being in pos- 
 session of some spiritual preferment must not marry ; but yet is not 
 obliged to take holy orders upon him j as the grand prior of France, 
 and all the knights of St. John's of Jerusalem.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 225 
 
 therefore was received into Bracciano, the chief 
 place belonging to Virgil Ursini ; it was strong, 
 beautiful, and well furnished with provisions. I 
 have heard the king often commend the place, and 
 the entertainment he met with there ; for at that 
 time his army was in great distress for want of 
 provision, and indeed they could hardly be in 
 greater : so that if we do but consider how often 
 this army was inclinable to mutiny, and not to 
 march any farther, since its first arrival at Vienne 
 in Dauphine, and the many unexpected accidents 
 by which it was supplied and advanced, it must of 
 necessity be acknowledged, that God Almighty con- 
 ducted it. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Of the King's sending the Cardinal of St. Peter ad Vincula, (who 
 was afterwards Pope by the name of Julius II.,) to Oslia ; what 
 the Pope did at Rome in the mean time ; of the King's Entry 
 into Rome, notwithstanding all the endeavours of his Enemies to 
 the contrary ; and of the Factions between the Ursini and the 
 Colonni, in Rome. 
 
 From Bracciano the king sent the Cardinal of 
 St. Peter ad Vincula to Ostia, of which he was 
 bishop. Ostia is a town of great importance, pos- 
 sessed by the Colonni, who had taken it form- 
 erly from the pope ; but not long since it was re- 
 covered from the cardinal by the forces of the 
 church. It is a town of no great strength, and yet 
 it kept Rome in subjection a long time, by means 
 of the said cardinal ; who was a great friend to 
 
 Vol. II. Q
 
 220 THfi MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the Colonni, which family embraced our interest, 
 at the instigation of Cardinal Ascanio, the Duke 
 of Milan's brother, and in opposition to the Ursini, 
 with whom they have been always at difference. 
 The faction of these two houses has occasioned as 
 great troubles to the church as the animosity be- 
 twixt the Luce and the Grandmonts have been to 
 us, or the Hocus and Caballans to the Hollander ; 
 and were it not for this dissension, the territory of 
 the church was one of the best habitations for the 
 subject in the world ; for they pay no taxes, their 
 duties are few, and they would be sure to be well 
 governed ; for the popes are always wise, and have 
 good council about them. But because of these 
 emulations, it is subject to many calamities, as 
 murders and plundering, ^c, of which sort we 
 have seen frequent examples within these last four 
 years, since that time the Colonni have been our 
 enemies much to their dishonour ; for the king had 
 given them twenty thousand ducats a year, and 
 better, in the kingdom of Naples, as in the county 
 of Tagliacozzo, and other places, (which was be- 
 fore the estate of the Ursini,) besides whatever 
 else they demanded, whether in men or money : so 
 that what they did was done treacherously and un- 
 handsomely without any manner of provocation ; 
 but they had been always for the house of Arragon 
 against the French, as being Ghibellines, and the 
 Ursini (being Guelphs,) were always on our side 
 with the Florentines. 
 
 The king sent along with the Cardinal of St. 
 Peter ad Vincula, to Ostia, Peron de ia Basche the
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 227 
 
 steward of his household, who three days before had 
 brought the king* twenty thousand ducats by sea. 
 which was part of the money lent him by the Duke 
 of Milan : This Peron de la Basche landed at Piom- 
 bino, and left the fleet (which was but small) under 
 the command of the Prince of Salerno, and the 
 Barons of Serno in Provence, but being taken sud- 
 denly with a storm, their ship was much shattered, 
 and driven upon the coasts of Sardinia and Corsica, 
 where they lay a long time without doing us any 
 service till they could be repaired, though they 
 were at a vast expense, and came not to us, till the 
 King was in Naples. 
 
 There were with the Cardinal at Ostia about 
 five hundred men at arms, and two thousand Swiss 
 under the command of the Count de Ligny *, the 
 king's cousin-german, by the mother's side, the 
 Lord de Allegre, and others. The design was to 
 have passed the Tyber, and enclosed Don Ferrand 
 in Rome, by the favour and assistance of the Co- 
 lonni, of whom the chief were Prosper©, and Fa- 
 britio Colonna, and the Cardinal di Colonna ; who 
 had two thousand foot under his command, to pay 
 whom, the king remitted money by Peter de la 
 Basche, though they had raised and mustered them 
 at their own pleasure, at Sansonna, a town be- 
 longing to them. 
 
 We must observe that several affairs are co-in- 
 cident in this place, and of every one of them some- 
 
 • I^jwis de Luxembourg, Count <le Ligny, son of Ixiwis. con- 
 stable of France ; by his second wife, Mary of Savoy, sister to Char- 
 lotte of Savoy, Queen of France, and mother cf Charles VIIL 
 Q2
 
 228 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 thing must be said. Before the king had made his 
 entrance into Viterbo, he had sent the Lord de la 
 Trimouille, his chamberlain, the President of 
 Guiennay*, who had the seal, and Monsieur Bidaut, 
 to Rome, to treat with his Holiness ; who was 
 never without some underhand practices, according 
 to the mode of the Italians. While they were at 
 Rome, the Pope in the night received Don Ferrand 
 and his whole army into the town, so that some 
 few of our people were seized, but dismissed the 
 same day by the Pope ; only the Cardinal Ascanio, 
 vice-chancellor and brother to the Duke of Milan, 
 and Prospero di Colonna were detained ; (some 
 say by their own consent.) I had news of all this 
 immediately, by letters from the king; and the 
 senate of Venice had a more ample account of it 
 from their agents, and it happened before the king 
 got into Viterbo, for neither side staid above two 
 days in a place, and all things succeeded better for 
 our interest than we could have expected or hoped, 
 and no wonder, for God's providence appeared 
 so visibly in our assistance, that nobody could 
 deny it. 
 
 The badness of the weather had rendered this 
 army in Ostia utterly unserviceable. You must 
 understand that the forces under the command of 
 the Lord d'Aubigny were marched back, and he 
 himself had no farther employment there. The 
 Italians were likewise dismissed, which had been 
 
 * John de Gannay, Lord of Persan, first president of the parliament 
 of Paris, and chancellor of France, under Louis XII. He had for- 
 merly been chancellor of the kingdom of Naples. He died in the 
 year 1512.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 229 
 
 raised in Romania, and brought to the army by 
 Count Rodolphus de Mantua, the Lord Galeot de 
 la Mirandola and Fracasse, brother to Galeas di 
 St. Severino, who were well paid by the king, and 
 were in all about five hundred men. At his de- 
 parture frornViterbo, the king advanced to Naples*, 
 of which the Cardinal Ascanio was then governor. 
 It is most certain, whilst our forces were in Ostia, 
 twenty fathoms of the wall fell down at Rome, on 
 that side where we designed to enter. The Pope 
 observing this young prince to advance so briskly, 
 and with such unexpected success, consented to 
 receive him into Rome, (and to speak truth he 
 could not help it) upon condition he would give 
 safe conduct under his hand and seal to Don Fer- 
 rand Duke of Calabria, and only son to Alphonso ; 
 but Ferrand marched away in the night towards 
 Naples, and the Cardinal Ascanio + conducted him 
 to the very gate. The king entered Rome in arms, 
 as a prince who at that time might do what he 
 pleased wherever he came. There came out to 
 meet him several cardinals, and the governors and 
 senators of the town, who attended him to his 
 lodgings in the palace of St. Mark, (which be- 
 longed to the Colonni who were then his creatures 
 and friends) and the Pope himself retired to his 
 castle of St. Angelo. 
 
 ♦ Several historians name this place Naples, though by the de- 
 scription of Italy it ought to be Nepe ; in Blondus it is Nepesum ; 
 in Volaterran, Nepet ; and in Marco Guazzo, Nepi. 
 
 t Ascani Maria Sforza, brother of Lewis, Duke of Milan, created 
 cardinal in 1484, by Pope Sixtus IV., degraded of that dignity, and 
 afterwards restored to it by Pope Alexander VI. in 1495. He died of 
 the plague or poison, in 1 505.
 
 230 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Of King Alphonso's causing his Son Ferrand to be crowned King ; 
 his Flight into Sicily, and of the Mischief his Father (old Ferrand) 
 and he had done in their Reigns. — 1494. 
 
 Could any man have imagined that so imperious 
 a prince as Alphonso, inured all his lifetime to 
 wars ; that his son and the Ursini having so great 
 a party in Rome, should have been afraid to have 
 made a stand there? Especially when they per- 
 ceived the Duke of Milan and the Venetians waver- 
 ing, and an alliance on foot underhand, which 
 would certainly have been concluded, had any re- 
 sistance been made either at Viterbo or Rome, that 
 might have stopped the progress of the king's 
 arms, though but for three or four days. But God 
 was willing to demonstrate to the world, that all 
 these things were beyojnd the contrivance and com- 
 prehension of human wisdom. We said before, 
 that above twenty fathoms of the city wall fell 
 down ; so now there fell down above fifteen of the 
 wall of the castle of St. Angelo, as I have been 
 told by several persons ; and particularly by two 
 cardinals who were there. But now we must say 
 something of King Alphonso. 
 
 As soon as the Duke of Calabria, called the 
 young Ferrand, (whom we have already often men- 
 tioned), was returned to Naples, his father. King 
 Alphonso, thought himself not worthy of the crown 
 any longer, for the mischiefs and cruelties he had 
 committed against several princes and lords who 
 had trusted to his and his father's honour, causing
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 231 
 
 them to be put to death, (to the number of four- 
 and-twenty,) after the decease of his father, who 
 had kept them alive some time after their wars 
 against him. Two more he also caused to be exe- 
 cuted, who had surrendered upon his father's secu- 
 rity ; one was the Duke of Sessa*, a person of 
 great authority, and the other was the Prince of 
 Rossano, who had married Ferrand's sister, and 
 had by her a son of very great parts and under- 
 standing. To make sure of him, (for the Prince 
 and Lord of Rossano was engaged against him in 
 a most abominable treason, and had deserved the 
 worst punishment that could have been inflicted ; 
 had he not surrendered himself upon assurance of a 
 pardon.) As soon as he had done it, the king or- 
 dered him to be closely confined in a nasty stinking 
 prison, where he continued for the space of four- 
 and-thirty years, and whither he sent his son, when 
 he was about fifteen or sixteen years old, to bear 
 him company. Alphonso, immediately upon his 
 accession to the throne, ordered all the prisoners to 
 be removed to a small island not far from Naples, 
 called Ischia, (of whom you shall hear further here- 
 after,) and put all of them to death after a most bar- 
 barous and inhuman manner, except Rossano's son 
 and the noble Count di Popoli, whom he still kept 
 prisoners in the castle of Naples. I inquired very 
 carefully how they were murdered, (because many 
 people believed them alive when the king entered 
 
 * Jovianus Pontanus, who wrote a history of the wars of John of 
 Anjou and Fenand the elder, makes the Prince of Rossano and the 
 Ouke of Sessa to be one and the same person.
 
 232 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 into Naples,) but I was assured by their principal 
 servants, that they were knocked on the head by a 
 Moor of Africa, who, immediately after the execu- 
 tion, was despatched into Barbary, that no notice 
 might be taken of it. I was informed he did not 
 excuse those ancient princes, some of which had 
 been kept in prison four or five-and-thirty years. 
 Never was any prince more bloody, wicked, inhu- 
 man, lascivious, or luxurious, than he. Yet his 
 father was more dangerous, because no man knew 
 when he was angry or pleased ; for he would betray 
 people in the midst of his entertainments and ca- 
 resses, nobody knew why or wherefore, as he served 
 Count James, whom he caused on a sudden to be 
 apprehended, and put to death, though he was in 
 the quality of an ambassador at his court from 
 Francis Duke of Milan, whose natural daughter he 
 had married ; but to that barbarous action Francis 
 was consenting, for they were both afraid of his 
 interest with the Bracci*, and being son to Nicolo 
 Picinino. In the same manner (as report goes) he 
 served several others, for this Ferrand had nothing 
 of tenderness or compassion in him, as I have been 
 informed by his nearest friends and relations, nor 
 ever was known to lake the least pity of his own 
 necessitous subjects in relation to their taxes. The 
 whole trade of buying and selling he engrossed 
 himself, and that quite through his kingdom. He 
 delivered hogs to his people to feed, and required 
 them to make them fat ; and if any of them chanced 
 
 * They were soldiers, that took their name from one Brachivo di 
 Fortibraci, a famous captain in his time.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 233 
 
 to die, they were sure to pay for them. In Apuglia, 
 and other countries which were plentiful in olives, 
 he and his son bought them all up, and almost at 
 their own pleasure ; the same they did with their 
 corn, at a cheap rate, before it was ripe, and then 
 sold it again as dear as they could ; but if the price 
 of any of their commodities happened to fall in the 
 mean time, they obliged the people to take it off 
 their hands at the same price they bought it ; and 
 whilst they were disposed to sell, nobody durst buy 
 of any one else. If a baron, or the lord of any 
 country, was a good husband, and saved any thing 
 out of his revenue by management and industry, 
 they sent presently to borrow it, and they were 
 forced to comply with their unreasonable demands. 
 They took away their breed of horses, (in which in 
 those parts people are very curious,) and caused 
 them to be managed and dressed for them and their 
 use by the owners themselves ; so that they had in 
 horses, mares, and colts, many millions, which 
 they sent up and down the kingdom to be kept for 
 them, to the great detriment of the masters. Both 
 father and son had ravished several women : they 
 made no conscience of sacrilege, nor retained 
 the least respect or obedience for the church. 
 They sold their bishoprics, as that of Tarento, 
 which the father sold for thirteen thousand 
 ducats te a Jew to give his son, whom the Jew 
 pretended was a Christian. He gave abbies to his 
 falconers, and several others for their children, 
 telling them, '• You shall keep mc so many hawks, 
 you shall mew them, and keep me such a number
 
 234 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of soldiers at your expense." The son never kept 
 Lent in his life, nor so much as pretended to do it : 
 he never wsls at confession, nor ever received the 
 Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. In short, it is 
 scarce possible that any prince could be guilty of 
 greater villanies. Some will have the young Fer- 
 rand to be the w^orst of the two ; though at his 
 death he grew humble and civil, but then indeed he 
 was in distress. 
 
 Perhaps the reader may think, that what I have 
 written of these two princes, proceeds from some 
 particular pique against them ; but upon my con- 
 science that is not the motive that induced me to 
 do it ; for I have given you a short history of their 
 lives, only to continue my Memoirs, in the be- 
 ginning of which I freely declared my opinion, that 
 I thought it impossible for those, who had the ma- 
 nagement of our affairs, to have carried on this 
 expedition so prosperously, had not God himself 
 undertaken to conduct it for this young king ; and 
 whom he supplied with provisions in the extremity 
 of his wants, and made him his instrument to 
 scourge and chastise these Italian princes, who 
 were wise, rich, powerful, and understanding in 
 the affairs of the world ; had a wise and able mi- 
 nistry to defend and take care of their dominions, 
 and supported and engaged in a powerful alliance ; 
 and though they beheld the storm afar off, yet had 
 not courage or wisdom enough at that time either 
 to resist or avoid it. For, except the castle of 
 Naples, there was not one place in the progress of 
 the king's arms for a day, which occasioned Pope
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 235 
 
 Alexander VI., to say, that the French came into 
 Naples with wooden spurs, and only chalk in their 
 harbingers' hands to mark out their lodgings, which 
 they took up without any more trouble : the 
 wooden spurs he mentioned, because it was the 
 custom at that time, when young gentlemen rode 
 about the streets, for their pages to put a sharp 
 piece of wood into the heel of their shoes, with 
 which they pricked their mules forward. In short, 
 this expedition into Italy was performed with so 
 much ease, and so little resistance, that our sol- 
 diers scarce ever put on their arms during the 
 whole expedition, and the king marched with his 
 army from Asti to Naples in four months and nine- 
 teen days ; an ambassador with his retinue could 
 hardly well have got thither sooner. I concluded, 
 therefore, with several pious and religious men, 
 and the general vote of the people (which is the 
 voice of God) that God intended to make an ex- 
 ample of these princes, that by this chastisement 
 others might be excited to conform their lives ac- 
 cording to the precepts of his holy gospel : For 
 these princes of Arragon lost their honour, their 
 kingdom, and their treasure, besides their rich fur- 
 niture of all sorts, which was so strangely dis- 
 persed, it is hardly to be known what is become of 
 it, or that they ever had any ; and after all, their 
 tyranny and cruelties, they died themselves, three 
 in one year, or a little more ; but I hope their 
 souls are in paradise. King Ferrand, natural son 
 to Alphonso the Great (who was a wise and an 
 honourable prince) was highly concerned to see his
 
 236 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 kingdoms invaded with such a powerful army, and 
 himself not in a condition to oppose it. He was 
 also sensible of the notorious lives that he and his 
 son had led, and of their being become odious to 
 the people. And besides, in the pulling down of a 
 chapel (as I have been assured by several of his 
 nearest relations) there was a book found with this 
 title, Truth, with its secret Counsel ; in which (by 
 report) was contained the whole series of his mis- 
 fortunes ; but there were only three persons who 
 had a sight of it, for as soon as he had read it, he 
 committed it to the flames. Another thing that 
 troubled him was, that neither his son nor grand- 
 son could be persuaded of the king's coming into 
 Italy ; but they talked arrogantly and contemp- 
 tuously of him, hectoring and threatening that they 
 would go as far as the mountains to meet him : 
 But some were so wise as to make it their solemn 
 petition to God Almighty, that a King of France 
 might never come into Italy ; for they had seen a 
 poor indigent prince of the family of Anjou, who 
 had troubled all Italy before it could be rid of him, 
 meaning Duke John, King Rene's son. Ferrand 
 laboured hard the year before by his ambassador 
 Camillo Fandone to stop the king's expedition into 
 Italy, before he left France; offering him a tribute 
 of five thousand ducats a year, and to do him ho- 
 mage for that kingdom : But finding he could nei- 
 ther purchase his peace with the King of France, 
 nor compose the differences of Milan, he fell sick, 
 confessed, and died, and I hope repented of his 
 sins. His son Alphonso, who was so cruel and
 
 PHILIP DE COMINKS. 237 
 
 terrible, and in such reputation for his experience 
 in military affairs, before the King of France's de- 
 parture from Rome, renounced the crown, and 
 was seized with such a panic fear, that in the 
 night he would cry out he heard the French, and the 
 stones and the trees sounded, "France, France;" 
 nor durst he ever stir out of Naples, but upon his 
 son's return from Rome, he resigned the government 
 of that kingdom to him, caused him to be crowned, 
 and rode on horseback through the streets of 
 Naples, attended by the chief persons of the city, 
 as his brother Don Frederic, the Cardinal of 
 Genoa (the new king riding betwixt them) and all 
 the foreign ambassadors that were there; and 
 after all this pomp and solemnity was performed, 
 Alphonso himself fled into Sicily, and took with 
 him the queen his mother-in-law, sister to Ferrand 
 King of Castile, who is now reigning, and heir to 
 the kingdom of Sicily, to a place where she had a 
 strong garrison. This was looked upon as a very 
 surprising turn of aff*airs all over Europe, but espe- 
 cially at Venice, where I was then in quality of the 
 king's ambassador. Some said he was retired to 
 the Turkish court, others that his resignation was 
 only in favour of his son, who was less odious to 
 the people; but I was always of opinion, it pro- 
 ceeded frdm nothing but cowardice ; for never any 
 person that was cruel was courageous, as all his- 
 tories inform us ; for so Nero and several other 
 tyrants, when pressed by their subjects, fled from 
 the administration of their affairs, and perished in 
 despair. In short, Alphonso was in so great 9,
 
 238 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 consternation, that (as I was informed by some 
 who were about him) he told his mother-in-law, 
 the very day of their departure, that if she would 
 not go, he would leave her; and when she en- 
 treated him to put off his departure but for three 
 days longer, that it might be said she had been a 
 whole year in his kingdom ; he replied, that rather 
 than not go then, he would throw himself out of 
 the window : For do not you hear (saith he) how 
 every body cries out, France', France ? Upon which 
 they immediately went on board a vessel he had 
 prepared on purpose. He took along with him all 
 sorts of wines (which he loved above all things) 
 and seeds for his gardens, without taking any care 
 of his estate or rich furniture, which was left at 
 random in the castle of Naples ; some jewels and 
 a little money he carried with him besides, and 
 away they sailed for Sicily to the garrison above- 
 mentioned, and from thence to Messina, where he 
 picked up and carried along with him certain 
 monks, to whom he pretended and swore he would 
 have no further conversation with the world. 
 Among the rest, he took particular fancy to the 
 monks of Mount Olivet, whose habit is white (as 
 they told me at Venice, where the body of St. He- 
 len is deposited in their cloister) and with them he 
 lived a strict and austere life, serving God at all 
 hours both of the day and night, as they did in 
 their convents, spending his time in prayers, absti- 
 nence, and alms ; by which austerity and severe 
 way of living he contracted a sad distemper of ex- 
 coriation and gravel : They told me they never
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 239 
 
 saw any man in greater misery, and yet he endured 
 it with abundance of patience, having resolved to 
 spend the remainder of his days in a monastery at 
 Valentia Major, and to have taken upon him the 
 habit ; but he was surprised with a violent fit, and 
 died in a short time after. If we may judge from 
 the greatness of his penitence, we may conclude 
 his soul is in paradise. His son outlived him not 
 long, for he died of a fever and a flux, and I hope 
 they are better where they are. To conclude, in 
 less than two years' time, there were five kings 
 crowned in Naples, three I have mentioned before 
 Charles VIII. of France, and Don Frederic* Al- 
 phonso's brother, who now reigns. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Of Ferrand the Younger's being crowned King of Naples ; his encamp- 
 ing with his Forces at St. Germain, in order to oppose King 
 Charles , and of the Agreement King Charles made with the Pope 
 during his stay at Rome. — 1494. 
 
 Now for the better understanding of all these 
 affairs, you must know that King Ferrand, after 
 his coronation was over, became a new man, sup- 
 posing all the odium and resentment of past inju- 
 ries were buried in oblivion, upon his father's abdi- 
 cating the throne. He assembled all the forces he 
 could raise both of horse and foot, and marched with 
 
 * He was crowned King of Naples in 1495. lie reigned but six or 
 seven years, before he was dethroned ; after which he retired into 
 France, where he did.
 
 240 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 them tp St. Germain, which is a strong place, 
 (though the French had passed it twice,) upon the 
 frontiers of that kingdom. Having encamped there, 
 and put a strong garrison, with all manner of pro- 
 visions, into the town, his friends began to take 
 heart. The town is defended two ways, a small 
 river that is fordable sometimes, and by a great 
 mountain which seems to hang over it. 
 
 The king in the mean time was at Rome, and 
 continued there twenty days, during which time 
 several affairs of importance were transacted : 
 There were with him about eighteen cardinals, and 
 others from several parts ; among whom there were 
 Signior Ascanio, vice-chancellor and brother to the 
 Duke of Milan, and Peter ad Vincula, (great friends 
 to one another, but mortal enemies to the Pope,) 
 the cardinals de Gurce *, St. Dennist, St. SeverinoJ, 
 Savelly§, Colonnajl, and others ; all of them earnest 
 for a new election, and that the pope might be de- 
 posed, who was then in his castle. Twice our great 
 
 * Raimund Perauld, a native of Surgeres in Xaintonge, Bishop of 
 Xaintes, afterwards of Gurce in Germany, created Cardinal by Pope 
 Alexander VI. in 1493. He died in 1 505, and was interred at Viterbo 
 in the Augustin's church, 
 
 t John de la Grolaye, or de Villiers, a Monk and Abbot of St. 
 Dennis in France, afterwards Bishop of Lombez ; created a Cardinal 
 in 1493, by Pope Alexander VI. He died in 1499, and was buried at 
 Rome, in the French chapel of St. Peter's Church of the Vatican. 
 
 J Frederic di St. Severino, Son of Robert, Count di Cajazzo, and 
 Joan di Corregio, promoted to the Cardinalship by Pope Innocent V III. 
 in 1489, and confirmed in it by the College of Cardinals after that 
 Pope's death, in 1 492 . He died in 1 5 1 6. 
 
 § John Baptista Sebelli, an Italian, made a cardinal in 1480, by 
 Pope Sixtus IV. He died in 1498, in the eightieth year of his age. 
 
 II John Colonna, an Italian, son of Anthony Prince of Salerno, and 
 nephew to Cardinal Prospero Colonna. He was made a cardinal in 
 1480, by Pope Sixtus IV. and died in 1508.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 241 
 
 guns were ready to fire, (as I have been told by se- 
 veral persons of quality,) but both times the king 
 opposed it. The place is not defensible, being 
 built upon a small hill, and that forced and artifi- 
 cial. It vk^as alleged that the walls were fallen down 
 by prodigy, and they charged his holiness with 
 having given money for the papacy ; but Ascanio 
 was the principal merchant, for it was he that drove 
 the bargain, and received most of the money, be- 
 sides the house in which the pope lived when he 
 was vice-chancellor, all the rich furniture, his vice- 
 chancellorship, and several other places of St. 
 Peter's patrimony besides ; for they two were com- 
 petitors for the popedom. However, I am of opi- 
 nion they would both have consented to a new 
 election at the king's pleasure, though it had been 
 of a Frenchman. I will not pretend to say whether 
 he acted well or ill, but I think the king's best way 
 was to compose matters amicably, as he did ; for he 
 was a young man, and incapable of performing so 
 important a work as the reformation of the church, 
 though, perhaps, his strength might have been 
 sufficient. Could he have undertaken and gone 
 through with it, I question not but all men of wis- 
 dom and reason would have acknowledged it to have 
 been a good work ; but there were several things 
 wanting: However, the king's intentions weregood, 
 and are so still, if he were vigorously assisted. 
 
 The king came to such an accommodation with 
 the pope, as could not possibly last long; for it was 
 too violent in some points, and gave great umbrage 
 to the making an alliance, of which we shall speak 
 
 Vol. II. R
 
 242 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 more hereafter. By this agreement, there was to 
 be a peace between the pope, his cardinals, and ail 
 their adherents ; and the said cardinals were to re- 
 ceive all the rights and perquisites belonging to 
 their dignities, as well absent as present : And that 
 the pope should deliver four towns to the king, 
 Terracina, Civita Vecchia, Viterbo, (which was in 
 his hands already,) and Spoletto; but this last he 
 never delivered, notwithstanding his promise. All 
 these towns were to be restored to the pope upon 
 the king's return out of Naples, which was per- 
 formed on the king's part, though the pope had not 
 dealt fair with him. By this agreement, he also 
 delivered the Grand Seignior's brother*, to the 
 king : for whom he received constantly every year 
 of the great Turk sixty thousand ducats, lest he 
 should attempt another rebellion against him. He 
 promised not to put a legate into any place under 
 the jurisdiction of the church , without the king's 
 approbation. There were other articles relating to 
 the consistory, for which and the rest, the cardinal 
 of Valentia was given in hostage, who attended the 
 king instead of a legate. The king on his part did 
 his filial obedience with all imaginable humility, 
 and the pope created two cardinals at his request ; 
 
 * Sultan Zemi, Brother to Bajazet II., who havingraiseda rebel- 
 lion against his brother, fled to the Soldan of Egypt for assistance ; but 
 being defeated in a set battle, he fled to Rhodes, from whence he was 
 sent into France to Louis XL, in order to hinder him from making his 
 escape ; and to encourage the Knights of Rhodes to have a watchful 
 eye over him, the Grand Seignior allowed them four hundred thousand 
 crowns a year. Louis XI. gave him to Pope Innocent VIII., in whose 
 hands he remained till the delivering him back again by Charles VIII. 
 to the Pope himself.
 
 PHILIP DK COMINES. 24^ 
 
 one was Monsieur Brissonet, before made Bishop 
 of St. Malo : the other was the Bishop of Mons*, of 
 the house of Luxembourg, and then resident in 
 France. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Ofthe King's Departure from Rome to Naples; of the Transactions 
 in that Kingdom in the mean time; an Account of what Places the 
 King of France passed through in his March. — 1494, 
 
 Matters being adjusted after this manner, the 
 king left Rome seemingly in great friendship with 
 the pope, but eight cardinals left the town in a huflT, 
 of which six were of the vice-chancellor's party t 
 and the cardinal of St. Peter ad Vincula's, though 
 it was supposed but a copy of Ascanio's countenance, 
 and that at the bottom he was agreed with the pope, 
 but his brother had not then declared himself our 
 enemy. The king marched with his army to Sau- 
 sonna, and from thence to Velitri, where the Cardi- 
 nal of Valenza gave him the slip. 
 
 The next morning the king took Monte-fortini 
 by storm, and put the garrison to the sword. The 
 place belonged to James Visconti, who had entered 
 
 * Philip de Luxembourg, created cardinal in 1495. He was the 
 son of Thibaut, Lord of Fiennes and Gavre, who having buried his 
 wife, Philippa de Mulan, turned monk of the order of White Friars, 
 in the abbey of Igny, in the diocese of Rheims, of which he was 
 afterwards Abbot, and then Bishop of Mans. He was nominated to be 
 a cardinal by Pope Sixtus IV., to whom he was sent in an embassy by 
 Louis XL in 1472. 
 
 t He was afterwards made pope, by the name of Julius II., in ISOS, 
 and died in 1518. 
 
 R 2
 
 244 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 into the king's service, and afterwards deserted 
 him, for the Visconti are of the faction of the Ur- 
 sini. From thence the king marched to Valmonton, 
 which belonged to the Colonni, and thence advanc- 
 ed to a strong place within four miles from Mount 
 St. John, battered it seven or eight hours with his 
 heavy cannon, and then took it by storm, and put 
 all the garrison to the sword. It was church land, 
 and belonged to the Marquis di Pescara ; and there 
 our whole army joined. From thence the king 
 marched about sixteen miles to St. Germain, where 
 the new King Ferrand was encamped, as I said be- 
 fore, with all the force he was able to assemble. 
 There was now no remedy ; this was the place for 
 him to fight in or no where, for it was the entrance 
 into his kingdom, and he was advantageously post- 
 ed, both in respect of the river and the mountain. 
 He had also sent a strong detachment to secure the 
 pass at Cancello, which is among the mountains, 
 about six miles from St. Germain ; but before the 
 king's approach Ferrand retired with great preci- 
 pitation, and abandoned both the town and the 
 pass. Monsieur de Guise commanded the van that 
 day, for the Lord de Rieux was orderied to take the 
 pass at Cancello, which the Arragonians ought to 
 have defended ; but they had abandoned their post 
 before he arrived there, so that the king entered 
 St. Germain without any resistance. King Ferrand 
 retreated to Capua, where they received him and 
 some few of his retinue, but refused to admit his 
 whole army. He made no long stay among them 
 at that time, but only entreated them to continue
 
 PHILIP DE COMINBS. 245 
 
 faithful to him, promising to return the next day, 
 and away he posted to Naples, suspecting the de- 
 fection which afterward happened there. The 
 greatest part of his army he left behind, and com- 
 manded them to attend him at Capua, but when he 
 came back the next day they were all fled. Virgil 
 Ursini, and his cousin the Count de Pettilane, fled 
 to Nola, where they and their party were taken by 
 our men. They affirmed that they had a pass, and 
 that we did them wrong, and it is true enough, but 
 their passport was not come to their hands ; how- 
 ever, they paid nothing for their rftnsom, only they 
 were plundered, and, to speak the truth, their loss 
 was very considerable. 
 
 From St. Germain the king marched to Mignano 
 and Tiano, and encamped at Caluy, two leagues 
 from Capua, where the inhabitants of that city came 
 to treat with him, and the king entered it with his 
 whole army. From Capua he marched the next 
 day to Aversa, in the midway between Capua and 
 Naples, about six miles distant from both. The 
 chief of the Neapolitans waited on his majesty 
 there, and they came to an accommodation, by 
 which their ancient liberties and privileges were 
 secured to them. The king sent thither before him 
 the Marshal de Gi^, the Seneschal of Beaucaire, 
 the President Gannay, who kept the seals, and his 
 secretaries. King Ferrand, finding how matters 
 went, and seeing the people and nobility in arms 
 against him, and his stables plundered before his 
 face, got immediately aboard a galley, and made 
 the best of his way for Ischia, which is a small
 
 246 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 island, about eighteen miles from Naples. The 
 King of France was received into the city with all 
 possible solemnity and acclamations of joy* ; all 
 the people came out to meet him, and those who 
 had been obliged to the house of Arragon came 
 first, as particularly the family of the Caraffi, who 
 held at that time of the house of Arragon above 
 four hundred thousand ducats a year, in lands and 
 Employments, for the kings in that country can dis- 
 pose of their own demesnes, as well as other 
 people's ; and I am of opinion there are not three 
 considerable estates in the whole kingdom but they 
 consist either of crown lands, or other men's. 
 
 Never people expressed so great a zeal and aflfec- 
 tion to any king or nation, as they did to our's, 
 supposing themselves delivered from all tyranny, 
 so that every where they willingly submitted to us. 
 The whole country of Calabria yielded, and the 
 Lord d'Aubiny and Peron de Basche were sent to 
 command them, without any forces of their own ; 
 Abruz^zo revolted of its own accord, and the town 
 of Aquila, which was always in the French inte- 
 rest, set them an example. In Apuglia they did 
 the same, all but the castle of Brindisi, which is 
 strong and well manned; and the town of Galli- 
 poli, which had also a strong garrison in it, or else 
 the inhabitants would have revolted. In Calabria 
 there were three places which held out for king 
 Ferrand ; two of them were Mantia and Tropea, 
 
 * This triumphal entry of Charles VIII. into Naples, in the year 
 1495, is to be seen at large in the first volume of the French Ceremo 
 wm/, p.982. , _ . - : .
 
 PHILIP DE COMINBS. i247 
 
 anciently creatures of the house of Anjou, and had 
 at first set up the arms of France, but because he 
 had given them to Monsieur de Persi, and would 
 not make them of his own demesnes, they pulled 
 down his arms, and erected the banners of Arra- 
 gon. The third place was the castle of Rheggio, 
 which continued firm to the house of Arragon ; but 
 all that stood out did so for want of being sum- 
 moned, for there were not a sufficient body of troops 
 sent into Apuglia and Calabria to have kept one 
 castle for the king. Taranto surrendered both 
 castle and town, and so did Ottranto, Monopoli, 
 Trani, Manfredonia, Barletta, all but what I ex- 
 cepted before. They came three days' journey to 
 meet our army, and begged of them to receive their 
 respective cities into our protection. They sent 
 likewise all of them to Naples, and all the princes 
 and great lords of that kingdom came thither to 
 do homage to our king, except the Marquis di Pes- 
 care, but his brothers and nephews came. The 
 Count d'Acri and the Marquis di Squillazzo fled 
 into Sicily, because our king had given their estates 
 to the Lord d'Aubigny, There was lately arrived 
 at Naples the Prince of Salerno, newly come from 
 sea, but he had done nothing considerable. His 
 cousin, the Prince of Basignano, was there also 
 with his brothers, and the Dukes of Melfi and 
 Graveline, and the old Duke of Sora, who hereto- 
 fore had sold his duchy to the Cardinal of St. Peter 
 ad Vincula, and his brother enjoys it at this day. 
 The Counts di Monterio, di Fondi, di Tripaldi, and 
 the Count di Celano, who had been banished a
 
 248 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 long time, and was returned with the king, came 
 also to Naples. The Count de Troye, a young 
 Scotch gentleman, but educated in France, was 
 there also, and the Count di Popoli, whom we found 
 prisoner in Naples. The young Prince of Rossano, 
 who, as we said before, was prisoner with his fa- 
 ther, who had been confined thirty-four years, was 
 released, and accompanied King Ferrand to Ischia, 
 but whether voluntarily or by compulsion I cannot 
 resolve. There came also to Naples the Marquis 
 di Venafro, all the Caldoresques, the Count di Ma- 
 talon, and the Count di Merillano, they and their 
 predecessors having always governed the house of 
 Arragon ; and, in short, all the nobility of that 
 kingdom, but the three persons which I excepted 
 before. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 King Charles's being crowned King of Naples ; the Enors in his 
 Government of that Kingdom ; and of the Discovery of a Design 
 in his favour against the Turks by the Venetians. — 1494. 
 
 King Ferrand, when he fled from Naples, left 
 the Marquis di Pescare and some Gernjans in the 
 castle*, and sailed himself into Sicily to demand 
 succours of his father. Don Frederic still kept at 
 sea with some galleys, and came twice (with a pass- 
 port) to treat with our king. His demands were, 
 tliat some part of that kingdom might remain to 
 his nephew, with the title of king ; and that he 
 
 * He means Castle Nuovo | for there are four in Naples.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 249 
 
 himself might enjoy all the lands which belonged 
 to him and his wife. His request was not unrea- 
 sonable ; for his own estate was but small : the 
 king offered to give both him and his nephew an 
 equivalent in France ; and I am of opinion his taa- 
 jesty would have given them some considerable 
 duchy, but they did not think fit to accept it : be- 
 sides, there was no trusting them in the kingdom 
 of Naples ; for they 'Would have observed no ar- 
 ticles of agreement any longer than it had been for 
 their advantage. We erected our batteries against 
 the castle of Naples, and began to fire upon it. 
 The Marquis di Pescare was gone out of it, so there 
 were only a few Germans in it. Had we sent but 
 four of our great guns into the island we had cer- 
 tainly carried it ; and from thence our misfortunes 
 returned. Then all the rest of the towns (which 
 were not above four or five) would have followed of 
 course ; but we spent our time in gaiety, entertain- 
 ments, dancing, and tournaments, and grew so 
 insolent and vain, we scarce looked upon the Ita- 
 lians to be rational creatures. Our king was 
 crowned, had his lodgings in the castle of Capoana, 
 and sometimes went to Mont-Imperial : to the sub- 
 jects of that kingdom he did many good acts, and 
 abated their taxes ; so that I believe of themselves 
 the people would never have rebelled, (though they 
 are naturally inconstant,) had we but obliged some 
 few of the nobility ; but they were slighted, and 
 treated uncivilly at their very entrance into the 
 gates. Those of the house of Caraffi (though 
 friends to the house of Arragon) were used the
 
 250 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 best ; yet they escaped not quite without loss, for 
 every one was deprived of his offices and estate ; 
 and the partisans of the house of Anjou fared a 
 great deal worse than the creatures of Arragon. 
 Orders were sent into the county of Merillino, and 
 the president Gannay, and the seneschal (lately 
 made Duke of Nola, and grand chamberlain of 
 that kingdom) were suspected to have taken money 
 for it : by those orders every one was to be con- 
 firmed in his possession, only the partisans of the 
 house of Anjou were to be excluded, unless they 
 could make good their titles by law ; and for such 
 as had entered of their own accord (as the Count 
 di Celano) they were to be ejected by force. All 
 the estate and offices were conferred upon two or 
 three Frenchmen, and all the stores of provision in 
 the castle of Naples (which were found to be very 
 considerable upon the taking it) were given to any 
 man that asked, with the king's knowledge and con- 
 sent. 
 
 During these transactions, the Germans capitu- 
 lated, and delivered up the castle ; keeping all the 
 goods that were in it (to a vast value) to themselves. 
 Another castle, called Castel del Ovo, was taken 
 by storm ; by which it may be perceived, that what 
 was done was not so much by the conduct or dex- 
 terity of the agents, as by the providence of God ; 
 but the great faults that were committed were the 
 works of man puffed up by vain glory, and unwill- 
 ing to acknowledge from whence their success and 
 honour proceeded ; and their misfortune, the pure 
 product of their own depraved nature and expe-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 251 
 
 rience : so that their fortune changed as suddenly 
 and visibly as the day rises in Norway or Iceland, 
 where the days in summer are longer than in other 
 parts ; and one day is scarce shut in, but within a 
 quarter of an hour after the next begins to draw. 
 In the same manner a wise man might have ob- 
 served the face of their good fortune alter, and that 
 enterprise miscarry, (which if it had been ascribed 
 to the true manager of it,) would have contributed 
 mightily to the honour and advantage of all Christen- 
 •dom ; for the Turkish empire had been as easily 
 shaken as Alphonso's kingdom ; that emperor being 
 still alive, who was a man of no reputation nor 
 courage, and his brother in our king's hands, 
 (though he lived but few days after the Cardinal of 
 Valenza made his escape, and was supposed to 
 have been poisoned,) and the sultan dreaded him 
 above all the persons in the world ; besides, in the 
 very heart of his empire there were millions of 
 Christians ready to take up arms ; and from Otranto 
 to Apollonia was not above sixty miles, and from 
 Apollonia to Constantinople about eighteen days' 
 journey, as I have been informed by those that have 
 often travelled between those places, and in all the 
 way not above two or three strong towns, the rest 
 having been dismantled. The countries that lie 
 between are Albania, Sclavonia, and Greece, all 
 of them very populous, and acquainted with the 
 fame and character of our king by their correspond- 
 ents in Venice and Apuglia, to whom they wrote 
 constantly, and expected nothing but their direc- 
 tions to rebel. The king sent thither to them the
 
 ^2 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Archbishop of Durazzo, who was an Albanian 
 born, and, discoursing with multitudes of the 
 children and grand-children of several great lords, 
 as of Scanderbeg, one son of the old Emperor of 
 Constantinople, several of the nephews of the Lord 
 Constantine, at present Governor of Montferrat, 
 and nephews or cousins to the King of Servia,) he 
 found them all inclinable to revolt. In Thessaly 
 above five thousand men would have appeared, and 
 Scutari would have been surprised, which I under- 
 stood by my intelligence, and from the mouth of 
 the Lord Constantine, who lay concealed several 
 days in my house at Venice, and certainly he had 
 reason ; for Macedonia and Thessaly, which for- 
 merly belonged to Alexander the Great, were his 
 inheritance. Apollonia is situated in them ; Scu- 
 tari and Croia are not far off: in his time his father 
 or uncle mortgaged them to the Venetians, who 
 lost Croia, Scutari was surrendered to the Turk 
 upon articles of peace. The said Lord Constantine 
 was at that time within three leagues ; and the en- 
 terprise had been begun, had not the Archbishop 
 of Durazzo staid at Venice some time after Con- 
 stantine's departure. I pressed him hard to de- 
 part, for I thought him a person that could not 
 keep a secret long ; and he went up and down 
 boasting that he was about an affair which would 
 make him talked of all Christendom over, and eter- 
 nize his name for ever. By ill fortune the very 
 day that the Venetians had news of the death of 
 the Turk's brother, whom the pope had delivered to 
 our king, the very same day they resolved to give
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 253 
 
 notice of it to the sultan by one of their secreta- 
 ries : and being assured, that whoever brought the 
 first news would be certain of a great reward, they 
 ordered that no vessel should pass between the two 
 castles in the night, (which castles commanded the 
 mouth of their gulf,) to prevent which they posted 
 guards at both of them, being fearful of nothing 
 so much as the small vessels, and grips, as they 
 call them, of which there are great numbers in the 
 port of Albania, and their islands in Greece. The 
 poor archbishop happening that very night to set 
 out upon the Lord Constantine's enterprise, and 
 carrying along with him abundance of swords, 
 bucklers, and javelins, for the use of his confede- 
 rates who wanted them ; as he passed between the 
 two castles he was stopped and taken, and him- 
 self and servants secured in one of them ; but the 
 vessels had leave to go on. They searched him, 
 and found letters about him that discovered the 
 whole plot ; and the Lord Constantine has told me 
 since, that the Venetians sent immediate notice to 
 all the Turkish garrisons that were near, and an 
 express to the grand seignior himself ; so that had 
 it not been for the grip, which they suffered to 
 pass, (whose master was an Albanian, they gave 
 him notice,) the Lord Constantine had been taken ; 
 but escaped by sea, and got away into Apuglia.
 
 254 THE MKMOTRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 A long Digression of the Author's concerning the State and Govern- 
 ment of the Venetians ; and of the Transactions which he saw 
 and observed during his residence in that City, as Ambassador 
 from the King of France. — 1494. 
 
 It is now high time for me to say something of 
 the Venetians ; and of the occasion of my being 
 sent thither in an embassy, while the king was 
 employed in his affairs at Naples. I was sent from 
 Asti to return them thanks for the civil and oblig- 
 ing answers they had given to two former ambas- 
 sadors from his majesty, and to endeavour, if pos- 
 sible, to continue them in his friendship, and to 
 cultivate a good understanding with them : for he 
 saw their power and conduct was more like to dis- 
 turb him than any other in Italy. The Duke of 
 Milan hastened my despatch, and wrote to his re- 
 sident there, (where he was constantly one,) to 
 assist me, and give me instructions to whom I 
 should apply myself. His ambassador had an al- 
 lowance from that senate of a hundred ducats a 
 month, his lodgings well furnished, and three gon- 
 dolas to carry him about the town, without a far- 
 thing of expense; and the Venetian ambassador 
 has the same at Milan, excepting the boats ; 
 for there they visit on horseback, and at Venice in 
 boats. In my journey thither I passed by several 
 of their cities, as Brescia, Verona, Vincenza, Padua, 
 and other places. They treated me very civilly 
 wherever I came, in honour to the person who sent 
 me, and came out to meet me in great bodies, with
 
 PHILIP DE COMINBS. 255 
 
 their Podestate, and their captain ; not that both 
 of them came out together, for the captain came no 
 farther than the gate. When I was entered the 
 town, I was conducted to my lodgings ; the master 
 of the house was commanded that I should want 
 nothing, and my whole charges were borne, and 
 mighty good words into the bargain ; yet, if you 
 compute what is of necessity to be given to the 
 drums, trumpets, and the officers in those cere- 
 monies, the ambassador will be found to be but 
 little a saver ; but, however, my reception was 
 honourable. The day that I made my entry into 
 Venice, they sent to meet me as far as Liccia, which 
 is five miles from Venice ; there they leave the 
 boats, which bring them down the river from 
 Padua, and put themselves into little boats covered 
 with tapestry very neat, with fair carpets within, 
 and velvet cushions to sit upon. To this place 
 they come from Venice by sea, as being the next 
 place to it upon the terra firma ; but the sea, 
 (unless agitated by some storm,) is very calm, which 
 is the reason of their great plenty of all sorts of 
 fish. I was extremely surprised at the situation of 
 this city, to see so many churches, monasteries, and 
 houses, and all in the water, and the people have no 
 other passage up and down the streets but in boats, 
 of which, I believe, they have near thirty thousand, 
 but they are very small. About the city within 
 less than the compass of half a French league, there 
 are seventy religious houses both of men and 
 women ; all situated in little islands, very beautiful 
 and magnificent both in building and furniture.
 
 256 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 with fair gardens belonging to them, without 
 reckoning those in the city, where there are the 
 four orders of mendicants, seventy odd parishes, 
 besides several fraternities ; ?nd, indeed, it is al- 
 most incredible to behold so many stately churches 
 in the sea. 
 
 I was met and complimented at Laccia by five 
 and twenty gentlemen, richly dressed in their silks 
 and scarlets ; they received me with abundance of 
 civility, and conducted me to St. Andrew's church, 
 which was near the town, where the same number 
 of gentlemen met and complimented me. They 
 were accompanied by. the ambassadors of Milan 
 and Ferrara, and, after they had made another' 
 speech to me, I was conducted into other larger 
 boats, which they called Plats, two of which were 
 covered with crimson satin, and spread with ta- 
 pestry at the bottom, big enough to hold forty 
 persons ; and placing me between the two ambas- 
 sadors, (the middle being the most honourable 
 place in Italy,) I was conducted through the longest 
 street, which they call the Grand Canal, so wide 
 that the galleys do frequently cross one another ; I 
 have seen vessels of four hundred ton or more ride 
 at anchor just by the houses. It is the fairest and 
 best built street I thjnk in the world, and goes 
 quite through the city ; the houses are very large 
 and lofty, and built of stone, the old ones are all 
 painted ; those of about an hundred years standing 
 are faced with white marble from Istria, which is 
 about a hundred miles from Venice, and inlaid 
 with porphyry and serpentine. Within they have
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 257 
 
 most of them two chambers at least, with gilt 
 ceilings, rich chimney-pieces, bedsteads of gold 
 colour, their portals of the same and gloriously 
 furnished. In short, it is the most magnificent 
 city that I have seen, the most respectful to all am- 
 bassadors and strangers, governs itself with the 
 greatest wisdom, and serves God with the most 
 solemnity; so that, though in other things they 
 may be faulty, I believe God blesses them for the 
 reverence they shew in the service of the church. In 
 the company of these fifty gentlemen I was conveyed 
 to St. George's, (which is an abbey of reformed 
 black monks,) where I had an apartment prepared 
 for me. The next morning, they came to wait on 
 me again, and conducted me to the senate, where I 
 delivered my credentials to the Doge, who presides 
 in all their councils, and is honoured as a king. 
 All letters are addressed to him, but of himself he 
 cannot do much ; yet he has greater authority than 
 any of his predecessors had, for he had been duke 
 above twelve years ; and I found him a prudent 
 man, of great experience in the affairs of Italy, 
 and civil and courteous in his person. The first 
 day of my arrival was spent in receiving their com- 
 pliments, and viewing three or four chambers in 
 the duke's palace ; in which the ceilings, beds, and 
 portals, were all richly gilt, the apartments were 
 very fine, but the court is not large. The duke 
 from his own chamber can hear mass at the high 
 altar in the chapel of St. Mark, which, for a chapel, 
 is the most magnificent piece of building in the 
 universe, being built of Mosaic work, of which 
 
 Vol. II. S
 
 258 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 they pretend to be the inventors ; and, indeed, it 
 is a trade amongst them, as I have seen. In this 
 chapel their treasure, (so much talked of,) is kept, 
 and intended only for the decoration of their 
 churches ; there are twelve or fourteen ballais 
 rubies, the largest I ever saw, one of them weighs 
 seven, the other eight hundred carats, but both of 
 them unpolished ; there are twelve other stones in 
 cases of gold, the edges and forepart set richly 
 with very fine jewels ; there are also twelve crowns 
 of gold, wherewith, anciently, upon certain festi- 
 vals in the year, twelve women of that city were 
 crowned, and being styled and attended as queens, 
 they passed in great pomp and solemnity through 
 all these .churches and islands ; but, at length, 
 certain thieves from Istria and Friuli, (which are 
 not far off,) skulking about those islands, took 
 their opportunity, and surprised most part of the 
 women of the city. Their husbands pursued, over- 
 took, and recovered them ; upon which they oflTered 
 up their crowns to St. Mark, and founded a chapel, 
 to which the senate repairs every year upon the 
 day of their victory. There is great store of rich 
 ornaments for the church, several fair pieces of 
 gold, many fine amethysts and agates, and some 
 emeralds. But this is not a treasure of equal value 
 with ready money, and, indeed, they have not much 
 of that kind of treasure ; for the duke told me in 
 the senate-house, that it is a capital crime among 
 them to mention any such thing as a treasure of 
 that nature ; and they have reason, lest it might 
 cause dissension among them. After they had
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 259 
 
 (shewed me their treasure, I was carried to see 
 their arsenal, where their galleys are equipped, 
 and all things necessary provided for their navies ; 
 which, perhaps, is the finest in the world, and 
 under the best order and regulation. 
 
 In short, I resided there eight months at their 
 expense, and all the other ambassadors who were 
 there did the same ; in which time I can assure you I 
 found them 90 wise, and so intent upon the enlarg- 
 ing their territories, that, if it be not prevented 
 in time, all the neighbouring states may lament it 
 too late : for since our king's expedition into Italy, 
 which taught them the use of artillery, they are 
 much more dexterous and skilful in attacking and 
 defending themselves than formerly ; for they are 
 still at war with him, and yet they have extended 
 their dominions, and lent money upon seven or 
 eight cities in Apuglia, which I am not sure will 
 ever be restored. Besides, at the king's first coming 
 they did not imagine towns could have been taken 
 so easily, (contrary to their custom,) nor in so 
 short a time ; but, since they have been better in- 
 structed in the art of war, have fortified their 
 towns very strongly, and other commonwealths 
 have done the same. It is not to be expected that 
 they should arrive to the perfection and grandeur 
 of the old Romans, for their bodies are not so able 
 to bear fatigues of war, neither are they of such a 
 martial genius ; for they never make war upon the 
 continent in their own persons, as the Romans 
 did: but they send their Proveditori, and their 
 olHicers, with their general, to furnish with pro- 
 
 S2
 
 260; THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 visions, and assist him in his councils of war. But 
 their naval expeditions are v\rholly managed by their 
 ovrn people: their fleet, both galleys and ships, 
 being manned with their own subjects, and com- 
 manded by their own nobility. Another great ad- 
 vantage they have by not going in person to the 
 wars upon the terra firma, and that is, there is 
 no man of that boldness or interest, as to dare to 
 make any attempt upon^lje government, as they 
 did in Rome; which is great wisdom, and prevents 
 many civil contentions, against which they have 
 provided several ways, and all very wisely. They 
 have no tribunes of the people, as they had in 
 Rome, (and those tribunes were in p^rt the cause 
 of its destruction ;) the people among them are of 
 no authority, consulted in no affair of state, and 
 incapable of bearing any office ; for all their of- 
 ficers, except the secretaries, are chosen out of the 
 gentry, and besides they are generally strangers. 
 Titus Livius has acquainted them perfectly with 
 the defects of the Roman government, they have 
 his history in great esteem, and his bones are pre- 
 served in their palace at Padua ; so that for these 
 and many other reasons which I observed amongst 
 them, I do once more affirm, that they are in a 
 fair way to be a very powerful people hereafter. 
 
 But to come to the business of my embassy : It 
 was to thank them for their civil answers, which 
 they had given to two of our king's ambassadors, 
 who had been sent to them before ; by which an- 
 swers, he was encouraged to go on boldly in his 
 enterprise ; and all this passed before his majesty
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 261 
 
 left Asti. I gave them a large remonstrance of 
 the old alliances between the kings of France and 
 their republic, and offered them Brindisi and 
 Otranto, upon condition they would engage to 
 restore them, when my master should deliver them 
 two better towns in Greece. They spoke very ho- 
 nourably both of him and his affairs ; for they did 
 not imagine he would have proceeded so far. As 
 to the offer which I made them they replied, that 
 they were his friends and well-wishers, and would 
 not permit him to purchase their alliance, (for our 
 king had not yet these towns in his power,) they 
 told me that they were not altogether unprovided 
 for war, if they thought fit to engage ; but they 
 were resolved not to do it, though the Neapolitan 
 ambassadors solicited it daily, and offered them 
 very advantageous terms. King Alphonso, (who 
 then reigned,) confessed he had behaved himself 
 very ill towards them ; and laid before them the 
 ill consequences of our master's succeeding in his 
 designs. The Turk, on the other hand, sent an am- 
 bassador immediately to them, (and I saw him 
 several times,) who, at the pope's request, threa- 
 tened them heavily, if they did not declare war 
 against our king. They gave fair answers to all 
 the ambassadors ; but they had no apprehension 
 of us at that time, and did but laugh at our expe- 
 dition. The Duke of Milan told them by his am- 
 bassador, that they should not concern themselves 
 in this affair, for he knew how to send our king 
 back again, without getting any footing in Italy ; 
 and he sent the same message to Peter de Mqdicia,
 
 262 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 as he told me afterwards. But when they and the 
 Duke of Milan saw he had got those towns of the 
 Florentines in his possession, and especially Pisa, 
 they began to grow jealous of his designs, and to 
 contrive how they might hinder him from advancing 
 farther ; but their consultations were tedious, and 
 in the mean time his majesty's affairs went pros- 
 perously on. However, messengers passed con- 
 stantly from one to the other, and the King of 
 Spain began to be afraid of his isles of Sicily and 
 Sardinia. The King of the Romans began also to 
 be jealous of the imperial crown, upon which he 
 was persuaded by some persons that our king had 
 a design, and that he had requested it of the pope ; 
 but there was nothing in it. For these reasons the 
 two kings sent their formal ambassadors to Venice 
 during my residence there. The King of the 
 Romans, being their neighbour, first sent the 
 Bishop of Trent as the chief in that embassy, and 
 with him there were two gentlemen, and a doctor 
 at law ; they were received with gi*eat ceremony 
 and respect, entertained as handsomely as myself, 
 had ten ducats a day allowed them for their ex- 
 pense, and the charge of their horses, (which were 
 left at Trevi,) borne besides. Not long after this 
 there arrived a person of quality from Spain, with 
 a numerous retinue, and in a very splendid equi- 
 page ; who was received as the other, and his 
 charges also borne. The Duke of Milan, besides the 
 ambassador he had there already, sent the Bishop 
 of Coma, and Soignior Francisco Bernardino Vis- 
 conti. They began to have private conferences in
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 
 
 the night, and at first by their secretaries ; for theiy 
 durst not declare publicly against the king, (espe- 
 cially the Duke of Milan and the Venetians,) not 
 knowing what the success of this confederacy might 
 be. The Duke of Milan's ambassadors made me a 
 visit, brought me letters from their master, and 
 told me their coming was in return of two ambas- 
 sadors which the Venetians had sent to Milan, 
 whereas the custom was only to have a resident 
 there, and at lastthey had no more. But all this was 
 but artifice and cunning ; for they all came on pur- 
 pose to make an alliance against our king, and so 
 many secret cabals could not be carried on long, 
 without being known. They asked me if I did not 
 know what was the cause of the coming of the am- 
 bassadors from the two kings, that they might give 
 their master an account of it. But I was informed 
 before, (both from the servants, ambassadors, and 
 others,) that the Spanish ambassador passed 
 through Milan in disguise, and that the Germans 
 were wholly managed by the duke. Besides, I had 
 notice that the Neapolitan ambassadors delivered 
 several packets of letters hourly from their master, 
 (for all this was before our king's departure from 
 Florence.) I was at some charge for my intelli- 
 gence, but what I had, I could depend on. I had 
 notice of the treaty that was on foot, and what 
 were the first proposals that were made, but not 
 agreed to ; for in such consultations the Venetians 
 are very long. For these reasons, and seeing the 
 alliance goon, I would not pretend ignorance ; but 
 answered the Milan ambassador, that since they
 
 264 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 carried things so secretly, I would let them know, 
 that my master would not lose the friendship of 
 the Duke of Milan if there was a possibility of pre- 
 serving it ; that I would acquit myself as an am- 
 bassador, and excuse whatever ill reports might 
 have been made to the Duke of Milan against my 
 master. That the duke, I did presume, was misin- 
 formed, and that he would act wisely to consider, 
 (before he lost the recompense of so great a service 
 as he had already done the king,) that the kings of 
 France did not use to be ungrateful ; that a rash 
 or inconsiderate word ought not to break a friend- 
 ship that was of such importance to both of them ; 
 and then I desired that they would inform me of 
 their grievances, that I might acquaint my master 
 with them before they proceeded any farther. They 
 swore to me all of them, and wished many impre- 
 cations, if they had any such thoughts ; but they 
 did but equivocate, for they came thither on pur- 
 pose to negotiate this alliance. 
 
 The next morning I went to the senate to expos- 
 tulate with them about, and to say what I thought 
 proper in the affair ; among other things I told 
 them, that by their alliance with my master, and 
 their former alliance with his father, it was mu- 
 tually provided that neither should support the 
 enemies of the other ; and that therefore this new 
 league that was so much talked of, could not be 
 entertained by them, but by infraction of the 
 former. I was desired to withdraw, and being 
 called in again by and by, the duke told me, that 
 I ought not to believe all the flying reports of the
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 265 
 
 town ; and that in Venice all people had the liberty 
 of saying what they pleased. However, he assured 
 me they never had any thoughts of entering into 
 an alliance against the king, nor ever had heard of 
 it; that their designs were quite contrary, and 
 rather to make a league between my master, the 
 two other kings, and all Italy, against the Turk, 
 and that each might bear his proportion in the 
 charge of the war ; and that if in Italy there should 
 be any state or prince that refused to pay his 
 share, that the king and they should join to com- 
 pel him to do it. As to the war in which my 
 master was at present engaged, they told me that 
 they would endeavour to make an honourable peace 
 for him ; and the terms which they proposed were, 
 that my master should accept of a good sum of 
 ready money, which they would advance upon 
 the caution of certain towns in Apuglia, (which 
 are now in their possession ;) that the kingdom of 
 Naples should be held of him by the pope's con- 
 sent, and pay him an annual tribute ; and that my 
 master should keep three towns in his hands as a 
 security. I wish to God he had accepted those 
 advantageous'offers. I replied, that I had no instruc- 
 tions to enter into any such treaty : I desired that 
 they would not be over-hasty in the conclusion of 
 their alliance, that I might have time to acquaint 
 my master with their proceedings, and receive his 
 orders ; requesting, (as I had done to the other,) 
 that they would acquaint me with their jealousies, 
 and not conceal them as the ambassadors of Milan 
 had done. Then they plainly told me, that they
 
 266 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 were not pleased with the king's having seized 
 upon the pope's towns, much less with what he 
 had taken from the Florentines, and particularly 
 Pisa ; alleging that my master had written to se- 
 veral princes, and to them among the rest, that he 
 would meddle with nothing in Italy but the king- 
 dom of Naples, and that having conquered that, 
 he would undertake something against the Turk. 
 That, however, he seemed desirous to get all he 
 could conquer in Italy, and not meddle with the 
 Turk at all. They told me also, that the Duke 
 of Orleans's continuance at Asti was a great 
 terror to the Duke of Milan ; and that the minis- 
 ters of the Duke of Orleans had threatened him 
 highly ; however, they promised to conclude no- 
 thing before I had an answer from my master, or 
 at least before a convenient time to receive it was 
 past ; and they shewed me more respect than they 
 did the ambassadors of Milan. I acquainted his 
 majesty with every particular, but his answer was 
 but cold ; after which they had conferences every 
 day ; for they knew their designs were discovered. 
 The King of France was at Florence in the 
 mean time ;|and if he had met any opposition at 
 Viterbo, as was expected, they had sent forces to 
 Rome ; or if King Ferrand had continued there, 
 which they could not imagine he would have aban- 
 doned; but when they saw he was retired, they 
 began to be afraid : yet the ambassadors from the 
 two kings pressed them hard to come to some re- 
 solution, declaring they would otherwise be gone ; 
 for they had been there four months, every day so-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 267 
 
 liciting the senate ; and I was as diligent in mak- 
 ing an interest against them. 
 
 When the Venetians understood that several 
 towns in Italy were surrendered, and were in- 
 formed of the king's being at Naples, they sent 
 for me to tell me the news, and pretended to be 
 extremely pleased with it ; yet gave me to under- 
 stand, that the castle held out still against him ; 
 that there was a strong garrison in it, and pro- 
 vided with every thing necessary for its defence : 
 and I could perceive they had great hopes it would 
 never be taken ; upon which score they had con- 
 sented the Neapolitan ambassador should raise 
 forces in Venice to be sent to Brindisi, and were 
 just upon the conclusion of their league, when 
 their ambassadors acquainted them by letter of 
 the surrender of the castle of Naples. They sent 
 for me again one morning, and I found about fifty 
 or sixty of them assembled in their duke's cham- 
 ber, who was at that time ill of the cholic. The 
 duke with a composed countenance, or rather in- 
 clining to joy, told me the news ; but there was 
 none in all the company could counterfeit so well 
 as himself. Some of them sate upon low seats, 
 with their elbows upon their knees, and their 
 heads between their hands ; others in other pos- 
 tures, but all expressing great sorrow at the heart ; 
 and I believe after the battle of Cannse there was 
 not more terror upon the senators of Rome ; for 
 not one of them had courage enough, to look upon 
 me, or speak to me, but the duke himself, which 
 I thought was very strange. The duke asked me
 
 268 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 whether the king my master would observe now 
 what he always promised, and I always told them ? 
 I assured them he made them certain overtures : 
 and promised them to use my utmost endeavours, 
 by way of mediation, in hopes by this means to 
 pacify their fears and jealousies ; and then I took 
 my leave of them. 
 
 Their league as yet was neither broken off nor 
 concluded ; but the Germans in their passion 
 pretended to be gone. The Duke of Milan would 
 not consent to some of the articles ; but at length 
 he sent instructions to his ambassadors to despatch, 
 and in a short time the league was concluded. 
 Whilst this affair was in agitation, I wrote con- 
 stantly to our king, advising him to a peace, or 
 else that he would continue in that kingdom, and 
 provide himself better with men and money ; but 
 if he did not approve of my advice, that he would 
 be pleased to make his retreat towards France, 
 before the confederates had assembled their forces ; 
 and putting strong garrisons into the chief towns 
 of Italy, would dismantle the rest. I wrote also 
 to the Duke of Orleans, who was at Asti, but 
 attended with his own domestics only, (for his 
 forces were with the king) that he would throw 
 more men into that town, assuring him that he 
 would suddenly be besieged in it. I sent likewise 
 to the Duke of Bourbon (whom the king had left 
 to be his lieutenant in France) to send what forces 
 he could spare to reinforce the garrison of Asti ; 
 for if that were lost, no supplies could be sent to 
 the king. I gave notice of it to the Marchioness
 
 PHILIP DE comixes; 269^^ 
 
 of Montferrat, who (was true to the French, and 
 a great enemy to the Duke of Milan) that she 
 might be ready to assist the Duke of Orleans with 
 her forces, if there should be occasion ; for the 
 taking Asti would be the loss of the two Mar- 
 quisates of Montferrat and Saluzzo. 
 
 The league was concluded one night very late ; 
 the next morning I was sent for to the senate, 
 and somewhat earlier than formerly. As soon as 
 I came thither, and had taken my seat, the duke 
 told me, that in honour to the Holy Trinity they 
 had entered into an alliance with the Pope, the 
 Kings of the Romans, and Castile, and the Duke 
 of Milan, upon three principal ends ; one was to 
 defend Christendom against the Turk ; the second 
 for the defence of Italy ; and the third for the 
 preservation of their territories ; which they de- 
 sired I would notify to the king my master. They 
 were in all about a hundred, or more, looked very 
 gay, their noses tossed up into the air, and no 
 such sadness in their countenances, as upon the 
 surrender of the castle at Naples. They also told 
 me that they had written to their ambassadors, 
 who were attending our king, to take their leave, 
 and come to Venice. One of their ambassadors 
 names was Dominick Loredon, and the other 
 Dominick Trevisan. I was extremely troubled and 
 concerned for my master's person, as being fearful 
 that he and his whole army were in great danger; 
 for I thought the confederates were much forwarder 
 than they were, (as they also thought themselves) 
 and that some German troops had been near at
 
 270 tflE MfiMOIftS OF 
 
 hand. If it had been so, the king could never 
 have got out of Italy. I resolved with myself to 
 speak little in my passion, but they provoked me 
 beyond the bounds I had set myself : I told them 
 that the night before I had given my master notice 
 of their alliance (as I had done often) and that he 
 v^rote me vv^ord he had news of it before, both 
 from Milan and Rome. The duke seemed to be 
 surprised at what I had written concerning the 
 alliance the night before ; for there are no people 
 in the world so jealous, nor keep their counsels so 
 secret as they ; and upon bare suspicion they 
 many times imprison their dearest friends. Upon 
 that consideration I told them ; that I had written 
 to the Dukes of Orleans and Bourbon, to take care 
 to reinforce the garrison of Asti ; and said so, in 
 hopes to discourage them from attempting to 
 surprise it, which they might certainly have done, 
 had they been as ready as they pretended ; for it 
 was in a weak posture of defence a long time after. 
 They replied, That they had no intentions against 
 the king ; that what they had done, or should do, 
 would be only in defence of themselves ; and they 
 could not suffer, that my master should amuse all 
 Europe with his fair words, as he had done ; and 
 that when he had promised to concern himself 
 with nothing but the kingdom of Naples, and then 
 to turn his arms against the Turk, he should 
 falsify his word, act quite contrary, possess him- 
 self of what he could in the territories both of 
 the Florentines and the. pope, and endeavour to 
 destroy the Duke of Milan. To which I answered,
 
 PHILIP DB COMINES. 271 
 
 That the kings of France had been so far from 
 defrauding the church of any of their revenues, 
 that on the contrary they had always augmented 
 them, and defended their rights : That those could 
 not be the reasons for their league, as they pre- 
 tended ; but that they had a desire to involve 
 Italy in new troubles, to make their advantages 
 out of them, and that I thought they intended to 
 do it. They resented that expression of mine, 
 as I was informed afterwards, however it proved 
 true, as appeared by what King Ferrand engaged 
 to them in Apuglia, to assist him against us. I 
 rose up to have been gone, but they made me sit 
 down again ; and the duke asked me, if I had any 
 overtures of peace to make, because the day before 
 I had said something to that purpose; but that 
 was in case they would have protracted the con- 
 clusion of the league for fifteen days longer, that 
 I might have had time to have writ to his majesty, 
 and have received his answer. After this I retired 
 to my lodgings, and they sent for the rest of the 
 ambassadors one after another. At my coming 
 out of the senate I met the Neapolitan ambassador 
 in a new gown : and very gay ; and indeed he had 
 reason, for this was a lucky turn of affairs for him. 
 After dinner, all the ambassadors of the league 
 met together upon the water (which in Venice 
 is all their recreation) the whole number of their 
 boats (which are provided at the senate's charge, 
 and proportioned to every man's retinue) were 
 about forty, every one of them adorned with the 
 arms of their respective masters ; and in this
 
 272 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 pomp they passed under my window, with their 
 trumpets and other instruments of music. The 
 ambassadors of Milan, (at least one of them) who 
 had often visited me, and was my particular 
 acquaintance, would take no manner of notice of 
 me now. For three days together I and my do- 
 mestics kept within doors ; though indeed, I cannot 
 say, either they or I were affronted all the while. 
 At night there were extraordinary fire-works upon 
 the turrets, steeples, and tops of the ambassadors' 
 houses, multitudes of lights were placed, and the 
 cannon all round the city were fired. I was in a 
 covered boat rowing by the bank's side, to see this 
 triumphal sight, about ten o'clock at night ; espe- 
 cially before the ambassadors' houses, where the 
 hubbub was extraordinary. But this was not the 
 day in which the peace was proclaimed ; for the 
 pope had sent to them to defer it for some days, 
 till Palm-Sunday, at which time he had ordered 
 that every prince in whose dominions it was pub- 
 lished, and all the ambassadors then with him, 
 should carry an olive-branch in their hand in token 
 of their alliance and peace : and that upon the 
 same day it should be published both in Germany 
 and Spain. At Venice they made a gallery or 
 large scaffold of wood, a good height above the 
 ground, (as they were wont at the inauguration of 
 their dukes) which reached from the palace to the 
 end of the piazza of St. Mark ; upon which (after 
 mass was sung by the pope's nuncio, and all people 
 absolved who were present at the solemnity) they 
 marched in procession ; the senate and the am-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 273 
 
 bassadors all very splendidly dressed, several of 
 them in crimson velvet gowns, which the senate 
 presented them, especially the Germans, and all 
 their train in new gowns, but a little of the 
 shortest. After the procession was ended, a great 
 many pageants and pictures were exhibited to the 
 people; as first of all, Italy, in one, and then the 
 several kings and princes, and the Queen of Spain. 
 At their return, at a porphyry-stone, were such 
 things are usually done, proclamation was made, 
 and the alliance published. There was at that 
 time a Turkish ambassador, who looked privately 
 through a window, and saw the solemnity: He 
 had his despatch, but would needs stay to see 
 this formality, and at night (by the assistance of 
 a Greek) he gave me a visit, and staid four hours 
 in my chamber ; and his great desire was to culti- 
 vate a friendship betwixt his master and mine. 
 I was twice invited to this feast, but desired to be 
 excused ; yet I staid a month after in the town, 
 and was all the while civilly entertained, as before 
 the publication of this alliance. At length I was 
 recalled, and having had an audience of leave, 
 they gave me a passport, and conducted me to 
 Ferrara at their own expense. The duke of Fer- 
 rara came in person to meet me, and entertained 
 me two days very handsomely at his own charge. 
 The same civility I received at Bologna from John 
 Bentivoglio, and being sent for to Florence, I 
 continued there in expectation of my master's 
 coming, in the relation of whose affairs I shall 
 now proceed. 
 
 Vol. II. T
 
 274 
 
 BOOK THE EIGHTH. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Of the Order in which the King left his Affairs in the Kingdom of 
 Naples upon his Return into France. — 1494. 
 
 TO continue my Memoirs, and for your better 
 information, we must return to our discourse of 
 the king ; who from his first arrival at Naples to 
 his departure, minded nothing but his pleasures, 
 and his ministers nothing but their own advan- 
 tage. His youth might excuse him in some mea- 
 sure, but nothing could excuse them ; for the king 
 referred all to their management ; and if they had 
 had the discretion but to have advised him to have 
 put strong garrisons into three or four of the chief 
 castles, and furnished them well with provisions ; 
 nay, if it had been only the castle of Naples, 
 (whose magazines and furniture were given away, 
 and embezzled as you have heard,) the kingdom of 
 Naples had been his at this day ; for if he had 
 been master of that castle the town would never 
 have revolted, nor by consequence the kingdom. 
 Upon the conclusion of this alliance, he assembled 
 all his forces together, and ordered five hundred 
 Frenchmen at arms, two thousand Swiss, and 
 some French foot for the guard of the kingdom ;
 
 MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMINES. 275 
 
 aiKl with the rest he resolved to march back into 
 France by the same way he came, while the con- 
 federates were as busy to stop him. The King of 
 Spain had sent, and was still sending his caravals* 
 into Sicily, though but few men on board them. 
 However, before our king's departure, they had 
 garrisoned and furnished with ammunition and 
 provisions Rheggio in Calabria, which is the next 
 town to Sicily. I had often acquainted my master 
 with their designs of sending supplies thither, for 
 the ambassador of Naples had told me so, suppos- 
 ing they had been there already ; and if the king 
 had sent any forces thither in time, he would cer- 
 tainly have taken the castle, and the town had de- 
 clared for him before. For want of sending thi- 
 ther, they landed forces at Mantia and Tropea. 
 The townsmen in Otranto and Apuglia had set up 
 our king's colours ; but being informed of the new 
 alliance, and considering how near neighbours they 
 were both to Brindisi and Gallipoli, and how diffi- 
 cult it would be to furnish themselves with troops, 
 they pulled them down again, and erected the 
 standard of Arragon : and Don Frederic being at 
 Brindisi supplied them with a garrison. There 
 was an universal change in the minds of the people 
 through the whole kingdom ; and fortune, which 
 had been so propitious but two months before, be- 
 gan now to frown upon us, both in relation to the 
 alliance, the king's departure, and the great want 
 in which he left the kingdom, and that rather in 
 
 * A sort of vessels with sails and oars much used in ihe Modi 
 terranean. 
 
 T 2
 
 276 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 respect of officers than soldiers. The supreme care 
 was committed to Monsieur de Montpensier, of the 
 house of Bourbon, a brave soldier and a fine gen- 
 tleman, but his valour was greater than his wis- 
 dom ; besides, he was so intolerably lazy, he would 
 never rise till noon. In Calabria he left the Lord 
 d'Aubigny, a Scotchman, (a brave and worthy per- 
 son,) to command in chief. The king had made 
 him constable of that kingdom, and given him (as 
 I said before) the country of Aen, and the Marqui- 
 sate of Squillazzo. At his first coming thither the 
 king had made the seneschal of Beaucaire, Stephen 
 de Vers, governor of Cajeta, Duke of Nola, lord high 
 chamberlain, and all the money in that kingdom 
 passing through his hands, he took more upon him 
 than he was able to perform ; yet he was very de- 
 sirous of keeping the kingdom of Naples. The 
 king created Don Julian of Lorrain a duke, and 
 made him governor of Saint Angelo, in which post 
 he behaved himself with a great deal of honour 
 and reputation. He left Gabriel de Montfaucon at 
 Manfredonia ; a person for whom the king had a 
 great esteem ; but he managed things imprudently 
 there ; for though he found it well provided with 
 corn, and every thing else, yet he delivered it up 
 in four days for want of provisions ; and to all 
 these the king gave great estates in land, for seve- 
 ral sold whatever they met withal in the castle: 
 and it was reported, that Gabriel stole away in the 
 night', and left William de Villeneuf to defend the 
 town ; but being betrayed and sold by some of his 
 own servants to Frederic, he was kept by him a
 
 PHILIP DE COMINGS. 277 
 
 long time in the galleys, He left Taranto to the 
 command of George de Suilly, who behaved him- 
 self well, and held it out, till he was forced by fa- 
 mine to surrender, and then died there of the 
 plague. In Aquila he placed the Bailiff de Vitry, 
 who discharged his duty as he ought to do ; and 
 Gratian des Guerres did the same in Abruzzo : he 
 left them very little money, only assignments upon 
 the revenue, and of that but very little was ever 
 raised. The king took care to make an handsome 
 provision for the princes of Selerono and Bisig- 
 nano, who served him faithfully, as long as it was 
 in their power to do so. He also gratified the Co- 
 lonni in whatever they demanded, and gave them 
 and their friends the possession of about thirty 
 towns ; which if they had defended as they ought, 
 and as they swore to do, they had done his majesty 
 singular service, and reaped the honour and advan- 
 tage of it themselves ; for I do not believe they 
 had been so great in a hundred years before ; But 
 they had no patience to stay till the king had left 
 Italy, but fell to caballing. It is true they were 
 engaged with us upon the Duke of Milan's account, 
 for they are naturally Gibellines : However, they 
 ought not to have broken their oaths, especially 
 having been so civilly treated ; besides, the king 
 had obliged them farther than all this ; for under 
 pretence of friendship he carried prisoners with 
 him the Lord Virgil Ursini, and the Count de 
 Patillane, and several others of the Ursini, who 
 were their enemies, which indeed was a little 
 severe ; for though they were prisoners of war, yet 
 the king knew they were to have had passports ;
 
 278 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 for he hatl signed and intended it so himself, and 
 declared his resolution as to that point to all 
 l^eople : But his intention was to carry them no 
 farther than Asti, and then to dismiss them upon 
 their parole of honour. This he did at the request 
 of the Colonni ; and yet before he could get thither, 
 they revolted, and appeared the first against him 
 without the least pretence or occasion. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Of the King's Departure from Naples, and his Return to Rome, from 
 whence the Pope fled to Orvieto ; of the Conference the King had 
 with the Lord of Argenton, upon his return from Venice : His 
 Deliberation about the Restitution of the Florentine Towns, and the 
 memorable predictions of Friar Jerome of Florence. — 1494. 
 
 As soon as the king had settled his affairs as he 
 designed, he began his march with what forces he 
 could spare ; which I believe were about nine 
 hundred men at arms, (including his guards) and 
 two thousand five hundred Swiss ; in all of his stand- 
 ing army about seven thousand men, besides about 
 fifteen hundred more which followed the camp, as 
 servants, and were able to bear arms. The Count 
 de Petillane, who had reviewed them, and knew 
 their number better than I did, told me since the 
 battle, that they were nine thousand effective men. 
 The king bent his march directly towards Rome, 
 (where his Holiness, having no mind to attend him) 
 determined to go to Padua, and put himself under 
 the protection of the Venetians, and lodgings were
 
 PHILIP DB COMINES. 279 
 
 assigned him ; but afterwards they changed their 
 minds, and both they and the Duke of Milan sent 
 forces to him to Rome, for the defence of the town, 
 which arrived time enough ; yet the pope durst not 
 stay, though the king had done him all imaginable 
 honour and service, and sent an ambassador on 
 purpose to desire him to stay: but he retired to 
 Orvieto, and from thence to Perusia, leaving the 
 cardinals to attend his majesty at Rome. The 
 king was received very honourably by them, but he 
 made no stay among them, nor suffered the least 
 injury to be done to any body. From thence I was 
 sent for to attend him at Siena, where I waited on 
 his majesty, who received me graciously. He 
 asked me in a jesting way^ whether the Venetians 
 had sent any forces to fall upon his rear ? For his 
 men were all young, and he thought no troops 
 were able to engage with them. I humbly replied, 
 that upon my leaving Venice, the Senate informed 
 me in the presence of one of their secretaries, 
 called Loridano, that they and the Duke of Milan 
 would bring forty thousand men into the field, not 
 to molest him, but to defend themselves ; and the 
 same day I set out from Venice they ordered one of 
 their proveditors who was employed against us, to 
 inform me at Padua, that their army should not 
 pass such a river, near Parma*, (which, if I mistake 
 
 * Instead of Parma we ought to read Crema or Bergamo ; for the 
 Venetians have not territories near Parma ; besides the river Ogho is 
 not near ^arma, and the Pau runs between Parma and that river : So 
 that the Venetians were obliged to pass the Pau after their passings 
 the Oglio, before they could have reached Parma. Perhaps the 
 author means a little brook called in the description of Italy, Occa, 
 and in Blondus, Ocba ; but indeed he speaks doubtfully of the name.
 
 280 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 not, was called Oglio) unless his majesty invaded 
 the Duke of Milan ; and the said proveditor and I 
 took private tokens and directions hovv^ we might 
 correspond with each other, if there should be any 
 occasion upon a treaty of peace ; for I was un- 
 willing to refuse any overture of that nature ; 
 because I knew not how my master's affairs might 
 succeed. There was present at our conference, 
 one Monsieur Lewis Marcel, who (as a kind of 
 treasurer) had that year the command of the 
 Mots Viere *, and was sent by them to conduct me. 
 There were besides in the company some of the 
 Marquis of Mantua's servants, who carried him 
 money ; but they were at a distance, and heard 
 nothing of our discourse. From these or some- 
 body else I procured a list of the confederate army, 
 their horse, foot, and estradiots, and the chief 
 officers that commanded them all, but few about 
 the king believed what I told him. 
 
 After the king had halted two days at Siena to 
 refresh his troops, I earnestly pressed his majesty 
 to march, for the enemy was not yet joined, and I 
 feared nothing till the Germans came up; and the 
 King of the Romans was mighty busy in raising 
 both men and money. But whatever I said to the 
 contrary, two things must be first solemnly debated 
 in council, which took up but a little time. One 
 was, whether he should restore all the Florentine 
 
 * It is so in all the French copies; but certainly it should be 
 Mont Vieil, in Italian Monte Vecchio, which is a certain treasure set 
 apart by the Venetians for the payment of interest due to the ancient 
 creditors of their republic, as appears by the book of Donanta 
 Gianotti.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 281 
 
 towns, and receive thirty thousand ducats, (which 
 was an arrear of a former gift) and ninety thou- 
 sand more which they offered to lend him ; besides 
 a reinforcement of three hundred men at arms, 
 (under the command of Francisco Secco, an ex- 
 perienced and brave commander, and one in whom 
 the king put great confidence) and two thousand 
 foot to secure his passage into his own kingdom. 
 It was my opinion, (and several others agreed with 
 me) that the king should restore all but Leghorn, 
 which he should keep till he had reached Asti. 
 If he had followed our advice he would have been 
 able to have paid his army, and had enough to 
 have bribed the enemy, and then might have 
 fought them as he pleased ; but we could not be 
 heard : Monsieur de Ligny obstructed it, (who was 
 a young gentleman, and cousin-german to the 
 king) but he scarce knew why he did so, unless it 
 were in compassion to the Pisans. The other 
 point to be debated was set on foot by Monsieur de 
 Ligny himself, and proposed in council by one 
 Gauchcher de Tinteville, and by a party in Siena, 
 who would needs have Monsieur de Ligny for their 
 governor ; for that town was divided into factions, 
 and governed the worst of any in Italy. My judg- 
 ment was demanded first, and I answered, that I 
 thought it would be better for the king to march 
 forward, than to amuse himself with things of so 
 little importance which could not be of any service 
 to him a week to an end ; besides, that town 
 belonged to the emperor, and to dispose of it in 
 that manner, was to pull the whole empire about
 
 282 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 our ears. Every body gave in to my opinion ; and 
 yet it was carried against us, and Monsieur de Ligny 
 was made their governor, with large promise of 
 a revenue, but he never received any. Upon this 
 trifling debate we stayed six or seven days ; during 
 which time the king diverted himself among the 
 ladies, having left in this town above three hundred 
 of his choicest troops, to the great weakening of 
 his army. He advanced towards Pisa by the way 
 of Poggio Bonzi, a castle belonging to the Floren- 
 tines ; but those who were left at Siena were driven 
 out in a month. 
 
 I had almost forgot to tell you that while I was 
 at Florence in my way to the king, I went to pay a 
 visit to a certain friar called Friar Jerome, who by 
 report was a very holy man, and had lived in a re- 
 formed convent fifteen years : There went along 
 with me one John Francis, a very prudent person, 
 and steward of the king's household. The occasion 
 of my going to visit him, was upon the account 
 that he had always, both in the pulpit and else- 
 where, spoken much in the king's favour, and his 
 words had kept the Florentines from confederating 
 against us, for never any of his profession had so 
 much authority in that town. Whatever had been 
 said or written to the contrary, he always affirmed 
 our king would come into Italy ; that he should be 
 sent by God himself to chastise the tyranny of the 
 princes ; and that nothing should be able to oppose 
 him. He foretold likewise that the state of Flo- 
 rence should be dissolved on the very same day 
 that his majesty entered the town, and so it fell
 
 PHILIP DE COMINGS. 283 
 
 out : for Peter de Medicis was driven out that very 
 day. Many other things he presaged long before 
 they came to pass, as the death of Laurence de 
 Medicis ; and he openly declared that he had it by 
 revelation ; as likewise that the reformation of the 
 church should be owing to the sword. This is not 
 yet accomplished, but it escaped very narrowly, 
 and he still maintains that it shall be. Many 
 persons blamed him for pretending to divine 
 revelations ; but others believed him ; for my part 
 I think him a good man. I asked him whether our 
 king would return safe into France, considering 
 the great preparations of the Venetians against 
 him ? Of which he gave a better account than I 
 could, that lately came from Venice. He told me 
 he would meet with some difficulties by the way, 
 but he would overcome them all, and gain immortal 
 honour by it, though he had but a hundred men in 
 his company ; for God, who had conducted him 
 thither, would guard him back again. But because 
 he had not applied himself as he ought, to the re- 
 formation of the church, and because he had 
 permitted his soldiers to rob and plunder the poor 
 people, (as well those who had freely opened their 
 gates to him as the enemy who opposed him) 
 therefore God had pronounced judgment against 
 him, and in a short time would execute it. How- 
 ever he bid me tell him, that if he would have 
 compassion upon the people, command his army to 
 do them no wrong, and punish them when they 
 did, as it was his office to do, that then God would 
 mitigate, if not revoke, his sentence. He told me
 
 '284 THE MEMOIRS OP 
 
 it would not be sufficient for him to plead : he did 
 them no wrong himself, and that he would meet 
 him when he came, and tell him so from his own 
 mouth, and so he did ; and pressed hard for the 
 restitution of the Florentine towns. When he 
 mentioned the sentence of God against him, the 
 death of the dauphin came very fresh into my 
 mind ; for I knew nothing else that would touch the 
 king so sensibly. This I have thought fit to record, 
 to make it the more manifest, that this whole 
 voyage was a mystery conducted by God himself. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Of the King's retaining Pisa, and several other Towns in his hands, 
 •while the Duke of Orleans on the other side entered Novara, in tlie 
 Duchy of Milan. — 1494. 
 
 While the king (as I said before) was at Pisa, 
 the people of the town, both men and women, 
 begged of us that for God's sake we would intercede 
 for them to the king, that they might not again be 
 subject to the tyranny of the Florentines ; who, 
 indeed, treated them very barbarously, but they 
 fared as well as their neighbours. Pisa and Flo- 
 rence had been at war three hundred years, before 
 the Florentines subdued them. These suppli- 
 cations being delivered with tears in their eyes, 
 wrought strangely upon our soldiers ; so that, for- 
 getting what our king had promised and sworn 
 before the altar of St. John in Florence, they all
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 285 
 
 unanimously (to the very Archers and Swiss) inter- 
 posed in their behalf; and threatened all such as 
 were for the king's keeping his oath, and particu- 
 larly the Cardinal of St. Malo, who, in another 
 place, I called General of Languedoc; and him I 
 heard an archer threaten myself, and others talked 
 as boldly to the Marshal de Gie. The president 
 Gannay, for three nights together, durst not lie in 
 his own quarters ; and the great promoter of all 
 this was the Count de Ligny. The Pisans made 
 sad complaints to the king, and moved us all to 
 compassionate, though we had no reason to relieve, 
 them. One day after dinner, as the king was play- 
 ing at tables with the Lord de Piennes, and only two 
 or three of the gentlemen of the bed-chamber wait- 
 ing on him, forty armed gentlemen of his court en- 
 tered the room, and in the name of the rest, the 
 son of Sallezard, the elder, made a speech to the 
 king, in favour of the Pisans, and charging some of 
 the persons above-named of no less than betraying 
 him ; but the king reprimanded them severely, and 
 there never after was any such thing. 
 
 Six or seven days the king spent to no purpose at 
 Pisa ; and having altered the garrison, put into the 
 castle one Entragues, a servant to the Duke of Or- 
 leans, but an ill-humoured man ; Monsieur de Ligny 
 had recommended him to the king, and by his in- 
 terest a detachment of the infantry of Berry was 
 left with him. This Entragues managed his affairs 
 so well (I suppose by his money) that he was made 
 governor of Pietra Sancta, and another town not 
 far off, called Motrone ; besides all which, he had
 
 286 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 another government at Librefacto, near Lucca. 
 The castle of the town of Sarzana was extremely 
 well fortified, and by the interest of Monsieur de 
 Ligny, the command of it was given to the bastard 
 of one Roussi, who was the Count's servant. Ano- 
 ther castle, called Sarzanella, he'put into the hands 
 of one of his own <iomestics ; so that the King of 
 France left great bodies of his forces in these places, 
 (though he will never have so much need of them 
 again,) and rejected the assistance and proffers of 
 the Florentines, who, upon his refusal, grew de- 
 sperate, and yet at the same time he had intelligence 
 that the Duke of Orleans had taken the city No- 
 vara, from the Duke of Milan, and was certain the 
 Venetians would declare war against him ; for they 
 had sent him word that if he invaded the Duke of 
 Milan, they should be obliged, by the alliance they 
 had lately made, to assist him; and their army, 
 which was numerous, was ready to take the field. 
 But you must understand, that just upon the con- 
 clusion of the league, the Duke of Milan had a 
 design upon Asti, supposing he should have found 
 no troops in it. But my letters prevented him, and 
 hastened the supplies which the Duke of Bourbon 
 sent thither ; and first there arrived forty lances 
 of the Marshal de Gie's troops, which were left 
 behind in France, all very well appointed; and 
 after them five hundred foot from the Marquis di 
 Saluzzo. The arrival of these forces diverted the 
 Duke of Milan's army commanded by Galeas di St. 
 Severino, who was posted at Nom, a castle belong- 
 ing to the said duke, within two miles of Asti.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 287 
 
 Sometime after, they were joined by three hundred 
 and fifty men at arms, with the gentry of Dauphine, 
 and all the Franc-Archers of that country, and 
 two thousand Swiss ; so that they were in all seven 
 thousand five hundred fighting men. It was a pro- 
 digious expense and trouble to assemble these forces, 
 and when that was done they did not answer the 
 end for which they were designed ; for they were 
 «ent for to have assisted the king, and instead of 
 that he was forced to support them. The king had 
 written to the Duke of Orleans and the chief officers, 
 that they should attempt nothing upon the Duke of 
 Milan, only have a care to secure Asti, and come to 
 meet him as far as the river Tesino, where they were 
 to assist and favour his passage, there being no other 
 river where he could be stopped ; for the Duke of 
 Orleans was left at Asti, and never went further 
 with the king. However, notwithstanding the king's 
 orders to the contrary, he was so pleased with the 
 honour of having Novara delivered into his hands, 
 (which was but ten leagues from Milan) that he 
 could not contain, but entered it in a triumphal 
 manner, and the whole city, both Guelphs and Gi- 
 bellines, received him with all the demonstrations of 
 joy imaginable, and the Marchioness of Montferrat 
 was a great instrument in the plot. The castle 
 held out two or three days, but if he had gone or 
 sent to Milan, where his party was great, he had 
 been received with more joy (as I have been told by 
 great persons of that duchy) than at his own castle 
 at Blois; and the first three days he might have 
 done it with ease, for the Duke of Milan's forces
 
 288 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 were at Nom, near Asti, when Novara was sur- 
 prised, and came not up till four days after ; but, 
 perhaps, he durst not rely upon his intelligence. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Of King Charles's dangerous Passage over the Mountains between 
 Pisa and Sarzana ; of the Germans burning Pontremoli, and the 
 Duke of Orleans's Behaviour at Novara, in the mean time. — 1494. 
 
 From Siena the king was come to Pisa, as you 
 have already heard, and from Pisa he marched to 
 Lucca, where he was well received by the town, 
 and stayed with them two days ; and from thence 
 toPietra Sancta, where Monsieur Entragues was 
 governor, neither he himself, nor any that were 
 about him, having the least fear or apprehension 
 of the enemy. Yet he found great difficulty in his 
 march over the mountains betwixt Lucca and that 
 place, where there were several passes very easy to 
 have been defended by small bodies of foot, but the 
 confederates were not joined as yet. Not far from 
 Pietra Sancta, on one side there is the pass of 
 Seierre, or Salto della Cerva, and on the other that 
 of Roctailie, or Rotaio, with a deep marsh at the 
 foot of it, over which we were forced to march upon 
 a causey, as if it had been through a standing pool. 
 This was the pass of which I had heard so much 
 talk, and which I dreaded more than all the rest 
 between Pisa and Pontrema ; for a small body of 
 troops, with a cart overturned in the midst of it, 
 and two pieces of cannon, would have stopped our
 
 PHILIP DE COMrNKS. 28^ 
 
 passage, had our army been never so numerous. 
 From Pietra Saneta the king marched to Sarzana, 
 where the cardinal of St. Peter ad Vincula met him, 
 and offered, (if he pleased to send some of his for- 
 ces thither) to make Genoa revolt to him. It was 
 referred to a council of officers, among which I was 
 one, and concluded by all that it should not be 
 meddled with ; for if the king got the victory, Ge- 
 noa would surrender of couree ; if he lost it, it 
 would do him no good, and this was the first time we 
 ever heard them mention fighting. Our resolution 
 was reported to the king, but for all that, he sent 
 for the Lord de Bresse, since Duke of Savoy, the 
 Lord de Beaumont dePolignac*,my brother-in-law, 
 and the Lord d' Aubijouxf of the house of Amboise, 
 with sixscore men at arms, and five hundred archers, 
 newly sent him by sea out of France. I admired 
 a prince of his age should not have one min- 
 ister of state about him, that durst be plain with, 
 and tell him the dangers to which he exposed 
 his person ; but indeed he put no confidence in 
 what I said. We had a few forces at sea, which 
 came from Naples, under the command of Mon- 
 sieur di Miolans, governor of Dauphine, and one 
 Stephen de Neves, of Montpelier ; they were in all 
 about eight galleys, and were arrived at Specie and 
 Rapalo, where they were defeated at the time I 
 speak of, and in the same place where our men had 
 
 * John de Polignac, Lord of Beaumont and Rendam. He married 
 Joan de Jambes, eldest sister of Helena de Jambes, wife of Philip 
 de Comines. 
 
 t Hugh de Amboise, Baron of Aubijoux, brother to the famous 
 Cardinal George de Amboise. 
 
 Vol. II. U
 
 290 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 beaten King Alphonso's forces in the beginning of 
 this expedition, and by the same party who had 
 been on our side at that battle, (that is to say, 
 Signior John Lewis di Flisco, and Signior [John 
 Adorni) and all of them carried prisoners into Ge- 
 noa. It had been better management to have had 
 them with the king, and all little enough. Mon- 
 sieur de Bresse and the cardinal advanced into the 
 suburbs of Genoa, expecting their party in the 
 town would raise some disturbances ; but the Duke 
 of Milan had taken care to prevent any insurrec- 
 tion ; and the Adorni and Signior John Lewis di 
 Flisco had given such orders about that affair, that 
 our forces were in great danger of being handled as 
 they had been at sea, considering the smallness of 
 their numbers ; nor did any thing prevent it but 
 the fear the prevailing party in Genoa had, that if 
 they should have sallied out of the town, the For- 
 gosi would have risen up in arms and shut the 
 gates i4)on them ; however, our men met with dif- 
 ficulty enough before they got to Asti, to which 
 they marched on directly, and were, not at the 
 battle, where they might have been more service- 
 able and better employed. From Sarzana the king 
 marched on towards Pontrema, which he was forced 
 to pass, it being the entrance into the mountains. 
 The town and castle were strong, and the country 
 about it almost inaccessible ; and had they been 
 well garrisoned, they could never have been taken ; 
 but what Friar Jerome told me proved true, that 
 God would lead him, as it were, by the hand, till he 
 was out of all danger; for the enemy was blind
 
 VHILIP DE COMINES. 29"! 
 
 and stupid, and had not put above three or four 
 hundred men to defend that important pass. The 
 king sent his vanguard to Pontrema, under the 
 command of Marshal de Gie and Signior John 
 James di Trivulce, whom he had entertained in his 
 service ever since King Ferrand's flight out of 
 Naples ; this John James * was a gentleman of 
 Milan, of a noble family, a good officer, a rich 
 man, and a great enemy to the Duke of Milan, as 
 having been banished by him ; and by his means 
 the place was presently delivered, and the garrison 
 marched out ; but a great inconvenience ensued 
 upon this ; for as I have already mentioned, when the 
 Duke of Milan was there last, there happened to be 
 a dispute between the townsmen and some of the 
 Germans, (forty of which were slain by the towns- 
 men,) so that the Swiss in revenge, and contrary to 
 their articles, put all the men to the sword, plun- 
 dered the town, put fire to it, and burned it and all 
 their magazines, with about ten of their own men, 
 who being drunk, could not get out ; and it was 
 not in the Marshal de Gie's power to prevent it. 
 After they had committed this outrage, they be- 
 sieged the castle, in order to have used them after 
 
 * John James di Trivulce, a native of Milan, Marquia of Vigeve, 
 governor of Milan, captain of an hundred Italian men at arms, and two 
 hundred archers, and lieutenant-general of all the king's forces in 
 Italy He did the king signal service at the br.ttle of Fomeva and 
 Aignadel, and had considerable employments under Charles VIII. 
 Louis XII. and Francis I. He was created a marslial of France in 
 1500, and died in 1518. He was uncle to Theodore Trivulce, who 
 was also governor of Milan, and marshal of France. Their eulogies 
 arc to be seen in Brantome's Lives of Illustrious Foreigners, torn. ii. 
 page 4T6. 
 
 U 2
 
 292 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the same manner, though the garrison consisted of 
 none but Signior John James di Trivulce's troops, 
 which were put into it when the enemy march- 
 ed out ; neither would they give over their attack 
 till the king himself came in person, and com- 
 manded them to desist. The destruction of this 
 place was a great inconvenience to the king, not so 
 much for the dishonour (though that was consider- 
 able) as for the provisions that were spoiled, of 
 which there was great plenty, and we in extremity 
 of want : Yet the people were not much against us, 
 only those about the town who had suffered more 
 particularly ; but if the king had hearkened to the 
 overtures made him by Signior John James di Tri- 
 vulce, several places and persons of importance 
 would have surrendered and come in to him ; for 
 he advised him to set up the young duke's standard, 
 who was son of John Galeas, the last Duke of 
 Milan, that lies buried at Pavia, as you have heard ; 
 which young duke was in Count Lodowick's power- 
 But the king would not be persuaded to do it, out 
 of kindness to the Duke of Orleans, who pretended 
 to the duchy. Upon which the king marched from 
 Pontrema, and encamped in a small valley, where 
 there were not ten houses, and the name I have 
 forgot. He lay in that camp five days, (I know not 
 why,) his army in great distress for provisions, the 
 main body thirty miles behind the van, (which was 
 marched before,) and to march over high and steep 
 rocks where such great cannon were never seen till 
 then ; for those which Duke Galeas had passed 
 that way with were but four, and they small, and
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 293 
 
 not above five hundred weight a-piece, and yet that 
 was then looked upon as a miracle. 
 
 But to return now to the Duke of Orleans : As 
 soon as he had taken the castle of Novara, he lay 
 still for some days, and did nothing, and at length 
 marched to Vegievene. Two little towns hard by 
 sent to him, and offered to receive his troops, but 
 he wisely refused the overtures they made him. 
 The citizens of Pavia sent twice to him likewise, 
 and there he was mightily to blame in refusing 
 their offer. In short, he drew up in battalia before 
 the town of Vegievene, where the Duke of Milan's 
 whole army was encamped, and commanded by the 
 sons of Galeas St. Severino, so often mentioned 
 before. The town is worth liothing, not a jot better 
 than Saint Martin de Candie. I came thither not 
 long after, when the Duke of Milan and all his 
 chief officers were there, and they shewed me the 
 places where their armies were drawn up both with- 
 in and without the town ; and if the Duke of Or- 
 leans had advanced but a hundred paces farther, 
 the enemy had retreated over the river Tesin, where 
 they had made a large bridge of boats, and were 
 drawn up on the bank ; besides, I saw them demo- 
 lish a fort which they had built on the other side 
 to secure their pass ; for they had resolved to quit 
 both the town and the castle, which would have 
 been a great disadvantage to them. This is the 
 place where the Duke of Milan generally resides, 
 and indeed it is the best seat for hunting and hawk- 
 ing, and all kind of sports, that I ever yet saw. 
 But perhaps the Duke of Orleans thought the town
 
 294 Xm MEMOIRS OF 
 
 stronger than it really was, and that he had done 
 enough already, without attempting any thing far- 
 ther ; and therefore he marched off to a place called 
 Trecane, the lord of which place had a conference 
 with me not long after, and he had something in 
 charge from the Duke of Milan. To the town of 
 Trecane they sent the chief citizens of Milan to in- 
 vite him thither, and tempt him into the town ; 
 offering their children as hostages, and they could 
 easily have put him into the possession of it, as 1 
 have been credibly informed since by persons of 
 great authority who were there at that time ; for 
 the Duke of Milan would not have found men 
 enough to have defended the castle, and the nobi- 
 lity and commons conspired the destruction of the 
 house of Sforza. The Duke of Orleans also, and 
 his men, have told me the same, but they durst not 
 trust them ; and they wanted a person that under- 
 stood them and their ways better than they ; be- 
 sides, his great officers were not all of the same 
 opinion in relation to that affair. A body of two. 
 thousand Germans sent by the King of the Romans, 
 and about a thousand horse under the command of 
 Monsieur Frederic Capelare, born in the county of 
 Ferrette, joined the Duke of Milan's army. With 
 this reinforcement Galeas and the rest of the offir 
 cers were so mightily encouraged, that they march^ 
 ed directly to Trecane, and offered the Duke of 
 Orleans battle ; but he was advised not to fight, 
 though his army was more numerous than theirs; 
 Perhaps the officers were unwilling to hazard this 
 army, lest the loss of it should be the ruin of the
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 295 
 
 king, of whom they could have no intelligence, by 
 reason the couriers were all stopped. Upon this 
 the Duke of Orleans retreated with his whole army» 
 having with great indiscretion neglected the fa- 
 vourable opportunity of supplying the town with 
 provisions, or preserving as they ought what was 
 already in their magazines, though they might have 
 had enough at that time in the country round about 
 it without money, and for fetching ; but when they 
 wanted it afterwards, the enemy was within half a 
 league of the town. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Of the King's passing the Apenniue Mountains with his Train of 
 Artillery, by the assistance of the Swiss ; the great Danger which 
 the Marshal de Gi6 and his whole Vanguard was in ; and the King's 
 arrival at Femova? — 1494. 
 
 We left the king encamped in a valley on this 
 side Pontrema, in great want of provisions ; and yet 
 he stayed there five days without any manner of 
 occasion. Our Swiss, who had committed the great 
 fault at Pontrema, did us a singular piece of ser- 
 vice at this time ; they were fearful their crime 
 should give the king a displeasure against them, 
 that his majesty would never endure them more ; 
 and therefore, to atone for what was past, they 
 came to him of themselves, and offered to convey 
 his great guns over those almost unpassable moun- 
 tains, (and well I may call them so for their height 
 and steepness,) there being no track or path to
 
 290 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 direct them. I have seen most of the chief moun- 
 tains both in Italy and Spain, but none of them are 
 to be compared to these ; and this offer they made 
 upon condition the king would forgive them, which 
 he did. Our train consisted of fourteen extraordi- 
 nary great guns. At the farther end of the valley we 
 began to climb up a steep way, where our mules 
 could scarce get up ; these Swiss corded themselves 
 two and two together, and drew a hundred, some- 
 times two hundred in a company, till they were weary, 
 and then they were relieved by as many more ; be- 
 sides these, there were the horses belonging to the 
 train, and the waggons ; for every one of the cour- 
 tiers who had any carriage lent a horse to hasten 
 their passage, but had it not been for these Swiss, 
 their horses would never have done it ; and to speak 
 truth, they helped over not only the artillery but the 
 whole army, for had it not been for them, not a 
 man could have passed the mountains. Finding 
 themselves so necessary, it encouraged them ex- 
 ceedingly ; and besides, they had as great a desire 
 to be over as the rest of the army ; they had com- 
 mitted many faults, but this good action did suffi- 
 ciently atone for all. However, the greatest part 
 of the difficulty was not to get the artillery up,, for 
 as soon as they were at the top, they saw great deep 
 valleys below them, to which there was no way but 
 what nature had prepared ; for they had never been 
 passed before, so that our horses and men were 
 forced to draw backward, and the letting it down 
 was infinitely more trouble than the hauling it up ; 
 and besides, the smiths and the carpenters were
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 297 
 
 forced to be constantly by ; for if any of the guns 
 slipped, they were to be mended before they could 
 go on. Many advised the king for expedition sake 
 to break his great guns, but he would by no means 
 consent to it. 
 
 The Marshal de Gie lay thirty miles before us, 
 and pressed the king to hasten his march ; and yet 
 it was three days before we could reach him, and 
 by that time the enemy was advanced within sight. 
 Their army was encamped in a large field, about 
 half a league from him ; and if they had attacked 
 him he had certainly been defeated. The marshal 
 afterward took up his quarters at Fornova, a strong 
 town at the entrance into the plain, and this he did 
 to keep them from assaulting us on the mountains ; 
 but we had a better guardian than he to protect us, 
 for God put other thoughts into the heads of our 
 enemies, and so blinded their understandings with 
 avarice, that they were resolved to wait for our 
 coming into the plain, that they might cut us all to 
 pieces ; for they thought if they should attack us 
 upon the mountains we might retreat to Pisa, or 
 some of the towns we kept in Florence : but they 
 were mistaken ; for those places were too remote, 
 and if they had beaten us, they might have pursued 
 as fast as we could have fled, and they would have 
 had the advantage of knowing the country better 
 than we. Thus far on our side the war was not 
 begun ; but the Marshal de Gife sent the king word 
 that he had passed the mountains, and that having 
 sent out a party of sorry horse to discover the enemy, 
 they had been charged by their cstradiots, and one of
 
 298 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 them (called le Beuf) being slain, the estradiots cut 
 off his head, put it upon the top of a lance, carried 
 it to their proveditor, and demanded a ducat. These 
 estradiots are of the same nature with the Janisaries 
 in Turkey ; they are horse and foot, and habited like 
 Turks, only they wear no turbans upon their heads. 
 They are hardy people, and lie abroad all the year 
 round, like their horses ; they were originally 
 Greeks, from the places which the Venetians have 
 in their hands in those parts, some of them from 
 Naples and Romagna in the Morea, others from 
 Albania, and others from Durazzo. Their horses 
 are all Turkish, and very good ; the Venetians em- 
 ploy them often in their wars, and put great con- 
 fidence in them. I saw them all upon their first 
 landing at Venice, and mustered in the island where 
 the abbey of St. Nicholas is built, and their number 
 was near fifteen hundred ; they are stout nimble 
 fellows, and will plague an army terribly when they 
 once undertake it. These estradiots, as I said 
 before, having beaten our party, pursued them to 
 the marshal's quarters, where the Swiss were posted, 
 of whom they killed three or four, and carried away 
 their heads according to their custom. For the 
 Venetians having war against the Turks formerly, 
 in the time of Mahomet, this great Turk's father, 
 that Sultan Mahomet would not suifer his soldiers 
 to give quarter, but allowed them a ducat a head, 
 and the Venetians did the same. My opinion is 
 they did it on purpose to terrify us, and indeed so 
 they did ; but the estradiots themselves were imj* 
 less affrighted with our artillery ; for a shot f rom ^
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 299 
 
 faulcon having killed one of their horses, they re- 
 tired with great precipitation ; but in their retreat 
 they took one of our Swiss captains, who was gotten 
 on horseback, and, following to observe their mo- 
 tions, and being unarmed, was run through the 
 body with a lance. The captain was a wise man, 
 and they carried him before the Marquis of Mantua, 
 (who was captain-general for the Venetians) and his 
 uncle the Lord Rodolphus of Mantua, and the Count 
 di Cajazzo, who commanded for the Duke of Milan, 
 knew him extremely well. The enemy's army had 
 taken the field (at least all that were joined, for 
 some were still to come up) about eight days before, 
 but lay still in expectation of their confederates ; so 
 that the king might have gone back into France 
 without any impediment in the world, had he not 
 squandered away his time to no purpose by the 
 way, as you have heard : but God had ordered it 
 otherwise. 
 
 The Marshal de Gie, fearing to be attacked, re- 
 tired to the mountains. He had with him (as he 
 told me) about eight score men at arms, and eight 
 hundred Swiss and no more, and from us he could 
 not expect any assistance; for, by reason of our 
 heavy cannon, we could not join him in less than a 
 day and a half. The king, in his march, lay at two 
 little marquisses' houses. Our vanguard, being 
 posted upon the mountain, was afraid of being at- 
 tacked by the enemy, who were drawn up in order 
 of battle at a good distance in the plain ; but God 
 (who had always preserved our army) infatuated our 
 adversaries' understanding. The Swiss captain.
 
 300 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 being examined by the Count di Cajazzo, who com- 
 manded their army, andVas then in their van, was 
 asked what number of men at arms were with the 
 marshal, though the count knew our strength as 
 well as we did ourselves, for he had been with us 
 the whole campaign. 
 
 The Swiss magnified our forces, represented us 
 much stronger than we were, and told him the mar- 
 shal had with him three hundred men at arms and 
 fifteen hundred Swiss. The count told him plainly 
 he lied, for in the whole army we had not above 
 three thousand, and it was improbable we would 
 send half of them before ; upon which the captain 
 was sent prisoner to the Marquis of Mantua's tent, 
 where a council of war was called, in order to consult 
 how to attack us. The marquis believed what the 
 Swiss captain had said, urged that their infantry were 
 not so good as the Swiss, that all their forces had not 
 joined them, that it would be a great injury to the 
 allies to engage without them, and that , if they should 
 lose the battle, the senate would have just reason 
 to blame their conduct ; that it would be better, 
 therefore, to wait for our coming into the plain, 
 where we could not pass but under their noses ; and 
 the two proveditors being of the same opinion, they 
 durst not oppose. Others affirmed, that if they 
 routed this vanguard, the king must of necessity be. 
 taken prisoner; but, for all that, it was concluded 
 to expect us in the plain, and they confidently be- 
 lieved that none of us could escape. This I have 
 been informed of since by the very persons whom 
 I have mentioned ; for, after the fight, we dis-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 301 
 
 coursed together, and the Marshal de Gie and I had 
 this relation from their own mouths. Upon this 
 they retired with their army into the plain, being 
 assured that within a day or two the king must of 
 necessity come to Fornova, and in the mean time 
 the rest of the confederate forces arrived in their 
 camp, and the way was so narrow we were obliged 
 to march close by them. 
 
 Upon our descending from the mountains we had 
 the prospect of the plain of Lombardy, which is the 
 pleasantest and best country in the world, and most 
 plentiful in every thing : yet, though I call it a 
 plain, it is scarce passable for a horse, for it is as 
 enclosed as Flanders, or rather more, but much 
 better, and more fruitful both in corn, wine, and 
 fruit ; and their ground never lies fallow. It pleased 
 iis exceedingly to see so fine a country after the 
 wants and hardships which we had suifered since 
 our departure from Lucca ; but our train of artil- 
 lery was our greatest trouble, especially to let down, 
 so steep and difficult was the direct way. In the 
 enemy's camp there were great numbers of tents 
 and pavilions, which represented it very large ; and 
 indeed so it was. The Venetians having made good 
 their message by me to the king, when they pro- 
 mised that the Duke of Milan and they would bring 
 forty thousand men into the field, and if they had 
 not their full number, they wanted not much of it, 
 for they were five and thirty thousand effective men, 
 and of them four parts in five were in the Venetian 
 pay. They had at least two thousand men at arms 
 barbed, every one with his bowman on horseback.
 
 302 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 or some other person in livery, and four horses 
 attending him. Their estradiots and other light 
 horse were about five thousand, and the rest were 
 all infantry, encamped very strong, besides a large 
 train of artillery with them. 
 
 The king descended from the mountains about 
 noon, and took up his quarters in Fornova the 
 5th of July, being Sunday, in the year 1495. We 
 found good store of provision both for our horses 
 and ourselves. The people received us very 
 kindly, for nobody of any fashion did them the least 
 injury: they brought us victuals and bread, but 
 their bread was small and black, and they sold it 
 very dear, and their wine was three parts water ; 
 they brought us likewise some of their fruits, and 
 were mighty diligent in attending our army. I 
 ordered them to bring me a little of every thing, 
 which I laid before me, but durst not venture to eat 
 any of it; for we had great suspicion that this 
 plenty of provisions was left there on purpose to 
 poison us ; so that at first nobody touched them ; 
 and our jealousy was much increased by the death 
 of two of our Swiss, who were found dead in a cel- 
 lar, having killed themselves with excessive drink- 
 ing, or else died with cold afterwards, but before 
 night our horses began to eat, and at last the sol- 
 diers following their example, we refreshed our- 
 selves very well. I must say this, in honour of the 
 Italians, we never found that they endeavoured to 
 do us any mischeif by poison ; if they had, we could 
 hardly have secured ourselves in this march. On 
 the Sunday (as I said before) we arrived about
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 303 
 
 noon at Fornova ; most of our people of quality eat 
 nothing- but a crust of bread at the place where the 
 king alighted, and drank ; and, indeed, at that 
 time there was little else to be got ; for the provi- 
 sions that were in the town nobody durst venture 
 on. 
 
 Presently after this refreshment their estradiots 
 sallied out of their camp, and pickering up to our 
 very army, gave us a strong alarm. Our men, 
 being unacquainted with their way, drew out into 
 the field, and put themselves very formally into 
 order of battle, with a van, a body, and a rear, so 
 exactly well distanced that they were not a bowl's 
 cast one from another, so that upon any disaster 
 they might easily be supported, but no action hap- 
 pened at that time, and both parties retired to their 
 camp. Our tents were but few, and our camp ex- 
 tended so near to their's, that twenty of their estra 
 diots were enough to give us an alarm at any time : 
 wherefore they lay still in our front, having the 
 benefit of a wood, through which they might march 
 up to us before they were discovered. We lay be- 
 twixt two hills in a valley, divided by a small river 
 called Tarro, fordable sometimes on foot, unless it 
 was swelled by the waters from the mountains, 
 which fall suddenly, and are as suddenly gone. The 
 valley in which we lay encamped, being full of 
 gravel and great stones, was very incommodious 
 far our cavalry ; it was about a quarter of a league 
 over, and upon the hill on our right hand, within 
 half a league of us the enemy was posted ; so that 
 we were obliged to pass in sight of their whole
 
 304 THE MEMOIRS OP 
 
 army, and only that river between us. There was 
 on that side we were quartered, beyond the hill on 
 the left hand, another road which we might have 
 marched ; but then we should have seemed to have 
 been afraid of them. About two days before, it 
 was proposed to me by some prudent persons in our 
 army, who now began to be apprehensive of their 
 danger, that I should go and desire a parley with 
 the enemy, and should take another along with me, 
 to observe their number, and situation of their 
 camp. I had no great inclination to undertake this 
 affair, (and without a safe conduct there was no 
 going at all) wherefore I told them, that at my 
 departure from Venice, and at Padua, I had taken 
 my leave very kindly of the proveditors, and that 
 we had promised correspondence upon occasion, 
 and therefore I did not question but upon any over- 
 ture of a treaty they would. meet me half way; 
 whereas, if I should condescend to go to them, it 
 would but make them the more arrogant ; besides, 
 I feared it was too late. The same Sunday I wrote 
 to the proveditors (one of them was called Luques 
 Pisano, and the other Melchior Trivisano) desiring 
 that according to the agreement between ourselves 
 at my departure from Padua, they would send me a 
 passport, in order to have a conference with them. 
 They sent me word, they would have done it with 
 all their hearts, had we not begun a war against the 
 Duke of Milan : however, one of them, (as they 
 should agree) would meet me in some place in the 
 mid-way between the two armies. I had their 
 answer the same night, but none of those who were
 
 PHILIP t)E COMINES. 305 
 
 ^eat with the king took any notice of it. I was 
 fearful of meddling too far, lest they should have 
 interpreted it cowardice; so that I pressed it no 
 farther that night, though I would willingly have 
 done any thing to have delivered the king and his 
 army out of danger, with any safety to myself. 
 
 About mid-night the Cardinal of St. Malo being 
 come from the king, and his tent being near mine, 
 came tome, and told me, that the king would march 
 the next morning ; that he was resolved to pass by 
 them, and when he began to march, that he would 
 fire some of his great guns into their army by way 
 of defiance, and then march on in as good order as 
 they could. I am of opinion it was the cardinal's 
 own advice, for he was ignorant in such cases, and 
 knew not what counsel to give ; and it had been 
 much more prudent in the king to have called a 
 counsel of his officers, and all the grave men about 
 him, to have consulted what measures had been 
 proper to have been taken in that exigence of 
 affairs ; but the case had been the same, for in this 
 very march I had seen many things concerted into 
 council with very great prudence, but managed quite 
 contrary when they came to be executed. I told 
 the cardinal that if we came so near as to fire into 
 their camp, they would certainly come out and 
 skirmish with us, and that then it would be im- 
 possible to avoid a general battle ; besides, it did 
 not consist with the overture I had made, so that I 
 was extremely concerned to hear the resolution the 
 king had taken. However, such was my condition 
 from the beginning of this king's reign, that I durst 
 Vol. II. X
 
 306 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 not intermeddle, for fear I should disoblige his 
 favourites, and make them my enemies, who had, 
 indeed, greater authority with him than they ought 
 to have had. 
 
 That night we had two great alarms, and all 
 through our own negligence, in not having taken 
 the same precaution to secure ourselves against the 
 incursions of the estradiots, as we used to do 
 against the light horse, for twenty of our men at 
 arms with their archers would have stopped two 
 hundred of them, but they were new to us then. 
 We had great rains that night also, and such claps 
 of thunder and lightning, as if heaven and earth 
 were coming together ; or that this was an omen of 
 some impending mischief: but we were at the foot 
 of great mountains, in a hot country, and in the 
 height of the summer, so that the thing was natural 
 enough ; however it was very terrible, and our con- 
 sternation was increased by our enemies being so 
 numerous before us, and no possibility to pass with- 
 out fighting them, which must be done upon great 
 disadvantage; for our army was but small, not 
 amounting to above nine thousand men in the 
 whole; and of them, I believe, two thousand were 
 servants, and such as followed the camp, without 
 reckoning pages and footmen belonging to the 
 officers.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINGS. 307 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Battle of Fornova, in which the French defeated their Enemies ; 
 and of tlie Count de Petillane's making his Escape from his 
 Imprisonment during the Fight, and his rallying their Army. — 1495. 
 
 The next morning, the 6th of July, 1495, being 
 Monday, by seven o'clock, the king mounted on 
 horseback, and called for me several times : I came 
 to him, and found him completely armed, and 
 mounted upon the best horse I ever saw in my life. 
 The horse was called Savoy, of the Bressian breed, 
 and presented him, according to common report, 
 by Charles, Duke of Savoy. It was a black horse, 
 with but one eye, of no extraordinary stature, but 
 tall enough for him that was to ride him. This 
 young prince seemed that day quite another thing 
 than what one would take him to be by his nature, 
 proportion, and complexion. He was exceeding 
 bashful, especially in speaking, and is so to this 
 day ; and no wonder, for he had been brought up 
 in great awe, and in the company of inferior people ; 
 but now, being mounted on his horse, his eyes 
 sparkled with fire, his complexion was fresh and 
 lively, and all his words showed wisdom and dis- 
 cretion, — so that I partly believed the predictions 
 of Friar Jerome, (and I thought of it at that time,) 
 when he told me that God would conduct him, as 
 it ^ere, by the hand, and that he should meet with 
 some difficulties in his return to his own dominions, 
 but that he should overcome them all, and gain 
 immortal honour by it. The king's business wjth 
 
 X 2
 
 308 THE MEMOIHS OF 
 
 me was, that if those people would treat, I might 
 go treat with them ; and the cardinal being by, he 
 nominated him to go along with me, as also the 
 Marshal de Gie, who at that time was in a violent 
 passion, occasioned by a dispute between the Counts 
 de Narbonne and de Guise, both of which pre- 
 tended to the command of the van that day. I re- 
 plied, " Sir, I shall observe your commands ;" but 
 I never saw two great armies so near, but they 
 fought before they parted. 
 
 Our whole army marched out of their camp in 
 good order, the battalions near one another as the 
 day before ; but yet methought they did not make 
 so fine an appearance as those I had formerly seen 
 under Charles, Duke of Burgundy, and his father 
 King Louis XL, — nor, indeed, were they half so 
 numerous. The cardinal and 1 withdrew a little, 
 and dictated a letter to the two proveditors, which 
 was written by one Monsieur Robertet, one of the 
 king's secretaries, in whom he had great confidence. 
 The substance of the letter was, that it was the 
 cardinal's duty, by virtue of his quality and func- 
 tion, to procure peace, if it lay in his power; and 
 mine also, for having been ambassador lately at 
 Venice, it would not be improper to be a mediator 
 now. We signified to them that the king's resolu- 
 tion was only to march through the country in his 
 way to France, without committing any hostilities ; 
 and, therefore, if they desired a conference, as was 
 proposed the day before, we were ready to meet, 
 and would employ all our interest to accommodate 
 matters. By this time the fight was begun, and
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 309 
 
 there was skirmishing in all places. As we were 
 marching- on slowly, with the river between us, we 
 came within a quarter of a league one of the other, 
 they being also drawn up in order of battle ; for it 
 is their custom to make their camp so large, that 
 they can put themselves into battalia within it. 
 
 They sent out a party of their estradiots and 
 bowmen on horseback, and some few men at 
 arras, which marched directly, by private roads, 
 to the village of Fornova, which we had just 
 left, with a design to pass the little river Tarro 
 in that place, and fall upon our carriages, which 
 were very numerous (in all I believe, besides 
 waggons, about six thousand sumpter-horses, mules, 
 and asses). Their army was drawn up in as 
 good order as possible, which they had practised 
 several days before ; and they relied much upon the 
 superiority of forces. They attacked the king's 
 army on every side, so that, if we had been beaten, 
 not a man of us could have escaped, considering 
 the country we were in. Those which I mentioned 
 before fell upon our baggage. On the left hand, 
 there were the Marquis of Mantua, his uncle, the 
 Lord Rodolphus, the Count Fortebracio di Mon- 
 tone, with the flower of their army, consisting 
 of six hundred men at arms, as they told me since ; 
 and these charged our rear. All the men at arms 
 were well barbed, with their plumes of feathers, 
 their bourdonnasses *, their cross-bows on horse- 
 back, their estradiots, and their infantry, to sup- 
 
 * Bourdonnasses were hollow horsemen's staves, curiqusly painted 
 and used in Italy by their men at arms.
 
 310 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 port them. Against the Marshal de Gie and our 
 vanguard, the Count di Cajazzo advanced with 
 about four thousand men at arms well accoutred, 
 and supported also by a good body of foot. There 
 was, also, another brigade of men at arms, com- 
 manded by Signior John Bentivoglio, of Bologna, 
 a young gentleman who had never been in a battle ; 
 and, to speak the truth, they wanted good officers 
 as well as we. These were to second the Count di 
 Cajazzo, and fall upon our van ; and there was, 
 also another squadron, in the nature of a corps de 
 reserve to the Marquis of Mantua, which was com- 
 manded by Anthony d'Urbin, a bastard to the late 
 Duke d'Urbin ; besides all which there were two 
 great bodies left firm in their camp. This I under- 
 stood afterwards from themselves, and the next 
 day I saw it with my eyes ; for the Venetians would 
 not venture all at one stake, nor leave their bag- 
 gage unguarded, for fear of being plundered; yet, 
 in my judgment, they had better have put all to a 
 push, since they were so far engaged. 
 
 I shall now acquaint you with what became of 
 the letter which the cardinal and I sent by a trum- 
 pet. It was received by the proveditors, and as 
 soon as they had read it, our great guns began to 
 play, and they answered us ; but their's was not so 
 good as ours. The proveditors sent the trumpet 
 back, and the marquis sent another of his with this 
 message, that they would willingly treat, and up6n 
 condition we would give over cannonading, they 
 would do so too. I was then at a distance from 
 the king, who was riding up and down from rank
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 311 
 
 to rank : I sent back the trumpets to let him know 
 that our cannon should cease firing ; and sending 
 to that purpose to the master of the artillery, both 
 sides gave over for a time ; but on a sudden they 
 fired a gun among us, and ours began to play more 
 fiercely than before with three fresh pieces which 
 we had levelled against them. As soon as our two 
 trumpets were arrived in their camp, they were 
 carried to the general's tent, where it was solemnly 
 debated whether they should treat, or engage. 
 The Count di Cajazzo (as they told me, who were 
 present) urged that we were half vanquished al- 
 ready ; that this was no time for a treaty ; and one 
 of the proveditors (who told me the story) was of 
 his judgment, but the other not. The marquis 
 was of that mind too, but his uncle was against it ; 
 and being an honest and discreet man, strenuously 
 opposed it, for he loved us well, and served 
 against us unwillingly. At length they were una- 
 nimous in their opinion for fighting. 
 
 You must know that the king had placed his 
 greatest strength in his van ; for in it there were 
 about three hundred and fifty men at arms, three 
 thousand Swiss, (the hopes of the whole army,) 
 three hundred archers, and two hundred cross-bow 
 men of his own guard, (which was exposing his 
 royal person more than he ought to have done,) 
 and which he ordered to fight among the foot. Be- 
 sides these Swiss we had very few foot ; but what 
 we had were distributed among them. There 
 fought on foot among the Swiss the Lord Engle- 
 bert. Monsieur de Cleves, brother to the Duke of
 
 312 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Cleves, Lornay, and the bailiff of Dijon, who com- 
 manded them ; and the artillery was placed in their 
 front. The forces that were left in the town of 
 Florence, and those which were sent to Genoa 
 against the judgment of all people, would have 
 been of very great service to us at this time. Our 
 van-guard had by this time marched on as far as the 
 enemy's camp, and every body expected when they 
 would have attacked us ; but our two other bodies 
 were neither so near, nor so well ordered as the day 
 before ; and because the Marquis of Mantua (who 
 had already passed the river, and entered the plain) 
 was within a quarter of a league of. our rear ready 
 to attack them, but marching slowly on, and in 
 such close order, that it was a very fine sight to be- 
 hold ; the king was forced to turn his back upon 
 his own van-guard, and face about to the rear. I 
 was at that time with the cardinal attending an 
 answer ; but I told him it was no time to wait any 
 longer, and so I passed by the Swiss squadron, and 
 went to find out the king. In my passage I lost a 
 page, (who was my cousin-german,) a valet-de- 
 chambre, and a foot-boy, who followed at a dis- 
 tance; and I did not see when they were slain. 
 
 I was not come a hundred paces, when I heard a 
 great noise in the place from whence I came, or a 
 little behind it ; it was the estradiots, who were 
 gotten into the king's quarters, where there were 
 not above three or four houses, and they rifled his 
 baggage, and killed or wounded four or five men 
 which belonged to them, the rest escaped; they 
 killed about a hundred footboys and servants be-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 313 
 
 longing to our carriages, and put our whole train in 
 very great disorder. When I came where the king 
 was, I found him making of knights. The enemy 
 being come very near him, he was advised to give 
 over : 1 heard Matthew the bastard of Bourbon, 
 (who was in great favour with the king,) and one 
 Philip de Moulin, (a private, but a very brave gen- 
 tleman,) call to the king, and say, " On, sir, on ;" 
 upon which he went to the head of the army, and 
 placed himself directly before his standard, so that 
 there was not a man that I saw nearer the enemy, 
 unless it were the bastard of Bourbon. I had not 
 been with the king a quarter of an hour before the 
 enemy was advanced within a hundred paces of his 
 majesty, who was as ill guarded and attended as 
 any prince that I ever saw ; but he is well guarded 
 who is guarded by God : And it was true what 
 Friar Jerome had presaged, who said, " That God 
 would lead him as it were by the hand." His rear 
 was posted on the right, drawn up a little behind 
 him. The next battalion to him on that side was 
 the Duke of Orleans's troops, consisting of about 
 eight hundred lances, commanded by Robinet de 
 Frainezelles, about forty more by the Sieur de la 
 Trimouille, and the Scotch archers about one hun- 
 dred, who put themselves into as close order as if 
 they had been men at arms. I was on the left 
 among the gentlemen des Vint Escus, the pen- 
 sioners, and others of the king's household : I will 
 not mention their several captains, for brevity's 
 sake ; but the rear was commanded by Monsieur de 
 Foix.
 
 314 THE MEMOIRS OP 
 
 About a quarter of an hour (as I said before) 
 after my arrival, the enemy being advanced as near 
 the king as you have heard, began to couch their 
 lances, advance upon a gentle gallop, and in two 
 bodies charged our two squadrons on the right of 
 them, and the Scotch archers : our's advanced to- 
 wards them, and the king as bravely as any. On 
 the left, where I was posted, we charged them on 
 the flank much to our advantage ; and, indeed, to 
 say truth, never charge was brisker on both sides. 
 Their estradiots, who were in the rear of that divi- 
 sion, seeing our mules and sumpter-horses making 
 with all speed to our van-guard, and their cama- 
 rades beginning to plunder, quitted their men at 
 arms, and ran to them to have their share of the 
 booty ; but certainly, if the weakest regiments in 
 their army had but attacked us with only their 
 scimitars in their hands (which is a terrible weapon) 
 considering the smallness of our number, we must 
 needs have been beaten ; but God assisted us, for 
 no sooner had they charged us with their lances, but 
 their Italian men at arms fled, and all their in- 
 fantry, or the greatest part of them, gave ground 
 also. At the same time that this squadron charged 
 us, the Count di Cajazzo attacked our van ; but 
 they came not so close, for when they should have 
 rested their lances, their hearts failed, and they 
 put themselves in disorder, and the Swiss took fif- 
 teen or twenty of them in a company, and put them 
 to the sword : the rest fled, and were but indiffer- 
 ently pursued ; for the Marshal de Gi6 with much 
 ado kept his forces together, for he perceived ano-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 315 
 
 fher ^eat body of them not very far off: However, 
 some followed the chase, and the enemy fled over 
 the ground where we had charged along the high- 
 way with their swords only in their hands ; for 
 their lances they had thrown away. But you must 
 know that brigade which charged the king, was 
 warmly pursued ; for all of us made after them : 
 some of them fled to the village from whence we 
 were come, others made to their camp, and all of 
 us after them : only the king staid behind with 
 some few of his troops, and put himself in no little 
 danger by doing so. One of the first men of the 
 enemy which was slain was the Lord Rodolphus of 
 Mantua, the marquis's uncle, (who was to have 
 sent orders to the Lord Anthony d'Urbin, when it 
 was time for him to march,) for they thought the 
 battle would have lasted a long while, according to 
 the custom of Italy, and the Lord Anthony excused 
 himself upon that score ; but I believe he saw no- 
 thing to encourage him to advance. We had a 
 great number of grooms and servants with our 
 wagons, who flocked about the Italian men at 
 arms, when they were dismounted, and knocked 
 most of them on the head. The greatest part of 
 them had their hatchets (which they cut their wood 
 with) in their hands, and with them they broke up 
 their head pieces, and then knocked out their 
 brains ; otherwise they could not easily have killed 
 them, they were so very well armed ; and to be 
 sure there were three or four of our men to do their 
 business. The long swords also, which our archers 
 and servants wore, did very good execution. The
 
 316 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 king continued on the ground where he was charged, 
 declaring that he would neither follow the chase, 
 nor retire to our van-guard, which was at too far a 
 distance. He had appointed seven or eight young 
 gentlemen to attend constantly about him. He had 
 escaped very well the first charge, considering how 
 near he was to the enemy ; for within twenty paces 
 of him the bastard of Bourbon was taken prisoner, 
 and carried off to their camp. 
 
 The king, (as I said before,) remained in the same 
 place, and so ill attended, that of all his squadron 
 he had none left him but Anthony des Ambus, a 
 gentleman of his bed-chamber, a little man, and 
 but ill armed ; the others were all dispersed, as he 
 told me himself at night before their faces, and they 
 ought to have been ashamed : but they came'to his 
 assistance very seasonably ; for a small party of the 
 routed enemy coming by upon the road, and per- 
 ceiving it so thin of men, fell upon the king and the 
 gentleman of his bed-chamber ; but the king, by 
 the activity of his horse, (which was the best in the 
 world,) kept them in play till other of his men came 
 up, which were not far off; and then the Italians 
 were all cut in pieces. Upon this the king took 
 their counsel, and retired to his van, which had 
 never stirred from its ground. Thus the king came 
 off victoriously with the main battle, and if the van 
 had advanced but a hundred paces, the enemy's 
 whole army had fled; some said they ought to have, 
 advanced, and others, that they ought not. 
 
 Our troops which pursued, followed them to their 
 very camp, which was extended towards Fornova ;
 
 PHILTP DE COMINES. 317 
 
 and I saw none of our men touched but one Julian 
 Bourgneuf, who fell down dead with a blow that 
 was given him by an Italian man at arms who 
 passed by him ; for he was very ill armed. Upon 
 that accident we stopped, and cried, " Let us return 
 to the king ;" and that very word stopped the whole 
 party to give our horses breath, which had been 
 very hard ridden, and were tired with the length of 
 the way, which was full of sharp stones and gravel. 
 Not far from us we saw a party of about thirty of 
 the enemy's men at arms march along ; but we were 
 in disorder, and suffered them to pass. When our 
 horses had taken a little breath, we went in search 
 of the king, not knowing where he was ; we marched 
 a good trot, but we had not gone far before we per- 
 ceived him at a great distance. We caused our 
 servants to alight and gather up the lances, which 
 lay very thick upon the field, and especially the 
 bourdonasses ; but they were good for nothing, for 
 they were hollow and light, and weighed no more 
 than a javelin, yet finely painted ; so that we were 
 better furnished with lances than the day before, 
 and marched directly towards the king. In our 
 way we fell in with several bodies of the enemy's 
 foot, who were of the Marquis's division, and had 
 hid themselves behind the hills, when he made his 
 charge upon the king. Several of them were slain, 
 but others got over the river, and escaped, and we 
 never troubled ourselves about them. Some of our 
 men in the heat of the action cried out to them, 
 " Remember Guynegate," which was a battle we 
 had lost in King Louis's time, in Picardy, against
 
 318 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the King of the Romans, where our people fell a 
 plundering the wagons, though there our men had 
 got nothing; but here their estradiots took what 
 they thought good, and pillaged as they pleased ; 
 but they carried off only five and fifty of our richest 
 and best covered sumpters, which belonged to the 
 king, to the two chamberlains, and one of the king's 
 gentlemen of his bed-chamber called Gabriel, to 
 whose care were committed all the relics and curi- 
 osities, which of a long time had belonged to the 
 Kings of France, and were then in the army, be- 
 cause the king was there in person. Several other 
 of our sumpters and wagons were overturned, lost, 
 and plundered by our own men ; but the enemy had 
 no more than I have already mentioned. We had, 
 indeed, several rogues and wenches which followed 
 the camp on foot, who stripped the dead, and did a 
 great deal of mischief. To speak the truth, (upon 
 iijipartial information on both sides,) we lost only 
 Julian Bourgneuf, the captain of the king's gate, 
 nine of the Scotch archers, a gentleman of the 
 household, about twenty horse of the vanguard, 
 and seventy or eighty servants belonging to our 
 baggage. On their side, they lost three hundred 
 and fifty men at arms upon the place ; for no pri- 
 soners were taken, which perhaps never happened 
 before. Few of their estradiots were slain, for they 
 were busy in plundering when they should have 
 been fighting. In the whole, (as I have been in- 
 formed by several of their nobility,) they lost three 
 thousand five hundred men, (others say more,) and 
 among them several persons of quality. I myself
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 319 
 
 saw a list of eighteen, all of them considerable 
 persons, and among the rest four or five of the 
 Gonzagues, which is the marquis's own family. 
 The Marquis of Mantua in this battle lost sixty 
 gentlemen of his own subjects, all horse, and not 
 one foot among them. It is strange, that so many 
 should be killed with the sword, for our artillery 
 killed not ten in both armies, and the battle held 
 not a quarter of an hour ; for as soon as the enemy 
 had broke their lances, they fled, and the chase 
 lasted about three quarters of an hour ; but their 
 battles in Italy used not to be managed at this rate ; 
 their custom was to fight squadron after squadron, 
 and the fight lasted sometimes a whole day together, 
 and at last neither wins the victory. 
 
 The rout was great on their side ; three hundred 
 of their men at arms, and most part of their estra- 
 diots ran away, some to Reggio*, and others to 
 Parma, which was about eight leagues from the 
 field of battle. When our army was first engaged in 
 the morning, the Count de Petillane and the Lord 
 Virgil Ursini fled from us : the Lord Virgil only 
 retired to a gentleman's house of his acquaintance 
 hard by, and staid there upon his parole ; but the 
 truth is, we had done him an injury. The Count 
 de Petillane ran quite to the enemy ; he was a 
 person well known in their army, for he always had 
 a command under the Florentioes, or King Ferrand ; 
 he began (as soon as he was got amongst them,) to 
 cry out, " A Petillane, a Petillane," following those 
 
 ♦ This is not Reggio in Calabria, but another city of the same 
 name in the dukedom of Modena, fifteen miles from Parma. It U 
 called in Latin, Itegium Lepidi.
 
 320 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 who fled above three leagues, calling out to them, 
 and assuring them that there was no danger, and 
 that if they faced about, the day would still be their 
 own : by which means he rallied a great part of 
 them, and gave them good hopes ; and if it had not 
 been for him it had been a total defeat ; for it was 
 a great encouragement to have such an officer 
 escape from us, and come into their assistance. 
 
 He was eager for attacking us again that very 
 night, but all the rest of the officers opposed it. 
 He told me so since himself, and the Marquis of 
 Mantua confirmed it, and owned that advice to be 
 his ; and this is certain, had it not been for him, 
 their army would not have kept together till morning. 
 
 As soon as we were got up to the king, we disco- 
 vered a great body of men at arms drawn up in order 
 of battle without their camp, with some foot ; but 
 we could only discover their heads, and the tops of 
 their pikes and lances. They had stood there all 
 day, but they were farther off* than we imagined ; 
 before we could have come at them, we must have 
 passed the river, which was deep, and increased 
 every hour ; for it had thundered, lightened, and 
 rained most prodigiously all that day, especially 
 during the fight, and while we were in the pursuit. 
 The king immediately called a council of war, in 
 which it was debated whether he should advance 
 against this new body or not. There were then 
 with him three Italians, persons of very good quality 
 and conduct ; one of them was Signior John James 
 di Trivulce (who is yet living, and behaved himself 
 very well that day,) another was Francis Secco, a
 
 PHTLIP DE COMINES. 3"2l 
 
 brave man of seventy-two years of age, and bred 
 a soldier under the Florentines ; the third was Sig- 
 nior Camillo Vitelli, (who, with three of his bro- 
 thers, was then in the king's service,) came unsent 
 for from Civita-del-Castello as far as Sarzana, 
 (which is a great way,) to be at this battle ; and, 
 finding that it was impossible to come time enough 
 with his troops, he left them to march slowly after, 
 and advanced before with all speed to overtake the 
 king. The two last were of opinion, that we should 
 attack the body that was still unbroken ; but the 
 French officers, being consulted, gave their judg- 
 ment against it, pretending we had done enough, 
 that it grew late, and was time to think of quar- 
 ters. Secco persisted, and pressed hard to have 
 that body charged, he showed them people passing 
 to and again upon the great road that led to Parma, 
 (which was the next town they had to retreat to,) 
 assuring them that the enemy was either flying or 
 rallying again, and, as we heard afterwards, he was 
 in the right of it. His behaviour and counsel de- 
 noted him to be a great man ; for, all the officers 
 told me afterwards, and some of them before the 
 Duke of Milan's face, that if we had but advanced 
 against them, we had certainly obtained the great- 
 est and most glorious victory that the French nation 
 had won in ten years before ; for, had we known 
 how to have improved it, and obliged the people by 
 our civil treatment of them, in eight days' time the 
 Duke of Milan would not have had any thing left 
 but the castle of Milan, so inclinable were his sub- 
 jects to revolt from him. And the Venetians had 
 
 Vol. II. Y
 
 322 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 been much in the same condition, so that he needed 
 not to have concerned himself any farther about 
 Naples ; for the Venetians would have been able to 
 have raised men only in Venice, Brescia, and Cre- 
 mona, (which is but a small place,) for all the rest 
 of their territories would have been lost. But God 
 dealt by us as Friar Jerome had foretold, and we had 
 the honour of the day, though, to speak truth, our 
 ill conduct did not deserve it, nor did we know then 
 how to manage our victory ; but, now it being in 
 the year 1497, if such good fortune should happen 
 to the king, I suppose he could order it better. 
 
 Whilst we were in this suspense, the night drew 
 on, and the enemy that had faced us, marched off 
 into their camp. We on the other side, took up our 
 quarters about a quarter of a league from the field 
 of battle. The king lay in a farm-house, or (by the 
 meanness of the building) a cottage ; but the barns 
 belonging to it were full of unthreshed corn, which 
 served for provender for our horses. There were a 
 few houses besides that in which the king lay, but 
 worse than the other, so as they were but little be- 
 nefit to us, and every one was forced to quarter as 
 he could. For my part, I remember I lay in a little 
 pitiful vineyard upon the ground, without any thing 
 under me ; for the king had borrowed my cloak in 
 the morning, and my baggage was not to be found. 
 He that had any thing to eat kept himself from 
 starving, but very few had any victuals more than 
 a crust of bread, or so, which they took from their 
 servants. I saw the king in his chamber, where 
 there were several wounded, amongst the rest, the
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 323 
 
 seneschal of Lyons and others, whom he caused to be 
 dressed. The king was very cheerful, and every 
 one was pleased he had escaped so well ; but we 
 did not huff and swagger as we used to do, for the 
 enemy was at hand. All our Swiss were that night 
 upon the guard ; the king gave them three hundred 
 crowns, and they watched very diligently, and their 
 drums beat bravely during the whole night. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Of the Lord of Argenton's going alone to parley with the Enemy, upon 
 the refusal of those that were deputed to go along with him , and 
 of the King's safe arrival with his whole Army at Asti. — 1495. 
 
 The next morning I resolved with myself to pur- 
 sue our negotiation for a peace, being always very 
 solicitous about the king's passage in safety ; but I 
 could scarce find a trumpet that would venture to 
 the enemy's camp, because nine of their trumpets 
 had been slain (unknown) in the battle, and they 
 had taken one of ours, and killed another, whom, 
 (as I mentioned before,) the king had sent to them 
 before the fight began ; but at last, one of our 
 trumpets was prevailed upon to go, and went to the 
 enemy with a passport from the king, and brought 
 me another to meet and confer in the midway be- 
 tween the two armies. I judged it to be danger- 
 ous ; however, I resolved not to break with them, 
 nor pretend any difliculty. The king nominated 
 the cardinal of St. Malo, the Lord de Gie Marshal 
 
 Y 8
 
 324 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of France, the Lord de Piennes * his chamberlain 
 and myself. The enemy appointed the Marquis of 
 Mantua captain-general of the Venetians, the Count 
 di Cajazzo general for the Duke of Milan, and for- 
 merly of our side, and Signior Luques Pisano and 
 Melchior Trevisano the two proveditors. We ap- 
 proached so near, that we could plainly discern 
 them, and that there were only those four upon the 
 bank and the river between us, which was much 
 swelled the day before. Nobody but they appeared 
 out of their camp, and on our side, there was no- 
 body but we and a sentinel that stood over against 
 them. We sent a herald to know whether they 
 would pass the river to us, which I thought a hard 
 matter to persuade them too, because I believed it 
 was what both sides would scruple to do. Their 
 answer was, that by agreement, the conference was 
 to be in the midway between the two armies ; that 
 they had advanced already above half way, and 
 being the chief officers in their army, they could 
 not pass over without danger, which they did not 
 think prudence to venture. Ours were as careful 
 of themselves, and made the same difficulty on their 
 side, but would needs have me go and confer with 
 them without farther instructions. I told them I 
 could not in discretion go alone, and that I would 
 at least have one witness along with me ; upon 
 which, there went with me, one of the king's secre- 
 taries called Robertet, a servant of my own, and a 
 
 * Lewis de Hallewin Lord of Piennes^ or rather Peene in Flanders, 
 chamberlain to Louis XL and Charles VIII., and governor of Pic- 
 ardy. It is the same that is mentioned in Brantome's Memoirs of 
 illustrious Frenchmen. — Vol. I.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 325 
 
 herald, with whom I passed the river in confidence, 
 that if I could not come to any accommodation, I 
 should yet discharge myself as to them, since by 
 my means, the conference was accepted. When I 
 came within hearing, I told them they were not 
 come half way as they pretended, and that they 
 ought at least to have come to the river's side ; 
 however, since they were so near, I did not think 
 it fit to let them return without being spoken with. 
 They replied, that the river was broad, and the 
 noise of the waters so great, that they could not 
 hear one another to the other side ; and I could 
 use no argument powerful enough to persuade them 
 to advance any farther ; but they asked me for my 
 proposals. I answered, that I had no such com- 
 mission, and that alone I could say nothing to them ; 
 but if they pleased to oifer any thing, I would ac- 
 quaint the king with it. While we stood talking 
 in this manner, a messenger came to me to let me 
 know that our commissioners were going back, and 
 I might make what overtures I pleased ; but I re- 
 fused to do that, for they understood the king's 
 pleasure better than I, as being of his cabal ; be- 
 sides they had whispered in his ear at their coming 
 away ; but as to the business then in agitation, I 
 knew as much as the best of them. The Marquis 
 of Mantua began to discourse about the battle, and 
 asked me if the king would have put him to death, 
 if he had taken him prisoner. I told him, no, but 
 he would have treated him honourably ; for the king 
 had reason* to esteem him for the great honour he 
 had gained by his attacking him. Then he spoke
 
 326 THE MEMOIKS OF 
 
 to me in the behalf of the prisoners, and particu- 
 larly of his uncle the Lord Rodolphus, whom he 
 thought to be alive, but I knew the contrary ; how- 
 ever, I assured him they should be all civilly used ; 
 and then I recommended to him the bastard of Bour- 
 bon, who was their prisoner. It was no hard mat- 
 ter to use our prisoners well ; for we had given no 
 quarter, which perhaps, was more than had been 
 known in any battle before ; and the marquis had 
 lost seven or eight of his near relations, and about 
 sixscore of his men at arms. After which discourse 
 I took my leave, and promised to return before 
 night, till when we agreed on a cessation of arms. 
 Upon my return to the king, and his secretary 
 with me, he asked me what news ? and immedi- 
 ately called a council of war in a pitiful poor cham- 
 ber ; but every body's eye was fixed upon his 
 neighbour, and we came to no resolution. The 
 king whispered something in the cardinal's ear, and 
 then told me I should go back, and see what they 
 would say ; (but the proposition of a conference 
 proceeding from me, it was probable they would 
 insist that I should make some overtures first) after 
 which the cardinal told me I should conclude no- 
 thing ; but that was trifling, for it was not in my 
 power to conclude any thing without instructions 
 from them. However, I would neither say nor do 
 any thing that might hinder my going, for I re- 
 solved to do no harm, and I was in hopes to discover 
 something by the enemy's looks, who, without 
 doubt, were more fearful than we ; and perhaps 
 something or other might fall from them, that
 
 PHILIP DE COMINBS. 327 
 
 might be improved to the benefit of both parties. 
 So I set out for their camp ; but it was night before 
 I reached the banks of the river. One of their trum- 
 pets met me there, from their four commissioners, 
 to desire I would advance no further that evening ; 
 for their estradiots were upon the guard, who would 
 know nobody, and therefore, in all probability, it 
 would be dangerous for me to venture ; but if I 
 pleased, he told me he would stay with me all night, 
 and conduct me in the morning. However, I sent 
 him back, and told him I would be there again next 
 morning by eight o'clock, where he should expect 
 me ; or if any thing happened to the contrary, I 
 would give them notice by a herald ; for I had no 
 mind he should know any thing of our condition 
 that night, nor could I tell what resolution the king 
 would take ; for I saw people whispering in his 
 ear, which made me suspect ; and so I returned to 
 give his majesty an account of what I had done. 
 
 Every man supped on what he could get to eat, 
 and took up his lodging upon the ground. About 
 midnight I went to the king's chamber, where I 
 found the gentlemen of his bed-chamber booted 
 and spurred, and ready to mount on horseback ; 
 they acquainted me with the king's resolution of 
 retreating with all expedition towards Asti, and 
 the territories of the Marchioness of Montferrat ; 
 and desired me to stay behind, and amuse the ene- 
 my with the treaty. I heartily thanked them for 
 their love, told them I took no delight in being 
 killed, arid that I would be on horseback, as soon 
 as the best. A while after, the king awaked ; and
 
 338 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 having heard mass, he mounted immediately. An 
 hour before day, one of our trumpets sounded the 
 bon guet, but when we decamped we made no use 
 of our trumpets, nor indeed was it proper to do it : 
 However, this silent stealing away in the night was 
 enough to have discouraged the whole army, espe- 
 cially those who knew what belonged to the wars ; 
 for we turned our back upon the enemy, and con- 
 sulted nothing but our safety, which in an army is of 
 dangerous consequence. Besides, at our first de- 
 campment we had a very ill marching ; for the ways 
 were deep and woody, and having no guides, we 
 lost ourselves several times. I heard the soldiers 
 call for guides to their ensigns ; the master of the 
 horse and all of them answered, there were none : 
 but we had no need of any, for God had conducted 
 us thither, and (as Friar Jerome said) he would 
 carry us back again ; otherwise it could not have 
 been supposed that so great a prince would have 
 marched in the night without a guide, where so 
 many might have been had. Besides, God gave 
 us a greater evidence than this of his immediate 
 protection ; for the enemy perceived nothing of our 
 decampment till noon the next day, still depending 
 upon the treaty which I had set on foot ; and then 
 the river was so swelled, it was past four in the 
 afternoon before any party durst venture over to 
 pursue us. The first that passed was the Count di 
 Cajazzo with two hundred Italian horse, but the 
 current was so strong, they passed in a great deal 
 of danger, and, as I was told afterwards, a man or 
 two were drowned. In the mean time, we marched
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 329" 
 
 on through woody and uneven ways, where we 
 could go but one abreast for near six miles together ; 
 but at last we came into a fair plain, where our 
 van, artillery, and baggage were arrived before, 
 and were so numerous and great, that at first sight 
 they frighted us, when we saw the white colours 
 chequered with red, which belonged to Signior 
 John James di Trivulce, and were like those which 
 were carried before the Marquis of Mantua in the 
 fight. Our van were in no less fear of our rear, 
 seeing them at a distance out of the road, and 
 marching towards them as fast as they could ; upon 
 which both parties stood to their arms, and drew up 
 in order of battle ; but that fear was soon over, for 
 our scouts met immediately, and knew one another ; 
 so we marched to Borgo San-Donino, where we 
 halted and refreshed our men, and where also a 
 false alarm was given, on purpose to get our Swiss 
 out of the town, lest they should have plundered it. 
 From thence we marched, and took up our quarters 
 that night at Florensola, and the second night near 
 Placenza, where we passed the Trebia, but left 
 two hundred lances, our Swiss, and all our artillery, 
 except six pieces, on the other side of the river: 
 and this the king did, that his army might encamp 
 more commodiously, not doubting but that those 
 troops might have passed it when he pleased ; for the 
 river is commonly low, and especially at that time 
 of the year. However, about ten o'clock at night 
 it swelled ^o fast, nobody could get over either on 
 foot or on horseback ; neither could one party have 
 relieved the other, in case of necessity, which was
 
 330 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 very dangerous, considering how near the enemy 
 was to us. All that night was spent on both sides 
 in contriving a remedy, but nothing would do till 
 the water fell of itself, which was about five in the 
 morning. Then we threw over ropes to the other 
 side, to help the passage of our foot, who were 
 forced to wade up to the waste. When they were 
 over, the horse and artillery came after, but with 
 great difficulty and danger, not only from the gar- 
 rison of Placenza, but from the Count di Cajazzo, 
 who was got into the town, upon intelligence that 
 there were designs to betray it to the king, but it 
 was upon the title of a young son of John Galeas, 
 the last duke of Milan, who died not long before, 
 as you have heard. If the king would have ex- 
 cepted such overtures as these, several other per- 
 sons and towns would willingly have come in, by 
 the interest of Signior John James di Trivulce ; but 
 he would not hearken to any thing prejudicial to the 
 pretensions of his cousin the Duke of Orleans, who 
 was then in Novara ; and yet, to speak impartially 
 on the other hand, his majesty was not pleased 
 with the grandeur and power of his cousin ; but 
 his chief design was to march on with his army, 
 and leave those disputes to be adjusted as they 
 could. The third day after the battle the king 
 dined at Castel San-Giovanni, and lay in a wood ; 
 the fourth he dined at Voghera, and lay at Pont- 
 Curon ; the next night he lay near Tortona, where 
 he passed the river Scrivia, which Fracasse was to 
 make good ; for the garrison of Tortona was for the 
 Duke of Milan, and commanded by him: but when
 
 PHILIP DK COMINES. 331 
 
 he was informed by our quarter-masters that the 
 king intended not to stay, he retired into the town, 
 and sent us word, that he would furnish us with 
 what provisions we pleased ; and he faithfully per- 
 formed his promise ; for our whole army march- 
 ing under the walls of the town, Fracasse came 
 out (in his arms) to wait upon the king, but at- 
 tended only by two persons ; he excused himself as 
 handsomely as he could for not quartering us in the 
 town, sent out for more provisions, (so that our 
 army was plentifully furnished,) and came again 
 at night, to pay his respects to the king at his tent. 
 But you must know he was of the house of St. Se- 
 verino. Brother to the Count di Cajazzo, and the 
 Lord Galeas ; and not long before had served the 
 king in Romania, as has been already observed. 
 From thence our next march was to Nice de la 
 Faille, which belonged to the Marquisate of Mont- 
 ferrat, and glad we were to reach that place ; for 
 then we were safe, and in the country of our 
 friends. Before our arrival there, the enemy's 
 light horse, under the command of the Count di 
 Cajazzo, were perpetually at our heels, and gave 
 us great disturbance ; for few of our horse were 
 willing to be in the rear, because the nearer we ap- 
 proached to a place of security, the more difficult it 
 was to persuade them to fight. Some say it is the 
 nature of the French, and Italian authors have writ- 
 ten, that in their attacks they are more than men, 
 but less than women in their retreat. The first 
 part of their character I believe, for certainly upon 
 a charge they are the fiercest nation in the world (I
 
 332 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 mean their cavalry) ; but at the end of an engage- 
 ment, there is no nation in the world but is less 
 daring and courageous than they were in the be- 
 ginning of the action. But to continue our dis- 
 course : Our rear was brought up by three hundred 
 Swiss, with several field-pieces, and a strong body 
 of Arquebusiers on horseback, who bear off their 
 estradiots. However, the grand army which fought 
 us was pursuing with all possible diligence, but 
 beginning their march a day after us, and being 
 heavily armed, they could not get up to us ; so that 
 we lost not a man in our retreat, nor could they 
 ever come within a mile of our rear. When they 
 found they could not come up with us, (and perhaps 
 they never desired it,) they turned off towards No- 
 vara, where, as we said before, the Duke of Milan 
 and the Venetians had another army ; but if they 
 could have reached us as soon as we began our re- 
 treat, in all probability they had succeeded better 
 than in the valley of Fornova. 
 
 I have said in several places of these Memoirs, 
 that I have seen and by experience found, that God 
 was our conductor in this expedition into Italy ; 
 yet it is convenient for me to repeat it again, for 
 though from the time of the battle to our arrival 
 at Nice de la Paille, our quarters were unequally 
 taken up ; yet we bore the hardships and incon- 
 veniences of the long march, without raising any 
 mutiny or murmuring in the least. Our great want 
 was of provisions, yet we were in some measure 
 supplied by the country people, who might easily 
 have poisoned us if they had pleased, not only
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 333 
 
 in our victuals and wine, but in our waters too, and 
 our wells, which might have been dried up in a 
 moment ; for I do not remember I saw any but 
 what were very small, and would in a moment 
 sometimes be dried up. If they had had a mind 
 to have destroyed us by poison, it was in their 
 power to have done it, and therefore we may 
 reasonably believe our Saviour and Redeemer 
 Jesus Christ prevented that desire in them. I 
 have seen our men so dry, that our foot in great 
 numbers have lain down upon their bellies, and 
 drank out of ditches about the little villages 
 through which we marched. Our marches were 
 long, and our drink nothing but standing water 
 that stunk ; and yet our men were so greedy, they 
 ran themselves up to the waist to come at it ; for 
 we had multitudes which followed the camp, and 
 were not soldiers, but belonged to our mules. 
 The king always marched before day, but never 
 took a guide with him, nor baited till noon, and 
 then he dined; and those that attended him took 
 what care they could of theniselves. No man in 
 the whole army, though of the best quality, was 
 excused from looking to his own horse, but every 
 one brought his own straw or hay in his arms. 
 Twice I did it myself, and was two days without 
 eating any thing but bread, and that none of the 
 best ; yet I suffered not so much hardship as others 
 did. Our army was highly to be commended for 
 one thing, and that is, that I never heard any of 
 our soldiers complain ; and yet it was the most 
 painful and incommodious march I ever made.
 
 334 THE MEMOIRS OP 
 
 though I have been in several bad enough with 
 Charles Duke of Burgundy. We marched no 
 faster than our artillery, and were often forced to 
 halt, on purpose to mend them, which besides the 
 want of horses to draw them, incommoded us 
 extremely ; but whenever we were hard put to it, 
 we were generously supplied by the officers of the 
 army : so that we lost not one piece, nor one 
 pound of powder in our retreat ; and yet I am 
 of opinion never any man saw guns of their big- 
 ness conveyed with such expedition through such 
 impassable places. When I have mentioned any 
 thing of disorder or inconvenience in our quarters 
 elsewhere, it was not for want of good officers, 
 and men of experience in our army ; but (as for- 
 tune would have it) they had no authority with the 
 king, who was young and untractable, as I said 
 before ; so that to conclude, our Saviour Jesus 
 Christ did most manifestly reserve the glory of 
 that voyage to himself. The seventh day after the 
 battle we marched from Nice de la Paille, and 
 encamped all together in the field, not far from 
 Alexandria. We doubled our guards that night, 
 and kept very strict watch, and the next morning 
 we marched to Asti, (that is to say, the king and 
 those that attended on him) for the army continued 
 in the field. We found the town of Asti well 
 furnished with provisions, which was a great 
 refreshment to our wearied troops, who wanted 
 them sufficiently, having endured much hunger, 
 thirst, labour, heat, and watching ; and after all 
 had no clothes to their backs, to defend them frona
 
 PHILIP DE COMINGS. 333 
 
 the weather. As soon as the king was in Asti, 
 about an hour before bed-time, I despatched one 
 Philip de la Coudre (who had formerly been mine, 
 but was then a servant to the duke of Orleans) 
 to Novara, where the duke was besieged, though 
 not so close, but people might get in and out ; for 
 their design was only to starve them. I sent him 
 word by this gentleman, that our king had several 
 treaties on foot with the Duke of Milan, (one of 
 which I managed by the Duke of Ferrara's means) 
 for which reason I thought it convenient he should 
 immediately wait on the king, after he had assured 
 his party in the town that he would return in a 
 short time, or send them relief. They were no less 
 than 7500 men in pay, and as fine a body of troops 
 (for their number) both French and Swiss, as ever 
 was seen in the field. By that time the king had 
 been a day at Asti, he had intelligence from the 
 Duke of Orleans, and other places, that the enemies' 
 two armies were joined before Novara ; and the 
 duke pressed for supplies, for (by reason of their 
 imprudence at first) their provisions began to fail ; 
 but had they been so provident when they came 
 into the town, as they ought to have been, they 
 need not have been in distress ; for there was 
 plenty enough in the villages about it, especially 
 of corn, which if brought timely into the town, 
 and carefully laid up in magazines, they would not 
 have been forced to surrender : for had they held 
 out but one month longer, they had come off 
 honourably themselves, and the enemy with shame 
 and confusion.
 
 336 THE MEMOIRS OP 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Of the King's fitting out a Fleet with an intention to have relieved the 
 Castles of Naples J and of the Miscarriage of that Design. — 1493. 
 
 As soon as the Icings had refreshed himself some 
 few days at Asti, he marched to Turin ; and at his 
 departure from Asti he despatched one Peron de 
 Basche, the steward of his household, to set out a 
 fleet with all speed for the relief of the castles of 
 Naples, which held out for the king. He obeyed 
 his majesty's orders, rigged out his fleet, and gave 
 the command of it to the Lord d' Arban, who sailed 
 with it as far as the city of Pisa, or the isle of Pro- 
 cita, within sight of the enemy ; but the weather 
 was bad and would not sufffer them to engage, so 
 that the fleet came to nothing ; for the Lord d' Ar- 
 ban returning to Leghorn, most part of his men 
 got on shore, and ran away from their ships, and 
 the enemy came with their fleet into the port of 
 Portobarato, not far from Piombino, where he con- 
 tinued two months complete, so that our men sent 
 some small supplies into Naples, by reason that the 
 nature of this port is such, that unless it be by one 
 single wind they can hardly get out, and that wind 
 blows seldom in winter. The Lord d' Arban was 
 valiant* in his person, and a very skilful admiral. 
 
 During the king's stay at Turin many proposals 
 passed between the king and the Duke of Milan, 
 and some by the mediation of the Duchess of 
 
 * Guicciardini says that the Lord d'Arban was no good admiral^ 
 and therefore in all probability this passage is corrupted.
 
 PHILIP DK COMINKS. 337 
 
 Savoy, who was the Marquis of Monferrat's daugh- 
 ter, a widow, and mother to the young duke that 
 was then living : Others were transacted by other 
 people : I was also concerned ; for the confederates 
 (by whom 1 mean the commanders at that time 
 before Novara) had a great desire to have me em- 
 ployed in it, and sent me a passport ; but (as there 
 are always emulations at court) the cardinal would 
 not suffer it, but prevailed that the overture by the 
 Duchess of Savoy might be preferred, which was 
 managed by the cardinal's landlord, who was trea- 
 surer of Savoy, a wise man, and a good servant to 
 his mistress: this treaty took up a longtime, upon 
 which the Bailiff of Dijon was sent into Switzer- 
 land, to raise five thousand of their men. 
 
 I have already mentioned the equipping our fleet 
 at Nice, and its setting sail for the relief of the 
 castles of Naples, but it could not be effected for 
 the above-mentioned reasons ; upon which the Lord 
 de Montpensier, and the rest of the officers that 
 were in the castles aforesaid, (perceiving their con-: 
 dition) by the means of the army, which was left 
 in divers places for the defence of that kingdom, 
 and was then drawn as near the castle as possible, 
 resolved to quit it, leaving a number to defend the 
 castles proportionable to the provisions which were 
 left; for they were too little to sustain them all 
 along, and having given the command of them to 
 Ognas and two other officers of conduct and expe- 
 rience, the Lord de Montpensier, the Prince of 
 Salerno, the Seneschal of Beaucaire and others, 
 marched off with two thousand five hundred men. 
 
 Vol. IL Z
 
 338 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 for Salerno. King Ferrand pretended it was con- 
 trary to their treaty, and that the hostages which 
 they had given him a few days before, which were 
 the Lord d' Alegre, Monsieur de la Marche d' Ar- 
 dain, the Lord de la Chapel d' Anjou, Monsieur 
 Roquebertin, a Catalonian, and one Monsieur 
 Genly, were at his mercy, and he might lawfully 
 put them to death. You must understand that 
 some three months before, by the intelligence of 
 the enemy, and our ill order, King Ferrand got 
 into the town, though our men had notice of all his 
 designs. I would enlarge upon this, but I can say 
 nothing but by hearsay, (yet I had it from very good 
 hands,) however it is not my method to insist upon 
 any thing that I was not an eye-witness of. While 
 King Ferrand was in Naples, he received the news 
 of our master's being killed in the battle of For- 
 nova; and our men in the castle had the same, 
 from several letters and stories forged by the Duke 
 of Milan, which they believed as readily as the 
 Colonni, who revolted from us immediately, as de- 
 siring to be always of the strongest side, though 
 (as we said before) they were extremely obliged to 
 the king. Upon these reports, but chiefly because 
 our men were retired in great numbers into the 
 castle (where provisions were scarce) and had lost 
 all their horses and household-stuff in the town, 
 they came to a treaty the 6th of October, 1495, 
 (after they had been besieged three months and, 
 fourteen days) and about three weeks after the 
 treaty, they marched away. They had promised, 
 that if they were not relieved by a certain day, they
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 339 
 
 would march off into Provence, and leave the castles 
 without farther act of hostility against that king- 
 dom, either by sea or by land; for performance of 
 which the said hostages were given. And as King 
 Ferrand alleged, they had broken their promise by 
 departing without leave ; so ours affirmed the con- 
 trary ; but the hostages were in no little danger, 
 and not without cause. Whatever their articles 
 were, I think our men did wisely to march away ; 
 but they had done better if they had delivered up 
 the castles when they went, and taken their hos- 
 tages along with them : for by reason of their want 
 of provisions and their despair of relief, they were 
 forced to surrender them within twenty days after, 
 and the loss of the castle of Naples was the loss of 
 the whole kingdom. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Of the Famine and Misery the Duke of Orleans and his Army were 
 reduced to at No vara. Of the Death of the Marchioness of Mont- 
 ferret. Of the Death of the Duke of Vendome; and the conclusion 
 of a Peace for the preservation of the besieged after several Nego- 
 tiations. — 1495. 
 
 The king, during his stay at Turin, or at Quiers, 
 (whither he went sometime for his diversion) grew 
 impatient for the Swiss he had sent the bailiff of 
 Dijon to raise in Switzerland ; being extremely de- 
 sirous, if possible, to restore the young Duke of 
 Milan, having but little regard to the distress of 
 
 Z2
 
 340 THiC MEMOIRS OF 
 
 his cousin the Duke of Orleans, who began to be 
 straitened in provisions, and sent couriers to us 
 every day to hasten our march in order to relieve 
 him. The enemy wsls advanced in their approaches, 
 and gotten nearer the tovsm than ever; besides, 
 they were reinforced with a thousand German horse, 
 under the command of Monsieur Frederic Capelare, 
 of the county of Ferrete, a brave soldier and an 
 excellent officer, and brought up both in the wars 
 of Italy and France ; they had a recruit likewise of 
 eleven thousand Dutch foot, out of the territories 
 of the king of the Romans, commanded by Mon- 
 sieur George Dabecfin, a native of Austria, a per- 
 son of great valour, and the very same that took 
 St. Omers for the King of the Romans. 
 
 The king seeing the enemy's army daily rein- 
 forced, and that no honourable terms were to be 
 expected, was persuaded to retire to Vercelli, and 
 there to concert measures how to relieve the Duke 
 of Orleans, who, as is said before, had taken no 
 care to erect any magazines for the subsistence of 
 his army upon his first entrance into Novara ; and 
 certainly it had been much better for the duke to 
 have followed the advice which I gave him upon the 
 king's, return to Asti, to put all useless persons out 
 of the town, and repair himself to the king ; for his 
 presence would* have advanced his affairs, at least 
 the troops he had left behind would not have been 
 reduced to such extremity of hunger, for he would 
 have capitulated sooner, when he had found there 
 was no hopes of relief. But the archbishop of
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 341 
 
 Roan *, who was with him at the taking of Novara, 
 and was then with the king, to solicit in his behalf, 
 sent him word not to stir, and assured him of relief; 
 grounding his confidence upon the promises of the 
 Cardinal of St. Malo, who was the only man with 
 the king. The archbishop spoke as his affections 
 prompted him ; but I was assured of the contrary, 
 for nobody had any inclination to return to the 
 battle, unless the king went in person, and his 
 majesty had no inclination to that, the dispute 
 being only about that town, which the Duke of 
 Orleans desired to keep, and the Duke of Milan to 
 recover ; because, being within ten leagues of Milan, 
 he thought it necessary that they should be both 
 under one Jurisdiction, there being nine or ten 
 great cities within a small compass depending 
 upon the said duchy. However, Ludowick Sforza 
 offered fair, that if we would deliver up Novara, 
 and not disturb him in Genoa, in other things he 
 would serve the king to the utmost of his power. 
 
 Several great convoys of provision, both of corn 
 and meal, were sent into Novara; but they always 
 left half by the way ; and once a small one of sixty 
 men at arms, under the command of Chastillon, a 
 young gentleman belonging to the court, was quite 
 broken, some taken, some few entered, and others 
 with great difficulty escaped ; so that it is not to be 
 imagined the extremity the garrison was reduced 
 to. Every day some or other were starved to death, 
 two parts in three were afflicted with distempers, 
 
 * George d'Amboise, afterwards a cardinal, and chief minister of 
 state to Louis XII. from 1498 to 1 509. He died at Leon.
 
 342 THE, MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of which we had pitiful and continual accounts, 
 both in ciphers and otherwise, which came to us 
 with very great difficulty. We constantly gave them 
 fair promises, and as constantly deceived them; 
 those who had the sole administration of affairs 
 were very inclinable to fight ; but they did not con- 
 sider that nobody desired it besides themselves, for 
 the great officers, as the Prince of Orange, (whom, 
 upon his late arrival, the king often consulted in 
 military affairs,) and all the officers of the army, 
 desired things might be composed and adjusted by 
 a peace, because winter was approaching, money 
 wanting, their army but weak and sickly, and sol- 
 diers deserting daily, whilst others were dismissed 
 by the king. Yet all the wise men in the camp 
 were not able to persuade the bishop of Roan from 
 encouraging the Duke of Orleans, and writing to 
 him not to leave Novara ; by which advice they 
 brought him into a great deal of danger ; but this 
 advice proceeded from an expectation of great re- 
 cruits out of Switzerland, which the bailiff of Dijon 
 had assured them he could raise. Some of our 
 courtiers wrote to him to bring as many troops as 
 he could assemble ; thus our councils were divided, 
 and every man wrote as he pleased. Those who 
 were averse to an accommodation, or to any meet- 
 ing about it, pretended the enemy ought to make 
 some overtures first, and that it did not consist 
 with the king's honour to begin ; and the enemy 
 being as high on their side, the poor garrison in 
 Novara suffered incredibly, and their letters were 
 full of nothing but relations of their miseries, as-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 343 
 
 suring us first they could not hold out above ten 
 days, then eight, and at last three ; but they had 
 exceeded the time which they had formerly set. To 
 be short, such necessities had not been known in 
 our time, nor so great a famine in an hundred years 
 before. 
 
 During this posture of affairs the Marchioness of 
 Montferrat died, and left her country involved in 
 some troubles in respect of the competition for its 
 government. The Marquis of Saluzzo pretended 
 to it on one side, and the Lord Constantine, uncle 
 to the Marchioness, on the other, who was a Greek 
 as well as his niece, who was the King of Servia's 
 daughter, but both of them ruined by the Turks. 
 This Lord Constantine had fortified the castle of 
 Casale, where he kept as prisoners the two sons 
 (the eldest being scarce nine years old,) of his ne- 
 phew the marquis, by that beautiful and discreet 
 lady his niece, who died in the twenty-ninth year of 
 her age, and was a constant friend to the French. 
 Other persons pretended likewise to the govern- 
 ment, and there was great contesting before the 
 king by their respective agents, who endeavoured 
 to support the interest of their respective masters. 
 The king commanded me thither, with instructions 
 to settle things for the advantage of the young 
 children, and the general satisfaction of the people ; 
 fearing lest by those differences the Duke of Milan 
 should be brought in, for the lord of that country 
 • was his very good ally. I was extremely concerned 
 at my orders, especially being to depart before I 
 could set the treaty of peace on foot again ; for I
 
 344 THB MEMOIRS OF 
 
 was sensible in what condition the town was. I, 
 saw winter approaching, and apprehended lest the 
 prelates * should bring the king to a new battle, 
 who (unless mightily supplied from Switzerland) 
 would be probably too weak, and if the supplies 
 were as numerous as they were reported to be, it 
 would not be safe for the king to venture himself 
 in their hands ; besides, the enemy was powerful, 
 strongly encamped, and very well fortified. Upon 
 these considerations, I presumed to let the king 
 know, that in my judgment he would put himself 
 and his kingdom in very great hazard, upon a small 
 and trifling occasion ; that the danger which he 
 escaped at the battle of Fornova ought not to be 
 forgotten, but there he was under a necessity, here 
 he was not. Wherefore I did humbly recommend 
 to him not to defeat himself of an honourable ac- 
 commodation, upon the ceremony of the first over- 
 ture ; yet, if he pleased to authorize me, I ques- 
 tioned not but to make a peace without the least 
 dishonour to either side. He replied, that he would 
 have me mention it to the cardinal ; and so I did, 
 but he gave me strange unaccountable answers, ex- 
 pressing an inclination to fight, and making sure 
 of the victory ; and he told me the Duke of Orleans 
 had promised, whenever he came to the duchy of 
 Milan, to give him ten thousand ducats a-year for 
 one of his sons. The next morning I went to wait 
 on the king, and take my leave of his majesty, in 
 order to begin my journey to Casale, (which would 
 
 * The cardinal of St. Malo, and the archbishop of Roan.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 345 
 
 cost me about a day and a half.) I met the Lord de 
 la Trimouille there, acquainted him with what had 
 passed, (he being in great favour with the king,) 
 and desired his judgment whether I ought to men- 
 tion the affair to him again ; he told me by all 
 means, for every body was very desirous of peace. 
 The kingwas at that time in the garden ; I revived 
 the discourse before the cardinal, who told me that 
 he, being an ecclesiastic, it was most proper for 
 him to begin it. I answered, if he did not, I 
 would ; for I perceived the king was inclinable 
 enough, and all that were about him. After which 
 I took my leave ; and at my departure I told the 
 Prince of Orange, (who commanded the army in 
 chief,) that if I began any thing in that business, 
 my addresses should be to him ; and so I went to Ca- 
 sale, where I was well received by all of that family, 
 and found them all unanimous for the Lord Con- 
 stantine, as a person fitter for the guardianship of 
 the children, as being incapable of the succession, 
 to which the Marquis of Saluzzo pretended a right. 
 I caused a convention several days together, both 
 of the nobility, clergy, and townsmen, and at the 
 request of most of them, I declared that it was my 
 master's pleasure that the Lord Constantine should 
 be continued in the government ; for, considering 
 the king's forces on that side of the mountains, and 
 the affection that court had always retained to the 
 court of France, I presumed they would not contra- 
 dict the king's desires. 
 
 I had scarce been three days at Casale before 
 there arrived a gentleman from the Marquis of
 
 346 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Mantua, captain-general for the Venetians, in a 
 compliment of condolence upon the death of the 
 late marchioness, as being related to the family of 
 Montferrat. This gentleman was steward of the 
 marquis's household, and he and I by degrees began 
 to consult how we might prevent the battle that 
 was likely to be shortly ; for all things tended to 
 war, and the king was encamped not far from Ver- 
 celli ; though, to speak the truth, he himself only 
 passed the river, and let his army encamp there, 
 which was but ill provided with tents and pavi- 
 lions, for they had brought but few with them, and 
 those few were lost ; besides, the ground was 
 moist, — for winter was coming on, and the country 
 but low. 
 
 The king lay but one night in the camp, and 
 returned next morning to the town ; but the Prince 
 of Orange remained with the army, and with him 
 the Counts de Foix and Vendosme, the latter of 
 which fell into a dysentery and died, to the un- 
 speakable sorrow of the whole army ; for he was a 
 person of great valour and conduct, and came thi- 
 ther post upon the report of a battle ; but he was 
 not with the king in his voyage into Italy. There 
 were, likewise, the Marshal de Gie, and several 
 other commanders ; but their principal force were 
 the Swiss, who had been in Italy with the king ; 
 for the French, being so near home, were very un- 
 willing to stay any longer in the camp, and several 
 had already left it, some with leave, and others 
 without it. From Vercelli to Novara was ten good 
 Italian miles, that is, six French leagues, the coun-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 347 
 
 try enclosed and dirty, with ditches on both sides 
 the road, much deeper than those in Flanders ; in 
 winter the ways are full of dirt, and in summer of 
 dust. Between our army and Novara there was a 
 little town called Borgo, which we had taken pos- 
 session of; and they had another, about the same 
 distance from them, called Camarian: but, the 
 waters being up, the passage was very difficult from 
 one army to the other. 
 
 But, as I was saying, the steward of the Marquis 
 of Mantua's household and I continued our confer- 
 ences. I gave him several reasons why his master 
 ought to be cautious of coming to a battle. I put 
 him in mind of the danger he had lately escaped, 
 and that he would expose himself for a people who 
 had never rewarded him for any service he had done : 
 and that, therefore, his wisest method would be to 
 endeavour an accommodation, and I promised to do 
 all the good offices that lay in my power towards it. 
 He replied that his master was well enough inclined, 
 but that it would be necessary (as I had received 
 word before) that we should make the first over- 
 ture, because they looked upon the alliance, con- 
 sisting of the pope, the King of the Romans, the 
 King of Spain, and the Duke of Milan, to be of 
 greater dignity than a single monarch. I answered 
 that that punctilio was idle and trifling, and that in 
 justice our king was to be preferred, because he 
 was there in person, and the confederates only by 
 their lieutenants. But I offered, if he pleased, that 
 he and I would set the treaty on foot, provided I 
 could be assured his master would continue it, and
 
 348 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 stand to the determination. It was concluded that 
 I should send a trumpet to their army the next 
 morning, and that I should write to Signior Luques 
 Pisano and Signior MelchiorTrevisano,thetwopro- 
 veditors, which are commissioners appointed to ad- 
 vise their generals, and inspect the affairs of the army. 
 In pursuance of what we concluded, I wrote to the 
 proveditors what I had mentioned before to the 
 Marquis of Mantua's steward, and had a fair op- 
 portunity to offer my mediation, upon the agree- 
 ment between us at my departure from Venice. 
 Besides, I knew the king was desirous of peace, 
 and I thought it necessary, — for there are always 
 enough to perplex and exasperate an affair, but 
 few that have the good fortune and courage toge- 
 ther to compose so great a^difference, or to endure 
 so many hard words as are inseparable from the 
 plenipotentiaries in such negotiations ; for in great 
 multitudes there is variety of opinions. The pro- 
 veditors were glad of the news, sent me word I 
 should have an answer very suddenly, sent post to 
 Venice for instructions ; and, having a speedy 
 answer from the senate, a count belonging to the 
 Duke of Ferrara was sent to our army. The Duke 
 of Ferrara had one son in the Duke of Milan's ser- 
 vice, and another in the king's. The count, also, 
 was in the Duke of Milan's service, his name 
 was Albertini ; but his pretence of coming into 
 our army was to visit Signior John James di Tri- 
 vulce, and to inquire after a son of his who was 
 then in his service. He made his applications 
 to the Prince of Orange, according to the agree-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 349 
 
 ment between the steward and I, and told him he" 
 had a commission from the Marquis of Mantua to 
 desire a passport for the Marquis and fifty horse, to 
 meet and confer with such persons as the king should 
 depute, to acknowledge that in reason they ought to 
 make the first overture to the king, or such as he 
 should appoint, or to declare that they would pay 
 him that honour ; and then he desired he might have 
 a private conference with his majesty, which was 
 granted him, and in which he advised him not to 
 set any treaty on foot, assuring him that their army 
 was in great consternation, and would break up in 
 a very short time. By these words he seemed de- 
 sirous to obstruct that peace which he was sent to 
 promote, though his cqpimission was, as you have 
 heard. John James di Trivulce was present when 
 he gave the king this advice, and being a great 
 enemy to the Duke of Milan, he had no mind to the 
 peace ; but, above all, no man was so averse as 
 Count Albertini's master, the Duke of Ferrara, who 
 desired the continuation of the war upon an old 
 pique against the Venetians, for taking and detain- 
 ing from him several territories, as the Polesan and 
 others, and was come himself into the army of the 
 Duke of Milan, who had married his daughter. As 
 soon as the king had heard what the count had to 
 offer, his Aajesty sent for me, and it was warmly 
 debated whether a passport should be granted or 
 not. Those who were against the peace (as Signior 
 John James di Trivulce and others, who thought 
 themselves great favourers of the interest of the 
 Duke of Orleans) were for fighting by all means ;
 
 350 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 but they were most of them churchmen, and not 
 like to be in the battle, and they pretended to have 
 certain intelligence that the enemy must suddenly 
 raise the siege or be starved to death. Others ob- 
 jected (and I was of that number) that we should 
 be starved first ; that they were in their own coun- 
 try, and their power too great to be so easily de- 
 stroyed, and that such counsels proceeded from 
 persons who had a mind to engage us in their quar- 
 rels, and set us together by the ears purely to gratify 
 their own revenge and ambition. Yet for all this 
 the passport was granted and sent, signifying, be- 
 sides, that the next day at two o'clock in the after- 
 noon, the Prince of Orange, the Marshal de Gie, 
 the Lord de Piennes, and myself, with our retinue, 
 should be between Borgo and-Camarian, near a cer- 
 tain tower, in which they had a guard, and that there 
 we should be ready to enter into a conference. At 
 the appointed hour we went to the place under a 
 strong guard. The Marquis of Mantua, and a Ve- 
 netian who had the command of their estradiots, 
 came to us, and in very civil language told us, that 
 for their parts they were for peace. For better con- 
 venience of treating, it was agreed, that the next 
 day some of their deputies should come into our 
 army, and that the day after some of ours should 
 go into their's, which was done. The nekt morning 
 there came to us Francisco Bernardino Visconti in 
 the name of the Duke of Milan, and a secretary 
 from the Duke of Mantua. On our side, besides 
 the persons abovementioned, we had added to us 
 the Cardinal St. Malo, and we began to treat.
 
 PHILIP DB COMINES. 351 
 
 They demanded Novara, and we insisted upon Ge- 
 noa, (as feudatory to the king), which the Duke of 
 Milan had confiscated. They excused themselves 
 as to that, assured us that their master had acted 
 nothing against our's but what was in his own de- 
 fence ; that the Duke of Orleans had taken Novara 
 from them by force, and began the war with our 
 king's forces, and that therefore they did believe 
 their masters would be hardly persuaded to agree 
 to our demands, but in any thing else would 
 be ready to comply. Our conferences lasted two 
 days, after which they returned to their army, 
 whither the Marshal di Gi6, the Lord de Piennes, 
 and myself, sent after them, to press the restitution 
 of Genoa. We would have been content that No- 
 vara should have been surrendered to the king of the 
 Roman's forces, which were commanded by Signior 
 George di Pierrapiana, the Lord Frederic Capel- 
 lare, and another called Monsieur Hance ; for we 
 found it was not to be relieved without a battle, 
 which we had no great inclination to venture, and 
 by this means (as we pretended) we proposed to 
 acquit ourselves very honourably to the emperor, 
 upon whom the whole duchy of Milan depended. 
 Several goings and comings there were between our 
 camp and their's, but we came to no manner of con- 
 clusion. I" continued with them by our master's 
 direction (who was unwilling the treaty should be 
 broken off), and at last we came to them again, and 
 with us we brought the President de Gannay, and 
 one Monsieur Morviller, bailiflf of Amiens, to treat 
 with them in Latin, for till then I had managed
 
 352 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the conferences in Italian, which I spoke but very 
 indifferently), and draw up the articles. Our man- 
 ner of treating was to go to the duke's quarters, 
 and he, in complaisance, used to meet us with his 
 duchess at the end of a gallery, and then to put us 
 all before him into his chamber, where there were 
 two great rows of chairs ready set, as close as was 
 convenient, and opposite to each other. They 
 placed themselves on one side, and we on the other- 
 The first on their side was the commissioner for the 
 king of the Romans, then the Spanish ambassador, 
 then the Duke of Mantua, after him the two Pro- 
 veditors, then the Venetian ambassador, then the 
 Duke and Duchess of Milan, and last of all the 
 Duke of Ferrara. On their side none spoke but the 
 Duke of Milan, and on our side nobody but one. 
 It is not our method to discourse with that sedate- 
 ness of temper as they do, for sometimes two or 
 three of us were speaking at a time ; but the duke 
 interrupted us with, *' Hold, gentlemen, one to one 
 is fair." Being obliged to digest all into articles, 
 whatever was agreed upon was immediately put 
 into writing by one of our secretaries for us, and by 
 another of their's for them, which were read aloud 
 by the secretaries, one in Italian, and the other in 
 French, as was done also at our next meeting for 
 expedition sake, and to see whether any thing had 
 been changed, and it is a good way of despatch in 
 any affair of importance. This treaty held about a 
 fortnight, or longer ; but the first day of our con- 
 ference it was concluded the Duke of Orleans might 
 have liberty to come out of Novara, to which end a
 
 PHILIP DE COMTNES. 353 
 
 cessation of arms was agreed upon for that day, and 
 continued from day to day till the conclusion of 
 the peace ; and for surety for the passage of the 
 Duke of Orleans, the Marquis of Mantua delivered 
 himself as an hostage into the hands of the Count 
 de Foix ; but he did it voluntarily, and more upon 
 his own pleasure than any fear we had of the person 
 of the Duke of Orleans ; yet first they made us swear 
 that we proceeded with sincerity and bona fide in 
 the treaty of peace, and that we did not do it purely 
 to deliver the duke out of danger. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Of the Deliverance of the Duke of Orleans and his Anny upon terms 
 of accommodation ; of the Misery they suffered during their being 
 besieged in Novara ; and of the Arrival of the Swiss that came to 
 the relief of the King, and the said Duke. — 1495. 
 
 The Marshal de Gie went into the town of 
 Novara, with others deputed from the Duke of 
 Milan, and dismissed the Duke of Orleans, and 
 some few of his attendants, to their very great 
 satisfaction. The garrison and the inhabitants 
 were so pressed with hunger and sickness, that the 
 marshal was forced to leave his nephew Monsieur 
 de Romifort as an hostage, promising they should 
 all depart within three days. You have heard how 
 the bailiff of Dijon was sent into Switzerland to 
 raise five thousand men in all the cantons ; but 
 when the Duke of Orleans marched out of Novara 
 they were not arrived, and it was well they were 
 not, for had they joined our army, certainly, (at 
 
 Vol.. II. 2 A
 
 354 THE MEMOJRS OF 
 
 least in my judgment) we should have ventured a 
 battle ; but if their number had been far greater 
 than it was, we could not have staid till their 
 arrival, by reason of the extreme famine in the 
 town, where two thousand people were already 
 dead, some with hunger, some with diseases, and 
 the rest so lean and meagre, they looked more like 
 dead than living people ; and truly I believe never 
 men endured more misery, (unless at the siege of 
 Jerusalem) all which had been prevented, if they 
 had been so prudent to have brought in all the €orn 
 and provisions about the town upon their first 
 coming into it : Had they acted so wisely, they had 
 never plunged themselves into those exigencies, for 
 the enemy would have been obliged to have aban- 
 doned the siege, and to have marched shamefully off. 
 Some three or four days after the Duke of Or- 
 leans had left the town, it was agreed on both sides 
 that the whole garrison should march out, and the 
 Marquis of Mantua and the Lord Galeas di Saint 
 Severino (who commanded both the Venetians and 
 the Duke of Milan's army) had orders to see them 
 safely conducted, which was performed, and the 
 town left in the hands of the inhabitants, with an 
 oath not to deliver it either to the French or the 
 Italians till the conclusion of a general peace, only 
 thirty men were put into the castle, who were sup- 
 plied with provisions by the Duke of Milan, but it 
 was for their money, and they were never to have 
 more provision at a time than was sufficient for 
 one single day. No man that did not see it can 
 believe the poverty of the garrison that marched
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 355 
 
 out. They had few or no horses left, for most of 
 them were eaten : Of the five thousand that 
 marched out, scarcely six hundred of them were able 
 to defend themselves, they fell down frequently in 
 the road as they marched along, and the enemy was 
 forced to help them up again. I know those who 
 saved fifty of them for a crown jiot far from the little 
 castle called Camarian, which was in the enemy's 
 possession, by lodging them in a garden, and giving 
 them warm broths, so that but one of them died. 
 Upon the way (it being ten miles between Novara 
 and Vercelli) four more of them died. The 
 king (as a token of his compassion) caused eight 
 hundred francs to be distributed amongst those 
 who came to Vercelli, as a benevolence besides 
 their pay, which was paid to a farthing, both for the 
 living and the dead, and particularly for the Swiss, 
 of whom there were near four hundred dead ; yet 
 notwithstanding all the care that could be taken, 
 about thirty of them died in Vercelli, some with 
 eating too much, others by diseases contracted with 
 eating too little, and some with the ill air and 
 nastiness of the town. 
 
 About the time that all of them had evacuated 
 the town, except the thirty in the castle (and of 
 them one or other came away every day) the Swiss 
 arrived in our army to the number of eight or ten 
 thousand, in which we had already about two thou- 
 sand remaining of our expedition to Naples ; there 
 were ten thousand more, but they were quartered 
 at some distance from Vercelli ; for the king was 
 advised not to suffer the conjunction of two such 
 
 2A 2
 
 356 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 great bodies, which would have amounted to twenty- 
 two thousand men, the greatest number (I think) 
 that ever came out of their country at one time, and 
 I have been informed by those that were well ac- 
 quainted with the affairs of Switzerland, that they 
 scarce left as many more fighting men behind them ; 
 those who did come, came most in spite of our 
 teeth, and their wives and children would also have 
 come along with them, had we not set guards upon 
 the avenues in Piedmont on purpose to stop them. 
 It may me demanded whether this extraordinary 
 alacrity proceeded from any extraordinary affec- 
 tion ; for King Louis XI. had done them many good 
 offices, and contributed much to make them con- 
 siderable in the world. Indeed there were some 
 old soldiers who had a respect for the memory of 
 King Louis ; and some of their officers were above 
 seventy years old, and had been in the same com- 
 mands against Charles Duke of Burgundy ; but the 
 chief motive that induced them to leave their 
 own country was avarice and poverty. To speak 
 truth, all their best men came along with them, 
 and such a number of brave fellows I had never 
 seen before together in my life ; and to me it 
 seemed impossible to conquer them, unless by cold, 
 famine, or some other distress. 
 
 But to return to the principal point of our treaty. 
 The Duke of Orleans having lived eight or ten 
 days at his ease and pleasure, and attended by all 
 sorts of people, was told, that it was some diminu- 
 tion to his honour that such a numerous garrison as 
 was in Novara should be reduced to such necessi-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. * 357 
 
 ties for their affection to him ; upon which he 
 began to talk of fighting again, and one or two 
 that were about him encouraged him to it. 
 Monsieur de Ligny and the Archbishop of Roan 
 being highly for his interest, bribed thirty of the 
 Swiss to come of themselves and offer the enemy 
 battle ; but without any reason, for the Duke of 
 Orleans had only thirty men left in the castle, and 
 there was now no farther occasion to fight, for the 
 king pretended no quarrel of his own, but was come 
 thither only to rescue his brother and his friends ; 
 besides the enemy was very powerful, and it was 
 impossible to attack them in their camp; for 
 besides the natural strength of the place, they were 
 strongly entrenched, all the ditches were full of 
 water, and there were no forces but our's to give 
 them any disturbance, there being no sallies to be 
 expected out of the town. Their army consisted 
 of two thousand eight hundred men at arms barbed, 
 five thousand horse, and eleven thousand Germans, 
 commanded by good officers, as Signor George di 
 Pierrapiana, Count Frederic Capellare, and Mon- 
 sieur Hance, besides a great number of other foot, 
 so that to talk of attacking them in their intrench- 
 ments, or beating them so easily, was but a rodo- 
 montade, and spoken in flattery. Another great 
 jealousy we had, and that was, lest if the Swiss 
 should join and make one body, they would seize 
 upon the king and all the chief officers of his army 
 (who were not able to resist their power) and carry 
 them into their own country ; and of this there was 
 some design, as you will see by the conclusion of 
 the peace.
 
 358 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Of the Peace that was concluded between the King and the Duke of 
 Orleans on the one part, and the League on the other ; and of the 
 Conditions and Articles contained in that Treaty of Peace. — 1495. 
 
 The debate about this affair grew at last so fierce 
 amongst us, that in the heat of the argument, the 
 Duke of Orleans gave the Prince of Orange the lie ; 
 but at last, the Marshal de Gi6, the Lord de Piennes, 
 the President Gannay, the Lord Morvillier, the 
 Vidame of Chartres, and I, returned to the enemy's 
 camp, and concluded a peace, though by several 
 indications, w^e judged it unlikely to continue long ; 
 but we were under a necessity of doing it, both in 
 respect of the season of the year, our want of money, 
 and that we might come off honourably in the busi- 
 ness ; to which end the peace was concluded and 
 engrossed, so as it might be published in the world, 
 which was done afterwards by the king's express 
 order in council, and in the presence of the Duke 
 of Orleans. The substance of it was, that the Duke 
 of Milan should do homage to the king for Genoa, 
 and serve him against all opposers ; that, at his 
 own proper charge, the Duke of Milan should set 
 out two ships for the relief of the castles of Naples, 
 which yet held out for the king ; that the next year, 
 (in case the king made a new invasion upon that 
 kingdom,) he should furnish him with three ships, 
 and assist him in person, and give free passage to 
 his troops ; that in case the Venetians did not accept 
 the said peace in two months' time, but continued 
 to assist the House of Arragon, that then the duke
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 
 
 359 
 
 was to take part with the King of France, and em- 
 ploy his person and interest in his service, upon 
 condition that whatever was taken from the enemy 
 should be delivered to the duke, for which terms 
 he was to remit to the king eighty thousand of the 
 hundred and eighty thousand ducats which he had 
 lent him in his voyage to Naples ; that for the affair 
 of Genoa, he should put two hostages into the king's 
 hands; that the castle should be committed to the 
 Duke of Ferrara to remain neuter for two years ; 
 that the Duke of Milan should pay one half of the 
 garrison, aad the king the other ; and that if it 
 should happen the duke should at any time attempt 
 to surprise the castle, that then the Duke of Ferrara 
 was to deliver it to the king ; he was likewise to give 
 two hostages for Milan, which was performed, and 
 had done as much for Genoa, had not the king been 
 in such haste to be gone ; but as soon as he went 
 away, the duke made use of shifts and evasions to 
 excuse himself from doing it. 
 
 Immediately upon our return from swearing the 
 Duke of Milan, and bringing word that the Vene- 
 tians had taken two months to accept or refuse, 
 (for to other terms we could not persuade them) 
 the king swore likewise to the peace ; and the next 
 day he resolved to begin his march, both he and his 
 whole army having a great desire to return into 
 France ; but that very night the Swiss which were 
 in our camp began to cabal, and hold private con- 
 sultations according to their several cantons, beat- 
 ing up their drums and standing to their arms, (as 
 their manner is when they call any councils), and
 
 360 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 this I was informed of by Monsieur Lornay, wiio 
 was then (and had been long before) one of their 
 chief officers, and was well acquainted with their 
 language, and he gave the king intelligence of it. 
 
 Some proposed to seize upon the king, and all 
 the chief officers of the army ; others went not so 
 high, but moved, that they should demand three 
 months' pay, pretending an old promise made them 
 by the late king, that such a sum should be paid 
 them whenever they came out of their own coun- 
 try into his service, with their colours displayed. 
 Others were for securing the chief ministers about 
 the king, without meddling with his person ; and 
 this they designed to put in execution, having al- 
 ready got a great number of their own troops into 
 the town ; but before they could come to an agree- 
 ment among themselves, the king had left Trino, 
 (which is a town belonging to the Marquis of Mont- 
 ferrat,) and in this, they were much in the wrong, 
 for there was never but one month's pay promised 
 them, and they had done nothing for that. At 
 length, this troublesome affair was adjusted ; but 
 first, those Swiss who were with us in the expedi- 
 tion to Naples, had seized upon the Bailiff of Dijon 
 and Monsieur Lornay (who had commanded them 
 all along,) and pressed hard for a fortnight's pay 
 before they marched ; but the rest insisted upon 
 three months, which in all amounted to five hundred 
 thousand francs, for the raising of which, they 
 should secure them as hostages ; and to this, they 
 were animated by the French themselves, who were 
 averse to the peace ; and of this, the Prince of
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 361 
 
 Orange was informed by one of their captains, and 
 he immediately informed the king of it. 
 
 The king, upon his arrival at Trino, sent the 
 Marshal de Gi6, the president Gannay, and me, to 
 the Duke of Milan, to desire that he would come to 
 him thither. We used several arguments to per- 
 suade him, and told him it would be a great con- 
 firmation of the peace ; but he gave as many to the 
 contrary, and excused himself upon a proposition 
 which Monsieur de Ligny had formerly made to 
 have had him seized upon, when he was with the 
 king at Pavia, and upon certain expressions which 
 the cardinal of St. Malo had used, who, at that 
 time, was the only minister of state in credit with 
 the king. It is certain that several idle words were 
 spoken by some about the court, but yet the king 
 had a great desire to cultivate a friendship with 
 him. The Duke of Milan was at a place called 
 Boiia, and consented to a conference, provided it 
 might be upon some river, with a barrier between 
 them. As soon as the king had received his an- 
 swer he removed to Quiers, where he staid but a 
 night or two, and then marched away for the moun- 
 tains, having despatched me for Venice, and others 
 for Genoa, to see the ships equipped which the 
 Duke of Milan was to lend him ; but the duke put 
 the king to a great expense in preparations, and at 
 last would not let them go ; for instead of keeping 
 his promise, he sent two of them to the enemy.
 
 362 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Of the King's sending the Lord of Argenton to ' Venice again, to 
 invite the Venetians to accept of the terms of Peace that were 
 ofiFered. The Venetians' Refusal, and the Tricks and Jugglings of 
 the Duke of Milan.— 1495. 
 
 The business of my embassy to Venice at this 
 time was to know whether they would come into 
 the peace, and subscribe to three articles. The 
 first was to restore Monopoli, which they had 
 lately taken from us ; the second was to recall the 
 Marquis of Mantua and his forces out of the king- 
 dom of Naples, and the service of King Ferrand ; 
 and the third was to declare that King Ferrand 
 was not comprehended in their league, in which 
 mention was made only of the Pope, the King of 
 the Romans, the King of Spain, and the Duke of 
 Milan. Upon my arrival at Venice they received 
 me very honourably, but not in the same manner 
 as when I was there first, — for then we were at 
 peace, but now at war with each other. I deli- 
 vered my message to the Duke of Venice, who com- 
 plimented me highly, and told me I was very wel- 
 come ; that he wouid consult with the senate, and 
 in a short time return me an answer. For three 
 days together they appointed solemn processions, 
 public alms to be given, and sermons all over the 
 city, beseeching God of his grace to direct them in 
 their consultations, which, as I was informed, was 
 no more than what they frequently do upon extra- 
 ordinary occasions ; and truly, in religious afiairs.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 363 
 
 and in the beautifying and adorning their churches, 
 it is a city of the greatest reverence and decency 
 that ever I saw ; and in those things I esteem them 
 equal to the ancient Romans, from whose example 
 I question not but that their senate derives much 
 of its grandeur, and it is worthy rather to be aug- 
 mented than lessened. But to the business of my 
 embassy, I waited a fortnight before I had an 
 answer, and then it was a refusal of all I had de- 
 manded. .They told me they had no war with the 
 king, and that what they had done was only to 
 assist and support the Duke of Milan, who was 
 their ally, and whom the king had a desire to de- 
 stroy ; yet they permitted their duke to talk with 
 me alone, and he offered very advantageous terms, 
 which were, that King Ferrand should do homage to 
 our king for the kingdom of Naples, and by the 
 pope's consent ; that King Ferrand should pay him 
 a yearly tribute of fifty thousand ducats, besides 
 a sum of money down upon the nail, which they 
 would deposit, (intending to have the towns of Brin- 
 disi, Otranto, Trani, and others in Apuglia, to be 
 put into their hands for security for the said mo- 
 ney,) that king Ferrand should deliver up or leave 
 the king in possession of some towns or places in 
 Apuglia for his security, (and they meant Tarento, 
 which our king has still in his hands,) and (if he 
 pleased) two or three more, which they offered 
 should be on that side, because farthest from them, 
 though they pretended it was for the convenience 
 of his designs against the Turk, of which our king 
 had talked much at his first entrance into Italy, de-
 
 364 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 daring he undertook that enterprise for no other 
 end but to be nearer and more ready to invade 
 him ; but it was an ill invention, a mere fraud, 
 and we cannot so easily conceal our thoughts from 
 God. The Duke of Venice offered besides, that if 
 our king would attempt any thing against the 
 Turk, he should have free passage for his troops, 
 through all those places ; and all Italy should con- 
 tribute : The king of the Romans would give him 
 diversion on his side ; that the king in conjunction 
 with them, would be able to govern all Italy, in 
 such a manner, as to compel any of the princes as 
 should refuse to comply with their orders ; and that 
 for their part they would assist his majesty, at 
 their own charge, with a hundred galleys at sea, 
 and five thousand horse at land. 
 
 When I had my audience of leave, I told the 
 duke and senate I would report all faithfully to the 
 king. I returned by Milan, and found the Duke of 
 Milan at Vegievene, and the king's ambassador 
 with him, who was one Rigault d'Oreilles, steward 
 to his household. The duke pretended to go a 
 hunting, and came out to meet me, (for they are 
 very civil to ambassadors,) and ordered me a very 
 noble apartment in his castle. I begged the favour 
 that I might have the honour of having a private 
 conference with him, which at last he promised me, 
 but with some signs of reluctancy. The castle of 
 Naples holding out still for us, I was resolved to 
 press for the ships which he was obliged to furnish 
 us with by the treaty at Vercelli : The ships were 
 ready, and he willing in appearance ; but Peron de
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 365 
 
 Basche and Stephen de Neves being at that time at 
 Genoa from our king, and understanding I was at 
 Vegievene, wrote to me immediately, complaining 
 of the Duke of Milan's treacherous way of dealing, 
 who pretended to furnish us with ships, and had 
 sent two of them against us ; that the governor of 
 Genoa had told them one day, that he could not 
 suffer the ships to be manned with French ; and 
 another, that there could not be above five-and- 
 twenty of them permitted to be in any one vessel, 
 with many such trifling excuses to protract and 
 gain time, till they had heard the news of the tak- 
 ing the castle of Naples, in which the Duke of Mi- 
 lan knew there was not provision enough for above 
 a month, and that the king's forces in Provence 
 would be unable to raise the siege without the as- 
 sistance of those ships ; for the enemy had blocked 
 it up by sea with a great fleet, as well as of the Ve- 
 netians and the King of Spain's as their own. I 
 was three days with the duke ; the first he spent 
 most in conference with me ; and seemed to be 
 concerned that I was not satisfied with his answer 
 about the ships ; to which he added, that though 
 at the treaty of Vercelli he had promised to serve 
 the king with two ships, yet he had never promised 
 that they should be manned with French ; I re- 
 plied, that in my judgment that excuse was but 
 weak and trifling ; for if he should send me a good 
 mule to pass the mountains on, what favour would 
 it be if he should oblige me to lead her ? I should 
 only have the liberty to see her, but no advantage 
 without I had leave to mount her. After a long
 
 366 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 conference he conducted me into a gallery apart, 
 where I took an occasion to remonstrate the great 
 pains which others and myself had taken about the 
 treaty at Vercelli ; and the danger he would bring 
 upon us by acting so contrary, and causing the king 
 to lose his castles in Naples, which would be the 
 loss of that kingdom, and an occasion of perpetual 
 animosity between my master and him. I offered 
 him the principality of Tarento, and the duchy of 
 Bari, which duchy was already his own. I repre- 
 sented to him the inconveniences he brought upon 
 himself and all Italy, by consenting that the Vene- 
 tians should hold those places in Apuglia, and he 
 confessed that what I had urged was true, espe- 
 cially in relation to the Venetians ; but told me 
 plainly at last he could repose no confidence in our 
 king. 
 
 After this discourse I took my leave of the Duke 
 of Milan, who conducted me a league in my way 
 home, and even at my departure he invented a 
 more cunning lie (if it be decent to use such an 
 expression towards a prince) than any of his 
 former: Perceiving I was melancholy, he told me 
 on a sudden (as a man who had quite changed 
 his resolutions) that he would shew himself my 
 friend at the last, and do that which should make 
 me acceptable to my master : He promised me 
 that the next day he would send the Lord Galeas 
 (who was the fittest man 'for that purpose) to see 
 his ships at Genoa equipped and sent away to join 
 our fleet : That he would do the king that service 
 as to save his castle, and by consequehce the whole
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 367 
 
 kingdom of Naples, (and if he had performed his 
 promise he had acted like a man of honour) and 
 that when the ships were sailed, he would give me 
 an account of it by a letter under his own hand, 
 that the king might have the first news of it from 
 myself, and be sensible of the service which I had 
 done him ; adding also that his letters should over- 
 take me before I got to Lyons. Big with these 
 hopes, I departed, and continued my journey over 
 the mountains. I knew the man, and durst not be 
 too confident; yet I never heard any post behind 
 me, but I fancied he brought me those letters. I 
 passed on till I came to Chambery, where I found 
 the Duke of Savoy, who received me very gra- 
 ciously, and obliged me to stay a whole day with 
 him. From thence I proceeded to Lyons, (but no 
 letters overtook me) to give the king an account of 
 my transactions ; for he was there at that time, 
 giving himself up wholly to feastings, justs and 
 other gay entertainments, without the least regard 
 to any thing else. 
 
 Those who were enemies to the peace of Vercelli 
 were extremely pleased with the Duke of Milan's 
 prevarication ; and indeed they had reason, for 
 their authority was increased by it, and I was 
 traduced, which in the like cases is an ordinary 
 thing in the courts of princes. 
 
 I was very melancholy and angry: I gave the 
 king a relation, and shewed him in writing the 
 offers which the Venetians had made him ; but he 
 seemed not to value them much, and the cardinal 
 of Saint Malo, who at that time had the sole
 
 368 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 administration of affairs, valued them less. How- 
 ever, I pressed the king again, believing it better 
 to accept that offer than lose all ; for I saw nobody 
 about him fit to manage such an important affair, 
 and those who were able were never consulted, or 
 at least as seldom as possible. The king was 
 inclinable enough of himself, but loth to displease 
 those to whom he had committed his affairs, 
 especially those who managed his treasury, as the 
 cardinal, his brothers and relations. This is a 
 fine example for princes. It is necessary that they 
 take upon themselves the conduct of their own 
 affairs, at least sometimes, and not only call others 
 to council upon occasion, but to give them equal 
 authority and countenance ; for if any minister of 
 state be grown so great as to become terrible to 
 the rest, and to manage the whole affairs of a 
 kingdom according to his will and pleasure, (of 
 which sort King Charles VIII. was never without 
 one) that favourite is king in reality, and his 
 master ill served, as he was always by his ministers, 
 who did their own business well enough, but 
 neglected his, to his great prejudice and dishonour. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Of the King's forgetting those that were left behind at Naples, upon 
 his retuni into France ; and of the Dauphin's Death, which was a 
 great Aflaiction to the King and Queen. — 1495. 
 
 I ARRIVED at Lyons the 12th December, 1495, 
 where I found the king and his army. The king
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 369 
 
 had been abroad in his expedition about a year 
 and two months. The castles of Naples held out 
 still for him, as you have heard : The Lord de 
 Montpensier, his lieutenant in that kingdom, was 
 at Salerno with the prince of that place ; the Lord 
 d' Aubigny was in Calabria, where he had done 
 signal service, though under a long fit of sickness ; 
 the Lord Gracian des Guerres was in Abruzzo, 
 Don Julian at Mont St. Angelo, and George de 
 Suilly at Tarento ; but all of them most miserably 
 poor, and so far abandoned by our court, that they 
 could seldom or never receive advice out of France ; 
 and when they did, it was nothing but shams and 
 promises without effect ; for (as is said before) the 
 king did nothing of himself, and if they had been 
 supplied with money in time, a sixth part of what 
 was spent afterwards to no purpose, would have 
 saved that kingdom from being lost. At length 
 when all was recovered, they sent them forty 
 thousand crowns in part of a year's pay ; and yet 
 if that had arrived but a month sooner, the 
 calamities and disgraces which they endured, had 
 never befel them, and the divisions had been pre- 
 vented ; all which was occasioned through the 
 sloth and negligence of the king, who managed 
 nothing himself, and would not so much as hear 
 any body that came from them, and those he 
 employed were careless and inexperienced, and 1 
 fear some of them held a correspondence with the 
 pope ; so that in appearance God had forsaken 
 our king, and taken away that grace with which 
 he had hitherto conducted him. The king had 
 
 Vol. II. 2 B
 
 370 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 not been at Lyons above two months, or there- 
 abouts, when he received the unwelcome news, 
 that the dauphin* lay dangerously ill, and three 
 days after letters came, that gave an account of 
 his death. The king was extremely concerned at 
 first, as he ought to be out of paternal affection ; 
 yet his sorrow soon wore oflf": But the queen (who 
 was Anne Duchess of Bretagne) took it more to 
 heart than perhaps any other woman would have 
 done, and it sat longer upon her ; and I am afraid, 
 that besides the natural affliction of mothers upon 
 the loss of their children, her mind misgave her, 
 and she was apprehensive that some greater mis- 
 fortune would happen to her. The king (as I said 
 before) having weathered it himself, had a great 
 desire to give the queen some diversion at a ball 
 of young gentlemen, which the king had appointed ; 
 among the rest of the dancers the Duke of Orleans 
 was one, who was at that time about thirty-four 
 years old ; but he behaved himself so, that it was 
 visible to all the court he rejoiced at the dauphin's 
 death, as being (after him) next heir to the crown. 
 Upon which the king and he never spoke to one 
 another for a long time after. The dauphin was 
 about three years old when he died, yet very 
 handsome, forward, and undaunted, and not con- 
 cerned at those things wherewith our children are 
 frighted ; for which reason his father was the 
 sooner recovered, as being fearful already he should 
 
 * His name was Charles Orleans, and the whole ceremony of his 
 christening, which was in 1492, is described at large in the second 
 volume of the French Ceremonial, pages 138 and 139.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 371 
 
 have grown considerably too fast, and his courage 
 increasing with his years, that he wouhl have 
 entrenched upon his power and authority ; for the 
 king was not excellent either in person or under- 
 standing, but of the mildest and best disposition 
 in the world. By this example we may see to 
 what miseries great kings and princes, who grow 
 jealous of their own children, are subject. His 
 father Louis XL, a wise and virtuous prince, was 
 yet fearful of Charles VIIL, but he provided 
 prudently against the worst, and left him the crown 
 when he was but fourteen years old. Louis XL 
 had been no less terrible to his father Charles VIL, 
 for at the age of thirteen years he was in arms, 
 and confederated against him with certain of the 
 nobility, upon some court-quarrels, and exceptions 
 against the government (and this King Louis has 
 often told me himself;) yet these troubles lasted 
 not long: But when he came to man's estate, he 
 had great controversy with his father Charles 
 VIL, retired into Dauphine, and from thence 
 into Flanders, leaving Dauphine to his father, as 
 has been observed at the beginning of these me- 
 moirs, in the reign of Louis XL No creature 
 is exempt from adversity, every man eats his bread 
 in pain and sorrow : God Almighty promised it to 
 our first parents, and he has performed it very 
 punctually ever since to all people. Yet there 
 are degrees and distinctions of sorrow, and the 
 troubles and vexations of the mind are greater 
 than those of the body ; the anxiety of the wise is 
 of one sort, and that of the fool of another, but 
 
 9B 2
 
 372 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 that of the fool's is the greater of the two (though 
 some are of a contrary opinion) because they 
 are less capable of comfort. The poor people, 
 who labour, drudge and sweat to maintain them- 
 selves and their children, and pay their taxes and 
 subsidies to their princes, would have but little 
 comfort in this world if princes and great lords 
 were sensible of nothing but pleasure, and they of 
 nothing but sorrow. But the thing is quite other- 
 wise ; for should I endeavour to give an account 
 of the passions and disorders in which (for these 
 thirty years) I have seen several persons of quality 
 of both sexes, it would swell to a volume. I do 
 not mean such persons as Boccace mentions in his 
 book, but such as raise the envy of all people, by 
 their riches, health, and prosperity. Those who 
 have not conversed with them so much as I have 
 done, believe the condition of great persons to be 
 the happiest in the world ; but I have seen their 
 troubles and disquiets, and upon such trifling 
 occasions, as persons at a distance could hardly 
 believe ; an idle apprehension or an extravagant 
 report disturbs them extremely ; and this is the 
 secret distemper that reigns in the courts of great 
 princes, from whence many mischiefs do arise to 
 the sovereign, his ministers and subjects, and is so 
 great a shortener of life, that there is scarce a king 
 of France (since the time of Charlemagne) who 
 lived to be sixty years old. Upon this bare sus- 
 picion, when Louis XI. came to be about that age, 
 being sick of that disease, he concluded himself 
 gone. His father Charles VII., who had done so
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 373 
 
 many memorable things in France, took a fancy 
 that his courtiers had a design to poison him, and 
 upon that account ate nothing. Charles VI. had 
 his jealousies too, and became crazed in his under- 
 standing, and all upon report. Certainly princes are 
 guilty of a great error in not examining, or suffer- 
 ing other people to examine, such tales as concern 
 them, though perhaps of themselves of no great 
 importance ; it would keep them from being so 
 frequent, especially if they brought them face to 
 face, and confronted the accused with the in- 
 former ; by that means nothing would be reported 
 but what was true. But there are some princes so 
 stupid as to engage and swear to the accusers they 
 will never discover them ; and these are they who 
 are subject to those anguishes and torments of 
 mind which I speak of, and do many times abhor 
 and injure the best ministers they have, upon the 
 bare reports and calumnies of evil-minded and 
 designing people, by which means they occasion 
 great mischiefs and disquiets to their subjects. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Of the King's receiving the News of the Loss of the Castle of Naples ; 
 the selling of the Towns belonging to the Florentines to several per- 
 sons; the Treaty of Atellain Apuglia, much to the prejudice of the 
 French ; and the Death of Ferrand King of Naples. — 149G. 
 
 The death of the Dauphin (only to Charles 
 VIII.) happened about the beginning of the year 
 1496, and was the greatest loss that happened or 
 could possibly happen to the king, for he had never
 
 374 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 any child afterwards that lived. But this misfor- 
 tune came not alone ; at the same time he received 
 advice that the castle of Naples was surrendered by 
 those whom the Lord de Montpensier had left in it, 
 being forced to it by famine, and for the safety of 
 their hostages, who were delivered into the enemy's 
 hands by the Lord de Montpensier. The hostages 
 names were Monsieur d'Alegre, one of the sons 
 of de la Marche d'Ardaine, one called de la Ca- 
 pelle, a Loudonnois, and John Roquebertin, a 
 Catalonian. Those who were in the castle were 
 sent back again by sea. After this, another acci- 
 dent befel him, and that was, one Entragues, who 
 was governor of the citadel of Pisa (which was 
 strong, and commanded the whole town) delivered 
 it up to the Pisans, which was contrary to the 
 king's oath, for he had sworn twice to the Floren- 
 tines to deliver the said citadel to them, and other 
 places, as Sarzana, Sarzanella, Pietra Sancta, 
 Librefacto, and Motron, which the Florentines had 
 lent the king in his necessities, at his first coming 
 into Italy, and had given him six score thousand 
 ducats, of which there were not above thirty thou- 
 sand in arrear when he returned into France, as 
 has been mentioned in another place. In short, all 
 these places were sold, the Genoese bought Sar- 
 zana and Sarzanella, and they were sold by the 
 bastard of St. Paul. Monsieur Entragues sold 
 Pietra Santa to the citizens of Lucca, and Libre- 
 facto to the Venetians, to the great dishonour of 
 the king and his subjects, and to the detriment 
 (and I may say loss) of the kingdom of Naples.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 375 
 
 The first oath King Charles VIII. took for the 
 restitution of those places was at Florence, upon 
 the high altar in the great church of St. John ; 
 the second was at Asti, in his return, where they 
 furnished him in his extremity with thirty thousand 
 ducats more, upon condition that if Pisa was sur- 
 rendered to them, the king should be discharged of 
 the said sum ; all his jewels and pawns were to be 
 restored, and they were to lend him threescore 
 thousand more, to be paid down in the kingdom of 
 Naples, to those whom his majesty had appointed 
 to manage his affairs there, and to maintain at 
 their charge three hundred horse for the service 
 of our king in the kingdom of Naples, which were 
 to continue thjere during the whole expedition ; 
 but upon the selling of Pisa and the rest of the 
 towns all was quashed, and the king obliged to re- 
 pay the thirty thousand ducats which the Floren- 
 tines had lent him, and all this by the disobedience 
 and whisperings of some persons about the king, 
 who had given private encouragement to Entragues 
 in the business. 
 
 About the same time, and in the beginning of the 
 year 1496, the Lordde Montpensier, the Lord Virgil 
 Ursini, Signior Camillo Vitelli, and the rest of the 
 French officers, seeing all lost, took the field, and 
 made themselves masters of several small towns ; 
 upon which King Ferrand, the son of Alphonso 
 (who was turned monk, as you have heard before) 
 with the Marquis of Mantua, brother to the Lord 
 Montpensier's lady, and Captain-General of the 
 Venetians, drew out against them, and found the
 
 376 ^ THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Lord de Montpensier in a town called Atella, situ- 
 ated upon a hill, and very commodious for the sup- 
 plying it with provisions. The enemy immediately 
 encamped, and fortified themselves as strongly as 
 they could, as not daring to venture a battle, for 
 King Ferrand and the Marquis of Mantua had been 
 beaten in every engagement they fought. The 
 Venetians had sent the Marquis to King Ferrand's 
 assistance, and with him a sum of money, but in- 
 considerable for the places which they received as 
 security, for the six towns* in Apuglia are of very 
 great importance, viz., Brindisi, Trani, Gallipoli, 
 Crana, Otranto, and Monopoli, all which they 
 had taken from us. And they valued the service of 
 their forces in that kingdom so high, that it was 
 computed and charged upon the said towns at 
 two hundred thousand ducats, besides what they 
 demanded for the fortifications and other expenses 
 in the keeping them ; so that I am persuaded they 
 never had any intentions to restore them f ; for it 
 is not their custom to part with any thing that is 
 for their convenience, as those towns were, lying 
 all upon the Gulf of Venice, and making them 
 absolute lords of it, from Venice to Otranto, which 
 
 * This passage was mightily corrupted in the original, and, instead 
 of six places, there were but five, of which Trani was named twice, 
 and Crana for the last, which is a town near Trani, according to the 
 map of Italy. Paulus Jovius put Polignano and Mola, for Crana and 
 Gallipoli ; but the Italian translator forgets the first of these two, and 
 for Mola and Polignano, puts only Sypontus, which he turns into 
 Manfredonia. In short, it is doubtful whom we ought to follow in the 
 translation of this place. 
 
 t The Venetians lost their towns afterwards by their defeat at Ag- 
 nadella on the 1 8th May, 1 509.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINGS. 377 
 
 is nii'e hundred miles complete. The pope, indeed, 
 has some few other towns between them, but they 
 pay duties to the Venetians, or there is no passing 
 for them through the Gulf ; so that it was a great 
 advantage to them to have those towns in their 
 hands, and perhaps more than many people do 
 imagine, for they receive from them great quantities 
 of corn and oil, which are two commodities very 
 beneficial and necessary for them. 
 
 At the town of Atella, above-mentioned, our 
 troops began to mutiny, not only for provisions 
 (which were but beginning to fail) but for their 
 pay, for there was already an arrear due to them 
 for above eighteen months, and they had suffered 
 very great hardships. The Swiss, too, were largely 
 behind, but not altogether so much, for all the 
 money the Lord de Montpensier could raise in that 
 kingdom went to the payment of those forces, and 
 yet they had above a year due to them. They had 
 plundered several little villages, and got a consi- 
 derable booty. If the forty thousand ducats which 
 were promised had been sent in time, or had they 
 known they should have received it at Florence, 
 this mutiny had never happened ; but now all that 
 was transacted proceeded merely from despair. 
 Several of the commanders have told me since, 
 that if our men had been unanimous, and would 
 have agreed to have ventured a battle, in all likeli- 
 hood the victory would have been their's, or if they 
 had lost it, it could not have been with the destruc- 
 tion of so many as they lost by their base and dis- 
 honourable surrender. The Lords de Montpensier
 
 378 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 and Virgil Ursini would willingly have fought, and 
 they died in prison, not one of their articles being 
 observed to them. These two gentlemen accused 
 the Lord de Percy (a gentleman of Auvergne) to 
 have been the occasion of their not fighting ; and 
 the truth is, the Lord Percy was an ill-natured and 
 mutinous person. 
 
 There were two sorts of Germans in that army, 
 one was the Swiss, of which we had about one 
 thousand five hundred, who had been with us from 
 the beginning of our expedition, and they served 
 faithfully and as well as men could do to the very 
 last. There was another commonly called Lansque- 
 nets, which is as much as to say, Companions of 
 the Country, and these have a natural antipathy to 
 the Swiss ; they are a collection of all the countries 
 upon the Rhine, out of Swabia, the Pais de Vaux 
 in Semonia*, and Gelderland, and consisted of 
 about seven or eight hundred men lately sent thi- 
 ther with two months' advance, which was spent 
 before they could be assembled. Seeing themselves 
 in such danger and distress, they retained not that 
 affection to us as the Swiss did, but began to hold 
 intelligence, and by degrees revolted to the enemy ; 
 upon which, and the division among our com- 
 manders, the soldiers made a dishonourable agree- 
 ment, which king Ferrand swore to observe ; for 
 the Marquis of Mantua took great care to secure 
 the person of the Lord de Montpensier, his brother- 
 in-law. 
 
 * In one of the French copies it is Sionnie, which is the country 
 called in Latin Valesia Sedusiorum; of which Sedunum, in French 
 Sion, is the chief town ; or else it should be Vaux in Savoy, which 
 oui author mentions Book Y. Chap. I.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 379 
 
 By the said agreement they delivered themselves 
 up into the hands of their enemies, gave them all 
 the artillery which belonged to our king, and pro- 
 mised to restore all the places which our king was 
 possessed of in that kingdom, as well in Cala- 
 bria, where the Lord d'Aubigny commanded, as in 
 Abruzzo, where the Lord Gracian des Guerres, be- 
 sides Cajeta and Tarento. Upon which terms King 
 Ferrand was obliged to send them into Provence 
 by sea, and their baggage with them, which was 
 worth little or nothing. They were about five or 
 six thousand men, and King Ferrand caused them 
 to be conducted to Naples. So ignominious an 
 agreement had not been made in our times, nor did 
 I ever read of any like it, unless it was that which 
 (as Titus Livius reports) was made by the two Ro- 
 man consuls with the Samnites, (which are now 
 supposed to be the inhabitants of Beneventum,) 
 at a certain place upon the mountains, which was 
 then called Furcae Caudinae ; but the Romans re- 
 fused to ratify and confirm it, and sent the two 
 consuls back prisoners to the enemy. 
 
 If our army had engaged and been defeated, we 
 had not lost so great a number of men as we did ; 
 for two parts in three died of the famine and plague 
 on ship-board, and in the Isle of Pricita, whither 
 they were sent afterwards by King Ferrand ; among 
 the rest, the Lord de Montpensier died there, some 
 say of poison, others of a fever, (which I rather be- 
 lieve,) and I believe of their whole number there 
 came not above one thousand five hundred back ; 
 for of the Swiss, which were one thousand three
 
 380 THE MEMOIRS OP 
 
 hundred, there returned not above three hundred 
 and fifty, and those in a weak and miserable condi- 
 tion. These Swiss were highly to be commended ; 
 for they would never bear arms under King Fer- 
 rand, but chose rather to die, as many of them did 
 in the island of Procita, some of a calenture, some 
 of other diseases, and some of very hunger ; for it 
 is not to be imagined in what want of victuals they 
 were kept on ship-board, and how long. I had a 
 view of those which returned, and particularly of 
 the Swiss, who brought back all their colours ; but 
 by their looks one might see what they had suf- 
 fered ; for all of them were so very sick, that when 
 they came ashore to take a little air, they could not 
 walk without being led. The Lord Virgil Ursini 
 by his articles was to have had the liberty to go 
 into his own country with his son, and his whole 
 regiment ; but they detained him, and his lawful 
 son with him (of which sort he had but one ;) yet 
 he had another which was a brave man, called Sig- 
 nior Carlo ; but he was a bastard, and was killed 
 by certain Italians which were in his company upon 
 the road. Had this misfortune fallen upon any but 
 those who had a hand in the treaty, it had been a 
 very deplorable accident. 
 
 Not long after King Ferrand had gained this 
 honour, and newly married the daughter of his 
 grandfather old King Ferrand, which he had by 
 the present King of Castile's sister, (so that his 
 queen was sister to his own father King Alphonso,) 
 and a young lady not above thirteen or fourteen 
 years old ; he fell into a hectic fever, and died in a
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 381 
 
 few days, leaving the possession of that kingdom to 
 King Frederic (now reigning) who was his uncle. 
 I cannot think of this marriage without horror, 
 though there were several of the same nature in 
 that family within the memory of man, and that 
 within the space of thirty years. King Ferrand, 
 when he was living, and Frederic since his acces- 
 sion to the throne, excused themselves, because, as 
 they pretended, the Lord de Montpensier had not 
 surrendered the towns that were mentioned in the 
 articles of agreement ; neither was it in his power, 
 for Cajeta and other places were not in his hands ; 
 and indeed though he was our king's lieutenant in 
 that kingdom, yet the governors of the respective 
 towns were not bound to deliver them at his com- 
 mand, though if they had, our king had been no 
 great loser by the bargain ; for they cost a great 
 deal to repair and victual them afterwards, and yet 
 lost them at last. I was present myself when pro- 
 visions were sent, once to the castles of Naples, 
 and thrice to Cajeta ; and I think I should not mis- 
 take if I said those four voyages cost the king 
 above three hundred thousand francs ; and yet all 
 came to nothing. King Ferrand died not long 
 after that infamous treaty of Atella in the year 
 1496.
 
 382 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Of several Plots that were formed (in favour of our King,) by some 
 of the Italian Princes, not only for the recovery of Naples, but for 
 the destruction of the Duke of Milan; of their miscarrying for 
 want of Supplies ; and of another Design against Genoa, which 
 came to the same ill end. — 1496. 
 
 The king, after his return from his expedition to 
 Naples, as we have already mentioned, continued a 
 long time at Lyons, entertaining himself with justs 
 and tournaments ; and yet desirous to regain the 
 places in the kingdom of Naples, whatever it cost 
 him, but would take no pains to manage his own 
 affairs, or to preserve them when they were in his 
 possession. He had very good intelligence in Italy, 
 and great designs were set on foot in his favour ; 
 which though in themselves dangerous and charge- 
 able, yet could easily be managed by the kingdom 
 of France, which is very populous, aud plentiful in 
 corn, especially Languedoc and Provence, and other 
 countries, out of which it is no difficult task to raise 
 money. But if any other prince besides the King 
 of France should embrace the practices of the 
 Italians, and undertake their assistance, it would 
 impoverish and exhaust him ; for they do nothing 
 without money ; nor, indeed, are they able, unless 
 it be the Duke of Milan, or some of the great 
 states. But a private governor or general, how 
 well affected soever he may be to the House of 
 France, its pretensions to the kingdom of Naples, 
 or the duchy of Milan, let him be as partial as he 
 will to its interest, yet he cannot serve that house
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 383 
 
 long after the pay begins to fail ; for the poor ge- 
 neral would be deserted by his own soldiers, and 
 himself utterly undone, because for the most part 
 they have nothing wherewith to raise men, but their 
 reputation and credit ; and the soldiers are paid by 
 the general, and the general by him who employs 
 him in his service : nor do the Italians desire any 
 thing more than to declare themselves of a party. 
 But as to the designs which I have mentioned, they 
 were so considerable, that they began before the 
 surrender of Cajeta, upon the Duke of Milan's not 
 keeping his promise, and continued for two years 
 after our king's return. As for the Duke of Milan, 
 he did not break his promise so much out of malice 
 and ill-nature, as through fear; for he was jealous 
 the king could not have so great an addition of 
 power, but by the diminution of his own ; besides, 
 he did not think our king a prince of any firmness 
 or resolution. At length it was concluded that the 
 Duke of Orleans should march to Asti with a con- 
 siderable body of forces ; and I saw him and his 
 equipage ready to set out. We were secure of the 
 Duke of Ferrara with five hundred men at arms 
 and two thousand foot, (though he was the Duke of 
 Milan's father-in-law;) for he joined with us to 
 preserve himself against the danger he was in be- 
 tween the Duke and the Venetians, who not long 
 since, (as I said before,) had taken from him the 
 Polesan, and endeavotired all they could to ruin 
 him : upon which a'^^-'mt he preferred his own 
 and his children's safety before the friendship of 
 his son-in-law ; and perhaps he was of opinion that
 
 384 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 his son-in-law would come to some agreement with 
 the king, when he found himself in danger. Be- 
 sides, by the interest of the Duke of Ferrara, we 
 had also engaged the Marquis of Mantua to our 
 party, who had been, and was at that time general 
 for the Venetians ; but they were so jealous of him, 
 and he so dissatisfied with them, that he quartered 
 with three hundred men at arms with his father-in- 
 law the Duke of Ferrara, though his lady was sister 
 to the Duchess of Milan, the Duke of Ferrara's 
 daughter. Signior John Bentivoglio (who was go- 
 vernor, and as it were Prince of Bologna,) was to 
 have provided a hundred and fifty men at arms, be- 
 sides the horse and foot which his two sons were to 
 have brought with them, and his country was well 
 seated to invade the Duke of Milan. The Floren- 
 tines, who saw they were utterly undone, and were 
 afraid they should be dispossessed of Pisa and the 
 rest of their towns, unless they exerted themselves, 
 and did something extraordinary to this critical 
 juncture of affairs, agreed to assist us with eight 
 hundred men at arms, and two thousand foot, and 
 to maintain them at their own expense ; and they had 
 six months' pay ready in bank. The Ursini and the 
 Governor of Rome, who was brother to the Car- 
 dinal of St. Peter ad Vincula, (so often mentioned 
 before,) being both in the king's pay, would have 
 brought a thousand men at arms ; but you must 
 know the retinue and eqiripage of their men at 
 arms is not after the manrtutll>f our's ; for they have 
 no archers, but their pay is alike ; the pay of a man 
 at arms (and he is well paid,) is one hundred ducats
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 385 
 
 a year, but with archers it is double. These sol- 
 diers the king would have paid, but the Florentines 
 were to have paid their own forces. The Duke of 
 Ferrara, the Marquis of Mantua, and Bentivoglio 
 desired only their charges ; for they designed their 
 reward out of the towns which they should take 
 from the Duke of Milan ; and certainly had he been 
 suddenly invaded by the Duke of Orleans' forces, 
 and those who were entered into the alliance against 
 him, the Venetians, who were his confederates, 
 could not have been in a condition to have assisted 
 him, under eighty thousand crowns' expense before 
 he would have been constrained to have submitted 
 to the king, (who could have been able to have 
 kept all the Italians together a long time,) and if 
 the Duke of Milan had been conquered, the king- 
 dom of Naples would have fallen of course. 
 
 The miscarriage of this important design pro- 
 ceeded merely from the Duke of Orleans' incon- 
 stancy. He had orders over- night to set out in the 
 morning ; he had sent all his equipage, baggage, 
 and whatever else belonged to his person, before ; 
 so that there was nothing to follow but himself. 
 His army, consisting of eight hundred Frenchmen 
 at arms and six thousand foot, (among which he 
 had four hundred Swiss,) lay ready at Asti, and 
 their advanced money in their pockets ; yet on a 
 sudden he changed his mind, and made two several 
 addresses to the king, that that expedition might 
 be once more debated before the council ; and it 
 was done twice. I was present both times : the 
 result was, nemine contradicente, (though there was 
 
 Vol. II. 2('
 
 386 THE MKM0IR3 OF 
 
 always ten or twelve in council,) that he should 
 proceed in their expedition, because they had given 
 their above-mentioned friends in Italy repeated as- 
 surances of his coming ; and they had raised men, 
 and been at great charge in expectation of him. 
 But the Duke of Orleans, who was also present at 
 the debate, (either by the advice of some other 
 person, or through his own unwillingness to go, on 
 account of his brother's illness, and his being the 
 next heir to the crown,) plainly told them he would 
 not undertake that enterprise upon any quarrel of 
 his own ; but as he was the king's lieutenant, if his 
 majesty pleased to command it, he would go with 
 all his heart ; and so the council broke up. The 
 next day, and several after, the Florentine, and the 
 rest of the ambassadors, pressed the king, that he 
 would lay his commands upon him ; but the king's 
 answer was, that he would never send him to make 
 war against his inclinations. And thus was that 
 enterprise quashed in a moment, to the king's great 
 displeasure, who had been at vast charges, and had 
 great hopes of revenging himself on the Duke of 
 Milan, considering his own intelligence at that 
 time, and what he might have had by Signior John 
 James de Trivulce, who was lieutenant-general for 
 the king ; and the Duke of Orleans was born, and 
 had great interest and alliance in the duchy of 
 Milan. 
 
 But though this design miscarried, another re- 
 vived, nay two or three at a time, in Genoa, which 
 is a place ever subject to revolutions. One was 
 contrived by Signior Baptista di Campoforgoso, a
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 387 
 
 great man in the faction of Genoa ; but lie was 
 banished, and his party could do nothing, nor the 
 family of the Dorei neither, who were gentlemen ; 
 but the Campoforgosi were not. The Dorei are 
 of the same party with the Campoforgosi, but can- 
 not be dukes themselves, because they are gentle- 
 men ; for no gentleman is capable by their laws. 
 But this Baptista* had been duke not long before, 
 but was supplanted by his uncle the Cardinal of 
 Genoa, who put the government into the hands of 
 the Duke of Milan, under whom the city was go- 
 verned by the Adorni, who were also no gentlemen ; 
 yet they have been often dukes, and were supported 
 by the house of the Spinoli, who were gentlemen 
 too. The nobility in Genoa make dukes, but can- 
 not be made so themselves. This Signior Baptista 
 expected his whole party (both in the city and 
 abroad) would have taken arms in his favour, and 
 that the senate should be chosen by the king, but 
 the government would fall into the hands of him 
 and his party ; and they did not question but to 
 deal well enough with the rest. The other design 
 was set on foot by several persons in Savona, who 
 had addressed themselves to the Cardinal of St. 
 Peter ad Vincula, assuring him they would deliver 
 up the town, provided their liberties and privileges 
 might be secured to them ; for it was then under 
 
 ♦ Baptista Fregosa, who is here named Campoforgoso, inveighs 
 bitterly against this Cardinal of Genoa, his uncle, in a book which he 
 made concerning his memorable actions ; and in which he accuses 
 him of treason, for having deposed him witli a design to make his 
 natural son Doge of Genoa, of whom mention is made in the 7th Book, 
 chap. 5. 
 
 2C 2
 
 388 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the jurisdiction of Genoa, and paid duties as the 
 rest. If he could have made himself master of this 
 town, he would have reduced Genoa to great straits, 
 considering Provence was our king's own country, 
 and Savoy at his command. Upon these intelli- 
 gences the king sent to Signior John James di Tri- 
 vjulce to assist the said Baptista di Campoforgoso 
 with such supplies as might carry him to the very 
 walls of Genoa, to see whether his party would ap- 
 pear. On the other side he was pressed hard by 
 the Cardinal of St. Peter ad Vincula, who had ob- 
 tained a letter to him from the king, commanding 
 the said James to furnish the cardinal with men 
 enough to conduct him to Savona ; and he gave the 
 same message by word of mouth to the Lord of 
 Servon in Provence, who was the cardinal's friend, 
 and would deliver it boldly. The king also sent 
 orders to Signior James di Trivulce to contrive 
 matters so, as he might support both parties, and 
 yet act nothing against the Duke of Milan, or con- 
 trary to the peace that was made with him the year 
 before; but these orders were downright contra- 
 dictions. And after this manner the affairs of great 
 princes are managed, when they are not curious 
 themselves, or otherwise are too hasty in command- 
 ing letters and messengers to be despatched without 
 mature and requisite deliberation. In this case, if 
 one considers what was required by Signior Bap- 
 tista di Campoforgoso and the cardinal, we shall 
 find that it was impossible to supply them both at 
 a time. For to approach the walls of Genoa with- 
 out a considerable body of forces, was ridiculous
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 389 
 
 and impracticable, not only by reason of the num- 
 bers, but of the courage of the inhabitants ; and to 
 have supplied the cardinal had been to have divided 
 his own army into three bodies, for part must of 
 necessity have remained with Signior John James ; 
 and, besides, the alarm was taken, and the Duke of 
 Milan, the Venetians, Don Frederic, and the Pope, 
 had all of them sent forces to Genoa and Savona, 
 as suspecting their revolt. 
 
 Besides these two, Signior John James Trivulce 
 had a third design of his own, and that was, to have 
 marched directly with all his forces against the 
 Duke of Milan, and laid those enterprises aside ; 
 and certainly if it had been permitted to have pur- 
 sued his own scheme, he would have performed 
 some great action ; for, under pretence that he 
 could not otherwise protect such as were engaged 
 in the designs upon Genoa and Savona, he posted 
 himself upon the great road from Alexandria to 
 Genoa, (^and indeed the Duke of Milan could send 
 forces no other way to molest us,) and possessed 
 himself of two or three small towns without any 
 resistance, pretending that this was no violation of 
 the peace with the duke, for he was forced to it of 
 necessity ; and that the king could not be said to 
 have made war upon the duke for endeavouring to 
 recover Genoa and Savona, because they held of the 
 king, and had forfeited their allegiance. However, 
 to satisfy the cardinal, Signior John James di Tri- 
 vulce sent part of his army to Savona ; but he found 
 the garrison reinforced, and his designs defeated, 
 and so he marched back. He sent other troops to
 
 390 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Signior Baptista, to attempt something upon Genoa, 
 and great matters were expected from thence ; but 
 before they had marched four leagues, both French 
 and Swiss grew jealous of him, (though I think it was 
 wrongfully,) and it was well things happened so ; 
 for their number being very inconsiderable, they 
 would have exposed themselves to great danger if 
 their party in the town had not appeared. Thus 
 all their enterprises and designs miscarried, and 
 the Duke of Milan was become strong, who had run 
 a great deal of danger if Signior John James had 
 not been countermanded. Our army marched back, 
 our foot were disbanded, our small towns restored, 
 and the war was concluded, but with little advan- 
 tage to the king, considering what expense he had 
 been at in military preparations. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Of certain Differences that arose between Charles King of France, 
 and Ferrand King of Castile ; and the Ambassadors which were 
 sent to both of them to accommodate the Affair. — 1496. 
 
 From the beginning of 1496, (the king having 
 been four months on this side of the mountains) 
 till the year 1498, our forces lay still, and did 
 nothing in Italy : I was present all that while with 
 his majesty, and privy to most of his affairs. He 
 went from Lyons to Moulins, and from Moulins to 
 Tours, spending his time in nothing but justs and 
 tournaments wherever he came, without ever
 
 PHILIP DB COMINBS. 391 
 
 thinking of his affairs in Italy or France. Those 
 who were in greatest reputation with him, were in 
 great dissension among themselves, and it could 
 hardly be greater. Some (as the Cardinal and 
 Seneschal) were for carrying on the war in Italy, 
 because it was for their profit and advantage ; 
 the admiral on the other side (who before that 
 expedition had been the king's greatest favourite,) 
 opposed it in hopes to be restored to his former 
 authority, and to supplant his competitors ; and 
 in this posture things stood about a year and a 
 half. 
 
 In the mean time our king sent ambassadors 
 to the King and Queen of Castile, for his majesty 
 desired to be at peace with them, because they 
 were very powerful both at sea and land ; and 
 though at land they had done no extraordinary 
 matter, yet by sea they had given King Ferrand 
 and Frederic both very considerable assistance ; 
 for the Island of Sicily is distant from Rhegio and 
 Calabria but a league and a half*. Some are of 
 opinion it was formerly joined to the continent, 
 and in process of time separated from it by the 
 
 * Virgil was also of this opinion, as appears by the following 
 verses: 
 
 Ast, ubi digressum Siculee te admoverit ora) 
 Ventus, et angusti rarescent lustra pelori, 
 Lseva tibi tellus, et longo Iseva petantur 
 vEquora circuitu : dextnim fuge littus et undas 
 Hsec loca, vi quondam et vasta convulsa ruina 
 (Tantum «vi longinqua valet mutare vetustas) 
 Dissiluisse fcrunt : cum protinus utraque tellus 
 Una foret, venit medio vi pontus, et undis 
 Hcsperium Siculo latus abscidit : avaque et urbes 
 LittoTC diductas, angusto inlcrluit eestu. 
 
 ViKG. ^wm/. III. V. 410,&c.
 
 392 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 soa. It is now called the Streights of Messina. 
 From this Island of Sicily, which belonged to the 
 King and Queen of Castile, considerable supplies 
 were sent to Naples, as well in Caravels from 
 Spain, as in men from the island, out of which 
 saveral men at arms passed the sea into Calabria, 
 with a good number of Spanish Genets, where 
 they made war against those who appeared for our 
 king- Their fleet was continually joined with the 
 confederates, and when they were united, the king 
 was too weak for them at sea ; otherwise the 
 King of Castile had not done him much mischief. 
 It is true a good body of his horse made an inroad 
 into Languedoc, plundered some few towns, and 
 quartered up and down for three or four days ; but 
 that was all, and no considerable damage done. 
 Monsieur de St. Andre* (a Bourbonnois) being 
 then upon the frontier with some troops belonging 
 to the Duke of Bourbon, who was governor of 
 Languedoc, attempted to take Sausses, a small 
 town in Roussillon, from whence the enemy made 
 all his excursions about two years before ; for the 
 king had restored the said Roussillon to them, 
 in which province there is the territory of Per- 
 pignan, and this Sausses in the middle of it. The 
 design was great, because the town was strongly 
 garisoned with a detachment of the King of 
 Castile's guards, and within a league lay their 
 whole army more numerous than ours, and ready 
 
 * John d'Albon, son of Giles Lord of St. Andre and Anne de 
 Semur, and father of James d' Albon Marquis of Fronsac, Lord of 
 St. Andre, and Marshal of France.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 393 
 
 to engage us. However Monsieur de St. Andre 
 managed his affairs so prudently, and with so much 
 secrecy, that in ten hours' tinie he took the town 
 (which I have seen) by assault, and in it there 
 were thirty or forty Spanish gentlemen of good 
 quality slain, and among them the Archbishop of 
 St. James's son, besides three or four hundred more. 
 They did not suppose we should have been masters 
 of it so soon, because they knew not the goodness 
 of our cannon, which certainly are the finest and 
 the best in Europe. 
 
 No other but this action happened between 
 these two kings, which was much to the dishonour 
 of the King of Castile, who had such a numerous 
 army in the field. But when God Almighty is 
 pleased to chastise a nation for their sins, he 
 begins with smaller and more supportable afflic- 
 tions ; for the King and Queen of Castile were 
 visited afterwards with great mortifications, and 
 so were we too. The King and Queen of Castile 
 acted very imprudently, and were ill-advised to 
 forswear themselves to our master, especially after 
 he had been so kind as to restore Roussillon, which 
 had cost his father so much to fortify and defend, 
 and had been mortgaged to him for 300,000 crowns, 
 all which were remitted to hinder him from dis- 
 turbing our king in his intended conquest of 
 Naples. Besides which, they renewed the ancient 
 alliances with not only king and king, kingdom 
 and kingdom, but the individual subjects on both 
 sides were mutually obliged ; and they promised 
 not to interrupt us in our conquest, nor to marry
 
 394 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 any of their daughters either with the houses, of 
 Naples, England, or Flanders ; which offer came 
 first from themselves, and was made by one Friar 
 John de Mauleon on the part of the Queen 
 of Castile. Yet as soon as they saw the war 
 begun, and the king at Rome, they sent their 
 ambassadors to all the neighbouring princes to 
 make an alliance against our king ; and particu- 
 larly to Venice, where I was resident at that time ; 
 and there the league (which I have spoken of so 
 much) was made between the pope, the king of 
 the Romans, the State of Venice, and the duke 
 of Milan, and immediately they began to act offen- 
 sively against our king, and to declare that their 
 former obligation became void, and they were no 
 longer bound to observe it, especially that article 
 about the marriage of their daughters, (of which 
 they had four, and but one son) though they first 
 made that offer of themselves, as yoii have already 
 heard. 
 
 But to proceed in my history. After the wars in 
 Italy were over, and the king had nothing left in 
 the kingdom of Naples but Cajeta, which he lost 
 afterwards ; after the pretensions in Roussillon 
 were adjusted, and every prince was in possession 
 of what was his own, they sent a gentleman to King 
 Charles, and with him certain monks of Mont- 
 ferrat, it being the custom of Spain to manage all 
 their negotiations by such people, either out of 
 hypocrisy and pretence of religion, or the frugality 
 of their expense ; for, as I said before, the treaty 
 about Roussillon was managed by Friar John de
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 395 
 
 Manlcon. Those ambassadors, at their first audi- 
 ence, besought the king that he would forget the 
 injury that was done him by the King and Queen 
 of Castille, (the king and queen are always men- 
 tioned together, because Castille came by her, and 
 she had there the principal authority, it having 
 been a marriage of more than ordinary honour for 
 them.) Then they began to propose a truce, in 
 which their whole league was to be comprehended, 
 and our king to keep Cajeta in his possession, and 
 what other places were then in his hands in the 
 kingdom of Naples ; that during the truce, his 
 majesty might erect what magazines in them he 
 pleased, and that a time and place should be ap- 
 pointed, to which ambassadors from all the parties 
 of the league, (or as many as desired it,) should be 
 sent to conclude a final peace; after which, the 
 King and Queen of Spain intended to pursue the 
 conquest of Granada, and having finished that, to 
 pass over into Africa against the King of Fez, whose 
 kingdom reaches to the coasts on the other side of 
 that sea. However, some will say they never de- 
 signed it, but were resolved to sit down with the con- 
 quest of the kingdom of Granada, which indeed was 
 a glorious action, and the fairest acquisition which 
 had been gained, not only in our times, but by all 
 their predecessors ; and I wish for their own sakes 
 they had rested there, and kept their promise with 
 our king. With these ambassadors of theirs our 
 king sent back the Lord of Clerieux, in Dauphin^, 
 and endeavoured to conclude either a separate 
 peace or a truce with them, without comprehending
 
 396 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 any of the rest of the confederates ; but if the king 
 had accepted their overture, he had preserved Ca- 
 jeta, which might have been sufficient for the reco- 
 very of the vehole kingdom, considering w^hat friends 
 his majesty had in it. When the Lord de Clerieux 
 returned he brought new propositions, for Cajeta 
 was lost before he got to Castille. The proposition 
 was, that the ancient alliance between the two 
 crowns should be renewed, and that by common 
 consent and expense they should endeavour the 
 conquest of Italy, and that both the kings should 
 be personally present in that expedition. But first 
 they insisted that a general truce might be con- 
 cluded, the whole league be comprehended, and a 
 day and place appointed in Piedmont, to which 
 each of them might send their ambassadors, being 
 desirous (as they pretended,) to acquit themselves 
 honourably towards their confederates. But all 
 this overture, in my opinion, (and I have under- 
 stood as much since.) was but an artifice to gain 
 time, and suffer King Ferrand to breathe a little, 
 and recruit whilst he lived, and King Frederic 
 since his decease. However, they could have been 
 contented to have had that kingdom to themselves, 
 and their title was better than their's who possessed 
 it ; but the king's title, (which was the house of 
 Anjou's,) was better than both of them ; yet, con- 
 sidering the nature of the country, and the people 
 which inhabit it, I think he has best' right to it 
 that can keep possession of it, so strangely are they 
 inclined to revolutions. After this, the king sent 
 Clerieux back again into Spain, and with him one
 
 PHILIP DE COMIXES. 397 
 
 Monsieur Michael de Gamont, with certain new 
 proposals. This Lord de Clerieux had some little 
 affection for the house of Arragon, and hoped to 
 have the marquisate of Cotrona, in Calabria, which 
 the King of Spain retained of the last conquest 
 which he made in that province. Clieux pretended 
 it was his, for he is an honest sincere man, but 
 something too credulous, especially of such persons. 
 The second time he returned, he brought back with 
 him another ambassador from them, and the Lord 
 de Clerieux reported that the King and Queen of 
 Castile would be contented to take Calabria, (which 
 is the part of Italy that lies next Sicily,) for their 
 whole interest in that kingdom, and that our 
 king should have the rest ; he offered likewise 
 that the King of Castille should assist in person 
 in this intended expedition, and contribute as 
 much towards paying the army as our king ; and, 
 indeed, he was at that time master of four or five 
 fortified towns in Calabria, and among the rest 
 Cotrona, which is not only a strong, but beautiful, 
 city. I was present when the ambassador made his 
 report, and most were of opinion he was imposed 
 upon, and that it would be necessary to send ano- 
 ther ambassador of greater cunning and sagacity, 
 to search more narrowly into the affair. Upon 
 which the Lord du Bouchage was joined in the same 
 embassy. He was a person of great wisdom and 
 penetration in state affairs, had enjoyed places of 
 great trust and honour in the late king's reign, and 
 was still highly valued and esteemed by his son. 
 The Spanish ambassador, who came along with the
 
 398 THE MEMOIRS OP 
 
 Lord (le Clerieux, would never confirm what he had 
 said, only he told us, that he did believe Monsieur 
 de Clerieux would not have made that report, if 
 the King and Queen of Castille had not said it ; 
 which gave us the more suspicion it was a trick ; 
 and besides, nobody could believe the King of Spain 
 would go thither in person, or that he would, or 
 indeed, could bear an equal share with our master. 
 As soon as the Lord du Bouchage, Monsieur de 
 Clerieux, Michael de Gramont, and the rest of our 
 ambassadors, were arrived at the court of the King 
 and Queen of Castile, they ordered them to be 
 lodged in apartments where none of their subjects 
 could converse with them, appointed persons to 
 have an eye over them, and they were admitted to 
 three private audiences of the king and queen. When 
 the Lord du Bouchage had acquainted them with 
 what the Lord de Clerieux had reported to his mas- 
 ter, and Michael de Gramont had confirmed it, 
 they answered, that they might have said some 
 such thing by way of discourse, but not otherwise, 
 yet they would readily engage themselves in any 
 peace that should be for our master's honour and 
 advantage. The Lord de Clerieux was very uneasy, 
 and much displeased at their answer, (and he had 
 reason,) and justified to their faces in the presence 
 of the Lord du Bouchage, that they had given it in 
 commission. However, the Lord du Bouchage and 
 the other ambassadors concluded a truce for two 
 months, without comprehending the league ; but 
 the princes who married their daughters, and their 
 fathers-in-law, were comprehended, as the King of
 
 PHILIP DE OOMINES. 399 
 
 the Romans, and the King of England, (for the 
 Prince of Wales was but very young at that time.) 
 The King and Queen of Castile * had four daugh- 
 ters ; the eldest was a widow, and married to the 
 King of Portugal, who died last, having broke his 
 neck in her sight as he was passing a career upon 
 a genet before her, three months after their mar- 
 riage ; and they had another unmarried. As soon 
 as the Lord Bouchage was arrived, and had in- 
 formed the king of his reception at the Spanish 
 court, his majesty was sensible he had acted wisely 
 in sending him, for now he was assured of what he 
 but suspected before, and that was of the credulity 
 of the Lord de Clerieux. The Lord du Bouchage 
 told him moreover, that all he could obtain was that 
 truce, which, however, his majesty had liberty 
 either to accept or reject. The King confirmed it, 
 and sure he did wisely, for it broke that confede- 
 racy which had given so much disturbance to his 
 affairs, and which hitherto he could not effect, 
 though he had tried all ways possible to dissolve it. 
 The Lord du Bouchage also acquainted his majes- 
 ty, that they would send ambassadors after him 
 with power to conclude a peace ; and this the King 
 
 * Tlieir eldest daughter, whose name was Isabella, was married at 
 first to Alphonso, Prince of Portugal, son of John II., King of Por- 
 tugal, who broke his neck, as our author here mentions, and after- 
 wards to Emanuel, King of Portugal, but died in childbed. The se- 
 cond, whose name was Jane, was married to Philip, Duke of Austria, 
 son and heir to Maximilian, King of the Romans. Catharine, who 
 was the third, was married to Arthur, Prince of Wales, son of Hen- 
 ry VII., King of England. And the fourth, whose name was Marga- 
 ret, and who, according to our author, was unmarried at that time, 
 was married to the same Emanuel, King of Portugal, her eldest sis 
 ter's husband.
 
 400 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 and Queen of Castile assured him of when he had 
 his audience of leave. He told our king alse, that 
 at his coming away he left their only son, the Prince 
 of Castile, very dangerously ill. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 A Digression concerning the Misfortunes which happened to the 
 House of Castile in the Author's time. — 1496. 
 
 The Lord du Bouchage, ten or twelve days after 
 his return into France, received letters from an he- 
 rald, which he had left behind to wait on the am- 
 bassadors which were to come from thence. The 
 letters were to this purpose, that he should not 
 wonder at their deferring the embassy, because it 
 was done upon the account of the death of the 
 Prince of Castile (as they called him) who was late- 
 ly dead, to the unspeakable grief of the king and 
 queen, but especially of the queen, who was more 
 like to die than to live ; and certainly I never heard 
 of so solemn and so universal a mourning for any 
 prince in Europe. I have since been informed by 
 ambassadors, that all the tradesmen put themselves 
 into a coarse kind of black, and shut up their shops 
 for forty days together ; the nobility and gentry 
 covered their mules with black cloth down to their 
 very knees, and all over their body and heads, so 
 that there was nothing of them to be seen but their 
 ears; and set up black banners upon all the gates
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 401 
 
 of the city. When the Lady Margaret (daughter to 
 the King of the Romans *, sister to the Archduke 
 of Austria t, and wife to the said prince) was in- 
 formed of the news of his death, she miscarried of 
 a daughter (being six months gone with child) which 
 was born dead. What a terrible blow must this be 
 to a family, which had known nothing before but 
 felicity and renown, and had a larger territory (I 
 mean by succession) than any other family in Chris- 
 tendom ! And besides the late acquisition of Gra- 
 nada, they had forced the greatest monarch in 
 Europe out of Italy, and defeated his enterprise, 
 which was looked upon to be a mighty action even 
 by the pope himself, who, under pretence of the 
 conquest of Granada, would have taken away the 
 title of most christian from the King of France, 
 and conferred it on the King of Castile, to whom 
 several briefs were addressed with that title super- 
 scribed ; but because some of the cardinals opposed 
 it, he gave them another, which was, " The most 
 Catholic," by which title he is called now, and I 
 believe he will be styled so for ever at Rome. 
 What a sad and surprising turn must this accident 
 be ! at a time when they had reduced their king- 
 dom to obedience, regulated the laws, settled the 
 administration of justice, were so well and happy in 
 their own persons, as if God and man had conspired 
 to advance their power and honour above all the 
 rest of the princes in Europe. 
 
 * Maximilian I., afterwards empjeror. 
 
 t Philip I.. Archduke of Austria and Kinpf of Castile, in right of 
 his wife Jane, daughter and heiress of the King of Castile. 
 Vol. II. 2D
 
 402 THE MEMOIRS Of 
 
 Nor was this their only affliction, their eldest 
 daughter (the dearest thing to them in the world after 
 the death of her brother) was forced to leave them, 
 having some few days before been married to Ema- 
 nuel, the young King of Portugal. He was then 
 indeed but Prince of Portugal ; but the crown of 
 Portugal fell to him by the death of the last King 
 of Portugal, who most barbarously caused the head 
 of his father-in-law to be cut off, killed his brother 
 with his own hand (who was elder brother to the 
 king that now reigns in Portugal) kept this present 
 king in perpetual fear, and killed his own brother 
 before his wife's face, as they were sitting at dinner, 
 to make way for one of his bastards to be king. 
 After which cruelties he lived in continual fear and 
 suspicion, and not long after his only (legitimate) 
 son broke his neck off his mule, as you have heard, 
 who was the first husband to the lady of whom I am 
 now speaking, and who is Queen of Portugal at 
 present, into which kingdom she has been twice 
 married, and by report is one of the wisest and 
 most honourable persons in the world. But to con- 
 tinue our relation of the miserable accidents which 
 in a short space befel the King and Queen of Cas- 
 tile, who had lived in so much glory and felicity to 
 the fiftieth year of their age, or more. You must 
 know they had married their eldest daughter to the 
 King of Portugal, that all Spain might be in peace ; 
 for they were entirely possessed of all the provinces, 
 except the kingdom of Navarre, which they governed 
 as they pleased, and of which they had also four of 
 the strongest towns. Secondly, to adjust and com-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 
 
 46^ 
 
 pose the difference about her dower and marriage- 
 portion : and thirdly, for the benefit and advantage 
 of some of the grandees of Portugal, who were in 
 the King of Castile's interest ; for by this mateh 
 those lords who were banished that country upon 
 the death of the two princes above-mentioned, and 
 had their estates confiscated (which continued to 
 that day, though the crime of which they were ac- 
 cused was only endeavouring to set this king up 
 who now reigns) had estates given them in Castile ; 
 and their lands in Portugal, which were forfeited 
 by the attainder, were assigned to the queen's use. 
 And yet for all these considerations the king and 
 Queen of Castile were extremely troubled at this 
 match ; for you must understand there is no nation 
 in Europe that the Spaniards abhor and deride 
 more than they do the Portuguese. So that it was 
 no small mortification to them that they had mar- 
 ried their daughter to a person that was not pleas- 
 ing to the Castilians, and the rest of their subjects, 
 and had it been to do again, it would never have 
 been done ; which must needs be a great affliction 
 to them, and the greater, because she must leave 
 them. But having mastered their passion as well 
 as they could, they conducted them through all the 
 chief cities in that kingdom, caused the King of 
 Portugal to be received as their prince, his queen 
 as princess, and declared them their successors after 
 their decease. But to finish all, and consummate 
 their sorrows, this young lady, whom they loved 
 and valued so highly, died in child-bed of a son 
 about a month since, and it is now October, 1498. 
 
 2D2
 
 404 T-HE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Though the queen died, yet her son lived, and is 
 called Emanuel * ; yet I am informed their affliction 
 is so great, they would have given God thanks to 
 have taken them w^ith their daughter. 
 
 All these great misfortunes happened in three 
 months' space ; nor were we without our share of 
 afflictions ; for before the death of the above-men- 
 tioned princess, we in this kingdom were chastised 
 and afflicted by the death of Charles VIII. (of whom 
 I have spoken so much) and who died after the 
 manner as you shall hear hereafter ; as if God had 
 been offended with both these illustrious families, 
 and would not suffer the one to triumph over the 
 other. No such revolution happens in a kingdom, 
 but it is generally attended with very sad conse- 
 quences, and though possibly some may be gainers, 
 yet there will be a hundred losers to one of them, 
 besides the changing of a man's whole life and 
 conversation ; for that which pleases one king will 
 hardly be agreeable to another. And (as I have 
 said in another place) he that reflects upon the sud- 
 den and severe [chastisements which God has in- 
 flicted on the great princes of Europe within these 
 thirty years, shall find more and greater than in 
 two hundred years before, including France, Castile, 
 Portugal, England, the kingdom of Naples, Flan- 
 ders, and Bretagne ; and if any should attempt to 
 give a particular account of all the fates and mis- 
 fortunes which I have known, (and perhaps most of 
 
 * Other authors say his name was Michael ; but he died young, 
 and the crown of Spain descended to Jane the second daughter, who 
 was wife to Phihp, Duke of Austria, and mother to Charles V. ^
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 405 
 
 the persons on whom they fell) it would swell into 
 a vast volume, and astonish the whole world, though 
 it contained no more than the occurrences of ten, 
 years past. By these afflictions, the power of God 
 ought to be acknowledged and remembered ; for the 
 troubles which he lays upon princes are heavier, 
 more grievous, and more lasting than those he lays 
 upon inferior persons. So that in short, (upon a 
 full and just consideration of all,) the lives of prin- 
 ces are as much subject to aiflictions and anxiety 
 of mind as other men's, at least if they regard their 
 own affairs themselves, and endeavour to prevent 
 such miseries from falling upon them as they see 
 have ruined their neighbouring princes. It is true 
 they punish their subjects at their pleasure, and 
 God does the same by them ; for besides him, there 
 is none above them. But that kingdom is most 
 happy whose king fears God, and manages his own 
 affairs. 
 
 Thus have you seen, in few words, the misfor- 
 tunes which befel these two potent kingdoms, and 
 all within the space of three months, which not 
 long before were so incensed one against the other, 
 so busy to subvert one another, and so intent upon 
 their interest and advancement^ that nothing which 
 they enjoyed was sufficient to satisfy their boundless 
 ambition. I confess (as I said before) no change 
 happens in government but some people are the 
 better for it ; yet when a prince dies suddenly, the 
 first news of his death is terrible to all.
 
 406 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Of the magnificent Building which King Charles began not long before 
 bis Death ; his good inclination to reform the Church, the Laws, 
 the Treasury, and himself; and of his dying suddenly in this resolu- 
 tion in his Castle at Amboise. — 1498. 
 
 I HAVE now done with the affairs of Italy and 
 Spain, and shall return to speak of our own mis- 
 fortunes in France (at which some people might 
 possibly rejoice, especially if they gained any thing 
 by them,) and give you an account of the death of 
 Charles VIII., our king, who died suddenly at his 
 castle of Amboise where he began the most august 
 and magnificent building that any prince had under- 
 taken for one hundred years before, both in the 
 town and the castle ; and this appears by the re- 
 maining towers, to the top of which one may ride 
 on horseback. As to his building in the town, the 
 design was admirable, the model lofty, and would 
 have required a great deal of time. He had 
 brought his artificers (as his carvers, painters, and 
 such) from Italy, so that the whole fabric seemed 
 the enterprise of a young prince who thought no- 
 thing of dying so soon ; for he collected whatever 
 was commended to him, either in France, Italy, or 
 Flanders. Besides this great work, his mind was 
 so bent upon another expedition into Italy, being 
 sensible he had committed many great errors in his 
 first ; he spoke often of them, and resolved if ever 
 he recovered what he had lost in that country, he 
 would keep it better than he had done ; and having 
 a party and intelligence in all places, he thought it
 
 PHILIP D£ COMINES. 
 
 407 
 
 not impossible but he might return and recover the 
 kingdom of Naples. To which purpose he resolved 
 to send thither a body of fifteen hundred Italian men 
 at arms under the command of the Marquis of 
 Mantua, the Ursini, the Vitelli, and the governor 
 of Rome, brother to the cardinal of St. Peter ad 
 Vincula ; the Lord d'Aubigny, who had done such 
 wonders in Calabria, was to march into the terri- 
 tories of the Florentines, who were to bear half the 
 charges for six months. His first attempt was to 
 have been upon Pisa, or the adjacent towns, and 
 then joining with the rest, to march in one body 
 into the kingdom of Naples, from whence he was 
 solicited continually. Pope Alexander VI., who 
 now reigns, being offended with the Venetians, en- 
 deavoured to come into the alliance, and had pri- 
 vate intrigues with him by an agent that lay incog- 
 nito, whom I privately conveyed into the king's 
 chamber not long before his death. The Venetians 
 were ready to join with us against the Duke of 
 Milan, and our negotiations with Spain were as 
 you have heard ; the king of the Romans desired 
 nothing so earnestly as the friendship of our king, 
 and that they two might manage their own affairs 
 in Italy by themselves. This king of the Romans 
 was called Maximilian, a mortal enemy to the Ve- 
 netians, because they had taken and kept several 
 places belonging to the house of Austria, of which 
 he was next heir, and to the empire besides. 
 
 The king had also resolved with himself to live 
 a more strict and religious life than he had formerly 
 done, to regulate the laws, to reform the church,
 
 408 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 and so to rectify his revenue that he would not raise 
 above one million two hundred thousand francs 
 upon his subjects by way of tax, which was the sum 
 given him by the three estates at their convention 
 at Tours, upon his accession to the throne. He in- 
 tended the said sum should be employed in the de- 
 fence of the kingdom, and for himself he would live 
 upon his crown lands, as his predecessors had done 
 before him, which he might easily have done, if it 
 had been well managed, for his revenue (compre- 
 hending his duties and customs) came to above a 
 million a year. Had he done as he resolved, it 
 would have been a great ease to the people, who 
 pay now above two millions and a half. He was 
 very earnest likewise to have reformed the order of 
 St. Benedict, and others. He got good preachers 
 about him, and was a constant hearer of them. He 
 would fain have ordered it so that a bishop should 
 have enjoyed but one bishopric, a cardinal two, 
 and both be obliged to be resident upon their bene- 
 fices ; but he would have found it a difficult task 
 to have persuaded the clergy to it. He gave alms 
 liberally to the poor not many days before his 
 death, as I was since informed by his confessor the 
 bishop of Anglers, who is a very eminent prelate. 
 He had erected also a place for public audience, 
 where he heard and despatched several causes, 
 especially for the poor ; in which place I saw him 
 two hours together not above a week before he died, 
 after which time I never saw him again. Matters 
 of great moment were not despatched there, but 
 he had set up that court to keep people in^ awe.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 409 
 
 especially his officers, some of whom he suspended 
 for bribery and corruption. 
 
 The king being in great glory in relation to this 
 world, and in a good mind as to God, on the 7th of 
 April, 1498, being Palm-Sunday eve, took his queen 
 (Anne of Bretagne) by the hand, and led her out of 
 her chamber to a place where she had never been 
 before, to see them play at ball in the castle ditch. 
 They entered together into a gallery called laGalerie 
 Haquelebac, upon the account of its being formerly 
 kept by one Haquelebac. It was the nastiest place 
 about the castle, broken down at the entrance, and 
 every body ****** in it that would. The king was no 
 tall man, yet he knocked his head as he went in. 
 He spent some time in looking upon the gamesters, 
 and talked freely with every body. I was not there 
 myself (for I was gone to my country-seat about a 
 week before) but his confessor the bishop of Anglers, 
 and the gentlemen of his bed-chamber, who were 
 then about him, told me what I write. The last 
 expression he used whilst he was in health was, that 
 he hoped never to commit a mortal sin again, nor 
 a venial if he could help it ; and with those words 
 in his mouth he fell down backwards, and lost his 
 speech. It was about two in the afternoon, when 
 he fell, and he lay till eleven o'clock at night. Thrice 
 he recovered his speech, but he quickly lost it again, 
 as his confessor told me, who had confessed him 
 twice that week, one of course, and the other upon 
 occasion of his touching for the king's-evil. Every 
 one went into the gallery that pleased. He was 
 laid upon a coarse bed at first, and he never went
 
 410 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 off it till he died, which was nine hours after. The 
 confessor told me, that every time he recovered his 
 speech he called out upon God, the glorious Vir- 
 gin Mary, St. Claude, and St. Blaise, to assist 
 him. And thus died that great and powerful mo- 
 narch in a sordid and filthy place, though he had 
 so many magnificent palaces of his own, and was 
 building another more stately than any of them, 
 yet he died in a chamber much unsuitable to him- 
 self. How plain, then, and natural is it, from 
 these two examples, for us to acknowledge the 
 power and omnipotence of God, that our life is but 
 a span and a trifle, though we are so greedy and 
 ambitious after the riches of this world, and that a 
 prince has his fate as well as a peasant. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Of the burning Friar Jerome at Florence by the Malice and Solicita- 
 tion of the Pope, and several Venetians and Florentines who were 
 his Enemies. — 1498. 
 
 In my relation of the affairs of Italy I have men- 
 tioned a jacobin friar, who lived at Florence for 
 the space of fifteen years, was very remarkable for 
 the sanctity of his life, and whom I saw and con- 
 versed with in the year 1495. His name was Je- 
 rome, and he had foretold several things which 
 afterwards came to pass. He affirmed the king 
 should make another voyage into Italy, declaring it 
 publicly in his sermons, and pretending he had
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 
 
 411 
 
 both that and other things by revelation from God, 
 by whom he pronounced our king to be chosen to 
 reform the church by force, and chastise the inso- 
 lence of tyrants. But his pretending to revelation 
 created him many enemies, made him incur the 
 displeasure of the pope, and gained him ill-will 
 from several in Florence : His life and his discourse 
 (as far as could be discovered) were the severest 
 and most holy in the world, declaiming perpetually 
 against sin, and making many proselytes in that 
 city. In the same year 1498, and within four or 
 five days after the death of King Charles VIII., 
 died this Jacobin also ; which I mention the rather, 
 because he had always publicly asserted that the 
 king should return again into Italy, to accomplish 
 the commission which God had given him for the 
 reforming of the church by the sword, and the ex- 
 pulsion of the tyrants of that country ; and that in 
 case the king refused or neglected it, God would 
 punish him for it severely ; all which former ser- 
 mons, and those he preached at this time, he 
 caused to be printed, and they are to be seen at this 
 day. His threats to the king of God's severe 
 anger if he returned not into Italy, he wrote several 
 times to his majesty a little before his death ; and 
 he told me as much at my return out of Italy, 
 assuring me that sentence was pronounced in 
 heaven against the king, provided he refused to 
 observe what God had commanded, and did not 
 keep his soldiers from plundering. About the time 
 of the king's death there were great divisions 
 among the Florentines. Some expected the king's
 
 41^ 
 
 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 return, and very earnestly desired it, upon confi- 
 dence in Friar Jerome's assurance, and in that 
 confidense they exhausted and ruined themselves in 
 their expenses for the recovery of Pisa, and the 
 rest of the towns which they had delivered to the' 
 king; but Pisa was in possession of the Venetians. 
 Some were for siding with the league, and de- 
 serting our king, and they alleged that all was 
 but folly and delusion, and that Friar Jerome was 
 a heretic and a hypocrite, and that he ought to be 
 put into a sack and thrown into the river ; but he 
 had friends in the town which protected him against 
 that. The pope and the Duke of Milan wrote 
 often against him, assuring the Florentines that 
 Pisa and the rest of their towns should be restored, 
 if they would abandon our king and punish 
 Friar Jerome. It accidentally happened, that at 
 the time of the king's death the senate consisted 
 of several of Friar Jerome's enemies (for the se- 
 nate in that country is changed every two months) 
 who suborned a cordelier to quarrel with him, and 
 to proclaim him a heretic, and an abuser of the 
 people, in pretending to revelation, and to declare 
 publicly that there was no such thing ; and to 
 prove what he said, he challenged him to the fire 
 before the senate. Friar Jerome had more wit, 
 but one of his brethren offered to do it for him, 
 and another of the cordeliers would do as much 
 for the other ; so that a day was appointed when 
 they were to come to their trial, and both of them 
 presented themselves with all the friars of their ♦ 
 orders. The Jacobin brought the host in his hand.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 413 
 
 which the senate and cordeliers insisted he should 
 lay by ; but the Jacobin being obstinate to the con- 
 trary, and resolved not to part with it, they re- 
 turned all to their convents. The people, encouraged 
 by Friar Jerome's enemies, and authorized by the 
 senate, went to his convent and fetched him and 
 two more of his brethren out, and tortured them 
 most cruelly, killing the chief man in the city 
 (called Francisco Vallori) ohly for being his friend. 
 The pope sent them power and commission to make 
 out process against him, and at last he and his two 
 brethren were burnt. His charge consisted only of 
 two articles ; that he created disorder in the city, 
 and that he was an impostor ; and what he pre- 
 tended by revelation he understood by his friends 
 in the council. For my own part I will neither con- 
 demn nor excuse him, nor will I say they did ill or 
 well in putting him to death, but I am sure he fore- 
 told several things which afterwards came to pass, 
 and which all his friends in Florence could never 
 have suggested. And as to our master, and the 
 evils with which he threatened him, they happened 
 exactly as you have heard, first the death of the 
 Dauphin, and then his own, of which I have seen 
 letters under his own hand to the king.
 
 414 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 The Obsequies and Funeral of Charles VIII. The Coronation of his 
 Successor Louis XII., with the Genealogies of the Kings of France 
 to King Louis XII.— 1498. 
 
 The distemper of which the king died was an 
 apoplexy, or a catarrh, which the physicians hoped 
 would have fallen down into one of his arms, and 
 though it might have taken away the use of that, 
 they Were in no fear of his death. His majesty 
 had four physicians about him, but his greatest 
 confidence was in him that had the least knowledge 
 and experience in physic, and by his directions he 
 was so entirely governed, that the other three durst 
 not give their judgments, though they saw the in- 
 dications of death, and would have ordered him a 
 purge three or four days before. All people ad- 
 dressed themselves to the Duke of Orleans imme- 
 diately, as next heir to the crown ; but the gentle- 
 men of King Charles's bed-chamber buried him in 
 great pomp and solemnity. As soon as he was 
 dead service was begun for his soul, which con- 
 tinued day and night ; for when the Canons had 
 done the Cordeliers began ; and when they had 
 ended, the Bons-hommes or Minimes took it up, 
 which was an order of his own foundation. He 
 lay eight days at Amboise, part of them in a cham- 
 ber very richly furnished, and part in the church ; 
 In short, he lay in great state, and the whole 
 solemnity was more cosdy than any of his prede- 
 cessors had been. The gentlemen of his bed-
 
 PHILIP DE COMINGS. 415 
 
 chamber, all that belonged to his person, and all 
 the officers of his court, never stirred from his 
 corpse, but waited constantly ; and the service con- 
 tinued till his body was interred, which was about 
 a month after, and as I have been told by some of 
 the officers of his exchequer, cost forty-five thou- 
 sand francs. I came to Amboise two days after his 
 death, went to pay my devotions upon his tomb, 
 and stayed there five or six hours. To speak im- 
 partially, I never saw so solemn a mourning for 
 any prince, nor that continued so long ; and no 
 wonder, for he had been more bountiful to his 
 favourites, to those gentlemen of his bed-chamber, 
 and ten or twelve gentlemen of his privy-chamber, 
 had treated them better, and given them greater 
 estates than any king had ever done before ; and 
 indeed he gave them too much. Besides he was the 
 most affable and sweetest natured prince in the 
 world. I verily believe he never said that word to 
 any man that could in reason displease him ; so 
 that he could never have died in a better hour to 
 make himself memorable in history, and lamented 
 by all that served him. I do really think I was the 
 only person in the whole world he was unkind to ; 
 but being sensible it was in his youth, and not at 
 all his own doing, I could not resent it. 
 
 Having lain one night at Amboise, I went and 
 paid my respects to the new king, with whom I had 
 been formerly as intimate as any other person about 
 the court, and much of my troubles and losses were 
 for his sake ; but then all our former acquaintance 
 and the service I had done him were forgotten.
 
 416 THE MEMOIRS OF 
 
 However, he entered upon his government with 
 great wisdom. He altered not any pensions for 
 that year, though they were six months behind. He 
 retrenched nothing of his salaries, but declared that 
 every officer in his kingdom should continue in the 
 same post he found him, which was very honour- 
 able and discreet. As soon as all things could be 
 got ready, he proceeded to his coronation * , and I 
 was there among the rest. The peers of France, 
 (according to ancient custom,) were represented by 
 these following : The Duke of Alenson represented 
 the Duke of Burgundy ; Monsieur de Bourbon the 
 Duke of Normandy ; and the Duke of Lorrain the 
 Duke of Guienne. The first of the earls was Mon- 
 sieur de Ravestein, who represented the Earl of 
 Flanders. The second was Engilbert de Cleves, 
 who represented the Earl of Champagne, and the 
 third was Monsieur de Foix, who represented the 
 earl of Thoulouse. The said inauguration was at 
 Rheims the 27th of May, 1498, and this Louis XH. 
 was the fourth king who came collaterally to the 
 crown. The two first were, Charles Martel, or 
 Pepin his son, and Hugh Capet, both of them may- 
 ors of the palace, or governors of their kings ; after- 
 wards they turned usurpers, deposed their masters, 
 and took the government upon themselves. The 
 third was King Philip of Valois, and the fourth 
 King Louis who now reigns. But the two last came 
 by a just and indisputable title to the crown. The 
 first race of the Kings of France is deduced from 
 
 * The coronation of this prince, at which the author assisted, is to 
 he^een at large in the volume of the French ceremonial, p. 231.
 
 PHILIP DE COMINES. 417 
 
 Meroveus ; there had been two kings before this 
 Meroveus, that is to say, Pharamond, who was the 
 first that was elected King of France ; for, before 
 his time they were called Dukes or Kings of Gaul, 
 and after him one of his sons called Clodion. Phara- 
 mond was chosen king in the year 420, and reigned 
 ten years ; his son Clodion reigned eighteen, so that 
 Pharamond and his son reigned twenty-eight years. 
 Meroveus who succeeded was not Clodion's son, 
 but his kinsman ; so that there seems to have been 
 five interruptions in the royal line. However, as 
 I said before, the Genealogy of the Kings of France 
 begins generally at Meroveus, who was made king 
 in the year 448 ; so that the right line is derived 
 from thence, and runs down to Louis XII., who was 
 crowned one thousand and ninety years after the 
 pedigree of the said kings began. They who would 
 divide it from King Pharamond, need only add 
 twenty-eight more, and the number will amount to 
 one thousand and seventy-eight years since they 
 were called kings of France. From Meroveus to 
 King Pepin there were three hundred and thirty- 
 three years, during which time the line of Meroveus 
 lasted. From King Pepin to Hugh Capet there 
 were two hundred and thirty-seven years, and that 
 time the line of King Pepin and his son Charle- 
 magne continued. Hugh Capet's line lasted three 
 hundred and thirty-nine years, and expired before 
 Philip de Valois, and then the line of the said Philip 
 de Valois extinguished in Charles VIII. , who. (as is 
 said before,) died in the year 1498, and was the 
 last of that family which had continued kings one 
 
 Vol. II. 2 E
 
 418 THB MEMOIRS OP PHiLIP Dt COMINES. 
 
 htihdfed atnd sixty-nine years, during which time 
 seven kings had succeeded of that line, that is to 
 say, Philip de Valois, King John, King Charles V., 
 King Charles VI., King Charles VII., Louis XL, 
 and King Charles VIIL, who was the last of the 
 tight line of Philip de Valois. 
 
 £ND of tUE M&MOIRS.
 
 SECRET HISTORY 
 
 LEWIS XL KING OF FRANCE, 
 
 OTHERWISE CALLED 
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 2 E2
 
 THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 X O the honour and praise of God, our sweet Sa- 
 viour and Redeemer, and the blessed glorious Vir- 
 gin Mary, without whose assistance no good works 
 can be performed. Knowing that several kings, 
 princes, counts, barons, prelates, noblemen, eccle- 
 siastics, and abundance of the common people, are 
 often pleased and delighted in hearing and reading 
 the surprising histories of wonderful things that 
 have happened in divers places both of this and 
 other Christian states and kingdoms, I applied 
 myself with abundance of pleasure, from the 35th 
 year of my age, instead of spending my time in 
 sloth and idleness, to writing a history of several 
 remarkable accidents and adventures that happened 
 in France, and in other neighbouring kingdoms, as 
 far as my memory would permit me ; but especially 
 from the year 1460, in the reign of Charles VII., to 
 the death of Louis XL, his son, who died the 
 30th of August, in the year 1483. However, I nei-
 
 422 THE author's preface. 
 
 ther design nor expect that this historical essay of 
 mine should be a called a Chronicle, being wholly 
 unfit for so bold an undertaking ; neither indeed 
 was I ever employed or permitted to write one ; but 
 what I have here ventured to record, is purely by 
 way of amusement to please and divert those who 
 will give themselves the trouble of reading or hear- 
 ing it read ; whom I also humbly entreat to excuse, 
 and supply my ignorance, by correcting and alter- 
 ing whatever they find .amiss ; for abundance of 
 these remarkable accidents have happened after so 
 very different and so strange a manner, that it 
 would have been a very difficult task, either for me 
 or any other writer, to have given an exact and 
 particular account of every thing that happened 
 during so long a series of time.
 
 THE 
 
 SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 And first of all, then, coBcer^ing the goodness 
 and fertility of the earth in the year 1460, which 
 was so prodigiously fruitful throughout the whole 
 kingdom of France, and bore such plenteous crops 
 of corn, that at the very dearest time a quarter of 
 wheat was sold but for twenty-four Parisian sols ; 
 but there was a great scarcity of fruit, and as for 
 the vines, there was but little wine, especially in 
 the isle of France, so that they had scarce an hogs- 
 head to every acre of ground, but the wine was 
 extraordinary good, and that which grew in the 
 fat vineyards round Paris was sold very dear, and 
 bore the price of ten or eleven crowns a hogshead. 
 
 About that time several poor indigent wretches 
 that were guilty of thieving, sacrilege, house-break- 
 ing, and other enormous crimes, were made an ex- 
 ample of; and severely punished at Paris, amongst 
 whom some were only whipped at the cart's tail, 
 and afterwards pardoned, as being their first offence ; 
 and others, who were old offenders, and had been 
 often guilty of crimes of the like nature, were con- 
 demned to be hanged, and executed accordingly.
 
 424 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 Much about that time also a certain woman, 
 named Perrette Mauger, was condemned to be 
 burnt alive for having committed several robberies, 
 and for harbouring and concealing several notori- 
 ous thieves and house-breakers, who had committed 
 divers robberies in and about Paris ; as also for 
 having sold and disposed of the said goods that 
 were stolen by these thieves, and sharing with them 
 the money that arose from the sale thereof: for 
 which crimes, and several other besides, which she 
 confessed at last, she was condemned by M. Robert 
 Destouteville, mayor of Paris, to be burnt alive at 
 the stake before the gallows, and all her goods and 
 chattels to be forfeited to the king. From which 
 sentence she formally appealed to the court of par- 
 liament, upon the account of which appeal her 
 execution was deferred for some time ; but after 
 the parliament had examined into her trial, they con- 
 firmed the above mentioned sentence, and having de- 
 clared that the said Perrette Mauger had no manner 
 of grounds for her appeal, ordered it immediately to 
 be executed ; upon which she declared herself to be 
 with child, which deferred the execution a little 
 longer ; and presently a jury of midwives and ma- 
 trons were impannelled, and ordered to search her, 
 who, upon a strict examination, reported to the 
 judges that she was not breeding, upon which re- 
 port she was immediately ordered to be burnt before 
 the gallows by Henry Cousin, hangman of Paris.
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 425 
 
 Strange Adventures that happened in England in 
 the same Year, 1460. 
 
 In this year the pope sent a legate into England, 
 who preached to the people of that country, but 
 especially in London, the chief city of that king- 
 dom ; where he made several remonstrances to the 
 inhabitants of that and the adjacent parts much 
 to the prejudice, and contrary to the interest of, 
 Henry VI., king of England ; which remonstrances 
 the Cardinal of York, who accompanied the legate, 
 explained in their own language, with a long ex- 
 position on the same. Upon which the common 
 people, who were wavering and fickle enough at the 
 best, began to rise up in rebellion against King 
 Henry, and his queen, daughter of Rene, King of 
 Sicily and Jerusalem, and their son the Prince of 
 Wales. The common people chose the Earl of War- 
 wick for their head, who was governor of Calais, in 
 the room of Richard, Duke of York, who pretended 
 to be king, and boldly maintained the kingdom of 
 England belonged to him, as being the next heir 
 of the family of King Richard II. A little time 
 afterwards twe Duke of York, who had assembled 
 a great number of the populace in arms, took 
 the field, and marched directly to a park where 
 Henry VI. was, attended by several dukes, princes, 
 and other lords, all in arms also. There were 
 eight avenues that led to this park, and these were 
 guarded by eight barons of the kingdom, all of 
 them traitors and rebels to King Henry ; who, as 
 soon as they were informed of the Duke of York's 
 arrival, immediately gave him admittance into the
 
 426 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 park, with the Earl of Warwick, and several others, 
 who went directly to the place where the king was, 
 whom without any farther ceremony* they seized 
 upon. Immediately after this action, they slew 
 several princes and great lords of the blood royal 
 that were with him. When the Earl of Warwick 
 had so done, he took King Henry and brought him 
 directly to London, carrying the naked sword before 
 him, as if he had been his constable ; and, upon 
 his arrival at London, he led him straight to the 
 tower, in which there were four barons of the king- 
 dom of King Henry's party, that were kept prisoners 
 there ; to whom King Henry some time after, and 
 the Earl of Warwick gave very fair words, and 
 released them out of the tower, after they had 
 solemnly proposed them that their persons should 
 be protected from all manner of danger whatsoever, 
 and in confidence of these fair promises they con- 
 sented to go out of the tower. But as they were 
 leading these four barons after King Henry and the 
 Earl of Warwick, there happened to be an insur- 
 rection of the mob, and some of them came and 
 killed one of the barons, and gave him several 
 blows and contusions ; and the next day, notwith- 
 standing all the fine promises that were made 
 them, the three other barons were executed on 
 Tower-hill. 
 
 * Thomas, the son of Edward Taibot, of Lancashire, apprehended 
 King Henry VI. as he sat at dinner at Waddington Hall in Gleather- 
 wood, in Lancashire ; and, forgetting all respect due to so great a 
 prince, like a common malefactor, with his legs tied under his horse's 
 belly, guarded him up towards London. By the way the Earl of War- 
 wick met him, who arrested him, and taking off his gilt spurs, led hira 
 prisoner to the Tower.
 
 "W 
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 427 
 
 At the same time there arose a great quarrel be- 
 tween the king's officers belonging to the court of 
 Aids, and one of the beadles of the University of 
 Paris, for some affront that the said beadle had 
 given to two counsellors of the same court; for 
 which misdemeanor the said beadle was put into 
 the common gaol of Paris ; which method of pro- 
 ceeding the whole University highly resented, and 
 were so extremely displeased with it, that, till the 
 affair was accommodated, and the beadle restored 
 to his liberty, they refused either to preach, pray, 
 or read to the people ; but, upon his enlargement, 
 they were well satisfied, and performed their usual 
 duty. 
 
 About this time a certain person, called Anthony 
 the Bastard of Burgundy, came into Paris in a dis- 
 guise, and staid there only one day and a night ; 
 and when the inhabitants of the city were informed 
 of his coming in that manner, several officers and 
 men of note could not imagine what should be the 
 meaning of it, and immediately despatched certain 
 persons to carry the news of it to the king, who 
 spoke very favourably of the citizens, and declared 
 they were not the least privy to his coming in that 
 clandestine way. Upon which the king in all haste 
 sends the Marshal de Loheac, and M. John Bureau, 
 Treasurer of France, to inquire into the truth of the 
 relation that was brought him, and to take ail the 
 care imaginable to prevent whatever designs this 
 emissary of the house of Burgundy might have 
 formed in the city. At the same time also the 
 citizens of Paris, (to free themselves from all man-
 
 428 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 ner of suspicion of their consenting to his coming 
 incognito), deputed some of the chief of their citi- 
 zens, amongst whom were M. John de Lolive, Doc- 
 tor of Divinity, and the Chancellors of the Church of 
 Paris, Nicholas de Louviers, M. John Clereboiirg, 
 Master of the Mint ; M. John Lullier, Town Clerk ; 
 James Rebours, Attorney ; John Volant, Merchant, 
 and several others, to represent the matter fairly to 
 the king. His majesty received them very gra- 
 ciously ; and, after they had ended their speech, 
 which was made to clear their innocence, he was 
 extremely well satisfied with them, and having 
 given them a very mild and gracious answer, they 
 returned to Paris with great joy and gladness of 
 heart. 
 
 At that time M. Robert Destouteville, who was 
 mayor of Paris, was committed prisoner to the 
 Bastille, and afterwards to the Louvre, by the 
 command of the Marshal de Loheac and M. John 
 Bureau ; for some injustice and abuses he had 
 committed in the exercise of his office, though it 
 was never fairly proved upon him. About that 
 time also several rude and uncivil actions were 
 committed by M. John Advin, counsellor of the 
 parliament of Paris, in the house of the said 
 Destouteville, such as searching of boxes, trunks, 
 and other places for letters ; not to mention the 
 several incivilities he offered to the Lady Ambroise 
 de Lore, his wife, who was a woman of great 
 virtue, honour and wisdom. 
 
 In this year the rivers of Seine and the Marne 
 were swoln so prodigiously, that in one night's
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 4*29 
 
 time the Marne rose above six foot high about 
 St. Maur des-Fossez, and did a great deal of 
 damage in several places ; but among the rest the 
 river came up so high in a village called Claye, 
 in which there was a palace belonging to the 
 Bishop of Meaux, that it washed away all the 
 brick- work of the front of it, where there were two 
 stately towers newly erected, in which there were 
 fine and large apartments, richly furnished and 
 adorned with tapestry, pictures, SfC, but the river 
 swept all away. 
 
 About that time also it happened, that the body 
 of the church of Fescamp in Normandy was burnt 
 down to the ground by a fiery exhalation that came 
 from the sea towards the Marquis of Cornwall ; 
 and caught hold of the steeple of the said abbey 
 which was quite consumed, and all the bells melted 
 down, to the great loss and detriment of the abbot 
 and his whole fraternity. 
 
 At the same time there was a great noise and 
 discourse all over the kingdom of France, and 
 other places, of a young girl of about eighteen 
 years of age, who lived in the city of Mans, and 
 played several ridiculous pranks and follies ; such 
 as foaming at the mouth, leaping into the air, 
 screaming out aloud, putting her body into a 
 thousand convulsive motions, and pretending to 
 be tormented by the devil ; by which antic tricks, 
 and several others too tedious to mention here, she 
 imposed upon and cheated abundance of people 
 that came to see her. But at last she was dis- 
 covered to be an idle hussy, and that she played
 
 430 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 all her devilish pranks by the instigation and con- 
 trivance of some of the officers belonging to the 
 Bishop of Mans, who maintained her for that pur- 
 pose ; and had so far brought her to their beck, 
 that she would do any thing they bid her, and they 
 had trained her up from her infancy to play these 
 pranks. 
 
 About the same time it happened in England, 
 some time after the earl of Warwick's seizing 
 upon the person of King Henry, that the Duke of 
 Somerset the king's cousin, in conjunction with 
 several young noblemen, relations and heirs to 
 those who w^ere slain at the taking of King Henry, 
 having got together a considerable body of men, 
 took the field, and marched directly against the 
 Duke of York, found him encamped in the plains 
 of St. Albans*, where they gave him battle, 
 and cut him and his whole army to pieces. In 
 this battle the Duke of York was slain himself, 
 and when his body was found they cut off his head, 
 and by way of derision, because he pretended to 
 the crown of England, they fixed it upon the point 
 of a lance, and put a crown of straw in the form 
 of a royal crown upon it. With him there fell in 
 
 * The battle was not fought at St. Albans, but at Wakefield in 
 Yorkshire, on the SOth of December, 1460, in which the Duke of 
 York was killed, and afterwards had his head cut off, and by way 
 of derision a crown of paper, not of straw, as our author writes, set 
 wpon it, and presented to Queen Margaret, who not long after sent 
 it with the heads of other lords to be fixed upon poles over the gate 
 of the city of York. The person that committed this ungenerous 
 action was the Lord Clifford, who, after the battle of Wakefield, in 
 cold blood murdered the young Earl of Rutland, the Duke of York's 
 third son.
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 431 
 
 the battle six and twenty barons, knights, esquires, 
 and persons of note in the kingdom ; besides a 
 great number of common soldiers, amounting in 
 all to above eight or nine thousand men. 
 
 And on Wednesday the third of February in the 
 same year 1460, were read and published at Roan, 
 and in several other places in the duchy of Nor- 
 mandy, in the public market-places by sound of 
 trumpet, the king's letters patent ; by which he 
 declared it was his royal will and pleasure that the 
 whole country of Normandy together with its sea- 
 ports, should be free and open to all English men 
 and women, of what rank or condition soever ; and 
 in what habit soever they shall think fit to wear, 
 (provided they were of King Henry's party) and 
 without having any passport, to have free liberty 
 of trade and commerce throughout his whole 
 kingdom. 
 
 In the year 1461, in the month of July, it hap- 
 pened that King Charles VII. fell sick at the castle 
 of Meum upon the Yeure, of a distemper that was 
 incurable, and of which he died on Wednesday the 
 22nd of July, between one and two o'clock, in the 
 afternoon, much lamented by the whole kingdom ; as 
 being a very wise and valiant prince, and leaving his 
 kingdom in a very peaceful and flourishing condition. 
 Immediately after the death of the king was 
 publicly known, the greatest part of the officers of 
 Paris, and several others of the kingdom, went to 
 pay their respects to the Dauphin, who resided at 
 the Duke of Burgundy's court at Hainault; and 
 who by the decease of his father came to the crown
 
 432 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 of France. The occasion of their waiting on him 
 there, was, to know his royal will and pleasure ; 
 and whether they should be continued in the same 
 posts and employments they enjoyed under his 
 father : At which place after his death he made a 
 promotion of several officers in the chamber of 
 accounts or exchequer, at Paris : Amongst the 
 rest, he made M. Peter I'Orfeure Lord of Derme- 
 nonville and Nicholas de Louviers counsellors of 
 the same exchequer, and M. John Baillett master 
 of the requests and reporter of the court of chan- 
 cery: He also confirmed M. Simon Charles, who 
 was carried in a litter into Hainault, in the place 
 he was possessed of in the exchequer : and the rest 
 of the officers that came thither to beg the favour 
 of being continued in their respective posts and 
 employments, were ordered back to Paris to wait 
 for the king's coming thither. 
 
 And upon the 24th of July, 1461, M. Ethiene, 
 knight, who was treasurer or chief director of the 
 finances in the reign of the late King Charles, and 
 whom he appointed to be one of the executors of 
 his last will and testament, and also M. Dreux 
 Bude, the grand audiencier* of France, went from 
 Paris to the king's corps that lay in state at Meum ; 
 but the Lord d'Aigreville, captain of Montargis, 
 at the earnest solicitation of a certain gentleman 
 named Vuaste Morpedon caused them both to be 
 seized at Montargis ; where they remained pri- 
 soners for some time, till the king sent orders for 
 
 * One of the chief officers of the Chancery of France, who exa- 
 mines all letters-patents, &c., before they pass the seals.
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 433 
 
 their release, and contimied them both in their re- 
 spective employments of treasurer and audiencier. 
 
 But it was very observable, that on the 23d of 
 July, in 1461, which was the next day after the 
 king's death, a large blazing star was seen in the 
 sky about seven o'clock at night, which cast such a 
 glaring and resplendent light through the air, that 
 all Paris seemed to be in a flame ; but Heaven in 
 in its mercy has been still pleased to preserve that 
 good city. 
 
 On Thursday the 6th of August, 1461, the body 
 of the late King Charles VIL was brought from 
 Meum with great solemnity, to the Church of No- 
 tre-Dame in the Fields, without the gates of Paris : 
 And the next day the clergy, nobility, officers, citi- 
 zens, and abundance of the populace repaired thi- 
 ther ; and conducted it from thence to Paris, with 
 a great deal of pomp, ceremony, and respect, as is 
 usual upon such occasions. The funeral proces- 
 sion was thus regulated. Before the corps were 
 borne two hundred wax-candles of four pounds 
 each, adorned and painted with the arms of France, 
 and carried by two hundred inferior persons dressed 
 in long mourning robes and black caps ; the body 
 was borne in a litter by the salt-porters of Paris, 
 which was lined and covered with a rich cloth of 
 gold, valued at one thousand two hundred crowns 
 of gold ; and upon the top of it was placed the ef- 
 figies of the late king Charles dressed in his royal 
 robes, with a crown on his head, holding in one 
 hand a sceptre; and in the other a regal trun- 
 cheon ; and in this state it was carried to the great 
 Vol. II. * F
 
 434 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 Church of Notre-Dame in Paris ; all the bellmen of 
 the city clothed also in black, and bearing on each 
 side of their gowns the arms of France, marching 
 before it; and after them came those that bore 
 the candles, adorned and painted with the same 
 arms, before the litter. After the litter came the 
 Duke of Orleans and the Count d'Angouleme as 
 chief mourners, accompanied by the Counts d'Eu 
 and Dunois ; M. John Jouvenelle des Voisins, 
 knight and chancellor of France, and the master 
 of the horse, all clothed in deep mourning, and 
 mounted on horseback : Next to them marched all 
 the officers of the household to the late king, on 
 foot, by two and two, dressed in deep mourning 
 also ; and close to the litter rode six pages in 
 black upon six fine horses covered all over with 
 black velvet, which was a very dismal and melan* 
 choly sight to behold. And there was such an uni- 
 versal concern and lamentation for his death, that 
 scarce a dry eye was left in the whole city ; nay, it 
 is reported, that one of his pages took his master's 
 death "so to heart, that for four whole days toge- 
 ther, he neither ate nor drank any thing. The next 
 day, which was the 9th of August, his body was re- 
 moved from the Church of Notre-Dame, in Paris, 
 about three in the afternoon, and carried with the 
 above-mentioned pomp and ceremony to St. Den- 
 nis, where it was deposited, and now lies. 
 
 Towards the end of this month our most gra- 
 cious sovereign Louis XI. then only dauphin and 
 eldest son of Charles VII. lately deceased, was 
 crowned King of France at Rheims by the Arch-
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 435 
 
 bishop Joii venal, where he was attended by the 
 greatest part of the nobility of his kingdom* 
 
 Upon the last day of this month of August, the 
 king set out from an hotel named Les Porcherons 
 which was in the suburbs near the gate of St. Hon- 
 nore, belonging to M. John Bureau, who was 
 knighted at his coronation at Rheims, in order to 
 make his public entry into Paris ; upon which the 
 whole body of the nobility, clergy, and gentry came 
 out to pay their homage to him, and welcome him 
 to their city ; amongst whom were the Bishop of 
 Paris named William Chartier, the whole Univer- 
 sity, the Court of Parliament, the Mayor of Paris, 
 all the officers of the Exchequer, and the provost of 
 merchants, with the aldermen in their damask 
 robes lined with sables : And the mayor and alder- 
 men, after they had saluted and paid their respects 
 to the king, presented him with the keys of the 
 city gates, through which he was to make his en- 
 try, which he very graciously returned ; and then 
 the way was ordered to be cleared, to make room 
 for others to approach his majesty, and make their 
 compliment to him, of which number he made a 
 great many knights on the spot. As the king 
 passed through the gate of St. Dennis, he found 
 near the Church of St. Ladre a herald mounted on 
 horseback, and clothed in the city livery, who pre- 
 sented him with five ladies on the part of the city, 
 richly dressed, and mounted on five fine horses 
 sumptuously accoutred with rich furniture, on 
 which were embroidered the city arms ; and these 
 five ladies were habited after a sort of a manner re- 
 
 2F2
 
 450 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 presenting the five letters of Paris, and every oik* 
 of them made a speech to the king, which was 
 prepared for them beforehand . 
 
 There was a very great appearance at the king's 
 public entry into Paris, both of his own nobility, 
 and of foreign princes and noblemen, amongst 
 whom were the Dukes of Orleans, Burgundy, Bour- 
 bon, and Cleves, the Count de Charolois, the Duke 
 of Burgundy's eldest son, the Counts d'Angoulesme, 
 St. Paul, and Dunois, besides several other earls, 
 barons, knights, captains, and a great number of 
 persons of note and distinction, who, in honour of 
 the day, and to augment the splendour and magni- 
 ficence of the triumphal entry, had bestowed vast 
 sums in rich and costly furniture, with which their 
 horses were caparisoned ; some of their housings 
 were of the richest cloth of gold, made after differ- 
 ent fashions, and lined with sables ; ethers were of 
 crimson velvet, lined with ermine or rich damask, 
 embroidered with gold and silver, and hung round 
 with great silver bells, which were of a consider- 
 able value ; and upon the horses rode fine young 
 pages, the very flower of youth and beauty, richly 
 dressed, and wearing an embroidered scarf over 
 their shoulders, that hung down to the crupper, 
 which made a very noble and gallant show. 
 
 The Parisians on this occasion caused a very fine 
 ship to be cast in silver, which was borne aloft 
 upon men's shoulders, and just as the king made 
 his entry through the gate of St. Dennis, it was 
 placed upon the draw-bridge near the said gate, to 
 represent the city arms. In it were placed three
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 437 
 
 persons representing the three estates of the king- 
 dom, and in the stern and the poop sat two more 
 personating justice and equity, and out of the scut- 
 tle, which was formed in the shape of a fleur-de- 
 lis, issued a king dressed in royal robes, and at- 
 tended by two angels. A little farther at the foun- 
 tain du Ponceau there were wild men that played 
 the parts of gladiators, and near them were placed 
 three handsome wenches, representing mermaids, 
 sporting and singing gay enlivening airs, which 
 were humoured and accompanied with the melo- 
 dious harmony of soft music. And to comfort 
 and refresh the people, there were several pipes in 
 the said fountain that ran milk, wine, and hippo- 
 oras, of which every one drank what he pleased, 
 and a little below the fountain the passion of our 
 Saviour was represented as he was crucified be- 
 tween two thieves. At a little distance from this 
 crucifix there were posted a band of men richly 
 dressed, representing hunters that had just riui 
 down a stag, whose death was accompanied with 
 the melodious noise of dogs and horns ; and in the 
 Rue de Boucherie there were large scaffolds erected 
 in the form of the Bastile at Dieppe. And when 
 the king was passed by them, the English who 
 were within the Bastile were furiously attacked by 
 the king's soldiers, taken prisoners, and had all 
 their throats cut. Opposite to the gate of the 
 Chastellet there was a fine appearance of persons 
 of quality; all the windows were hung with rich 
 tapestry, and the streets through which the Icing
 
 438 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE, 
 
 passed were crowded with a prodigious number of 
 people. In this pompous manner he proceeded to 
 the Church of Notre-Dame, and having performed 
 his devotions to the blessed Virgin, he returned to 
 his royal palace, where he had a splendid and mag- 
 nificent entertainment, and lay there that night. 
 The next morning, which was the first of Septem- 
 ber in the year 1461, he removed from thence into 
 his Hotel des Tournelles, near the Bastile de St. 
 Antoine, where he staid some time, during which 
 he made several acts and ordinances, and turned 
 several of the officers of his kingdom out of their 
 posts and employments, amongst the rest the Chan- 
 cellor Juvenal des Ursins, the marshal, admiral, 
 the first president of the Court of Parliament, and 
 the provost of Paris, and put new ones in their 
 places. 
 
 He also made a new regulation in all his courts 
 of justice and offices belonging to the crown, espe- 
 cially in the Exchequer, Treasury, and the Mint, 
 turning out abundance of counsellors, secretaries, 
 receivers-general, clerks, and other officers of an 
 inferior nature, and putting others in their room. 
 
 The 3d of September, 1461, the king, attended 
 by some of the lords and gentlemen of his court, 
 was entertained at supper in the house of one 
 M. William de Corbie, a counsellor of the court of 
 Parliament, whom he made President of Dauphine 
 that very night. There were abundance of fine 
 ladies and honest citizens' wives to see the king at 
 supper; and during his stay at Paris he ordered
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 439 
 
 several feasts and entertainments to be made in 
 divers places of the city on purpose to treat and 
 divert them. 
 
 About this time it happened, that a beautiful 
 young woman named Joan du Bois, w^ife to a cer- 
 tain officer belonging to the Chastellet of Paris, 
 made an elopement from her husband, but after- 
 wards, by the counsel and advice of his intimate 
 friends, he took her home again ; she became a very 
 good woman, and lived a sober and virtuous life 
 with her husband. 
 
 In the years 1462 and 1463 nothing material or 
 worth recording happened, and therefore I have 
 passed them over in silence. And as for the year 
 1463, as I have already observed, there was nothing 
 happened in it worth taking notice of, unless it was 
 the shortness of the winter and the length of the 
 summer, which was extremely pleasant, and very 
 favourable to the vines, so that we had plenty of 
 good wine that very year, but a great scarcity of all 
 other fruits of the earth. 
 
 In the year 1464, upon Tuesday the 15th of May, 
 the king came from Nogent le Roy, where the 
 queen was brought to bed of a young princess, and 
 on the same day in the evening supped at M. Charles 
 d'Orgemont's Lord of Mery, and from thence he set 
 out for the frontiers of Picardy, where he concluded 
 to have found the ambassadors whom Edward King 
 of England had promised to send thither to him, 
 hut they never came ; whereupou the king left 
 Picardy and made a progress to Roan, and several 
 other places in Normandy. About that time it 
 happened, that a small vessel of Dieppe was seized
 
 440 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 upon the coast of Holland by some of the Duke of 
 Burgundy's ships, in which there was a person 
 named the Bastard of Rubempre, who with the rest 
 of the ship's crew was immediately clapped into 
 prison, upon pretence that their design of hovering 
 about those parts was purely to seize upon the per-- 
 son of the Count de Charolois : and this report the 
 Flemings spread abroad every where, but there was 
 nothing in it. 
 
 About that time the king set out from Normandy 
 in his return to Nogent, from whence he went to 
 Visit Tours, Chinon, and Poictiers, at which place 
 arrived the deputies that were sent by the city of 
 Paris to desire his majesty to grant them farther 
 privileges ; but all they were able to obtain of him 
 was, only to be exempted from a small tax called the 
 Foreign Impost, which was no great matter ; and 
 even that small gift they did not enjoy, for the 
 clerks of the Exchequer, to whom their letters 
 patents were directed, were negligent, and would 
 not despatch their business in time. The ambas- 
 sadors of the Duke of Bretagne were likewise to 
 wait on him there, whom he heard upon several 
 articles, that were brought him, in relation to the 
 affair between the duke and him ; which articles, 
 or at least the greatest part of them, were granted 
 and allowed of by his majesty ; and by those 
 articles of agreement the said ambassadors did 
 promise and engage that their master the Duke 
 of Bretagne should wait on his majesty either at 
 Poictiers or elsewhere, to confirm and ratify the 
 said articles. After which, the ambassadors took 
 their leave of the king, pretending to return into
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 441 
 
 Bretagne ; but they did quite the contrary, as you 
 will find hereafter. The day they set out from 
 Poictiers, which was Saturday, they went but four 
 leagues, where they stayed till the Monday fol- 
 lowing; and upon Sunday the Duke of Berry, the 
 king's own brother, departed from Poictiers also, 
 and lay that night with the ambassadors, who re- 
 ceived him with abundance of kindness and civility, 
 and the next morning early in great haste they all 
 set out together for Bretagne, fearing lest the king 
 should be informed of his brother's going with 
 them, and upon that account follow them : besides 
 the Count de Dunois was already arrived at the 
 Duke of Bretagne's court, which would be apt to 
 give the king a suspicion of some secret designs on 
 foot against him. 
 
 Soon after the departure of these ambassadors, 
 the Duke of Bourbon declares war against the king, 
 and invades his dominions, seizing upon whatever 
 belonged to the king, in his territories, and putting 
 the Lord de Croussol, a great favourite of the king's, 
 under an arrest. This Lord de Croussol was only 
 passing through his country with his lady and the 
 rest of his family ; however, they were all of them 
 arrested and confined in the city of Cosne in Bour- 
 bonnois. 
 
 After this, William Juvenal des Ursins Lord of 
 Traynel, formerly chancellor of France, and M. 
 Peter Doriolle the late treasurer, were also arrested 
 in the city of Molins, where they endured a long 
 imprisonment ; but at last the Duke of Bourbon
 
 442 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 released them, and gave them liberty to go back to 
 the king. 
 
 On Sunday the 12th of March, in the year 1464, 
 after the Duke of Berry's departure from Poictiers, 
 Anthony Chabannes Count de Dampmartin, who 
 was a prisoner in the Bastile de St. Antoine, made 
 his escape and fled into Berry and Bourbonnois, 
 where he was kindly received. But several who 
 were suspected to be accessary to his escape, were 
 immediately committed to prison. 
 
 On Wednesday the 15th of March, M. Charles de 
 Melun the king's lieutenant, M. John Balue Bishop 
 of Eureux, and M. John the mayor, with the king's 
 secretary, met together in the town-house, where 
 they caused several articles that the king had given 
 them in charge, to be read ; and after the reading- 
 was over, they made several acts and ordinances for 
 the better defence and security of the city ; amongst 
 the rest, there was a particular order to appoint a 
 strong watch to guard the city gates by night, to 
 shut them at a constant hour, to have iron chains 
 fastened at the end of every street, to bar them up 
 upon any occasion ; and several others, which being 
 too long to be inserted here, I shall for brevity's 
 sake omit them. 
 
 But after the escape of the Count de Dampmar- 
 tin, the king found out a stratagem to surprise the 
 two strong places of Fourgeau and Morue, which 
 were defended by Jeffery Cueur, son of the late 
 James Cueur, whom he made a prisoner, and seized 
 upon all the riches he found in them.
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 443 
 
 As soon as this business was over the king, at- 
 tended by the King of Sicily and the Lord du Maine, 
 marched towards Angiers and Pont de Ce, to de- 
 mand of those who had so basely deserted him, 
 what reasons induced them to retire and withdraw 
 themselves into Bretagne. He ordered his army, 
 which was chiefly composed of the standing forces of 
 the kingdom, and amounted to twenty or thirty thou- 
 sand men immediately to follow him ; but after he 
 had been there for some time, and found he could 
 not possibly finish the war on that side so soon as 
 he expected, he marched with a strong detachment 
 and some cannon into the duchy of Berry, towards 
 Yssouldon, Viarron, Dreux, and other neighbour- 
 ing towns, leaving the King of Sicily and the Count 
 du Maine with a good body of troops to defend 
 and guard the passes, and to hinder the Bretons 
 from penetrating either into Normandy, or into any 
 other part of his kingdom. 
 
 The king made but a short stay in the Duchy of 
 Berry, and from thence he marched into Bourbon- 
 nois, leaving the city of Bourges behind him, in 
 which there was a strong garrison commanded by 
 Monsieur the Duke of Bourbon's bastard, who held 
 it for the Duke of Berry, he marched into Bour- 
 bonnois, where the town and castle of St. Amant 
 Lalier were taken by storm on the day of our Lord's 
 ascension, and a little after the town and castle of 
 Molucon surrendered upon articles of capitulation, 
 in which were James de Bourbon with about thirty- 
 live lances, who took an oath never to bear arms 
 against the king again, upon which they were suf-
 
 444 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 fered to march out without being plundered, and 
 had the liberty of going where they pleased. 
 
 Upon Ascension-eve the Chancellor Traynel, M. 
 Estienne knight, Nicholas de Louviers, and M. John 
 de Molins arrived at Paris, by whom the king wrote 
 to his good people and citizens of that place, thank- 
 ing them for their good inclinations and loyalty to 
 him, exhorting them to continue firm and steadfast 
 in their allegiance, and commanding them to con- 
 duct the queen safe to Paris, where he would have 
 her lie-in, as loving that city above any in his king- 
 dom. 
 
 On Thursday the 30th of May, in 1465, it hap- 
 pened that one John de Hure, merchant of the city 
 of Sens, came with his nephew and some other 
 company to lodge in a mill, which was called the 
 Little-Mill, on the other side of Moret in Gastinois, 
 and about midnight thirty or forty horse well armed 
 came and beat up their quarters, plundered them 
 of all they had, and carried away the merchant and 
 his whole company prisoners. At the same time 
 the king ordered the bridges of Chamois and Beau- 
 mont on the Oise, with several others, to be broken 
 down. 
 
 About that time the Bastard of Burgundy and 
 the Marshal of Burgundy, with a considerable body 
 of the Count de Charolois's forces, invaded the 
 king's dominions, and took from him the towns of 
 Roye and Montdidier. Upon which the Count de 
 Nevers and Joachim Rouault Marshal of France, 
 who were in Peronne with a garrison of about four 
 thousand men, retired with part of them to Noyon
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 445 
 
 and Compeigne, leaving some of the nobility with 
 about five hundred Frank archers in Peronne for its 
 defence. 
 
 At the same time the king, who was then in 
 Bourlonnois, left that country and retired to St. 
 Poursain, whither his sister the Duchess of Bour- 
 bon and Auvergne came also to wait on him, being 
 extremely concerned at the difference that there was 
 between the king her brother and her husband the 
 Duke of Bourbou, and hoped by that means to have 
 accommodated matters between them, but it was 
 not in her power to do it. In the mean time how- 
 ever, the Duke of Bourbon evacuated Molins, and 
 retired to Rion. 
 
 About this time came orders for the besieging of 
 St. Maurice, which the Count de Dampmartin ob- 
 stinately held against the king. M. Charles de 
 Meleum Bailiff, of Sens, with several others of the 
 same corporation, had the direction of that siege, 
 but finding the body of men that were under their 
 command too weak for such an undertaking, M. 
 Anthony Bailiff of Meleum was ordered thither with 
 a strong reinforcement of archers and cross-bow- 
 men from Paris, and upon the arrival of these 
 forces St. Maurice beat the Chamade, and surren- 
 dered the town upon articles of capitulation. 
 
 On the 25th of June, it was ordered by the ma- 
 gistrates of Paris assembled in the town-house, that 
 the streets should be unchained, but that the iron 
 chains should still remain hanging at the corner of 
 every street to which they belonged ; in order to 
 .have them in a readiness upon any occasion, tluit
 
 445 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 persons should be deputed to examine what con- 
 dition they were in ; and if they wanted mending 
 to get them instantly repaired, and keep them al- 
 ways fit for service, which was accordingly done. 
 There was also another order issued out, by which 
 every citizen was obliged to take arms, and to lay 
 in a stock of provision and ammunition for the de- 
 fence of the city in case of need ; and this order 
 was sent in writing to every particular housekeeper 
 in Paris. 
 
 It was much about this time that a great body 
 of Burgundians, Picardians, and of other nations 
 subject to the Count de Carolois, marched into 
 France as far as Pont St. Maxence, which one 
 Madre, who was the governor of it, delivered up 
 to the Count de Charolois for a certain sum of 
 money: upon which he advanced with his army 
 into the Isle of France, where he committed great 
 ravages and devastations, notwithstanding he pre- 
 tended this war was undertaken purely for the 
 public good, and to free the subjects of France 
 from the tyranny of their king. 
 
 Soon after this business of Pont St. Maxence, 
 the Burgundians took Beaulieu, which a party of 
 the Marshal Joachim's own regiment had a long 
 time defended, and held out against them ; who at 
 last surrendered upon articles, and marched out 
 with bag and baggage, and the usual marks of 
 honour. 
 
 And as soon as the Burgundians had entered the 
 Isle of France, they dispersed themselves in small 
 bodies all over the county, and took Dampmartin,
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 447 
 
 Nantouillet, Villemonble, and several other incon- 
 siderable places, and afterwards at Laigny they 
 committed great disorders and outrages, tearing 
 and burning all the papers relating to the public 
 accounts of the province, ordering that all commo- 
 dities should be free from taxes in the town, and 
 commanding the salt which was stored up in the 
 public granaries for the king's use, to be given to 
 whomsoever had occasion for it upon paying custom 
 for it. 
 
 About this time the king, who was in Bourbon- 
 nois, laid siege to Rion, in Auvergne, in which 
 were the Duke of Bourbon and Nemours, the 
 Count d'Armaignac, the Lord Albret, and several 
 other persons of note. The king had, at that time 
 when he invested the town, the finest army that 
 ever was seen ; having, in all, including the nobi- 
 lity and persons of note and distinction, above 
 24,000 effective men of regular troops. 
 
 And, on Wednesday, the 4th of July, in the 
 same year, the king, who was still before Rion, 
 wrote letters to M. Charles Meleum, his lieutenant 
 of Paris, the Marshal Joachim, and the citizens of 
 Paris, which he sent by M. Charles de Charlay, the 
 captain of the watch ; and in these letters he heartily 
 thanked his good citizens of Paris for their stead- 
 fastness and loyalty to his person, desiring and 
 exhorting them to continue in their duty and alle- 
 giance, and assuring them that within fifteen days 
 he would be at Paris, with his whole army. He 
 also ordered the said Charles de Charlay to ac- 
 quaint them by word of mouth of certain terms
 
 448 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 and articles of agreement that he had made with the 
 Dukes of Bourbon and Nemours, and the Lords 
 d'Armaignac and Albret, and how by the compact 
 all and every of them had solemnly and sincerely 
 promised henceforth never to bear arms against 
 him, but to live and die in his service ; and that 
 the said dukes and lords above-mentioned had 
 faithfully promised to do their duty, in endeavour- 
 ing to persuade the other lords that were engaged 
 in the confederacy to accept of the same terms of 
 accommodation ; and that the four above-men- 
 tioned lords had agreed to send before the feast 
 of August, their ambassadors to the king at Paris, 
 in order to treat of peace ; and, that if they could 
 not induce the other lords engaged in the same 
 confederacy to hearken to a peace, they had so- 
 lemnly vowed and sworn to keep the promise they 
 had made of never bearing arms against the king, 
 but to live and die in defence of him and his king- 
 dom. And, that, as a farther confirmation of this 
 promise, the above-mentioned lords had caused it 
 to be registered by two public notaries at Mossiat, 
 near Ryon, agreeing and consenting to be excom- 
 municated, provided they, or either of them, should 
 act to the contrary. 
 
 On the Friday following, a large body of the 
 Count de Charolois's forces, the greatest part of 
 them Burgundians, arrived at St. Dennis, from 
 whence they sent a detachment to Point S. Clou, 
 in hopes of making themselves masters of it, but 
 not being able to eflfect their project, they marched 
 back to St. Dennis.
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHHONICLK. 449 
 
 On Sunday, the 12th of July, 1465, the Burgun- 
 dians appeared before Paris, but finding they could 
 not carry their point, they retired to St. Dennis 
 with the loss of a few men, who were endeavouring 
 to scale the walls. 
 
 On Monday, the 8th of August, the Burgundians 
 came a second time before Paris, with all their 
 artillery and heavy cannon, but before their army 
 appeared in sight of the town, they sent four 
 heralds to the Gate of St. Dennis, at which M. 
 Peter I'Orfeure, Lord Dermenonville, and M. John 
 de Pompaincourt, Lord of Cercelles, commanded as 
 captains of the guards that day. Their pretejided 
 message was to demand provision for their army, 
 and a free admittance into Paris in a peaceful and 
 friendly manner ; and to let the citizens know, that 
 if they refused to grant their demands, they would 
 enter the town by force, and give it up to be plun- 
 dered by their soldiers. 
 
 Scarce had the four heralds delivered their mes- 
 sage, when the Burgundians (who thought to have 
 surprised the town, and cut in pieces the guard that 
 defended the Gate of St. Dennis, without giving 
 the citizens time to return an answer) appeared 
 with a considerable body of forces, and penetrating 
 as far as St. Ladre, were in hopes of getting within 
 the barriers that led to that gate, which they de- 
 signed to have forced with their cannon and other 
 warlike engines : but the citizens made a vigorous 
 resistance, and the Marshal Joachim with his own 
 regiment gave them a very warm reception; so 
 that the Burgundians finding that they could not 
 
 Vol.. II. « G
 
 450 
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 succeed in their design, retired to their camp, with 
 the loss of abundance of men killed and wounded. 
 Immediately their whole army invested the town, 
 in which they did great execution with their can- 
 non, culverins, and other warlike engines, and 
 killed and wounded a great many men. During 
 this bombardment, there was a cowardly rascal of 
 a bailiff named Casin Chollet, that ran up and 
 down the streets, like one frightened out of his wits, 
 crying out, '* Get you into your houses, O Pari- 
 sians, and shut the doors, for the Bungundians are 
 entered the town ; " which put the inhabitants into 
 so dreadful a consternation, that several women 
 with child miscarried, and others died of the fright. 
 No action happened before Paris on the Tuesday 
 following, only the Count de St. Paul, who was at 
 St. Dennis, with the Count de Charolois, marched 
 from thence with a detachment of Picardians and 
 Burgundians, in order to possess himself of Point 
 St. Clou, but the project failed at that time. And 
 on the Wednesday following, there arrived in his 
 camp a fine train of artillery, consisting of about 
 fifty or sixty pieces of cannon, which the Count 
 de Charolois had ordered to be sent him : and on 
 the same day, a brigade of M. Peter de Breze's re- 
 giment marched out of Paris, to intercept the Bur- 
 gundians in their march to St. Clou, two of which 
 they killed, and took five prisoners ; one of which 
 received so terrible a blow as clove his head asun- 
 der, and the fore part of it hung down by a bit of 
 skin upon his breast. The Burgundians also took 
 an archer, servant to M. John Noyer, of the same
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE, 451 
 
 regiment ; and in the evening they made a vigorous 
 attack upon St. Clou, and storming the outworks, 
 put the garrison, who held it for the king, into such 
 a consternation, that they agreed to capitulate, an(J 
 surrendered the town immediately upon condition 
 to be safely conducted to Paris, and to deliver up 
 the five Burgundians they had taken that day ; and 
 for performance of articles hostages were exchanged 
 on both sides. 
 
 On the Friday following, the magistrates of Paris 
 held a great council in the town-house, to advise 
 and consider what answer they should return to the 
 Burgundians, who required of them to send some 
 commissioners to treat with the Count de Charo- 
 lois, who would privately inform them, by word of 
 mouth, of the reasons that had induced him to take 
 up arms against the king. At last, after some de- 
 bate, they resolved to acquaint the Count de Cha- 
 rolois with their resolution of sending some com- 
 missioners, (provided he would send them a pass- 
 port to Paris,) to treat with him, and to hear what 
 propositions he had to make ; letting him know, 
 at the same time, that they wpuld communicate 
 whatever he had to offer, either to the king, who 
 was at Orleans, or to his privy council at Paris ; 
 who might return what answer they thought most 
 proper in the present posture of affairs. The same 
 day, about six in the evening, two heralds from 
 the Count de Charolois cameto the gate of St. Ho- 
 nore for the answer you have already heard ; who 
 were told, that if the Coiint de Charolois would be 
 pleased to come any where near Paris, and send a 
 2 G 2
 
 452 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 passport, that commissioners should be sent to 
 wait on him, but nothing farther could be granted. 
 After this, they desired leave to buy some paper 
 and parchment, which was granted them, but were 
 denied sugar and other things that they wanted in 
 their camp for their sick aad wounded ; so that 
 they were forced to return without these commodi- 
 ties, which they took very ill of the Parisians. 
 
 On Sunday, the 14th of July, 1465, early in the 
 morning, arrived at Paris the Count de la Borde 
 and M. Cousinot, who brought letters from the 
 king to his good citizens of Paris ; in which the 
 king, as he had done before, thanked them for their 
 zeal and affection to his person, and for their brave 
 resistance and defence of his capital against the 
 Burgundians, desiring them withal to depend upon 
 whatever the said De la Borde and Cousinot should 
 tell them in his name ; the substance of which was, 
 that the king thanked them heartily for their loyalty 
 and good affection towards him, desired them to 
 continue firm and steadfast in it, and that they 
 might depend on his being at Paris, (as a place he 
 desired the most to be in,) the Tuesday following ; 
 and that he had rather lose half his kingdom than 
 any misfortune or inconveniency, that was in his 
 power to prevent, should happen to his good citi- 
 zens of Paris ; whom he desired by the said Cousi- 
 not to provide lodgings and quarters for his men 
 at arms, and the retinue that he should bring with 
 him, and to set a reasonable price on all manner of 
 provision ; to which M. Henry de Liure, the mayor
 
 THK SCANDALOUS CHRONCILK. 453 
 
 of Paris, immediately consented, and took all the 
 care imaginable to see it done. 
 
 On the Monday following, the Burgundians 
 broke up from St. Clou, and marched with all 
 their artillery and heavy cannon to Mont I'Hery, 
 where they encamped, in order to join the Dukes 
 of Berry and Bretagne, the Count de Dunois, and 
 several others that were coming in to the Count de 
 Charolois. The news of the movement was imme- 
 diately despatched to the king, who was on this 
 side Orleans on his march towards Paris, and who 
 in all haste, by long and tedious marches, on Tues- 
 day morning, the 6th of July, arrived at Chastres 
 near Mont I'Hery ; from whence, without staying 
 so much as to refresh himself, or to wait for the 
 coming up of his whole army, which was com- 
 posed of the finest horse, (considering their num- 
 ber,) that ever were seen, he marched directly to- 
 wards the Burgundians, whom he attacked with so 
 much vigour and intrepidity, (though but with a 
 handful of men,) that at the first charge he broke 
 and entirely defeated their vanguard, of which a 
 great number were killed and taken prisoners. As 
 soon as the news of this defeat had reached Paris, 
 above thirty thousand sallied out of the gates, 
 some of which being horse, scoured the country 
 round, defeating and taking several small bodies 
 of the flying Burgundians, as did also the inhabit- 
 ants of the neighbouring towns round Paris. The 
 Burgundians lost in this action great part of their 
 bag and baggage ; and the whole damage they 
 sustained, reckoning every thing, was computed to
 
 454 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONlCLK. 
 
 amount to two hundred thousand crowns of gold. 
 The king, not being content with defeating the 
 enemy's vanguard, and hoping to gain a complete 
 victory over them, without refreshing either him- 
 self or his troops, once more attacked, with only 
 his own guards and four hundred lances, a strong 
 party of Burgundians who had rallied under the 
 command of the Count de St. Paul, who did the 
 Count de Charolois good service that day. The 
 Burgundians gave the king's troops a warm recep- 
 tion, and being drawn up in order of battle, with 
 their cannon playing upon them, sorely galled 
 them, and killed abundance of them, among whom 
 were several officers of the king's own guard, who 
 behaved themselves handsomely during the whole 
 action, and stood firmly by the king, who was hard 
 put to it that day, and several times in danger of 
 his own person ; for he had but a handful of men, 
 and no cannon. The king was pressed so hard by 
 the Burgundians, that he knew not which way to 
 turn himself, and was forced to charge at the head 
 of his troops during this engagement ; and though 
 he had but a small body with him, yet he still 
 maintained his ground ; and if he had had a rein- 
 forcement but of five hundred Frank archers to 
 have pushed the Burgundians when they began to 
 five way, he would have gained the completest 
 victory over them that ever was known in the me- 
 mory of man. The Count de Charolois lost all his 
 guards, and the king a great part of his ; the 
 Count de Charolois was twice taken prisoner by 
 Jeffery de St. Belin and Gilbert de Grassiay, but
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 455 
 
 was afterwards rescued. Abundance of men and 
 horses were killed that day, the greatest part of 
 which were killed by the rascally Burgundian foot, 
 with their pikes and other weapons tipped with 
 iron, and not a few men of note fell on both sides. 
 And after the battle was over, the number of the 
 slain was computed at three thousand six hundred 
 men ; and towards night, the Scotch guards, con- 
 sidering the danger the king was in, and the great 
 loss they had sustained, and finding that the Bur- 
 gundians were still pursuing those squadrons they 
 had already broken, took his majesty, who had 
 been in arms all day, without eating and drinking, 
 and much fatigued and dispirited, and conducted 
 him safe to the castle of Mont I'Hery ; which was 
 the reason that several in the army, who knew no- 
 thing of the king's removing thither, and not know- 
 ing where to find him, reported he was either 
 killed or taken prisoner. Upos the news of which 
 the greatest part of his army ran away, and among 
 the rest the Count du Maine, the Admiral de Mon- 
 taulban, the Lord de la Barde, and several other 
 officers, with about eight hundred lances, without 
 ever being engaged at all that day, by which means 
 the Burgundians remained masters of the field of 
 battle, on which were found amongst the slain seve- 
 ral persons of quality and distinction on the king's 
 side, to wit, M. Peter de Breze, knight and sene- 
 schal of Normandy ; Jeffery de St. Belin, bailiff of 
 Chaumont ; Floquet, bailiff of Eureux, besides se- 
 veral other knights and esquires. The Burgun- 
 dians also lost abundance of men, and had more
 
 456 THE SCAIJDALOUS CHRONICLK. 
 
 taken prisoners than they took of the king's army. 
 After the king had refreshed himself a little at the 
 castle of Mont I'Hery, he marched with a strong 
 detachment of his forces to Corbeil, where he 
 staid till the Thursday following, on which he ar- 
 rived very late in the evening at Paris, and supped 
 that night at M. Charles de Meleun's, his lieu- 
 tenant-general, with several lords and ladies of his 
 court, besides several of the chief citizens and their 
 wives, to whom his majesty related the particulars 
 of the action at Mont I'Hery in such moving and 
 pathetic terms, as drew tears from the eyes of the 
 whole company ; adding withal, that he designed 
 by the blessing of God to attack the enemy once 
 more on the Monday following, and either die on 
 the spot, or drive them out of his dominions ; but 
 he was advised not to hazard another battle, con- 
 sidering the cowardice and desertion of his troops, 
 that would not stand by him in the late engage- 
 ment. However, it was to no purpose, for he was 
 a prince of an undaunted courage and resolution. 
 
 On Friday the 19th of July, 1465, M. William 
 Chartier Bishop of Paris, with several counsellors 
 and clergymen, went to wait on the king at his 
 Hotel des Tournelles, and humbly besought his 
 majesty that he would be pleased to make choice of 
 some wise and prudent council to aid and assist 
 him in the administration of public affairs for the 
 future, to which he graciously consented ; and im- 
 mediately it was ordered that six city counsellors, 
 six counsellors of the court of parliament, and six 
 doctors of the University of Paris, should be added
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 457 
 
 to the king's ordinary council. And because the 
 king found he had many enemies in his kingdom, 
 they went upon ways and means to raise more 
 forces, and recruit those regiments that had suffered 
 most in the late action of Mont I'Hery. In order 
 to try how many men they could raise in Paris, it 
 was proposed that the number of the inhabitants 
 of every ward should be taken in writing, and that 
 each of them should furnish ten men, but there was 
 nothing done in it. 
 
 Upon the king's arrival at Paris, abundance of 
 his troops were forced to be quartered in the villa- 
 ges round that city, Brie, and other neighbouring 
 places, where they committed great disorders, not 
 being content with eating and drinking on free 
 cost, but also plundering the inhabitants of all they 
 had, and seizing upon whatever they could find, 
 though belonging to some of the citizens of Paris. 
 Nay, the king himself was under some difficulties 
 of raising a sufficient sum of money to pay those 
 forces he had in Paris, for some of the princes that 
 had taken up arms against him were in possession 
 of those very towns on which the taxes assigned 
 for that use were to be levied, and thoy refusing to 
 let any be raised in their dominions, he was forced 
 to borrow money of his officers and wealthy citi- 
 zens of Paris, some of which, upon their refusal to 
 lend him as much as he proposed, were immedi- 
 ately put out of all their posts and employments both 
 military and civil, among the rest, M. John Chene- 
 teau, clerk in parliament, M. Martin Picard, coun- 
 sellor of the exchequer, and several others.
 
 458 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 On Wednesday the 24th of July, 1465, the king 
 ordered the bridge of St. Maxence to be broken 
 down, upon intelligence that the Lord de Saveuses 
 was marching with a great body of forces in order 
 to beat out the king's troops, and put a garrison of 
 his own into it. On the same day his majesty gave 
 the command of it to John I'Orfeure, who was the 
 governor of it, and charged him to defend it to the 
 last extremity, which he did with so much bravery 
 and resolution, that there was no occasion to break 
 down the said bridge : And on the Friday following, 
 the king ordered that two hundred lances under 
 the command of the Bastard d'Armaignac, Count 
 de Cominges, the Sieur Giles de Symon, bailiff of 
 Senlis, the Sieur de la Barde, and Charles des 
 Mares should stay at Paris ; and on the same day, 
 at the desire and request of the Mayor of Paris and 
 some churchmen, his majesty continued M. Charles 
 de Meleun in his former postof lieutenant of the city. 
 
 After the battle of Mont I'Hery the lords and 
 princes that were engaged in the confederacy 
 against the king, retired to Estampes, where they 
 stayed for the space of fifteen days, and upon their 
 breaking up from thence, they marched towards 
 St. Mathurin de I'Archant, Moret in Gastinois, 
 Pi*ovins, and the neighbourhood of those countries ; 
 upon which the king having intelligence of their 
 motions, throws small bodies of forces with some 
 cannon into Meleun, Monstereau, Sens, and other 
 neighbouring towns, to reinforce the garrisons, and 
 make frequent sallies whenever they had an op- 
 portunity of falling upon the enemy.
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 450 
 
 On Saturday the 3d of August, 1465, the king 
 being willing to oblige his good city of Paris by 
 some singular act of grace and favour, changed the 
 tax of the fourth penny on retailed wines to that of 
 the eighth, and granted to all the inhabitants the 
 same privileges they enjoyed in the reign of his 
 father Charles VII. He also took off all the taxes that 
 had formerly been levied in the city, except those 
 on wood, cattle and cloth, sold by wholesale, which 
 were let out to the farmers of the revenue ; and on 
 the same day it was proclaimed by sound of trumpet 
 in all the public streets of Paris, by Dennis Hes- 
 selin, chief collector of the subsidies ; upon the 
 news of which the common people were so over- 
 joyed, that they flocked together from all parts of 
 the city, and filled the streets with bonfires and 
 acclamations of joy. 
 
 About this time the Bretons and Burgundians 
 passed the Seine and the Yonne upon a bridge of 
 boats, which were brought from Moret in Gastinois 
 and other places. M. Salezart with a brigade of 
 Marshal Joachim's regiment, had posted himself on 
 the other side to disputethepassage with them, but 
 finding himself too weak, and having no cannon 
 (of which the enemy had great store) he thought 
 fit to retire upon their approach. The Burgundi- 
 ans, to favour the passage of their troops, can- 
 nonaded the enemy all the while, and killed 
 abundance of the king's men ; at last a random shot 
 took off^ a page's arm, struck a gentleman named 
 Pamabel, a relation of Marshal Joachim's, in the 
 belly, and killed three soldiers afterwards.
 
 460 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 On Thursday the 8th of August, the Lord de 
 Pretigny, one of the king's counsellors, and presi- 
 dent of the exchequer, and Chrystofle Paillart, a 
 counsellor also of the same court, arrived at Paris 
 with an answer to some letters that the king had 
 sent by them to the Duke of Calabria, who was 
 then in Auxerrois : And on Saturday the 10th of 
 the same month the king set out from Paris in 
 order to visit Roan, Eureuz, and several other 
 places in Normandy, and lay that night at Pont- 
 hoise ; but before he left Paris, he ordered several 
 companies of Frank archers that were newly arrived 
 from Normandy, and about four hundred lances 
 drawn out of the regiments of the late Floquet, of 
 the Boulonnois, of the late Jeffery de St. Belin, of 
 the Lord de Craon, and the Lord de la Barde, 
 to remain in garrison for the defence of the city. 
 
 About this time M. John Berard, counsellor of 
 the court of parliament, went over to the Duke of 
 Berry, who was then in Bretagne, being highly 
 disgusted at his wife's being committed to prison, and 
 afterwards banished the city, for-holding correspond- 
 ence with the said duke, and the rest of the princes, 
 who were the king's open and professed enemies. 
 
 About this time M. Charles de Meleun, who 
 had hitherto been the king's lieutenant of Paris, 
 resigned his place, which was immediately given 
 to the Count d'Eu, but the king, in considera- 
 tion of the many services M. Charles de Meleun 
 had done, made him,steward of his household, and 
 gave him the government of the bailliwick and 
 towns of Eureux and Honnefleur.
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 461 
 
 About this time also a party of Burgundians and 
 Bretons, who had been refreshing themselves in the 
 town of Provins, returned to Laigny upon the 
 Marne, and the Friday following they came and 
 took up their quarters at Creteil, a house upon the 
 Seine, Sheelle Saincte, Bapteur, and several other 
 places in that neighbourhood. And because the 
 Parisians were fearful that the Burgundians would 
 once more invest Paris, there being a report that 
 M. Gerauld, their chief engineer, had given out 
 that he designied to erect a battery in the lay-stall 
 before the gates of St. Dennis and St. Anthony, 
 in order to bombard the town, and at the same 
 time to make a breach in the walls, they caused an 
 order to be immediately published, by which every 
 one was obliged to repair the next morning to the 
 lay-stall with a pick-ax and shovel, to break it up, 
 and render it unfit to erect a battery on, and ac- 
 cordingly the order was put in execution, but what 
 they did signified little or nothing, so that they 
 were forced to build a great many sheds, erect bul- 
 warks, and throw up trenches to cover and defend 
 the city, as also the soldiers employed in its 
 defence. 
 
 On the Monday following the same party of Bur- 
 gundians and Bretons that were quartered at Cre- 
 teil and thereabouts, being joined by some more 
 forces of their own country, came to Pont de Cha- 
 renton, where they erected a battery, and began to 
 play upon the tower that defended it, upon which 
 the garrison, without making the least opposition, 
 retired to Paris, and the Burgundians and Bretons
 
 462^ THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 took possession of it, and in the evening on the 
 same day they appeared before Paris, in which se- 
 veral of them were taken prisoners, and two of the 
 Frank archers of Caen killed. And that night a 
 body of Burgundians and Bretons amounting to 
 about four thousand men, came and encamped in a 
 park belonging to Bois de Vicennes. The Tuesday 
 following, the Count d' Eu sent one M. de Rambures 
 to the princes to know their intentions, and the 
 next day he returned to Paris, but the answer they 
 made him was kept very secret ; and the same day 
 the Burgundians came before Paris, upon which 
 the Parisians made a sally, but scarce any action 
 happened between them, only one of the Frank 
 archers of Alenson happened to be killed by a ran- 
 dom shot. 
 
 On Thursday the 22d of August, the Duke osf 
 Berry, who had taken up his head quarters at 
 ©eaulce, with several other princes near allied to 
 him, sent his heralds with four letters to Paris, one 
 to the citizens, one to the university, and one to the 
 ecclesiastics, and one to the court of parliament. 
 The contents of which were, in short, that he and 
 the rest of the princes engaged in the same confe- 
 deracy had taken up arms for the public good of the 
 Jcingdom, and that if they would make choice of 
 'five or six able men with the character of commis- 
 -sioners to treat and confer with them, he would let 
 (^them know the reasons that had induced him and 
 ithe rest of the princes to appear in this open and 
 •hostile manner. Accordingly, in pursuance of these 
 letters, the following commissioners were deputed
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 463 
 
 to wait on the princes to hear what they had to pro- 
 pose. On the part of the city were chosen M. John 
 Choart, the civil lieutenant of the Chastellet of 
 Paris, M. Francis Hasle, advocate in parliament, 
 and Arnold Lullier, banker at Paris. The church 
 of Paris made choice of M. Thomas de Courcelles, 
 Dean of Paris, M. John de Lolive, Doctor of Divi- 
 nity, and M. Eustace Lullier, Advocate in Parlia- 
 ment. For the court of parliament were chosen M. 
 John de Boulengier, M. John de Sellier, Archdea- 
 con of Brie, and M. James Fournier. And by the 
 university for the sciences in general were chosen 
 M. James Minglisant, for divinity, M. John Lullier, 
 for the law, M. John Montigny, and for physic M. 
 Auerant de Parenti ; and all these commissioners 
 were introduced and presented to the princes by 
 William Chartier, Bishop of Paris. 
 
 On Saturday following all the above-mentioned 
 commissioners sat in the town-house, where several 
 persons of quality and distinction were assembled 
 on purpose to hear what proposals the princes had 
 made them, but they came to no manner of conclu- 
 sion that morning ; however it was agreed that 
 in the afternoon the whole body of the university, 
 church, court of parliament, and the chief magis- 
 trates, should meet together, to take into consi- 
 deration what the princes had proposed to the 
 commissioners. At this meeting, after some de- 
 bate, they unanimously agreed, that the calling an 
 assembly of the three estates of the kingdom, which 
 was the chief thing the princes insisted on, was 
 highly just and reasonable ; that they would eon-
 
 464 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 sent to supply their army with provisions for money, 
 and that they should have free admittance into Pa- 
 ris, provided they could give them any security that 
 neither they nor their soldiers would commit any 
 act of hostility within the town to the prejudice of 
 the inhabitants, and the king consented to it. Af- 
 ter which the commissioners went a second time to 
 wait on the princes, and acquaint them with their 
 final resolution. During the whole time that this 
 assembly were sitting in council, all the cross-bow 
 men and archers were drawn up before the town- 
 hall, to hinder the mob from crowding and disturb- 
 ing them, as they would certainly have done, had 
 they not been prevented by this means. 
 
 On the same day there was a review made of all 
 the king's forces in Paris, which made a very fine 
 appearance. First of all, marched the archers of 
 Normandy on foot ; these were followed by the arch- 
 ers on horseback ; and last of all, came the men at 
 arms belonging to the companies of the Count d'Eu, 
 the Lord de Craon, the Lord de la Barde, and the 
 Bastard of Maine, which might make in all about 
 five hundred men, well armed and mounted, with- 
 out reckoning the foot, which were about one thou- 
 sand five hundred or better. And on the same day 
 the king wrote letters to Paris, by which he ac- 
 quainted the inhabitants of his being at Chartres 
 with his uncle the Duke du Maine, and abundance 
 of soldiers with him, and of his resolution of com- 
 ing to Paris on the Tuesday following. In the 
 afternoon the Admiral de Montaulban arrived at 
 Paris with a good body of troops, and towards the
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 465 
 
 evening, the Duke of Berry broke up from Beaulce, 
 and marched towards St. Dennis, but being told 
 by some of his officers that were with him, that 
 Beaulce was a much safer place for him to be in 
 than St. Dennis, which lay too near the enemy, 
 and upon hearing the news of the king's coming to 
 Paris, he marched back to his old quarters. 
 
 On the Wednesday following the king came to 
 Paris, attended by his uncle the Duke du Maine, 
 the Lord de Pantheure, and several other officers of 
 note ; he also brought back the tine train of artil- 
 lery he carried with him, and a great number of 
 pioneers from Normandy, which were all quartered 
 in his Hotel de St. Paul. And when the king made 
 his entry into Paris, he was received with the uni- 
 versal shouts and acclamations of the people, and 
 the next day very early in the morning the Burgun- 
 dians and the Bretons planting themselves over 
 against the tower of Billy, saluted him with a triple 
 discharge of their cannon, accompanied with drums, 
 trumpets, clarions, and other warlike instruments 
 of music. The same thing they did also over- 
 against the Bastille St. Anthoine, shouting and 
 huzzaing, and crying out, to arms, to arms, which 
 put the whole city into a dreadful consternation, 
 and immediately they mounted the walls, and pre- 
 pared all things for a vigorous defence. In the 
 afternoon the Burgundians and Bretons appeared 
 again before Paris, upon which a considerable body 
 of the king's regidar forces, with some cannon and 
 field-pieces, were immediately ordered to march out 
 
 Vot. II. 2 H
 
 466 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 of Paris to beat off the enemy, who falling in with 
 a party of them, killed and took several prisoners 
 that day. 
 
 On Saturday the last of August, the king went 
 with a strong guard as far as the tower of Billy, to 
 take a view of the enemy, and commanded the four 
 hundred pioneers that came from Normandy to cross 
 the Seine, and throw up a trench over against the 
 English port, and before the Hotel de Conflans, 
 which was directly opposite to the place where the 
 Burgundians were posted, quite down to the river 
 Seine. And because the Burgundians had given 
 out that they designed to pass that river, the king 
 ordered a good body of troops to be posted there, 
 to hinder them from laying a bridge over it, and 
 to dispute the passage with them ; and as soon as 
 the pioneers had passed the river, the king passed 
 it also in a ferry-boat without alighting from his 
 horse. 
 
 On Sunday the first of September, the Burgun- 
 dians laid a bridge over the Seine at the English 
 port, and just as they were preparing to pass it, a 
 great number of Frank archers, and other soldiers 
 of the king's party, arrived there, who immediately 
 planting some cannon and field pieces at the end of 
 the bridge, fired briskly on the Burgundians, and 
 obliged them to retire with the loss of several men 
 killed and wounded ; and a certain Norman swam 
 across the river, and cutting the ropes with which 
 the bridge was fastened, it went cleverly down the 
 stream. Abundance of cannon was fired that day 
 from several batteries that the Burgundians had
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 467 
 
 erected ; but from one especially, which played so 
 briskly on the king's troops that were posted at the 
 English port, that they were forced to retire. 
 
 And on the Tuesday following, ambassadors were 
 chosen by the king and the Burgundians, in order to 
 adjust the difference between them. On the king's 
 side were chosen the Duke du Maine, M. de Pretigny 
 president of the exchequer, and M. Jon Dauvet 
 president of the parliament of Thoulouse ; and the 
 Burgundians chose the Duke of Calabria, the Count 
 de St. Paul, and Count de Dunois. And as soon 
 as they were nominated, and had received their in- 
 structions, they went immediately upon the business 
 of accommodation ; and there was a truce granted 
 till the Thursday following, during which no acts 
 of hostility were committed on either side ; but both 
 parties took care, in the mean time, to fortify them- 
 selves, and make what preparations they could, not 
 knowing how matters might happen. 
 
 On Monday the 9th of September, the Bretons 
 and Burgundians marched into the territories of 
 Clingencourt, Montmatre, la Courtille, and other 
 vineyards about Paris, where they spoiled and de- 
 stroyed the whole vintage, cutting down all the 
 grapes green as they were, to make wine for present 
 drinking ; upon which the Parisians were forced 
 to do the same with all their vineyards round Paris 
 that had escaped their fury, though the grapes were 
 scarce half ripe, and it was not the usual season for 
 their vintage, besides it was the worst year for 
 vines that had been known in France for many 
 
 2H 8
 
 468 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 years ; so that they called the wine of this year's 
 growth by the name of Burgundy. 
 
 About this time several of the nobility of Nor- 
 mandy arrived at Paris to serve the king in his 
 wars, all which had their quarters assigned them 
 in the Faux-bourg de St. Marcel, amongst whose 
 retinue there were some particular persons that 
 committed great thefts and disorders ; two of whom 
 were seized by some of the citizens as they were 
 forcing their way into the city, and upon the citi- 
 zens stopping them, the Normans began to abuse 
 and rail at the citizens, calling them traitors and 
 rebellious Burgundians, vowing to be revenged of 
 them, and telling them that they came from Nor- 
 mandy with no other design but to plunder and de- 
 stroy the whole city. Of which words a complaint 
 being made, and an information given by the said 
 citizens to the mayor of Paris, the principal offend- 
 er, who spoke these dangerous words, was con- 
 demned to the ignominious punishment of walking 
 barefoot and bareheaded, with a lighted torch in 
 his hand, through the streets ; and in the public 
 market-place before the town-house in this shameful 
 condition, to acknowledge his offence before the 
 town-clerk, and to ask the good citizens of Paris 
 pardon and forgiveness for what he had falsely and 
 maliciously spoken, and afterwards to be bored 
 through the tongue, and banished the city. 
 
 On the Monday following, the Burgundians came 
 and shewed themselves before Paris, amongst whom 
 was the Count de St. Paul, to meet whom the king
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 469 
 
 went out of Paris, and had a conference together, 
 which lasted two hours ; and as a surety for the 
 Count's safe return, the king delivered up the Count 
 du Maine, who staid in the Burgundians' army till 
 the return of the said Count de St. Paul. 
 
 And on the same day a great council was held in 
 the exchequer-chamber, at which, amongst the 
 other officers and magistrates of that court, the 
 sixteen quarteniers*, the cinquanteniersf, and 
 some of the councillors belonging to the court of 
 parliament, were present ; to whom, by the king's 
 order, Morvillier, chancellor of France, made a 
 speech, in which he acquainted them how honour- 
 ably his majesty had acquitted himself towards the 
 princes ; and what generous offers he had made 
 them upon their demanding the duchy of Guinne, 
 Poictou, with the country of Xaintoigne, or the 
 duchy of Normandy, as an appennage for the Duke 
 of Berry. He farther told them, that the king's 
 council, who were there present, had informed the 
 princes, that it was not in his majesty's power to 
 give away or dismember any thing belonging to the 
 crown ; and that since he was pleased to offer the 
 countries of Champaigne and Brie, reserving only to 
 himself Meaux, Monstereau, and Meleun, in lieu of 
 the said appennage, they were of opinion that the 
 Duke of Berry ought not in reason and honour to 
 refuse it. After this, the assembly broke up, and 
 
 • Civil officers, having the same power and authority in Paris, as 
 an alderman has in London, there being one to every ward. 
 
 t Certain officers or magistrates in Paris, somewhat like onr alder- 
 men's deputies in London
 
 470 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 (all hopes of an accommodation being vanished) the 
 young seneschal of Normandy was ordered out with 
 six hundred horse to skirmish with the Bretons and 
 Burgundians, who were drawn up in order of battle 
 on the other side of the Seine, and firing upon 
 them, killed a gentleman of Pictou belonging to 
 M. Panthieu's regiment, called John Canreau, Lord 
 de Pampelie. 
 
 On the Saturday following, at break of day, one 
 Lewis Sorbier, whom Marshal Joachim Rouault 
 had left in Ponthoise as his lieutenant, basely and 
 treacherously betrayed his trust, and suffered the 
 Bretons, and other troops belonging to the enemy, 
 to possess themselves of the town, having agreed 
 with them before-hand, that whoever of the Mar- 
 shal Joachim's regiment refused to enter into their 
 service, should have the liberty of marching out 
 with their bag and baggage, without being exa- 
 mined or molested. And as soon as he had deliver- 
 ed up Ponthoise into the enemy's hands, he marched 
 with some of his confederates to Meulanc, where, 
 not believing that his treason was already known, 
 he thought, that by shewing Marshal Joachim's 
 colours, to have got an easy admittance ; but upon 
 his arrival at the gates, the inhabitants of Meulanc, 
 who had been informed of his treachery, and were 
 in arms upon the walls, cried out, " get you gone, 
 vile and despicable traitor," and fired their cannon 
 upon him and his party, which obliged him to re- 
 tire with the utmost shame and confusion to Pon- 
 thoise ; and on Sunday by break of day, the enemy 
 came and gave the city an alarm on the side of St.
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 471 
 
 Anthony's gate, and a great body of them pene- 
 trated as far as St. Anthoine des Champs ; and in 
 order to dislodge them, several cannon, field-pieces 
 and culverins were fired, but there were no sallies 
 made. 
 
 About this time the Bretons and Burgundians 
 who lay before Paris made songs, ballads, lam- 
 poons, and other scandalous verses, on some of the 
 chief officers of the court, which set the king so 
 against them, that he turned them out of their 
 places. Neither did the king's own soldiers, who 
 were quartered in Paris, behave themselves much 
 better ; but spent their time in all manner of lewd- 
 ness, debauching and seducing the hearts of several 
 wives, maids, and widows, who left their children, 
 husbands, and places, to follow and live with them. 
 
 In the evening, M. Balue, Bishop of Eureux, was 
 set upon by some people that owed him a spite, in 
 the street de la Barre du Bee, who at the first stroke 
 beat the two torches that were carried before him 
 out of the servants' hands, and afterwards they 
 came up to the bishop, who being mounted on a stout 
 mule, carried him off" cleverly to his own hotel in 
 the cloister of Nostre-Dame; by which means he 
 saved his life, for his servants, who were afraid of 
 being knocked down, had quite forsaken him ; how- 
 ever, before he made his escape he received two 
 wounds, one in his hand, and another in one of his 
 fingers. The king was extremely concerned at this 
 accident, and ordered a strict inquiry to be made 
 after the assassins, but they were never discovered. 
 
 On the Thursday following there was a great
 
 472 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 complaint made in the town-house by some of the 
 citizens against the soldiers, for having spoken and 
 published certain words and speeches of a danger- 
 ous consequence to the inhabitants. Among other 
 things they boldly affirmed, that neither the city of 
 Paris nor any thing in it belonged to the inhabi- 
 tants, but to them who were quartered in it ; that 
 they would have the citizens know that the keys of 
 their houses were at the soldiers' disposal ; that 
 they would turn out the present possessors, and live 
 in them themselves ; and, in short, if the citizens 
 pretended to make resistance, they should find to 
 their sorrow they were able to conquer them. And 
 the very same day a foolish Norman said openly at 
 St. Dennis's gate, that the Parisians were very weak 
 to think that chaining up their streets would signify 
 any thing against the forces of their country. A 
 report of these dangerous and insolent words being 
 made to some of the officers of the town-house, 
 they immediately issued out an order, commanding 
 several streets to be chained up, and that every 
 quartenier of Paris should cause great fires to be 
 made in every ward under his jurisdiction, and that 
 one of them should be in arms upon the watch 
 before the town-house all night, which was accord- 
 ingly done. And that very night there was a hot 
 report that the gate of the Bastille St. Anthoine 
 was left open on purpose to let in the Bretons and 
 the Burgundians into the town ; and, to confirm it 
 the more, several cannon were found nailed up, and 
 rendered unfit for service. 
 On the Friday following two pursuivants at arms
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 473 
 
 arrived at Paris ; one was despatched from Gisors 
 to acquaint the king of the weak condition of that 
 place, which was wholly unprovided with every 
 thing necessary for its defence, and to let his ma- 
 jesty know, that if he did not send them a speedy 
 supply of men, arms, ammunition, and provision, 
 they must be forced to surrender to a body of six 
 hundred horse that lay before the town. The 
 other pursuivant was sent by one Hugh des Vignes, 
 a man at arms belonging to M . de la Barde's 
 regiment, and who at that time was at Meulanc, to 
 inform the king that he was assured from very good 
 hands, that the Bretons had a design of surprising 
 Roan as they did Ponthoise, if they were not pre- 
 vented. And on the same day the ambassadors that 
 were chosen on both sides dined together at St. An- 
 thoine des Champs without Paris ; and on the next 
 day the said ambassadors on both sides were as- 
 sembled again, but in two distinct parties, that is 
 to say, the Duke du Main and those of his party, 
 who were for the king, with the rest of the lords and 
 princes, were all of them together at the Grange-aux 
 Merciers. There were also several others nominated 
 by the king, who were at St. Anthoine des Champs, 
 but notwithstanding this meeting, very little busi- 
 ness was despatched this day. 
 
 In the afternoon the king received letters from 
 the widow of the late Peter de Breze, by which she 
 informed his majesty of her having caused the Lord 
 Broquemont, captain of the palace at Roan, to be 
 apprehended upon suspicion of not being well 
 affected to his government, and having a design to 
 deliver it up to the Bretons ; but that he should not
 
 474 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 give himself the least pain about Roan, for he would 
 certainly find all the citizens hearty and true to his 
 interest. The same day in the afternoon arrived the 
 unwelcome news of the taking of Roan by the Duke 
 of Bourbon, who entered the town by the castle of 
 Roan, which was the weakest side, and lay towards 
 the fields. 
 
 As soon as the princes that lay before Paris heard 
 of the taking of Roan, they sent to acquaint the 
 king, that his brother the Duke of Berry, who was 
 before contented with Champaigne and Brie, would 
 accept of no other appennage than the duchy of 
 Normandy ; so {liat the king was forced, notwith- 
 standing the former agreement, to give the Duke of 
 Berry the duchy of Normandy, and reserve for 
 himself that of Berry. The Count de Charolois had 
 for his share the towns of Feronne, Roye, and Mon- 
 didier, for him and his heirs for ever ; besides, the 
 king gave him during his life all the lands and towns 
 that were lately redeemed for four hundred thousand 
 crowns, and had been pawned to his father, Philip, 
 Duke of Burgundy, to which he added the countries 
 of Guynes and Boulogne to be enjoyed by him and 
 his heirs for ever. He also gave to the Duke of 
 Calabria a great sum of money, and lent him a 
 certain number of troops, which were to be paid by 
 the king, and to be employed wherever the Duke of 
 Calabria thought fit. The Duke of Bourbon was to 
 have the same pension, and the same quota of troops 
 allowed him that he formerly had in the reign of the 
 late King Charles, besides the remainder of his wife's 
 marriage-dower, which was left unpaid ; and this was 
 all he demanded. The Count de St. Paul was re-
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 475 
 
 stored to all his places that had been taken from 
 him during this unhappy rupture between the king 
 and the princes, and a considerable pension settled 
 upon him for life. The Count de Dampmartin was 
 also restored to all his lands and possessions that 
 were confiscated by a decree in parliament, and had 
 considerable presents made him by the king. As 
 for the other lords, they had every one of them a 
 large share, and departed well satisfied with what 
 they had got. 
 
 And on Tuesday the 1st of October a peace was 
 proclaimed between the king and the pf inces ; and 
 that day the Count de St. Paul came to Paris, and 
 having dined with the king, was conducted into 
 the town-house, where he was created constable 
 of France, and took the oaths accordingly. And 
 on the same day the king ordered a proclamation to 
 be issued out, by which free leave was granted to 
 all the inhabitants to supply and furnish the 
 Bretons and Burgundians with whatever neces- 
 saries they wanted ; upon which proclamation 
 several merchants of Paris immediately sent a 
 great quantity of all sorts of provision into the 
 fields before St. Anthony's gate, which was quickly 
 bought up, especially the wine and the bread, by 
 the whole army, who instantly repaired thither 
 half-starved, and in a miserable condition, with 
 their thin lank cheeks over-grown with hair, and 
 full of lice and nastiness ; and the greatest part of 
 them without stockings or shoes. But every one will 
 be amazed at the inconceivable strength and richness 
 of Paris, which was able to maintain four hundred 
 thousand horse, including the Burgundians, Bretons,
 
 476 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 Calabrians, Picardians, and the rest of the enemies' 
 forces for a long time, and plentifully to supply 
 them, without ever raising the price of any man- 
 ner of provision ; nay, immediately after the enemy 
 had left it, things were sold cheaper than they 
 were before ; and the whole Thursday following 
 was spent in victualling the Burgundian camp. 
 The same day the king went to make a private 
 visit to the Count de Charolois near Conflans, 
 which was looked upon by all persons that had a 
 respect and concern for his majesty, as a very in- 
 discreet action; nay, the very Picardians them- 
 selves, and the rest of the army could not forbear 
 reflecting upon him, and breaking the jests upon 
 the Parisians after this manner, Here take your 
 king, who has at last submitted to the Count de 
 Charolois, and meanly condescended to visit him in 
 private ; in a little time we shall have him at our 
 command. 
 
 On Friday the fourth of the same month, the 
 king gave orders for the admittance of the Bur- 
 gundians into the city through St. Anthony's gate ; 
 who upon that permission came in large bodies, 
 and committed several riots and disorders, which 
 certainly they would never hav£ done, had they 
 not been encouraged by the king'^ late condescen- 
 tion in visiting the Count de Charolois in so pri- 
 vate a manner. 
 
 On the Sunday following several men of quality 
 and officers of the army came and supped with 
 the king at Paris in an hotel belonging to M. John 
 Lullier the town-clerk, at which entertainment seve- 
 ral ladies of quality and distinction were also present.
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 477 
 
 And in this month of October a detachment of 
 the Count de Charolois's troops came before Beau- 
 vais and summoned the town to surrender ; upon 
 which the inhabitants set down the summons in 
 writing, and sent it to the king, who immediately 
 sent it to the Count de Charolois, with whom he 
 had lately concluded a peace. The Count de Charo- 
 lois sent back word to the king, that he knew 
 nothing of the summons ; and that whosoever had 
 done it, did it without his knowledge or order. 
 The king returned a very civil answer to the Count 
 de Charolois, and told him it was not a fair way 
 of proceeding; that for the future, in pursuance 
 of the articles of peace that was lately concluded 
 between them, he must forbear committing such 
 acts of hostility ; and that if he had a mind to 
 Beauvais he should have it. 
 
 On the Thursday following several waggon- 
 loads of gold and silver, for the payment of the 
 Count de Charolois's troops, arrived in the Burgun- 
 dian camp under a strong convoy both of horse and 
 foot commanded by the Lord de Saveuses ; and on 
 the same day the Duke of Bretagne and the king 
 came to an agreement in relation to the affair that 
 was between them, by which compact the king 
 was obliged to restore the county of Monfort, and 
 several others ; besides a vast sum of money to 
 pay that very army, which he, in conjunction with 
 the rest of the princes, had raised to invade the 
 king's dominions. The next day M. John le 
 Boulenger president of the court of parliament, 
 was sent by the king's order to the town-house to 
 acquaint the mayor and aldermen of Paris, that the
 
 478 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 Burgundians had a design to review their army 
 that day before the city gates, and to desire them 
 to acquaint the common people with it, lest they 
 should be surprised and astonished to see them 
 thus drawn up against the town. But after all, 
 the review was not made in sight of Paris that 
 day, but from the Pont de Charenton to Bois de 
 Vincennes, whither the king, attended only by the 
 Count de Charolois, the Duke of Calabria, and the 
 Count de St. Paul, very imprudently went to see 
 the review. As soon as the review was over, the 
 king came back by water to Paris, and the Count 
 de Charolois upon his taking leave of his majesty, 
 in the presence of those lords that attended the 
 king thither, made the following acknowledg- 
 ment in these words, My lords, you and I are sub- 
 jects to the king here present, our lord and sove- 
 reign, and ought to serve him whenever he pleases 
 to command us. 
 
 Not long before this, the king had received a 
 private information of a design formed by some 
 of his enemies either to kill him or seize upon his 
 person ; upon which he immediately ordered his 
 guards to be doubled, great fires to be made every 
 night in the streets, the number of the watch to 
 be augmented as well upon the walls, as in the 
 streets, and took all the care imaginable to pre- 
 vent their designs and secure his own person : and 
 upon hearing of the surrender of Caen and several 
 other towns in Normandy, he immediately re- 
 inforced the garrison of Mante with a considerable 
 body of men at arms and frank-archers. 
 
 On Tuesday the 22d of October the king made
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 479 
 
 a private visit to the princes at the Gange-aux- 
 Merciers, where all but the Duke of Berry were 
 met together, and the next day the Duke of 
 Bourbon had a long conference with the king in 
 a place without the gates of Paris on this side of 
 the ditch of the Gange de Ruilly. 
 
 On the Saturday following the Count de Charo- 
 lois with a small detachment left the army, having 
 first caused an order to be published in his camp, 
 by which all soldiers were obliged under pain of 
 death to hold themselves in readiness to march 
 against the Liegeois, who with fire and sword had 
 invaded his territories. Sunday, Monday, and 
 Tuesday, the Duke de Berry lay ill of a fever at 
 St. Maur des Fossez, but being pretty well reco- 
 vered of his illness by Wednesday the 30th of 
 October, and able to go abroad, he went to wait 
 upon the king at Bois de Vincennes, where he did 
 homage to him for the duchy of Normandy, which 
 the king gave him for his appennage ; and on the 
 same day the articles of peace between the king 
 and the princes were read and published in the 
 court of parliament, and ordered to be registered- 
 in the same court. 
 
 And on the Thursday following, the Duke of 
 Berry, the Count de Charolois, and the rest of the 
 princes separated and went diff'erent ways. The 
 Duke of Berry, whom the king waited on some part 
 of the way to Ponthoise, went into Normandy ; and 
 afterwards the king and the Count de Charolois 
 retired to Villiers le Bel, where they stayed two or 
 three days, and from thence the count marched
 
 480 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 with all speed through Picardy to make war upon 
 the Liegeois. 
 
 On the Monday following, M. Robert Destoute- 
 ville, Lord of Beine, who was mayor of Paris in the 
 reign of the late King Charles, and had been dis- 
 placed by the king upon his accession to the crown, 
 was restored to his former office, which had been 
 given to James de Villiers, Lord of Lisle Adam, 
 and that day he sat in the town-house as mayor, 
 and despatched a great deal of the king's busi- 
 ness. 
 
 On Thursday the 7th of November, 1465, M. Ro- 
 bert Destouteville was conducted to the Chastellet 
 of Paris by M. Charles de Meleun and M. John 
 Dauvet first President of the Parliament of Thou- 
 louse, whom the king had acquainted with the said 
 Robert Destouteville's having taken the oaths al- 
 ready as mayor of Paris in the room of James de 
 Villiers, whom upon his first accession to the crown 
 he had advanced to that office. And after the 
 letters patent by which the king appointed and 
 constituted the said Robert Destouteville, mayor 
 of Paris, were read, he was immediately put into 
 possession of his office, without giving the said 
 Villiers anytime to lodge an appeal against him. 
 
 On Saturday the 9th of November, M. Peter 
 Morvillier, Chancellor of France, resigned the seals, 
 and was succeeded in the chancellorship by Juvenal 
 des Ursins, who was in the same post at the death 
 of the late King Charles VIL 
 
 About this time also the king made several alte- 
 rations and promotions in his court ; amongst the
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 481 
 
 rest, he turned M. Peter Puy out of his office of 
 Master of the Requests, and gave it to M. Regnault 
 des Dormans. 
 
 After the settling of this affair, the king went to 
 Orleans, and took with him Arnold Lullier, banker 
 and citizen of Paris, whom he commanded to attend 
 him during his stay there: he also carried along 
 with him M. John Longuejoye the younger, who 
 was newly married to Madame Genevre daughter of 
 M. John Baillet, and made him one of his coun- 
 sellors of state. Before he left Paris, he made 
 M. Charles d'Orgemont, Lord of Mery, Treasurer 
 of France, Arnold Lullier Treasurer of Carcassonne, 
 and M. Peter Ferteil Comptroller of his Household. 
 
 The king during his stay at Orleans, made se- 
 veral acts, laws, and ordinances, turned out several 
 officers of the army, and gave their commissions to 
 others, amongst the rest he took away the command 
 of a hundred lances from Poncet de Reviere, and 
 made him Bailiff of Mont Ferrant, upon which, in 
 a disgust he went beyond sea, and visited Jerusalem, 
 and the Holy Hill of St. Catharine. Several other 
 officers had their commissions taken from them, and 
 given to others that did not so well deserve them. 
 The king also restored Monsieur de Loheac, Marshal 
 of France, to all his former places in the govern- 
 ment, some of which had been given to the Count de 
 Cominges, Bastard of Armaignac ; and after he had 
 settled these regulations, he leaves Orleans, and 
 marches with his whole army and artillery directly 
 into Normandy towards Argenten, Exmes, Falaiz, 
 Caen, and other places, in order to reduce them to 
 
 Vol. 11. 2 1
 
 482 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 his obedience, where he found the Duke of Bretagne, 
 who stayed there some time with his majesty. 
 
 A little after this, the Duke of Berry went from 
 Roan to Louviers, thinking to find the Duke of 
 Bourbon there, but being disappointed of meeting 
 him, he immediately came back again. Upon his 
 return to Roan, he was with great pomp and 
 ceremony conducted into the town-house by the 
 magistrates of the city, who, according to the usual 
 custom of the place, acknowledged him for their 
 duke by putting a ring on his finger ; afterwards he 
 took, an oath to maintain and support them in their 
 privileges and franchises, and immediately remitted 
 them half the taxes they were formerly used to pay. 
 This act of generosity won the hearts of the whole 
 city, and so firmly united them to his interest, that 
 the nobility, gentry, clergy, and the common people, 
 vowed to sacrifice their lives and fortunes in his 
 service, and to remain faithful and loyal subjects 
 for ever. And afterwards they presented him an 
 old book of records that was in the town-house, and 
 made him read an article in it aloud before all the 
 people, which gave an account of a king of France 
 heretofore who at his death left two sons, the eldest 
 of which succeeded his father, and the youngest had 
 the duchy of Normandy for his appennage: how 
 that the elder brother as soon as he was settled in 
 his kingdom, demanded a restitution of the said 
 duchy, and being denied, how he made war upon 
 his younger brother, and thought to have taken it 
 from him by force, but his subjects unanimously 
 joining with him, they dethroned his brother the
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 483 
 
 King of France, and set up their duke for king. 
 After he had done reading, they boldly told him, 
 they feared nothing ; that their fortifications were 
 strong and in good repair ; that they had great 
 store of cannon, arms, ammunition, and provision, 
 and could upon occasion make a brave defence, as- 
 suring him they would one and all to a man stand 
 by him, and defend him, themselves, and the town, 
 against any opposers whatsoever. 
 
 On the 30th of December of the same year the 
 king in his return from lower Normandy arrived 
 at Ponthaudemer, and from thence marched into 
 the county of Neufbourg, from whence he detached 
 the Duke of Bourbon with a body of forces to 
 summon Louviers, which surrendered the Wed- 
 nesday following, and the Duke of Bourbon took 
 possession of it for the king, into which his majesty 
 made a public entry the same day after dinner. 
 From Louviers the king marched to a town called 
 Du Pont des Archers, about four leagues from 
 Roan, which he formally besieged. 
 
 On Monday the 6th of January, a proclamation 
 was issued out at Paris, commanding all the sutlers 
 that were used to supply the army with provisions, 
 to repair immediately to the camp before Du Pont 
 des Archers, and all the prisoners were ordered to 
 be ready by the next morning, to set out for the 
 same place, under the command of M. Denis, one 
 of the four aldermen of the city, who was appointed 
 to take care of them. 
 
 On the Wednesday following the king entered Du 
 Pont des Archers, and M. John Hebert with several 
 
 2 1 2
 
 484 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 others who were in the town retired to the castle, 
 which three days after was also surrendered to the 
 king. After the surrender of the town and castle, 
 the citizens of Roan sent deputies to treat of an 
 accommodation, who highly complained of the 
 Dukes of Bourbon and Bretagne. And amongst 
 other requests and remonstrances that the said 
 deputies were ordered to make to the king, one 
 was, that his majesty would be pleased to be re- 
 conciled to them, notwithstanding what they had 
 done ; that he would openly declare that they had 
 not been wanting in their duty, nor acted contrary 
 to his interest, and that he would grant them the 
 same privileges and immunities he had granted his 
 good city of Paris, to which his majesty answered, 
 he would consult his council about it. 
 
 Whilst this affair was in agitation, several of the 
 king's party had free admittance into Roan, and 
 conversed familiarly with the citizens ; in the mean 
 time, the Duke of Berry and several of his adherents 
 retired to Honnefleur and Caen, where they stayed 
 for some time. During these transactions, M. John 
 de Lorrain thought to have made his escape into 
 Flanders, but was taken and brought before the 
 king, who disposed of most of the officers belong- 
 ing to the duchy of Normandy, putting in new of- 
 ficers, and turning out the old ones. And after 
 the , Duke of Berry's leaving Roan, the city was 
 reduced to the king's obedience, upon which the 
 king dismissed all his Frank archers from his ser- 
 vice till the 1st of March following, sent all his 
 artillery to Paris, and retired to Mount St. Michael
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 485 
 
 in lower Normandy. About that time the king 
 gave the command of one hundred lances which 
 belonged to M. Charles de Meleun to the Count de 
 Dampmartin, who was with him, and not long after 
 deprived him of his office of high steward of his 
 household, and gave it to M. de Craon ; however, 
 several people were of opinion that M. Charles de 
 Meleun had done the king signal services, and been 
 very faithful to him, especially in his great care 
 and defence of Paris in the king's absence in Bour- 
 bonnois, which he managed and regulated so well, 
 that many sincerely believe, that the preservation 
 of that city and the whole kingdom, is in some 
 measure owing to his conduct and vigilance in that 
 affair. 
 
 About that time the king commanded Chaumont 
 upon the Loire (belonging to M. Peter de Amboise 
 lord of the same place) to be burnt, and it was ac- 
 cordingly done. 
 
 On Monday the 3d of February, one Gauvain 
 Manniel lieutenant-general of the bailiwick of 
 Roan, was taken in the city and carried prisoner to 
 Pont de I'Arche, and there upon a scaffold erected 
 near the town bridge, was beheaded by the provost- 
 marshal for high treason, his head fixed on a lance 
 on the same bridge, and his body thrown into the 
 river Seine. Just after this the Dean of Roan and 
 six canons were banished the city, and expelled the 
 duchy of Normandy. 
 
 After this the king went to Orleans, where he 
 stayed a considerable time with the queen, and then 
 retired to Jargeau and the neighbourhood of that
 
 486 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 place, where ambassadors from several potentates 
 upon different aflEairs came to wait upon his ma- 
 jesty ; and about that time he resolved to send an 
 embassy to the King of England, and accordingly 
 the Count de Roussillon Bastard of Bourbon and 
 Admiral of France, the Lord de la Barde, the Bishop 
 and Duke of Langres, M. John de Pompaincourt, 
 and M. Oliver le Roye one of the counsellors of the 
 exchequer, were chosen to go in that embassy, and 
 they set out for England in April, 1466. 
 
 On Saturday, Whitsun Eve, an order was published 
 by sound of trumpet in all the public streets of 
 Paris, by the command of the constable of Franc6, 
 in which order was inserted the royal mandate he 
 had newly received from the king, the substance of 
 which was, that the king (having received certain 
 advice that the English, his ancient enemies, had a 
 design to invade the kingdom of France with a 
 powerful army, and for that descent were fitting 
 out a strong squadron of men-of-war,) was resolved 
 to make what preparations he could to oppose and 
 defeat their designs, and therefore had given full 
 power and command to his constable of France 
 to make proclamation of it in all the cities, towns, 
 villages, and hamlets of the kingdom, in order that 
 all the nobility and gentry holding any lands by 
 homage or fealty of the crown, not excepting the 
 Frank archers, should be ready in arms by the 15th 
 of June following, under pain of imprisonment and 
 confiscation of goods. 
 
 At the same time a peace was concluded with the 
 
 English both by sea and land, which was publicly
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 487 
 
 proclaimed ; and about that time also, the Dukedu 
 Maine was for some secret reason turned out of his 
 government of Languedoc by the king, which was 
 given to the Duke of Bourbon. 
 
 After the consummation of marriage between the 
 Admiral of France and the king's natural daughter, 
 the king gave the said admiral the castle of Usson 
 in Auvergne, which was looked upon to be the 
 strongest place in the whole kingdom, with the 
 government of Honnefleur, and several other places 
 in Normandy. 
 
 In July, several prelates, lords, churchmen, and 
 counsellors, that the king had sent for to make some 
 new regulations in all the courts of justice, and to 
 reform some abuses, arrived at Paris, to whom the 
 king gave full power and authority, and by virtue 
 of the same, he nominated and appointed twenty- 
 one commissioners, of which M. Charles d'Orleans, 
 Count de Dunois, and Longueville were chief and 
 first commissioners, and even these commissioners 
 had no powers of acting, unless thirteen of them 
 besides their president the Count de Dunois and 
 Longueville were assembled together ; and in pur- 
 suance of the commission that had been granted 
 them, they began their sittings on Tuesday the 
 16th, and were called by the people the reformers 
 of the nation. This was just a year since the battle 
 between the king and the Count de Charolois at 
 Mont I'Hery. 
 
 About this time a war broke out between the 
 Liegeois and the Duke of Burgundy, upon which he 
 immediately took the field with his whole army.
 
 488 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 and being a little indisposed, was carried in a litter, 
 commanding his son the Count de Charolois, with 
 all the nobles and officers that were with him, to 
 march forward with a strong detachment to invest 
 Dinant, and leave him to come up with the rest of 
 the army. Upon his arrival the town was formally 
 besieged, which occasioned several sallies and bloody 
 actions on both sides, much to the disadvantage of 
 the Burgundians in the beginning of the siege, but 
 at last, whether by force of arms or treason, the 
 town was taken by the Burgundians, who, only re- 
 serving a few of the chief citizens, whom they made 
 prisoners of war, turned out men, women, and chil- 
 dren, and gave it up to be plundered by their sol- 
 diers. Nor were they contented with this, they set 
 fire to the churches and the houses, and having 
 burnt and consumed every thing they could lay their 
 hands on, they ordered the walls to be demolished, 
 and the fortifications to be blown up, by which 
 means the poor inhabitants were reduced to ex- 
 treme want and necessity, and abundance of young 
 women were forced to betake themselves to a vile 
 and shameful way of living. 
 
 In August and September in the same year, the 
 heats were so violent as to breed the plague, and 
 several other contagious distempers in France, 
 which swept away, in a little space of time, above 
 forty thousand people in Paris and the neighbour- 
 ing towns. Some persons of note and learning 
 died also of it, amongst whom we may reckon M. 
 Arnoul, the king's astrologer, a very worthy, 
 learned, and facetious person, beveral eminent
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 489 
 
 physicians, and abundance of officers belonging to 
 the city. 
 
 During the plague, the king and his council 
 stayed at Orleans, Chartres, Bourges, Mehun, and 
 Amboise, and during his abode in that neighbour- 
 hood he received several embassies from foreign 
 princes and states, especially from England and 
 Burgundy, and it Vfas there he declared in council 
 his resolutions of making war upon the Duke 
 of Burgundy, and his son, the Count de Charolois, 
 upon which the ban and arriere-ban were ordered 
 to be raised, and a considerable augmentation to 
 be made to the body of Frank archers. 
 
 After this affair was despatched, the king made 
 several new ordinances and establishments for the 
 better defence of his kingdom, and the garrisoned 
 towns in it, and accordingly he made the Marshal 
 de Loheac his lieutenant of Paris and the Isle of 
 France, M. de Geilon had the government of 
 Champagne, and the government of Normandy 
 was given to the Count de St. Paul, constable of 
 France, who formerly was the king's enemy, and 
 had joined with the Duke of Burgundy and the 
 Count de Charolois. 
 
 Some time after this, in February 1466, an am- 
 bassador from Bretagne arrived at Paris, who, 
 after he had had audience of the king, set out for 
 Flanders, to wait on the Duke of Burgundy and the 
 Count de Charolois, his son. The many civilities 
 that the king shewed this ambassador made some 
 persons of note imagine that the affair between the
 
 490 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 king and his brother was amicably adjusted, at 
 whicli they were extremely glad. 
 
 Immediately after this, the king set out from 
 Paris, in order to visit Roan and several other 
 places in Normandy, and during his stay at Roan 
 he sent for the Earl of Warwick out of England, 
 and went by water, attended by several of his 
 nobility, as far as Bouille, to meet him, which was 
 situated on the Seine, about four leagues from 
 Roan. He arrived there on the 7th of June, 1467, 
 about dinner-time, where he found a magnificent 
 entertainment ready prepared for him and his no- 
 bility, and after dinner the Earl of Warwick came 
 to pay his compliments to the king, after which he 
 went to Roan by water, and the king and his nobility 
 by land. The magistrates of Roan, in their forma- 
 lities, were ordered to go out to meet the Earl of 
 Warwick, and receive him, upon his landing, at 
 the Key-Gate of St. Eloy, with abundance of pomp 
 and ceremony, bearing before him crosses, banners, 
 holy-water bottles, and the relics of several saints, 
 attended by the priests in their copes, and after 
 this manner he was conducted to the church of 
 Notre Dame, where he made his offering, and 
 from thence to a magnificent apartment prepared 
 for him in one of the religious houses. Soon after 
 this, the queen and the young princesses came to 
 Roan, and the king stayed there with the Earl of 
 Warwick about a fortnight ; after which the earl 
 took leave of his majesty, and returned to England, 
 accompanied by the Admiral of France, the Bishop/
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLB. 491 
 
 of Laon, M. John de Pompaincourt, M. Olivier le 
 Roux, and several others, whom the king had or- 
 dered to wait on him thither. . 
 
 The king presented the Earl of Warwick, during 
 his stay at Roan, with several valuable and rich 
 presents, amongst the rest a piece of gold plate, and 
 a large gold cup set with precious stones. The 
 Duke of Bourbon also presented him with a fine 
 diamond, and several other things of value ; besides 
 he and his whole retinue had all their expenses 
 borne by the king from their first landing in France 
 to their embarking for England. After the earl's 
 departure, the king returned from Roan to Char- 
 tres, where he stayed some time ; and in this month 
 died Philip, Duke of Burgundy, and his body was 
 carried with great solemnity to Dijon, and interred 
 in the church of the Carthusians. 
 
 Immediately after this, the king ordered a pro- 
 clamation to be published, by which (in order to re- 
 people his good city of Paris, that had been greatly 
 diminished by war, sickness, and other misfortunes) 
 his majesty gave leave to strangers of all nations, 
 of what crimes soever they had been guilty, except 
 high-treason, to come and settle in the city, suburbs, 
 or precincts thereof, promising to grant them the 
 same privileges as his own subjects, and to defend 
 and protect them, even not excepting those that 
 had been banished to St. Maloes and Valenciennes. 
 At th6 same time, also, by sound of trumpet, was 
 published an order, commanding all the nobles and 
 gentry holding any lands or tenures by homage or 
 fealty, even not excepting those of the Isle of
 
 4^ THB SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 France, as well in Paris as elsewhere, to be ready 
 in arms by the 15th of August. 
 
 About this time, the Admiral of France, and 
 those that were ordered by the king to wait on the 
 Earl of Warwick into England, returned, where 
 they had stayed a long while without doing any 
 thing, and brought with them some hunting-horns 
 and leathern -bottles, as a present from the King of 
 England to the King of France, in return for all 
 the valuable ones his majesty and the Duke of 
 Bourbon had made the Earl of Warwick at his 
 departure from Roan. And on Friday, the 18th of 
 August, the king arrived at Paris, about nine at 
 night, attended by the Duke of Bourbon and se- 
 veral of the nobility. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 1st of September, the queen 
 also came from Roan to Paris by water, and landed 
 at Notre Dame, where her majesty was received by 
 all the presidents and counsellors of the court of 
 parliament, the Bishop of Paris, and several per- 
 sons of quality in their robes and formalities. 
 There was also a certain number of persons richly 
 dressed to compliment her on the part of the city, 
 and abundance of the chief citizens and counsellors 
 of Paris went by water to meet her majesty in fine 
 gilded boats covered with tapestry and rich silks, in 
 which were placed the choristers of the holy chapel, 
 who sung psalms and anthems after a most heavenly 
 and melodious manner. There was also a great 
 number of trumpets, clarions, and other softer in- 
 struments of music, which altogether made a most 
 harmonious consort, and began playing when the
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 493 
 
 queen and her maids of honour entered the boat; 
 in which the citizens of Paris presented her ma- 
 jesty with a large stag made in sweet-meats, besides 
 a vast quantity of salvers heaped up with spices and 
 all sorts of delicious fruits, roses, violets, and other 
 perfumes being strewed in the boat, and as much 
 wine as every body would drink. After the queen 
 had performed her devotions to the blessed Virgin 
 she came back to her boat, and went by water to 
 the Celestins' church-gate, where she found abun- 
 dance of persons of quality more, ready to receive 
 her majesty, who, immediately upon her landing, 
 with her maids of honour, mounted upon fine easy 
 pads, and rode to the Hotel des Tournelles, where 
 the king was at that time, and where she was re- 
 ceived with great joy and satisfaction by his ma- 
 jesty and the whole court, and that night there 
 were public rejoicings and bonfires in Paris for her 
 majesty's safe arrival. 
 
 On the 14th of September, the king, who had 
 ordered the Parisians to make standards, published 
 a proclamation, commanding all the inhabitants 
 from sixteen to sixty, of what rank or condition 
 soever, to be ready to appear in arms that very day 
 in the fields, and that those that were not able to 
 provide themselves with helmets, brigandines, SfC, 
 should come armed with great clubs, under pain of 
 death ; which orders were punctually obeyed, and 
 the greatest part of the populace appeared in arms, 
 ranged under their proper standard or banner, in 
 good order and discipline, amounting to eighty 
 thousand men, thirty thousand of which were armed
 
 4^4 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 with coats of mail, helmets, and brigandines, and 
 made a very fine appearance. Never did any city 
 in the world furnish such a vast number of men, 
 for it was computed there were sixty-seven banners 
 or standards of tradesmen, without reckoning; those 
 of the court of parliament, exchequer, treasury, 
 mint, and chastellet of Paris, which had under them 
 as many or more soldiers than what belonged to the 
 tradesmen's banners. A prodigious quantity of 
 wine was ordered out of Paris, to comfort and re- 
 fresh this vast body of men, which took up a vast 
 tract of ground, extending themselves from the end 
 of the Lay Stall, between St. Anthony's gate and that 
 of the Temple, as far as the Town-ditch upwards to 
 the Winepress, and from thence along the walls of 
 St. Antoine des Champs, to the Grange de Ruilly, 
 and from thence to Conflans, and from Conflans 
 back again by the Grange-aux-Merciers, all along 
 the river Seine, quite to the Royal Bulwark over 
 against the tower of Billy, and from thence all 
 along the Town-ditch, on the outside, to the Bas- 
 tile and St. Anthony's gate. In short, it was 
 almost incredible to tell what a vast number of 
 people there were in arms before Paris, yet the 
 number of those within was pretty near as great. 
 
 About this time a terrible war broke out between 
 the Liegeois, and the Duke of Burgundy, and their 
 bishop, cousin to the Duke of Burgundy, and bro- 
 ther to the Duke of Bourbon, whom they besieged 
 in Huye, and after a long siege took the town, but 
 the bishop made his escape ; and towards the latter 
 end of it the king sent four hundred lances under
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 495 
 
 the command of the Count de Dampmartin, Salle- 
 zart, Robert de Conychan, and Steuevot de Vig- 
 nolles, with six thousand Frank archers, picked and 
 chosen out of Champagne, Soissonnois, and several 
 places in the isle of France. As soon as the Bur- 
 gundians heard that the Liegeois had taken Huye, 
 they resolved immediately to take the field with 
 their whole army, and to march against them and 
 destroy them with fire and sword, to be revenged of 
 them, for the Burgundians they had slain upon their 
 taking the town. Accordingly they declared war 
 against them throughout all their dominions by the 
 ceremony of a naked sword in one hand, and a 
 burning torch in the other, signifying that this was 
 a war of blood and fire. 
 
 About the same time the king sent the bishop of 
 Eureux, who was lately made a cardinal at Rome, 
 M. John de Ladriesme, treasurer of France, and 
 several others, in an embassy to the Count de Cha- 
 rolois, to negotiate some secret aflTair with that 
 prince. 
 
 On Sunday night about nine, there was such ter- 
 rible thunder and lightning as had scarce been 
 known in the memory of man ; and during the 
 whole month there were such prodigious heats as 
 surprised every body, which was looked upon to be 
 very strange and unnatural. 
 
 On Thursday the fifteenth of the same month, the 
 king received advice that a great detachment of 
 Bretons had possessed themselves of the town and 
 castle of Caen, in Normandy, and from thence 
 marched to Bayeux, which they also so surprised,
 
 496 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 and turning out the garrison, put some of their own 
 troops in it. The king was extremely concerned at 
 this news, and immediately sends the Marshal de 
 Loheac, who had the command of one hundred 
 lances of Bretagne, into Normandy, to see how 
 affairs stood there. 
 
 About this time, M. Anthony de Chasteauneuf 
 (Lord of Lau, great butler of France, and seneschal 
 of Guienne, great chaniberlain to the king, and the 
 most beloved and rewarded of any favourite the king 
 ever had) was, by his majesty's order, moved from the 
 castle of Sully upon the Loire, where he had been 
 long a prisoner, to the castle of Usson in Avergne, 
 by M. Tristan 1' Ermite the king's provost marshal, 
 and William Cerisay, newly chosen register in 
 parliament, and upon this removal there was a dis- 
 course, which lasted some time, that he was exe- 
 cuted, but it was a false report. 
 
 On Tuesday the 20th of October, the king set out 
 from Paris for Normandy, and lay that night at 
 Villepereux, and the next at Mante. Before he 
 left Paris he sent for several of his captains and 
 officers of his army, and ordered them to get the 
 troops that were under their command in readi- 
 ness to follow him into Normandy, or wherever 
 there should be most occasion for them ; and on 
 the same day he published certain letters and or- 
 dinances, by which he declared, that it was his 
 royal will and pleasure, that for the future all the 
 officers of his kingdom, both civil and military, 
 should continue in their places, and that no place 
 should become vacant but by death, resignation, or
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 497 
 
 forfeiture, resolving to dispose of no places but 
 what became vacant by one of the three before-men- 
 tioned ways, and therefore it would be in vain for 
 any one to expect or solicit for a post upon any 
 other terms, since he designed to do justice to every 
 one. After this declaration, he set out from Mante 
 for Vernon on the Seine, where he stayed some 
 time, during which the constable of France, who 
 came thither to pay hi^ respects to the king, found 
 out an expedient how to conclude a peace between 
 his majesty and the Duke of Burgundy, for six 
 months from the date of the articles, without in- 
 cluding the Liegeois, who were actually in arms 
 against the Duke of Burgundy, in hopes of being 
 assisted by the king, as they were promised, but by 
 this treaty they were baulked in their expectations, 
 and left in the lurch. As soon us the treaty was 
 signed and sealed by the king, the constable of France 
 went to wait on the Duke of Burgundy to acquaint 
 him with it. 
 
 Soon after this M. John de Balue, bishop of Eu- 
 reux, M. John Ladrische, and the rest that had been 
 sent into Flanders to negotiate an affair at the 
 Duke of Burgundy's court, came to Vernon, to 
 give the king an account of their embassy ; imme- 
 diately after which the king left Vernon, and came 
 to Chartres, where he stayed till the arrival of the 
 greatest part of his artillery from Orleans, which 
 was to be employed in the reduction of Alenson, 
 and several other towns in the same province. And 
 afterwards the king sent M. John Prevost into 
 
 Vol. II. 8K
 
 498 THK SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 Flanders with the articles of peace to the Duke of 
 Burgundy. 
 
 On the 16th the Bishop of Eureux, the Treasurer 
 de Ladrische, M. John Berart and M. JefFery Alne- 
 quin, arrived at Paris, in order to review the ban- 
 ners, and to inspect several other things that the 
 king had given them in charge. After that the king 
 went from Chartres to Orleans, Clery, and other 
 towns in that neighbourhood, and afterwards to 
 Vendosme, from whence he marched with great 
 part of his artillery and a considerable body of 
 troops to Mount St. Michael. In the mean time 
 the Bretons with a strong army left their own coun- 
 try, and penetrated into Normandy as far as the 
 city of Orange, and other towns of that province, 
 and also dispersed themselves in small bodies all 
 over Normandy, as far as Caen, Bayeux, Constances, 
 and other places. About the same time the Duke 
 of Burgundy taking advantage of the peace that 
 was concluded between him and the king, in which 
 the Liegeois were excluded, marches against them 
 with his wholfe army, and lays siege to their capital 
 city, who being baulked in their expectation of 
 those succours that the king promised to send them, 
 and seeing their ruin near at hand, were at last 
 forced to surrender all their towns to the Count de 
 Charolois, besides giving him a vast sum of money, 
 and consenting to have their gates pulled down, 
 and part of their walls demolished. 
 
 On Saturday the 22d of November, the Bishop 
 of Eureux, and the rest of the commissioners ap-
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 499 
 
 pointed for that purpose, reviewed the bands of 
 the tradesmen as they were drawn up and ranged 
 under their respective banners in several places in 
 the city. And the very same day the king com- 
 manded a proclamation to be issued out, command- 
 ing all persons that were used to serve in the wars 
 to repair forthwith to certain commissaries ap- 
 pointed to receive and give them pay. And the 
 next day M. John Prevost returned from the Duke 
 of Burgundy's court, whither the king had sent him 
 with the articles of peace, and brought his majesty 
 back the answer the Count de Charolois had given 
 him in relation to that affair. On Thursday the 
 16th of November, there was another review made 
 of all the banners without the gates of Paris. As 
 soon as the review was over, the Bishop of Eureux, 
 and the rest of the commissioners, with M. John 
 de Ladriesche, Treasurer of France, M. Peter I'Or- 
 feure. Lord Dermenonville, and several other of the 
 king's officers, set out from Paris to wa;t upon the 
 king, who was between Mans and Alenson with a 
 prodigious army consisting of one hundred thou- 
 sand horse, and twenty thousand foot, in order to 
 oppose the Bretons ; upon which his majesty ordered 
 the greatest part of his artillery to be brought up, 
 to be employed in the siege of Alenson. 
 
 During these transactions there were some over- 
 tures of peace which hindered the king from en- 
 tering upon action ; and so by consequence his 
 army was forced to destroy and eat up all the flat 
 country for twenty or thirty leagues round Mans 
 and Alenson. In the mean time the Count de 
 2 K ^
 
 500 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICtE. 
 
 Charolois, who had already destroyed the Liegeois, 
 and over-run the country, retired to St. Quintin ; 
 and ordered a proclamation to be issued out through 
 his whole dominions, commanding all his subjects 
 that were able to bear arms, and those forces that 
 were already raised, to repair to St. Quintin by a 
 certain day upon pain of imprisonment, in order to 
 be reviewed by certain commissaries appointed for 
 that purpose. The same proclamation he caused to 
 be published in Burgundy, commanding all his sub- 
 jects of that duchy to repair to Montsavion by the 
 22d of December, as a place of general rendezvous, 
 where several commissaries were also appointed to 
 list and enter them in his service ; from whence 
 they were ordered to march and join the forces at 
 St. Quintin, which were to act in conjunction with 
 those of the Dukes of Berry and Bretagne, against 
 the King of France. Upon publishing of this pro- 
 clamation, several merchants of Paris that were gone 
 into Burgundy to buy up some commodities, made 
 a quick return, without doing any business ; and the 
 Count de Charolois ordered all his forces to rendez- 
 vous at St. Quintin on the 4th of January following. 
 On Innocents day, which was the 28th of Decem- 
 ber, the Duke of Bourbon, who came by the king's 
 order to put strong garrisons into his frontier-towns, 
 and to cover his country, that the Burgundians 
 might not penetrate into it, arrived at Paris, and 
 with him the Marshal de Loheac, who, according 
 to common report, was to be lieutenant of the city. 
 The Duke of Bourbon made some stay at Paris ; 
 but the Marshal de Loheac set out two davs after
 
 THI tOANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 501 
 
 for Roan, and several other towns in Normandy, to 
 put them in a posture of defence, according to the 
 king's orders ; where he staid a considerable time. 
 The Parisians were extremely civil to the Duke of 
 Bourbon, and during his stay there, he was caressed 
 by several of the chief citizens, who made feasts 
 and entertainments on purpose for him. In the 
 mean time the city of Alenson, which was in the 
 hands of the Bretons, was surrendered to the king 
 by the Count duPerche, son to the Duke of Alenson, 
 who commanded in the castle at the same time that 
 the Bretons were masters of the town. All this time 
 the king did not stir from Mans; and during his 
 stay there, he sent the pope's legate whom we have 
 already mentionetl, Anthony de Chabannes, Count 
 de Dampmartin, the Treasurer Ladriesche, and se- 
 veral others in an embassy to the Duke of Berry, to 
 offer terms of accommodation ; and at last the king 
 consented to the calling the three estates of the 
 kingdom. Tours was the place appointed for their 
 meeting, where, according to order, they were as- 
 sembled on the first of April, 1467, upon which the 
 king left Mans, and came to Montils near Tours, 
 Amboise, and thereabouts. 
 
 As soon as the three estates of the kingdom were 
 assembled, the king came and acquainted them 
 with the occasion of their meeting ; and had, from 
 time to time, several debates and conferences with 
 them concerning the affair between him and Jiis 
 brother the Duke of Ben-y, till the time of their 
 breaking up, which was till Easier-day, 1468, 
 There were present at this assembly, the king.
 
 502 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 the King of Sicily, the Duke of Bourbon, the 
 Count du Perche, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, the 
 Cardinal of Angiers, several other lords, barons, 
 archbishops, bishops) abbots, and abundance of 
 other persons of quality and condition, besides several 
 ambassadors from all parts of France. And by this 
 august assembly it was agreed and resolved, (after 
 a long and mature deliberation, in order to end the 
 dispute between the king and his brotber M. Charles 
 concerning his appennage,) that his majesty should 
 allow him twelve thousand livres a-year in land, 
 with the title of count or duke ; and that h6 should 
 be obliged to give and allow him besides an annual 
 pension in money of sixty thousand livres more, 
 without any prejudice to the rest of his majesty's 
 children, who hereafter might come to the crown, 
 and be required to give the same appennage. To 
 which the king, (being extremely desirous to live 
 in perfect peace and union with his brother,) at 
 last consented, and willingly gave him the annual 
 allowance of sixty thousand livres, seeing he gene- 
 rously relinquished the duchy of Normandy, saying, 
 it was not in the king's power to dismember or 
 give away any thing that belonged to the crown. 
 And as for the Duke of Bretagne, who had sided 
 with M. Charles, and had taken several towns in 
 Normandy, being suspected to hold a correspond- 
 ence with the English, the ancient enemies of 
 France, it was agreed by the said assembly, that he 
 should be summoned to surrender the towns he was 
 possessed of, and that upon refusal, and the king's 
 having certain advice of his having made an alii-
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. " 503 
 
 iance with the English, his majesty should irnme- 
 iliately endeavour to recover them by force of arms, 
 and the three estates of the kingdom promised to 
 stand by and support him ; the clergj', with their 
 prayers and estates ; and the nobility, gentry, and 
 commonalty, with their estates and persons. And 
 moreover, the king was extremely desirous that 
 justice should be fairly and impartially admini- 
 stered through the whole kingdom ; and therefore 
 he proposed to this assembly the choosing some 
 persons of honour aad quality out of the three 
 estates, to regulate and take care of that matter ; 
 and the whole assembly were of opinion, that no 
 body was so fit to be employed in that office as the 
 Count do Charolois, who was a peer of France, and 
 nearly allied to the crown. After this debate waa 
 over, the king left Tours, and went to Amboise ; 
 and a little after he sent to the assembly, then sit- 
 ting at Cambray, to know how they approved of 
 the resolution that had been taken by the three 
 estates of the kingdom that were convened aJt 
 Tours, as you have already heard. 
 
 After the king had despatched tbis aflfair, he 
 went to Meaux, in Brie, where he ordered a cer- 
 tain person, born in Bourbonnois, to be beheaded 
 for some crimes he had committed, and amongst 
 the rest for discovering the king's secrets to the 
 English, the ancient enemies of France. Just be- 
 fore this, the king was graciously pleased to grant 
 an act of grace and indemnity ; and the Prince of 
 Piedmont, the Duke of Savoy's son, was sent to
 
 504 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 Paris with full power and authority to release all 
 the prisoners out of jail. 
 
 About the same time, the Burgundians or the 
 Bretons, who had invaded Normandy, surprised 
 the Lord de Merville between St. Saviour de Dive 
 and Caen, and made him deliver up his castle into 
 their hands, in which there were a small number 
 of Frank archers. As soon as they had surrendered 
 it, they hanged the Lord de Merville, plundered the 
 castle, and afterwards set fire to it. After this the 
 king left Creil, and went to Compeigne, where he 
 staid some time, and then returned to Senlis, and 
 from thence the Duke of Bourbon went to Paris, 
 where he arrived on the Assumption of Our Lady. 
 Some time before this, the king had sent M. de 
 Lyon, the constable of France, and several other 
 lords, in an embassy to the Duke of Burgundy, to 
 endeavour to adjust the difference between them, 
 without coming to an open war, notwithstanding 
 he had already sent an army into Normandy under 
 the command of the admiral of France, who had 
 been so successful as in a month's time to drive the 
 Bretons out of Bayeux. On Saturday, the 20th 
 of August, 1468, M. Charles de Meleun, Lord of 
 Normanville, (who had formerly been steward of 
 the king's household,) was brought out of the cas- 
 tle of Gaillart, where he had been newly committed 
 prisoner, under the command of the Count de 
 Dampmartin, and publicly beheaded in the mar- 
 ket-place of Andely, according to the sentence that 
 had been pronounced against him by the provost-
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 505 
 
 marshal. After this, the king staid some time at 
 Noyon, Compeigne, Chavay, and other places there- 
 abouts, till the 15th of September, where he re- 
 ceived the agreeable news of the Duke of Bretagne 
 and his brother Charles's readiness to consent to 
 the terms of accommodation that his majesty had 
 proposed to them, and that his brother M. Charles 
 was ready to accept of his annual pension of sixty 
 thousand livres tournois, till his.appennage could be 
 fully settled by the Duke of Calabria and the con- 
 stable of France, who were the persons he had 
 chosen to settle and manage that affair. The Duke 
 of Bretagne, on his part, offered to surrender all 
 the towns he had taken from the king in Nor- 
 mandy, provided his majesty would restore all those 
 that his troops were in possession of in Bretagne, 
 to which the king readily consented. 
 
 The king immediately sent an express to the 
 Duke of Burgundy, who lay encamped between 
 Esclusiers and Cappy, to acquaint him with this 
 accommodation, but he would give no credit to it, 
 till it was farther confirmed by certain advices from 
 the Duke of Bretagne and M. Charles ; however, 
 he would not retire with his army, but still con- 
 tinued in the same post between Esclusiers and 
 Cappy, behind the river Somme. During his en» 
 campment there, several persons of quality were 
 deputed to wait on the Duke of Burgundy, amongst 
 whom were the constable of France, the cardinal 
 d'Angiers, and M. Peter Doriolle, in hopes of ac- 
 commodating matters amicably between him and 
 the king, which his majesty was extremely desi-
 
 606 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 reus of ; but the officers of his array were of ano- 
 ther mind, and begged the king that he would 
 give them leave to attack the Duke of Burgundy in 
 his camp, not questioning but that they should de- 
 feat him, and oblige him to accept of what terms 
 his majesty should propose ; but the king would 
 not hear of it, and upon pain of death forbid them 
 to attempt any thing against him. And from that 
 time to the 12th of October, there was a great dis- 
 course of the king's having made a truce with the 
 Duke of Burgundy till the April following : and 
 upon the hopes of that truce, the king resolved to 
 return from Compeigne to Creil and Ponthoise ; 
 wherefore he sent his harbingers before to prepare 
 his lodgings, but afterwards he altered his resolu- 
 tion, and went in great haste from Compeigne to 
 Noyon, where he had been but a little time before. 
 In the mean time, Philip de Savoy, Poncet de Ri- 
 viere, the Lord du Lau, and several others that 
 were confederate with them, did abundance of 
 mischief. And on Saturday, the 8th of October, 
 a proclamation was issued out, commanding all the 
 nobility and gentry within the precincts of Paris, 
 that held any lands or tenures by homage or fealtv 
 of the crown, to be ready in arms at Gonnesse, and 
 to march from thence on the Monday following 
 wherever they should be commanded ; at which 
 several persons at Paris were astonished, believing 
 by this preparation that no truce had been made. 
 After this, the king left Noyon, and the Duke of 
 Burgundy set out from the army for Peronne, whi- 
 ther the king, attended only by I he Duke of Bour-
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 507 
 
 bon, the Cardinal d'Angiers, and a few of the 
 officers of his household, went immediately to pay 
 the Duke of Burgundy a visit, who received him 
 with all the respect and honour imaginable, as in 
 duty he was obliged to do ; and after a long confer- 
 ence together, the difference that was between 
 them was amicably adjusted. The Duke of Bur- 
 gundy, on his part, swore homage to the king, and 
 vowed never to attempt any thing against his ma- 
 jesty for the future ; and the king confirmed and ra- 
 tified the treaty of Arras, and several other things ; 
 upon which a courier was immediately despatched 
 to acquaint the nobility, gentry, and commonalty, 
 with the news of this accommodation, and to order 
 the Bishop of Paris to cause a general procession 
 to be made, and Te Deum to be sung in Notre 
 Dame Church, which was accordingly performed ; 
 and the^ night concluded with bonfires, fountains 
 running with wine, and the usual solemnities on 
 such occasions. In the mean time, news came that 
 the Liegeois had taken and killed their bishop and 
 all his officers ; at which the king, the Duke of 
 Burgundy, and the Duke of Bourbon, were ex- 
 tremely concerned, and there was great talk that 
 the king and the Duke of Burgundy would go in 
 person to destroy the Liegeois, and ruin their 
 country, to be revenged on them for their late bar- 
 barous action of murdering their bishop. But 
 immediately the news of the bishop's death was 
 contradicted ; however, the Liegeois obliged him 
 to say mass, and afterwards humbly submitted to 
 him, and acknowledged him for their sovereign
 
 508 THK SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 lord, being willing to put an end to those calami- 
 ties and misfortunes they had already brought 
 upon themselves. 
 
 About this time the king went to Hall in Ger- 
 many, where he made but a short stay ; during 
 which, at the Duke of Burgundy's intercession, he 
 pardoned Philip de Savoy, and the rest of his con- 
 federates, and received them into his favour again. 
 From Hall his majesty went to Namur to visit the 
 Duke of Burgundy, whom he resolved to accom- 
 pany to the siege of Liege, and had his quarters as- 
 signed him in the suburbs of that city during the 
 whole siege, which lasted some time, and he was 
 attended by the Duke of Bourbon, M. de Lyon, 
 M. de Beaujeau, and the Bishop of Liege, who were 
 all brothers. It seems the Bishop of Liege was 
 sent out of the town to wait on the Duke of Bur- 
 gundy, in order to make terms of capitulation with 
 him in behalf of the Liegeois, who oifered to sur- 
 render the town and all that was in it, provided he 
 would spare the lives of the inhabitants ; but he 
 would not grant them those conditions, vowing to 
 sacrifice his whole army rather than not to force 
 them to surrender at discretion, and ordered the 
 Bishop of Liege to be detained ; notwithstanding 
 he told him, he had solemnly promised the Liegeois 
 to return into the city, and live and die with them, 
 if he could not obtain any honourable conditions 
 for them. As soon as the Liegeois were informed 
 that the Duke of Burgundy had detained their bi- 
 shop against his will, they made several sallies 
 upon the Burgundians and the king's forces, and
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 509 
 
 all they took prisoners they put to death. However, 
 notwithstanding all this, on Sunday the 30th of 
 October, the Duke of Burgundy ordered his men to 
 prepare for storming the town, which was done the 
 same day, and after little or no resistance the king, 
 the Dukes of Burgundy and Bourbon, with the 
 Lords de Lyon, de Liege, and de Beaujeu, entered 
 it, out of which the greatest part of the inha'oitants 
 that were in health had retired just before the last 
 attack, leaving only a few old men, women, chil- 
 dren, priests, and nuns, whose throats were all cut 
 by the soldiers, who committed a thousand other 
 barbarous and inhuman actions, such as ravishing 
 the women, and killing them afterwards, defiling 
 of nuns even in the very churches, and murdering 
 the priests while they were consecrating the host at 
 the altar. And not being satisfied with this scene 
 of blood and horror, they plundered the town, set 
 fire to it, and demolished the walls. 
 
 After this action was over, the king returned to 
 Senlis and Compeigne, where he ordered the Court 
 of Parliament, the exchequer treasurers, and the 
 rest of the civil officers of his kingdom to attend 
 him ; and upon their arrival he made several laws 
 and ordinances, and having no design of staying 
 there long, he ordered the Cardinal d'Angiers to 
 acquaint them with the terms of accommodation 
 between him and the Duke of Burgundy, which 
 were specified and contained in forty-two articles, 
 which were openly read to them by the said cardi- 
 nal, who told them, that it was the king's royal 
 will and pleasure that these articles of peace should
 
 510 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 immediately be ratified and confirmed in parlia- 
 ment under such penalties as he declared to them. 
 The king having despatched this affair drew nearer 
 to Paris, but would not enter the city, however the 
 Duke of Bourbon, M. de Lyon, M. de Beaujeu, the 
 Marquis du Pont, and several other great lords, 
 came and staid there some time. 
 
 On Saturday the 19th of November, the peace 
 between the king and the Duke of Burgundy was 
 proclaimed by sound of trumpet in all the public 
 streets in Paris. At the same time there was ano- 
 ther proclamation issued out by the king's order, 
 commanding every body for the future not to speak 
 against or reflect upon the Duke of Burgundy, 
 either by speeches, signs, pictures, libels, or scan- 
 dalous verses, under very severe penalties, which 
 were explained and specified in the said edict. 
 
 In February the Duke of Burgundy's ambassa- 
 dors arrived at Paris, to hasten the signing the ar- 
 ticles of peace that was concluded between the 
 king and him, upon which the king wrote expressly 
 to the mayor, and the rest of the civil magistrates 
 of Paris, to treat and entertain them handsomely, 
 and his majesty's orders were punctually obeyed, 
 and the ambassadors were nobly entertained and 
 feasted. In the mean time the articles of peace we 
 have already mentioned were registered in all the 
 courts of Paris. 
 
 In April 1469, M. John Balue, cardinal of An- 
 glers (on whom the king had in a short time con- 
 ferred vast riches and honours, doing more for him 
 than for any prince of the blood, and whom th6
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 511 
 
 pope by his majesty's recommendation had ad- 
 vanced to a cardinal's cap) most shamefully betrayed 
 the confidence the king had reposed in him, and 
 having neither God in his thoughts, nor the honour 
 nor interest of the kingdom before his eyes, basely 
 betrayed his majesty into the Duke of Burgundy's 
 hands at Peronne, where he advised him to that 
 ignominious peace which was there concluded be- 
 tween them, and then persuaded him to accompany 
 the Duke of Burgundy to the siege of Liege, which 
 had taken up arms against him purely upon the 
 king's account ; so that in short his majesty's going 
 thither was the chief occasion of the ruin and deso- 
 lation of the poor Liegeois. But to aggravate the 
 matter, the king, the Duke of Bourbon, and the 
 rest of the nobility that attended his majesty, were 
 very near being all killed or taken, which would 
 have been the greatest blow the kingdom of France 
 had ever received since its first establishment. 
 The cardinal not being contented with this piece of 
 villany, immediately contrives how to act a greater ; 
 and therefore upon the king's return to Paris, in 
 his way to Tours, he uses his utmost endeavours to 
 induce his majesty to fall out with his good citizens 
 of Paris, who had hitherto expressed so much zeal 
 and loyalty for his person. After this he employed 
 all his cunning arts and stratagems to foment and 
 inflame the difference that was between the king 
 and his brother M. Charles. But finding himself 
 disappointed there, and having certain advice that 
 all matters were amicably adjusted in the late jour- 
 ney the king made to Tours and Anglers, and that
 
 512 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 they were perfectly reconciled to each other, he 
 tries to raise jealousy and misunderstanding between 
 the king and the rest of the nobility, as he had for- 
 merly done. And in order to create as much 
 trouble and confusion as possible he could in the 
 kingdom, he despatches a certain emissary of his 
 with letters to the Duke of Burgundy, to acquaint 
 him that the peace or agreement that was lately 
 concluded between the king and his brother M. 
 Charles was directly contrary to his interest and ad- 
 vantage, and made on purpose to turn their arms 
 jointly against him, wherefore he advised him to 
 stand upon his guard, and immediately take the 
 field, to prevent their designs. Several other ar- 
 guments he made use of to induce the Duke of 
 Burgundy to invade the kingdom of France with a 
 powerful army ; but by good fortune his letters 
 were seized and carried to the king, who, upon the 
 discovery of his treacherous designs, immediately 
 ordered him to be sent prisoner to Montbason, 
 where he was committed to the charge and custody 
 of M. de Torcy and several other officers. After 
 this the king seized upon all his goods, lands and 
 chattels, of which he ordered an inventory to be 
 made, and also appointed M. Tanneguy du Chastel 
 governor of Roussillon, M. William Cousinot, M. de 
 Torcy, and M. Peter Doriolle, as commissioners to 
 examine him. The king some time afterwards 
 disposed of the cardinal's goods as his majesty 
 thought fit ; his set of plate was sold, and the 
 money carried into the treasury for the king's use ; 
 the fine hangings of his palace were given to the
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 513 
 
 governor of Roussillon ; his library to M. Peter 
 Doriolle ; a fine piece of cloth of gold valued at one 
 thousand two hundred crowns, with a great quantity 
 of sables, and a large piece of scarlet embroidered 
 with gold was given to M. de Crussol ; and his 
 robes with a little more of his furniture were sold 
 to pay the clerks and other officers that were em- 
 ployed to take the inventory. 
 
 In the mean time the King and Queen of Sicily 
 came to pay a visit to the king at Tours and Am- 
 bose, and were nobly and kindly entertained by his 
 majesty. After which, attended by the Duke of 
 Bourbon and several other lords of his kingdom, 
 he made a tour to Niort, Rochelle, and several 
 other places in that neighbourhood, where he met 
 his brother the Duke of Guienne, and by the grace 
 of God, and the assistance of the blessed Virgin, a 
 firm union and friendship was settled between them, 
 to the great joy and satisfaction of the kingdom ; 
 upon which Te Deum was ordered to be sung in 
 Nostre Dame church in Paris, and bonfires and re- 
 joicings were made in ail the cities and towns in 
 France, and after that the king came back to Am- 
 boise, where he had left the queen, who had been 
 very instrumental in his late reconciliation. Some 
 time afterwards the king resolved in council to at- 
 tempt the reduction of the earldom of Armaignac, 
 and if the enterprise succeeded, promised to give it 
 to his brother the Duke of Guienne ; and in order 
 to reduce it to his obedience, he sent a considerable 
 body of forces with some cannon, which were to be 
 followed in case of need by the whole army. After 
 Vol. II. 2 L
 
 514 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 the king had finished his preparations for this ex- 
 pedition, he went to Orleans, where he stayed five 
 or six days, and then returned to Amboise again. 
 
 On Saturday the 4th of November, 1469, was pub- 
 lished by sound of trumpet in all the streets of 
 Paris, the league offensive and defensive that was 
 lately concluded between France and Spain, in the 
 presence of both the criminal and civil lieutenants 
 of that city, and the greatest part of the examiners 
 of the Chastellet. And from that time the king, the 
 Duke of Bourbon, and the rest of the nobility that 
 attended on his majesty, stayed at Amboise and in 
 that neighbourhood till Saturday the 23d of De- 
 cember, upon which day the Duke of Guienne, 
 attended by all the nobility of his duchy, came to 
 wait on the king at his Chateau de Montils near 
 Tours, where his majesty was extremely glad to 
 see him. And as soon as the queen was informed 
 of the Duke of Guienne's being there, her majesty 
 immediately left Amboise, and being attended by 
 the Duchess of Bourbon, her maids of honour, and 
 several other ladies of the court, came to pay him 
 a visit, and to feast and entertain him. In the 
 mean time the country of Armaignac was delivered 
 up into the king's hands without any manner of 
 bloodshed, and the king, queen, Duke of Guienne, 
 and the Duchess of Bourbon, spent their time at 
 the Chateau de Montils in feastings and diver- 
 sions till Christmas. And after the Duke of 
 Guienne had taken his leave of the king and queen 
 and the whole court, and was set out for his duke- 
 dom, the king went back to Rochelle, St. John
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICUl. 
 
 515 
 
 d'Angeli, and other neighbouring countries, where 
 he called an assembly of the three estates of the 
 kingdom, to consult about some important affair, 
 and to appoint new officers in the duchy of 
 Guienne, who might fairly and impartially admi- 
 nister justice to his subjects. And after the king 
 had settled that affair he returned to Amboise, 
 where he stayed some time, during which he sent 
 his ambassadors to the Duke of Bretagne with the 
 order of St. Michael, which he had lately instituted, 
 as he had done to several other lords of his kingdom ; 
 but the Duke of Bretagne at first refused the 
 honour his majesty designed him, and would not 
 wear it, pretending he could not take the oath be- 
 longing to that order, having already accepted of 
 that of the Golden Fleece from the Duke of Bur- 
 gundy, and was become his friend and confederate 
 in arms ; at which the king being highly incensed, 
 and not without cause, immediately ordered a con- 
 siderable body of his men at arms and archers, 
 with some cannon and field-pieces, to be ready to 
 march into Bretagne, and lay the country under 
 contribution ; but before those forces were ordered 
 to march, the king gave the Duke of Bretagne ten 
 days' time to consider of it, and to acquaint his 
 majesty with his resolutions. 
 
 On Wednesday the 13th of February, was pub- 
 lished in all the public streets of Paris the king's 
 mandate, by which his majesty acquainted the 
 mayor of Paris that he had received certain advice 
 from England, that King Eldward IV., and the nobi- 
 lity, gentry, and commonalty, with whom that king
 
 516 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 had been in wars for some time, were reconciled to 
 each other, and that they had unanimously agreed 
 in parliament to invade the kingdom of France with 
 a powerful army ; wherefore the king (in order to 
 oppose and prevent their designs,) had commanded 
 the ban and the arriere-ban to be raised, and or- 
 dered the mayor of Paris forthwith to summon all 
 nobles and not nobles, all the privileged persons 
 and not privileged persons, within the precincts of 
 that city, holding any lands by homage or fealty of 
 the crown, to be ready in arms on the first of March 
 following, on pain of imprisonment and confiscation 
 of goods. By the same letters patent the mayor of 
 Paris, and all other officers belonging to the king, 
 were forbidden under the same severe penalties to 
 admit of any excuse or certificate from any persons 
 whatsoever holding lands or tenures by homage or 
 fealty of the crown ; and that whosoever should refuse 
 to obey the summons, should be looked upon as ene- 
 mies to the king and government, and be punished 
 as rebels and traitors to their country. On the 
 same day news was brought to Paris that the Duke 
 of Burgundy was seen in Ghent with a red cross 
 and garter upon one of his legs, which was the 
 order of Edward IV., King of England ; upon which 
 the Duke of Burgundy was immediately declared 
 an enemy to the kingdom, and looked upon as an 
 Englishman. 
 
 In May, 1470, the Earl of Warwick and the Duke 
 of Clarence, with their ladies, who had been driven 
 out of England by Edward IV. with a slender re- 
 tinue, and some ships, landed at Honnefleur and
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 517 
 
 Harfleur in Normandy, where they were kindly re- 
 ceived and entertained by the admiral of France, 
 who lodged the Earl of Warwick, the Duke of 
 Clarence, the Count de Vuasonfort, the ladies, and 
 some of the chief of their retinue, in his own pa- 
 lace ; and took care to have their ships laid up 
 safely in the harbours of Honnefleur and Harfleur. 
 A little after the ladies and their attendants re- 
 moved to Valoignes, where fine apartments were 
 prepared for them. 
 
 As soon as the Duke of Burgundy had advice of 
 the Earl of Warwick's arrival in France, he imme- 
 diately sent letters to the parliament to let them 
 know he was informed that the king had favourably 
 received and entertained the Earl of Warwick in 
 some of his towns in Normandy, which was acting 
 directly contrary to the treaty that was concluded at 
 Peronne between his majesty and him ; and humbly 
 desired the court of parliament that they would 
 make the king sensible of this infringement, and 
 persuade him not to countenance the Earl of War- 
 wick and his party, whom he had declared were 
 enemies to the kingdom ; otherwise he should be 
 obliged to seize upon his person wherever he found 
 him, though it was in the very heart of France ; 
 however the Earl of Warwick staid at Honnefleur 
 till the latter end of June. In the mean time the 
 king drew his forces out of several garrisons, and 
 ordered them to march into Normandy and Picardy, 
 where they ruined and destroyed all the flat country 
 thereabouts. In the mean time the king still kept 
 about Tours, Amboise, Vendosme, and other places
 
 518 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 thereabouts ; whither the Queen of England and her 
 son the Prince of Wales, with several of the English 
 nobility, came to wait upon the king ; and, after a 
 long conference with his majesty, the English re- 
 turned to Honnefleur, Valoignes, St. Lo, and other 
 places in Normandy. During these affairs, the 
 Duke of Burgundy ordered all the effects belonging 
 to the merchants of France, that were in his domi- 
 nions, to be seized, till some restitution was made 
 to the merchants of his country, from whom the 
 English had taken several ships. 
 
 On Saturday the last of June, 1470, between two 
 and three in the morning, the queen was brought 
 to bed at the castle of Amboise of a prince, who 
 was christened Charles by the Archbishop of Lyons ; 
 the Prince of Wales, son to the late King of England, 
 Henry VI., standing godfather, and the Duchess of 
 Bourbon godmother. The birth of this prince oc- 
 casioned great joy at court, Te Deum was ordered to 
 be sung at Paris, and bonfires and rejoicings were 
 made in all the cities and towns in France. And 
 soon after this, the King of Sicily, the Duke of 
 Guienne, the Duke of Bourbon, the Lords de Lyon 
 and Beaujeau, and several others, were sent to 
 Anglers, Saumur, and other places thereabouts, to 
 endeavour to accommodate matters between the 
 king and the Duke of Bretagne, where they staid 
 some time before they could settle the point ; but, at 
 last, the business was determined to the satisfaction. 
 of both of them ; upon which the Duke of Bretagne 
 sent his ambassadors to the Duke of Burgundy fto 
 deliver up the treaty of alliance that had been lately
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 519 
 
 made between them, and when they informed him 
 of the Duke of Bretagne's reconciliation with the 
 king, he seemed highly displeased and out of pa- 
 tience. In the mean time, while the Earl of War- 
 wick, (whom we mentioned before,) was making all 
 the preparations imaginable in Normandy, to return 
 for England, the Duke of Burgundy fits out a great 
 fleet, and having well victualled and manned it with 
 English, Burgundians, Picardians, and seamen of 
 other nations, he puts to sea ; and, sailing round by 
 the coast of Normandy, thought to fall in with the 
 Earl of Warwick's squadron near Laire, and fight 
 them ; but, not finding them there, he dropped 
 anchor, and waited in expectation of them, during 
 which time the king left Amboise, and went a 
 pilgrimage to Mount St. Michael ; and, after he 
 had performed his devotions there, he returned by 
 Orange, Tombelaina, Constances, Caen, Honne- 
 fleur, and several other places on the coast of Nor- 
 mandy, where the admiral of France put in to victual 
 his fleet ; on which the Earl of Warwick, the Duke 
 of Clarence, and their whole retinue, went on board, 
 together with a few archers and other soldiers, that 
 the king had ordered for the safety and defence of 
 their persons. As soon as they were ready to set 
 sail, the poor English, Burgundians, and Picar- 
 dians, who had lain all this time in expectation of 
 the EsltI of Warwick's squadron, and had spent all 
 their provision, weighed anchor, and sailed home 
 to their duke with hungry stomachs without doing 
 any thing ; at which his highness laughed heartily, 
 though he had no reason for it, having spent a great
 
 520 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 deal of time and money to no purpose. No sooner 
 was the Burgundian fleet out of sight, but the Earl 
 of Warwick, attended as you have already heard, 
 set sail, and the wind serving, in a little time ar- 
 rived on the coast of England, and landed in the 
 night at Dartmouth or Plymouth ; and immediately 
 upon his landing, he sent a party of his men ten 
 miles up into the country, to seize upon a baron of 
 the kingdom, who little dreamed of that descent, and 
 was sleeping quietly in his bed ; but they soon roused 
 him, and giving him but just time to put on his 
 clothes, hurried him away to the Earl of Warwick, 
 who ordered him to be beheaded the next morning. 
 After this he marched from Dartmouth to a neigh- 
 bouringtown, where he was well received, and where 
 he left his artillery and heavy baggage when he went 
 for Normandy. He had scarce been landed three 
 days, and put what forces he had with him into a 
 little order, when sixty thousand men in arms came 
 voluntarily into him, offering to venture their lives 
 and fortunes in his service ; whereupon he immedi- 
 ately took the field, and marched directly in search 
 of King Edward, so that it was above a fortnight 
 from the day of his landing before we could hear 
 any news of him in France. And then the king re- 
 ceived certain advice that the Earl of Warwick and 
 the Duke of Clarence were in full march with a 
 powerful army in search of King Eldward ; and that 
 their affairs were in such a prosperous condition, 
 that all the nobility, gentry, clergy, and commonalty 
 of England, (but especially the people of London,) 
 had forsaken King Edward, and were come in to the
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 521 
 
 Earl of Warwick, who had delivered King Henry VI. 
 out of the Tower, where he had been long a prisoner, 
 and re-instated him in the possession of his king- 
 dom. Upon which the Earl of Warwick was made 
 governor and protector of England under Henry VI., 
 and immediately marched into the city of London, 
 where the citizens feasted and entertained him 
 nobly. After which he released all the French 
 prisoners that were in England, and sent them 
 home without any ransom ; but seized upon all the 
 effects belonging to the Duke of Burgundy's sub- 
 jects. At last, King Edward, finding himself aban- 
 doned and forsaken by all his subjects, leaves his 
 queen in England, and goes over to his brother-in- 
 law, the Duke of Burgundy, with a very slender 
 retinue, to solicit troops and money to recover his 
 kingdom. 
 
 After this the king wrote letters to Paris to ac- 
 quaint them, that the Queen of England wife to 
 Henry VI . , the Prince of Wales and his princess 
 daughter to the Earl of Warwick, the Countess 
 of Warwick her mother, the Lady Wiltshire, and 
 several other ladies of the English court, were com- 
 ing to Paris attended by the Counts d'Eu, de Ven- 
 dosme, de Dunois, Monsieur de Chastillon, and 
 several other noblemen and persons of quality ; and 
 that it was his majesty's command, that the bishop, 
 university, court of parliament, and the mayor and 
 aldermen of Paris in their robes and formalities, 
 should go out and meet them, and compliment the 
 Queen of England in his name. 
 ♦ ' Soon after this, the queen, the Duchess of Bour-
 
 522 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 bon, the maids of honour, and several other ladies 
 of the court came along with his majesty to Paris, 
 where they all staid till the 26th, and then his ma- 
 jesty set out from thence for Senlis, Compeigne, 
 and the neighbourhood of those places, where the 
 greatest part of his army that was to act against 
 the Duke of Burgundy lay. 
 
 He ordered a large train of artillery to be brought 
 from Compeigne, Noyon, and elsewhere, both by 
 sea and land, into Picardy and Flanders ; and pub- 
 lished a proclamation by sound of trumpet in Paris, 
 commanding all the nobility and Frank archers of 
 the Isle of France to be ready in arms to follow 
 him, and join the rest of the army. During this 
 time great preparations were making at Paris ; 
 and a great quantity of cannon, ammunition, and 
 provision were getting ready for the army. 
 
 About this time, all the handy-craftsmen in Paris, 
 such as masons, carpenters, joiners, and the like, 
 were pressed by the king's orders ; not excepting 
 those belonging to the towns and cities that had 
 lately surrendered to his majesty. The command 
 of this body of workmen was^ given to M. Henry de 
 la Cloche the king's attorney in the chastellet at 
 Paris, who was a loyal subject, and was to lead 
 them to the town of Roye, where they were to be 
 employed in repairing the old fortifications, and in 
 making new ones ; and when they had finished 
 their work there, they were employed in doing the 
 same in other towns that had lately submitted to 
 the king, which took up a great deal of time, and 
 kept them employed till Easter Day, at which time
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 523 
 
 the king made a truce for a little while with the 
 Duke of Burgundy, who was closely besieged in his 
 park between Bapaumes and the city of Amiens by 
 the king's army, and was reduced to so miserable a 
 condition, that had it not been for the truce, both 
 he and his whole army must certainly have perished, 
 6r surrendered themselves prisoners at discretion. 
 Since the beginning of the war to the day the truce 
 was agreed on, the king's army defeated the Bur- 
 gundians and the Picardians in several smart en- 
 gagements, and took a considerable booty from 
 them in the duchy of Burgundy, not to mention 
 their incursions into the countries of Charolois and 
 Masconnois, where they enriched themselves by the 
 plunder they got, and took a vast number of prison- 
 ers, amongst whom were several persons of quality, 
 who paid handsomely for their enlargement, besides 
 a greater number killed in several actions that 
 happened between them. Some persons of quality 
 on the king's side would have been prodigious gain- 
 ers by this war, had not his majesty obliged them 
 upon the treaty, to deliver up all they had taken 
 from the enemy ; at which, abundance of the nobi- 
 lity that had a great ^respect for the king, were 
 highly displeased. During this cessation of arms, 
 the king, the Duke of Guienne, and several other 
 lords and men of quality went to Han, and stayed 
 there with the constable of France, who was ex- 
 tremely proud of the honour his majesty did him. 
 During the king's abode at Han, several ambassa- 
 dors arrived from the Duke of Burgundy, and as 
 many were sent by the king to the Duke of Bur-
 
 524 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 gundy's camp, but notwithstanding all their em- 
 bassies forward and backward, it was a long time 
 before they came to any resolution. At last, a truce 
 for one year only was agreed upon between the 
 king and the Duke of Burgundy, and commission- 
 ers were chosen on both sides to accommodate the 
 difference between them, and to terminate the dis- 
 pute between the soldiers of each side. As soon as 
 this affair was settled, every one retired to his own 
 house, and the towns that had been taken before 
 the treaty were garrisoned by the king's soldiers. 
 
 About that time great quarrels and contests arose 
 in England between Henry of Lancaster King of 
 England, the Prince of Wales his son, the Elarl of 
 Warwick, and the rest of the lords of the kingdom 
 who were of King Henry's side, against Edward de 
 la Marche, who had usurped the crown from Henry. 
 This civil war had occasioned already abundance of 
 murder and bloodshed, and was not like to be at 
 an end yet, for in June 1471 the king received cer- 
 tain advice from England, that Edward de la 
 Marche with a puissant army of English, Easter- 
 lings, Picardians, Flemings, and other nations that 
 the Duke of Burgundy had. sent him, had taken 
 the field, and was going to oppose King Henry's 
 forces, which were commanded by the Earl of 
 Warwick, the Prince of Wales, and several other 
 lords of that party. In short the battle was 
 bravely fought, and a vast number of men were 
 killed and wounded on both sides, but at last Eld- 
 ward de la Marche gained the victory, and King 
 Henry's army, partly by the treachery of the Duke
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 525 
 
 of Clarence, and partly for want of conduct, was 
 entirely defeated. The poor young Prince of Wales, 
 who was a lovely youth, was barbarously murdered 
 after the action was over ; and the valiant Earl of 
 Warwick finding himself betrayed, and scorning to 
 fly, rushed violently into the thickest of his ene- 
 mies and was killed upon the spot. Thus died 
 this great man, who was so desirous of serving his 
 king and country, and who had cost King Henry so 
 much money to bring him over and fix him in his 
 interest. 
 
 In July, 1471, died the Count d'Eu, a person of 
 great wisdom, honour, and probity, heartily de- 
 voted to the interest of his country, and one that 
 faithfully served the king to the utmost of his 
 power. Upon his death the king took possession 
 of the earldom of Eu, which he gave to the con- 
 stable of France, which was highly displeasing to 
 his brother the Count de Nevers, who thought to 
 have enjoyed that earldom, with the rest of his 
 estate, after his brother's decease, as being his 
 right and lawful heir. 
 
 From '.his month of July to Christmas nothing 
 of importance happened in the kingdom of France, 
 several conferences indeed there were in the mean 
 time between the commissioners chosen on both 
 sides to adjust the difference and dispute that were 
 between the king and the Duke of Burgundy, in 
 order to settle a firm and lasting peace. 
 
 In the same year the Duke of Guienne, after his 
 return from Amiens, began to grow a little dissa- 
 tisfied with the king, and sent for the Count d'Ar-
 
 526 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 maignac, whom the king had banished the king- 
 dom at the same time that he deprived him of his 
 earldom. The count immediately upon that sum- 
 mons waits upon the Duke of Guienne, whe gives 
 him the greatest part of his earldom against the 
 king's consent and positive commands to the con- 
 trary. 
 
 In May the Duke of Calabria, nephew to the 
 King of Sicily and Jerusalem, and to whom the 
 king had offered his eldest daughter in marriage, 
 leaves his duchy of Lorrain, and goes in person to 
 the Duke of Burgundy's court, to treat of a mar- 
 riage with his daughter, which was very strangely 
 and unaccountably done of him (after the honour 
 which the king, who was his sovereign lord, had 
 designed him) to think of marrying the Duke of 
 Burgundy's daughter, who was only a subject and 
 a vassal to the king. But before this the Duke of 
 Burgundy had often made war in France in favour 
 of the Duke of Guienne, pretending his design was 
 to give him his daughter in marriage, but he never 
 intended it, and did quite the contrary, deluding 
 him, as he had done several other lords, with fair 
 promises and hopes of that match. 
 
 On Thursday the 14th, 1472, the king received 
 certain advice from M. Malicorne, a great favou- 
 rite of the Duke of Guienne's, that his master was 
 dead at Bordeaux. And immediately after M. de 
 Craon, M. Peter Doriolle general of the finances, 
 M. Oliver le Roux, and the rest of the ambasadors 
 that were sent to the Duke of Burgundy, returned, 
 and gave the king an account of their negotiation.
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 527 
 
 and the truce which was prolonged till the 15th of 
 June following. However the Duke of Burgundy, 
 notwithstanding the truce, took the field with his 
 army, and fortified his old post between Arras and 
 Bapaumes, in a place called Hubuterne in Artois. 
 
 After this the Duke of Burgundy still continued 
 to play his mad pranks, and went on in his old ob- 
 stinate ways, as he had formerly done. On Tues- 
 day the 11th of June, 1472, he sent a great detach- 
 ment of his forces to summon Nesle, in which 
 there was one named Le Petit Picart, that com- 
 manded five hundred Frank archers of the Isle of 
 France, who refused to obey his summons, and 
 sent him word that he would defend the town and 
 castle to the last extremity ; upon which the Bur- 
 gurdiansmade several attacks, but were always re- 
 pulsed by Captain Picart and his garrison. The 
 next day, about five in the morning, the Countess 
 of Nesle, attended by Captain Picart and the chief 
 of the town, went out to wait on the bastard of 
 Burgundy, who commanded that detachment, in 
 order to capitulate and make some honourable 
 terms for the garrison. At last the bastard of Bur- 
 gundy agreed to spare their lives, provided they 
 would immediately surrender the town, and march 
 out with leaving their arms, horses, bag, and bag- 
 gage behind, to which they were forced to submit. 
 Upon their return they acquainted the garrison 
 with what hard terms they must submit to, and 
 accordingly Captain Picart having drawn up his 
 men in a body in the market-place, commands them 
 to dismount and lay down their arms, and impru-
 
 528 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 dently delivers up the town to the Burgundians 
 before the articles of capitulation were signed. No 
 sooner were the Burgundians masters of the town 
 but they immediately fell upon the garrison, who 
 were naked and unarmed, and killed several of 
 them, not sparing even those that fled to the 
 church for protection, without any manner of re- 
 gard to the promise they had made them to spare 
 their lives. Towards the latter end of this barbar- 
 ous and inhuman action the bastard of Burgundy 
 entered the church on horseback, which swam in 
 blood, and when he beheld the pavement all strewed 
 with the dead bodies of these poor wretches, he 
 said it was a glorious sight, and was pleased to 
 find he had such good butchers in his company. 
 Neither did his thirst of blood and vengeance cease 
 here, for the next day he ordered the captain to be 
 hanged and the town set on fire. After this glo- 
 rious expedition they marched the next day, which 
 was Sunday, to Roye, in which there was a strong 
 garrison, consisting of one thousand four hundred 
 archers, commanded by Peter Aubert, bailiff of 
 Meleun and Nugon. Besides these forces there 
 were several volunteers and captains of the army, 
 and amongst the rest Loisel de Balagny, governor 
 of Beauvais, M. de Mouy, the Lord de Rubempre, 
 and several others, who had with them about two 
 hundred lances well armed and mounted. However 
 the king had just before caused the old fortifica- 
 tions of the town to be repaired, and new ones to 
 be made, which had added considerable strength 
 to the place, and had provided it with every thing
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 529 
 
 necessary for a long defence, yet they surrendered 
 the town on thel6th of May to the Burgundians, 
 and marched shamefully out, leaving their cannon, 
 horses, arms, bag and baggage behind them, after 
 the king had been at the expense of one hundred 
 thousand crowns of gold in erecting magazines, and 
 putting it into a posture of defence. After the Duke 
 of Burgundy had turned out the king's garrison in 
 this naked and miserable condition, he took posses- 
 sion of the town, and after some stay there he came 
 before Beauvais, which he likewise summoned, and 
 upon their refusing to surrender he resolved to be- 
 siege it ; and immediately upon his arrival, which 
 was on Saturday the 27th of June 1472, he com- 
 manded his soldiers to storm it on every side, but 
 they were bravely repulsed by the inhabitants of 
 the same place. The very same night William de 
 Valce, the seneschal of Normandy's lieutenant, 
 came to their relief with a reinforcement of two 
 hundred lances, just as the Burgundians were go- 
 ing to make a vigorous attack, upon which they 
 mounted the walls, and repulsed the Burgundians, 
 who little expected so warm a reception. The next 
 day, M. de Crussol, Joachim Rouault Marshal of 
 France, M. de Bueil, Guerin le Groing, M. de 
 Torcy, and several other noblemen of Normandy, 
 with a strong detachment arrived there also, who 
 behaved themselves handsomely during the whole 
 siege, and gave signal marks of their courage and 
 conduct. The Parisians were serviceable also to 
 the besieged, and constantly supplied them with 
 ammunition and provision ; and during the si^e 
 
 Vol. II. 2 M
 
 530 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 several warm disputes and bloody actions happened 
 between the Burgundians and the king's troops, 
 in which several of the former were killed and 
 wounded. 
 
 On Thursday, the 2d of July, the Lord de Ru- 
 bempre arrived at Paris from Beauvais, and brought 
 letters from the governor of that place directed to 
 M. Gaucourt, the king's lieutenant of Paris, and to 
 the mayor and aldermen, in which he acquainted 
 them with the miserable condition that the Duke of 
 Burgundy and his whole army were reduced to, that 
 a halfpenny loaf was sold for three-pence in their 
 camp, that the Duke of Burgundy himself was 
 grown desperate, and was resolved to have the 
 town though with the loss and ruin of his whole 
 army, and therefore begged of them that they would 
 immediately send him some of their field-pieces, a 
 body of their cross-bow men, and a supply of pro- 
 vision and ammunition, which were accordingly 
 sent him under a guard of sixty cross-bow men of 
 Paris, commanded by the bastard Rochouart, Lord 
 of Meru. And on Thursday, the 9th of July, about 
 seven in the morning, the Duke of Burgundy began 
 to batter the town wall over against the gate of 
 the Hotel de Dieu with all his great and small can- 
 non ; and having made a breach, ordered his men to 
 fill up the ditch with bavins, timber, and hurdles, 
 and to be ready with their scaling-ladders ; which 
 orders were instantly performed, and a party of 
 Burgundians came with great boldness and re- 
 solution, and furiously attacked that part of the 
 wall that was opposite to the Hotel de Dieu, but
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHROXICLE. .ITI 
 
 they were warmly received and repulsed by M. 
 Robert Destouteville, lord of Beyne and mayor of 
 Paris, who was posted there with some of the king's 
 troops. This attack lasted from seven in the morn- 
 ing till eleven, during which action the Burgun- 
 dians had fifteen or sixteen hundred men killed and 
 wounded, and the number would have been greater, 
 and their loss more considerable, had not all the 
 gates facing the Burgundian army been so strongly 
 barricadoed, that in the hurry and confusion of 
 storming the town they could not get them open 
 to make a sally and fall upon the enemy at the same 
 lime ; at which all the noblemen and officers were 
 extremely concerned, for if they could have come 
 handsomely to have engaged them, they would cer- 
 tainly have made a terrible slaughter among them, 
 for at that time the garrison consisted of fourteen 
 or fifteen thousand men, commanded by the Count 
 de Dampmartin, Joachim Rouault Marshal of 
 France, Sallazart, William de Valce, Mery de Coue, 
 Guerin le Groing, the Lords de Beyne and Torcv, 
 and several other experienced officers of note and 
 quality. During the whole action, the besieged 
 lost but four men, and that through their own rash- 
 ness, as the report goes ; neither did the Burgun- 
 dians, from their first investing the town to the 9th 
 of July, kill any more than four soldiers with their 
 cannon, notwithstanding their constant firing from 
 their batteries. The next day after the attack, 
 M. Denis Hesselin, mayor of Paris, sent another 
 body of cross-bow men to Beauvais with arms, 
 
 2 M 2
 
 532 
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 ammunition, provision, and some surgeons to 
 dress and take care of the sick and wounded. 
 
 On Friday, the 10th of July, which was the 
 next day after the attack, Sallazart, with a brigade 
 of his own regiment, sallies out of Beauvais, and 
 by break of day gets into the Burgundian camp, 
 where they killed all they met with, and burnt three 
 fine tents with all that was in them, in one of which 
 there were two men of quality killed that offered a 
 vast sum of money to save their lives. At last the 
 whole camp took the alarm, and his soldiers shout- 
 ing out, "A Sallazart, a Sallazart," made the Bur- 
 gundians immediately run to their arms, and in a 
 moment's time were ready with a considerable body 
 to oppose him, upon which Sallazart thought fit to 
 retire, which he did in very good order, and brought 
 with him to Beauvais two pieces of cannon, one of 
 which was a fine brass cannon named one of the 
 twelve peers, that the king lost at the battle of 
 Mont I'Hery, and the rest that they could not bring 
 off they flung into a ditch by the way. Sallazart 
 was closely pursued, and received several wounds, 
 his horse was also wounded in several places of the 
 body, however he made a shift to carry him to Beau- 
 vais, where he dropt down dead immediately upon 
 arrival there. From that sally to the 21st of July, 
 no great action happened on either side. 
 
 On Wednesday, the feast of St. Magdalen, the 
 Duke of Burgundy shamefully raised the siege of 
 Beauvais, after having lain twenty days before it, 
 and bombarding it night and day, without doing
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 533 
 
 any considerable damage to the town, or killing 
 many men. Twice in that time, indeed, he at- 
 tempted to storm the place, but was as often re- 
 pulsed, and in both actions lost a considerable 
 number of men, amongst the rest several persons 
 of note and distinction. In his retreat he lost the 
 greatest part of his artillery, which the garrison of 
 Amiens, who fell upon his rear, took from him. 
 The Duke of Burgundy, being disappointed in his 
 design of taking Beauvais, grew desperate, and 
 commanded his army to burn the standing corn, 
 and to destroy and set on fire all the towns and 
 villages through which they marched in their way 
 to St. Valery near Crotoy, which was immediately 
 surrendered to him, there being but a small garrison 
 in it, and the place itself not being capable of 
 making a long defence against such a powerful 
 army. From thence they marched to Eu, which 
 was also surrendered to him on the same account. 
 On Wednesday, the 29th of July, the constable of 
 France, with several other officers of the garrison of 
 Beauvais, marched out with eight hundred lances, 
 and took the rout towards Arques and Monstier- 
 villier, in the county of Caux, to intercept the Bur- 
 gundians, who, it was believed, would march that 
 way, and so they did, and encamped between that 
 place, Eu and Dieppe, near a village called Ferriers, 
 where they lay a longtime without doing any thing, 
 except taking the new castle of Nicourt, which 
 made no resistance. After staying there three 
 days, and upon their retreat, they set fire to the 
 town and castle, which was a thousand pities, for
 
 534 TIIK SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 it was a fine town and castle, and capable of being' 
 made a place of great strength. After this, the 
 Duke of Burgundy set fire to Longueville, Fahy, 
 and several other towns and villages in the baili- 
 wick of Caux, and all the mighty actions his army 
 performed from their raising the siege of Beauvais, 
 to the 1st of December, 1472, was only burning and 
 destroying wherever they came. In the mean time, 
 the king, who was in Bretagne, with an army of 
 fifty thousand men, lay still and did nothing, being 
 wheedled and cajoled by the smooth words and fair 
 promises of the Duke of Burgundy's ambassadors, 
 who still flattered him with the hopes of peace; 
 besides his majesty was tender of the lives of his 
 subjects, and was willing, on any reasonable terms, 
 to prevent the effusion of Christian blood, not de- 
 lighting in war and slaughter, as the Duke of Bur- 
 gundy did, who had already given a sufficient 
 demonstration of his bloody and revengeful temper, 
 by the many cruel and inhuman actions he had com- 
 mitted, and the barbarities he was daily guilty of. 
 After the Duke of Burgundy was returned from 
 Caux, where he had burnt and destroyed every 
 thing, as you have already heard, and had been 
 vigorously repulsed before Arques and Dieppe, he 
 broke up from that country and marched to Roan, 
 where he met with a warmer reception than he had 
 hitherto found before any town he had already be- 
 sieged ; so that after some time spent in vain, and 
 a great number of his men being killed and wounded 
 by frequent sallies, he was at last forced to abandon 
 the siege, and shamefully march ofl* towards Abbe-
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 535 
 
 ville ; upon which there was a report that he designed 
 to form the siege of Noyon, whereupon the Lord de 
 Crussol and several other of the king's officers were 
 immediately sent thither with a good body of troops 
 to garrison the town, who ordered some new works 
 to be thrown up, on which they planted a fine 
 train of artillery, and supplied it with ammunition, 
 provision, and whatever else was necessary for the 
 putting the place in a good posture of defence. 
 But after all these preparations, the Burgundians 
 never invested the town ; however it suffered con- 
 siderably on their account, for the officers were 
 obliged to burn down the suburbs to hinder them 
 from making a lodgment there. 
 
 About this time there was a discourse that the 
 Burgundians were marching towards Lorrain and 
 Barrois, upon which the king sent a detachment of 
 five hundred lances, with all the nobles of the Isle 
 of France and Normandy, besides a great number 
 of Frank archers under the command of M. de 
 Craon, his lieutenant-general, which were quar- 
 tered in several towns in Champagne, where they 
 lay above two months, and then marched back 
 without doing any thing. 
 
 In the mean time the Duke of Burgundy pre- 
 vailed with the Emperor of Germany to go as far 
 as Luxembourg, and from thence to the city of 
 Mets ; to persuade the inhabitants to admit of a 
 Burgundian garrison, but his imperial majesty, 
 finding them utterly averse to it, returned to Lux- 
 embourg, and from thence to Germany. 
 
 About the same time, the Duke of Burgundv sent
 
 536 THE SCANDALOT3S CHRONICLE. 
 
 an agent to Venice to borrow money of the Vene- 
 tians to pay the six hundred lances belonging to 
 that state, which he had agreed to take into his 
 service for three months. They were forced to 
 march through the duchy of Milan, and from thence 
 to Upper Burgundy, being too weak to engage the 
 king's army, which was posted on the frontiers of 
 Burgundy, and hindered them from joining the 
 Duke of Burgundy's forces any other way. 
 
 At the same time, the king married his eldest 
 daughter Anne of France, who was offered to the 
 late Duke of Calabria, to M. de Beaujeu, the Duke 
 of Bourbon's brother. 
 
 About this time, the Duke of Burgundy, partly 
 by treason, and partly by surprise, entered Niver- 
 nois, where he took several places from the Duke 
 of Nevers, as Roche, Chastillon, &c. At that time 
 also the king's ambassadors that had been as- 
 sembled before at Senlis, met together at Com- 
 peigne in hopes of finding the Duke of Burgundy's 
 ambassadors there according to their appointment, 
 but they did not come ; so that after a long stay 
 there to no purpose, the king's ambassadors re- 
 turned to Paris, afterwards they went back again 
 to Compeigne in January, and staid there till the 5th. 
 
 About the 20th of January, 1473, this Constable 
 of France, who had turned the Lord de Creton and 
 the whole garrison out of St. Quintin, and took 
 possession of it for himself, made his peace with 
 the king, and his majesty was very well reconciled 
 to him ; and by the agreement that was concluded 
 between them, the constable was to remain in St.
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 537 
 
 Quintin, and to have Meaux and several other 
 places that the king had taken from him, restored 
 again ; commissioners were likewise appointed by 
 the king's order to inquire after those persons that 
 had spoken reflectingly of the Constable concerning 
 the seizure of St. Quintin, in order to have them 
 severely punished ; he had also a great sum of 
 money remitted for the payment of his troops, 
 which was stopped immediately after the taking of 
 St. Quintin. About this time, the king came from 
 Amboise to Senlis, and staid some time in that 
 neighbourhood ; during which, the king's ambas- 
 sadors and those of the Duke of Burgundy held 
 several conferences, and at last a truce was agreed 
 upon till the middle of May, in hopes that matters 
 might be so ordered in that time, as to have a firm 
 and lasting peace concluded between their two 
 masters. 
 
 On Wednesday the 20th of April, 1474, the king 
 ordered all the officers, citizens, and inhabitants, 
 of Paris to be reviewed; which was accordingly 
 done, and they were all in arms, and drawn up in 
 order without the gates of Paris, from the Bastille 
 St. Antoine all along the town-ditch as far as the 
 Tower of Billy, and from thence to the Grange-aux- 
 Merciers. On the other side also they were drawn 
 up in the same order of battle, and made a gallant 
 appearance in their red coats with white crosses, 
 and were computed to be in all about eighty thou- 
 sand men, including those that belonged to the 
 train of artillery, of which there was a great store 
 brought out into the field that day. The king,
 
 538 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 attended by the Count de Dampmartin, (who made 
 a great figure that day,) Philip de Savoy, M. du 
 Perche, Sallazart, and several other general officers 
 of the army, w^ith all his guards, was at the review. 
 The King of Arragon's ambassadors were also there 
 to wait upon his majesty ; and were extremely sur- 
 prised to see one city produce such a vast number 
 of men in arms. After the review was over, the 
 king went to Bois de Vincennes to supper, and took 
 the ambassadors along with him ; and some time 
 after presented the two chief ones with two gold 
 cups richly embossed, that weighed forty marks of 
 gold, and cost three thousand two hundred crowns, 
 and after that his majesty returned to Senlis, where 
 he staid some time ; during which he received two 
 embassies, one from the Duke of Bretagne, and the 
 other from the Emperor of Germany ; the chief 
 ambassador of the last embassy was the Duke of 
 Bavaria, and the chief of the first was Philip des 
 Essars, Lord of Thieux, the Duke of Bretagne's 
 Steward of his Household, who had formerly de- 
 clared himself against the king ; however, his ma- 
 jesty, laying aside all animosities, received him 
 very kindly, gave him a present of ten thousand 
 crowns, and made him Inquisitor-General and 
 Justice in Eyre, of Brie and Champagne, turning 
 M. de Chastillon out of that post on purpose to 
 oblige the said Philip des Essars. 
 
 About the same time of the king's being at Senlis, 
 Ermenonville, and thereabouts ; the Duke of Bur- 
 gundy sent his ambassadors to wait on his majesty, 
 who staid there a great while, but did nothing, and
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 539 
 
 pretjently afterwards the king went to Compeigne, 
 Noyon, and several other places in that neighbour- 
 hood, where the Constable of France came to wait 
 on the king, in order to adjust some difference that 
 was between them. The king and he had an inter- 
 view in the open field near a certain village there- 
 abouts, and both were attended by a strong guard 
 for the security of their persons. The Constable 
 of France having thus made his peace with the 
 king, who generously forgave and pardoned all his 
 rebellious actions ; he solemnly swore never to be 
 guilty of the like for the future, but henceforward 
 to obey and serve the king, as a loyal and dutiful 
 subject ought to do, against all invaders and op- 
 posers whatsoever. 
 
 About this time, the king, who had a singular 
 love for his people, and was willing to prevent the 
 effusion of Christian blood, prolonged the truce 
 with the Duke of Burgundy, his mortal enemy, for 
 another year, and in April 1475, though he had 
 received several embassies from the Emperor of 
 Germany, humbly to entreat his majesty not to 
 make any longer truce with him, but that he would 
 give him leave to enter his territories by force of 
 arms, and make him submit to what terms his 
 majesty should offer ; promising, moreover, that 
 whatever conquests or acquisitions he should make 
 in any of the Duke of Burgundy's dominions, 
 should be made over to the king without putting 
 him to the expense of either men or money. But 
 notwithstanding all these advantageous offers, a 
 truce was concluded between the king and the
 
 540 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 Duke of Burgundy, who immediately broke it, and 
 committed several acts of hostility, ruining and 
 destroying abundance of the king's subjects living 
 in those countries that bordered upon his domi- 
 nions, for which he never made any reparation, and 
 which was looked upon to be a base and audacious 
 action for a vassal thus to ruin the countries and 
 subjects of his sovereign lord and master. 
 
 About this time the Duke of Burgundy (whose 
 restless ambition would not suffer him to sit still) had 
 invaded some part of Germany, and besieged Nuz, 
 a large and strong town, situated upon the Rhine, 
 near Cologne, before which place he lay a consi- 
 derable time with his whole army, and all his artil- 
 lery. Not long after this the Burgundians sur- 
 prised a town in Gastinois called Molins en Gibers, 
 whither his majesty also sent another body of forces 
 with some cannon, in order to retake it. In short, 
 the Duke of Burgundy and his allies (notwithstand- 
 ing the truce) still continued to make incursions 
 into the king's dominions, to seize his towns when- 
 ever they had an opportunity, and to ruin and de- 
 stroy his subjects. 
 
 About this time Edward IV. King of England 
 sent his heralds to the king, to demand the Duchies 
 of Guienne and Normandy, which he claimed as 
 his lawful right, and upon refusal, to declare war 
 against him. The king returned a very civil answer 
 by the heralds, and also sent King EMward the finest 
 horse he had in his stable as a present. 
 
 In February following the Germans who were 
 besieged in Nuz, by the assistance of the inhabi-
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE* 541 
 
 tants of Cologne, and some other Germans of the 
 circle of Austria, found out a way to throw some 
 provisions into the town in spite of the Duke of 
 Burgundy, who kept it closely besieged, and had 
 caused several large vessels well manned to come up 
 the Rhine, in order to intercept the convoy, but to 
 no purpose, for it safely arrived in the town, and 
 all his ships (in which were about six or seven 
 thousand Burgundians, who were all drowned) were 
 sunk or split in pieces, and besides those a vast 
 number of them had already been killed before Nuz. 
 
 About the same time the city of Perpignan was 
 surrendered to the king, on condition that the ga- 
 rison should march out with their arms, horses, 
 bag and baggage, leaving only their artillery, of 
 which they had a very fine train, for the king's use. 
 
 On the 7th of April, 1475, the league that was 
 lately concluded between the emperor and the king 
 was published in Paris, but first of all the king or- 
 dered it to be proclaimed before the lodgings of M, 
 du Maine, the Duke of Calabria, and the Duke of 
 Bretagne's ambassadors. In the same month the 
 king received two embassies, one from the Duke of 
 Tuscany, and the other from the Emperor of Ger- 
 many, and the ambassadors were nobly treated and 
 entertained not only by the king, but by all the 
 nobility of the court. In the beginning of May 
 the king, attended by the Admiral of France, and 
 the other officers of the kingdom, set out from Paris 
 for Vernon on the Seine, whither his majesty went 
 to consult about the military operations of the en- 
 suing campaign, the truce being expired on the
 
 542 THE SCANDALOl'S CHRONICLE. 
 
 last day of April, and from whence he returned to 
 Paris on the 14th of the same month. 
 
 On the feast of the Holy Cross the king's army 
 invested Montdidier, which had also refused to sur- 
 render upon the summons, but afterwards they 
 considered better of it, and finding the king's forces 
 were actually preparing to storm the town, on 
 Friday the 5th of April, they beat the chamade, 
 and offered to surrender, provided they might march 
 out, and be safely conducted to the n^t garrison 
 town belonging to the Duke of Burgundy, which 
 was granted on condition of leaving their horses, 
 arms, bag and baggage behind them ; so the king's 
 troops immediately took possession of the town, 
 which they afterwards demolished, as they did 
 Tronquoy. 
 
 On Saturday the 6th of May, the town of Roye 
 and the castle of Moreu! was surrendered to the 
 king upon the same terms. The taking of these 
 towns in so short a time by the king's army struck 
 such a terror into the Duke of Burgundy's subjects, 
 that they either fled before it, or else came in and 
 joined it ; so that the king's army being daily aug- 
 mented by the Burgundian troops that came over 
 to them, all the cities and towns in Burgundy, 
 Flanders, and Picardy, were soon reduced to the 
 king's obedience. 
 
 In July, notwithstanding the news that the Con- 
 stable of France had written to the king, his ma- 
 jesty received advice from the emperor, that he 
 had thrown a fresh supply of troops into Nuz, had 
 taken out all the sick and wounded, and provided
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 543 
 
 the town with provisions and all other necessaries 
 for a year longer, and that some action had hap- 
 pened between his forces and the Duke of Bur- 
 gundy's, in which the latter had lost great part of 
 his artillery, plate and money, which was sent to 
 pay his army. On Tuesday the 27th of June the 
 Admiral of France, whom the king ordered to 
 march with a body of men into Flanders and Pi- 
 cardy to plunder and destroy the countries with 
 fire and sword, drew near Arras, and having placed 
 his men in an ambuscade, he ordered forty men at 
 arms to advance towards the city gates, upon which 
 part of the garrison of Arras immediately sallies 
 out and attacks them, who according to their or- 
 ders retired to the place where the rest of their 
 detachment lay in ambush, who all on a sudden fell 
 so furiously upon the Burgundians, that they en- 
 tirely broke and defeated them, several of whom were 
 killed, and abundance taken prisoners, and among 
 the latter M. James de St. Paul, Governor of Arras, 
 and several other persons of note and distinction, 
 whom the Admiral of France carried with him when 
 he went to summon the city, and told the inhabi- 
 tants, that if they would not instantly surrender the 
 town to the king, who was their lawful sovereign, 
 he would certainly behead their governor and the 
 rest of the men of quality he had taken prisoners. 
 
 On Tuesday the 29th of August the king, at- 
 tended by the Duke of Bourbon, M. de Lyon, and 
 several other persons of quality, besides a vast 
 number of officers of the array, consisting of one 
 hundred thousand horse, marched from Amiens to
 
 544 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 Picquigny, which was the place that had been ap- 
 pointed for the interview between his majesty and 
 Edward IV. King of England, who had brought 
 with him his vanguard and his rear, which were 
 drawn up in order of battle near Picquigny. Upon 
 Picquigny bridge, the king had ordered two large 
 pent-houses to be erected opposite to each other, one 
 for himself, and the other for the King of England. 
 In the middle between these two pent-houses was 
 built a large wooden grate somewhat like a lion's 
 cage, about breast high, so that the two kings might 
 lean over it and discourse together. The King of 
 France came first to the grate, upon which an Eng- 
 lish baron, whom King Edward had commanded to 
 wait there for his majesty's arrival, was despatched 
 in all haste to acquaint King Edward with it, 
 who lay strongly encamped with twenty thou- 
 sand English at a place about a league from 
 Picquigny, and who came attended only by twenty 
 men at arms of his guards, who were ordered to 
 stay on the other side of the river at the foot of 
 the bridge during the whole conference between 
 the two kings. In the mean time it fell a raining 
 prodigiously, which did a considerable damage to 
 the housings and furniture that the nobility and 
 officers of the French court had prepared on pur- 
 pose for this interview, and which were rich and 
 magnificent. As soon as the King of England came 
 within sight of the king, he threw himself upon one 
 knee, and so he did twice before he came up and 
 saluted his majesty, who received him with all the 
 marks of honour and respect imaginable. After
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 545 
 
 some compliments had passed between them, they 
 began to discourse about the affair for which this 
 interview was appointed, in the presence of above 
 one hundred persons, among whom were the Duke 
 of Bourbon, M. de Lyon, several other lords, and 
 all the chief officers of the finances. After they 
 had talked together for about a quarter of an hour, 
 the king ordered every one to withdraw, and the 
 two kings had a private conference, which lasted a 
 considerable time, and when it was over, the king 
 openly declared that there was a truce concluded 
 between them for seven years, which was to begin 
 from this day the 29th of August, 1475, and end on 
 the same day 1482. This truce, which was soon 
 after proclaimed in Paris, and all other cities and 
 towns of the kingdom, related chiefly to trade and 
 commerce ; and by this treaty the English, whether 
 armed or unarmed, provided they were not more 
 than one hundred in one company, were permitted 
 to go and come when and where they pleased all 
 over the kingdom of France. As soon as this affair 
 was concluded, the king ordered the seventy-five 
 thousand crowns to be remitted to King Edward, 
 made considerable presents to some of the lords 
 that attended on him, and ordered money to be 
 given and distributed among his trumpets and he- 
 ralds, who highly extolled the bounty and genero- 
 sity of the king. The King of France besides all 
 this promised King Edward to pay him fifty thou- 
 sand crowns of gold yearly, and nobly entertained 
 the Duke of Gloucester, the king of England's 
 
 Vol. II. 2 N
 
 546 THK SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 brother, to whom he also made considerable pre- 
 sents. King Edward immediately ordered all the 
 English that he had sent to reinforce the garrisons 
 of Abbeville, Peronne, and other towns in the Duke 
 of Burgundy's possession, to evacuate those places 
 and join the army, with which he marched back to 
 Calais, where he embarked for England. M. Her- 
 berge the Bishop of Eureux waited on King Ed- 
 ward as far as Calais, where he left two English 
 barons till he had sent the king something out of 
 England that he had promised him. The Lord 
 Howard was one of these barons that were left as 
 pledges for performance of King Edward's promise, 
 and the master of the horse to the king was the 
 other ; they were both of them highly valued and 
 esteemed by the King of England, and were very 
 instrumental in concluding the late treaty between 
 the two kings. When the English barons took their 
 leave of the king, his majesty presented them with 
 a set of gold and silver plate, and sent an order to 
 Paris to let them have what quantity of wine they 
 pleased to carry over with them into England, pro- 
 vided they paid for it. 
 
 On Monday the 16th of October 1475, the truce 
 in relation to trade and commerce that was con- 
 cluded for nine years between the king and the 
 Duke of Burgundy, was solemnly proclaimed by 
 sound of trumpet in all the public streets of Paris, 
 and it was to commence on the 1 4th of September 
 1475, and to end on the same day of the month 
 1482. By this treaty all the subjects of Burgundy
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 547 
 
 were to have full liberty of trading in any part of 
 France, and during the term of nine years to settle 
 and live there if they pleased. 
 
 The duke of Burgundy having promised by his 
 ambassadors in October last, when the truce was 
 concluded between him and the king for nine years, 
 to deliver up the Constable of France to his ma- 
 jesty, was now forced, much against his inclina- 
 tions, to do it, and he was accordingly delivered 
 up into the hands of the Admiral of France, M. de 
 Boucage, M. William de Cerisay, and several 
 others, who brought him to Paris, where he was 
 afterwards beheaded on Tuesday the 19th of De- 
 cember 1475, and his goods confiscated to the 
 king. 
 
 After the Constable of France's death, it plainly 
 appeared that he had been guilty of several noto- 
 rious crimes, and the whole course of his villanous 
 and treasonable practices were openly declared in 
 parliament, and all his underhand dealings and 
 correspondence with the Duke of Burgundy were 
 fully discovered. Then we perfectly knew the 
 whole mystery of that affair, and how the Duke 
 of Burgundy and he had often endeavoured to 
 corrupt and debauch the Duke of Bourbon's prin- 
 ciples, and draw him over to their party, and that 
 at last, after many fruitless attempts, how he des- 
 patched a subtil agent of his named Hector de 
 1* Ecluse to the Duke of Bourbon, to acquaint him 
 that the English had a design to invade France, 
 and that if he would join with them and the Duke 
 of Burgundy, he questioned not but to conquer 
 
 2N 'i
 
 548 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 the whole kingdom, and that a great part of it 
 should be annexed to his territories as a reward 
 for his assistance. This was the master-piece of 
 his villany and treason ; but it seems the Duke of 
 Bourbon had too much honour to hearken to such 
 proposals, told the said Hector de I'Ecluse that he 
 would have no hand in it, and that he had rather 
 be reduced to beggary, than ever consent to the 
 ruin of either the king or kingdom. 
 
 In February 1475 the king, who was at Tours or 
 Amboise, set out from thence for Bourbonnois and 
 Auvergne, from whence he went to Notre Dame 
 de Puy to perform his devotions, and afterwards 
 into Lionnois and Dauphine. While the king was 
 at Notre Dame de Puy he received an express 
 that brought him the news of the defeat of the 
 Duke of Burgundy's army by the Swiss, as he 
 was endeavouring to penetrate into Switzerland, 
 which happened after the following manner. After 
 the taking of Granson the Duke of Burgundy 
 marched with his army along the lake of Verdun 
 towards Friburg, and by the way took two small 
 castles situated upon the mountains, just at the 
 entrance of them ; but the Swiss, who had intelli- 
 gence of his approach, and were also informed of 
 his taking Granson, marched towards him, and on 
 Friday the first of March towards night they 
 arrived at the two above-mentioned castles, which 
 they immediately invested after such a manner as 
 to prevent the garrisons from making any sallies, 
 and placed about 6000 men with fire-arms in a 
 little copse between the two castles near the place
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 549 
 
 where the Duke of Burgundy lay encamped with 
 his whole army. The next day very early in the 
 morning, as the Duke of Burgundy was marching, 
 forward with all his artillery, bag and baggage, 
 this body of Swiss upon a signal given them starts 
 out of the ambush where they had lain all night, 
 and all on a sudden made so terrible a fire with 
 their small arms upon the Burgundian vanguard, 
 as killed most of the chief officers, and entirely 
 broke and dispersed them ; and notwithstanding 
 the Duke of Burgundy did all he could to rally his 
 men, and make them face the enemy once more, 
 their consternation was so great, that he could not 
 bring them up to stand a second charge ; and the 
 Swiss being animated by this success, and eager 
 to improve the advantage they had gained over 
 the enemy, as soon as they had discharged their 
 muskets, fell on sword in hand, and entirely routed 
 the whole army. At last, the Duke of Burgundy 
 finding the battle was lost, and that he was in 
 danger of being taken prisoner, in great agony 
 and confusion mounts his horse, and being attended 
 by only four officers of his army, made his escape to 
 Joigne, which was sixteen French leagues from the 
 place where this defeat happened. In this action, 
 which happened on Saturday the 2nd of March 
 1475, the Duke of Burgundy lost the greatest 
 part of the chief officers and men of quality of 
 his army, besides all his artillery, bag and baggage. 
 The Swiss also retook both the castles, and hung 
 up all the Burgundians they found in them. After- 
 wards they retook the town and castle of Granson^
 
 550 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 and ordered the Germans to the number of five 
 hundred and twelve, that the Burgundians had 
 hanged, to be cut down, and so many of the Bur- 
 gundians that were in Granson to be hanged up in 
 the same halters. 
 
 In May 1476 the Duke of Burgundy, notwith- 
 standing his defeat near Granson, was resolved 
 still to push on the war against the Germans, and 
 to besiege Strasbourg, but not being in a condition 
 to do it without a fresh supply of men and money, 
 he sends M. William Hugonot and twelve other 
 deputies into his own dominions to acquaint his 
 subjects, that though he had been defeated by the 
 Swiss, yet he was resolved to be revenged on them, 
 and to push on the war with greater vigour, and 
 therefore being unable to do it without a great 
 supply of men and money, he commanded all his 
 subjects by these deputies of Ghent, Bruges, Brus- 
 sels, and other towns in Flanders, to exert them- 
 selves upon this occasion^ and give him the sixth 
 part of their estates, and such a number of men 
 as he should demand. And in order to prevail 
 with them to consent to his demands, he bid the 
 deputies tell them that the Germans were got 
 between him and home, and that without a fresh 
 supply of forces he could not return into his own 
 dominions. To which remonstrance the inhabi- 
 tants of the above-mentioned towns made answer, 
 that they were resolved to grant no more supplies 
 of either men 'or money to carry on the war, but 
 that if the German army was too strong for him, 
 and hindered him from coming home, they would
 
 THB SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 551 
 
 venture their lives and all they were worth to 
 bring him safely into his own dominions. 
 
 In the mean time the king stayed at Lyons feast- 
 ing and enjoying himself, where the King of Sicily 
 his uncle came to wait on him, whom his majesty 
 entertained very nobly, showed him the diversions 
 of the fair that was kept in that city, and made 
 several balls and entertainments, to which the 
 handsomest ladies of Lyons were always invited on 
 purpose to divert and entertain him. 
 
 Some time after this, the king, who was at 
 Lyons, and had great part of his army with him, 
 received advice that the Duke of Lorrain, in con- 
 junction with the Swiss and Germans, besides a 
 good body of Lorrainers, were in motion to oppose 
 the Duke of Burgundy, who had rashly and impru- 
 dently penetrated into Switzerland, and with his 
 whole army was set down before a little town in 
 that country named Morat. And on Saturday the 
 22d of June 1476, between ten and eleven in the 
 morning, the Duke of Lorrain at the head of all 
 those forces we have already mentioned, attacked 
 the Duke of Burgundy, and at the first charge en- 
 tirely broke and defeated his vanguard, which con- 
 sisted of twelve thousand men, and the slaughter 
 and confusion was so very great, that the Count de 
 Romont who commanded them had much ado to 
 make his escape. After this defeat the garrison of 
 Morat joined the Duke of Lorrain's army which 
 forced the Duke of Burgundy's intrenchments, 
 where they gave no quarter, but killed all they 
 found in them, so that the Duke of Burgundy was
 
 0.52 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONKJLE. 
 
 ^t last forced to retire with the remains of his 
 broken army that had saved themselves by flight, 
 nay, he himself fled as far as Joigne, which was 
 sixteen French leagues from the field of battle, 
 and in this action he lost all his artillery, plate, 
 money, jewels, tents, pavilions, and in short, every 
 thing of value that was in his camp. As soon as 
 the battle was over, the Germans and Swiss re- 
 turned the Duke of Lorrain many thanks for his 
 care and conduct in the action, and in considera- 
 tion of the great services he had done them, they 
 presented him with all the Duke of Burgundy's 
 artillery to make him amends for what he lost at 
 Nancy, when the Duke of Burgundy by force of 
 arms sacked that town, and carried away all the 
 cannon that he found in it. The heralds that were 
 appointed to take an account of the slain, report 
 that there were twenty-two thousand five hundred 
 Burgundians killed on the spot, besides a vast 
 number in the rout, for the Duke of Lorrain's 
 army pursued them as far as Joigne, and after- 
 wards burnt and destroyed the whole earldom of 
 Romont in Savoy, putting all to the sword they 
 could meet with, without any distinction of age or 
 sex. 
 
 After this the Duke of Lorrain marches to Stras- 
 bourg, and from thence with a body of four thou- 
 sand men detached from the grand army, goes and 
 besieges Nancy, in which there was a garrison of 
 one thousand two hundred Burgundians, and after 
 he had given some directions to the officer that 
 commanded a body of troops under him, he re-
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 553 
 
 turned to Strasbourg again, from whence he sent 
 several convoys of provision and ammunition, and 
 afterwards set out himself for the camp before 
 Nancy, to command at the siege of that place in 
 person. 
 
 After the Duke of Burgundy's defeat at Morat, 
 and the besieging of Nancy, the town was surren- 
 dered to the Duke of Lorrain, on condition that the 
 garrison, (who were all Burgundians,) should march 
 out with bag and baggage, and the usual marks 
 of honour, which was granted them ; and as soon 
 as the Duke of Lorrain was master of it, he imme- 
 diately put a strong garrison of his own troops in it, 
 and provided it with ammunition, provision, and 
 all things necessary for a long defence ; and it was 
 well he acted so prudently, for scarce had he been 
 a month in possession of the town, when the 
 Duke of Burgundy, who was retired to Riviere, a 
 town near Salins in Burgundy, with what forces he 
 could raise comes and besieges it again, upon 
 which the Duke of Lorrain marches into Switzer- 
 land to solicit more troops in order to relieve the 
 garrison, and raise the siege of Nancy. 
 
 After this, the King of Portugal, who laid claim 
 to the kingdom of Castile, and in short, to all 
 Spain, in right of his queen, left his kingdom and 
 came to the frontiers of France, and from thence 
 to Tours to visit the king ; and to desire his ma- 
 jesty to assist him with some troops to recover 
 those kingdoms. He was received by the king 
 with all the marks of honour and respect imaginable, 
 and during his stay at Tours, he was nobly treated
 
 554 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 and entertained by the king and several of the 
 nobility of the court. 
 
 In the mean time the Duke of Burgundy, who 
 as you have already been informed, had besieged 
 Nancy in Lorrain, put the garrison to such great 
 straits and necessities, that for want of provision 
 they were forced to capitulate and surrender the 
 town upon articles. And on Sunday the 5th of 
 January, the Duke of Lorrain arrived with an army 
 of twelve or fourteen thousand Swiss and Germans, 
 in order to raise the siege of Nancy, and fight the 
 Duke of Burgundy. On Saturday the 6th of 
 January, the Duke of Lorrain arrived with an army 
 of ten thousand Swiss, besides Germans and Lor- 
 rainers at St. Nicholas de Varengeville. 
 
 On the Sunday following, the Lords of Switzer- 
 land and Lorrain marched from thence to Neuf- 
 ville, and a little beyond that place they halted 
 some time, to consider how they might draw up 
 their forces to the best advantage ; and accordingly 
 they divided their army into two bodies, one of 
 which was commanded by the Count d' Abstain, 
 and the governors of Fribourg and Zurich, and the 
 other by the chief magistrates of Bern. About noon 
 the two bodies began to march at once ; one to- 
 wards the river, and the other along the high road 
 leading to Nancy. The Duke of Burgundy, who 
 had intelligence of their coming, had quitted his 
 intrenchments, and drawn up his army in order of 
 battle ready to receive them. In the front between 
 him and one of the enemies' bodies, there was a 
 little brook and two strong hedges ; and on the
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 55^ 
 
 high road, along which the other was marching to 
 engage him, he had planted all his cannon and field- 
 pieces ; and as soon as ever the Swiss came within 
 bow-shot, the Burgundians discharged a whole 
 volley of arrows, which did no execution, upen 
 which that body quitted the high road, and marched 
 higher towards the wood, till they had gained an 
 eminence opposite to the Duke of Burgundy's army. 
 In the mean time the Duke of Burgundy commands 
 his archers, (who were all on foot,) to face about ; 
 and at the same time ordered two squadrons of his 
 men at arms, commanded by James Galiot and 
 M. de Lallaing to attack the enemy. As soon as the 
 Swiss had gained the rising ground opposite to the 
 Duke of Burgundy's army, they immediately faced 
 about ; and marching up to him with all the fury 
 and intrepidity imaginable, made such a terrible 
 fire upon the body of foot that he commanded, that 
 they entirely broke and defeated them. The other 
 body of Swiss marched at the same time to engage 
 the two squadrons commanded by James Galiot 
 and M. de Lallaing, whom they entirely routed at 
 the first charge. Upon this, the right wing of the 
 Burgundians, who had not yet been engaged, at- 
 tacked the Swiss, by whom they were repulsed, and 
 at last entirely defeated ; so that when the foot 
 began to give ground and run away, the horse pre- 
 sently followed them, and endeavoured to make 
 their escape by the bridge of Bridores, which was 
 about a league from Nancy, in the way to Thion- 
 ville and Luxembourg. But the Count di Cam- 
 pobasso having secured that pass by a good body
 
 556 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 of troops, and the Duke of Lorrain and his men 
 following them close at the heels, vast numbers of 
 them threw themselves or were driven into the 
 river, where they were drowned ; and the rest were 
 either killed 6r taken, very few or none making 
 their escape : So that there was a greater number 
 killed in the rout, than on the field of battle. 
 Some of the Burgundians finding they could not 
 get over the bridge, retired to the woods in hopes 
 of saving themselves ; but they were pursued 
 thither by the peasants of the country, who killed 
 them as fast as they could find them, so that for 
 four leagues round the fields and highways were 
 strewed with the bodies of dead men. The pursuit 
 lasted till two hours after night, and then the 
 Duke of Lorrain began to inquire what was become 
 of the Duke of Burgundy ; whether he had made 
 his escape or was taken prisoner, but nobody 
 could give any account of him, and immediately the 
 Duke of Lorrain despatched a certain person to one 
 John Dias of the city of Metz, to know if he had 
 passed througli that place in his retreat, who sent 
 his highness word the next morning that he had 
 not ; that he was not at Luxembourg ; neither could 
 any body tell what was become of him. On Monday, 
 which was twelfth-day, the Count di Campobasso 
 met with a page that was taken prisoner, belonging 
 to the Count de Chalon, who was with the Duke of 
 Burgundy in the battle. This lad, upon examina- 
 tion, confessed the Duke of Burgundy was killed ; 
 and the next day upon diligent searching after 
 him, they found him stript start naked, and the
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 557 
 
 bodies of fourteen men more in the same condition, 
 at some distance from each other. The duke was 
 wounded in three places, and his body was known 
 and distinguished from the rest by six particular 
 marks ; the chiefest of which was, the want of his 
 upper teeth before, which were beaten out with a 
 fall ; the second was a scar in his throat occasioned 
 by the wound he received at the battle of Mont 
 I'Hery; the third was his great nails, which he 
 always wore longer than any of his courtiers ; the 
 fourth was another scar upon his left shoulder ; 
 the fifth was a fistula on his right groin, and the 
 last was a nail that grew into his little toe. And 
 upon seeing all these above-mentioned marks upon 
 the body, his physician, the gentlemen of the bed- 
 chamber, the Bastard of Burgundy, M- Oliver de la 
 Marche, his chaplain, and several other officers that 
 were taken prisoners by the Duke of Lorrain, una- 
 nimously agreed it was the body of their lord and 
 master the Duke of Burgundy. 
 
 Immediately after the defeat and death of the 
 Duke of Burgundy, the Duke of Lorrain and the 
 rest of the generals of the army called a council of 
 war, the result of which was, that a considerable 
 body of forces should immediately be sent into the 
 Duchy of Burgundy and other provinces, to re- 
 duce the towns that were garrisoned by Burgun- 
 dian troops, to the king's obedience ; which was 
 put in execution, and most of the towns surren- 
 dered without any opposition, as did likewise the 
 country of Auxerre, the subjects of which took the 
 oath of allegiance to the king.
 
 55^ THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 In June, the Prince of Orange, who had been 
 highly aflProntedbyM. de Craon, lieutenant-general 
 of the king's army in Burgundy, was resolved to b6 
 revenged on him and the king also, who, it seems, 
 had taken the government of a province from him, 
 and given it to M. de Craon; and therefore, he 
 persuades all the countries, cities, towns, and other 
 places, which before had submitted to the king at 
 his request, to revolt and rise up in rebellion 
 against him. There was a Burgundian knight 
 named M. Claude de Vaudray, that joined with the 
 prince in this undertaking, and managed the war 
 with tolerable success against M. de Craon. But 
 at last, M. de Craon having intelligence that the 
 Prince of Orange was in a little town called Guy, 
 marched immediately and besieged it, and about 
 two days after he had invested it, he received ad- 
 vice that M. Chasteauguyon was marching to re- 
 lieve it, upon which he left a few troops before the 
 town, to hinder the garrison from making any sally, 
 and with the rest of the army, advanced to meet 
 M. Chasteauguyon the Prince of Orange's brother, 
 whom he entirely routed and defeated ; and in this 
 action, there were above one thousand four hundred 
 persons of note and distinction killed on both sides ; 
 and for this victory, the king ordered general pro- 
 cessions to be made in the church of St. Martin in 
 Paris. 
 
 In July, 1477, the Duke of Gelders, with about 
 fourteen or fifteen hundred Germans, came and 
 encamped at Pont d'Epierre near Tournay, with a 
 design to burn the suburbs of that place, tipon
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 5.59 
 
 which, the garrison of Tournay made two sallies ; 
 in the first, the duke himself was slain, and in the 
 last, the whole body of the Germans and the Flem- 
 ings were entirely defeated, two thousand of them 
 killed upon the spot, and seven hundred taken pri- 
 soners, for which, the king ordered Te Deum to 
 be sung, and bonfires to be made in the streets of 
 Paris. 
 
 About the same time, the king, who was in 
 Picardy, left that country ; having first made the 
 Bastard of Bourbon, (who was Admiral of France,) 
 his lieutenant-general, with whom he left a good 
 body of forces to secure the country, and cover the 
 frontiers of his kingdom. The king's troops under 
 the Bastard of Bourbon's command were quartered 
 in Arras, Tournay, la Bassee, and in several other 
 towns upon the frontiers of Flanders, and in those 
 countries that still held out for the Lady of Flan- 
 ders, daughter to the late Duke of Burgundy. 
 
 In May, 1478. All that the king did during this 
 whole month in Picardy, was only taking a little 
 town called Conde, which was still in the hands of 
 the Burgundians, and which stood very incommo- 
 dious for the garrison of Tournay ; for all the con- 
 voys both of provision and ammunition must of 
 course pass by it. There happened to be some 
 German troops belonging to the Duke of Austria 
 in it, who at first seemed resolved to stand a siege, 
 but when they saw the prodigious army with which 
 the king had invested it, they immediately surren- 
 dered the town upon honourable terms, as they did 
 also the castle some time after.
 
 560 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLB. 
 
 About this time the king, who was gone into 
 Picardy with a design to reduce all the countries, 
 towns, and places that were in the possession of the 
 late Duke of Burgundy at his decease, and which 
 belonged to his majesty, had assembled the greatest 
 army, and provided the largest train of artillery that 
 ever was seen in France. He forebore entering 
 upon any action for a long time, in hopes of accom- 
 modating matters between him, the Flemings, and 
 the Duke Maximilian of Austria, whom they ac- 
 knowledged for their sovereign, to facilitate which 
 the Duke of Austria sends ambassadors to Cam- 
 bray and Artas to treat with the king about it, who 
 talked mightily of surrendering up to the king the 
 countries of Artois, Bologne, Doway, Orchies, St. 
 Omers, and other towns, besides the whole Duchy 
 of Burgundy ; and upon the bare promises only of 
 these ambassadors the king imprudently delivers up 
 Cambray, Quesnoy, Bouchain, and several other 
 towns. The Duke of Austria, upon the pretence 
 of being near the king, and having the conveniency 
 of frequent conferences, came and encamped with 
 an army of twenty thousand men between Doway 
 and Arras, where he amused the king with specious 
 words and fair promises till the end of June ; and 
 then, notwithstanding the king had so generously 
 given up those towns to him, he openly declared he 
 v^'ould not stand to the promises his ambassadors 
 had made in his name, neither was that affair 
 brought to any conclusion. 
 
 In this month the king had better success in 
 Upper Burgundy ; whither his majesty had sent a
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 561 
 
 considerable body of forces under the command of 
 M. d' Araboise, governor of Champagne, to recover 
 some troops that had revolted from him. M. d' Ara- 
 boise was so fortunate, that in three weeks he re- 
 took Verdun, Monsauion, and Semur in Auxois, 
 partly by storm and partly by composition. After- 
 wards he besieged Beaulne, which also was sur- 
 rendered to him upon certain articles, the chief of 
 which were, that the inhabitants should pay forty 
 thousand pounds to preserve the town from being 
 plundered ; that they should discharge all their 
 debts that were owing to the merchants of Paris, 
 and of other cities in the kingdom, and that the 
 garrison should be allowed to march out with their 
 bag and baggage, and be conducted to such a place 
 mentioned in the articles. 
 
 In July the king, who was at Arras, received two 
 extraordinary embassies, one from Maximilian, 
 Duke of Austria, and another from the Flemings ; 
 and when the ambassadors had been heard by the 
 king and his council, a cessation of arms was agreed 
 upon between the king, Duke Maximilian, and the 
 Flemings, for one year, during which time there was 
 to be a free intercourse of trade between the sub- 
 jects of both princes. 
 
 In April 1479, the king, who was in the county 
 of Touraine, began to make preparations for the 
 ensuing campaign, being resolved to push on the 
 war with vigour as soon as the cessation of arms 
 between him and the Duke of Austria, which was 
 almost expired, was ended. Besides, l\w Duke of 
 Austria had sent nu ambassadors to him to treat of 
 
 Vol. II. -2 O
 
 562 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 a prolongation of the truce, and therefore his ma- 
 jesty might reasonably conclude that his intentions 
 were to renew the war as soon as the treaty was 
 expired. 
 
 In May following (notwithstanding the truce was 
 not expired) the inhabitants of Cambray treacher- 
 ously admitted the Flemings, Picardians, and other 
 soldiers belonging to the Duke of Austria's army, 
 into their city, which his majesty thought had been 
 safe enough in the hands of so vigilant and loyal a 
 governor as the Lord de Fiennes. As soon as the 
 Duke of Austria's forces were masters of the town, 
 they drove the king's garrison out of the castle, and 
 immediately afterwards a detachment of three or 
 four hundred Flemings and Picardians presented 
 themselves before the town and castle of Bouchain, 
 upon intelligence that the inhabitants would murder 
 the king's garrison, and open their gates to them, 
 which accordingly they did upon their first approach, 
 and killed all the king's soldiers except one archer, 
 who had the good luck to escape. The king was 
 extremely incensed and provoked at this unfair and 
 treacherous manner of proceeding, seeing his troops 
 had not committed the least act of hostility, nor 
 given them any occasion or pretence for violating 
 the truce, and therefore he immediately sends^a 
 considerable body of the nobles and Frank archers 
 of the kingdom, with a large train of artillery, under 
 the command of the governor of Champagne, to re- 
 duce the towns and places in the duchy of Bur- 
 gundy and Franche-Compte that had lately revolted 
 from him, who was so very fortunate as to retake
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 563 
 
 the strong castle of Rochefort by storm, which he 
 plundered, and put all the garrison to the sword. 
 From thence the governor of Champagne, who was 
 also the king's lieutenant-general, marched with his 
 army to Dole, which, upon their refusing to sur- 
 render, he immediately attacked, carried it by storm, 
 plundered it, put all the inhabitants to the sword, 
 and razed the city to the ground. 
 
 On Saturday the third of July, 1479, the Bishop 
 of Lombes, abbot of St. Dennis in France, arrived 
 at Paris as ambassador extraordinary from the King 
 of Spain, and was met and complimented without 
 the city gates by the mayor and aldermen, and all 
 the persons of quality of that city, whom he after- 
 wards nobly entertained at St. Dennis. About the 
 same time a young prince of the kingdom of Scot- 
 land, named the Duke of Albany, who had been 
 driven out of the kingdom by the king his brother, 
 arrived at Paris, where he was received with all the 
 marks of honour and civility imaginable, and treated 
 and entertained at the king's expense during his stay 
 in France. 
 
 In the year 1480, the Lord Howard, and several 
 other ambassadors from Englai^d, arrived in France, 
 to treat with the king about prolonging the truce 
 that was concluded between him and the King of 
 England. The king received the ambassadors very 
 kindly, feasted and entertained them nobly, and 
 made them considerable presents when they left 
 France in order to return into England. 
 
 During winter, and even till April (at which time 
 the truce between the king and the Flemings was to 
 
 203
 
 5G4 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICUE. 
 
 expire) nothing was attempted on either side, for 
 the Flemings had sent ambassadors to the king at 
 Tours to desire the cessation of arms might be con- 
 tinued a year longer, to which his majesty readily 
 consented, in hopes some expedient or another 
 might be found in all that time to settle an honour- 
 able and lasting peace between him and them, which 
 would put an end to a war that had already been the 
 occasion of spilling so much Christian blood. 
 
 About the same time ambassadors from Edward 
 IV., King of England, arrived in France to treat 
 with the king about the prolongation of the truce, 
 and his majesty did them the favour to meet them 
 at Chateau Regnault ; and, as soon as they had de- 
 spatched the affair which they were sent to nego- 
 tiate with the king, they returned into England, and 
 afterwards the prolongation of the truce between 
 the two kings was proclaimed by sound of trumpet 
 at Paris. Some time after this the king fell very 
 ill at Plessis du Pare, near Tours, and his physicians 
 were of opinion that his majesty was in a dangerous 
 condition, but in a little time he grew better, and 
 in less than a month was perfectly recovered of his 
 illness. 
 
 In the year 1481, notwithstanding the cessation 
 of arms, the king's troops in the garrison towns 
 upon the frontiers of Picardy committed several 
 hostilities, and had frequent skirmishes with the 
 Duke of Austria's, and all the prisoners that were 
 taken on both sides were immediately hanged up, 
 without permitting any, of what degree or rank 
 soever, to be ransomed.
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 5G5 
 
 About the same time the kin^, who had been 
 very ill at Tours, removed to Tovars, where his 
 Majesty grew worse, and his physicians were of 
 opinion he was in a dangerous condition, where- 
 upon he made several large offerings and gifts to 
 abundance of churches in the kingdom, in hopes to 
 recover his health by these pious acts of charity 
 and devotion. In his sickness he made a vow to go 
 a pilgrimage to St. Claude, which he accordingly 
 performed as soon as he had recovered strength 
 enough to undertake the journey. Before he left the 
 county of Touraine, he went to see the dauphin, 
 whom he had scarce ever seen before, and when he 
 took his leave of him he gave him his blessing, and 
 having committed him to the care and tuition of 
 the Lord Peter de Bourbon, whom he had made his 
 lieutenant-general, he commanded him to obey that 
 lord, and be ruled by him in every thing till his 
 return. 
 
 In the year 1482, on Thursday, the 4th of May, 
 between four and five in the morning, died the most 
 noble and illustrious Princess Joan of France, wife 
 to John Duke of Bourbon and Auvergne, in the 
 castle of Molins, in Bourbonnois, of a violent fever, 
 and was buried at the church of Notre Dame at 
 Molins. She was a lady of great wisdom and piety, 
 and was extremely lamented by the duke, her hus- 
 band, her servants, and all the people of France, 
 upon account of the many extraordinary virtues and 
 amiable perfections she was endowed with. 
 
 In the same year, about October, the king fell 
 violently ill, and thought he should have died at
 
 5G6 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 Plessis du Pare, near Tours ; and, therefore, as 
 soon as his majesty had recovered a little strength 
 he went to Amboise, where he made several long 
 remonstrances to the dauphin in behalf of his ser- 
 vants and officers of his household and kingdom, 
 exhorting and desiring him to be kind to all of 
 them, but especially to Monsieur Oliver, his barber, 
 and M. John de Doyac, governor of Auvergne, who 
 had done him many considerable services, and al- 
 ways been very loyal and faithful subjects. He 
 also recommended the Lord de Bouchage and the 
 Lord Guyotpot, bailiff of Vermandois, as being 
 very wise and able counsellors, and desired the 
 dauphin to make use of their advice in all state 
 affairs. Moreover, he entreated him to continue all 
 the officers in their posts and employments, and 
 to have a tender regard to his people, whom he had 
 already too much harassed and oppressed. Lastly, 
 he recommended the Lord des Querdes for military 
 affairs, as being an officer of great valour and con- 
 duct, and the fittest person to make a general of 
 any in the kingdom of France. After this, the king 
 returned to Montils, near Tours. 
 
 In October and November several ambassadors 
 arrived from Flanders to treat of a peace between 
 his majesty and the Flemings, which at last was 
 concluded to the great joy and satisfaction of both 
 parties, by a marriage between the dauphin of 
 France and the Duke of Austria's daughter, upon 
 which the king immediately ordered Te Deum to 
 be sung, and bonfires to be made in the public 
 streets of Tours.
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHROxNlCLE. 567 
 
 In January, the ambassadors that had concluded 
 the peace between the king and the Flemings upon 
 the marriage between the dauphin and the Countess 
 of Flanders, daughter to the Duke of Austria, ar- 
 rived at Paris, and were met and complimented in 
 the king's name by the Bishop of Marseilles, the 
 mayor and aldermen of the city, and several other 
 persons of quality, who nobly feasted and enter- 
 tained them, and the next day they set out from 
 thence to wait on the king at Amboise, who re- 
 ceived them very kindly, as did also the dauphin ; 
 and upon their taking leave of the king, his ma- 
 jesty presented them with thirty thousand crowns, 
 and afterwards they returned to Paris, wheUe the 
 articles of peace were ratified and confirmed in the 
 court of parliament, and afterwards read, and pub- 
 lished by sound of trumpet in all the public streets 
 of that city ; and as soon as the publication was 
 over. Monsieur le Picard, bailiflT of Roan, treated 
 the ambassadors and all the king's officers with a 
 splendid and magnificent dinner. 
 
 On Saturday, the 19th of April, 1483, the Lord 
 de Beaujeu and his lady came to Paris, in order 
 to go into Picardy to meet and compliment the 
 dauphiness, whom, by the treaty of peace, the 
 Flemings were to deliver to the Lord de Beaujeu, 
 who was to conduct her to Paris. 
 
 In April, Edward IV. King of England, died of 
 an apoplexy, though some say it was of a surfeit, 
 occasioned by drinking too much of some rich wines 
 that the king had made him a present of ; however, 
 he lived long enough to settle the affairs of his
 
 568 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 kingdom, and to leave the succession of the crown 
 to his eldest son, Edward V. 
 
 On Monday, the 2d of June, the dauphiness, 
 accompanied by Madam de Beaujeau, the Admiral 
 of France's lady, and several other ladies of quality, 
 made her public entry into Paris about five in the 
 afternoon, and all the streets through which the 
 dauphiness passed were lined with soldiers, hung 
 with tapestry, and crowded with persons of quality 
 richly dressed, who came thither on purpose to 
 compliment and pay their respects to her ; and in 
 honour to the day of her arrival, all the prisoners in 
 Paris were immediately set at liberty. 
 
 In July, the nuptial ceremony between the dau- 
 phin and the Lady Margaret of Austria was per- 
 formed with great pomp and solemnity at Amboise, 
 at which all the nobility and chief persons of the 
 kingdom were present. 
 
 On Monday, the 25th of August, the king fell 
 very ill at Montils, near Tours, and in two hours 
 time lost his speech and his senses, and the news of 
 his death came to Paris on Wednesday, the 27th of 
 the same month ; upon which the mayor and alder- 
 men ordered the city gates to be shut up, and a 
 strong guard to be placed at each of them, that 
 none might go out or in without being examined, 
 which made the common people cry out that the 
 king was dead ; but it was a false alarm, for Tiis 
 majesty was only in a fit, out of which he presently 
 recovered, and lived till Saturday, the 30th of 
 August, and then died about six or seven in the 
 evening of the same day.
 
 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 569 
 
 As soon as he was dead his body was embalmed, 
 and buried in the church of Notre Dame de Clery, 
 at Mortils, having^ in his life-time, ordered it should 
 be so, and positively commanded the dauphin not 
 to bury him in the church of St. Dennis, where 
 three kings of France (his illustrious predecessors) 
 were interred. He never gave any reason for it, 
 but some people were of opinion it was for the sake 
 of the church, which he had liberally endowed, and 
 out of a singular veneration for the blessed Virgin, 
 who was worshipped there after a more solemn 
 manner than in any other place in the kingdom. 
 The king had during his whole reign, by the evil 
 advice of M. Oliver, his barber, M. John de Doyac, 
 and several other wicked counsellors that were 
 about his person, committed great injustice in his 
 kingdom, and so miserably oppressed and harassed 
 his people, that the very reflection of his tyrannical 
 usage of them stung him to the heart, and almost 
 drove him to despair ; so that when he lay upon his 
 death-bed he sincerely repented of all his sins, and 
 gave prodigious sums of money to the clergy to 
 pray for his soul, and rewarded them for their 
 prayers with what he had by violence and extortion 
 gotten of his subjects. It must be owned that his 
 was a very busy reign, and full of many great and 
 important actions, yet he managed his affairs so 
 well, that he forced all his enemies to submit to 
 his mercy, and was equally dreaded both abroad 
 and at home. He lay for a long time before his 
 death under very sharp and severe illnesses, which 
 forced his physicians to make use of violent 
 
 Vol. II. 2 P •
 
 570 THE SCANDALOUS CHRONICLE. 
 
 and painful applications, which though they were 
 not so successful as to recover his health and save 
 his life, yet, doubtless, they were very beneficial to 
 his soul, and, perhaps, the chief means of saving it 
 from eternal damnation, and fixing it in paradise, 
 through His tender mercy who liveth and reigneth 
 world without end. Amen. 
 
 END.
 
 LONDON: 
 PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES. 
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