AN OUTLINE OF POLITICAL GROWTH IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 'J w^ ^"^ ' AN OUTLINE OF POLITICAL GROWTH IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY BY EDMUND HAMILTON SEARS, A.M. PRINCIPAL OF MAKY INSTITUTE, SAINT LOUIS THE MACMILLAN COMPANY LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. 1900 All rigliU reserved Copyright, 1900, By the MACMILLAN COMPANY. NortoooB ^rrss J. S. Cushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith Norwood Mass. U.S.A. PREFACE The nineteenth century has had a peculiarly interesting history. Its achievements have been so rich and varied as to bewilder the mind that tries to apprehend them each and all with clearness and accuracy. In art there has been a return to nature, with many gratifying and some subtle and ques- tionable residts. The same tendency has manifested itself in poetry, and is to be traced through such widely differing authors as Wordsworth, Leconte de Lisle, and Pushkin. Both romanticists and realists have made brilliant contributions to fiction, and the decadents have at least called forth a storm of criticism. History has seen the development of the trained specialist and original investigator. Science has fathomed some of nature's deepest secrets and revolutionized industry. And in the domain of politics the people have put forth their strength and obtained constitutions. These are merely a few of the notable movements of the century. All of those that are here enumerated have accom- plished vast results, and which of them is the more important and significant cannot be said. Science has effected stupen- dous changes ; but so too have the revolutions in politics been far-reaching and momentous. It is largely through those revolutions that the human mind has been emancipated, dead- ening tyranny abolished, and science allowed to work its beneficent reforms. It would therefore appear that the politi- cal progress of the century has been of a vital and funda- mental character, and that the successive triumphs of popular institutions cannot but form a profoundly interesting story. vi PREFACE It is just that story that is recorded in the following pages. Wherever the people have taken the government into their own hands, or forced a recognition, however imperfect, of their chartered rights, they have been included in this brief account of political growth and progress. But though the work claims to be only an outline and by no means an original investiga- tion, it is not a mere record of political facts and constitu- tional changes. Indeed, it would be difficult to define a political fact. Oriental peoples do not, as a rule, have any political life, and do not grow or change from one century to another. But among the progi-essive nations all historic events have in the end a political significance ; for out of them arises the whole framework of government and consti- tutional life. Hence it is as difficult to make a history out of mere legislative annals as it is to make bricks out of sand. Congressional records have no cohesion apart from everyday circumstance. Accordingly, the present treatise deals with all the varied events and happenings that make up the story of a nation's life, even wars receiving some mention, though they are not narrated in detail. Doubtless many would assert that a record of political growth should be a record of movements and tendencies rather than an account of individual countries, and that tides of progress which have swept over the whole world cannot be adequately described when each nation has its own separate treatment. That there is force in this objection may be readily admitted ; but the fact remains that a nation cannot be a nation unless it has a life and history of its own. It was to portray that life and history that the present work was written, and the separate treatment was designedly adopted. There are excellent works that emphasize the unity of con- temporaneous movements and events; but their very plan prevents them from giving a connected sketch of each country PREFACE vii that is treated, and the connected sketch is for many purposes convenient and desirable. It is hoped that even this meagre outline of events may awaken an interest in political study, and create a desire for a fuller knowledge of the progress of democracy. For the benefit of all who may be so stimulated a bibliography is placed at the end of the volume. It is by no means exhaust- ive, and is not intended for the advanced specialist who is sure to have access to the many admirable and learned bibliog- raphies that have been published. But to many students who seek fuller information than the present volume affords it may serve a useful purpose. E. H. S. Saint Louis, . January, 1900. CONTENTS PAGE Introduction c...! Book I CONTINENTAL EUROPE Part I THE LATIN NATIONS CHAPTER I The French Revolution and Napoleon 15 CHAPTER II The Congress of Vienna. — The Bourbon Restoration. — Louis Philippe 28 CHAPTER III The Second Republic. — The Second Empire .... 38 CHAPTER IV The Third Republic 46 CHAPTER V Italy 75 CHAPTER VI Spain 96 X CONTENTS CHAPTER VII PAGE Portugal 113 CHAPTER VIII Belgium 122 CHAPTER IX Two Minor Statks : San Marino and Andorra .... 130 Part II SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA CHAPTER I Austria-Hungary 137 CHAPTER II The Balkan States ......... 154 CHAPTER III Russia 180 Part III THE TEUTONIC NATIONS CHAPTER I Germany 197 CHAPTER II Holland 215 CHAPTER III Denmark and Iceland 224 CONTENTS xi CHAPTER IV PAGE Sweden and Norway ......... 236 CHAPTER V Switzerland ........... 249 Book II GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES CHAPTER I Character of Great Buitain's Political Progress. — Her History from 1800 to the Death of George III. in 1820 . 265 CHAPTER II George IV. —William IV 277 CHAPTER III Queen Victoria's Rkign to the Death of Lord Palmerston . 286 CHAPTER IV Mr. Gladstone. — Lord Beaconsfield. — Recent Events . 298 CHAPTER V Canada. — Newfoundland 331 CHAPTER VI Australia 347 CHAPTER VII New Zealand 357 CHAPTER VIII South Africa 365 Xll CONTENTS Book III THE UNITED STATES CHAPTER I PAGE The Beginnings of the Republic 383 CHAPTER II The Administrations of Washington, John Adams, and Jef- ferson 387 CHAPTER III The Administrations of Madison, Monroe, and John Qdinct Adams 394 CHAPTER IV The Administrations of Jackson and Van Buren . . . 403 CHAPTER V The Administrations of Harrison and Tyler, Polk, and Tay- lor AND Fillmore ......... 407 CHAPTER VI The Administrations of Pierce and Buchanan .... 414 CHAPTER VII Lincoln's Administration. — The Civil War .... 422 CHAPTER VIII The Administrations of Johnson and Grant. — Reconstruction 426 CHAPTER IX The Administrations of Hayes, Garfield, and Arthur . . 437 CHAPTER X The Administrations of Cleveland, Harrison, and McKinley 445 CONTENTS xiii Book IV SPANISH AND POKTUGUESE AMERICA CHAPTER I PAGE Mexico 479 CHAPTER II Central America 490 CHAPTER III South America 506 Book V UNCLASSIFIED COUNTRIES CHAPTER I Liberia 539 CHAPTER II The Republic of Haiti 542 CHAPTER III The Republic of Santo Domingo 545 CHAPTER IV Japan 547 CHAPTER V India 561 CHAPTER VI SiAM 566 Conclusion . , 568 POLITICAL GROWTH IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY INTRODUCTION The French Revolution inaugurated one of the greatest epochs of history. Prior to the Revokition government by tlie people was hardly known on the continent of Europe. France, Spain, Italy, Russia, Prussia, Austria, and all the minor Germanic states were governed in the interests of the privileged classes. Switzerland during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was controlled by an aristocracy, and was practically a dependency of France. In Denmark the nobility had lost much of its ancient prestige and influence, as its power had been broken by a political revolution in 1G60; but the king exercised autocratic sway. In Sweden, on the other hand, the nobles usurped the power and made the king little better than a figure-head, nntil Gustavus III. reasserted the royal prerogative toward the close of the eighteenth century ; and afterward the country had no immediate political develop- ment. In the Netherlands, tliough the spirit of equality was prevalent, it had not created a democratic form of govern- ment. England was the only European country in which the will of the people was consulted before the French Revolution. Yet England was by no means a true democracy. For the king exercised his power in an arbitrary and despotic manner, and the laboring classes could not vote nor find deliverance from cruel laws. Nowhere in Europe were the people truly their own masters. They could not vote; they could not make or unmake laws. They could not resist the exactions of tyrannical rulers and domineering nobles. The theory of the divine right of kings Avas widely prevalent. The privileged classes claimed every jot and tittle of their rights, and the B 1 INTRODUCTION common people were not supposed to have any rights at all. Consequently, they were oppressed and neglected in many ways. Lacking power, they lacked wellnigh everything. They suffered from hunger, from sickness, and from excessive toil. They were uncleanly, ignorant, and degraded. Their petty offences were treated as crimes, and not uncommonly punished by death. Nor could they be sure of acquittal when unjustly accused. Evidence was not carefully sifted in the court of justice; and a poor man charged with crime was assumed guilty. Little was done to relieve the condition of the sick, the insane, and the impoverished. The day of hos- pitals and asylums had not come, and the prisons were scenes of brutality and ghastly misery. In some countries the poorer classes received much worse treatment than in others, but nowhere were they able to better their condition. To do this they needed the power to make and unmake laws; and this power the nineteenth century was to give them. The old order of things was to pass from the hands of a privileged few into the hands of the people. Might was not to make right any longer. A new era of justice, equality, and liberty was to dawn upon the oppressed and suffering commoner; and it was heralded by the French Revolution. That bloody episode in history inaugurated vast political and social changes, which were taking place all through the nineteenth century and which have revolutionized the character of government over a great part of the civilized world. These changes have had common features where they have occurred ; but they have not produced the same political con- ditions in all countries and among all peoples. That were indeed impossible. For they have been introduced into lands differing radically from each other in historic development, and inhabited by races of widely varying characteristics and methods of thought. Democratic government could not mean to the Spaniard what it means to the Saxon ; it could not pro- duce the same results among the Norwegians and the Slavs. Accordingly, a history of the political growth of the nineteenth century should be something more than an unsystematized record of the constitutional changes that have been adopted by the progressive nations of the w^orld. Rather should it group together those countries that have been animated by like INTRODUCTION impulses and have had a common development or a common political experience. That such a classitication cannot be perfect or thoroughly scientific may, at the outset, be acknowl- edged. No matter whether the principle of classitication that is adopted be geographical, racial, or historical, in the very nature of things it must sometimes be at fault. For nations, like individuals, are free agents and given to glaring inconsis- tencies of conduct. Their actions cannot be reduced to rule and theory. The political philosopher who has fathomed, as he thinks, the character of a race, a period, or a movement, suddenly finds himself confronted by the startling, the unex- pected, or the extraordinary, and his well-constructed theories fall to the ground. It is in no spirit of dogmatism, therefore, that the countries discussed in the present treatise are placed in separate political groups. Such an attempt at classitication is made largely for the purposes of convenience. By means of it the mind of the reader may be saved from confusion, and the work may be saved from appearing fragmentary and dis- connected. It is not exclusively the geographical, the racial, or the historic method of classitication that is employed; but rather is each made use of as it may seem to be appropriately applied. Proceeding upon this plan we may recognize the following divisions and subdivisions of the subject: — I. The Countries of Co)ituie)ital Europe. — These countries are grouped together because their geographical connection has given them a common political experience. This is true especially of particular eras or periods, when a common im- pulse has swept over the whole length and breadth of European soil. It was illustrated by the Crusades in the Middle Ages. The union of nearly all Europe against Napoleon is a further illustration. Again, the revolutionary outbreaks in 1848 and the socialistic movements in recent years have sliown that the term "Europe " is a political as well as a geographical expres- sion, and tliat the different European countries are, to some extent, forced to share a common political destiny. Yet these countries have by no means progressed together toward the modern ideal of government by and for the people. Some of them have been truly democratic; others have used the powers of democracy to cover tyranny and despotism. Three subdi- visions of the European nations may therefore be recognized. INTRODUCTION (1) The Latin Countries. It was in France, the greatest and most brilliant of the Latin nations, that the modern demo- cratic movement was begun by the French Revolution. The impulsive and excitable French people suddenly burst the political bonds that held them, threw aside all restraint, and asserted their freedom by violence, fury, and blood-guiltiness. The same tendency to excess has marked their conduct in more recent times, as the atrocities of the Commune in 1871 and the vindictive persecution of Dreyfus may testify. Explosiveness, vehemence, and sentimentality characterize the French people; and these same traits seem to belong to the Latin races of Southern Europe. Hence, in Portugal, in Spain, and in Italy, we see political progress accompanied by reckless utterance, shifting administrations, unsteadiness of purpose, and seasons of popvilar apathy succeeded by seething discontent and revo- lutionary activity. These nations, it is to be noticed, have shown themselves quite as progressive in adopting universal suffrage as the better educated Teutonic peoples ; ^ but in no one of them does there exist a government that can properly be called democratic. In no one of them do the people exer- cise an intelligent control of affairs. With these nations is to be classed Belgium, for its politics are dominated by the excitable Southern temper. A large portion of its population is Germanic, but the Celtic element seems to have given its characteristics to the whole nation and to have controlled its political development. Hence Belgium has recently made radical constitutional changes in a period of feverish excitement attended by extensive strikes of the workingmen. (2) The political development of Russia, Austria-Hungary, and the various nations of Southeastern Europe has been re- tarded both by geographical, racial, and historic causes. Situated, as they are, these countries have been almost as much subject to Asiatic as to European influences; they are, to a considerable extent, peopled by races that have the subservient Oriental temper; and they were, through many centuries, the scene of internecine conflicts, cruel tyranny, and strange 1 Universal suffrage exists in France and Spain ; but not in Italy anrl Portu- gal. It is found in Denmark and in the German Empire ; but not in Holland, Sweden, Norway, nor iu most of the separate states that compose Germany. INTRODUCTION political vicissitudes. In vSoutbeastern Europe, the Slav, the German, the Turanian, the Greek, the Vlach, the Turk, and the Albanian have lived side by side, and seldom have they mingled in amity and concord. Among these peoples the Austrian-Germans have held a peculiar place. Belonging to the great Teutonic race, ruled by the splendid Hapsburg House, dwelling almost in the shadow of the Alps, they have shared the civilization and the political experiences of Western Europe. But in the end they were forced to turn rather to the East than to the West, and to-day they are working out their destiny with Czechs, Magyars, Poles, Ruthenians, and other uncongenial peoples. And their experience is not dissimilar to that of the other peoples who are here grouped together. Austria, Russia, and the countries of Southeastern Europe are not homogeneous. It is rather because they have clashed so frequently that they have been slow to break loose from the customs, the traditions, and the political ideals of the past. (,'{) Five European countries — Germany, Holland, Den- mark, Norway, and Sweden — are peopled by various branches of the Teutonic race ; and, though differing widely in temper, manners, and customs, the inhabitants of these countries yet possess common aspirations, common race instincts, and com- mon political views. These countries are all Protestant (tliough Germany is one third Catholic) ; they all have admi- rable educational systems; and in all of them the people are reflective rather than emotional.^ Moreover, in all these Teutonic countries two traits, dissimilar and yet not antago- nistic, are found to be deeply rooted in the national character, — independence, and respect for authority. It is largely owing to these traits that the Teutonic countries have been moved by the same political ideals, and have had a similar political development. All of them have clung to monarchy, even Holland having ultimately preferred the rule of a king to a republican form of government; yet all of them have hedged the king about by constitutional safeguards, which protect the people from tyranny and despotism. As the subsequent pages will show, these safeguards have more than once been set aside 1 Such hro.iil pjoiK^.ralizatioiis are only approximately aceurate. Tho Dutch are phlegmatic, the Danes vivacious, and the Norwegians tiery and impetu- ous, like the old Vikings, when once aroused. INTRODUCriON by self-willed sovereigns ; but in the end the people have shown themselves supreme, and have not allowed the liberty of the individual to be sacrificed to the outworn theory of absolutism. True, the Emperor of Germany has shown himself an autocrat, and the individual who stands against him is imprisoned for Use-majeste ; but his extravagant self-assertion has offended the thoughtful portion of his subjects, and the growth of the Social Democrats in Germany points to the ultimate overthrow of a mediaeval imperialism. The Teutonic nations move slowly, but they move toward the democratic ideal of en- lightened self-government. With these nations Switzerland is classed in the present treatise, because the Swiss Confederation had a Germanic origin and because the Cantons are to-day largely inhabited by a Germanic population. It must be admitted that the pecu- liarities of its political organization fairly entitle Switzerland to a place by itself, and make it difficult to class it with any group of nations. But though its government has been con- structed on the federative plan and resembles no other in Europe, it still remains true that the Swiss people have shown the dominant Germanic traits in their political development. They have shown a sturdy self-respect, a love of individual freedom, and a tendency to recognize constitutional authority. Certainly, the political growth of Switzerland illustrates the German rather than the French view of government. II. Great Britain and her Colonies. — One remarkable Ger- manic people left its home in continental Europe many centu- ries ago, and founded what was destined to become one of the greatest of modern nations. The Saxons are treated by them- selves, both because their island home has made them inde- pendent of the rest of Europe, and because their political institutions have a character that is all their own. Even when the divine right of kings was generally recognized, the Saxon began to demand a share in the functions of government; and this demand he has pressed home through centuries of politi- cal warfare. Hence, the English parliamentary system grew up and gradually became the most perfect example of representa- tive government the world has seen. At the opening of the nineteenth century it was in the highly developed state to which seven centuries of constitutional life and effort had INTRODUCTION brought it ; but there was still room for radical changes, and that these changes were brought about later will be shown. But the Anglo-Saxon people was too full of life and energy to confine its political life to a single island. The race spread all over the world, and in every quarter of the globe the Anglo- Saxon laid his hand on rich and fertile lands and claimed them as his own. As his claim was substantiated and these posses- sions began to teem with Anglo-Saxon homes, the same politi- cal instincts which had created the English Constitution caused a new and notable development of representative institutions. The Colonies of Great Britain borrowed her system of govern- ment; at the same time they altered it and adapted it to more democratic conditions of life and society than prevailed in the mother-country. But their alterations were not radical. The colonial systems of government were an orderly and natural development from that of Great Britain herself, not a sur- render of those political privileges which the Englishman holds dear. Hence, the Colonies of Great Britain are appro- priately treated in connection with the mother-country, and as makiug a part of one vast imperial system whose members must become more closely allied as the principles of federa- tion gain strength and recognition. Not all of the British Colonies, however, are considered in the present work, for not all of them by any means have had an independent political development. Three classes of colo- nies are recognized by tlie British government: (1) Crown colonies; (2) colonies with representative institutions; and (3) colonies having responsible government. The first are controlled entirely by the Crown, acting through its ministers. The second are controlled partially, the Crown having the right to veto legislation and exercising authority over public officers. The last recognize the Crown as the ultimate source of power, for they accept the Governor-General whom the Crown appoints, and accord to him, as representing the sov- ereign, a restricted right of veto over legislation; but they frame and adopt their own Constitutions (with the approval of the British Parliament), and they choose their own officers in such manner as the Constitution provides. Most of Great Britain's Colonies belong to the first class; a few of them to the second; while Canada, Newfoundland, INTRODUCTION the Australian Colonies, New Zealand, Cape Colony, and Natal belong to the third. These last-named colonies are peopled largely by Anglo-Saxons. Hence, possessing an English population and English institutions, they are appropriately placed in a single class with the mother-country. III. The United States of America. — This great American Republic is also an Anglo-Saxon country. Its thoroughly democratic system of government is plainly a product of the English political genius, inspired and quickened by new expe- riences in a new and stimulating world. But just because of these new and profound experiences the American Anglo- Saxons could not simply reproduce on American soil the Eng- lish Constitution. Hamilton, English by birth, would fain have done this, though even he would have allowed consider- able modifications. Jefferson, a profounder student of history, saw that America must have its own development. His view prevailed, and the Constitution and government of the United States are the expression of the new democracy, which, through the federative principle, has attained to national strength and greatness. The Americans have preserved the English love of liberty, and the English respect for the rights of the people; but they have given democratic institutions such free and full development that their country has nowhere been more fiercely criticised than in England itself; and it should be considered by itself both because of its individual character and its vast historic importance. IV. Mexico, Central America, and South America. — These vast stretches of country, with their numerous states, have received their political growth from the people of the Latin race. Hence, they are closely allied to the Latin nations of Europe, and throughout the nineteenth century they have shown the same restlessness and instability that have charac- terized France, Spain, Portugal, and Italy. But the conditions under which they have fouglit their way to independence and adopted democratic institutions have been adverse, and a lenient judgment may fairly be passed upon their short- comings. If they have failed to become genuine republics, allowance must be made for centuries of oppression, for a bigoted priestly rule, for prevailing ignorance and super- stition, and for lack of political training. Yet some of them INTRODUCTION have made notable progress in spite of these drawbacks, and in all of them the attempt to establish republican institutions shows that the ideal of self-government is more or less per- fectly followed. There is no doubt that the example of the United States has inspired the people of these countries with a love of democracy, and has created a kinship between the Spanish American states and the great North American Re- public. These countries, therefore, though they cannot prop- erly be classed with the United States, may fittingly be placed in the group that immediately follows it. V. Unclassified Countries. — Democracy has found its way into every continent, but in Asia and Africa it has thus far received a very scant recognition. The African race has not yet shown itself capable of self-government. It has attempted to found a republic in West Africa, and another on the island of Haiti, but neither of them has flourished. The mulattoes of Haiti have also founded a republic, so called, which goes by the name of San Domingo;^ but they have been no more successful than their darker brethren in establishing demo- cratic rule. Neither Liberia, Haiti, nor San Domingo has contributed anything to the political progress of the century. Asia has proved hardly more congenial than Africa to the growth of constitutional government; yet one Asiatic country has made astonishing progress in the last few decades. Japan, after borrowing many things from Europe, finally bor- rowed political ideas and practices, and made the people the rulers of the country. This change was not accomplished easily or all at once; but little by little the Japanese learned the meaning of responsible government, and emancipated themselves from the traditions which had bound them for hundreds of years. Their recent history is well worthy of study, as it shows that even in the Orient the warfare of political parties has become a chief factor in national progress and development. No other Asiatic country besides Japan has shown marked democratic tendencies; but for reasons that are given in their proper connection both India and Siam have been included in the present treatise. The former country, however much or 1 Or Santo Domingo. But usage setans to prefer San Domingo for the State, and Santo Domingo for its capital city. 10 INTRODUCTION little it is gaining politically, is at least receiving object-les- sons in the art of government; and Siam has lately attracted attention because it has allowed the introduction of modern inventions and improvements. The countries that have been thus grouped and classified do not altogether comprise a half of the earth's surface. De- mocracy, therefore, has still vast fields before it to enter and subdue. But it is a significant fact that the races possessing the greatest genius for government are continually extending their jurisdiction over new territory, and thus bringing new lands into the political arena of the world. Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, and vast stretches of the Dominion of Canada were outside of the sphere of politics until England brought them under her imperial sway. Nor did civilization enter Siberia until Eussia took up her mighty march toward the Pacific Ocean. It was indeed a sorry type of civilization that she carried into the Siberian wilds. Its emblems were but too frequently the knout, the dungeon, and the convict's garb. Yet Russia is one of the growing and progressive nations of the world, even if it has not yet adopted constitutional gov- ernment; and the spread of Russian influence must ultimately mean the spread of commercial activity, law, order, and educa- tion. Hence, the Slav, as well as the Saxon, is contributing to the world's political development, though hardly as yet to the cause of democratic government; and the Latin and Teu- tonic peoples are furthering the same end. When we consider the vast areas that have been added to civilization during the last hundred years, we may well question whether a history of political growth in the twentieth century will not include nearly all the countries in the world. BOOK I CONTINENTAL EUROPE Part I THE LATIN NATIONS FRANCE PORTUGAL ITALY BELGIUM SPAIN SAN MARINO ANDORRA CHAPTER I THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND NAPOLEON Though the lot of the people was quite generally an un- happy one prior to the nineteenth century, in France it was especially hard. The States-General, an ancient assembly composed of the three estates, namely, the clergy, the nobility, and the commons, had been summoned by Richelieu in 1614. But this gathering accomplished nothing at that time, for it had no legislative power. Accordingly, it was ignored for nearly two hundred years, and during this time the people had no means of voicing their grievances. Yet these grievances were bitter and increasingly great. The people bore the whole burden of taxation, while the clergy and the nobles were exempted. The kings plunged the country into san- guinary wars, and exhausted its resources. The peasants grew poorer and poorer, and died in great numbers from famine. They commonly lived in houses of wood and stone which had no windows. They dressed in rags and seldom tasted meat. In some districts, indeed, they lived chiefly on grass and the bark of trees. Yet, poor and squalid as they were, it was not their poverty alone that made them bitter and resentful. For while they lived in misery, the court was extravagant and the nobles were riotous and prodigal.' The grimy and emaciated rustics could not help comparing their own squalor with the luxury of the privileged few. The King gave away every year sums equivalent to many millions of dollars. The money spent upon his dogs and horses would have maintained a vil- lage; and in and around the palace no less than fifteen thou- sand people found support. The court, moreover, was a scene of gayety and frivolous pleasure even while the people 1 " The court was the tomb of the nation, but it was as well a charming as a brilliant tomb." — Von Hoist, " The French Revolution," I. 74. 16 16 THE LATIN NATIONS book i were perishing. Louis XVI. did, indeed, pity his suffering subjects and try to help them ; but the nobles and ladies about him did not share, or even understand, his kindness of heart. They lived simply for enjoyment. Of conscience and deep feeling the French nobles had little. Their code was honor, not morality; and though they were faithful to it, they made it sanction vicious habits of life. Courage and loyalty to the King were their especial virtues; and these virtues, it must be admitted, they showed conspicuously. They had the pride, the spirit, and the recklessness that result from power. But toward the common people they were haughty and insolent. They owned large estates, but they used them merely to main- tain themselves in luxury. The peasantry were still required to give them certain feudal services; and these services were exacted with merciless severity. The peasant had to bake in his lord's oven and grind in his lord's mill; he could not sell his wine until the great estate owner had had his chance at the market; for a fixed number of days each year he was com- pelled to give his own labor and that of his oxen ; and he was obliged to buy salt of the King whether he wanted it or not, or else go to prison or the galleys. The taxes were absurdly high, but if they were not paid the delinquent's furniture was sold. But perhaps the most wanton and galling injustice arose from that passionate love of hunting which the French nobility shared with that of England and other European countries. For no matter how much damage the game did to the crops, the peasant could not protect himself. It was a crime for him to slay the creatures of the forest; nor could he prevent the hounds and hunters from trampling his fields of grain. For all these abuses there was no remedy, and in spite of heavy taxation, the nation was poor also. For taxation can- not make prosperity. An impoverished peasantry cannot long furnish wealth to a privileged leisure class. The nobles gam- bled their fortunes away ; the extravagance of the court ex- hausted the national treasury. The nation was sinking deeper and deeper into debt. To provide an adeqiiate income became the serious and indeed the impossible task of the King's Minis- ter of Finance. One man after another was tried in this office, but all alike failed. ISTecker, an honest and capable man, only PART I THE FRENCn DEVOLUTION AND NAPOLEON 17 revealed the true state of affairs to the public without finding any remedy for it. Calonne resorted to dangerous speculation which soon impaired the national credit. Brienne suggested that the nobles and the clergy be taxed, but they refused, and he laid down his office. There seemed no way out of the diffi- culty but to appeal to the people. This the King did by sum- moning the States-General, and by this step he inaugurated the Revolution. That tremendous period was so violent and so sanguinary that it has been too often ji;dged by its wantonness and its ex- cesses. It was the bane of the Revolution that its course was guided by the Parisian populace; and that populace was indeed a scurrilous crew. The men and women that composed it were vulgar, coarse, ignorant, and brutal. Their cruelty and bloodthirstiness took away from the movement the dignity that should have belonged to so vast and significant an upris- ing. The self-control, the moral earnestness, and the noble love of freedom that characterized the English resistance to Charles I. were conspicuously wanting in Paris in 1789, when a mob of fishwives and drunken rioters made the streets run with blood. But it must be remembered that even while the worst atrocities of the time were being perpetrated, grave, dignified, and wise attempts at legislation were being made.^ It was not in vain that Louis XVI. summoned the States- Gen- eral, though he little dreamed that the Parliament he called into being would sweep the feudal structure of society utterly away. Three national legislatures sat in Paris during the revolu- tionary period. The first was called the National Assembly (later the Constituent Assembly), and grew out of the States- General called together by the King. When the three estates met at Versailles on May 5, 1789, the people's representatives found that the clergy and the nobles insisted that the three orders should not vote individually, but by class. This would mean that the third, or people's class, would always be de- feated by a vote of two to one. For the clergy and the nobility 1 All over Frniice tlie grave problems of the hour were receiving due con- sideration, and many exeellent schemes of reform were proposed. Hence, iu adopting new and progressive legislation, the Assembly was but obeying the will of the nation. Consult tlie {'ahicn-s, or memorials, contained iu the " Archives Parlemeutaires," 1 Serie, Tome 3. c 18 THE LATIN NATIONS book i would invariably combine against the people. If, however, the deputies voted individually, the people could outvote the other two estates combined; for their representatives were 584, while the clergy numbered 291, and the nobles 270. As the first two estates would not consent to individual voting, the third estate took matters into their own hands, formed an as- sembly of their own, and invited the nobles and the clergy to join them, which some members of these two orders reluctantly did. The National Assembly sat until September 30, 1791. It was quite the most dignified and respectable of the three legis- lative bodies that are connected with the Revolution, and its work was of benefit to France. Some of its legislation was chiefly destructive in character; for it could not build a new order of society on mediseval foundations. Accordingly, it passed the famous Declaration of Rights,^ thereby establishing equality for all; it swept away the peerage, hereditary dis- tinctions, and all feudal privileges ; and it changed the King's title from "King of France" to "King of the French." But the work of upbuilding also received due attention. For a new Constitution was gradually framed; the right of suffrage was given to the people, though based upon a property quali- fication; trial by jury was established for criminal cases; the country was divided into eighty-three departments, the old division into provinces being abolished; and to save the nation from bankruptcy, the lands of the clergy were appropriated and sold. When the King had sworn to defend the new Constitution, the National Assembly considered that its labors were com- pleted, and it accordingly dispersed. Its successor, which was called the Legislative Assembly, met first on October 1, 1791. It was dominated by the Mountain, a vehement and aggressive body which sat on the higher benches of the Left, and was largely composed of tlie Jacobins and the Cordeliers. Con- trolled by such turbulent spirits, the Assembly forgot that its mission was to revise the laws, and engaged in a bitter and 1 The language of the decree was : Toutes distinctions honorifiques superio- rite et puissance re'sultantes du regime feodal sont abolies. Also: La foi- hommage, et tout autre service personnel, auquel les vassaux, censitaires et tenanciers ont ete assujettes insqn'a present, sont abolis. — "Archives Parle- meutaires," 1 Serie, Tome 2, 501. PART 1 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND NAPOLEON 19 deadly conflict with royalty. Wild scenes took place during its sittings. Austria, Prussia, and Piedmont combined to restore Louis XVI. to his full powers and privileges, and France was therefore threatened with foreign invasion. Infu- riated by this danger the populace of Paris made Danton their leader, overawed the Assembly, invaded the Tuileries, and sacked the palace, after butcliering the Swiss guards. The King found protection with the Assembly, but he and his family were henceforth imprisoned in the Temple. Soon after this the prisons were broken open, and twelve hundred persons, including a hundred priests, were slain. The beautiful Princess de Lamballe was among the victims. Unable to control the bloodthirsty Parisian rabble, the Leg- islative Assembly was obliged to bring its sittings to an end and to order the election of a new National Convention. That Convention assembled on September 21, 1792, and began its unprecedented and infamous career. Its proceedings were not uniformly bad, for it saved France from invasion, and some of its legislative measures were wise and progressive. To the Convention is due the admirable metric system of weights and measures, and the foundation of several excellent educational institutions. But its iniquities were so great that it will always be remembered by the evil that it did rather than the good. For it sent the King to the guillotine, and it inaugu- rated the Reign of Terror. That awful period lasted four hundred and twenty days, from May 31, 1793, to July 27, 1794, and before it closed, the guillotine had counted some of the most distinguished men and women of France among its victims. The Queen, Madame Roland, Danton, and a host of less notable persons were sacrificed in the desecrated name of Liberty. But Robespierre, who was chiefly responsible for this wholesale butchery, overreached himself. The Conven- tion found that he was plotting the death of many of its mem- bers; so it rose against him, overthrew him, and sent him to the guillotine on July 28, 1794. This done, the people's thirst for blood was sated, and the Convention was able to establish order once more. Acting with great vigor, it sup- pressed riots, and, in June, 1795, it adopted a new Constitu- tion, which vested the executive power in a Directory of five, and the legislative in a Council of Elders, — consisting of 20 THE LATIN NATIONS book i two hundred and fifty members, — and a Council of Five Hundred. This system had merits, but it did not please the Eoyalists. They wished a government more monarchical in character, and incited an insurrection against the Convention. Napoleon Bonaparte was chosen to suppress the uprising. He greeted the insurgents with grape-shot; they scattered in confusion, and order reigned undisturbed. The Convention, having thus provided the country with a government, brought its sessions to an end. Its career had lasted three years; more than six years had passed since the States-General were summoned in 1789. In these six years the monarchy had been overthrown, feudal institutions had been swept away, and the people had assumed control of national affairs. These changes had not, indeed, taken place without terrible disturbance. All Europe had shuddered at the excesses of the French Revolution. Its barbarities, its license, and its indecencies had brought lasting reproach upon the French nation. Yet, wild, horrible, and stormy as the period was, it was still a period of progress. The first attempt of the French people at self-government was costly, but it had been made. In the midst of bloodshed, horror, and chaos the foundations of democracy had been laid. The Directory set itself manfully to the task of reanimating the prostrate nation. . Its measures were wise and were crowned with success. Trade revived; agriculture, the arts, and the manufactures began to flourish; insurrection was suppressed; a Royalist conspiracy was promi^tly crushed. The financial distress was temporarily relieved by a forced loan, though this merely postponed the day of national bankruptcy. The nation ultimately repudiated its debts of over six billion dollars. But it was in the field that the Directory was obliged to display especial energy. In 1794 France had driven the Austrians out of Belgium, subjugated Holland, and established the Rhine as her frontier. But these successes had united Russia, Austria, and Great Britain against her, and her con- dition was becoming desperate. Fortunately, however, she had able generals to send against her enemies, and her armies restored her prestige by a series of brilliant victories. Hoche and others showed uinisual military genius; but quite the most remarkable of these commanders was Napoleon Bonaparte. PART I THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND NAPOLEON 21 Born in Corsica in 1769/ Bonaparte was at this time twenty- six years of age. He was sliort of stature, pale, and slender, but possessed of enormous energy. Men of unusual force quailed before his masterful temper. His father, a quiet, indo- lent man, belonged to an Italian family that had migrated to Corsica early in the sixteenth century. His mother was a native Corsican. From her he probably derived much of his tiery vehemence, and perhaps, also, some of his bourgeois traits and instincts. For, thougli beautiful, she was ignorant and uncultivated. In his youth Napoleon did not show re- markable promise. He was solitary and unsocial at the mili- tary school at Brienne, which he attended for five years; and not until the Revolution did his powers begin to reveal them- selves. He was in Paris in 1792, attached himself to Robes- ])ierre, and, after the tyrant's downfall, was imprisoned. Escaping, he distinguished himself by crushing the insurrec- tion of OQtober 5, 1795, as already mentioned. Appointed by the Directory to take the field against the Austrians, he entered Italy in March, 1796, and in less than a year was master of the country. The Austrian armies could not stand before his vigorous onslaughts, and were driven entirely out of Italy. In December, 1797, Bonaparte returned to France; but, though the people received him with enthusi- asm, the Directory was rendered uneasy by his presence, for it viewed his growing popularity with alarm. Accordingly, in May, 1798, it despatched him to Egypt, where he made new conquests, but met with some reverses. His plans were frus- trated by Nelson, who destroyed his fleet on August 1, in the Battle of the Nile, and he found that he was sorely needed at home; for France had met with a series of disasters during his absence. Its armies had been defeated, and it was threatened with loss of territory. So Bonaparte returned to Paris in October, 1799, overthrew the weak Directory, and established the Consulate in its place. 1 The accepted date of Napoleon's birth is August 15, 176!); but it is bj' no means certain that he was not born on January 7 of the preceding year. At any rate, the Corsican records show that on this latter date Iiis mother gave birth to a son named Nabulione. Jung (Bonaparte et son Temps, 2 vols., 1S80) ari;u(!s that January 7, 17()S, is the correct date, ami tliat, in order to gain admission to the military school at Hrieuiie, for wliicli he was really too old. Napoleon represented himself as the second son instead of the eldest, and i;lainied to be a year and a half younger than he actually was. 22 THE LATIN NATIONS book i The newly constituted Government consisted of three Con- suls, a Council of State, a Senate composed of eighty life members, and a Legislative Body of three hundred. But Napoleon was really the Government. He was made T'irst Consul, and he took all the power into his own hands. Acting Avitli great vigor and energy, he reentered Italy and gained a brilliant victory over the Austrians at Marengo, on June 14, 1800. Six months later Moreau inflicted a crushing defeat upon them at Hohenlinden. Weary of the long conflict, Aus- tria signed, in February, 1801, the Treaty of Luneville, which allowed France to keep Belgium and the Rhine frontier; and in March, 1802, the Peace of Amiens was ratified between France and England. Thus Napoleon was now free to devote himself to those internal reforms that were sorely needed. For France was, for a great civilized nation, in a very peculiar condition. She had neither laws nor institutions. The Revolution had swept the old order away without establishing a new one in its place. Napoleon, therefore, had before him at once a great task and a great opportunity. The country needed the hand of a states- man; and Napoleon showed himself a statesman in what he did for France, even if he did not evince first-rate constructive genius. He set himself to the work of restoration with great energy, and under his vigorous hand new institutions sprang rapidly into life. The more important results which he ac- complished may be summarized as follows : — I. He restored the Catholic Church to its old supremacy. The wealth which had been taken from it during the Revolu- tion was not returned; but it now received a subsidy from the State of about $10,000,000. As France was a Catholic coun- try, this step was natural and justifiable; but in taking it Napoleon was actuated by interested motives.^ He wished to deprive the Bourbons of the support of the Church and to make the Pope his ally. And in this end he succeeded. The Church of Rome has always been the firm friend of the Bonapartes. Napoleon III. recognized this alliance, and in his relations with the Church, as in many other respects, he adopted his uncle's policy. 1 Napoleon's hatred for the Pope and the Catholic Church was bitter and rancorous. — Fortnightly Review, 370, N. S., 5(i7. PART I THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND NAPOLEON 23 II. Napoleon reconstructed the educational system of the country, though with indiiferent success. His greatest achieve- ment in this direction was the establislinient of the University. It was a remarkable institution, and it still exists. But in organizing it Napoleon showed at once the crudity of his mind and his ever active desire for his own aggrandizement. For he gave it a narrow intellectual tone, and he shaped its use to the needs of his own government. In its courses of study mathematics and science received the eminent position that was due them; but history, theology, and political science were neglected, and the ancient languages secured but little^ attention. And while the end of the University was instruc- tion and research, it was also expected to turn out officers ready made for State purposes. Moreovei-, the interests of secondary education were almost sacrificed to this one insti- tution. III. The judicial system was made over and rendered far more efficient. The Revolution had created an elective judi- ciary. Napoleon had the judges appointed to their positions by the Government. And the processes of the courts were also changed and improved. IV. A series of codes was prepared, which gave the nation a complete and admirable body of statutes. The codes were four in number: (a) Code Civil, which received the name Code Napoleon; (5) Code de Commerce; (c) Code Penal; (d) Code d'Instruction Criminelle. The preparation of these codes was an enormous task, and Napoleon could do no more than inaugurate it, and give his judgment on disputed points as the work went on. And his judgment was not always good, as he sometimes opposed useful reforms.^ Yet the credit of the work must, on the whole, belong to Napoleon, without whom it could not have been begun or carried through. V. The country was sadly in need of a system of local gov- ernment, and this Napoleon gave it. But with a view to strengthening his own power, he brought the communes into too close a relation with the central authority. In tliis way, the Government was able to make itself autocratic and obstruct 1 For Napoleon's not altojiether fortunate induence on the Code Civil, con- sult Lanfrey's " History of Napoleon," H. KiO et seq. 24 THE LATIN NATIONS book i tlie growth of democracy. France has never ceased to suffer from the centralization established by Napoleon.^ VI. In order to put the finances of the nation in a sounder condition, the Bank of France was established. By this means the Government was brought into relation with the monetary system of the country, and a greater measure of stability was given to financial operations. VII. The Legion of Honor was founded with a view to en- couraging exemplary conduct. The old. nobility had been swept away by the Revolution. Napoleon wished to create a new aristocracy which would be devoted to the power that gave it being. The Legion of Honor, therefore, was a means of fur- thering his own personal ends; but in rousing ambition it served a useful purpose. From this summary it may be seen that France owes much to Napoleon's administrative and reforming genius. His measures were not always wise, and they were colored by per- sonal ambition; but they fairly entitle their author to be con- sidered one of the great civilizing forces of the nineteenth century, and they do not merit the destructive criticism with which they are sometimes visited.^ Napoleon's conduct of affairs was indorsed by the nation. In August, 1802, he was made Consul for life with the right of naming his successor, more than three million five hundred thousand votes being cast in his favor. But his reformatory career was soon interrupted. His attitude was aggressive and alarmed the great powers. England quarrelled with him over the island of Malta, and declared war upon France, in 1803. Other countries fell out with him, as his conduct was some- times high-handed and offensive. In March, 1804, he shocked and startled the sovereigns of Europe by ordering the arrest and execution of the Due d'Enghien.*' This imfortunate young 1 This excessive centralization was perpetuated rather than created by- Napoleon, for it had characterized the government of France for a long time. 2 Taiue and Lanfrey are two of Napoleon's severest critics, though the latter, at least, is an impartial one. Taiue is excessively analytical and hardly recognizes the part Napoleon played in the march of events ; but his knowl- edge of institutions is profound and his study of the period extremely valu- able. For the essence of Taine's estimate see " The Modern Re'gime," I. 132- 137 (Holt's edition). 3 This act has been almost universally condemned and can hardly be justi- fied. But for a fair presentation of Napoleon's side of the case consult Rope's "The First Napole.ui," Ch. 11. PART 1 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND NAPOLEON 25 nobleman was connected with tlie house of Bourbon, As he was suspected of being an accomplice in a plot against the life of the First Consul, he was seized on the neutral soil of Baden and brought to Paris and shot. So great was the indignation excited by the act throughout Europe that Napoleon's friends deemed it necessary to strengthen his position. Accordingly, the Tribune and the Senate proposed that he be made Emperor. The people ratified the proposal, and Napoleon was crowned on December 2, 1804. Now followed the most triumphant period of his career. Great Britain formed coalition after coalition against him, but in vain. His former successes were eclipsed by new and aston- ishing victories. He crushed the combined Austrian and Russian armies at Austerlitz in 1805. Prussia was humbled by the battles of Jena and Auerstadt in 1806. In 1807 he unwisely conquered Spain, and placed his brother Joseph on the Spanish throne. His prospects were somewhat dubious in 1809; for in that year the Austrians again took the field against him with powerful and well-commanded armies. But by the help of strategy, daring, and good fortune he saved himself, and gained the decisive victory of Wagram on July 6. But his power was on the wane. Wellington was gradually driving the French armies out of Spain. Nelson had shattered the sea power of France at Trafalgar in 1805. Napoleon's forces were now recruited from the striplings of the nation;^ yet he believed that he could maintain himself against Europe with an army of young men and boys. Even calamity did not dismjty him. In 1812 he conducted a disastrous expedition into Russia, in which he lost over two hundred thousand men.^ Yet in the following year he drove Austria into war by fool- ishly refusing the concessions which Metternich demanded. The allies brought vast armies into the field against him, and shattered his power at Leipsic, on October 18, 1813. In vain did he try to retrieve his fortunes. The allies in- vaded France. He opposed them with consummate skill and energy. But they reached Paris and forced it to capitulate. 1 In 181.3 Metternich said to him, "I have seen your soldiers : they are mere children." " Memoirs," I. 18!l (Scribner's edition of 1880). 2 A moderate estimate. See p. 4()'.» in II. B. George's " Napoleon's Invasion of Russia" (181)1)). 26 THE LATIN NATIONS book i Napoleon no longer had the nation with him. Kather than occasion a civil war, he abdicated, on April 6, 1814, and was banished to Elba. Breaking loose from that island in March of the following year, he made his way to France. His pres- ence was enough to upset the existing government. The old generals and soldiers rallied to his standard. Louis XVIII., who had been placed upon the French throne, was obliged to flee. But Napoleon's downfall was only a question of time. Once more the great powers united against him. His power lasted only a Hundred Days. On June 18, Wellington and Bliicher defeated him at Waterloo, The rout was complete. He was utterly crushed and broken by that one battle ; but its importance has been greatly exaggerated by English pride. For had Napoleon driven Wellington from the field, he could not long have averted irretrievable disaster. He did not have an undivided France behind him; and the vast forces of the allies would have speedily overwhelmed his scant battalions. It is not easy to estimate Napoleon's place in history. Judged from the moral point of view, he failed. His egotism was colossal; his nature was coarse; his ambitions were selfish. He was inferior, not only to such pure-minded patriots as Epaminondas and Washington, but even to such mixed char- acters as Alexander and Julius Caesar. By many he has been regarded as a monster of evil; and some of his fairest critics consider that his influence on the French nation and character has been pernicious. Even his reforms, they declare, were only a natural sequence of the Revolution, and would have come about without his agency. * But history often shows that a selfish man is an instrument of good. Napoleon embodied the levelling influences of his time, and it was by falling in with those tendencies that he made himself great. He was born into a restless age. He saw thrones tottering and the people asserting themselves. Acting out the spirit of his age, he rose from obscurity to power, trod ancient monarchies under foot, and made France greater than she had ever been under her kings. True, he ruled her like an autocrat and he left her exhausted. But his civil government was able and progressive; and his very great- ness was a menace to the kings who followed him. They,, the representatives of privilege, were feeble and commonplace; PART I THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND NAPOLEON 27 he, the self-made ruler, was the mightiest sovereign of his time.^ Altogether, his stormy career seemed a natural and fitting conclusion to the chaos of the Revolution. In a rude, imperfect way it carried forward the work which the Revolu- tion had begun; but after the Reign of Terror it was much that the work was carried on at all. 1 Metternich's penetrating and dispassionate judgment of Napoleon is in- teresting: "Napoleon's practical mind enabled laim to understand the needs of a country where the social edifice had to be rebuilt. ... He was a born conqueror, legislator, and administrator, and he thought he could indulge all these inclinations at once. His undoubted genius furnished him with the means of doing so. The sentiment of the enormous majority of the nation would have been entirely with him, if he had confined himself to the duties of government." "Memoirs," L 86. See also the Portrait of Napoleon in the same volume, pp. 269-286. CHAPTER II . THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. — THE BOURBON RESTORATION. — LOUIS PHILIPPE Napoleon had caused a mighty upheaval. He effaced old boundaries and made new ones. He dethroned kings and princes. He swept states out of existence, and materially changed the map of Europe. Accordingly, no single hand could undo what he had done. Only the great powers, acting in concert, could settle the disputes that inevitably arose after his overthrow. His first abdication was made on April 6, 1814. In September of that year the famous Congress of Vienna assembled to readjust European affairs. It was indeed a notable gathering. It included the sovereigns of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, many minor princes, and diplomatic representatives from every country in Europe, excepting Tur- key. Therefore its character was highly conservative. It had not met in the interests of progress. Rather did it embody the very spirit of intolerance and absolutism. Democracy had no friends in that august body. It was assembled in the inter- ests of the privileged few. It was sure to do everything it could to put liberty in perpetual chains. Very deliberately and with much ostentation the Congress proceeded with its work. It had difficult questions to settle, and it settled them very slowly. Its tardy deliberations ^ were made much more tardy by Talleyrand. That astute ai)d unscrupulous Frenchman delayed every decision as long as possible in the interests of his country. Prostrate and crippled as France was, she could but gain by procrastination. So the proceedings dragged on until Napoleon's return from 1 It should be added that this famous Congress did not meet in general con- clave, and was not, strictly speaking, a deliberative body. Its work was done through committees. 28 PART I THE BOURBON RESTORATION 29 Elba startled the leisurely diplomats into more energetic action. In June, 1815, they finished their work. They restored Europe to her former condition. All that i^apoleon accomplished was, as far as possible, undone. Some new adjustments, it is true, were made. Saxony was divided between Prussia and its own King. A new partition of Poland was agreed upon. Some small districts were taken from the Papal States and given to France and Austria. Denmark was obliged to cede Norway to Sweden. But the old dynasties dethroned by Napoleon were restored. Constitutions were disallowed. Democratic principles were smothered. Europe was given over to the will of its rulers. The desj)otism of the Middle Ages seemed to be restored ; and Napoleon had apparently put the cause of popular liberty back for a whole generation, so great was the reaction from his turbulent career and from the excesses of the French Kevolution. But the potentates of Vienna little dreamed what a hopeless task they had under- taken. They did not realize that all Europe was in ferment. To them rebellion seemed wanton and wicked — an evil tiling, which must forever be laid to rest. But the people were learn- ing to regard it as a sacred right, by which alone they could win their liberty. The Age of Revolution was at hand. And nothing could have been more sure to breed revolution in France than the action of the allies in restoring the Bour- bons to the throne. Upon Napoleon's downfall they made the Count of Provence King. He was brother of Louis XVI., and as Louis XVIII. he began his reign. The title of Louis XVII. was awarded by the Royalists to Louis the Dauphin, that unhappy youth who died from ill usage in the Temple Tower. His kingdom was a prison and suffering his only crown. Louis XVIII. came to the throne under unfavorable circum- stances. He belonged to the hated Bourbon line; he was placed in power by the enemies of France. Naturally, there- fore, he was viewed with suspicion by the French people. But for a Bourbon he showed himself liberal and progressive. He issued a charter granting a limited franchise, and providing for the election of a Chamber of Deputies. He allowed very few of Napoleon's partisans to be executed; and he allied him- self at first with the moderate party and not with the most extreme and uncompromising lioyalists. Thus something had 30 THE LATIN NATIONS book i plainly been accomplished by the Revolution. The restoration of the Bourbons did not mean the restoration of absolute mon- archy. A Constitution had been granted. The rights of the people were, in some feeble measure, recognized. True, the King restored the peerage and kept the power of legislation in his own hands. But even so, the tyranny and the manifold abuses of the ancient regime no longer existed. The newly established Chamber of Deputies had but a brief career. It sympathized with the gentry, not with the people. Its ten- dencies were reactionary. It favored the restoration of feudal privileges. Louis therefore dissolved it, declaring at the same time that he would rule in accordance with the Constitu- tion. Still remaining true to the moderate Royalists, he made one of their number, the Duke Decazes, Prime Minister. So for a time his conduct was liberal, and the more arrogant nobles were rebuked. Not they, but the middle classes exer- cised control. But in 1820 the Duke of Berri, nephew of the King and heir to the throne, was assassinated. The Royalists were excited and indignant. They worked upon the King's mind and per- suaded him to dismiss Decazes. This done, they found it easy to dictate the royal policy and to shape legislation in favor of their own reactionary schemes ; and it was all the more easy to accomplish them because foreign events furthered their plans. In Spain and Italy insurrections had broken out against the Bourbon princes ruling there ; and Louis was called upon by the Holy Alliance to crush the uprising in Spain. This mandate he could not but carry out. The Holy Alliance had been formed at Paris in 1815 by the rulers of Russia, Aus- tria, and Prussia. Ostensibly designed to perpetuate peace and to carry Christian principles into the practices of govern- ment, it was really a conspiracy against the liberty of Europe. But Louis was its beneficiary and was obliged to be its tool. He sent an army into Spain and replaced Ferdinand VII. on his throne. Thus, the country which had sent its own king to the guillotine had become the champion of despotic mon- archy. The reactionary course that had now been fairly inaugurated was continued to the end of Louis's reign. In- trigue and corruption were rife. Elections were manipulated in the interests of the central authority. Ecclesiastical bigotry PART I THE BOURBON RESTORATION 31 began to sway government counsels. France seemed to be turn- ing away from democratic principles and to be tending toward absolutism and privilege. And this tendency was increased when Louis died, in 1824, and was succeeded by Charles X. Charles was brother of Louis XVL and Louis XV III., but quite unlike them in char- acter and bent of mind. Louis XVIII. was, like Louis XVL, kind-hearted, gentle, moderate in opinion, and not at heart opposed to all ideas of progress. Indeed, he may be consid- ered one of the best of the Bourbons, He possessed, it is true, the vices of his line. He was fond of ease, voracious, %nd self-indulgent; and, in consequence, he grew gouty and corpulent. But he loved literature and art; and he had the tastes and the address of a polished gentleman. Charles X., however, was conservative, narrow, and intolerant. He loved the past; he turned instinctively from all liberal ideas. He was kindly, like his brothers, but firm in his adherence to his bigoted and reactionary views. As Count of Artois he had exercised a vicious influence, not only in the reign of Louis XVIII. , but even before the Revolution. For he steadily opposed all liberal and progressive measures. Naturally, then, he proved but a sorry monarch. He did not fit into the nineteenth century. From the first he at- tempted to rule as if France were still an absolute monarchy. He revived worn-out rites and ceremonies. He endeavored to restore primogeniture. He attached excessive penalties to thefts committed on churches. His crowning act of folly, however, was his attempt to fetter free speech. For he tried to establish a censorship of the press and to prevent the pub- lication of all iitterances obnoxious to his own intolerant views. But happily his effort was not successful. Literature could not have thrived under such restriction, A premium would have been placed on bigotry and adulation of power. But though checked in this direction, he continued his tyran- nical policy. In 1827 he disbanded the National Guard for crying out against his ministers. This high-handed act was extremely unwise and excited great indignation. The National Guard was composed of worthy and well-to-do citizens. So the King, in suppressing it, was creating enemies who were by no means to be despised. Not long after this he dissolved 32 THE LATIN NATIONS book i the Chamber of Deputies ; but the liberal majority iu the new Assembly was so great that his Ministers were compelled to resign. Their successors introduced liberal measures. Charles, accordingly, dismissed them, and asked Prince Polignac to form a new ministry. Now, Prince Polignac was one of the most narrow and bigoted of the reactionist nobles. Popular rights had no more determined enemy than he, and Charles did the most unwise thing possible in selecting him for Prime Minister. By doing so he really started a crusade against the people ; and in such a contest the people were in the end sure to Avin. They were not weak and exhausted as they were after Napoleon's over- throw. Ever since the Bourbon restoration they had been exercising their native thrift and economy, and had been growing prosperous. With prosperity came strength, confi- dence, and assertion of rights. INIoreover, the press, in spite of Charles's attempts to control it, was formidable. Its sym- pathies were liberal. It clainored loudly against Prince Polignac's appointment. So the King Avas confronted by enemies on every side. Still he persisted in his course. As a result the Deputies passed a vote of no confidence, in March, 1830. This angered the King and he dissolved the Chamber. But the electors of the nation were Avith the Deputies. In the new Chamber the majority against Polignac Avas stronger than ever. The King had therefore received a rebuke, and Avith characteristic arro- gance he determined upon a trial of strength with the people. On July 26, 1830, he issued five ordinances of a despotic and arbitrary character. He decreed : (1) that the liberty of the press should be suspended; (2) that the ncAv Chamber of Deputies should be dissolved; (3) tliat the franchise should be restricted to property holders ; (4) that a new Chamber of Deputies should be chosen in accordance Avith this limited right of suffrage; (5) that certain of the most extreme Royal- ists should be appointed to the new Council of State. These ordinaiices brought on a revolution. The citizens of Paris seized arms and barricaded the streets. Charles endeav- ored to suppress them by the military ; but the troops finally fraternized Avith the insurgents, and his cause became hope- less. Polignac fled in disguise. Charles abdicated and made PART I THE BOURBON RESTORATION 33 his home in England, where he died in 1836. In resigning his throne, Charles had declared his grandson, the Duke of Bordeaux, his successor. This youth, who was the son of the Duke of Berri, was born September 29, 1820, seven months after his father's assassination. As he was the last Bourbon prince of the direct line, his claims to the throne were strongly- championed by the Legitimist nobles. But France was thor- oughly tired of the Bourbons. The young Duke of Bordeaux was at once set aside. The nation would not seriously consider him as a royal candidate; and his recognition by the despotic Charles X. was certainly nothing in his favor. Nor did it seem appropriate that the throne should be offered to any one. Monarchy was in bad odor; why not end it? Such was the feeling of many; and tliey seemed to have reason on their side. Under her kings France had suffered such abuses that the Revolution of 1789, with its horrible excesses, was the natural sequence. She had given royalty a second trial, and now it had failed a second time, — and failed igno- miniously. What could so fittingly spring out of its ruins as a republic ? But the truth was, democracy had to grow slowly on French soil. The nobles were uncom2:)romising adherents of royalty, and in many districts they had great influence with the peas- antry. The masses were not well educated, were unaccus- tomed to the franchise, and were obedient to the priests. In the cities the working classes were one moment quiet, the next explosive, violent, and riotous. The national imagination, moreover, is excitable and easily captivated. The French eagerly welcome a hero; and not unjustly has Napoleon's in- fluence on the mind of the nation been pronounced unwhole- some. Ever since his day the multitudes have looked for a great captain, wlio would restore the glorious days of Marengo and Austerlitz. It is not strange, then, that forty years after the outbreak of tlie Revolution France was not ripe for democratic institu- tions. There were those who wished to see a republic estab- lished after the abdication of Charles X. To them no form of monarchy seemed endurable. But they had to bide their time. The sober and thoughtful leaders of the nation were not with them. 'I'bey turned ratlier to the idea of <;onstitutional mon- 34 THE LATIN NATIONS book i archy. Lafayette agreed with them. He had been made com- mander of the National Guard during the uprising against Charles. His influence, which had long been under a cloud, was just now considerable. Theoretically he believed that the American Constitution was the only perfect form of gov- ernment. But that France was not ready for it he admitted. This was the view of the Duke of Orleans, the new candidate for the throne. Lafayette called upon him, was pleased with his liberal professions, and gave him his support. Thiers, Guizot, and other leaders also favored him. He was, there- fore, made Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, and afterward crowned. The Duke of Orleans took the title of Louis Philippe, and was known as the "citizen king." He was the son of Philip Egalite, who was guillotined in 1793. Born in 1773, he was old enough to take part in the Revolution, was a member of the Jacobin Club, and fought at Valmy and Jemappes. After his father's execution he wandered for many years. Prom 1814 to 1830 he lived in England and France. He was vain, insincere, and not over-scrupulous; but his views were liberal, and great things were expected of his reign.- The charter, securing the people's rights, had been newly revised by the Chamber of Deputies and made more liberal. This charter he swore to maintain. He also accepted the crown as the gift of the people, and adopted the tricolor in place of the white flag of the Bourbons. His reign therefore began auspiciously. A distinct gain upon the absolutism of the Bourbons seemed to have been made. The new monarch was limited by the Constitution. As " citizen king " he was to rule for the middle class. Neither privileged nobles nor red-capped rioters were to dic- tate to the government. But these favorable expectations were not realized. Many adverse conditions existed to make a prosperous reign wellnigh impossible. Almost from the beginning the new King encoun- tered opposition. A brief review of the course of events from 1830 to 1848 will show what contributed to his final downfall. I. The Government was embarrassed by the parties that divided France. Four of them existed: (1) the Legitimists, who wished to see the Bourbon line restored; (2) the Constitu- PART I LOUIS PHILIPPE 35 tionalists, who believed in a limited constitutional monarchy; (3) the Bonapartists, who hoped to see a member of the Bona- parte family made emperor; (4) the Bepublicans, who believed that the people should rule. Of these parties the Constitution- alists alone gave the King a hearty support, and even they became divided and dissentient. The Republicans were vig- orous and watchful. It began to seem as if nothing could rob them of ultimate success. II. The military operations of the reign were successful, and yet not wholly creditable. In 1832 an expedition was despatched to Mexico. The government of that country had offended France ; but it was speedily brought to terms when the French fleet bombarded the fort of San Juan of Ulua. In three hours the stronghold was in ruins. If no great glory was gained by these wars in miniature, at least no loss of reputation was incurred. But in the struggle with Algeria France made a sorry showing before the world. The war had been first iindertaken in the preceding reign. The Dey of Algiers had insulted a French consul, and, in 1827j the French attempted to bring him to terms. They succeeded, but it took them twenty years to conquer the country. The native Kabyles, under a brilliant leader named Abd-el-Kader, long defied them. Abd-el-Kader did not know defeat. When vanquished, he began the struggle again with undiminished courage. The French resented this fierce re- sistance. They ruthlessly destroyed buildings, and were guilty of many barbarities. But their crowning atrocity was the affair of the caves of Dahra. There nearly a thousand human beings were pent up and suffocated to death. So great was the indignation caused by this inliuman act that Marshal Soulfc, the head of the war department, felt called upon to de- nounce it. Even so, the Government hardly escaped censure; and it was severely criticised for its dishonorable treatment of Abd-el-Kader. That gallant emir was in the end obliged to surrender; and after doing so, in good faith, was rewarded with a dungeon. Louis Napoleon, Avith nicer sense of honor, released him. Altogether, the French derived small credit and renown from their wars under Louis Philippe. TIL Formidable insurrections broke out during the reign, and a number of attempts were made to assassinate the King. 36 THE LATIN NATIONS book i In 1831 there was a serious uprising in Lyons. In 1834 still more dangerous riots occurred both in Lyons and in Paris. The Government fomented disaffection by suppressing secret societies ; and before it quelled the disturbances, much blood was shed and terrible atrocities were perpetrated. A less troublesome rebellion was occasioned by the Duchess of Berri, in 1832. She appealed to the people of La Vendee to support the claims of her son. But the uprising was easily suppressed, and her own scandalous behavior bereft her of all her partisans. Three attempts were made upon the King's life in 1835 and 1836. Four more occurred in 1840 and 1846. In 1847 the crops were scant in the central and western dis- tricts of France. Food became scarce and riots broke out.^ They were of such a threatening character that the army was strengthened. But this act did not lessen the growing dis- content. IV. Political rivalry seriously increased the difficulties of the reign. The two ablest statesmen of the time were Guizot and Thiers. Unfortunately they did not unite in supporting the King as they had united in elevating him to the throne. The truth was, each of these eminent personages wished to be the foremost man in France, and both could not be. They grew jealous of each other, and their enmity became open, bitter, and incurable. Thus, the very ones who should have made the King secure contributed to bring about his down- fall. V. Mismanagement of affairs was a fruitful source of sedi- tion. The King tried various Prime Ministers, but none of them proved highly successful, Thiers was appointed in 1836 and again in 1840; but his term of office was short on each occasion. After his second retirement Guizot came to the front. He was first the controlling figure of the government under Marshal Soult, and later Prime Minister himself. Under his administration matters were tranquil for a while; but, as time passed, his policy called forth much hostile criti- cism and weakened the throne. He alienated England by 1 For an account of the economic conditions in France from the Restoration to 1848, consult "Histoire du Systeme Protecteur en France," par M. Pierre Clement, Chs. YI and VII. PART I LOUIS PlllLirPE 37 favoring the Spanish Marriages.^ He offended the Liberals by turning from Lord Palmerston, the Liberal English states- man, and lending an ear to reactionists like Metternich. And the whole country was disgusted with his conduct of domestic affairs. For official corruption was overlooked, the elections were manipulated by the Government, fraud and intrigue characterized all the business of the State. Guizot was personally honest, and he defended himself against his critics with splendid eloquence and magnificent courage. But by the year 1848 his cause had become hope- less, and his downfall involved that of the King. Discontent now existed everywhere. The reign was a manifest failure. If the people were not tired of constitutional monarchy, they were at least tired of Louis Philippe as a constitutional mon- arch. He had not shown himself the people's servant. He had been self-willed and arbitrary. Moreover, he was held responsible, and to some extent justly, for the scandals of Guizot's administration. Consequently, in February, 1848, the people of Paris rose in rebellion. They were met by force, and had force been used promptly and unsparingly, the move- ment might possibly have been suppressed. But the King hesitated and was lost. On February 24 he abdicated in favor of his grandson, the Count of Paris; and, like Charles X., he ended his days in England. He died near London in 1850. 1 The Spanish Marriages, which were bronsht about in 1846, were the result of ail iutrigue between Maria Cliristina of Spain (widow of Ferdinand VII. wlio died in 1S:«) and Louis IMiilippe. It was at first arran(;ed tliat both ri:ili.sts (p. (W). P>ut Louis, as posscssini; greater energy and ability than his brother, seemed better fitted to be the head of a revolutionary movement. 68 THE LATIN NATIONS book i rarily without a head there was no outbreak. On the evening of February 16, 1899, President Faure died suddenly of apo- plexy ; but two days later M. Euiile Loubet, an eminent^ and widely respected man, was quietly elected to the vacant office, and there was no attempt to overthrow the Government beyond an incendiary but utterly futile appeal to the military on the part of one misguided individual. Thus the Eepublic scored a notable triumph ; for M. Loubet was a man of sterling in- tegrity, and though he had not openly expressed himself in favor of Dreyfus, no one doubted that he wished to see jus- tice done and that he would uphold the Court of Cassation's verdict. That verdict was given early in June and was in favor of Dreyfus. The Court expressed its profound conviction that the prisoner had been condemned on insufficient evidence, and that there were grave reasons for considering Colonel Ester- hazy the guilty person. It therefore ordered a new trial. To meet this requirement of the Court, Dreyfus was brought back from Devil's Island, off the coast of French Guiana, where he had been confined ; and after a few weeks was court-martialed anew at Rennes. But his second trial, although not secret like the first, was also nothing better than a travesty of justice. It began on August 7 and lasted for five weeks, during which time many witnesses were called to the stand by the prosecu- tion and by the defence, and a large number of documents that were supposed to bear upon the case were examined. The evidence against the accused was too weak to be worthy of serious consideration, and could not possibly have procured his conviction in any fair-minded court. But the court was not fair-minded. It was composed of seven army officers, and was therefore under that baleful shadow of militarism that was enshrouding the nation. Hence, although Dreyfus was ably defended by Maitre Labori, the distinguished lawyer who had pleaded so powerfully at M. Zola's trial, he was found guilty and was sentenced to imprisonment for ten years. But the Government did not allow the sentence to stand. Upon the recommendation of General Gallifet, the Minister of War, Dreyfus was promptly pardoned by President Loubet and was 1 M. Loubet had been National Deputy, Senator, Minister of Public Works, Prime Minister, and President of the Senate. PART I THE THIRD REPUBLIC 69 thus saved from further confinement, though his honor was not cleared.^ In recommending the pardon of Dreyfus, General Gallifet announced that " the incident was closed." But such was not the view of sober-minded people the world over who had fol- lowed the course of this extraordinary case. A grave injustice had been done, and it remained to be seen whether the French people had the moral strength to right so monstrous a wrong. It was useless to assert that the condemned man had sold secrets to the very allies of France, and that his treasonable doings could not be brought to light without endangering the safety of the nation. The one fact which the world noted was that Dreyfus was never proved guilty. So far as the evidence went, he was an innocent man. It was therefore necessary for the honor of the nation that a verdict which was in utter defiance of law and justice should not go unrighted. To allow it to stand was to acknowledge that the civil power was subservient to the military, and that the republican insti- tutions of the country did not insure the rights of the individ- ual. Government by the people does not exist where a ring of unscrupulous generals can dominate the courts and defeat the ends of justice. But even if the verdict given at E-ennes were to be altered by a higher tribunal, the question would still arise, what polit- ical gains have been made by the French nation since 1789 ? The history of more than a hundred years shows revolution, upheaval, restlessness under every form of government, and at 1 Dreyfus is not the only one who has suffered from the inability of French judges to free their minds from prejudice and render their verdict in accord- ance with facts. The injustice of his sentence may well call to mind the case of the Siamese officer, Pra Yaut, who was condemned by a French court on equally insufficient evidence. While Siam was at war with Frnnce in ]SiK>, Pra Yaut, with a force of Siamese soldiers, attacked a French post on the river Mekouj;, not knowing that the ground where the French were encamped had been newly ceded to France by the Siamese Government. In the course of the engagement the commander of the French post, M. Grosgurin, was killed, and the French accordingly demanded that Pra Yaut should be tried for murder by French judges. This demand the Siamese sovereign. King Chulalongkorn, resisted : but he gave way when a French fleet blockaded the Menam River in July, l.S'.i:5. Although Pra Yaut was ably defended and his innocence of wrong intent was clearly shown, he was condemned by his French judges to twenty years of hard labor. Consult Contemporary Review, 71: WK). 70 THE LATIN NATIONS book i the end a whole people blinded to right and honor by their military idols. Was it for this that the third estate assumed control of the nation and sent Louis XVI. to the scaffold ? Surely democracy should mean something better than political instability and corrupt centralization. But a sober view of this very century of disqiiietude shows that the will of the people, though not always dominant, has yet been respected and has stood in the way of unbridled license and tyranny. It was the voice of the people that com- pelled Louis XVIII. to govern by a Constitution, overthrew Charles X., established Louis Philippe as a "citizen king" and finally drove him into exile, brought the glittering thraldom of the Second Napoleon's reign to an end, and prevented a restora- tion of the bigoted Bourbon line. French people do not indeed assert themselves as the members of a democracy always must assert themselves, if they would secure the largest freedom and build up a great and noble commonwealth. But they have made it plain that they will not allow themselves to be trampled under foot, and it may be doubted whether an auto- cratic rule like that which now oppresses Germany could possi- bly exist in France.^ The very frequency of revolutions during the last hundred years has had its salutary lessons. For no form of government would now dare to establish a regime of tyranny and oppression. To do so would merely hasten its downfall. It may well be questioned, therefore, whether the Republic is near its end. Surely the reactionists have little to gain by setting up a kingdom or an empire. Without the aid of a man of genius they could not maintain such a regime for a single decade. Nor are the signs of the dissolution of the Republic as near as is frequently assumed. Prophecies of its speedy downfall have been rife ever since it was founded, and it must be admitted that it is beset by many dangers. Official corrup- tion, disloyalty in high circles, inadequate parliamentary repre- sentation,- the dominance of militarism, and the indifference of the French peasantry to self-government, all threaten its exist- ence, and while it lives it will dovibtless have a troubled and 1 The better side of French political and industrial life is well presented in " What the World owes to France," The Forum, 28: 283. . "^ Fortniyhtly Review, 68: 536. PART I THE THIRD REPUBLIC 71 precarious life. Yet it may thrive even amid excitement and alarms. For turmoil, change, and excitement seem to compose the Frenchman's native element. These things appeal to the excitable Celtic mind, which loves anything better than monot- ony and unvarying routine. Hence a condition of affairs that would portend ruin and catastrophe in England may be normal and not menacing in France. Even when Paris was most excited over the Dreyfus controversy, its populace was as eager as ever in the pursuit of pleasure, and seemed to regard poli- tics chiefly as a means of affording interesting sensations. Not turbulence, then,- but the strong man, is what the Kepublic has to dread. A seemingly grave crisis may bring no real danger, unless there appears with it the hero who captivates the mind of the nation. Not a pseudo-hero like Boulanger ; not a weak- ling, who presses the claims of a worn-out dynasty. The Republic is too securely founded to be overturned by a man of straw. But the great Napoleon's career might to some extent be repeated by one who had Napoleon's power over men. France has an area of 204,092 square miles, and a population of not quite 39,000,000. The annual expenditure has now reached the figure of $700,000,000. The Government is the Eepublic established by the Consti- tution adopted in 1875, and revised in 1884 and 1885. The legislative power is vested in a Senate and a Chamber of Depu- ties. These two Houses meet in joint session to choose a Presi- dent, whose term is fixed at seven years. But he may be reelected. He appoints and dismisses the Prime Minister and his Cabinet ; promulgates the laws and sees that they are exe- cuted ; disposes of the army and navy ; has the right of pardoning individuals ; and makes all civil and military appointments. He cannot veto laws which the Assembly passes, but can only request a reconsideration of them. The Chamber of Deputies consists of 584 members : 6 of these are for Algeria and 10 for the Colonies. They are chosen for a term of four years by universal suffrage. Every man can vote who is twenty-one years old and has resided for two years in any one town or canton. But convicts and deserters are dis- 72 THE LATIN NATIONS book i francliised. A deputy must be a citizen and must be twenty-five years old. The Senate is composed of 300 members, who are elected for a term of nine years. A third of their number retires every three years. When the Senate was originally organized 75 of its members were appointed for life. But in 1884 it was enacted that as vacancies occurred among these life senatorships they should be filled by election in the ordi- nary way. In France, as in the United States, the senators are not directly chosen by the people. In each department they are appointed by a body composed of delegates from the com- munes, or mu.nicipalities, the members of the council general, and the deputies of the department. A senator must be forty years of age. Both senators and deputies are paid for their services. The local administration of France is largely in the hands of the central Government. The country is divided into 87 departments, including Belfort, which has the character of one; 362 arrondissements ; 2871 cantons; and 36,121 com- mvmes. At the head of each department is a prefect appointed by the Government, who has large executive powers. In the management of local affairs he is assisted by a council gen- eral chosen by universal suffrage. Similarly, there is a sub- prefect, also appointed by the Government, in the chief town of each arrondissement ; and he is assisted by an arrondisse- ment council, also chosen by universal suffrage. The canton is the seat of a justice of the peace, but has no organized government like that of the department and the arrondisse- ment. Each commune is governed by a mayor with the help of one or more assistants, according to its size, and a municipal council. The members of the council are elected by univer- sal suffrage, and they elect the mayor from their own number. As the mayor represents the central Government as well as the commune his duties are sometimes conflicting. The whole system of local government is so contrived as to give enor- mous power to the central authority of the nation. Through the prefects and the sub-prefects, the Government can make itself felt in every community in the land, and can largely direct the management of local affairs. The judicial system of France is not materially different from that established by Napoleon in his Consulate. Simplic- PART I THE THIRD REPUBLIC 73 ity and uniformity are its characteristics. It recognizes two distinct classes of courts : (1) civil and criminal ; (2) administra- tive. But apart from these there are a few special courts. The civil and criminal courts consist of (1) the court of justice of the peace in each canton; (2) the correctional court in each arrondissement ; (3) twenty-six courts of appeal in the principal cities of France ; (4) the Court of Cassation, which sits at Paris, and is the supreme court of appeal for the whole country. Administrative courts try only those cases in which the administration is interested. The cardinal principle of French law is that every case may be heard in more than one court. Judges are appointed by the head of the State, and can- not be removed except by the consent of the Court of Cassa- tion. In serious criminal cases a jury is employed and decides whether the accused is guilty by a majority vote. About eighty per cent of the population is Koman Catholic, but all religions are equal before the law, and every sect which num- bers a hundred thousand is entitled to a grant from the State. Education has made great strides since the Republic was established, and the percentage of illiteracy is rapidly diminish- ing. The Government supervises all public instruction, includ- ing that of the highest schools or universities. The public schoolmaster is a State official. He is appointed by the prefect of his department, and on retiring is entitled to a pen- sion. Primary education is compulsory for all children between the ages of six and fourteen; and is gratuitous. For the purposes of secondary education many schools and colleges have been established throughout the country. But their courses are not compulsory or free. Higher education is given in the Faculties, which furnish instruction in law, medi- cine, science, letters, and theology. There are sixteen of these Faculties in France ; but the most celebrated is the one at Paris, where nearly ten thousand students are sometimes enrolled. The most important industry in France is agriculture, which occupies one-half of the population. But France imports much more food than she exports ; and she also depends on other countries for her raw materials. But her manufacturing inter- ests are extensive, and her exports of cotton, woollen, and silk fabrics, fancy goods, and leather articles, are considerable. She also exports much wine ; but in some years she imports 74 THE LATIN NATIONS book i more. The yearly income of her population is estimated to be six or seven billions of dollars, or a sum which may be roughly computed as equal to her national debt. The total, capital of a nation is always estimated with difficulty, on account of the constant fluctuation in values, and the unceasing accumulation of capital. But the capital of France is probably not far below $50,000,000,000. Even with this enormous total of wealth, it is difficult to raise the annual income. The Government employs both direct and indirect taxation. France has adopted the policy of protection, and derives large revenues from the tax on imports. She also raises considerable sums by controlling four monopolies, viz. tobacco, gunpowder, matches, posts and telegraphs. Without the returns from these monopolies the task of raising a sufficient revenue would be much more seri- ous and difficult. There are four principal direct taxes, which, with some minor taxes, yield $100,000,000 annually. They are the Land Tax ; the Personelle-mobiliere Tax ; the Door and Window Tax ; and the License Tax. France maintains an army of about 525,000 men. Her navy is second only to that of England. CHAPTER V ITALY The Italian peninsula has often been the scene of discord and fierce contention. Not easily have its races blended to form a united people. For the native temper is jealous and stubborn. Rome found it a difficult task to subdue the various tribes and to make them entirely submissive to her rule. When her grasp upon them was relinquished, they became a prey to the invading races, and unity disappeared. But gradually the native peoples asserted themselves. They acquired a new civ- ilization more brilliant than the Roman. Other cities became centres of learning and culture and gave to the fine arts iinpar- alleled development. But they could not unite. Italy was once more divided into dissentient and conflicting powers, as she had been before the days of Roman supremacy. Guelfs and Ghibellines waged fierce war upon each other. Between the great and powerful cities deadly feuds arose. So once more did invaders come over the Alpine barrier and trample Italy under foot. Seeing her weakness, the Northern nations found her a tempting prize. France began the task of despoil- ing her in 1492. Other nations joined in the Avork and made it but too complete. Italy passed almost entirely under foreign rule. Hence, the condition of the Italian people toward the close of the eighteenth century Avas a peculiarly unhappy one. Not only did they lack national unity and constitutional rights, but they did not really have possession of their own country. The so-called Republic of Venice still lingered on and was not dis- solved until 1797. And Savoy, Piedmont, and Sardinia were under the ancient house of Savoy, the heads of which might fairly be considered Italian princes. But the rest of Italy Avas in alien hands. The States of the Church, that large tract of 75 76 THE LATIN NATIONS book i land in the centre of the peninsula, was governed by the Pope, who in all things consulted first the interests of the Church rather than those of Italy. All the territory to the south of the States of the Church, together with Sicily, made the Two Sicilies and was governed by a Spanish line. In the north the duchy of Parma was also under a Spanish prince. France exercised a protectorate over Genoa and Modena. Austria had control over Milan, and Tuscany was governed by an Austrian duke. Self-government, therefore, was needed by no people more than by the Italians. Under these alien rulers they could not be prosperous or happy. The dukes of Tuscany did indeed give their subjects a mild and beneficent rule during the latter half of the eighteenth century, but they were a shining excep- tion among the Italian princes. Most of these petty despots took no interest in the peoples they governed, and allowed them no rights and privileges. Poverty and illiteracy were the peasant's lot. He was treated more like a chattel than a human being. But Bonaparte's conquests in Italy inspired the Italian people with hope. In 1795 and 1796 the Austrians were thoroughly vanquished by the French, and the alien princes were unseated, yenice now lost her ancient institutions and was surrendered to Austria. The King of Sardinia retired from his dominions, and Pope Pius VI. fled to France. Republics were set up in place of the former tyrannies. Bonaparte's expedition to Egypt in 1798 resulted in a temporary loss of supremacy. The generals he had left in Italy could not hold their own when deprived of his leadership, but his reappear- ance on the scene in 1800 soon restored his sway over the whole peninsula. It was not, however, to give the Italians self-gov- ernment that he returned. He swept away old abuses, and gave the country a far more enlightened rule than it had known under its despotic princes. But he made Italy contrib- ute to his own power and advancement. Out of its northern portion he formed a kingdom for himself, after becoming Emperor ; and Naples he made subject to his brother Joseph, and afterwards to his marshal, Murat, who had married his sister Caroline. He finally annexed the States of the Church, deposing Pius VII. as summarily as he had dealt with Pius VI. PART I ITALY 77 And sucli portions of the peninsula as still remained he used as prizes for his generals and relatives. Naturally these arrangements could not outlast Napoleon's own tenure of power. The Congress of Vienna nuide short work with them and reestablished the old despotisms. Venice and Milan were restored to Austria; and Austrian princes were placed over Tuscany and Modena. The Spanish-Bourbon line, represented by Ferdinand I., resumed its sway over Naples ; and Parma also was given back to the Bourbons in the end, though Maria Louisa, Napoleon's wife, ruled it through her lifetime. Piedmont and Sardinia were restored to Victor Emmanuel I., of the House of Savoy, and Genoa was added to his possessions ; and Pius VII. was reinstated over the States of the Church. Thus Italy was no better off than she had been before Napoleon's changes. Her rulers governed without Constitutions. Unity and liberty seemed far away. But the governments established by Napoleon had brought the day of deliverance nearer. They had been short-lived, but they had given the Italians glimpses of independence, of free institu- tions, and of national greatness, that were not forgotten. It was over no willing subjects, then, that the alien princes assumed their despotic sway. And despotic enough that sway proved in most instances. Of the Austrian and Bourbon princes only the Duke of Tuscany showed any liberal sym- pathies. In the States of the Church it was even attempted to restore the Inquisition. And so the Italians organized in secret to accomplish the work of liberation. Secret societies spread throughout the country. The league of the Carbonari (charcoal burners), which had long been in existence, now numbered sixty thousand members. Everywhere the lovers of liberty worked and watched and waited. They were ready to strike at the smallest prompting. In 1820 the prompting came, for the revolution in Spain that occurred in that year occasioned a ferment in Italy. On July 2 a lieutenant in a cavalry regiment serving under the King of Naples incited his soldiers to imitate the Spaniards and refuse to be subjects of a tyrant any longer. His soldiers took fire at his words and raised the banner of revolt. Their spirit was contagious. The movement rapidly spread. King Ferdinand was overawed, and granted the Spanish Constitution 78 THE LATIN NATIONS book i which the Carbonari demanded. He even took a solemn oath to maintain it, in the presence of a large gathering of the people. But his word proved utterly worthless. Metternich was alarmed at the strength of the revolutionary movement. He feared it would sweep through Italy and even into other coun- tries, and he persuaded the Holy Alliance to suppress it. In 1821 Austrian troops Avere sent to restore Ferdinand to all his rights. Prussian troops were to reenforce them if necessary. The leaders of the revolution at Naples made only a feeble stand against this invasion of foreign forces. Unfortunately they had despatched the best of their troops to quell an u]n-is- ing in Sicily, which had not only revolted against Ferdinand's government, but had endeavored to acquire complete indepen- dence and sever its connection with Naples altogether. So, thus weakened, the revolutionary party was easily dispersed. Ferdinand, strengthened by foreign bayonets, broke his oath, withdrew the Constitution he had granted, and reigned more despotically than ever. The press was placed under the strict- est censorship; the schools were closed; the Carbonari were made the object of a relentless persecution. Turin, the capital of the kingdom of Piedmont, was also the centre of a revolution. But here also the movement was sig- nally defeated. The insurgents expected Milan to join in the revolt, and to form North Italy into a united kingdom. Their king should have headed the movement, which was aimed, not merely to secure constitutional rights, but to rid the country of Austrian rule. But Victor Emmanuel was himself a petty tyrant ; and his brother Charles Felix, in whose favor he abdi- cated when the revolution became formidable, was a man of greater decision but equal intolerance. But in Charles Albert, a kindred prince of the House of Savoy, the revolutionists thought they had found a leader. This young man loved liberty and hated Austria; at the critical moment, however, he proved faint-hearted and untrustworthy. The revolution came to be little better than a farce, and the few insurgents who finally took the field were easily scattered. The principles of Metternich were triumphant in Piedmont as well as in Naples. The friends of liberty must again submit to watch and wait. PART I ITALY 79 For ten years they waited, though they never ceased to labor in secret. The members of tlie Carbonari continually increased in numbers, and their influence was felt in every corner of Italy. In 1830 came the July Revolution in France which unseated Charles X., and once more the Italians rose for politi- cal freedom. This time the States of the Church and the duchies of Parma and Modena were the seats of revolutionary activity. In each of these districts an insurrection of formida- ble character broke out. In the States of the Church the death of Pope Pius VIII. in 1830 occasioned the uprising ; for a dis- contented people naturally strikes for freedom when left with- out a ruler. But once more the hopes of Italy were blighted by Austrian interference. Austrian troops were sent into the disaffected states. The uprisings were easily put down, and their leaders were in some instances summarily dealt Avith. The Duke of Modena showed a peculiarly hard and resentful temper. Of the principal conspirators in his domain two were executed, while others were condemned to the galleys or thrown into prison. After these discouraging failures the conspirators were more quiet for a time, yet they never lost their enthusiasm or their faith in their cause. They had gifted leaders who appealed to the liberal sentiment of Europe in Italy's behalf. One of the most distinguished of Italian patriots was Giuseppe Maz: zini. A leading member of the Carbonari, he was betrayed in 1830, and withdrew to France. There he wrote much, kept in close communication with his fellow-patriots, and organized the society of Young Italy, which became famous all over Europe. Its objects were the freedom and unity of Italy ; its means of obtaining them were education and insurrection. In 1832 the French Government denied Mazzini an asylum within its terri- tory, and he took refuge in Switzerland. In 1834 he organized an invasion of the kingdom of Savoy; but this attempt at insurrection ended in utter failure. IVIazzini and his fellow- conspirators were scattered by the first fire of the troops sent out to oppose them. Required to leave Switzerland in 1837, he found a home in London, where he remained for many years, calling attention to his country's wrongs and inciting his countrymen to rebellion. I)ut the stirring events of 1848 drew him back to Italy. Visionary and romantic, he found his 80 THE LATIN NATIONS book i calling in rousing enthusiasm and in making the cause of Italy- known throughout Europe. Yet he took an active part in some of the revolutionary uprisings, and showed unusual executive ability. Quite a different character was Giuseppe Garibaldi, born at Nice in 1807. If Mazzini's best weapon was the pen, his was unquestionably the sword. In foresight, cool deliberation, and broad statesmanship he was lacking; but his burning patri- otism, his energy, his unequalled dash and daring, made him a splendid revolutionary leader. He hated tyranny and he loved to assail it, sword in hand, wheresoever opportunity offered. In 1834 he joined the Young Italy movement, and was con- demned to death for taking part in an attempt to capture Genoa. Escaping, he made his way to South America, and there for some years he gave his services to the province of Rio Grande, which Avas in rebellion against the Emperor of Brazil. In 1848 he returned to his own country, and from that time on was closely identified with the Italian patriots in their struggle for independence. His bands of "red shirts" became famous, and he led them to many a victory. Unquestionably his daring and his irrepressible energy hastened the day of Italian freedom. These two patriots were especially distinguished, but in their zeal and their single-hearted devotion they were but typical of the Italian temper. There were thousands equally ready to do and die for their country, and they kept Italy in a perpet- ual state of unrest. The whole soil was undermined with in- trigue. The petty despots sat on tottering thrones. The fires of insurrection were always smouldering; a breath of encour- agement might at any moment bring them to a flame. In 1846 such encouragement came from a most unexpected quarter. Pius IX. succeeded in that year to the papal throne and showed himself a reformer. He mitigated the almost in- tolerable rule of his predecessor, Gregory XVI., granted an amnesty to political offenders, and set about framing a Consti- tution. Joy reigned throughout Italy. The cry for Consti- tutions echoed through the land and could not be resisted. Constitutions were granted in Tuscany and Piedmont in 1847. The duchy of Lucca now came to an end ; for its duke aban- doned his possessions, and they were annexed by Tuscany. In PART I ITALY 81 February, 1848, occurred the outbreak in Paris against Louis Philippe, and Italy at once took fire. Sicily was already in insurrection. Naples also revolted, and King Ferdinand II. promised a liberal Constitution. Milan and Venice rose against Austria. The duchies of Parma and Modena were abandoned by their rulers, and provisional governments were established in them. The Duke of Tuscany also eventually abandoned his duchy through fear of the revolutionary movement. In Rome the moderate reform movement inaugurated by Pius IX. did not satisfy the radicals. Rossi, the liberal minister whom the Pope had chosen to carry out his plans, was assassinated. The Pope himself fled in disguise from his domains. A Republic was proclaimed, and the temporal sovereignty of the Church was for the time being brought to an end. Mazzini and his associates assumed control of the city. Thus there was everywhere insurrection, and the hopes of Italy were high. But the revolution needed a leader. Charles Albert, who in 1831 had succeeded Charles Felix as King of Sardinia and Piedmont, seemed to be the only ruler Avho could inspire the confidence of the patriots. His liberal sympathies were well known, and he now became the centre of the revolu- tionary movement. But the same weaknesses which caused him to fail in 1831 again betrayed themselves. He was personally brave, but he lacked energy and decision. He inspired no enthusiasm. His movements were not ably planned or vigor- ously executed. Accordingly, almost from the first he played a losing game. The Piedmontese forces were by no means con- temptible. Well led, they might have proved formidable op- ponents to the Austrians, whose domains in North Italy Charles Albert invaded. But under the King's feeble generalship the Sardinians gained only one or two trifling successes. In 1848 they won the victories of Pastrengo and Goito, but soon after they were disastrously defeated at Custozza. The Austrians were under the command of General Radetsky, and this aged soldier, who had fought against Napoleon, had lost none of his vigor and energy at the age of eighty-two. He drove Charles Albert out of Milan, which the Sardinians had occupied; and on August 9, 1848, Charles Albert signed an armistice. But he could not quietly endure the mortification of these reverses. In March, 1849, he set aside the armistice and again took the o 82 THE LATIN NATIONS book i field. Uut before lie could invade the enemy's country, Radet- sky led his forces into Sardinian territory, and on March 23 inflicted upon Charles Albert the severe defeat of Novara, which put an end to the war. Weary and heart-broken, the Sardinian King abdicated in favor of his son, Victor Emmanuel II., and de- parted from the country he had failed to liberate. Only four months later he died in Portugal. The failure of Sardinia meant the failure of the revolution all over Italy. The insurgents had hoped that their divided efforts would end in a united movement under a victorious king, but the states were not equal to fighting their battles against despotism single-handed. Ferdinand II. subdued his rebellious subjects both in Naples and in Sicily. The Dukes of Tuscany, Parma, and Modena were reinstated over their duchies by Aus- trian troops. At Rome Garibaldi and Mazzini made a desper- ate defence against great odds ; but Louis Napoleon espoused the cause of the Pope and sent a considerable force of soldiers to regain for him his temporal sovereignty. Spain and Naples also helped to suppress the insurgents. Rome was obliged to capitulate, and Mazzini and Garibaldi fled. Venice, under Dan- iel Manin, still resisted after the insurrection was everywhere else suppressed. But on August 24, 1849, the city surrendered, and Manin Avent into exile. He never saw Italy again, as he died in Paris in 1857, before the day of Italian freedom had dawned. But his heroic exertions in the defence of Venice entitle him to a conspicuous place among the patriots of his country. The Revolution of 1848 and 1849 had apparently accom- plished nothing. Except in the kingdom of Sardinia despot- ism now reigned from the Alps to Sicily. Yet out of defeat was born the hope of ultimate victory. The House of Savoy was still the centre of the movement for freedom and unity ; and its new King proved worthy to lead the patriot cause. Victor Emmanuel II. was a man of strong and noble character. He had the force, the balanced judgment, and the steadiness of purpose which his father, Charles Albert; had lacked. More- over, he had the services of a statesman greater than himself, who was destined to accomplish by diplomacy what revolution had failed to secure. Count Camillo Benso di Cavour was born at Turin in 1810, of an ancient family, and showed at an early PART I ITALY 83 age remarkable ability. But for many years he found no field for the exercise of his powers except in improving agriculture on his own estates ; for he did not believe that Italy could be liberated by spasmodic revolutionary outbreaks, and he would not join in the uprisings of 1831 and 1848. But when Victor Emmanuel II. became King of Sardinia, Cavour was appointed to a place in the Sardinian Cabinet ; and in 1852 he was made Prime Minister. With rare skill and foresight he formed a policy which ultimately freed Italy from foreign rule and made it a united nation. He was sure that her deliverance could be gained only through the intervention of a foreign power ; and he waited for an opportunity to win for Italy the support of some of the great European nations. An opportunity seemed to offer when the Crimean War broke out in 1854. Through the efforts of Cavour an Italian army was sent to the Crimea with the forces of France and England, and in the bloody battle of Tchernaya^ it won the gratitude of the allies by its conspicu- ous gallantry. As Italy had taken part in the war she was entitled to a voice in the deliberations that were held at its conclusion. Cavour himself attended the Congress of Paris, and before its sittings were over he forced the interests of Italy upon its notice. He declared that the peace of Europe could not be securely established until Italy was made a imited nation ; and he demanded that the despotic governments in Italy be made to grant lilieral Constitutions. These demands were not enforced, and Cavour did not expect them to be. But they made an impression upon the Congress. Italy had attracted the attention and the sympathy of enlightened Eu- rope. The country that had done such great things for civili- zation could not much longer remain under the rule of foreign despots. But four years were to pass ere Cavour's hope of foreign intervention was realized. Meanwhile King Victor Emmanuel and his Prime Minister continued to give Sardinia the benefit of an enlightened rule. Indeed, the internal reforms accom- plished by Cavour, with the King's assistance, were one of the 1 The battle of Tcherii.aya was fought on August 10, 1855, on which date the allied armies were attacked by 50,()()0 Russians, who endeavored to break through the lines of the allies and relieve Sebastopol. They were driven back with great slaughter. Alxmt 1200 of the allies were killed and wounded ; bnt of these 1200, 200 were Italians. 84 THE LATIN NATIONS book i most creditable features of his statesmanship. During the years from 1852 to 1859, while he was waiting for foreign assistance, he brought Sardinia abreast of the advanced nations of Europe. He adopted a moderate free trade policy, estab- lished a more equitable system of taxation, and cultivated the friendship of the Church without admitting all its claims. He believed that the Church a:id the State should each have entire freedom within its own domain, and this view he maintained with unflinching courage, but with unfailing tact and skill. A free Church in a free State was his motto. Nor did he lose the interest that he had taken in agriculture before his public life began. In every possible way he strove to make the peasant population thrifty and prosperous. But in 1859 the long-expected war note was sounded, and domestic interests were set aside by the all-absorbing struggle for freedom. Louis Napoleon undertook to liberate North Italy from Austria, and Sardinia eagerly seconded his efforts. To the imposing array of the French, Victor Emmanuel added his own comparatively meagre army. The French met the Austrians at ^lagenta on June 4, and the allied forces encoun- tered them at Solferino on June 24. In both battles the French were successful, though rather through gallantry than through superior strategy. Napoleon himself did not under- stand the art of war, and his marshals were not first-rate generals. But, fortunately, the Austrian generals were still more inefficient ; their forces were driven from the field, and were obliged to leave Lombardy in possession of the allied armies. Flushed with victory, the Sardinians were eager to push on and wrest Venetia also from Austria's grasp. But to their surprise and consternation, Louis Napoleon concluded a treaty of peace with the Emperor of Austria without consult- ing their wishes. The French Emperor had indeed declared the intention of freeing Italy from the Alps to the Adriatic, but he now abandoned his original purpose. He had reason to believe that Prussia would attack France by way of the Rhine if he attempted to humiliate Austria still further. Moreover, he was conscious of his own lack of military skill.^ So he 1 Napoleon's reasons for abandonin_^ the campaign after the battle of Sol- ferino are well stated by De la Gorce in his " Histoire du Second Empire,"' III. 103, 104. PART I ITALY 85 allowed Austria to keep Venetia, and he exacted Savoy and Nice from Sardinia as a reward for his own services to Italy. Deep was the indignation excited by Napoleon's conduct. The Italians felt that they had been betrayed, and even Cavour was carried away by his feelings. Rather than acquiesce in so disappointing a treaty he resigned his premiership. For- tunately Victor Emmanuel read the issues of the hour more clearly. He recognized the folly of losing everything through trying to gain too much. He therefore assented to the French Emperor's terms, added Lombardy to his own domains, and gave up Savoy and Nice. To Garibaldi the loss of the latter city was particularly bitter. Nice was his birthplace, and as it now became a French city, he felt as it were expatriated. In spite of their resentment the Sardinians had gained much. They had acquired a considerable territory north of the Po. They had broken the power of Austria in North Italy. They had added the duchies of Parma, Tuscany, and Modena to their domains. For the peoples of these duchies, abandoned by their princes when the storm of war first broke, voluntarily attached themselves to the kingdom of Sardinia. Thus the cause of constitutionalism was growing; the House of Savoy was becoming stronger ; the day of alien rule was drawing to its close. In 1861 a further blow for independence and national unity was struck, and it was aimed at the crudest despotism of Italy. King Ferdinand II. of Naples, who came to the throne in 1830, made his name famous all over Europe by the merciless sever- ity of his rule. His subjects named him King Bomba, be- cause he bombarded rebellious cities into submission. Political offenders he dealt with in the most summary manner, for he was determined to keep revolutionary agitation out of his territory. So he condemned men on mere suspicion as arbi- trarily as an Oriental despot. Mr. Gladstone visited Naples in 1851, and found its prisons full of men whose offences were purely imaginary, and who were treated with extreme harsh- ness. He estimated that there were twelve thousand political prisoners in Naples, and his published letter upon their condi- tion created a commotion in Europe. King Bomba died in 1859, but under his weak and incapable son, Francis II., abso- lutism still flourished. Only force could overthrow it. The 86 THE LATIN NATIONS book i Bourbon line that reigned over Naples and Sicily did not know the meaning of progress. But force was soon brought to bear. The liberation of Lombardy filled the oppressed population of South Italy with hope. In April, 1860, the people of Palermo and Messina rose in rebellion. They were put down, but their movement at- tracted attention and brought them assistance. On May 6 Garibaldi sailed from Genoa with over a thousand volunteers to assail the Bourbon tyranny. Arriving at Sicily, he easily found fresh recruits, and his forces were soon swelled to four thousand. Palermo and Messina fell into his hands. Sicily was free ; it remained to deliver Naples also. Crossing into Italy, he rapidly pushed his way to King Francis's capital. Everywhere he was hailed as a conqueror. The Neapolitan garrisons surrendered to him. Nothing barred his triumphal progress. Even the King fled before him, and in three weeks he was in Naples. At the beginning of Garibaldi's expedition the position of the Sardinian Government was a trying one. Victor Emmanuel and Cavour (whose retirement from office had been brief) could not give it open encouragement, for it was directed against a friendly power. Yet they could not thwart or hinder it with- out offending the whole body of Italian patriots. Great was their relief, therefore, when the expedition proved completely successful. As soon as the overthrow of the Neapolitan Gov- ernment seemed certain, Victor Emmanuel put himself at the head of the movement and assumed the direction of it. At . the head of his army he hastened to the scene of action. Gari- baldi loyally recognized his sovereign's authority, gave every- thing into his hands, and retired to his home on the island of Caprera. With a considerable army to support him, Victor Em- manuel at once assumed the aggressive. The forces of King Erancis were ranged beyond the Volturno River. Victor Em- manuel drove them before him and forced King Francis to take refuge in the fortress of Gaeta. In that stronghold the fallen King held out bravely for three months. But provisions and ammunitions failed him, and fever assailed his garrison. On February 13, 1861, he capitulated. The kingdom of Naples and Sicily was at an end. Thus all Italy, excepting Venetia and the States of the PART I ITALY 87 Church, had passed under the rule of Victor Emmanuel. A National Parliament was therefore assembled at Turin in February, 18G1, and by its consent Victor Emmanuel took the title " King of Italy." That the whole peninsula would in time be united into one kingdom now seemed certain. The logic of events pointed strongly to this consummation of the long struggle for freedom. But meanwhile there was crying need of efficient and progressive administration in the states already wrested from despotic rule. For as yet unity and nationality existed chiefly in name. The Italians needed to grow one in their ideas of law, of democratic government, of education, and of civilization in all its highest phases. Only a most enlightened conduct of affairs could effect so radical a change ; and to just this end Cavour now devoted all his energies. His abilities were equal to the task ; his strength was not. Even while he was planning extensive reforms in finance, education, local administration, and all departments of government, he was suddenly attacked by an illness that proved fatal. He died on June G, ISGl, in the fifty-first year of his age. All Italy mourned his death, and Victor Emmanuel felt that he had met with an irreparable loss. Cavour was one of the greatest states- men of the century, and to him more than to any one person must belong the glory of accomplishing the unity of Italy. Yet the share which others took in this great achievement should not be forgotten. Had Victor Emmanuel been as Aveak and impractical as his father, Charles Albert, Cavour's task would have been wellnigh hopeless. There would have been no central fignre to give direction to the movement for unity. Nor are the efforts of Mazzini and Garibaldi to be lightly valued. Mazzini forced all Europe to note the wrongs of his country ; and Garibaldi's heroic enterprise hastened the inevi- table downfall of the Neapolitan tyranny. Cavour was succeeded l)y r>aron l^ettino Kicasoli, a states- man of Tuscany, who had done much to bring that duchy under Victor Emmanuel's rule, and who possessed great strength of mind and character. His administration was marked by energy and wise dijjlomacy, but was soon undermined by Rattazzi, a man of inferior ability and far less steadiness of piu-pose. E,at- tazzi was now elevated to power, but very soon there came a situation which demonstrated his lack of far-seeing statesman- 88 THE LATIN NATIONS book i ship. Garibaldi could not keep quiet on his island of Caprera. In 1862 he organized an expedition against Rome with a view to adding the States of the Church to Victor Emmanuel's posses- sions. Rattazzi should have foreseen that the movement would give offence to Napoleon, and should have thwarted it in its very beginning. For Napoleon, to the end of his reign, main- tained the temporal sovereignty of the Pope. But Rattazzi adopted the policy of non-interference. The expedition was allowed to start forth ; but no sooner had it done so than the Sardinian Government was peremptorily required by Napoleon to render it powerless. Rattazzi was obliged to comply with this demand. The red shirts were captured at Aspromonte by their own countrymen. Garibaldi himself was severely wounded, and after his recovery retired once more to the island of Caprera. Naturally, he considered himself ill-used, and Italy agreed with him. Rattazzi was censured for his irresolute conduct and forced to resign. In 1867 Garibaldi made another expedition against Rome, only to be balked again by French interference. But his effort, futile though it was in regard to the main end in view, had the happy effect of freeing Rome from foreign soldiery. Napoleon, partly in compliance with a request made by Queen Victoria, now withdrew the troops that he had kept at Rome to protect the Pope against popular uprisings. But he made it plain that any attempt to despoil the Pope of his posses- sions would cause the speedy reappearance of a French army. Against the determined opposition of so powerful a mon- arch, further revolutionary outbreaks seemed hopeless. But already the day had begun to dawn when revolution would be no longer necessary. The victorious career of Prussia was destined to accomplish what Garibaldi failed to achieve by petty onslaught. Venetia had been won before he raised the banner of insurrection in 1867. For in the preceding year the combined efforts of Italy and Prussia had humbled Austria and compelled her to retire from Italian soil. True, Italy's part in the grand war drama was not well played. Through the wretched management of their general, Victor Emmanuel's forces were beaten at Custozza, even as Charles Albert's had been in 1848. Nor were the Italians any more successful upon the sea. But the crushing defeat of the Austrians at Konig- PART I ITALY 89 gratz ended the war ; and in dictating terms Prussia did not forget her gallant though vanquished ally. And very soon came the disaster at Sedan in 1870, and the collapse of the French Empire. No longer could the Pope rely on the protec- tion of foreign bayonets, for the Government newly established at Paris refused to uphold him. So Victor Emmanuel took quiet and undisputed possession of the States of the Church. The long struggle for freedom and unity was over. There were, it is true, some Italians still under Austrian rule. Those in Istria and the Tyrol looked longingly to the new kingdom of which they could not make a part ; and from time to time the cry of Italia irredenta (Italy unredeemed) rose from fervent patriots. But this cry did not rouse the nation at large. Italy was well satisfied with what had been achieved. In the whole Italian peninsula only the little republic of San Marino remained independent of Victor Emmanuel's sway. Having secured her freedom, Italy was anxious to maintain it. To the north of her stood France and Prussia, facing each other with anger and bitter hatred. What injury they might inflict upon her if they should engage in conflict was a serious problem. That one of these powers would cripple her in case of war, in order to prevent her from taking sides in the quarrel, seemed not impossible ; and full protection against the contin- gency was considered necessary. So in 1882 Italy united with Germany and Austria to form the Triple Alliance. But that she was wise in doing so is by no means certain. The league of these three strong nations undoubtedly helps to preserve the peace of Europe. The combination is too powerful to be as- sailed. But the Alliance makes it necessary for Italy to main- tain a considerable army, and the burden of taxation thus engendered occasions serious discontent.^ Many believe that Italy should rely for protection upon her geographical posi- tion, and should allow the northward nations to fight their own battles. King Victor Emmanuel died in 1878, deeply mourned by the whole nation. His share in the work of unity and liberation has not been forgotten. His statue is to be seen in more than one Italian city, and from time to time is adorned with wreaths 1 It is not, however, the maintenance of the army that causes the heaviest financial burdens. See p. 92. 90 THE LATIN NATIONS book i by a grateful people.^ His son, wlio succeeded him as Hum- bert IV., has many of the traits that distinguished Victor Emmanuel himself. Brave in battle,^ a sincere patriot, a lover of his people, and a liberal and progressive ruler, he is deeply beloved by his subjects. The censure with which he is some- times visited is directed against his royal office rather than himself. For some of the rabid Socialists hate the very name of king.^ Under the rule of King Humbert, Italy has continued to make progress in many directions. She has had the guidance of liberal statesmen, such as Depretis and Crispi, the latter of whom has proved himself a very strong and able leader. He was a member of the first Italian Parliament in 1861, and ever since has been a foremost figure in the Constitutional party. In 1887 he succeeded Depretis as head of the Cabinet, and remained in power till 1891, when his Ministry was de- feated. He was succeeded by the Marquis di Rudini, who represented the Conservatives ; and Crispi became the head of the opposition. But the new Ministry did not long command the confidence of the country, and Crispi was again called to power in 1894, only to be overtlirown in 1896 by the defeat of the Italian army in Abyssinia.- Accordingly, the Marquis di Rudini was again made the head of the INIinistry, and by granting concessions to the Republicans and Socialists, who gained ground in the elections of 1897, he maintained himself in power until May, 1898. But now arose a serious political crisis, which the Ministry proved unable to meet. For owing to the high prices of breadstuffs, there was much suffering among the peasantry all over Italy, and serious riots occurred 1 An equestrian statue of Victor Emmanuel was unveiled at Florence on Sep- tember 20, ItSitO. On October (5, 1891, three thousand citizens of Naples caused a monstrous floral wreath to be placed at the foot of the statue of Victor Emmanuel in that city. 2 He took part in the battle of Custozza in 1868 and showed conspicuous gallantry. 3 On December 18, 189G, when it was proposed in the Chamber of Deputies to allow the Crown Prince .^200,000 yearly because of his recent marriage, Signor Costa, a well-known Socialist, denounced the monarchy as a useless and dangerous institution. This view, though not generally shared, seems to be spreading, and King Humbert is undoubtedly losing ground. He lacks self-assertion, and does nothing to help the nation out of its difficulties and embarrassments. PART I ITALY 91 in many of the towns and cities.^ They were largely fomented by the Radicals and Socialists, and in some provinces they assnmed such a formidable character that the military were called out, and the most insubordinate districts were placed in a state of siege. To quiet the agitation the import duty on corn was temporarily removed ; but the IMinistry could not cope with the difficulties that faced it. The Marquis di Rudini had endeavored to cooperate with the Republicans, but he did not fairly represent advanced Liberal opinions, and was unable to command the confidence of the disaffected elements in the kingdom. Moreover, the Cabinet was so divided that the Marquis found it necessary to place the resignations of its several members in the hands of the King. Requested by the King to form another Ministry, he succeeded in doing so ; but he soon found that he could not command a majority in the Chamber of Deputies, and gave way to General Relloux. After holding office for a year, the new Prime Minister was forced to resign on account of a complication in the far East, the Government having demanded of China tlie cession of the port of San-Mun, and other rights which the Chinese were unwilling to grant. But General Pelloux was asked by the king to form a new Ministry, and though the task was a diffi- cult one, he finally succeeded in composing a Cabinet which commanded the confidence of the country ; for some of the ablest and most respected political leaders of the kingdom were among its members. Under these different Liberal leaders, Italy, though still struggling under heavy burdens, has reached a condition which is in striking contrast to the misery and lethargy that marked the days of despotism. Education has been made compulsory for children from six to nine years old; new and improved methods of agriculture have been encouraged ; friendly rela- tions with the Vatican have usually been maintained ; and a vigorous though questionable colonial policy has been adopted. Considerable tracts have been acquired in Africa, chiefly along the border of the Red Sea. The Italian possessions in this region stretch along the shore of the Red Sea for 670 miles, and the entire colonial district goes under the name of 1 To understand the situation at this time, consult the Nation, 66 : 378, 402, 458. 92 THE LATIN NATIONS book i Erythraea. In 1 889 Abyssinia was made an Italian protecto- rate by King Menelek II. ; but when the Italian troops advanced from Erythrsea in 1895, Menelek did not prove true to his agreement. Without warning he appeared with his army to resist the Italians, and he inflicted a severe defeat upon them at Ambalagi on December 8. Reenforcements were immedi- ately sent out by the Italian Government ; but the officer in command, General Baratieri, did not act with sufficient caution against his fierce and determined antagonists. On February 29 a portion of his army was almost annihilated by the Abyssinians, the loss in killed and wounded amounting to nine thousand men. All Italy was excited by the disaster. A de- sire to avenge the defeat took deep possession of the national mind ; and Menelek's own attitude did not tend to allay this feeling. For in proposing terms of peace he made large and uncompromising demands which Italy could not accept with- out humiliation. But as time passed, a calmer and probably a wiser view of the situation prevailed with the Italian Govern- ment. In October, 1896, it agreed upon a treaty with Menelek by which the Italians held as prisoners by the Abyssinians were released, and the question of a frontier for the Italian Colony was left open for further negotiation. More than this, a sentiment began to show itself in the Ministry in favor of abandoning Erythrsea altogether, and expending all the ener- gies of the Government upon strengthening the nation at home. And certainly the question of administrative reform is for Italy an all-absorbing one. The country is poor,^ and it is poor because, in spite of the progress that has been made, it is still badly governed. The taxation made necessary by main- taining a considerable standing army is supposed to be the chief financial burden which the nation carries. But this is a mistake. A vicious civil service is the principal cause of Italy's poverty. The Government maintains a far greater number of officials than it needs, for a clamorous horde of politicians insists upon being supported by the public purse. And among these officials there is no sense of responsibility. They look upon the Government as existing for their benefit. They make the burden of taxation very heavy for the poor and very light for the rich. And in the construction of public 1 See North American Review, 1(37 : 126 ; ami LittelVs Living Age, 218 : 89. PART I ITALY 93 works similar dishonest pi-actices are common. If a railway is to be built by the Government the contractor is not held to a definite agreement. He undertakes to construct it for a certain sum which he considers sufficient, but if the sum is exhausted before the work is completed, the Government grants him as much more money as he finds necessary. Nor are the railroads which are owned by the State managed upon business principles. It is estimated that as many as forty per cent of the passengers pay no fares. ^ Inefficient administration, lack of capital, and lack of enter- prise keep Italy poor. Many of the peasants are in comfort- able circumstances, for poverty is by no means universal among the lower classes of the country. But most are satisfied with moderate savings. The desire to acquire wealth is not com- monly found ,- hence capital is very slowly accumulated, and the natural resources of the country are not as productive as they should be. Business energy and a spirit of venture are greatly needed. Freedom and self-government, therefore, have not yet eman- cipated Italy from mediaeval conceptions of government and life. The stamp of despotism has not been wholly removed. Yet wonderful progress has been made since the tyrannies that so long crippled the energies of the people were shaken off. Education and free institutions are slowly but surely bringing Italy into touch with the modern world. Even the vices of civilization are finding a home on Italian soil. The Socialists and the Anarchists are trying to convert the peas- antry to their views,^ and the riots of 1898 are sufficient to show that their labors are not wholly without fruit. But they do not succeed in causing widespread discontent. The working classes of Italy are gaining in comfort, in education, and in self- respect. That their condition will still greatly improve is doubted by those who believe that the Latin races are declin- ing. But the optimist has as much use as the pessimist in politics. A people that has won freedom and unity by per- sistent and heroic effort may yet win national greatness and prosperity. 1 The above facts are taken from a letter to the Nation, published in the issue for June 25, IWHi. ^ For Socialism in Italy see Presbyterian and Reformed Review, 8: 108. 94 THE LATIN NATIONS book i Italy has an area of 110,623 square miles and a population of about 31,000,000. It is a constitutional monarchy, the Gov- ernment being vested in a King and a National Parliament. The powers of the King are almost entirely executive. Theo- retically he is vested with certain rights in the way of making treaties, declaring w^ar, issuing decrees, appointing officers, and dissolving the Chamber of Deputies. But he exercises these rights, not with entire freedom and merely as his own judg- ment dictates, but only as his ministers advise and as the Chamber of Deputies makes known its will.' The Upper House of legislation is a Senate of about 400 members, most of whom are appointed by the King for life from the bishops, high officials, deputies who have served three terms or six years, members of the Royal Academy of Science of seven years' standing, wealthy tax-payers, and those who have ren- dered distinguished service to the State. The remaining senators are the royal princes who are twenty -one years of age. The Lower legislative House is the Chamber of Deputies, the members of which are 508 in number and are chosen by a limited suffrage. To vote one must pass certain educational tests which are severe enough to deprive large numbers of the franchise. But as elementary education is now compulsory, the suffrage, even under the present law, wall in time become extensive, though hardly universal. Money bills must proceed from the Low^er House ; otherwise the two Houses have equal legislative powers. The deputies are chosen for five years, but the Chamber is usually dissolved by the King before its full term has expired. It chooses its own president. Both senators and deputies travel free, but receive no other emolument. The business of Government is transacted by a Cabinet of nine ministers, who have the right to attend the debates of both the Upper and the Lower House, but not to vote. The judicial system is not thoroughly well constructed. There are five supreme courts, termed Courts of Cassation ; but they are independent of each other and have equal powers. Thus there is nothing to prevent inconsistent and contradictory de- cisions. In the lower courts the judges are not sufficiently free from political control. 1 " Govenimeiits and Parties of Contiueutal Eui'ope," II. 52. PART I ITALY 95 There is no recognized State religion in Italy, though its popu- lation is almost entirely Catholic. All forms of worship and belief are tolerated, Italy being more progressive in this respect than Spain. Owing to bad and inefficient administration the finances of the country are in a very unsatisfactory condition. The debt is above $2,500,000,000, and is constantly increasing, for there are frequent deficits.^ The yearly expenditure is considerably above $300,000,000, and this is a large sum for so poor a country to raise, although the government derives a considerable reve- nue from posts, railways, telegraphs, and other branches of pub- lic service. Yet Italy's linancial prospects are by no means gloomy. Commerce is growing, imports and exports continu- ally increase. Silk, wine, olive oil, fruit, and other productions bring large returns ; and as the resources of the country are de- veloped, the export trade will show a corresponding growth. When the government is administered on purely business principles, as in time it certainly will be, the task of making income and expenditure meet will be no longer difficult. 1 This unsound financial condition was jjreatly improveut misfortune seems to pursue the members of this house. On June 10, 1868, he was assassinated near Bel- grade by the agents of his predecessor, Alexander, and the throne passed to his cousin Milan in 1872. IJorn in 1854, Milan was at this time only eighteen years of age. Qualified neither by nature nor experience to be a successful ruler, he was unable to guide his country through the difficulties that arose during his reign. Some forward steps were indeed taken. In 1868 and 1869 a new Constitution was framed which vested the powers of government in the Prince and a National Assem- bly, foreign trade was increased,^ and in 1878, as a result of the war between Russia and Turkey in which Servia had taken part (p. 188), complete iudependence of Turkey was acquired. So Servia was released from the obligation of paying an annual tribute to the Porte ; and in 1882 her Prince was by proclamation elevated to the rank of King. But many cir- cumstances conspired to make the reign of Milan a failure. The Russians continued to foment discord at the Servian court; the national debt increased; and an uufortunate war with Bulgaria in 1885 brought disaster and humiliation. For the Servians, after attacking Bulgaria without good reason, were badly defeated and forced to seek protection from Aus- tria-Hungary. Moreover the domestic relations of King Milan and Queen Nathalie were most unhappy and became a national scandal. The royal pair were divorced in 1888, and in 1889 King Milan abdicated in favor of his young son, Alexander, 1 De Laveleye, " The Balkan Peuiusula," p. 192. 160 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA book i and withdrew from a kingdom where his presence caused nothing bat quarrels and dissension. As Alexander was born in 1876, he was too young to govern, and the royal prerogatives were for several years exercised by a regency. But in 1893 Alexander, though he had not yet reached his majority, as- sumed control of affairs. His reign, however, has brought no strength to his country. Servia continues to be the seat of intrigue; factional strife disturbs her quiet; unwise expendi- ture adds to her national indebtedness. In 1897 ex-King Milan reentered the kingdom ; but he was so little respected that his presence did not cause serious disturbance. Altogether, popular government has been tried in Servia under very adverse conditions. The Servians have not been truly independent, even though their subjection to Turkey ceased early in the century. Their position, like that of other Slavic peoples along the Danube, is a trying and difficult one. The numerous Slavic races that are scattered throughout Austria-Hungary and the Balkan Peninsula can neither unite nor pursue their separate destinies unmolested. Aspirations after unity are not, indeed, lacking among them. Often has the cry of Panslavism been raised ; but no practical scheme for bringing the various Slavic peoples into one nation or one federation has ever been proposed. But, on the other hand, either as small' separate nations or as portions of larger coun- tries like Austria and Hungary, these peoples are obliged to live under galling conditions. They cannot assert themselves vigorously without realizing their own powerlessness. The Slavs in Hungary are subjected to a strong but distasteful Magyar influence (p. 151) ; the Servians are tied hand and foot by Russia and other great powers. Servia would never be allowed to take a step that would imperil the peace of the Balkan Peninsula; nor is she permitted to manage her own affairs according to her own free will and pleasure. Russia watches her day and night, keeps agents at her court, and exercises a controlling influence upon her domestic affairs. Her political future is not promising; but her people mean- while live a quiet and industrious life and grow in the arts of civilization. Servia has an area of 19,050 square miles, and a population of about 2,500,000. By the Constitution adopted in 1889 the PART 11 • THE BALKAN STATES 161 powers of government are vested in a King assisted by a Coun- cil of eight Ministers, and two legislative Houses : an Upper House, called the State Council, or Senate, of sixteen members, half of whom are nominated by the King and half are chosen by the Assembly ; and a Lower House, called the National Assembly, whose members are elected by the people. The right of suffrage is exercised by every male Servian twenty-one years old who pays fifteen dinans (about $3) in direct taxes. Elementary education is free and compulsory. The people are chiefly engaged in agriculture, but Servia has considerable mineral wealth, which will in time lead to the development of manufacturing industries. Some factories are already in operation.^ II. Greece The second people to throw off the yoke of the Turks was the Greeks. Their condition was unfortunate in the extreme at the beginning of the century. Their harbors were unused and blocked with sand ; their mountains were the homes of brigands; their ambition seemed to have perished. Yet the race had not lost its love of liberty. The very practice of brigandage had kept alive courage and daring, and the klephts, as the brigands were called, had remained unsubdued in their rocky homes. It was among this class that the love of free- dom and the willingness to fight for it existed most strongly. And even the peasantry throughout the country, broken- spirited though they were, could not wholly forget their glorious past. The French Kevolution wakened in them some patriotic feeling. Patriotic songs circulated among the people and fired their national spirit. As in Italy, a secret society prepared the way for insurrection, and in 1821 the struggle for independence began. But the Greeks, true to their ancient political instincts, did not take up arms without giving their movement a character of legality and order. In January, 1822, the first National Assembly of Greece, numbering sixty- seven members, met at Epidaurus, proclaimed the Greek nation independent of Turkey, framed a Constitution, and vested the 1 De Laveleyo was of tlie opinion that Sin-via should confine her energies to agriculture; "The Balkan Peninsula," p. 1S)8. M 162 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA book i powers of government in a Senate of thirty -tliree members and an Executive Council of five. Thus Greece, though she had still to win her freedom, took her place among the countries which recognized the sovereign will of the people. Freedom Avas finally gained after six years of fighting, but the conflict was bloody and desperate. Aided by a force of Arabs sent from Egypt, the Turks carried everything before them in the earlier years of the war. But their massacres and cold-blooded atrocities roused an intense feeling of indignation against them throughout Europe. Lord Byron went to the aid of the Greeks in 1823; and though he died before he had served long among them, his example was a tower of strength to their cause. It was followed by other lovers of liberty, who flocked to Greece from many lands and brought hope and inspiration to the struggling patriots. Above all, Canning lent Greece the weight of England's influence and interested France and Russia in her behalf, the latter power being also strongly influenced by selfish considerations. In 1827 the allied fleets appeared off the coast of Greece to act as a check upon Turkish barbarity. Being fired upon by the Turkish fleet in the harbor of Navarino on October 20, they returned the fire till few of the Turkish vessels were left to tell the tale of disaster. Thus by an " untoward event," as the Duke of Wellington termed this splendid triumph of the allies, the independence of Greece was virtually secured. The Sultan was awed by the interfer- ence of such powerful nations, and when Russia made war upon him in 1828, he abandoned his conflict with a people whom the sufferings of six years had not subdued. Not all at once, however, could the Greeks arrange definite terms of peace nor establish a settled form of government. In 1827 they had changed their Constitution and appointed a single executive. John Capodistrias, a native of Corfu, was chosen President for seven years; but, though Greece had thus seemingly become a Republic, her destiny really depended upon the action of the three great powers which had secured her freedom and which still considered her under their protection. And the powers would not allow her to be a Republic. To conciliate Metternich, always an enemy to democracy, and to humor the Sultan, who was loath to see the nation that had been subject to him become a self-governing state, they recognized PART 11 THE BALKAN STATES 163 Greece as a kingdom by the Protocol of London, issued on February 3, 1830 ; and they also deprived her of territory that was rightfully hers. Some of the northern districts, which were inhabited by Greeks and which had furnished no incon- siderable portion of the patriot forces, were made over to Turkey. I)ut for the kingdom thus curtailed and thus arbitrarily constituted without reference to the wishes of its people, it was not easy to find a King; and meanwhile Capodistrias ruled the country with an iron hand. For a number of years before he was elected President he had been in the employ of the Tsar. Indeed, it was as Secretary of Foreign Affairs for Eussia that he had been able to help his countrymen in their struggle for independence, and had displayed the ability which they rewarded by making him their executive. But his Russian training now worked to his disadvantage. It made him arbi- trary and despotic, and was the cause of his undoing. For the high-spirited Greeks would not brook his arrogance, and two members of the Mavromichales family, whom he had goaded to desperation by his injustice, assassinated him in 1831. But nearly a year passed after his death before Greece obtained a King. Already had the crown been offered to Prince John of Saxony and Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, but it was declined by both, — by the latter largely because Crete, which he considered an essential part of Greece, was not included in the boundaries of the new kingdom. Nor was it deemed wise or even possible to bestow the royal office upon a Greek; for his countrymen, with their strong democratic instincts, would not have endured to see one of their number thus elevated above them. So it Avas necessary to seek a for- eign prince, and one was finally found in Otto of Bavaria, who accepted the offered dignity, and arrived in Greece on Feb- ruary G, 1833. But though he was welcomed with enthusiasm by the Greek people, he proved a most unsatisfactory King. Unfortunately, in the covenant make between him and the Greek nation, no stipulation was made that he should rule in accordance with the Constitution. Moreover, he was not quite eighteen years old when he landed in Greece, and he had been brought up in a despotic court ; so his training and his lack of experience were against him. 164 SOUTHEASTERN EUliOPE AND RUSSIA book i It was not strange that lie soon alienated the people who had so cordially received him. He governed without regard to the Constitution, and he bestowed the most important offices upon Bavarians whom he brought with him into Greece; while to the Greeks themselves he gave no voice in the conduct of their affairs. Such arrogance could have but one outcome. In 1843 the Greeks rebelled against this arbitrary monarch and forced him to dismiss his Bavarian followers. Realizing that he must make ample concessions or resign his power, Otto promised to govern through responsible ministers and a representative assembly. But this promise he failed to keep. The Greeks found that they were simply the creatures of a foreign task- master, who persistently abused his power. So they drove him out of Greece in 1862 and looked for a truly constitutional sovereign. Their choice fell upon Prince Alfred of England, who received almost the entire vote of the nation. But this choice was condemned by England, France, and Russia. In taking Greece under their protection these powers had agreed that no member of their own reigning families should sit upon the throne of Greece. So the Greeks were obliged to select another prince, and they chose Prince Wilhelm, the second son of the present King of Denmark, who was proclaimed King under the title of George I., on March 30, 1863. This selec- tion was approved by England, France, and Russia, and on October 30 of this same year King George arrived at Athens. On the following day he swore to support the Constitution ; and to this oath he has been true, as he has not, like his father (p. 230), defied the written law of the land. Under his rule commerce has increased, education has been encouraged, and brigandage, which was widely practised thirty years ago, has been suppressed. Greece has become a prosper- ous country under this liberal sovereign, but by no means a contented one. The Greeks have steadily cherished hopes for national aggrandizement ; but those hopes, far from becoming fully realized, have ended in disaster and humiliation. In two directions the Greeks looked for increase of territory. They desired to annex Crete, and to push their noi-thern boundary forward so that it might include Thessaly, and even Macedo- nia and adjacent tracts. Accordingly, when the Cretans revolted from Turkey in 1866, the Greeks took a profound PART II THE BALKAN STATES 165 interest in the movement and tried to direct it to their own advantage. But their efforts failed. Crete was subjugated by the Porte in 1869 ; nor were charges wanting that the Greeks, instead of helping the struggling Cretans, had played into the hands of the Turks when they found that their scheme for annexing the island was impracticable.^ Again, in 1878, when the Berlin Treaty was made, Greece suffered further disap- pointment. While Turkey was absorbed in its conflict with Russia, the Greeks had raised an insurrection in Thessaly with the hope of adding it to their own territory. The insur- rection was brought to a sudden end through British interven- tion ; but the Greeks expected that their boundaries wordd be greatly enlarged when the powers met to settle the questions arising from the Russo-Turkish War. But to their great indignation the powers would do nothing for them at the Ber- lin conference. It was not till 1881 that the Sultan, acting under foreign pressure, ceded Thessaly to Greece ; Macedonia, which the Greeks claimed with doubtful justice, was still included in the boundaries of Turkey. But the day of national shame and sorrow came in 1897. For at the end of 1895 an insurrection again broke out among the Christian inhabitants of Crete, and very soon all Greece was aflame with excitement. The time for annexing the island seemed to have come. King George was forced into espousing the Cretan cause, and in February, 1897, he de- spatched a Greek squadron to aid the insurgents. Alarmed by this action, which foreboded war between Greece and Tur- kej^, the powers attempted to coerce Greece, and prevent her from committing further acts of hostility against the Porte. But the ardor of the Greek nation could not be restrained. Once more did a secret society use all its influence to bring on a war with Turkey. The members of the Ethnike Hetairia, acting, as it subsequently proved, under the direct advice of the Prime Minister, M. Delyannis, made raids across the frontier into Turkish territory and thus provoked the Turks to invade Greece. But the military prowess of the Greeks did not equal their enthusiasm. Their armies were no match for those of Turkey, and were steadily driven back from the frontier of Thessaly, where hostilities began. The war was formally 1 The Nation, G4 : 200 and 433. 166 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA book i declared on April 17; by May 20 the Greeks were completely vanquished. Indeed, they never had the smallest chance of success. The Greeks were poorly disciplined and poorly gen- eralled.^ Yet they fought gallantly, and their defeat was viewed with, concern by the friends of civilization and prog- ress. For the Porte, flashed with victory, made extravagant claims upon its vanquished opponent. It demanded the cession of Thessaly, and an indemnity amounting to about $44,000,000. Not Avithout great difficulty and much nego- tiation did the powers induce the Sultan to modify these demands. But he Anally consented to fix the indemnity at £4,000,000 Turkish (about $17,600,000), and to accept in place of Thessaly a rectification of the frontier, which placed a number of important strategic positions in his possession. Accordingly, a treaty embodying these conditions was signed September 18, 1897 ; and, peace being thus firmly established, the country grew quiet, though the concessions made to Turkey were loudly condemned for a time and necessitated the resigna- tion of the Ministry that had sanctioned them. But the troubles in Crete which had led to the war with Turkey still continued, and were only brought to an end by vigorous action on the part of the powers. In September, 1898, the Mohammedan refugees in Crete killed one hundred British soldiers and massacred a thousand Christians, while the Turkish troops looked supinely on or even joined in the acts of wantonness and violence. The Sultan was therefore obliged to remove his troops from the island, and the powers took Crete under their own control while the appointment of a governor was pending. But in 1899 Prince George of Greece was made High Commissioner of Crete, and undertook the administration of its affairs. During the excitement that followed the reverses of the 1 The democratic spirit that prevails among the Greeks seems to make it impossible to subject them to soldierly discipline. Their condition through- out the campaign of 1897 was like that of the army of the Potomac before General McClellan made it a well-ordered and efiicient force. And there was the same laxity among the officials of the war department and the gen- erals in command that there was among tlie rank and file. " At no time was there a single strong mind dominating the Greek army." Consult " How the Greeks were Defeated," in tlie Furuin for November, 1897, especially p. 361, and " With the Greek Soldiers," in Harper's Magazine for November, 1897. PART II THE BALKAN STATES 107 Greeks iu tlieir struggle with Turkey, it was doubtful whether the royal family would not be driven from power. Always, indeed, in a great national crisis the position of King George seems insecure. For nearly three quarters of a century Greece has been subjected to foreign rule, and the experiment cannot be considered an unmixed success. Under the present Sover- eign the country has undoubtedly made rapid progress; but his own contribution to this progress, though great, has not been vital. The Greeks, with all their faults of dissimulation, selfishness, vanity, and hasty temper, are an alert, earnest, and ambitious people, industrious and thrifty, lovers of art and education, eager for improvement. It would therefore seem fairer and wiser to let them work out their own problems of self-government and constitutional development. Only in this way can they make a genuine contribution to political science. III. Rumania The Vlachs, or Eumans, have been too scattered to unite into a single nation. Those dwelling in Transylvania could hardly break away from Hungary ; and those whose home was south of the Danube were too widely distributed to have na- tional aspirations. But that portion of the race which lives east of the Carpathians and north of the lower Daniibe has had a more fortunate destiny. It has succeeded in forming a sepa- rate and independent state, which has an honorable place among the minor kingdoms of Europe. That kingdom is, as the secpiel will show, of very recent ori- gin ; but the principalities of which it is composed have existed for more than six hundred years. In the thirteenth century Wallachia and Moldavia first came into being, and for a long time they maintained their independence. But the Ottoman power, with its hosts of fighting men, proved to be more than a match for them. They resisted it long and fiercely, but in 1511 they were subjugated and became vassal provinces of the Otto- man Empire. So those Vlachs east of the Carpathians, like their kinsmen south of the Danube, became acquainted with Turkish rapacity. The hospodars, or governors, of Wallachia and Moldavia were appointed by the Sultan, and they ruled in 168 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA book i the interest of their master rather than for the well-being of the provinces. Yet the Danubian Principalities, as Wallachia and Moldavia were termed, did not suffer the worst consequences of Turkish misrule. They were separated by the Danube from the centre of the Ottoman tyranny, and they were on the border-land of Russia, that ancient foe of the Turkish Empire ; so their people did not sit down in blood and ashes to bewail their misery as often as the races which dwell round the Balkan Mountains. Accordingly, the dawn of the century did not find the Danu- bian Principalities in a restless condition ; and when the Greek insurrection broke out in 1821, these quiet and peaceable Vlachs did not rush into rebellion. Unfortunately for them, however, a Phanariot Greek, named Alexander Ypsilanti, entered Molda- via and Wallachia, called upon the people to follow the exam- ple of the Greeks, and raised the standard of insurrection. He was coldly received, and he was soon overpowered by the Turkish forces and compelled to fly across the Carpathians into Transylvania; none the less the Turkish authority had been assailed and the Turkish thirst for vengeance was excited. The Janizaries were let loose upon the unhappy Principalities, and their inhabitants now tasted the horrors of that rule which they had not been willing to defy. But after a time the Tsar Nicholas interfered in their behalf and took the provinces un- der his protection, for he was loath to see regions which he might one day own wasted and despoiled. By the Treaty of Akerman, made betAveen Russia and Turkey on September 4, 1826, the hospodars of Wallachia and Moldavia were no longer to be absolutely under Turkish authority, and were not to be removed without the consent of the Russian Government. This was not independence, for the Porte still had the right to appoint the hospodars of the two Principalities ; but it was certainly a step toward freedom, and in 1858 a still more de- cided advance was made in the same direction. In that year it was determined by a conference of the powers at Paris that Wallachia and Moldavia should be allowed to elect their own hospodars, though the suzerainty of Turkey was still recognized, and the union which the provinces had been attempting to estab- lish was annulled. But it was in vain that the powers opposed a step that was natural and inevitable. The people of the two PART II THE BALKAN STATES 169 Principalities were of the same blood ; they were determined to be one in name and destiny. Availing themselves of the per- mission of the powers to choose their own hospodar, the Prin- cipalities each elected the same ruler in 1859, Colonel Alexander Cuza, and thus made the way to union sure and easy. In ISfJl the union was accomplished, the two countries declaring them- selves one under the name of Rumania and obtaining the Porte's approval of the arrangement. But though union was effected under Prince Cuza, he proved but a sorry ruler. True, a new Constitution, extending the suf- frage, was adopted under his reign ; but his own power was increased at the same time, and his arbitrary use of it and his personal vices made him detested by the whole Rumanian peo- ple. So in 1866 he was compelled to abdicate. Prince Charles of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen was chosen to succeed him, after the crown had been declined by the Count of Flanders ; and under his enlightened administration the country made steady progress. The authority of the Porte became more and more shadowy, until it was absolutely set aside. For in 1874 Austria, Germany, and Russia insisted on making separate treaties with Rumania in spite of the protests of the Sultan; and in 1878 Rumania was declared independent by the Treaty of Berlin. At the same time the boundaries of the country were readjusted. Dobrudja, at the mouth of the Danube, had been ceded to Russia by the Porte, and this district Russia made over to Rumania, exacting as compensation a portion of Bessarabia which jVtolda- via had acquired in 1856 by the Treaty of Paris. This exchange of territory ought to have been to the advantage of Rumania ; for Prince Charles's troops had given Russia material assistance in her struggle with Turkey in 1877 -1878, and their gallantry at the siege of Plevna had proved that the Rumanian Vlachs could be first-rate soldiers. But it was Russia rather than Ru- mania that profited by this new territorial arrangement, and the Tsar was thought to have been ungenerous toward his recent ally.^ 1 A study of the boundaries of Rumania before and after 1878 might lead one to suppose that Dobruil ja was an excellent exchange for the portion of territory that was given up to Russia : for Dobrudja is much tlie larger of the two, and it greatly increases Rumania's coast-line on the Black Sea. But it is an arid and sparsely settled region (consult Vivien de Saint-Mar- tin's " Nouveau Dictionnaire de (ieographie Universelle," Tome II, article 170 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA book i The independence of Rumania which was granted at Berlin was in dne time formally acknowledged by the powers. It was recognized by England, France, and Germany in 1880; and in the following year Prince Charles and his wife were crowned King and Queen of Rumania. Thus the two ancient Principali- ties had finally grown into a nation. Rumania has an area of 48,307 square miles, and a popula- tion of about 6,000,000. The national debt is a little less than $250,000,000. The executive power of the country is vested in the King, aided by a Prime Minister and a Cabinet of eight. There are two legislative Houses: the Senate, composed of 120 members who are elected for eight years ; and the Chamber, composed of 183 members who are elected for four years. The right of suffrage belongs to all male citizens who are of age and who pay taxes to the State ; but the system of voting is somewhat complicated. Por choosing senators the electors are divided into two colleges according to property or educational qualifications ; for choosing members of the Chamber they are divided into three colleges. It is to be noted that the King has the power to veto all legislation. The chief occupation of the Rumanian people is agriculture, large quantities of the cereals being sent abroad every year. The export and import trade of the country is slowly but steadily growing. r IV. Bulgaria The Bulgarians suffered like the other races that were sub- ject to the Porte, but they were slow in raising the standard of insurrection. During the first three quarters of the century they engaged in no general revolt, sporadic encounters between maddened peasants and plundering Turks being their only mani- festations of disaffection. But gradually they were roused to desperation by the cruel nature of the Turkish policy toward " Dnbroudja ") ; and its value may be judged from the fact that Prince Charles strongly objected to tlie arrangement by which the Tsar forced it upon him. Alexander is said to have been subsequently ashamed of his treatment of Rumania at this time, but he considered it a religious duty to get back all that he had been obliged to surrender by the Treaty of Paris {Fortnighthj Review, .50: 802). The attitude of Prince Charles and the Rumanians toward the question is shown in Whitman's " Reminiscences of the King of Rumania," pp. 301-323. PART ]i THE BALKAN STATES 171 them. For after the Crimean War the Turkish Government oppressed them in every possible way, its aim being to drive them out of their territory and replace them Avith Tartars and Circassians. In this way the Porte hoped to form the Balkan provinces into a barrier against the Russians, who might be tempted to cross the Danube by the supplications of a friendly power. But in this policy the Turks quite overreached them- selves. The Circassians plundered the Bulgarians past endur- ance, and in 1875 the infuriated people rose in rebellion. And thus was started that series of events which resulted in the complete humiliation of Turkey, The Bulgarian revolt was suppressed with such awful cruelty that the Turk was exe- crated all over the civilized world. Servia and Montenegro now took up arms against the Porte, and when their discom- fiture seemed imminent, Ilussia took the field in behalf of the Sultan's long-suffering Christian subjects (p. 188). Thus by his very rapacity and cruelty the Turk, instead of strengthening himself, brought down merited vengeance upon his head. By the Berlin Congress he was deprived of that very province which he had treated with such shameless barbarity. Bulgaria was by that body made an autonomous principality, tributary to the Sultan; the Balkans were established as its southern boundary ; its ruler was to be approved by the Sultan, but to be chosen by the Bulgarian people. Thus Bulgaria was at last delivered from a tyrannous rule which had lasted for nearly five centuries, the kingdom of Bulgaria having been conquered by Bajazet and annexed to the Ottoman Empire in lo96. Though its freedom was not yet complete, it was now free enough to establish constitutional government, and this it did by adopting a Constitution early in 1879. By this Constitution a single legislative Chamber, called the National Assembly of Bulgaria, was established, and one of the first duties of this newly constituted body was the election of a ruler. By a unanimous vote it chose Prince Alexander of Battenburg, who was approved by the Porte and the powers, and who assumed the duties of government on June 29, 1879. He was an able man and a high-minded one, but from the first he found the task of ruling an alien people difficult and thorny. Bulgaria is, like Servia, the seat of Ivussian intrigue. Lying between Kussia and Constantinople, 172 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA book i and inhabited by a people who, though of Finnish origin, have become Slavic in language and characteristics, it inevitably excites the interest and cupidity of the great neighboring Slavic Empire. The Tsar's agents are always at its capital, Sofia, and so strong is their inHuence that the government is practically under Russian control. Moreover, republican prin- ciples have found converts among the sturdy Bulgarian people, and have created a sentiment in favor of thoroughly demo- cratic institutions. And while this sentiment is not wide- spread, it sometimes makes itself heard. Naturally, therefore, Prince Alexander soon found that he must face decided opposition. He did not well understand the temper of the Bulgarian people and at first he aroused their antagonism by disregarding the wishes of his ministers and attempting to rule as an autocrat. Soon after the beginning of his reign he had difficulties with his Cabinet which led to the dissolution of the Assembly in December, 1879 ; and in the elections that followed prominent Liberals spoke so con- temptuously of Prince Alexander in their public addresses that he deemed it necessary to arrest them. But seeing the folly of this course, he soon abandoned his dictatorial methods of governing and established an intimate relationship with Stephen Stambuloff, the leader of the Liberal party. This remarkable man was already beginning to attract the attention of Europe, though he was now only twenty-five years of age. Possessing an iron tenacity of purpose, great foresight, and a lofty devotion to unselfish ends, he was for many years the centre of resistance to foreign intrigue and aggression. Alex- ander could not have had a wiser and better counsellor, and he learned to profit by Stambuloff's decision and shrewdness, and not to be offended by his masterful personality. Aided by this sound adviser and by his own good judgment, Alexander was for a time successful in overcoming opposition and winning the respect of the Bulgarian people. In 1885 he did much to streugthen his power by annexing Eastern Kumelia to his principality. This tract south of the Balkans belonged to Bulgaria, but in 1878 the Berlin Congress made it into a separate province and placed it under the direct military and political authority of the Sultan. Its people, however, would not submit to tliis despotic arrangement, which had been due PART II THE BALKAN STATES 173 to Lord Beaconsfield's sympathy for the Tixrk. On the night of September 17, 1885, they overthrew the Sultan's government and immediately proclaimed the union of their province with Bulgaria. Alexander was quick to see his opportunity. Ac- cepting the results of the revolution, he assumed the govern- ment of the province, and in April of the following year he was confirmed in it by a firman of the Sultan. The energy and promptness with which Alexander acted in this matter made him popular with the Bulgarian people, and his popularity was straightway increased by a display of mili- tary genius. For the Servians, made angry and jealous by the annexation of Eastern Rumelia and the increase of power which it involved, assumed a very arrogant and offensive tone toward Bulgaria and forced it into war. As the Servians had the larger and better drilled army, they expected to be easily victorious. But to their own surprise and that of all Europe also, they found themselves entirely overmatched. Through the courage and strategy of Prince Alexander the Bulgarian array completely routed its opponents, and the Servian King was soon forced to sign a treaty of peace. Had it not been for the intervention of Austria, the Bulgarians would have carried the war into their enemy's country and subjected them to still greater humiliation. Thus Alexander's prospects seemed encouraging, and but for the continuous interference of Russia he would probably have had a successful and prosperous reign. But in 1886 his army revolted at the instigation of Russian agents, and the Prince himself was kidnapped by a band of conspirators and carried into Russian territory after he had just signed his abdication. Through the prompt and vigorous action of Stambuloff the conspiracy was crushed, and Alexander, on returning into Bulgaria, was greeted with enthusiasm by the army and the people. The danger that had been so threatening seemed to have passed by, and Stambuloff confidently expected that the Prince would now be master of the situation. But just at this critical moment Alexander committed a serious blunder. Though he knew that the Emperor of Russia, Alexander III., was unfriendly to him, he was induced to send to that austere monarch a message expressing his own good-will and desire to please, and inviting a friendly reply. But the Emperor's 174 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA book i answer was so cold and formal as to convey a severe rebuke. Still the case was by no means hopeless. Stambuloff, much as he regretted Alexander's mistake, encouraged him to believe that he could face down all opposition if he showed a bold front and acted with unflinching determination. But the prince was not of heroic mould. Seeing that his path would be beset with difficulties, he lost heart and courage, and aban- doned the struggle against intrigue and unprincipled opposi- tion. On the 7th of September he again abdicated, and immediately left the country, never to return. Stambuloff sorrowfully escorted him out of the capital, where for seven years he had sat upon an uneasy throne. His death occurred on November 17, 1893. He was succeeded by a ruler of less ability and weaker character, Ferdinand, Duke of Saxony, who was elected Prince of Bulgaria on July 7, 1887. Though he assumed the functions of government without delay, it was nearly ten years before his election was confirmed by the powers. But finally, in 1896, his title was formally recognized through the mediation of the Sultan. That this delay was prejudicial to him can hardly be asserted, but he has encountered the same obstacles that proved fatal to the success of Prince Alexander. The country is divided into the anti-Russian and pro-Russian parties, and owing to their ceaseless and bitter warfare, it knows little political quiet. For some years Stambuloff con- tinued to lead the anti-Russian party, and showed such dis- tinguished ability that he was recognized as one of the great men of his time. The office of Prime Minister, to which he was appointed by Prince Alexander, he continued to hold under Prince Ferdinand until his vigorous policy raised up formidable enemies and wrought his downfall. It was his steadfast aim to create a national spirit among the people and to remove dissensions, and in the prosecution of these ends he crushed treasonable conspiracies and thrust his opponents aside with a heavy hand. But his arbitrary methods caused the feeling against him to grow intense and bitter, and Fer- dinand, who disliked his uncompromising and overbearing temper, joined the ranks of his enemies and treated him with harshness and indecency. In 1894 he was compelled to resign, and in the following year he was the victim of a cruel and PART 11 THE BALKAN STATES 175 dastardly assault upon his life. Even at his funeral his enemies did not refrain from indecent manifestations of hatred. In spite of the taking off of this leader of the anti-Eussian party the Tsar continued to be unfriendly to Prince Ferdinand, whom he pronounced a " usurper." But in time the concilia- tory attitude of the prince overcame this opposition, and when Prince Boris, heir to the throne of Bulgaria, was baptized into the Greek Church, the Tsar, through a representative, acted as sponsor at the ceremony. It was not long after this that the powers recognized Ferdinand as Prince of Bulgaria, as already stated. Notwithstanding these disturbing political conditions Bul- garia has made commendable progress since it was relieved from Turkish misrule. Its schools have received the heartiest commendation from foreign visitors ; ' its imports and exports have increased ; the resources of the country have been explored and developed. Bulgaria, including Eastern Rumelia, which is now known as Southern Bulgaria, contains a little more than thirty-eight thou- sand square miles and has a population of about three and a half millions. The Prince in his capacity of chief executive is assisted by a Council of Ministers. The legislative power is vested in the single Chamber which was established by the Constitution of 1879. The members are elected by universal manhood suffrage and sit for five years ; but the Prince can dissolve the Assembly at his pleasure. The delegates to the National Assembly are chosen in the proportion of one to every twenty thoiisand ; but there is a Great Assembly, whose dele- gates are elected in the proportion of one to every ten thou- sand, and to which constitutional questions must be referred. The Orthodox Greek Church is recognized as the State religion, but many Mohammedans are found among the population. Thus, of the five races enumerated in the early portion of the chapter, — the Greeks, the Albanians, the Vlachs, the Serbs, and the Bulgarians, — all have become free excepting one. Not indeed that all the members of these races have been equally fortunate. Undoubtedly there are Greeks, Vlachs, Serbs, and Bulgarians still under Turkish rule, for these races have been 1 Samuelsou's " Bulgari.i." 176 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA book i SO mixed and scattered that no one of them couki hope to win liberty for all belonging to it until the Turk should be driven out of Europe. But European Turkey has been so curtailed in the course of the century, that most of the people who used to be plundered and tortured by the Sultan's agents are no longer subjects of the Porte. One brave race, however, has not yet succeeded in freeing itself from the Ottoman tyranny. The Albanians still own the Sultan as tlieir master, and still dread the visitation of the Turkish tax-collector. But it has been the force of cir- cumstances rather than lack of energy and courage that has kept them from gaining their freedom. When the Greeks rose in 1821 the Albanians offered to help them, but their advances were coldly received. Thus a miserable race jeal- ousy prevented two gallant peoples from uniting against their common enemy, and made the struggle of the Greeks more arduous than it needed to have been, and the lot of the Al- banians less fortunate than that of neighboring races. For, stung by the unfriendliness of the Greeks, they have made no alliances with surrounding peoples, and they have not been strong enough to cope with Turkey alone. They have indeed been brave enough to attempt this impossible task. They re- belled in 1843 and again in 1880, but in each case they were soon suppressed. Yet they have undoubtedly profited by the freedom which Greece, Servia, and Bulgaria have won. The Turk has learned that it cannot torture its European subjects without calling down the vengeance of the powers. So it in- flicts its worst atrocities upon the unhappy Armenians, and lets the races nearer home go comparatively unmolested. But at best the condition of a people under Turkish rule is not to be envied. It is to be hoped that the Albanians will ultimately pass under a more enlightened government. At the same time, it is impossible to foresee what lot will befall them when the " Sick Man " dies. It does not seem probable that they will be allowed to form a separate state and add one more to the petty kingdoms south of the Danube; yet they are too proud to merge their destiny in that of any neighboring race. One more country of Southeastern Europe remains to be considered, but it cannot be classed with those that have PAKT II THE BALKAN STATES 177 wrested their freedom from the Turk, for that country has never been completely conquered by the Ottoman power. It is the little kingdom of Montenegro. V. Monteyiegro Consisting largely of rugged mountains, this state, insignifi- cant in size and numbers, has successfully defied the Aviiule strength of Turkey. Its present inhabitants are the descend- ants of a body of Servians who took refuge in this mountain- ous tract after their own country had been conquered by the Turks in 1389. From that time on they maintained a desper- ate struggle with their implacable foe. Again and again the Turks overran their country, burned their capital, and slew and captured a large number of their people. But there always remained a remnant to carry on the war and defy the Ottoman invader. And finally, in 1878, that independen(!e which they had never surrendered was formally acknowledged by the Sultan. At the same time the Congress of Berlin, recognizing and rewarding their splendid heroism, increased their scanty domain with grants of adjoining territory. Mon- tenegro now comprises about thirty-five hundred square miles, and has a population of something less than a quarter of a million. But in this brave little kingdom there has been but a very feeble growth in the direction of constitutional government. Its people, sturdy and independent as they are, do not feel the need of a written document to protect their rights. The patriarchal spirit is still strong in the country. There exists an innate respect for authority, together with a rude and primitive feeling of equality which puts prince and peasant very much on the same level. The Montenegrins obey their ruler because they trust him ; but there is no servility in their submission. Heroes themselves, they render homage to a hero. A weak and tame-spirited prince could hardly control their fierce and rugged temper. Accordingly, their land has not been a scene of popular uprisings and civil discord. Al- most annihilated in 151G and deserted by their prince, the Montenegrins put themselves under the lead of their bishop ; and for nearly two hundred years their rulers were elected by N 178 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA book i themselves, and vested with both spiritual and temporal sovereignty. In 1697 they partially abandoned this right of election, as Petrovitch Nyegush was appointed Vladika, or prince-bishop, with the right of choosing his own successor, subject to the national approval. The succession was naturally kept among his own descendants, and the reigning Prince of Montenegro claims Petrovitch Nyegush as his ancestor. Por a century and a half this simple and theocratic form of gov- ernment was kept without change ; but in 1851 the spiritual side of the sovereignty was abandoned upon the death of Peter Petrovitch, who was thus the last Vladika of Monte- negro. And shortly afterward the power of the prince, which had been absolute, was nominally limited and 'curtailed. By the Constitution, which was granted in 1852 and changed in 1879, the reigning Prince has executive authority, while the legislative power is vested in a State Council of eight mem- bers, half of whom are appointed by the Prince, and half of whom are elected by the people. It is interesting to note that in this military state, which owes its very existence to cen- turies of warfare, and where every man carries his pistol and yataghan in his girdle, citizenship is coextensive with arms- bearing. Only those who can fight or who have fought for their country are entitled to vote. But although Montenegro is thus by its Constitution a limited monarchy, it is still practically an absolute one. Everything depends on the will of the Prince. The Monte- negrins are still a lialf -bar baric people with the vices and virtues that belonged to a semi-civilized state. They are in- dustrious, brave, and temperate ; but they are still too rough and primitive to develop political institutions or a rich and broad intellectual activity. Education is free and compulsory, but elementary ; and the occupations of the people are chiefly agricultural and pastoral. This study of Southeastern Europe would hardly seem com- plete without some mention of the Turks themselves; for all the countries that have been considered, with the possible exception of Montenegro, have been a part of European Turkey. So powerful and dominant has been the Ottoman race. And yet it is only by courtesy that the Turks can be PART II THE BALKAN STATES 179 considered in a study of constitutional growth and political development. They have no politics ; they do not know the meaning of constitutional government. The Sultan is an autocrat, and if he is removed it is not by the will of the people but by the intrigues of a corrupt and shameless court. True, the European tendency toward constitutionalism has found expression. But the expression has been nothing but a mockery and a sham. The Sultan Abdul Medjid proclaimed a Constitution in 1856, and his successors have followed his example. But these documents are absolutely meaningless. In spite of them the Sultans go on doing exactly as they please, without the smallest regard for the feelings of their subjects. The Turks have no rights that the Sultan does not choose to give them. There is, however, some machinery of government The Sultan cannot manage the affairs of his empire without organized assistance, and he has to help him two high dignitaries, the Grand Minister, whose functions are very much like those of a prime minister and who has a cabi- net of ministers under him, and the Sheik-ul-Islam, who is the head of the Church. Then there is a body made up of eminent judges, theologians, and scholars which is termed the Ulema; and of considerable importance are the Mufti, who interpret the Koran. For the Koran is almost the only check upon the Sultan's will. His decisions must be in accord with its sacred teachings as expounded by the Mufti ; and they must not contradict the laws of the " Multeka," which embodies the opinions of Mohammed himself and his immediate successors. The present Sultan of Turkey is Abdul Hamid II., a cruel and vicious ruler, who stands directly in the way of his country's progress. His vices are recognized by the more liberal Turks themselves, and there is a party of young men at Constantinople who hold that their country's evils are all due to the iniquities of its sovereign.^ They believe that under a wise and high- minded monarch, or under republican institutions, Turkey would no longer be the plague-spot of modern civilization. Ac- cordingly, they hope to see their country regenerated when the present reign comes to an end. That their hopes are unfounded it would be harsh to say. But the careful student of history has no faith whatever in the " unspeakable Turk." 1 The Fortnightly Review, Ql : 639. CHAPTER III RUSSIA The movement for constitutional government has been well- nigh universal throughout Europe during the nineteenth cen- tury, but two nations have steadily resisted its advance. Neither Russia nor Turkey has adopted representative institutions ; in neither of these countries do the people have any control over national affairs. And yet neither of them could be ignored in a study of political and constitutional growth in the nineteenth century, for each of them well illustrates the defects and the dangers of autocratic rule. Moreover, the cause of represen- tative government has not lacked champions in Russia. Loud and fierce have been the jjrotests against absolutism, and more than one Tsar has thought seriously of convening a national assembly. This decided step has not indeed been taken. Russia is still governed without a Constitution, and probably will be for many years to come. But this absolute monarchy has been profoundly affected by the political progress of other European nations. If the Russian Tsars have ruled as auto- crats, they have not been without liberal instincts ; and if the Russian people have not obtained self-government, they have reaped the benefit of more than one radical reform. Accord- ingly, the political history of Russia since the French Revolu- tion affords an interesting study. But that stormy period did not at once bear fruit in the Mus- covite dominions. Catherine II. sat upon the throne of Russia in 1789, and much as she affected to admire Rousseau and Vol- taire, she yet detested the principles which were at the root of their teachings. The Revolution in France she viewed with horror, and the last years of her reign were reactionary rather than progressive. Her son Paul, who succeeded her in 1796, was too weak a character to change the policy of government. 180 PART II RUSSIA 181 Bat his reign was brief. He was murdered in 1801, and his son, Alexander I., who now came to the throne at the age of twenty-three, was in sympathy with liberal ideas. He came too at a time when Russia was ready to begin a larger career and to become more profoundly influenced by European civili- zation. Ever since tlie time of Peter the Great she had been struggling to win an extensive sea-coast, and under Catherine II. this end had been attained. Russia had now " wholly cast aside her character as a mere inland power intermediate be- tween Europe and Asia. She had a Baltic and an Euxine sea- board." ' But with this new and important position among the Euro- pean nations came new responsibilities, new opportunities, and new ideals of power and greatness. Russia was drawn into the struggle with Napoleon, and played no inconsiderable part in the events that led up to Waterloo. For Alexander I. was a conspicuous figure during the ISTapoleonic wars. His friend- ship protected Napoleon, even as his hostility helped to turn the scale against him. And his appearance at Paris in 1814 and 1815 among the allied sovereigns of Europe had no little significance. It showed that Russia was now to hold vital and intimate relations with the great European powers. It pointed to the Tsar as one of the potent and influential mon- archs of Europe. But unfortunately, in taking this position, Alexander failed to apprehend its legitimate requirements. It should have con- firmed him in liberal opinions ; but in the end it made him a reactionary. Naturally a friend of progress, he had cherished vast and beneficent schemes of reform through the earlier years of his reign, and had taken some steps toward bringing them to a fulfilment. Russians were allowed to travel freely, and foreigners were permitted to enter Russia; European books and papers were admitted into the country ; contracts of free- dom between serfs and their owners were made legal, and even the emancipation of the serfs was talked of ; priests, deacons, gentlemen, and citizens belonging to the guilds were declared exempt from corporal punishment; and in 1813 there was organized and formally instituted a Council of Empire which had considerable powers, some of them legislative. But after 1 Freeman's "Historical Geography of Europe," p. 534. 182 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA book i making so promising a beginning, Alexander grew tired of reform. The sovereigns of Europe were alarmed by the ideas which had led to the excesses of the French Revolution, and he learned to share their feelings. So he joined the Holy Alliance in 1815, dismissed his Liberal minister, Speranski, and, from being a wise and progressive ruler, became sus- picious, conservative, and despotic. To the end of his reign he encouraged art, industry, and commerce, and showed an interest in education ; but the cause of popular government he had learned to regard with mistrust and aversion, and the splendid promise of his earlier years was not fulfilled. He was succeeded in 1825 by his brother Nicholas, who, on com- ing to the throne, was obliged to direct his energies toward putting doAvn a formidable revolt among the soldiers. The extreme severity with which he punished the leaders in the revolt was perhaps justifiable; yet from the beginning to the end of his reign he showed himself a typical Romanoif Tsar, headstrong, conservative, iron-willed, and despotic. Liberal measures found in him a most uncompromising opponent, though certain reforms which did not directly benefit the masses obtained his sanction. At his direction the laws were codified and the action of the courts was made more rapid ; tribunals of trade were established, and increased political and social privileges were given to merchants; work upon the canal that was to join the Don and the Volga was continued ; a law school, a technological school, and two pedagogical insti- tutes were founded. But foreign affairs interested Nicholas more than domestic questions. He made war upon Persia and despoiled her of several districts ; and despot though he was, he took up the cause of Greece and helped to free her from Turkey, for it was part of his policy to humiliate the latter power, and, in case of its overthrow, to seize its domains. In 1831 he suppressed an insurrection of the Poles and made Poland a Russian prov- ince ; while in 1847 was begun the great eastward march of Russia into Central Asia which has resulted in the acquisition of immense tracts, and which has not yet been brought to an end. Though Nicholas had played the part of liberator by protecting Greece in 1828, he had done so to cripple Turkey ; to subvert liberty was more natural and agreeable to him, and PART II RUSSIA 183 this he did in 1849 by helping Austria quell the threatening Magyar insurrection (p. 142). By this act he secured the good- will of Francis Joseph, and by a clever exercise of diplomacy — an art in which he was somewhat proficient — he also gained the friendship of Prussia. Thus strengthened, he determined to renew hostilities with his old enemy, the Turk, and exact from him further concessions. In 1829 he had forced the Sul- tan to grant the free right of navigation in the Black Sea, the Dardanelles, and the Danube ; now he hoped to drive him from power and possibly to gain possession of Constantinople. But in this ambition jSTicholas Avas destined to be wholly thwarted. Two nations, whose hostility he had not expected to arouse, united with the Turk against him. France declared war upon Russia to win military glory (p. 41) ; England, in order to maintain the integrity of the Turkish Empire. With the latter power Nicholas had been on very friendly terms, but to assail Turkey was to touch the very quick of British diplo- macy. So Nicholas found that he had raised up a storm of indignation against himself in this supposedly friendly nation. Nor was he at this time able to conciliate feeling and disarm antagonism by wise action. Though not yet fifty years old, he was suffering from that deep, brooding melancholy which is so often the unhappy inheritance of the Romanoffs. So impaired was his mind that in 1853 an English physician pre- dicted that he had not more than two years to live — a predic- tion that was to receive a striking fulfilment.^ Hence, in the closing portion of his life it was impossible to have satisfactory intercourse with him. He was the creature of moods and whims, and his own courtiers as well as foreign diplomats were dis- turbed by his perversity and unreasonableness.- So nothing could keep him from the disastrous Crimean War, though fortunately he was saved from witnessing its humiliating con- clusion. His death occurred on March 2, 1855, from brain con- gestion ; not, as has frequently been asserted, from mortified pride and ambition. 1 Count Vitzthum's " St. Petersburg and London," I. 31. 2 These tendencies showed themselves early in his reign. At the time of the Greek Revolution, Canning wrote of him: "To say the truth, >>icho!as puzzles nie exceedingly, and seems to have puzzled the Duke of Wellington and perhaps himself." " Some Otticial Correspondence of George Canning," 11.27. 184 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA book i His son Alexander II., who succeeded him, was a liberal and progressive ruler. With his uncle's breadth of mind he united a tenacity of purpose and a practical bent which Alex- ander I. had not possessed. But, coming to the throne at a period of national humiliation, he could not give immediate attention to measures of reform. Sebastopol was captured ; his armies in the Crimea were thoroughly vanquished by the allied forces. He was, therefore, obliged to make peace with England, France, and Turkey upon such terms as they dic- tated ; and by the Treaty of Paris, arranged in 1856, he sur- rendered a part of Bessarabia and the right to keep vessels of war on the Black Sea. Thus Russia, instead of profiting by Nicholas's aggressive attitude toward Turkey, had only reaped sorrow and loss of power. But, the war once ended, Alexander soon showed himself a wise and humane executive. In 1858 he partially freed the serfs on the imperial domains ; and on March 3, 1861, just as the American Civil War, which was to liberate four million negroes, was looming up before the world, he issued a decree for the total emancipation of the serfs through- out his dominions. Thus twenty-three million people were by this single act released from bondage. Some years were indeed allowed for the full execution of the decree, and the immediate effects of the emancipation were not altogether good. It took the peasants some time to learn how to use their freedom. But forty years have shown that this humane action of Alexander must be classed among the great and beneficent reforms of the century.^ In other directions, also, Alexander showed him- self a friend of civilization and progress. He caused commer- cial treaties to be made with Great Britain and China; he promoted the cause of education ; he helped on the construc- tion of railroads ; and to the Jews, who were not at that time the object of blind and fanatical hatred, he granted increased privileges. But Alexander was not allowed to play the role of reformer without interruption. In 1861 occurred an uprising in Poland, which culminated in a widespread insurrection in 1863. The agitation had, to some extent, been occasioned by iln Wallace's "Russia," Chs. XXXI. and XXXII., there is a thorough discussion of the advantages and disadvantages of emancipation. A still fuller one is to be found in Leroy-Beaulieu's "The Empire of the Tsars and the Russians," Vol. 1. Book VII. PART II RUSSIA 185 the success of the national movement in Italy in 1859 ; but the Poles had no foreign friend like Napoleon to fight their battles for them, and they could make no stand against the full strength of the Russian Empire. The insurrection was completely crushed in the course of the year 1864, and Poland was entirely denationalized. It lost its name and its separate government, and became simply a province of the Empire. But amnesty was granted to all political offenders in 1867, — one of many proofs that Alexander, though sometimes stern, was never cruel. ^ But at the very period of this uprising Russia found herself face to face with a far more formidable foe than Poland. It was at this time that Nihilism began its strange and stormy career. In the political as in the material world action and reaction are equal. France found this to be so in 1789; Russia began to find it so three quarters of a century later. In each nation a long era of despotism produced a wild and brutal revolt against established order ; in each nation a destructive rationalism was the result of governing men with unreason. But in France the protest of reason ended in a wild carnival of folly ; in Russia, though it shook the foundations of govern- ment, it was powerless to overthrow them. The first signs of the coming trouble Avere apparent in the decade after the emancipation of the serfs. For when men were made masters of their persons, it was argued that they ought also to be masters of their own intelligence. The Nihil- istic movement, therefore, was, in its early stages, intellectual rather than political. Its aim was to emancipate the masses from ignorance and superstition ; its leaders were the apostles of rationalism, who broke free from tradition, hated religion, and believed that education and free thought would regenerate the world. Embracing these ideals with passionate enthusiasm, they strove to propagate them through the whole Russian Empire. AVhatever may be said of their cause, their zeal for it was unbounded. They believed themselves to be priests of a new dispensation, and this dispensation they preached in season and out of season with the ardor of a religious brother- 1 Prince Krapotkin gives testimony to the contrary, but his feelings toward Alexander seem vindictive. See his recently published Autobiog- raphy, jmssini. 186 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA book i hood. And for a time they confined tliemselves to peaceable methods. They did not regard tlieir movement as revolution- ary, and they did not seek to further it by violence. But gradually their attitude underwent a total change. If their efforts were not revolutionary, the Government at any rate considered them so, and it strove to thwart them by every possible means. The Nihilists themselves were imprisoned ; their documents were seized ; their property was confiscated. But these summary measures only increased their devotion to their creed. After a few years they grew fierce, fanatical, and desperate. They learned to regard the Government with bit- terest hatred, and their movement assumed a distinctly politi- cal character. It was socialistic, destructive of law and order, the enemy of peaceable progress and the friend of revolution. But still the Nihilist refrained from actual violence. During the early seventies he acted as if at bay, angry, outraged, and vindictive, and ready to go to martyrdom in defence of his beliefs. But he remained a propagandist and not an assassin. But in 1878 occurred a startling event which changed the character of Nihilism, and was the beginning of a long series of dreadful deeds. On the 24th of January in that year. Gen- eral Trepoff was shot by a woman named Vera Zassulic, for ordering a political prisoner to be flogged. Vera Zassulic was acquitted by a jury; none the less her action set the Nihilists on fire. Inspired by her example, they adopted violence as a means of farthering their cause. Unable to contend with the Government, they sought to terrorize it. Dynamite became their favorite weapon, and the Tsar the special object of their murderous efforts.^ To them he was the symbol of despotism, the head of the infamous system of government which they were seeking to destroy. Accordingly, they determined to offer him as a sacrifice upon the altar of Nihilism. Yov the Empire, they argued, could not stand, if to be its ruler meant death. But in spite of the hostility of the Nihilists, the Tsar, for a time, persisted in his course as an enlightened and progressive sovereign. The Nihilistic movement did, indeed, excite his 1 The hatred toward Alexander was intensified because he tried to set aside the verdict by wliich Vera Zassulic had been acquitted. Her arrest and imprisonment were ordered shortly after her trial. PART II RUSSIA 187 indignant condemnation. He could not help viewing it with profound concern, for it seemed to him subversive of order and an enemy of progress. He therefore gave his sanction to those severe measures by which it was attempted to keep the Nihilists in check. To him, as the representative of ancient despotic usage, arrest upon suspicion, imprisonment without trial, maddening solitary confinement, and banishment to Siberia seemed the natural and proper means of dealing with promoters of rebellion. But that he punished vindictively there is scant evidence. Nor did he wholly abandon his plans of reform because of the signs of revolutionary disturbance within his Empire. On the contrary, he tried to accomplish the very things which the moderate and thoughtful Liberals desired. He relaxed the censorship of the press, shortened the term of military service, encouraged immigration and invention, and removed restrictions on travel. And he did much to improve the legal system of the Empire, which preceding sovereigns had labored to amend with very imperfect success. The laws of the land had become so numerous and contradictory that they rather hindered than helped the administration of justice, until Catherine II. attempted to collect them into a single code. This work, only partially accomplished in her reign, was continued by Alexander I. and completed under Nicho- las I. But further reforms were urgently needed when Alex- ander II. came to the throne, for some of the fundamental principles of sound jurisprudence were scarcely recognized. But under this enlightened monarch trial by jury was estab- lished ; the punishment of criminals was taken from the police and put in the hands of a judiciary ; and flogging was pro- hibited except in prisons, in disciplinary regiments, and when authorized by peasant courts. But it must be admitted that in a country like Russia the value of such reforms depends upon the will of the Tsar. If he punishes officials who trans- gress the statutes, his edicts will be obeyed. But the arbitrary and ilomineering instinct is strong in a country where despotic government has been the rule for centuries ; and those who exercise authority are not often called to account for cruel and tyrannical conduct, for the Tsar, however well meaning, can- not oversee all his minions, and correct their abuses. But the persistent agitation of the Nihilists made Alexander 188 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA book i pause in the work of reform. The propagandists grew more and more dangerous and violent: the five great universities — at St. Petersburg, Moscow, Kiev, Dorpat, and Kazan — showed sympathy with liberal principles. vSo Alexander's views took a reactionary tinge, though he did not, like his uncle, Alexander I., wholly abandon liberal ideas. At the very time of his death he was maturing a plan for conven- ing a National Assembly which should have the right of delib- erating upon proposed measures, though not of voting upon them. But during the latter years of his reign Alexander undoubtedly looked with special interest upon the more exter- nal signs of power and progress in his dominions. And he had good reason to pride himself upon the gains that had been made. Nearly seven thousand miles of railroad had been constructed; the number of factories had been enormously increased; the export trade had risen from thirty million dollars to more than ten times that sum ; the right to keep war vessels on the Black Sea (p. 42) had been asserted in 1870 ; and new and considerable tracts had been acquired in Central Asia. Nearer home, too, Russia gained additional territory during Alexander's reign ; for Turkey, her ancient enemy, was obliged to cede portions of her soil as a result of the Russo-Turkish War in 1877-78. Into this war Alexander was drawn by a series of complications which arose from the attempt of the peoples south of the Danube to emancipate themselves from Turkish tyranny. Foremost among these peoples were the Servians, who made war upon Turkey in 1876 and put a powerful army in the field. But they were unable to cope with the Turkish Empire, sustained as it was by exorbitant taxes wrung from the subjects of the Sultan all over his dominions. In 1877 their cause looked very dark, and the Tsar determined to pro- tect them from the horrors that follow a Turkish victory. He declared war upon the Forte on April 24, 1877, and after a bloody conflict of nearly a year's duration he thoroughly routed the armies of the Sultan both in Asia Minor and in European Turkey. Peace was signed at San Stephano on March 3, 1878 ; and on August 17 an army of eighty thousand Pussiaus was reviewed almost in sight of Constantinople. That the Tsar was sorely tempted to seize this long-coveted PART n RUSSIA 189 stronghold and keep it against all assaults there can be no doubt; but he had pledged himself not to invade Turkey's capital, and he was true to his word. Constantinople remained in the possession of the "Sick Man," the armies of Russia withdrew across the Danube,^ and the Tsar satisfied himself with the awards of the Berlin Congress. By the decisions of that body the Porte made over to Russia Ardahan, Kars, and Batum in Asiatic Turkey, as well as a district lying at the mouth of the Danube (p. 169). But in spite of the numerous gains that were made under Alexander, the Nihilists regarded him as a tyrant ; and, after failing in four efforts against his life, they accomplished their end on the afternoon of Sunday, March 13, 1881. As he was returning from a parade a bomb wrecked the sleigh that bore some of his escort ; a second one mortally wounded the Tsar himself, who had courageously stopped his own sleigh in order to look after his retainers. His death removed one of the best and ablest sovereigns of the century. Alexander was succeeded by his son, Alexander III., who possessed the dominating traits of the Romanoffs. He was imperious, stern, and conscientious, though his conceptions of duty were narrow. In 1879 he had been rebuked by his father for advocating reforms ; but after the tragic end of Alexander II. he lost his sympathy with liberal movements. Abandon- ing all thought of granting his subjects a Constitution, he lived for two years in retirement and reigned as autocratically as his predecessors. He was a man of high courage, like all be- longing to his line, and it is hardly to be believed that he shunned publicity through personal fear. Probably he was anxious to preserve his dynasty from extinction rather than to secure his own personal safety. But whatever may have been his motives, he did not allow himself to be crowned till May 27, 1883, more than two years after his father's death. During the coronation season, with its festivities, pomp, and parades, the Tsar would have been an easy mark for the Nihil- ists ; but they made no attempt to take his life. In resorting to assassination they had overreached themselves and ruined 1 An army of occupation reniaim rl nine inmiths in tlie newly organized province of Eastern Rumelia to carry out tlie provisions of the Berlin Cou- j^ress. 190 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA book i their cause in the eyes of the civilized world. They therefore decided to abandon dynamite and to win converts by peace- able means. But though the terrorism was thus brought to an end, the Tsar adhered to his repressive policy. The Nihil- ists were hunted out, condemned, and imprisoned because of their opinions; a rigid censorship over all publications was maintained; and political offenders as well as criminals were exiled to Siberia, and there treated with great hardship. It soon became plain that the reign of Alexander III. would not be a period of reforms. But the reign was not a long one. On reaching middle life, Alexander showed the same signs of mental oppression to which other members of his line had been a prey, and he was also attacked by a wasting disease. The weight of empire was too heavy for him. On November 1, 1894, he died, at the age of forty-nine, and his son succeeded to the throne as Nicholas II. Born on May 18, 1868, Nicholas was but twenty-six when called to reign over the mightiest nation in the world, and for a time he maintained a discreet silence and did not enunciate his policy.^ Indeed, he showed himself an unusually self-con- tained and well-balanced character. Accordingly, the traditions of Russian statecraft were not immediately changed. The vast armies were maintained and improved; the navy was increased ; the steady flow of exiles into Siberia was not diminished; and Russian diplomacy was still marked by in- trigue, aggressiveness, and territorial greed. In China, as is else- where related (p. 324), Russia was particularly encroaching and caused irritation among the other great powers of Europe by the large concessions she obtained from the Chinese Gov- ernment. All the more important were these concessions because the Trans-Siberian railway was slowly and steadily approaching completion, and was destined to make Russia's power on the Pacific extremely formidable. This vast enter- prise was begun in 1891 and was carried forward in three great sections. The work was not hurried, but was done in an ex- ceedingly thorough manner, so that the railroad itself, the bridges over the rivers, and the official buildings along the 1 Such brief announcements as he made were in favor of maintaining the traditional autocratic rule. PART II KUSSIA 191 route compare favorably with similar constructions in the most advanced and highly civilized countries.^ As time passed, however, the Tsar began to show marked independence of mind and character. He was extremely judi- cious in dealing with other powers, as he avoided entangling alliances and at the same time gave no just cause for offence ; and in the administration of his own Empire he refused to be fettered by settled usage and custom. Although he preserved the efficiency of his vast armaments, he became impressed with the cruel and hideous nature of war, and he proposed to the great powers of the world a conference in the interests of peace. That the strong military nations would at once dimin- ish their armies and navies, he hardly expected ; but he sug- gested that all of them should cease to add to their armaments, and he declared himself ready to carry out this policy in Rus- sia. His motives were much impugned and his scheme was pronounced impracticable; but none the less the Conference met at The Hague on May 18, 1899, and was organized under the presidency of M. de Staal, the Russian ambassador to Eng- land. All the greater powers of Europe and nearly all the lesser ones were represented at the Conference ; and the United States and four Asiatic countries, China, Japan, Persia, and Siam, also sent delegates. For more than two months the Conference continued its sessions, and though it did not accom- plish exactly what the Tsar had planned, its deliberations were by no means fruitless. For before its members dispersed, they prepared eight conventions, which were agreed to by a majority of the powers represented. Some of these conven- tions were designed to mitigate the horrors and barbarities of warfare, the use of balloons to drop explosives from the sky, of asphyxiation shells and of expanding bullets being forbidden ; but the most important of them was the fourth, which pro- vided for the establishment of a permanent court of arbitration with a bureau at The Hague, and made it the duty of all gov- ernments to encourage the submission of disputes to the court. Thus the Tsar Nicholas has made the whole civilized world his debtor; for the conventions of the Conference Avill work 1 So travellers, familiar with the road, have stated; but recent reports throw doubt upon the correctness of their imiiressions. It is uow said that xnucb of the road must be built over again. 102 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA book i powerfully for peace and will help to rob war of some of its native savagery. Desiring to see progress in all parts of his dominions, Nicholas gave much thought and attention to the wretched condition of Siberia under the exile system. He saw that con- victs were not the best persons to develop a country and spread civilization ; and he therefore determined to people Siberia with settlers who would make the most of its great fertility, and all its varied resources. When this plan is carried out, the custom of making the country the home of criminals will die of itself, just as Great Britain ceased to send convicts to Australia after the country was well settled with orderly and law-abiding inhabitants. As the Tsar gave many evidences of an enlightened and liberal mind, it was unfortunate that his treatment of the Finns was oppressive and unjust. The Grand Duchy of Fin- land was ceded by Sweden to Russia in 1809, and received a guarantee from Alexander I. that its religion and its funda- mental laws shouM not be changed. This guarantee was respected by the succeeding Tsars, each of whom solemnly swore to uphold the Constitution and the liberties of Finland. Under this Constitution, which dates from the year 1792, Fin- land had its own Parliament, consisting of four estates, the nobles, the clergy, the burghers, and the peasants ; its own money and system of custom-houses; and the right to manage its own affairs. But by a manifesto issued on February 15, 1899, Nicholas set this Constitution aside. For in this mani- festo he reserved the right to decide what laws should be con- sidered to affect the whole Empire as well as Finland proper. Accordingly, as almost any law could be held to have some relation to the Empire in general, the Parliament of Finland was reduced to a mere provincial assembly, and deprived of the power to treat any other than local questions. Even before the manifesto of February 15 the Russian Government attempted to increase the burden of military service in Finland, and to that end it brought a Military Re- form Bill before the Finnish Diet. Such a bill could not have become a law against the wishes of tlie peo})le of Finland while the Constitution was in force ; but after the Constitution was made invalid by the act of Nicholas, the people werq PART n RUSSIA 193 powerless to protect themselves against this bill or against any other tyrannical act of the Russian Government. But they continued loyal and still regarded the Tsar as their friend, believing that, in taking away their liberties, he had been led astray by evil counsellors. Russia has a European area of 2,095,504 square miles, and a total area of 8,644,100 square miles. The population of European Russia is about 100,000,000 ; and that of the whole empire about 130,000,000. Although the Tsar has absolute power, the administration of affairs is intrusted to four chief Councils. The Council of State consists of a president and an unlimited number of members appointed by the Tsar. It is divided into three departments of Legislation, Civil and Church Administration, and Finance ; and its chief function is to examine into new laws that are proposed by the ministers, and to discuss the budget. The Ruling Senate has partly a deliberative and partly an executive character. It is divided into nine departments or sections, which meet in St. Peters- burg, and each of which is presided over by a lawyer. No law can be valid without its sanction ; it is also the High Court of Justice for the Empire. The Holy Synod is com- posed of metropolitans, archbishops, and bishops, and takes charge of religious affairs. The Committee of Ministers has to a large extent the duties and functions of a Cabinet. For purposes of local administration the country is divided into 107,493 communes, which are managed by the peasants themselves by means of the Mir, or communal assembly. A branch of the Greek Church is established in Russia as the State Church. It has its own synod and recognizes the Tsar as its supreme head. In educational matters Russia is one of the most backward countries in Europe, its percentage of illiteracy being very large. Scarcely any provision is made for primary education. There are good secondai'y schools for boys and for girls, but their number is utterly inadequate to the needs of the country ; and very much the same is to be said of the colleges and universities. Part III THE TEUTONIC NATIONS GERMANY SWEDEN and HOLLAND NORWAY DENMARK SWITZERLAND CHAPTER I GERMANY Before Europe became civilized, the Gallic and the Ger- manic peoples occupied adjoining tracts on either side of the Rhine. Gradually there came to each enlightenment, political growth, and national development. But the development was for each distinctive and peculiar. The Gallic Celts retained their own individual type of civilization and political life, and the Germans retained theirs. As time passed most of the Gallic peoples were welded into the French nation, while the Germanic peoples refused to give up their separate existence. They retained that independence which Tacitus mentions as one of their striking characteristics, and which neither the force of circumstances nor the strength of individual genius was ever able to overcome. The Holy Roman Empire was an empire only in name. Its head did not have a truly imperial power. Even so potent a monarch as Charles V. could not bring the stubborn German princes under an absolute sway. For even when he considered his authority to be complete and unresisted, that profound and subtle prince, Maurice of Saxony, undermined his power and drove him, a hasty fugitive, out of his own dominions. With the intellectual and moral growth of Europe the rug- gedness of the German temper showed itself more strongly than ever. The Reformation came. Luther made northern Germany break away from the Catholic Church, and the task of forming the German states into one undivided nation became increasingly difficult. To the separative influence of native independence was now added that of religious dis- sension. And in process of time came educational develop- ment and literary activity, which resulted in making the Germans a deep-thinking people. But with thought and 197 198 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i education came liberal ideas, dislike of autocratic rule, and emancipation from mediaeval superstition and from conven- tional opinions. Hence the Holy Roman Empire was seen to have but the semblance of authority, and it gradually lost its power. To it could never belong the glory of making a united Germany. Yet the hearts of the Germans longed increasingly for a great, free, and united fatherland. This longing was rendered so intense and active by the French Revolution that Leopold II., head of the Holy Roman Empire from 1790 to 1792, and Frederick William IV., King of Prussia, decided to crush such aspirations by helping Louis XVI. suppress his rebellious sub- jects. But in this effort they did not succeed. The French people triumphed over their King, and under Napoleon Bona- parte they overpowered Austria and Prussia. More than this, they made Germany more divided than ever. The chief cen- tral and southern states were formed into the Confederation of the Rhine, Avhich espoused Napoleon's cause and furnished him men to win his victories. But when Napoleon finally abdicated, Germany lapsed back into its old condition. The Holy Roman Empire, which was brought to an end in 1804, was not indeed revived. But noth- ing was done by the Congress of Vienna to unify the various German states. Every petty princeling was reestablished in power, and was expected to rule as an autocrat. Constitutions were not approved of. The people were to have no rights whatever. Metternich, the Austrian statesman, exercised a paramount influence in the Congress, and made it take a resolute stand against popular government. Thus the prospects of Germany were deeply discoui-aging after the Congress had ended its labors. Both liberty and unity seemed far away. The demand for Constitutions was heard all over the land ; but how could they be wrested from reluctant and despotic rulers ? Austria and Prussia, tire two foremost states in Germany, were completely under Metter- nich's influence and were swayed by narrow-minded sovereigns. Democracy was odious to Francis I. of Austria; Frederick William III. of Prussia was not in sympathy with modern ideas. Of the remaining states no one was powerful enough to assume the leadership of Germany and to become the cham- PART III GERMANY 199 pion of the people's rights. For Austria and Prussia stood ready, at Metteniich's bidding, to suppress such a movement by armed force. National unity seemed more difficult of attainment than political freedom. The Confederation of the Khine was suc- ceeded in 1815 by the German Confederation, which lasted till 1866, but this union of the states was never able to grow into a nation. Federations lack permanence. History shows that they are powerless to prevent disintegration. Germany was not ready to repeat America's experiment. Her separate states were not on an equality. They could not unite by voluntary agreement. The smaller ones looked for some powerful one to lead them. But the two most powerful ones, Austria and Prussia, could never lead while they remained walled in by absolutism. Each was, indeed, ambitious for leadership. Each attracted attention by its superior power and prestige. In the rivalry of the two is the key to German history for half a century. Yet how that rivalry would end, to what amazing developments it would lead, no one could foresee in the days of Metternich's supremacy. In spite of the obstacles to political progress, the movement for constitutional rights was not long delayed. Constitutions had indeed been provided for by the Articles of the German Confederation, and most of the German princes had promised liberal governments during the stormy times of the struggle with Napoleon. But the provisions of the Confederation proved to be a dead letter, for no one was responsible for carrying them out; and most of the princes failed to keep faith with them. But some there were who kept the promises they had made, and by them the cause of liberal government received its first onward movement. In North Germany only the Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar was sufficiently progressive to fall in with the popular desires. But in South Germany Con- stitutions were granted in Bavaria, Wlirtemberg, Hesse-Darm- stadt ; and the rulers of these states led the way in this, for they wished to weaken the nebility by freeing the people. These changes were all effected before the end of 1820. Meanwhile measures had been taken to prevent further innova- tions of a similar character. In March, 1819, Kotzebue, the author, was stabbed to death for undertaking to play the part 200 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i of spy upon German liberty as the agent of the Russian Em- peror. The deed, horrible as it was, had no special signifi- cance. It was the act of a fanatic, not the result of a conspiracy. Yet it was viewed with deep concern by the reactionary Ger- man rulers. It destroyed all lingering sympathy with consti- tutionalism in the mind of Frederick AVilliam III. And it helped to bring about the Carlsbad Congress. This body, to which Austria and Prussia and several other states sent repre- sentatives, assembled in August, 1819, and adopted resolutions subversive of free speech and liberal tendencies. Constitutionalism, therefore, made but little additional progress for a number of years. ]\[etternich's influence was potent against it. But a movement was projected by Prussia in 1818 which helped on the cause of national unity. In that year the ZoUverein, or Customs-union, was first planned. After a few years it was put into operation, and was gradually joined by nearly all the states of Germany excepting Austria. The benefits it brought were very great. The duties on im- ported goods were made uniform throughout Germany. Do- mestic manufactures were encouraged. Trade prospered ; and the receipts of the custom-house were very greatly increased. Moreover, by causing the German states to work together in securing a commercial prosperity, it helped the national idea, for the advantages of common arms, common laws, and com- mon government were made apparent. Nor did Prussia fail to reap special advantages from the union which she had founded. Its success redounded to her credit and gave her additional prominence among the states of Germany. With the outbreak of the revolution in France in 1830, the hopes of the Constitutionalists were revived, nor were they vainly excited. Insurrection broke out in Electoral Hesse and Saxony, and Constitutions were granted in those states in 1831. A new Constitution was proclaimed in Brunswick in 1832, and one was adopted in Hanover in 1833, partly as the result of popular agitation and disturbance. To these changes the Diet of the German Confederation was opposed ; but it was powerless to prevent or annul them. But the cause of the reactionists was helped by a foolish demonstration in Bavaria in 1832, accompanied with fervid oratory and out- cries against autocratic government; and by an impotent PART III GERMANY 201 attack upon the police at Frankfort in 1833. These attempts, like the murder of Kotzebue, only called forth vigorous measures of repression from the opponents of liberal ideas. Austria, at Metternich's instigation, made a new assault on popular rights. Prussia and the Diet of the Confederation joined with her in the effort. The censorship of the press was made more rigid, and other reactionary steps were taken. Such coercion only deepened the desire for political emancipa- tion and prepared the way for serious outbreaks. Yet for a time the agitations of the reformers seemed to subside. The reactionary princes grew more confident. In 1837 Ernest Augustus, uncle of Queen Victoria, who succeeded to the throne of Hanover, withdrew the Constitution that had so recently been granted. Such arbitrary acts only hastened the downfall of absolu- tism. But the situation did not materially change in Germany for a number of years. The accession of new sovereigns in Austria and Prussia was attended with no political results. In 1835 Francis II. of Austria was succeeded by his son Ferdi- nand I., who was too weak to alter the policy of the Govern- ment. In 1840 the death of the Prussian King Frederick William III. caused his son, Frederick William IV., to receive the crown. From this latter ruler progressive measures were hoped for ; for he was not a degenerate, like his fellow-ruler on the Austrian throne. Yet his undoubted intellectual gifts proved of little benefit to his country. He had no grasp upon practical affairs. Visionary and unstable, he drew his inspira- tion from the past and failed to adopt a consistent policy of conduct. In 1847 he expressed himself unreservedly against a Constitution. But a crisis soon came, which caused him temporarily to alter his views. In 1848 occurred the revolution in France which drove Louis Philippe from his throne. Germany caught the revolutionary fever. Many of its rulers grew alarmed at the signs of popular agitation, and conceded what their sub- jects demanded. New and more liberal Constitutions were granted in Saxony and Wlirtemberg. In Bavaria parliamen- tary government and freedom of the press were wrested from the dissolute and timorous King. And in states of less im- portance than these similar concessions were obtained. Yet 202 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i it was not in these minor principalities that the revolutionary movement showed, the greatest strength and assumed the greatest significance. It was felt in the two leading states, Austria and Prussia, and it brought about changes in them of no little importance. In Prussia the agitation immediately assumed an alarming character. A bloody conflict took place in the streets of Berlin between the citizens and the populace. The startled King abandoned his mediaeval views about the absolute rights of sovereigns and put himself at the head of the popular movement. On March 21 he issued a proclamation declaring his willingness to make liberal concessions, and inti- mating his desire to unite all the German powers into one imperial state. So to some, who failed to measure his weak and vacillating character, the hour for effecting German liberty and the leader who was destined to accomplish it seemed to have arrived. The Diet of the Germanic Confederation had declared for a representative National Assembly. This Assem- bly met at Frankfort on May 18, 1848. It spent much time in fruitless deliberations, but finally, on March 28, 1849, it offered the title of Emperor to Frederick William. But Frederick William was not the man to found an empire, and this he apparently realized. He declined the offer of the Assembly. His experience in his own capital had not been happy and did not encourage him to take upon himself new and larger responsibilities. A Constitutional Convention had met in Berlin in May, 1848 ; but it was largely composed of demagogues, and its proceedings were nugatory and impracti- cal. It failed to formulate a satisfactory Constitution. The King accordingly abandoned his practical policy. Instead of falling in with the popular movement, he determined to suppress it by force. Berlin was filled with troops ; the Con- stitutional Assembly was dissolved; and a new and highly conservative Constitution was announced. Thus ended the revolution in Prussia. Yet, though defeated, it had deepened the desire for political emancipation and brought the day of absolutism nearer to its end. In Austria the movement had a similar course and met with a like reverse. In Saxony, the Palatinate, and Baden it assumed formidable proportions and was at first successful. But Prussia sent lier troops into these states to crush sedition. The insurgents were overpow^ered, PART III GERMANY 203 and some of their leaders were shot. Gottfried Kinkel, the ppet and scholar, who had left his chair at the University of Bonn to fight for freedom, was condemned to imprisonment with hard labor. After a year of extreme suffering he was rescued by the daring exertions of his friend Carl Schurz. He made his way to England and there remained until despotic rule in Germany gave place to free institutions. The insurrections were crushed. The rivalry between Austria and Prussia still went on. Each of these states was jealous of the other. Each was desirous of gaining power and prestige at the expense of the other. At times all Germany seemed to divide into two hostile camps, ready to assert the claims of Austrian or Prussian supremacy. As years passed the despotisms that afHicted Germany were softened. Liberal ideas marched on with irresistible force. German scholarship became more and more famous. German literature commanded in- creasing attention and respect in all the centres of civilization. Goethe died in 1832. Very soon his name was on the lips of all lovers of literature. Naturally Germans grcAV proud of their achievements ; their patriotism and their aspirations for a united fatherland became more deep and fervent. But still there was no German nation. Neither diplomacy, force, nor voluntary union seemed able to make an empire out of the dissevered German states. But one man in Germany was forming large schemes, which were destined to accomplish even more perhaps than he him- self expected from them. Otto von Bismarck, born in Prussian Saxony in 1815, entered public life in 1847, and soon attracted attention by his extraordinary powers. He served first in the Prussian House of Burgesses ; then he represented Prussia in the Diet of the German Confederation, where he exerted a wide influence. Austria found him a serious obstacle to her plans for her own aggrandizement. In 1859 his diplomatic career began. He was sent by the King of Prussia to St. Petersburg and afterward to Paris ; and at both courts he showed great skill in the conduct of affairs and rare knowledge of men. His successful career commended him to his country, but the breadth and boldness of his conceptions were not yet appre- ciated. For while he was adroitly performing his various tasks, he was planning for Prussia a great and brilliant 204 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i destiny. He aimed to make her the dominant power in Ger- many, and to accomplish this he saw but one method of pro- cedure, and that was force. The German states would render homage to but one thing, militaiy greatness. Only the bayonet could establish Prussia's ascendency. So Bismarck aimed to make her armies the best in Europe. The opportunity of accomplishing this purpose was not long in coming. On January 2, 1861, William I. had succeeded his brother, Frederick William IV., on the Prussian throne. In character he was the opposite of his predecessor. He was not a visionary, but a man of affairs. His strength did not lie in intellectual accomplishments, but in a sturdy sense and knowledge of men. He knew how to select his advisers — an invaluable instinct in a sovereign — and this knowledge he mani- fested conspicuously by making Bismarck his Prime Minister. This responsible post Bismarck assumed in September, 1862. Almost immediately he showed a masterful hand. The wishes of the Chamber of Representatives he regarded as of no conse- quence. On one thing only he was bent. He was determined to use the national revenues to create an efficient army, and this he did in spite of all opposition. The representatives scolded, censured, and threatened him, and pronounced his acts unconstitutional ; but they spoke to deaf ears. Bismarck was satisfied that his course of action would make Prussia great, and to his mind that was enough to justify it. Practically he carried on the government for several years without legisla- tive assistance. This high-handed conduct was in utter de- fiance of the Constitution ; but the course of events gave it a partial justification. On November 15, 1863, Frederick VII., King of Denmark, died, and was succeeded by Christian IX. of a different line. The right of the new King to the Danish throne was unquestioned; whether he was also the lawful ruler of Schleswig and Holstein was not so certain. For these duchies, on the southern border of Denmark, had for some time resisted Danish rule, claiming that they were not gov- erned by the same law of succession as the other Danish prov- inces. This claim had led to war with Denmark in 1848 which had lasted till 1850 and into which some of the German states were drawn. The difficulty was then settled in favor of Denmark. But on the accession of Christian IX. the trouble PART III GERMANY 205 broke out afresh. It is not easy to decide whether the claim of Schleswig-Holstein was thorouglily well founded; but at any rate the Germans quite generally believed it to be, and were full of sympathy for the German inhabitants of these duchies. They wished to protect them from Danish aggres- sion by armed interference ; and this feeling was shared by Bismarck. That he cared much for the justice of the case may be doubted. He simply saw in the difficulty an oppor- tunity for Prussia, and he made the most of it. He made common cause with Austria in defending the duchies against the Danes, who were speedily overpowered by the combined Austrian and Prussian armies. The duchies were ceded to the allies in 1864 ; Austria thereupon took possession of Hol- stein and Prussia of Schleswig. Thus Bismarck's despotic policy was beginning to bear fruit. But the far-seeing Prime Minister was ambitious for larger triumphs. In 1866 he picked a quarrel with Austria over these same duchies, and brought on the Austro-Prussian War. Not content with the acquisition of Schleswig, Prussia endeav- ored to grasp Holstein too. Austria naturally resisted this aggression, and Prussia declared war upon her in June, 1866. The move seemed a bold one, for Austria was one of the most formidable military powers in Europe. Her population (including that of Hungary) greatly exceeded that of Prussia: her resources were in every way supposed to be greater. Yet Bismarck went into the struggle with absolute confidence, and the sequel showed that his confidence was justified. He knew what few beside himself did know — that the Prussian army was the best drilled and the best disciplined in Europe. He placed great hopes, moreover, in the military genius of von Moltke, the distinguished Prussian general, and in the effec- tiveness of the breech-loading needle-gun. Nor did he expect that Prussia would fight her battles all alone. He had secured the alliance of nearly all the North German states ; and the Italians stood ready to strike a blow for their own freedom and thus to keep a portion of the Austrian army busy in North Italy. But the world, not knowing the completeness of Bismarck's preparations, was astonished at the shortness of the war. The Prussians took the aggressive. In the closing days of 20G THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i June they entered Bohemia in three grand divisions. First winning a number of minor engagements and meeting with but one or two repulses, they converged near Koniggratz, a forti- fied Bohemian town. Here, on July 3, took place the decisive battle of the Avar. Some 400,000 men were engaged in it, and it was for a time fiercely contested. But in the end the supe- rior strategy of von Moltke caused the Austrians to flee in disorder from the field. Their power was now completely broken. Other reverses followed in rapid succession. The Prussians pushed their way within a few miles of Vienna, and on July 30 an armistice was signed. Thus in six weeks the war was brought to a conclusion. In that brief period Prussia had humbled a first-rate military power, subdued Hanover and Saxony and the other German states that had sided with her rival, and restored Venetia to Italy. For though the Italian armies had met with nothing but disaster, Prussia did not forget her ally when the terms of peace were made. Moreover, she had brought the Germanic Confederation to an end, owing to the opposition she had en- countered in its Diet. The Confederation, indeed, seemed to be no longer needed. Prussia herself had become a centre round which the other German states could rally. She had now a commanding position in the German world. Thus the policy of Bismarck was triumphant. All criticism of his arbitrary conduct ceased ; and on returning to Berlin from the theatre of action he was received with the wildest enthusiasm. The Chamber of Deputies was now ready to make any grants he desired for the army; and this willing- ness he turned to good account. The army was kept in a high state of efficiency. Bismarck did not seek further wars, but war soon came. In 1870 began the deadly struggle with France. Though Bismarck was not the means of bringing it on, he saw in it a great opportunity. Not only did the North German Parliament vote to give Prussia its support, but, contrary to Napoleon's expectation, the South German states agreed to as- sist her also. By the help of these allies Prussia was able to bring into the field over six hundred thousand men, while France could not muster much more than half that number. So Bismarck felt as sure of the result as he liad been on tlie eve of the war with Austria. PART iTi GERMANY 207 The conflict began, and once more was Bismarck's confi- dence shown to be jnstified. Erance offered a more obsti- nate resistance to the Prussian armies than Austria had done ; but soon Napoleon was a prisoner and Paris in a state of siege. The position of Prussia had now become a commanding one. Her magnificent triumphs roused all Germany to enthusiasm. The states were ready to follow wherever she would lead. Her King could well assume imperial dignity. A parliament of the North German states met at Berlin on November 24 and voted to request the King of Prussia to become German Em- peror. The King granted the request. On January 18, 1871, the Empire was proclaimed at Versailles amid the booming of cannon and the acclamations of assembled princes. William I. was solemidy declared German Emperor. Thus the aspirations of the German jDCople were satisfied. They had gained unity. More even than this — they had gained political freedom. For it was over no group of des- potic states that the new Emperor assumed his sway. The struggle for constitutional rights had been long and severe, but it had been won. Little by little the old despotisms had crumbled before modern ideas. The states that gave their hom- age to William I. Avere constitutional states. Very gradually their sovereigns had granted the demands of their subjects. None of them would any longer have dared to claim absolute power. It was only a few years since William, as King of Prussia, had at Bismarck's instigation crushed free speech and set aside his Parliament. But such a high-handed proceeding was no longer possible in a single state of the new Empire. And yet, though constitutionalism was triumphant, absolu- tism was not dead. Bismarck was recognized as the unifier of Germany. His power was almost unbounded. William gave him the rank of Prince and made him Chancellor of the Empire. But the Chancellor had never shown himself a friend of popular government, and to the end of his political career he used his authority in an arbitrary and masterful way. He could not ignore the Reichstag, or National Parliament, as he had the Prussian Chamber of Deputies ; but he stood ready to intimidate or coerce it whenever it opposed him. During his long term of ofiice he strove with varying success to accom- plish six great ends. 208 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i I. He was fully determined to maintain Germany's military prestige and power. Having wrested Alsace and Lorraine from France, he knew that Germany must always be prepared for war with that irritated and resentful nation. The French strained every nerve to maintain a vast and efficient army. Bismarck felt that Germany's army must be equally large and strong. Sometimes the Reichstag objected to the expenditure of money and energy necessary for keeping so many men under arms; but it did not dare to imperil the safety of the Empire by resisting the Chancellor's demands. In the end, Bismarck got whatever grants of men and money he wanted. II. For the perfect security of the Empire, the alliance of other powers was necessary. For a time, after the war with France was ended, Germany maintained the most friendly relations with Russia. But Bismarck soon became convinced that Austria and Italy were more valuable allies. Accordingly, he induced these states to form with Germany that famous league which is known as the Triple Alliance, and which still exists. But even this arrangement did not satisfy him. Hav- ing dropped the Tsar, he became anxious to secure his friend- ship. In 1884 he formed a secret treaty of "benevolent neutrality " with Russia, which lasted till his retirement from office in 1890. The existence of this treaty was not revealed till 1896, and its disclosure called down severe censure upon the aged statesman. The proceeding cannot be regarded as strictly honorable. Austria and Italy have resented it since it was made known, and have considered that they were not fairly dealt with. But Bismarck always worshipped might more than right. To secure a great end he sometimes adopted questionable means. III. Bismarck made vigorous war upon the Roman Catholic clergy in order to bring them entirely under Government con- trol. Pope Pius IX. was not wholly friendly to the new Empire, and the clergy sometimes reflected his spirit. In 1873, therefore, laws were passed by the Prussian Parliament which greatly curtailed clerical authority. They were called the May Laws, because they were passed in the month of May ; and were designed to regulate punishments inflicted by ecclesiastical dignitaries, and to require university training of those who were to be priests. The Reichstag also passed PART III GERMANY 209 a law which made it illegal to discharge clerical functions with- out the consent of the Government. The passage of these laws produced a coolness between the Vatican and Germany. The Pope declared them invalid. The German Catholics were angered by them. But they were for a time rigidly carried out, and as a result many Catholic sees and bishoprics became vacant, for their heads came into con- flict with the laws and were removed. But finally Bismarck felt inclined to make concession. He needed the support of the powerful Catholic, or Centre, party in the Eeichstag for his financial and other schemes. Moreover, Pius IX. died in 1878 and was succeeded by Leo XIII. , who was not unfriendly to the Empire. Negotiations were therefore opened between the Vatican and Berlin. At first they resulted in failure; but in the end the obnoxious laws were greatly modified, and some of them repealed. Bismarck thus gained the support of the Catholic party. As the Catholics comprise a third of the pop- ulation of Germany, it was highly important to secure their entire good-will. So there was no course open to Bismarck except concession, though doubtless it was humiliating to him. IV. The Socialists showed such activity and such destruc- tive tendencies that Bismarck determined to suppress them. They did not, in the early years of the Empire, command many votes in the Reichstag; but they were splendidly organized for spreading their opinions. Their journals were numerous, their printing-presses were busy, their orators were unceasingly active. Their literature was widely circulated, and was con- stantly winning new converts to their dangerous views. In 1876 Bismarck endeavored to pass a law to keep them in check ; but the Reichstag would not give him its support. The matter was accordingly dropped, but was presently revived under new and exciting conditions. In the spring of 1878 two attempts were made in quick succession upon the life of the Emperor. The Reichstag, which, after the first attempt, had still refused to pass a coercive measure, was dissolved. The Conservatives gained in the elections. By a vote of 221 to 149 the new Reichstag passed the law that Bismarck desired. Socialism was now under a ban. Its meetings were to be dispersed, its literature confiscated, its presses seized. But the law Avas in operation for only two and a half years ; and at the end of 210 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i that time the Socialistic agitation was by no means quelled. The disease had been driven beneath the surface, but it had become more virulent than ever. V. Internal affairs received the Chancellor's vigorous atten- tion. His scheme of improvements embraced a reformed coin- age, the codification of law, the nationalization of the Prussian railways, and a protective tariff. This last measure excited the opposition of the Liberals, and it has not contributed to the prosperity of Germany. But, both to encourage home industry and to substitute indirect for direct taxation, Bismarck believed it desirable, and was able to win a majority in the Reichstag to his way of thinking. His tariff legislation may indeed be considered a part of his effort to promote State socialism. For, finding that he could not put down the Socialists, he determined to disarm them by borrowing their own ideas, and accomplish- ing some of the very things which they aimed to bring about. To lighten direct taxation was one part of his programme, also to insure workingmen against accidents, poverty, and distress in their old age. But these measures did not bring about the desired results. The Socialists steadily increased in numbers and influence, and Bismarck eventually resorted again to repression. Repression, however, was as futile as conciliation. With every new election the Socialists gained more members in the Reichstag. VI. The ceaseless flow of German emigrants to other countries made Bismarck desirous of establishing colonies all over the world. For he wished to turn the tide of emigration toward lands protected by the German flag. But in carrying out this plan he worked at a disadvantage. The regions with temperate climate were for the most part occupied. It was hard to find tracts where Germans could go and live content- edly. Africa afforded the most promising field for new settle- ments. Within her borders Bismarck established several colonies, including those of Damaraland, Usugara, and Somaliland. And, in the Pacific, Germany came into collision with Spain over the Caroline Islands, and acquired a portion of New Guinea and a group to the north of it called the Bis- marck Isles. But in no one of these new possessions were the Germans willing to settle in considerable numbers. The tide of German emigration to foreign lands continued as before. PART III GERMANY 211 On March 9, 1888, the aged Emperor William died, deeply regretted by the German nation, and was succeeded by the Crown Prince, under the historic title, Frederick III. The new Emperor had ability of no common order and true great- ness of character. He had played an important part in the wars with Austria and France. According to his own memoirs, it was he and not Bismarck who first conceived the plan of unifying Germany as the result of Prussia's brilliant military successes. But his reign was short and filled with suffering. On June 15, a little over three months after his accession to the throne, he died from a cancer in the throat, and was suc- ceeded by his son, "William II. The change was an unfortunate one. William did not inherit his father's broad and liberal mind. Arrogant, narrow, and presumptuous, he has given great offence to the progres- sive element of the nation. The army is his pride. Its officers are treated with special indulgence and favoritism. Opposition he does not readily brook, as his conception of his power is autocratic. His own speech is immoderate, reckless, and unbridled. The free expression of opinion by his subjects he resents, and punishes by law when possible. But the cour- age, the resolution, the manliness, of his line quite fully belong to him ; and in spite of the extravagant nature of his utter- ances he hardly deserves the epithet of '' madman,'- which the Social Democrats apply to him. This self-willed sovereign did not long endure the dictatorial ways of his Chancellor. In 1890 Bismarck was obliged to retire from office,^ and was succeeded by General Caprivi. The new Chancelloi", who was soon dignified with the title of Count, showed himself a discreet and able man. The task of induc- ing the Reichstag to change the organization of the army he accomplished with admirable tact and skill. But even while his administration won him friends, it raised up numerous enemies among those who disliked his devotion to the mili- tary interests of the Empire. And finally, as he encountered 1 Bismarck died on July 31, 1898. Perhaps no statesman of the century wrought more important political clianges than the " Iron ChanceUor." What he stood for to the Germans and why they regarded him with unhounded admiration is well told in the essay on Bismarck in Kuno Francke's " Glimx^ses of German Culture." 212 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i increasing opposition, he resigned in 1894, and was succeeded by Prince Hohenlohe. No change, however, was made in the administrative policy. Since the Franco-Prussian War the relations of Germany with the outside world have been for the most part tranquil. Neither have there been any serious domestic troubles besides the one or two recorded. The German Empire has now stood for more than a quarter of a century. It has gained in wealth and population. Its career has been highly prosperous. It has taken its place among the great and strong nations of the world. Indeed, in military efficiency it is perhaps the strong- est of them all. Domestic reforms, moreover, are not neglected. In 1896 a new Civil Code was adopted which had been in prepa- ration for a number of years. It effects some very important changes, including a uniform legal system for the whole Em- pire, compulsory civil marriage, and increased stringency in the divorce laws. And progressive legislation in regard to finance and other vital matters is yearly proposed. Yet the condition of Germany does not seem to be wholly sound. The Empire is not organized upon a basis of equality. The different states do not possess the same powers and privi- leges, for Prussia has a dominant position.^ Three-fifths of the population of Germany are within her border. Of the fifty-eight members of the Bundesrath she has seventeen. In the Reichstag she has 236 members out of 397. Her King is always tlie head of the nation, and usually her Prime Minister is its Chancellor. The smaller states are, therefore, over- shadowed by this strong one. Authority and privilege con- stitute the federative principle which holds the separate state units together. Yet absolute equality is the recognized prin- ciple of citizenship ; for universal suffrage prevails through- out the Empire. Hence the states are bound together on one theory, and individuals on a different, and, indeed, a contrary one. At present these two theories seem to produce no con- flict. The Germans have a deep-seated respect for authority, which makes them acquiesce in Prussia's dominant position. But with the growth of socialistic and democratic ideas may come an assault upon the federative principle of the Empire. And already are heard angry sounds which, perhaps, herald 1 " Governments and Parties in Continental Europe," Vol. I. Ch. V. PART III GERMANY 213 a political tempest. The Social Democrats are ever gaining in numbers and influence, and they are extremely bold and outspoken. In the Reichstag they make a continual attack upon the lingering absolutism of the Government. Its attempts to suppress them by force they denounce with vehemence, and the costly and oppressive military system excites their fiercest opposition. By revolution or by peaceable progress they aim to overthrow the present social and political system, and to establish communism in its stead. That their hopes will be realized seems improbable. Yet the moderate Liberals are to some extent in sympathy with them, and are ready to unite with them to secure a more truly democratic form of govern- ment. For the government of William II., which makes criti- cism of the Emperor a ground for imprisonment, exalts the military power above the civil, and prizes colonial expansion more than domestic progress, the Liberals do not feel profound respect. Democracy, therefore, seems likely to grow upon German soil. Whether its growth will mean the disruption of the Empire remains to be seen. It is probable, however, that the people, with universal suffrage in their hands, will accomplish all political changes by slow and orderly process. Having gained national unity they will cling to it tenaciously ; and the Empire, which healed the dissensions of a thousand years, will not easily lose their allegiance. The German Empire established by the Constitution of 1871 is composed of twenty-six states, which differ greatly in size and importance, and bear the various characters of kingdoms, grand duchies, duchies, principalities, and free towns. The Empire has an area of 208,738 square miles, and a population of about 53,000,000. Its head is the King of Prussia, who by the provisions of the Constitution is recognized as German Em- peror. The Emperor has the control of the army ; can declare defensive but not offensive war ; make peace, form treaties, and appoint and receive ambassadors. There are two legisla- tive Chambers, the upper of which is the Bundesrath. This body is composed of fifty-eight members and meets once a year. The members are appointed annually by the govern- ments of the several states. The number allotted to each state is proportional to its population. The Bundesrath is presided 214 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i over by the Chancellor of the Empire. It is an administrative and advisory board as well as a legislative body. The Reichs- tag has 397 deputies, who are chosen by universal suffrage for three years. Like the members of the English House of Commons, they serve without pay. All laws passed by an absolute majority in the Bundesrath and the Reichstag must receive the assent of the Emperor, who has no power of veto. The Reichstag elects its own President. The Chancellor is allowed to attend its deliberations. Education is compulsory throughout Germany, and the per- centage of illiteracy is exceedingly small. All forms of wor- ship are tolerated and absolute religious freedom exists. The annual expenditure is about $300,000,000. There is no yearly surplus or deficit; for the states contribute whatever sum is needed in addition to the returns from the national sources of income. These returns come chiefly from customs and excise duties and a few state monopolies. The national debt is a little over $400,000,000. But each state has also its own separate debt, that of Prussia alone being over $1,000,000,000. The army of Germany is without an equal in the world. By the conditions of service adopted in 1893 every German able to bear arms is obliged to serve two years in the army under active duty, or, if he belongs to the cavalry or horse artillery, for three years. He must also serve for several years more in the army of reserve. The total strength of the regular standing army is fixed by law at 479,229 men. The organiza- tion of the army is so perfect that it has been partially adopted by other European states. The navy, though inferior to that of England or France, is large and formidable and is growing rapidly. CHAPTER II HOLLAND The path of political progress is supposed to lead toward democracy ; but Holland has passed from republicanism to monarchy. Born midst the throes of tlie long struggle for liberty, the Dutch Republic lasted for over two hundred years and won for itself a proud place among the nations. Like the Greeks, the Dutch showed that a small people could have a great destiny. They gained their independence by the most heroic struggle recorded in history; they rivalled England upon the sea, and in art and learning they achieved the highest renown. But in time they had to give place to greater and more powerful nations. The Dutch Republic had served liberty as well as England in the mighty march of events. Gradually it sank into the rank of a second-rate nation and lost all claim to supremacy upon the seas ; and a disastrous war with Eng- land in 1782 was the culmination of national misfortunes. And meanwhile internal troubles had arisen and caused serious disturbance. The House of Orange, to which the Republic originally owed its greatness, had won devoted friends by its eminent services and created bitter enemies by its arrogance. In 1747 the office of Stadtholder, or chief ex- ecutive, was made hereditary with tliis House, which, thus strengthened, aspired to the loftier dignity of royal power. If its head had been a man of commanding abilities this ambition might possibly have been realized. But William V., who be- came Stadtholder in 1751, was weak and inefficient; and his incapable rule became so unpopular that it was unable to rally the people to its support in time of need. The outbreak of the French Revolution caused a wave of democratic feeling to flow over the Netherlands. Accordingly, when the French 215 216 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i invaded Holland toward the end of 1794, the Dutch welcomed their approach, and William was obliged to flee from the country.^ And with his disappearance the Dutch Republic, which had existed from the days of AVilliam the Silent, came to an end. On February 16, 1795, deputies from the various provinces of the Netherlands met at the Hague, abolished the Stadtholderate, and established the Batavian Republic. A new Constitution, which granted a more liberal system of representative government, was adopted, and for a time it ap- peared that the Dutch people had made a decided political gain. But the gain soon proved to be illusory. The new Constitu- tion, instead of securing order and progress, was but the begin- ing of political changes. In the course of a few years the form of government was changed several times ; and in 1806 Napoleon Bonaparte made his brother, Louis Kapoleon, King of Holland, and gave the country a new Constitution which recognized the Salic Law, guaranteed religious freedom, and vested predominant authority in the King.^ Thus the Dutch adopted monarchy under compulsion ; but before many years they accepted it of their own free will. For a short time indeed they lost their independence altogether ; for in 1810 Louis Napoleon withdrew from the country after a brief attempt at reigning, and in the same year Napoleon Bonaparte made Holland a portion of his Empire. But in 1813, when his power was seen to be waning, the Dutch reas- serted their independence. As their attempt at democracy in 1795 had not been crowned with success, and as the powers of Europe had set themselves against the principles of the French Revolution, the Dutch people now showed a conservative tem- per in choosing their form of government. Instead of reviving the Republic they established a monarchy; and in spite of the antagonisms that had been created by the last Stadt- holder, it was to the House of Orange that they now looked for a sovereign. So powerful was the influence of the reac- tionary movement. William V. himself, who had taken refuge in England when he was driven from the Netherlands, was no 1 The feeling of the Dutch people at this time is described in Carr's " Hol- land," published in ISOfi (see p. 78). 2 This Constitution is given in full in Carr's " Holland," pp. 80 et seq. PART III HOLLAND 217 longer living ; but his son Frederick William was called to the throne. Thus the long conflict between the House of Orange and its enemies resulted in the complete victory of the former ; and thus the Koyalists finally succeeded in establishing mon- archy on the free soil of Holland. William I., King of the Netherlands, was the title given to William Frederick by the notables of Holland in 1814. The Congress of Vienna recognized him as a sovereign, and added Belgium to his domain. But that autocratic body, which, under Metternich's guidance, supported the cause of absolutism, did not try to make the newly established monarchy into a despotism. This the Dutch would scarcely have tolerated, for they had first risen to greatness by defying the tyranny of Philip II. Reactionary though they were in reverting to a monarchy, they stood fast for the principle of constitutional sovereignty. The power of the King was hedged about by a Constitution which distinguished between the legislative and the executive functions of government, and placed the former largely in the hands of a parliamentary body. The crown was made hereditary with the House of Orange. In elevating William to the rank of king the powers had been actuated, not by generosity, but by their regard for the interests of Europe. For the importance of the Netherlands region had been shown by Napoleon's schemes of conquest; and in making it into a kingdom the powers hoped to prevent the aggrandizement of France. But their ideas of nation-making were crude and faulty. Believing that the prosperity of a kingdom depended upon the power of its king, and not upon the temper of his sub- jects, they ignored the wishes and feelings of Belgium. In- deed, they supposed that both Holland and Belgium would consider it an honor to be counted among the kingdoms of Europe. But differences of race and religion soon caused dis- sension between the northern and southern provinces of the new kingdom, and led to the division elsewhere described. Shorn of half of his domains, William found a recompense for this loss of territory in the union and loyalty of his sub- jects. He reigned until October, 1840, and then abdicated in favor of his son, William II. Under this sovereign the king- dom was prosperous ; and owing to the conservative Dutch temper the wide-spread revolutions of 1848 caused no serious 218 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i disturbances in Holland. The Liberal movement did indeed extend into the Netherlands ; but as a new Constitution was granted on April 17, 1848, very soon after Louis Philippe was overthrown and the insurrection in Germany, Austria, and Italy had begun, there was no occasion for a vehement outbreak. For the new Constitution was liberal in character. It secured to the people every fundamental right which they desired. Not fuller guarantees of liberty, but greater respect for exist- ing ones was what was needed for the political progress of the country. William II. died on March 17, 1849, before he had had time to shoAv whether he was ready to abide by the Con- stitution he had granted. But his son William III., who suc- ceeded him at the age of thirty-two, soon made it apparent that he possessed the stubborn temper of his House. Possibly his arrogance was increased by his Russian inheritance, for his mother Avas a sister of the Czar Nicholas I., who ruled his own country like a despot. Although the Constitution required the King to govern through the party that was in power, William showed no disposition to respect the provision. A Conserva- tive himself, he insisted upon retaining Conservative ministers even when the Liberals had a majority in the National Parlia- ment. Hence arose a long constitutional struggle between the King and the Conservatives on the one hand, and the Liberal party on the other; and thus Holland was drawn into that warfare which was waged all over Europe. Fortunately for the cause of progress, Holland was not without a great Liberal statesman in this important political period. M. de Thorbecke was for many years the recognized leader of the Liberal party, and under his able guidance it finally succeeded in scoring a decided triumph. The storm broke in 1806 over the question of putting an end to forced labor in the island of Java. In 1862-63 the States- General had voted to abolish negro slavery in Holland's West Indian possessions ; and the Liberals were desirous that eman- cipation should be extended also to her holdings in the far East. For they considered that the labor system which existed in Java and other islands in the Asiatic Archipelago was no better than slavery. But this proposition was stoutly resisted by the Conservatives, who declared that the abolition of forced labor in Java would ruin the island and cripple PART in HOLLAND 219 Holland itself. Accordingly, they succeeded in defeating the first emancipation bill, which was brought forward in 1865. But they ruined their own caiise by their high-handed conduct ; for, in defiance of popular opinion, the Government chose for Governor-General of the East Indian Colonies a man who had sold his liberal principles for political preferment. This act called forth a vote of censure from the States-General, and the King met the situation by dissolving the Second Chambei-, which represented the people. He accompanied the dissolu- tion with a proclamation to the voters of the realm, in which he thus defended his own political attitude : '' The continual changing of my responsible advisers would gradually become pernicious to the moral and material well-being of the nation, by crippling the powers of government. Steadiness of aim, on the contrary, increases the power of the administration, and of the executive." The election which was held on October 31, 1866, showed a slight Conservative gain, and the King was so far encouraged. But the Liberals still had a small majority in the Second Chamber, and they Avere able to make themselves felt in the following year. For in 1867, the duchy of Luxemburg, which had been granted to William in 1815, not as a part of his kingdom, but as a private possession, became the subject of a special conference^ of plenipotentiaries of the great powers, Holland, Belgium, and Italy ; and the Liberals were not satis- fied with the Government's action in the matter. This dissat- isfaction the Second Chamber expressed in a formal vote ; and on November 26 it rejected the foreign budget by a majority of two. The ministers consequently offered their resignation ; but the King declined to accept it, and resorted once more to the policy of dissolution. The new elections were \wld on February 22, 1868, and resulted adversely to the King; for the Government's supporters now numbered but thirty-five against thirty-eight who were ready to vote in opposition. Still the King refused to yield. When the new session of the States-General was opened on February 25, the opening speech of the Government ignored the fact that its supporters were in a minority, and plainly intimated that it expected the 1 Luxeniburi; was finally made a neutral province, and its fortress was dismantled in 1S72. 220 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i States-General to give it a willing support. " Let us all," it concludes, ''unite in affection toward our sovereign, and in care for his faithful people, and the country will profit by our labors." This subtle appeal to the loyalty of the people inclined the less resolute Liberals to a policy of conciliation ; but it did not turn M. de Thorbecke from his course. Uncompromising in his advocacy of parliamentary rights, he spoke on March 2 upon the political issues before the country, and declared that the frequent dissolution of the Chamber was uncalled for. This view was maintained by other Liberals, who severely con- demned the Ministry for complying with the King's illegal demands. The Government's policy was defended by the Minister of the Interior and the Minister of Foreign Affairs ; but their pleas did not prevent the Chamber from passing on March 21 the following resolution by a vote of thirty-nine to thirty-four : " The House, having heard the statements of the ministers, is of opinion that the country's interests did not require the last dissolution of the Chamber." This vindication of constitutional privilege was followed on April 28 by another act which reflected upon the Government ; for on that date, by a vote of thirty-seven to thirty-five, the Second Chamber re- jected the estimates of the Minister for Foreign Affairs. Thereupon the Ministry tendered their resignation, which the King accepted. But although it was de Thorbecke who had secured the triumph for the Constitutionalists, the King would not at once ask him to form a new Cabinet. Even as Queen Victoria tried to make Lord Hartington Prime Minister in 1880, when the country demanded Mr. Gladstone, so King William ignored M. de Thorbecke, and turned to men of more moderate views. M. van Riener and Baron Mackay were each requested to select a Ministry, but each found the task impos- sible. There was therefore na alternative but to recognize the leader of the Liberal party. On May 23 de Thorbecke was asked to select a Cabinet. He formed one without difficulty, and the long constitutional struggle was brought to an end. The conflict was waged in a small country and excited little notice ; none the less it was one of the significant political con- flicts of the century. The representatives of the Dutch people stood firmly for their constitutional rights, and compelled the PART III HOLLAND 221 King to abandon the theory that he could ignore the will of his subjects by niaiutaining an irresponsible Ministry. Thus in Holland, as in most of the progressive nations of Europe, the principles of democracy triumphed over the mediaeval view of the royal prerogative. That this issue of the struggle was inevitable may be admitted ; for the Dutch Liberals Avere as stubborn as the King was arrogant. Moreover, the Constitu- tional party was demanding nothing more than was guaranteed in the fundamental law of the land ; nothing more than was warranted by the progress and the political temper of the times. ISTone the less M. de Thorbecke earned the lasting gratitude of his countrymen by his splendid stand for consti- tutional liberty. He resisted the tyranny of the King in the same spirit that Dutch burghers resisted Philip II., and his wise and lofty statesmanship certainly hastened the downfall of despotic and irresponsible rule. He died on June 4, 1872.^ William III. lived till 1andsgemeindeu." — Adams and Cunningham's "Swiss Confed- eration," p. 11. 249 250 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i zeiiship, controlled public offices, and frowned upon all demo- cratic movements and opinions. Among these families there was much elegance of living and a keen appreciation of liter- ary and intellectual pursuits; but popular education was dis- couraged, and the peasants remained ignorant, unenlightened, and apathetic. Hence, the Confederation grew weaker rather than stronger, and its condition in the eighteenth century has been aptly likened to that of a " weather-beaten ruin, ready to fall."^ It was well, then, that the echoes of tlie Frencli Revolution found their Avay across the Alps, and awakened a feeling for liberty among the oppressed Swiss peasantry. Not, indeed, that this awakening was due solely to the uprising of the French in 1789. As early as 1762 a small number of zealous Swiss patriots founded the Helvetic Society, whose aim was to heal religious dissension and to bring all parts of Switzerland into closer and more friendly relations with each other. By the efforts of this society a longing for union and independence was created in the minds of the Swiss people, and the French Revolution found the country open to the spread of liberal ideas. In 1790 the Helvetian Club was formed at Paris by a few Swiss who were living in exile there; and through its activity the peasantry in the western part of the Confederation were led to rise against their rulers. At first not very much was accomplished by these insurrections, for the aristocratic governments were usually strong enough to hold the people in subjection by armed force. Bat after a time the attention of the French Directory was attracted by these revolutionary movements, and French troops were sent 'into the Cantons to further the cause of popular liberty. Although fiercely opposed, the French bore down all opposition, and with their triumph the ancient Swiss Confederation came to an end. It had never attained to constitutional strength and dignity; for Avhile it lasted there had never been a federal Constitution, and the Cantons had been bound by no stronger tie than tliat- of the alliances they had formed among themselves. Nor did the Diet, its central governing body, possess those powers which command respect and win obedience. The downfall of the Confederation, then, was not a misfortune. The organiza- 1 Diindliker's " Short History of Switzerland," p. 193. PART lu SWITZERLAND 251 tion had outlived its usefulness and was fittingly set aside for a more perfect union. But perfect union did not at once rise from its ruins. In its place was established, through the influence of the Directory, the Helvetic Republic, which was accepted by ten of the thir- teen members of the old Confederation, a Constitution being adopted at the same time. But the new scheme of government proved to be a faulty one. If the Confederation had left too much power to the individual Cantons, the Kepublic erred in taking their sovereignty away. More and more unpopular did the government grow, as the Cantons realized how much their freedom had been curtailed; and the French, who had been welcomed as liberators, were soon denounced as tyrants. For the Directory controlled the government of the Republic; and its soldiers even put down by force all rebellious movements on the part of the Cantons. It was with relief, therefore, that the Swiss people learned of the overthrow of the Directory and of the establishment of the Consulate, with Napoleon at its head. No longer sup- ported by French bayonets, the Helvetic Government found difficulty in maintaining itself; and when Bonaparte withdrew the French troops from Swiss territory, in 1.S02, its downfall seemed near at hand. It Avas not indeed without friends. A considerable portion of the people, who were in favor of a strong central government, and who were termed the "unitary party" because they were devoted to the cause of national union, upheld the Republic. But the Federalists, who believed above all things in Cantonal independence, proved stronger than the Unitarians and began to drive the Government to the wall. To quiet these dissensions Bonaparte summoned a number of the political leaders of the country to a conference at Paris; and, after considering with them the difficulties of the existing situation, he laid before them an Act of Media- tion which he had himself in great measure composed, and which he thought adapted to the existing needs of the Swiss people. But Bonaparte was too selfish to consider chiefly and solely the interests of the Cantons. The Act of Mediation performed an important use ; for under the Government which it estab- lished the country enjoyed eleven years of peace and was 252 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i largely freed from political dissensions. But it was a compro- mise between new and old ideas of government rather than a scientific attempt to solve difficult constitutional questions and secure national union and progress. Moreover, the Act of Mediation gave France a strong hold upon the Cantons, Bonaparte being determined to profit as much as possible from the troubles and weaknesses of the Swiss people. The im- portant features of the Act were that six new Cantons were added to the thirteen old ones ; the Diet, whose delegates did not express the will of the people, but were directed and con- trolled by the Cantonal Governments, was reestablished; all who refused to obey the decisions of the Diet were to suffer penalty; Freiburg (Freibourg), Bern (Berne), Solothurn (Soleure), Basel, Ziirich, and Luzern (Lucerne) were consti- tuted capital seats of Government, and the Diet was required to meet in each of these Cantons for a year in due order of rotation; the mayor of the Canton in which the Diet held its sittings was by virtue of his office made Landamman, or chief executive, of the Government; subject lands ^ and all privi- leges of family, birth, or nobility were abolished, though the rights of the people and liberty of the press were not secured ; popular assemblies were restored in the democratic Cantons, but in the others the Government was preserved to the aris- tocracy and a property qualification was required both of voters and candidates. Even from this meagre outline it may be seen that the Act of Mediation was what its name implied. It was a middle course, an attempt to conciliate elements that could not be harmoniously blended. Disintegration was prevented, but union was not secured; obedience to the Diet was exacted, but the central Government did not receive adequate powers; aristocracy was rebuked, but the principles of democracy were not fairly recognized. Hence, in spite of its many excellent features, the Act of Mediation did not outlast iSTapoleon's owij period of supremacy. Soon after his defeat at Leipsic the 1 The subject lands, which caused much dispute and angry feeling among the Cantons until they were abolished by the Congress of Vienna, were ac- quired in the period when boundaries were not definitely settled and the stronger Cantons were endeavoring to enlarge their territory by conquest. Bern, in particular, greatly extended its domains in this way. Consult Freeman's " Historical Geography of Europe," p. 281. PART III SV/ITZERLAND 253 forces of the allies crossed the Swiss frontier, and, largely through Austrian influence, the Diet was induced to abolish the Act of Mediation just before the end of December, 1813. But now the old differences showed themselves afresh. The friends and the enemies of a strongly centralized government quarrelled fiercely, and a considerable party desired to do away with the six newly constituted Cantons and entirely restore the old order of things. Accordingly, the Congress of Vienna was obliged to settle some of the disputed questions and make such territorial changes as seemed necessary. It recognized the independence and neutrality of Switzerland on condition that the new Cantons should be maintained; and, on March 20, 1815, it raised the total number of the Cantons to twenty-two, by adding to those already existing Wallis (the Valais), which from mediaeval times to 1798 had been a Re2:)ublic in alliance with the Confederation; Neuenburg (Xeuchatel), which, once subject to Prussia, had been given to Marshal Berthier by Napoleon; and Genf (Geneve), which had been annexed to France in 1798, but was now independent. But the Valtelline district in the Rhaitian Alps, Chiavenna, a town which, for- merly belonging to the Grisons, was made a part of the Cis- alpine Republic in 1797, and Worms were assigned by the Congress to Austria; and Miilhausen, which was recognized as an independent ally of the Swiss Confederation by the Peace of Westphalia, but which sought incorporation with France in 1798 for commercial reasons, was not restored to the Cantons. While these territorial questions were being settled by the Congress of Vienna, the Diet of the Confederation sat at Zurich, and drew up a new Constitution which was termed the " Federal Pact." Approved by the Congress of Vienna, it was sworn to on August 7, 1815, by all the Cantons except Nidwald (Lower Unterwalden), which only accepted it under compul- sion. But the Federal Pact did not prove to be an improve- ment upon the Act of Mediation. It secured the sovereignty of the Cantons without strengthening the central authority, and thus made Switzerland into a loose confederation, the members of which acted in concert only in matters of foreign policy and to maintain order in the interior. Subject lands were not allowed, and no class of citizens was permitted 254 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i to monopolize political rights; but free trade between the Cantons was not recognized, the rights of citizenship were not clearly defined, nor was it expressly stated that the peo- ple were at liberty to reside in whatever Canton they preferred. Naturally the country was restless and dissatisfied under such an imperfect bond of vinion. In 1819 the Helvetic Society formed itself into a political association, renounced all sympa- thy with aristocratic principles, and devoted itself to the work of national reforms. Various scientific and patriotic organiza- tions also disseminated liberal ideas; while the press espoused the cause of national unity and popular government. Thus the movement toward democracy and more perfect fed- eration grew increasingly strong, although it roused persistent and bitter opposition. The Cantons had been left free by the Federal Pact to shape their own Constitutions; and this free- dom had in many cases been used by the aristocracy to with- hold political privileges from the common people. Accordingly, the ruling class, which was centred in the cities, resisted in- novations, and the Catholic Church used its influence against political change. The Jesuits were particularly active in stifling reform movements and obstructing the free develop- ment of liberal ideas. But the tides that set toward progress could not be stemmed nor stayed. Largely through the work of the Helvetic Society the more progressive Cantons began to revise their Constitutions; and when the uprising in Paris occurred in 1830, this movement was greatly accelerated. The conflict between the Liberals and Conservatives was especially fierce at Zurich, where Dr. Ludwig Snell exerted a powerful influence in favor of reform. He advocated equal rights for all, the sovereignty of the people, and popular education ; and so ably did he lead the party of progress that Zurich adopted a Constitution embodying his ideas. Elated by this triumph, the Liberals renewed their efforts all over Switzerland; and in most of the Cantons they carried through important constitutional changes, by which the liberty of the press, the right of assembly and the right of petition, free trade, and free choice of residence were guaranteed. Moreover, these changes were not considered final, but pro- vision was made that the Constitutions shovild be revised at PART III SWITZERLAND 255 stated intervals, in order that the growth of the people in liberal thought might find its due expression. But religious warfare was destined to interfere with politi- cal progress. Some of the most distinguished leaders of the liberal movement were sceptics and free-thinkers in religious matters; and the Catholic Church, accordingly, was hostile toward their schemes for national regeneration. Indeed, the Church exercised so strong a reactionary influence, that the feeling between the Catholics and Protestants in Switzerland was almost as bitter as it was in the period of the Reformation.^ Only a trivial cause was needed to bring about an open con- flict; and this cause was supplied, when, in 1840, the Radicals in Argau proved to be in a popular majority. Unwilling to be dominated by free-thinkers, the Clericals excited a revolt; and when the revolt was suppressed, the Radicals retorted by voting to do away with the eight monasteries in the Canton. As this proceeding was in violation of the Pact of 1815, the seven Catholic Cantons — Uri, Schwyz, Untervvalden, Luzern (Lucerne), Zug, Freiburg (Freibourg), and Wallis (Valais) — took alarm, and, in 1843, formed a league, called the Sonder- bund, for mutual protection and defence. As this bold move did not call forth any protest from the Diet, the Sonderbund became aggressive; and, in December, 1845, it declared itself ready to take up arms in defence of the constitutional rights of the Cantons. But this resort to violence ended in disaster. For the Radicals finally carried a sufficient number of Cantons to control the Diet; and, on July 20, 1847, that body pro- nounced the Sonderbund contrary to the Federal Pact, and on the 3d of the following September it invited each Canton to expel the Jesuits. As this invitation met with no response, the Diet voted, on November 4, to carry out its decree by force of arms. From such an excited state of feeling a bloody war might easily have resulted; but the genius of Dufour, who conducted the campaign for the Diet, soon brought resistance to an end with small loss of life. One after another the rebel- lious Cantons submitted to the authority of the Diet, till the whole country was pacified.^ 1 For the conflict between the Church and the State, consult A. Morin's " Precis tie I'Histoire Politique de la Suisse," V. 140 ct seq. 2 For the excellent work done by Dufour, see Morin's " Pre'cis," III. 26-42. 256 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i But the period of war and dissension had taught its own lessons. The movement for reform had made so much head- way that the Cantons were determined to do away with the Pact of 1815, which was so manifestly inadequate to the politi- cal needs of the country. Accordingly, a new Constitution was drafted, by direction of the Diet, in 1848, and as it was ac- cepted in the summer of that year by fifteen and a half Can- tons, it was proclaimed on September 12. Although it did not embody all the principles that were advocated by the Lib- erals of the country, it was a better instrument than any that had been composed before; and under the government which it established the country progressed quietly and peaceably for many years. Political strife did not disappear, but it was no longer characterized by the acrimony and violence that liad formerly prevailed. There was now a general feeling that, although further changes were necessary, they would come of themselves in a slow and orderly way ; and that neither the Radicals nor the Reactionaries needed to keep the whole coun- try disturbed by their heated and vehement controversies. Not until 1874, therefore, Avas the Constitution made over and improved; and even then its most important features were retained. The new document, which was accepted by 14 Can- tons against 7 and by a popular vote of 340, 199 against 198,013, was, indeed, the old one revised and amended as the experi- ences of twenty-five years suggested and made necessary. The rights of the people were now more securely guarded, and the powers of the central Government were somewhat increased. In other respects the new Constitution was like the old. It provided for two parliamentary bodies, a State Council and a National Council. Tlie members of the first number forty-four, each Canton choosing two in whatever manner it may prefer. The members of the National Council are elected directly by the people, in the proportion of one representative for every 20,000 inhabitants. The members of each Council are chosen for three years, and the suffrage belongs to all who have reached the age of twenty. But although the rights of citizen- ship are thus bestowed upon thoroughly democratic principles, the people have no voice in the choice of a chief executive. For the two Houses have not only legislative, but also execu- tive, authority. Sitting together they compose the Federal PART III SWirZERLAND 257 Assembly ; and upon this Assembly devolves the task of choos- ing a Federal Council of seven members, and electing its Presi- dent and Vice-President. These officials serve for one year only and are the chief magistrates of the country. They cannot be reelected for the ensuing year; but usually the Vice- President is chosen to succeed the outgoing President. But although the President is the head of the nation's executive department, his powers are sharply limited, and his responsi- bilities are fully shared by the Federal Council, which has more important functions than those of a Cabinet. It is expected to manage foreign affairs, maintain tranquillity and order throughout the country, administer the finances, prepare the budget, and render an account of receipts and expenditures. It also sends messages to the Assembly upon all subjects which it considers worthy of special attention. Intrusted with these grave duties, it is not allowed to become a mere party organ, for its members do not solely represent the majority in the Assembly. When, for example, the Liberals are in control of affairs. Conservatives and Clericals are found sitting in the Federal Council; and any member of the Council who proves to be able and efficient almost invariably retains his position for a number of years. Considering the character and extent of its responsibilities, the Council might with propriety be intrusted with the power to enforce the laws and compel obedience; but its ultimate authority is weak. Should any Canton adopt an unconstitu- tional measure, the Council could not compel it to revoke the measure by an armed force. It could go no farther than to quarter troops upon the refractory Canton and thus force it to submit to a heavy expense so long as its rebellious mood con- tinued. But this method of securing obedience usually proves effective. The Cantons prefer submission to a continuous financial drain. But the most notable and distinctive feature of the Swiss Constitution is the Referendum. This peculiar institution was known and practised in a rudimentary form before the old Swiss Confederation came to an end; for in some of the Can- tons which had no Landsgemeinden, or popular assemblies, the Governments consulted the people from time to time upon matters of importance. In 1831 the Canton of Saint Gallen 258 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i (Saint Gall) formally adopted the Referendum in its Consti- tution, which declared that the sovereignty rested with the people, and every law, accordingly, was subject to their ap- proval. This local recognition of the people's rights became national in 1848, for the Federal Constitution, which was framed in that year, contained a provision which practically gave the people control over the matter of constitutional amendment. It was through this provision that the Constitu- tion of 1874 was submitted to the people and adopted by the vote already recorded; and one of the popular features of the new Constitution was, that it not only retained the Refer- endum, but enlarged its scope by extending it to ordinary laws as well as to constitutional revision. Thus the Referendum gained a fixed and apparently perma- nent place in the politics of the country; and the people acquired a large measure of control over their law-makers. Two forms of the institution are to be noticed, the optional and the compulsory. When the Referendum is optional, the people may pass judgment upon their Constitution or their laws, but their sanction is not required by statute. When the Referendum is compulsory, a law or a constitutional amend- ment is not legal until it has been submitted to the people and has obtained their approval. As regards the laws passed by the national parliament (the State Council and the National Council), the Referendum is optional. There is no constitu- tional requirement that such laws, to be valid, must be sub- mitted to the people for their approval; but if any national law gives dissatisfaction, either eight Cantons or 30,000 citizens by a written petition can demand that the people pass judg- ment upon it. And that this right is not a nominal one is shown by the recent history of the country. For, between the years 1874 and 1893, 19 laws out of 169 Avere voted on by the people through the exercise of the Optional Referendum, and of these 19, 13 were rejected. The people can also take the matter of constitutional revision into their own hands by a species of the Optional Referendum, which is termed the "Popular Initiative." For by a provision adopted in 1848 and retained in 1874, the popular vote must be taken upon any constitutional change that is demanded in writing by 50,000 voters. PART III SWITZERLAND 259 But when the Federal Assembly revises the Constitution, as it has the right to do, such revision must be submitted to the verdict of the people ; or, in other words, the Referendum is compulsory. For the revision is not legal until it has been approved by a majority both of the voters and of the Cantons. Thus, the people themselves have a voice in all constitutional changes; while in the United States, whose national develop- ment has also come through the federative principle, it is the States alone that pass judgment upon constitutional amend- ments. For the amendments that are proposed by Congress are valid and become parts of the Constitution when they have been ratified by three-fourths of the States, either through their legislatures or through specially called conventions. In the individual Cantons the Referendum is quite generally employed ; for the example that was set by Saint Gallen (Saint Gall) in 1831 was almost universally followed. After the new and more liberal Constitution was adopted, in 1848, the Cantons one by one altered their own Constitutions, at once making them more democratic and providing either for an Optional or a Compulsory Referendum. Accordingly, in some of the Can- tons all laws must be submitted to the people ; in others, the people can accept or reject any law by demanding the right to vote upon it. In Zurich the Compulsory Referendum has been adopted, and from the beginning of 18G9 to August, 1893, the people ratified 97 and rejected 31 of the 128 laws passed by their legislature. The Referendum of Switzerland has attracted the attention of other nations, and has been generally considered an excel- lent means of submitting legislators to popular control. Even in the United States its introduction has been considered; but the size of the country makes such a cumbersome method of obtaining the direct vote of the people upon legislation prac- tically impossible. Moreover, there is grave reason to doubt whether tlie Referendum has been an unmixed blessing to Switzerland. It has its critics as well as its defenders, and that it may easily produce unfortunate results a little reflection will suffice to show. For when the people can indorse or reject laws at pleasure, legislators lose their sense of responsibility and either frame measures carelessly or allow their own con- victions to be governed by the dictates of the populace. It is 260 THE TEUTONIC NATIONS book i worthy of note that a recent and exhaustive study of the Referendum does not take a wholly favorable view of the institution.^ From this study of Switzerland it would appear that the principle of federation has quieted political discussions and established a stable government; but it has hardly made a strong nation. That it has so far failed, however, does not afford legitimate ground for criticism. The Swiss Cantons desired national existence, but they have not aspired to national greatness. With its 3,000,000 people and its 16,000 square miles of territory, Switzerland could not take its place among the foremost European powers or play a conspicuoiis part in European politics. In its weakness lies its strength. Unable to cope with the great military powers of Europe, it rests secure against attacks, because the great powers would not allow it to be invaded or despoiled. Accordingly, not being forced to maintain a standing army or to have a vigorous foreign policy, it finds its Constitution adequate to its needs. If the Government is lacking in executive authority, it is yet strong enough to secure to its citizens the privileges that belong to an enlightened democracy. 1 "The Referendum in Switzerland," by Simon Deploige. An able discus- sion of the subject may be found in Mr. Lowell's " Governments and Parties in Continental Europe " ; and the same writer has criticised the institution in tlie Inter national Journal of Ethics, (>: 51. A reply to this criticism is con- tained in the same volume of this journal, p. 509. In the Contemporary Revieio, G7 : 328, there is an article hy Numa Droz which presents the merits and defects of the Referendum in a fair and temperate manner. BOOK II GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES GREAT BRITAIN CANADA NEWFOUNDLAND AUSTRALIA New South Wales Victoria South Australia Queensland Tasmania Western Australia NEW ZEALAND SOUTH AFRICA Cape Colony Natal The Transvaal The Orange Free State CHAPTER I CHARACTER OF GREAT BRITAIN'S POLITICAL PROGRESS. — HER HISTORY FROM 1800 TO THE DEATH OF GEORGE III. IN 1820 The political history of Great Britain has been a peculiar one. The Anglo-Saxon portion of her population, confined for the most part to England, has always possessed strong liberty-loving instincts, and has fiercely maintained its rights against the encroachments of king and nobles. Sometimes, indeed, the nobles have made common cavise with the people in resisting the tyranny of the sovereign. Accordingly, the political progress of England presents a striking contrast to that of France. In France we see the people concentrate their resistance to oppression into a few awful years of blood and terror. In England the will of the people has made itself felt ever since Magna Charta, and the emancipation of the masses has been going on for seven hundred years. Slowly and reluc- tantly the English sovereigns have recognized the Commons as their masters. While continental Europe accepted the theory of the divine right of kings, England made the monarchs feel that they reigned by grace of their own subjects. As early as the thirteenth century the rude beginnings of a par- liament were made, and from that time on parliamentary gov- ernment in England grew in favor with the people. Little by little the rights of tlie king were curtailed and those of tlie Commons were increased, until at last it became a part of the unwritten constitution of the land that the sovereign was to have no will of his own in political affairs. But this same Anglo-Saxon people which has so fiercely asserted its own political freedom has not always shown re- spect for the rights of others. More than once have the Scotch and the Irish found the Saxon a hard master. It must be 265 266 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii admitted that tlie political progress of England was, to some extent, shared by Scotland and Ireland; for her representative institutions were extended into those countries. But these institutions did not put political power into the hands of the common people. Even in England the suffrage was so re- stricted that the people's representatives expressed the will of the few rather than of the many ; yet none the less did the masses voice their opinions and influence the conduct of affairs. The great leaders of the House of Commons, like Pym, Pitt, and Charles James Fox, had no thought of defying and antago- nizing public opinion. Rather did they wish to feel that their measures were an outgrowth of past experience and would command the support of the liberty-loving English nation. Thus, the rugged temper of the Anglo-Saxon commanded the respect of the lawmakers of the land. But in Scotland the common people had far less influence upon the aifairs of government, and in Ireland they had none at all. In their misty and mountainous country the Scotch lived in contented poverty, and, with true Gaelic loyalty, were more concerned with the fortunes of the House of Stuart than with the course of everyday events. Sharing the political destinies of England, and sharing also the English love of freedom, they fought under the English banner; and even while they retained their own religious spirit and their own independent ways of thought and life, they contributed to England's strength and greatness. But they were too few in numbers to command the serious attention of the House of Commons, and, excepting the rare occasions when devotion to religious dogma or to exiled prince drove them into rebellion, they remained quiet, peaceable, and law-abiding. In Ireland, however, there was continual unrest and turmoil. Eepresen- tative government meant nothing to the Irish peasantry. The peasants themselves were largely Catholics, and Catholics had no political rights whatever. So this despised and suffering class bore poverty, injustice, and persecution, only to find more awful misery if they rose to redress their wrongs (p. 301). For rebellion was always stamped out with sickening brutality. In 1782 a lame attempt was made to give the island the bene- fits of self-government, as its National Parliament, which was first established in 1613, was made independent of the British CHAP. I GREAT BRITAIN'S POLITICAL PROGRESS 267 Parliament and allowed to control Irish affairs. But as Catho- lics could not vote, the Parliament did not truly represent the people; and though it accomplished some good results, it did not reconcile the people to English rule. In 1798 occurred the formidable rebellion of the United Irishmen, a rebellion which was stamped out with terrible severity and which left the country pacified indeed, but bleeding, vindictive, and resent- ful. In the following year, through the skilful negotiations of Pitt, the union of Ireland with Great Britain was brouglit about, and the Dublin Parliament came to an end. Thus, the political history of Great Britain shows a lack of unity. It is a record of justice and injustice, of freedom and tyranny, of progress painfully accomplished and domineering instincts stubbornly retained. But the story with its lights and shadows is a wonderful and inspiring one. No other nation has through so many centuries done service to the cause of human freedom ; no other nation has spread the reign of justice and order over so many lands. Por England has sent her teeming millions into regions near and far, into ice- bound tracts, sunny islands, tropical jungles, and mountainous wilds; and wherever her flag has waved, lawlessness, violence, and tyranny have disappeared. And as her colonies have waxed great and powerful and have learned to manage their own affairs, they have adopted her free institutions and made their own contril)utions to political progress. But, in spite of the growth and expansion of six hundred years, the beginning of the nineteenth century did not find the English people prosperous and happy. The workingman in particular suffered many hardships. The middle classes were not devoid of political rights, but the day-laborer was treated almost like a chattel. He could not vote, he could not com- bine with his fellow-laborers to resist the grinding exactions of capital. His hours of labor were oppressively long, and his children had to begin work very young in order to keep from starvation. The law treated him with merciless severity. Larceny, poaching, and other petty crimes were punishable with death. But such were the jail accommodations that death was preferable to imprisonment. Brutality, uncleanliness, hunger, was the lot of prisoners. Vermin swarmed in the cells. Beds were not provided. There was no ventilation. 268 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii Fevers often raged among the prisoners and carried off large numbers. The bright spot in the poor man's existence was the ample provision made for paupers. Indeed, relief was so liberally given that it encouraged idleness and inflicted an exorbitant poor-rate on the well-to-do. It was not necessary to enter the poorhouse. To those who could not or would not toil money was given in their own homes. Conscription was a terror to the lowly. The army was re- cruited by voluntary enlistment; but service in the militia was enforced, and the navy was supplied with seamen by the press-gangs. Many an unwary stroller was carried off in the night to spend weary years upon a British man-of-war. And the discipline both on shipboard and in the army was brutally severe. Men were flogged till they fainted. Five hundred lashes Avas no uncommon punishment, and death sometimes resulted from the torture. Education was for the rich and those in comfortable circum- stances. There was little public instruction. The children of the poor grew up in ignorance. Illiteracy was so com- mon that in some districts nearly half of the men and women could not write their own names. Contagious diseases caused widespread mortality. Smallpox was a scourge of the poor. The drainage was wretched both in city and country, and fevers stalked through the land. Sanitary legislation was a crying need, even though the death-rate was very slowly diminishing. Such was, the condition of the poorer classes in England at the beginning of the century. In Scotland it was hardly better; ^ in Ireland it was even worse. Hence it was obvious that reforms were urgently needed in Great Britain as well as in the countries of continental Europe. But the masses were better off in Great Britain than they were in most other coun- tries in that they had a government that took cognizance of their wrongs. iS'ot in vain had representative institutions been gaining ground for six centuries. While absolutism still held its own in many of the European monarchies, the English Par- liament stood ready to uphold the rights of the people. The House of Commons was not in close sympathy with the masses ; 1 "A History of the Scotch Poor Law," by Sir George NichoUs, pp. 108- 111; 117-119. CHAP. I GREAT BRITAIN'S POLITICAL PROGRESS 269 the House of Lords not at all so. Yet the Commons was thoroughly possessed with the English love of liberty, and its temper, though conservative, was not opposed to progress. It had both the will and tha power to correct abuses, and wherever abuses became unendurable, and were fully exposed, it showed itself ready to correct tliem. Hence, the political growth of England during the past hundred years has been orderly, though slow. It has not been characterized by great leaps and by repeated revolutions, but it has been the steady march of a liberty-loving people. The workingmen would fain have had their grievances righted more rapidly, and iu their impatience they have sometimes resorted to violence. But the violence has been easily suppressed, and relief legislation has brought one abuse after another to an end. But not in the opening years of the century did the great work of reform begin. William Pitt was at this time Prime Minister, — a post he had held since 1783, — and, after bring- ing the country into a distressing and seemingly a needless ^ war with France, he had seen his efforts to thwart Napoleon end in humiliating failures. Anxious, alert, and taxed to its full resources, the nation was in no mood to think of internal improvements. Nor did its King give the smallest encourage- ment to progress. Upon the throne sat the honest but incapa- ble and bigoted George III., who opposed all liberal measures, and who had not learned that the sovereignty belonged to the people. He resisted his ministers when he considered their policy highly objectionable, and they made no attempt to coerce him. In 1801 Pitt was forced to resign because George would not countenance his scheme for giving the Catholics political equality. It was evident, therefore, that the times were not yet ripe for reform legislation. An arbitrary king and a drastic war were for some time to prevent the redress of wrongs. Pitt was succeeded by Addington, an incapable and narrow man, who had none of the qualities necessary to make a suc- cessful Prime Minister. His one notable achievement was to establish peace with France, in 1802. A respite from war was welcome, but the respite proved a very brief one. Napoleon was insolent and aggressive, and showed that he had no inten- tion of living up to the treaty of peace. So England refused 1 Goldwiu Smith's " Three English Statesmen," p. 201 et seq. 270 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii to give up Malta, as she had agreed to do, and the war began once more. On the eve of a bitter conflict the nation required the strongest guidance. Addington inspired no confidence and gave way to Pitt. In the few years that remained to him Pitt did all that he could to crush Napoleon. The French naval power was effectually broken at Trafalgar, in 1805; but the battle of Austerlitz, in December of the same year, showed that the victor of Marengo was as invincible as ever. Pitt was saddened and humiliated by the news of this disaster, and did not long survive it. His death forced George III., much against his will, to make Charles James Fox Prime Minister; for Fox was now the foremost statesman of Eng- land. His ministry was designated "All the Talents," as his Cabinet, instead of representing the principles of a dominant party, Avas made up from the most eminent statesmen and politicians of the time. But its existence was short-lived, and it accomplished little besides passing measures to abolish the slave-trade. It was weakened by the death of Fox, who died in September, 1806; for his successor. Lord Grenville, was an extremely conscientious, rather than an able or brilliant man. He roused the King's anger by proposing that Catholics should be allowed to serve in the army and the navy; and the people shared the feeling of their narrow-minded King. The country was not yet ready for religious toleration. It was dom- inated by Tory sentiment, which was strongly anti-Catholic. The ministry of All the Talents, accordingly, came to an end in March, 1807, and was succeeeded by one formed under the nominal headship of the Duke of Portland. It was a Tory ministry, and its leading member was George Canning, at that time the most brilliant figure of the Tory party. He took the post of Foreign Secretary, and he devoted himself to a vigorous prosecution of the war with France. For the war was growing into vast proportions and assuming an alarming character. Unable to invade and conquer England, Napoleon struck at her commerce. On November 21, 1806, he issued the Berlin decree, which declared the British Islands in a state of block- ade; prohibited all commerce or communication with them; pronounced all English wares found in the territory of France, or in that of her allies, liable to seizure; and closed French CHAP. I GREAT BRITAIN'S POLITICAL PROGRESS 271 ports, not only against British vessels, but against all ships that had touched at a British port. This tyrannical manifesto had drawn forth from Lord Grenville an Order in Council, issued January 7, 1807. It forbade neutral vessels to enter the ports of France or of her allies under penalty of seizure and confiscation. This act of retaliation worked injury to France, but it did not give British merchants the protection they craved. For the carrying trade of the world had begun to pass under Ameri- can control. A still more vigorous measure was necessary; and Canning, after coming into office, did not shrink from the requirements of the situation, for he was determined to pre- serve England's carrying trade at any cost. On November 11, 1807, he issued a second Order in Council, by which the har- bors of France and of her allies and of every Continental state from which the English flag was excluded were put in a state of blockade ; and all vessels bound to them were declared liable to seizure unless they had visited a British port. To these orders Napoleon replied b}' the Milan decree of December 17, 1807, in which he declared that all vessels having any inter- course whatever with Great Britain or lier Colonies could not be regarded as neutral and were liable to seizure. The "Continental System," as this scheme to annihilate England's commerce was termed, did not continue long. It was too arbitrary and unnatural to endure; but while it lasted it struck at the poorer classes by greatly increasing the price of imports, and caused suffering and discontent. The Orders in Council did keep America from acquiring the carrying trade of England; but in the end they brought on the foolish and unnecessary War of 1812. Canning's vigorous foreign policy greatly interfered with Napoleon's plans. It was he who advocated the British inva- sion of Spain, which did much to undermine the French Emperor's power. But Canning retired from office in 1809 in consequence of a foolish duel, which for a time placed him under a cloud. The nation missed his brilliant services ; but they were not needed to bring about Napoleon's downfall. England prosecuted the war with France Avith vigor. She abandoned Pitt's policy of merely forming coalitions of the Continental countries against France and supplying them with 272 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ri money. Already had Canning suggested a more aggressive course; and his ideas were carried out. English armies took the field, and England furnished the general who was able to cope with Napoleon himself. Wellington again and again defeated the French armies in Spain; and to him must always belong the real glory of the victory at Waterloo. The long war came to an end, and six months before its con- clusion the war with America was also terminated. On De- cember 24, 1814, was signed a treaty of peace between England and the United States. The three years' struggle had not settled all the questions on which the two countries were at issue; but it had at least given England increased respect for the enterprise and courage of the young nation across the sea. It was not likely that British men-of-war would in future im- press American seamen; nor could the conditions which called forth the irritating Orders in Council again arise. The mother- country and the republic which had sprung from her settled their differences from this time on by arbitration; and that they will always do so seems reasonably certain. It was time that peace should come, for the years of war had brought England much suffering. Her debt had risen above $4,000,000,000; her working-classes had undergone great hardships. Wages had indeed been high during the war, but their purchasing power had diminished. The prices of food and clothing v/ere very high. Bread, sugar, and tea were heavily taxed. The tax on malt drove the people to drink spirits. The tax on Avindows resulted in dark houses that were a serious detriment to health. Salt was taxed forty times its value; and paper was taxed from a penn}' and a half to threepence a pound. Sometimes nearly half of the poor man's earnings went to the Government through direct and indirect taxation. And in addition to these evils the British workingmen were beginning to suffer through the introduction of machinery. Such suffering is always temporary. Mechanical contrivances that multiply the power of labor help no one more than the artisans. But, as hand labor is superseded by machinery, those who have supported themselves by the older method are for the time being thrown out of employment. And so it was in England in the early years of the century. The power loom CHAP. I GREAT BRITAIN'S POLITICAL PROGRESS 273 was supplanting the hand loom. Cloth of all kinds was begin- ning to be manufactured by machinery, and the hand weavers and spinners found their occupation gone. They were reduced to poverty and even to starvation. Their misery engendered a spirit of rebellion. They begged help from Parliament. They demanded that the use of the new frames for cloth luanu- facture be restricted by law. Sometimes they broke into the factories and destroyed the machinery to which they attributed their wrongs. To those who adopted these violent and riotous methods was given the name of Luddites, because an idiot named Ned Lud had once broken some frames in a fit of pas- sion. These misguided artisans organized themselves into bands and did their destructive work with surprising method and thoroughness. Before entering a building known to con- tain cloth-making frames, they stationed sentinels around it to give the alarm. Then they rapidly demolished the obnox- ious frames, and usually had disajjpeared before the police or military arrived to arrest them. Their demonstrations were first made toward the end of the year 1811. Continuing and increasing during the following year, they were met by repres- sive laws of a very rigorous character. It was in opposing these laws that Lord Byron made his maiden speech before the House of Lords, in 1812. The severe punishments enacted against the frame-breakers checked their depredations for a time. But the Luddites grew active again in 181G, as a ter- rible season of depression followed the close of the long war with France. Such outbreaks were sure to be remedied in time by the revival of prosperity. But to bring about such a revival the efforts of Parliament were necessary, and many laws needed to be changed and modified. For legislation was shaped in the interest of the landowners. It was the men who owned the land that made the laws; and they were determined that, whatever else happened, their own rentals should not be les- sened. A very oppressive corn law was passed in 1815, which kept foreign wheat out of the country and made the price of domestic wheat exceedingly high. Thus the farmers and the landowners grew rich, while the poor found even their daily bread a luxury. But the landowners could not go on indefinitely making 274 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii laws for the benefit of their own class. It is the f mulamental principle of representative government that the voice of the nation must be heard and obeyed. The wrongs and wretched- ness of the English people were now beginning to find expres- sion. Peace encouraged the discontented to make known their grievances. The era of reform was close at hand. But before the reforms which have come in such rapid suc- cession through the century are considered, the conditions under which they were brought about should be thoroughly understood. T^or they have not come without fierce resistance. The English temper is naturally conservative; it is rendered more so by self-interest. The conflict between liberal princi- ples and traditional belief in England is one of the most inter- esting features in the history of the nineteenth century. In studying this conflict the following facts should be borne in mind : — I. England is a democratic country with aristocratic insti- tutions. It is democratic, because the will of the people ulti- mately triumphs. Its institutions are aristocratic, because the whole English social order is founded upon privilege. The sovereign is no longer endowed with any considerable degree of authority, but has enormous power as the social head of the realm. Below the royal family is the nobility, with its vary- ing degrees of rank and importance .according to title and antiquity. Below the nobility is the gentry class, which prides itself upon the fact that it does not work for a sub- sistence. Below the gentry is the class of professional men. Below them is the middle class, showing various degrees of cultivation and refinement. And lowest of all are the work- ingmen. But besides these distinctions are those introduced by the Church of England. For the Established Church has commanded the allegiance of the cultivated classes, and those who remain outside its fold can receive little social recognition. Moreover, it dominates the two great historic universities, Oxford and Cambridge. Thus, the aristocracy of the nation and a powerful Church were arrayed on the side of privilege. II. There have been two leading political parties in England almost from the establishment of Parliament. In the latter part of the seventeenth century the two parties received the respective names of Whig and Tory; the former representing CHAP. I GREAT BRITAIN^S POLITICAL PROGRESS 275 the country, and the latter the court. Tliese names were kept till 1830, when they were replaced by those of Liberal and Conservative. But the term " Whig" was still applied to the more moderate and conservative Liberals. Of these two parties the Conservative has by far the greater social advan- tage. The nobility, the Church of England, and the gentry give it their support. Representing privilege, it clings to the established order of things; and up to the closing decades of the century it resisted progressive legislation. It is especially pleased Avitli a vigorous foreign .policy. In time of war, it usually conies to the front and evinces a fervent, though some- what narrow, patriotism. The Liberal party draws its strengtli from the Dissenters, and from the thoughtful minds among all classes in the nation. Its members do not work in entire harmony, for its radical element holds advanced views which the moderate Liberals do not share. Yet to its efforts is due most of the reform legisla- tion of the century. It is always in conflict with the Con- servative party; and the result is progress. III. Since the time of George III. the sovereigns of Eng- land have exercised no direct influence upon legislation, but have acted as constitutional monarchs. No more does the House of Lords attempt to dictate to the people. What the nation imperatively demands, the Lords concede. Thvis, both the sovereigns and the peers of this highly aristocratic nation have recognized the fundamental principles of democracy. They have recognized these principles because of the strenu- ous teachings of seven hundred years. IV. The English statesmen of the nineteenth century have been powerful allies to the cause of progress. Under their leadership the nation could not help moving forward. Pitt and Fox belong rather to the eighteenth century tlian the nineteenth. But Canning, Grey, Peel, Russell, Shaftesbury, Briglit, and Gladstone have exercised a mighty influence in favor of liberal measures. No nation ever produced a nobler or more gifted body of statesmen. Their voices have been lifted up, not merely for country, but for humanity. Guizot, Thiers, and Gambetta lacked the moral elevation of these great Englishmen. V. Domestic progress is sometimes interrupted by war. 276 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book n In spite of her advanced civilization, England has become embroiled with petty powers several times during the cen- tury, and once or twice her strength has been taxed by a serious conflict; and when war comes domestic legislation is usually superseded. For a time the fortunes of battle absorb the attention of the nation. But when peace is established, the din of conflict is forgotten and the cause of domestic reform once more makes headway. It took England some years to rally from the long war with France and to give to internal affairs the attention they de manded. After peace was made in 1815, there was for a time general stagnation in trade and business. Industries were greatly affected by the depression. Factories were closed, the foundries ceased working, and the demand for coal was greatly lessened. The workingmen found it difficult to obtain employment and became discontented and clamorous for help. In 1819 a vast army of reformers, whose number has been variously estimated at from 60,000 to 100,000, met at Man- chester to voice their grievances. While this immense body of people was listening to one of its spokesmen, il was charged by the cavalry, and in the crush that ensued two persons were killed and more than six hundred wounded. But such signifi- cant demonstrations as this brought no measures of relief during the reign of George III. CHAPTER II GEORGE IV. — WILLIAM IV During the last few years of his life George III. was blind and insane, and the Prince of Wales was made regent in 1811. Upon his father's death, in 1820, he succeeded to the throne under the title of George IV. Good-natured, but utterly frivo- lous, he has been aptly spoken of by Thackeray as " nothing but a coat and a wig and a mask smiling below it — nothing but a great simulacrum. ... I look through all his life and recognize but a bow and a grin. . . . We cannot get at the character; no doubt never shall." Naturally he was no friend of progress, but the growing energies of the nation made reform imperative. England's policy both at home and abroad now began to grow more liberal and humane. In 1824 some of the most severe restrictions upon the artisan class were removed. Laborers were enabled to go whither they pleased and get the highest possible remuneration for their services. The exporta- tion of machinery was allowed. And workingmen were no longer forbidden to combine for securing higher wages and shorter hours of labor. Perhaps this last privilege would not have been granted if its full significance had been understood. By allowing combinations the law made trade-unions possible, with all their attendant benefits and evils. It was in the reign of George IV. that Canning again became a Cabinet minister, and, after long years of waiting, found a suitable opportunity of exercising his brilliant talents. He was made Foreign Secretary, in 1822, under Lord Liverpool ; and his vigorous character and his liberal sympathies were soon felt in European diplomacy. He was an uncompromising foe of the Holy Alliance; he believed that feeble and strug- gling nations should not be suppressed by despotic govern- ments; and he desired that England's vast power and wealth 277 278 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii should help civilization onward all over the world. When the Holy Alliance planned to crush the revolution in Spain, in 1822, Canning uttered a vigorous protest. On this occasion his efforts were unavailing; but, in 1825, he caused England to recognize the independence of the rebellious South Ameri- can States which tlie Alliance wished to bring into submission to Spain. In 1826 he sent troops to Portugal to maintain the legitimate constitutional government. And throughout his administration of foreign affairs he gave encouragement to Greece in her war of liberation from the Turk. Unhappily he did not live to see her independence established by the battle of ISTavarino, on October 20, 1827. He died on August 6 of that year, about three months after he had succeeded Lord Liverpool as head of the Cabinet. His office of Prime Minis- ter fell to the Duke of Wellington, whose hard and narrow mind led him to disapprove of Canning's conduct of affairs. But Canning had given to England's foreign policy a character which could not be forgotten. Although counted a Tory, he was no true representative of Tory principles. Gladstone, not Palmerston^ or Beaconsfield, was his legitimate successor. Although Wellington was a consistent opponent of reform, he could not resist the liberal tendencies of his time. In 1828 the Protestants and Catholics of the realm found relief in the repeal of the Test Act. Henceforth it was not necessary to repudiate the doctrine of transubstantiation or to take the sacrament from the Church of England in order to hold office under the Crown. But Catholics were still barred from sit- ting in the House of Commons; and this disability was re- moved, in 1829, by the Koman Catholic Belief Bill. Catholic emancipation had, indeed, long found advocates among the liberal statesmen of England. The efforts of Pitt and Gren- ville in its behalf have been recorded. Canning had exerted all his eloquence in favor of it in 1812; and had his career as Prime Minister lasted longer, he would doubtless have secured its accomplishment. Wellington and Peel were now the lead- ing statesmen; and they were both heartily opposed to the emancipation, as was also the King. But when Daniel 1 Palmerston was a Liberal and sympathized with all peoples that struggled for independence. But in his foreign policy he aimed, like the Tories, to defend British interests at any cost. CHAP. II WILLIAM IV 279 O'Connell was elected to a vacant Irish seat in Parliament from the county of Clare, they saw that the Catholics could no longer be deprived of political freedom. For all Catholic Ireland stood behind O'Connell, and the liberal minds of Eng- land sympathized with him in his struggle. The King aban- doned his scruples, under Wellington's forcible suggestions, and signed the bill. Not long after this George IV. died, unregretted by the nation, and was succeeded by his brother William, in June, 1830. William was a rough, unpolished man, obstinate, like all the Georges, but right-minded and sensible. His loyalty to the Constitution was soon put to the test, as the burning question of electoral reform was now before the nation and was demanding a speedy settlement. It was, indeed, a mo- mentous question which the King and the Parliament were thus required to face. England had long recognized the fun- damental principles of democracy. Her sovereigns ruled simply by the consent of their subjects, and one king had been beheaded and another dethroned for opposing the popu- lar will. Even the royal power of vetoing legislation had become unconstitutional, and not since the time of Queen Anne had an English sovereign returned a bill to Parliament with the polite formula of disapproval: Le Roi s\ivisera. But if democracy — the sway of the people — had become estab- lished, if the king was only the servant of his subjects, why should not all of the people have a voice in the government? Why should not suffrage, which alone makes a man truly a citizen, be gradually extended to all? Logically there would seem to be but one answer to these questions, and that answer is — universal suffrage. If the rule belongs to the people, it shonlil belong to all the people and not to a privileged few. Either the throne or the demos is the seat of power. There can be no logical warrant for stripping royalty of its prerogatives and bestowing those same prerogatives upon a select and favored class. Such would seem to be a fair presentation of the question of popular sov- ereignty, and yet this view is not as sound as at first sight it appears. For if all great historic movements have a logical outcome, that outcome cannot always be determined by exact reasoning and philosophic theory. The passions, the preju- 280 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii dices, and the time-honored customs of men are powerful fac- tors in shaping the currents of history; and a mighty human tendency will not produce the same results in every age and among every people. No doubt the world has been moving toward " government of the people, by the people, and for the people " ever since the demos became all-powerful at Athens more than twenty centuries ago. But the movement has not been an unbroken and an uninterrupted one; sometimes all traces of it seemed to disappear. And as it has gathered strength, it has taken manifold forms in different lands. In a country where the spirit of caste and privilege have sway, it cannot establish a true democracy. Hence, there are many legitimate stop- ping-places between Oriental despotism and free republican institutions. Now it must be borne in mind that England is " a demo- cratic country with aristocratic institutions" (p. 274). For more than a thousand years the English have been accustomed to look up to a titled class and to bow before court etiquette and strictly defined social distinctions. This people, one of the proudest, the sturdiest, and the freest in the world, is yet tinged with the spirit of subserviency. Deference to superiors is ingrained in the English nature. Every one but the sov- ereign himself has some one to whom he pays social homage. And this spirit of deference and subserviency is in the very fibre of the English Constitution. Taking shape gradually through many centuries, the Constitution has recognized the vital traits of the English character, as they have revealed themselves in innumerable usages, customs, and traditions. In short, the Constitution, even while recognizing the people through their representatives as supreme, yet exalts the few above the many and is moulded by the distinctions of title, landed proprietorship, and social privilege. It is designed to place the power in the hands of a favored class, who, by reason of their superior advantages and their ownership of the land, are constituted the social and political leaders of the realm. Now, this being the character of the Constitution and of the English social order, the question of extending the suffrage was a grave and tremendous one. How grave it was, the CHAP. II WILLIAM IV 281 Duke of Wellington and the leaders of the Tory party well appreciated, and by every legitimate means they opposed the effort to increase the number of voters in the kingdom. For they saw in this attempt an assault upon the fundamental character of the Constitution. They saw that it would end in making Great Britain a democracy pure and simple, instead of a country of privilege ; and upon democracy they looked with abhorrence. And it is probable, indeed, that this abhorrence would have been intensified if they could have foreseen all the results that have followed from the passage of the Electoral Reform Bill of 1832. For, after the franchise had once been extended, it was made more and more inclusive, until uni- versal suffrage was plainly near at hand. And with the extension of the franchise the partisans of democracy have clamored for radical and sweeping changes which would, if effected, fundamentally change the character of British gov- ernment and British society. For if royalty should be swept aside, the House of Lords abolished, primogeniture brought to an end, and government pass into the hands of the profes- sional politician, the Great Britain of Chatham, Burke, Peel, yes, and of Gladstone also, would utterly pass away. With the triumph of democracy would come the ascendency of the common people instead of the leadership of the few. All this should be remembered in justice to the Duke of Wellington and those who followed his lead in this great national crisis. He is usually thought to have headed a fac- tious opposition and to have shown unpardonable narrowness in resisting what was imperatively demanded by the nation at large. But the " Iron Duke " ably defended his own position and showed very clearly that, restricted as the suffrage was, it was yet so bestowed as to reach more or less directly every class in the kingdom.^ That its exercise was attended with grave abuses could not be denied, and those abuses the duke would have helped to do away with ; but to remove abuses by the introduction of what he considered other and far graver abuses roused his bitter and indignant opposition. But whether the Duke of Wellington was riglit or wrong theoretically, his position was certainly untenable. It was untenable simply because the vast majority of the English 1 Fortnightly Review, 68 : 539. 282 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii people clamored for the changes which he so stubbornly- resisted. Crying, indeed, were the abuses of the existing electoral system. The members of the House of Commons obtained their seats largely through influence, favor, and bribery. Two thirds of them were appointed by peers or other influential persons. Some seats were openly offered for sale. Great cities like Manchester and Birmingham were entirely- unrepresented. Many rotten boroughs existed, in which there was nothing that could fairly be termed an election. It was estimated that 300 seats were under the control of IGO persons. In Scotland the county votes did not number all told more than 2000 ; while the members from the cities were appointed by an electoral body which was chosen by the town council and allowed to name its successors. To obviate these abuses an Electoral Reform Bill was brought before the Commons, in 1831, by Lord John Russell. This eminent English statesman had already identified him- self with the cause of reform by his efforts in favor of Catholic emancipation. It was largely through his exertions that the Test Act was repealed and the Relief Bill passed. His liberal sympathies often placed him on the side of progress, and his long parliamentary career was honorable and distinguished. To the cause of electoral reform he gave his most enthusiastic support in the Lower House, as did Earl Grey, the head of the ministry, in the House of Lords. The provisions of the Reform Bill were very moderate. The representation of the rotten boroughs was to be taken away from them and given to cities; the property qualification was to be dimin- ished so as to give the franchise to the well-to-do middle class; but the right to vote Avas still withheld from the poor. But, moderate though the bill was, it was rejected^ by the Com- mons. Thereupon Lord Grey resigned, and Parliament was dissolved. The elections returned a majority in favor of reform. Lord Grey again assumed office; Lord Russell's bill was passed by the House of Commons on September 21, 1831. Rejected by the Lords, it was passed again by the Commons. The Lords rejected it a second time, and Lord Grey requested 1 The bill passed to its second reading by a vote of 302 against 301. But a majority of one meant virtual defeat. Molesworth's "History of England," p. 65 (abridged edition). CHAP. II WILLIAM IV 283 the King's permission to appoint a sufficient number of new peers to give the bill a majority in the Upper House. This permission the King refused, and the Ministry resigned. But Wellington, who was asked by thd King to form a Cabinet, found his task impossible. Lord Grey once more assumed office with the right to appoint new peers. ^ But so radical a measure was not found necessary. The Lords recognized the uselessness of further resistance and passed the Reform Bill on June 7, 1832. This notable victory of the popular majority had a profound significance. It showed that public opinion was supreme in England, in spite of the restricted character of the suffrage. Indeed, to a certain degree, it justified the opinion of the Duke of Wellington ; for if the people could win so decided a tri- umph, even though few of them could vote, it might well be argued that they had the power to right their wrongs in their own hands. Their will might for a time be resisted by the conservative forces of the nation, but in the end they were sure to obtain what they persistently desired. So legislative reform, thus significantly inaugurated, was sure to go peace- ably forward until the manifold grievances of the people were one by one redressed. The path of reform, once entered, was for some time reso- lutely followed. But Lord Grey did not much longer continue in office. He was now nearly seventy years old. He had led the nation through an important crisis. He had been identi- fied with many good and noble causes ever since he had carried the bill for abolishing the slave-trade, in 1807. Not the least generous of his actions was his espousal of the cause of Queen Caroline when she was shamefully slandered by her husband, George IV. After his long and useful career the aged states- man felt that he had earned the right to spend his last years in quiet; and he retired from public life in 1834. Few Englishmen have earned a more honorable place in the annals of the nation. His dignity, resolution, and discre- tion brought about a momentous reform without causing a civil war, as rash leadersliip might have done. 1 This right the Kiii<; slanted in a private interview with Lord Grey and Lord Broufihani. But it was tlie hitter who had the foresight and the courage to require the King to give his consent in writing over his own signature. 284 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii But Lord Eussell and other liberal men remained in Parlia- ment to push reform measures forward. In 1834 outdoor relief to paupers was discontinued, and the workingmen made thereby more self-respecting and industrioiis. In 1835 was passed the Corporation Reform Act, which brought about a great improvement in the government of cities. Heretofore municipal affairs had been controlled by close corporations. The citizens of a town had no voice whatever in their own gov- ernment. By the act of 1835 all the rate-payers in English towns and cities were empowered to vote for municipal officers.^ In Scotland the franchise was limited to those who could vote in parliamentary elections.^ An admirable step toward diminishing ignorance was taken in 1836, when the tax of fourpence on newspapers was abol- ished. The news of the day could now penetrate the dwellings of the poor as well as those of the rich. In this same year the Dissenters were partially relieved from the unjust and trying exactions of the Established Church. The Church had kept absolute control over the services of marriage and of burial. But dissenting clergymen were now allowed to conduct the former ceremony ; the latter was considered too solemn to be given into their hands. Another injustice from which Dissenters suffered was that of tithes. Those who were outside of the Established Church had to contribute to its support. By leaving the Church of England they lost many rights and privileges; yet they had to help the very organization which took those rights and privi- leges from them. The tax was therefore an interference with religious freedom. Its abolition was proposed in 1836, but was not finally carried until 1838. The measure was Aveak- ened in its passage through Parliament; but the abuse was much modified, though not entirely removed. Almost from the beginning of the century the most humane members of Parliament had endeavored to mitigate England's severe penal code. Sir Samuel Romilly and Sir James Mack- intosh had been conspicuous in this work. The former had 1 For the ultimate effects of this act consult Vine's "Municipal Institu- tions." 2 For reforms in the Scotch municipal towns see W. Cory's " Guide to Mod- ern English History," II. 357. CHAP. 11 WILLIAM IV 285 again and again introduced bills to reduce the number of capital offences, which were more than two hundred. He accomplished little, however, as he had to fight against the Government, the bishops, and the eminent judges of his day. But the humane sentiments he uttered made their profound impression on the nation; and the work wliich he so nobly advocated Avent on after his death. The list of capital offences was greatly abridged, as one crime after another was stricken from it; till, finally, in 1837, it had been reduced from over two hundred to seven. CHAPTER III QUEEN victoria's REIGN TO THE DEATH OF LORD PALMERSTON William IV. was sixty-five years old when he came to the throne, and he reigned but seven years. He died at Windsor on June 20, 1837, and was succeeded by his niece Victoria, the daughter of the Duke of Kent. Hanover now became a separate kingdom, as it could not bo governed by a woman, and passed under the rule of the Duke of Cumberland, the fifth of the sons of George III. Victoria was but eighteen years old at her accession to the throne, but her virtue and her native dignity immediately won her the heart of the English nation. She was married in 1840 to her cousin, Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg Gotha, a man by no means brilliant, but sen- sible, right-minded, and discreet. Both her public and her private life have been wholly admirable, and her reign has been one of almost uninterrupted prosperity. No English ruler has shown so full a recognition as Victoria of the sover- eign rights of the people. She has reigned as a constitutional monarch, and has never attempted to assert her own will in opposition to the expressed will of the nation. Compliance with the people's mandates has not always been easy. Her political and social preferences are strong, and she has some- times been forced to accept ministers and measures that were extremely distasteful to her. But whatever the voice of the nation has demanded she has faithfully executed. Reforms came rapidly under this liberal-minded and consti- tutional Sovereign. In 1839 was adopted the system of penny postage. Eormerly the dues upon letters were not prepaid and the amount that was collected uj^on a letter depended upon the distance it was carried. Tlie awkwardness and injustice of this method attracted the attention of Sir Rowland Hill, who 286 CHAP, in QUEEN VICTORIA'S REIGN 287 advocated uniform rates of postage and the use of stamps. His ideas were so novel that they encountered much opposition at first; but their adoption brought vast benefit to the people and made the management of tlie postal service far more sim- ple and easy for the Government. The condition of the working-classes was further improved in 1843 by the efforts of Lord Ashley. This earnest phi- lanthropist, who afterward became Lord Shaftesbury, has a peculiarly honorable place among the reformers of this cen- tury. He was a very intense, prejudiced, and intolerant man, and his narrowness of mind prevented him from becom- ing a great statesman. But his sympathies were most humane, and his interest in the poor and suffering was deep and genuine. He labored assiduously all his life to improve the condition of the unfortunate, and he became recognized as the foremost philanthropist of England. Through his efforts the insane were properly cared for, factories were carefully inspected, the hours of labor were curtailed, and working- women and children were protected from the unhappy effects of industrial competition. It was in behalf of women and children that Lord Ashley exerted himself in 1843. He secured the passage of a bill by Avhich the employment of women in mines was forbidden; and children under ten years of age were not to be employed at all. But these and other measures in favor of the Avorking-classes did not pass without encountering serious opposition. The competition of other European countries was greatly dreaded. Even men of liberal sympathies prophesied that England would lose her commercial supremacy if her laborers received greater consideration than those of other nations. But these forebodings have been proved groundless by the course of events. Labor is more effective when it is intelligent, free, and protected from drastic exertions. But the time had come when a momentous and revolutionary change in England's commercial policy Avas necessary. The landowners had kept the value of agricultural products high by imi)0siiig taxes on imported articles of food. But as Eng- land's population increased, this system became more and more oppressive to the laboring classes. The price of wheat was kept so high that bread was to the poor man a luxury. Eng- 288 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii land's workingmen were but too often ill fed and destitute. The country was sacrificing the class upon which its prosperity- depended. No wonder, then, that a fierce agitation against the Corn Law was begun. The leader in the movement for free trade was Kichard Cobden. His tracts were circulated all over the land, John Bright gave him able assistance; and the Anti-Corn-Law League won hosts of converts by its ceaseless exertions. The feeling against protection became so strong that Sir Eobert Peel, the head of the Conservative Government, was, in 1842, obliged to modify the duty on corn and to lighten or abolish the duty on seven hundred and fifty other imported articles. But Peel was pledged to support the landed interest, and only the force of circumstances converted him to free trade. In 1845 the potato crop in Ireland failed, and the grain crops of Scot- land and Ireland were short. The nation had to choose between famine and free corn. Peel was humane enough and Avise enough to see that the Corn Laws were doomed. He advocated their repeal ; but some of his Cabinet were obdurate, and he resigned. But no other statesman was equal to the crisis. So he was recalled, and the obnoxious laws were repealed in the face of fierce opposition and forebodings of national dis- aster. Peel had saved his country, but in doing so he had incurred the enmity of his party. The Tories could not forgive him for abandoning the principles he was placed in power to defend; and after a time they succeeded in overthrowing him. But since his death his countrymen have done full justice to his memory. His position was a trying one, but he would not have been a true patriot had he done otherwise than he did. He was not a man of genius or of great foresight. More than once he resisted needed reforms. But in the massiveness of his character, in the breadth of his intellect, and in his un- flinching discharge of duty he embodied the best traits of the English mind and temper. The duty on corn being removed, other taxes on imports were one by one abandoned. England became more and more committed to free trade. One protected interest after another was deprived of government support, and taxes were finally imposed for revenue only. The Navigation Laws, which im- posed ingenious restrictions on the shipping of other nations, CHAP, ni QUEEN VICTORIA'S REIGN 289 were abolished, though not without some difficulty. And the tax on sugar, intended to protect British planters in the West Indies, whose product was admitted at a very low rate, was modified. Free trade has not benefited all classes in England equally. Under its worKings the landlords and farmers have seen their incomes diminish alarmingly, and they have often sighed for the good old days of protection. But the commercial prosperity of the nation is directly due to its free-trade policy. By admitting raw materials free of duty, England enables her manufacturers to produce their wares with the utmost possible cheapness, and to find a market for them all over the world. Realizing this, her statesmen resolutely frown upon all at- tempts to revive protection, in spite of the discontent of the farmers and the impoverished country squires. Not even free trade, however, could at once bring the suffer- ings and hardships of the workingmen to an end, and the dis- content which had long existed among the English laborers caused an alarming agitation in 1848. For it was in that year that the famous Chartist movement forced itself upon the attention of the country, and, for a short time, assumed a com- manding importance. The movement had been founded ten years earlier, when six members of the House of Commons held a conference with representatives of the AVorkingmen's Association, and demanded six important reforms in a docu- ment known as The Peoj^Ws Charter. The reforms were: (1) annual parliaments; (2) universal suffrage; (3) the bal- lot; (4) abolition of the property qualification for a seat in the House of Commons ; (5) payment of members of the House of Commons ; (6) the apportionment of electoral districts by population. From the first the movement gained ground among the workingmen, and in 1848 the nation realized that it had become widespread and formidable. For, influenced largely by the revolutions that were disturbing Europe, the members of the Chartist organization now took an aggressive and threatening attitude. They met for military drill; they listened to incendiary speakers ; and they announced tliat, on the tenth of April, 500,000 men would meet in London, on Kensington Comnaon, to march in procession and present a monstrous petition to Parliament. The petition was said to contain 6,000,000 signatures; and the Government was so far u 290 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii alarmed that it forbade the procession and took extraordinary precautions to preserve the peace. But when the day came round, only 50,000 men assembled instead of 500,000, and the petition was found to contain less than 2,000,000 genuine sig- natures. So the attempted demonstration proved a fiasco, and with the return of prosperity the Chartist movement lost its sig- nificance. Yet it was not organized in vain, for of the reforms it demanded some have been granted wholly or in part, while the others are even now advocated by the Radicals of the kingdom. Some evidence of England's prosperity was given by the industrial exhibition of 1851. This was the first of those colossal exhibits which have attracted the attention of the world and have powerfully stimulated arts and manufactures. It was undertaken at the suggestion of the Prince Consort, and was held in the Crystal Palace, especially constructed for the purpose. The variety and brilliancy of the exhibit called forth universal admiration; and the project was successful from every point of view. Unlike some that have succeeded it, it more than paid for itself. In the following year occurred an event which calls for special mention and which caused profound sorrow throughout the English nation. On September 14, 1852, the Duke of AVellington died at the age of eighty-three. He was greater as a soldier than as a statesman; yet even in peace his profound respect for law, his moral dignity, and his sturdy sense had been of much service to his country. The victor of Waterloo will always be remembered as one of the greatest of English- men. The triumphs of industry and of domestic progress were mingled with victories of a sterner kind. Eor England has had much stormy and tumultuous experience during Victoria's reign. Her widespread dominions easily bring her into con- flict. For she has to keep in order the races she has subju- gated, and to maintain her frontiers against aggression. Sometimes the conquest of one province leads to that of a neighboring one and then to still others adjoining, in order that unruly tribes may not be hovering about her borders, ready to disturb the peace. And the very vastness of Eng- land's power is a source of temptation. It excites the desire of bringing new tracts under her civilizing sway; and it also CHAP, in QUEEN VICTORIA'S REIGN 291 occasions distrust and suspicion of other nations that push their own conquests rapidly forward. More tiian one unjust and needless war has disgraced England's annals during the nineteenth century. Afghanistan, India, China, various por- tions of Africa, and other countries have been the scenes of bloody conflicts between England and her civilized or savage opponents. Peculiarly jealous and sensitive has Great Britain been re- garding her Indian possessions. At the beginning of the century her conquest of India was by no means complete, and she has engaged in several wars with a view to extending and strengthening her rule over the Indian races. In 1824 she began the conquest of Burma and annexed portions of that formidable empire. In 1839 she attempted to get control of Afghanistan, for the advance of the Bussians into Asia occa- sioned alarm. It was believed by many that Kussia could easily invade India by occupying the Afghan territory; so England determined to forestall her by taking possession of that important strategic country. But the attempt only ended in disaster. British troops occupied Kabul; but in January, 1842, nearly 4000 soldiers and 1200 camp followers, after retiring from that city, were cut down almost to a man in the Khyber Pass. And though the massacre was avenged, the country was evacuated. Better success attended the attempt to subjugate new tracts in India. There was much fighting between the English and the natives from 1843 to 1853, as a result of which Sind, the Panjab, and Pegu in Burma were brought under British rule. The conquest of India led to a war with the neighboring empire of China. Hostilities first broke out in 1840 owing to a difficulty on the opium question; but after Canton was cap- tured and Nanking threatened, the Chinese consented to a treaty of peace, which opened some of their principal cities to the British. Thus the traffic in opium, to which China had objected, was thoroughly established.-' But in 1856 an outrage perpetrated on a British vessel in Canton River led to a second 1 Much censure has been visited upon this traffic and upon England for insisting upon its establishment; and the criticism is well grounded, though there is something to be said upon the other side of the question. NhiPtecnth Century, 11: iJ42 and 403; Saturday Review, 54:331; Vontemporai'y Review, 74:121. 292 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii war. Canton was taken by the British in 1857 ; and the Peace of Tientsin was made in 1858. The Chinese granted freedom of trade and protection to Christians, and agreed to bear the expenses of the war. This treaty, however, was not kept. So, in 1860, the English and French nndertook a joint expedition against China and brought her to terms. Peking was threat- ened, and a new peace was conckided, by which harbors were opened and freer communication with European states was established. This war with a vast but sleepy Oriental state never assumed an alarming character. But the struggle with Russia was much more serious. Trouble with Russia first arose in 1853; on jNIarch 28, 1854, the Crimean War was declared. It was a conflict that appealed to the English national pride, for its object was to cripple Russia and prevent her from advancing on Constantinople. Hence, the English were led into the war by very much the same feelings that caused them to invade Afghanistan : in order to make that country a barrier against Russian advance upon India. None the less the war was a mischievous one and utterly uncalled for. It accomj^lished no good whatever. It encouraged the Turk to feel that England would protect him in his career of barbarity and crime; and at a critical period it committed England to an evil and mistaken policy. Eor at this time England was probably strong enough to coerce the Turk, and force him to rule with decency or to abdicate. It is possible that she could have worked with Russia to bring about that end. The Russian Chancellor, Nesselrode, heartily believed in an alliance with England and had endeavored to bring such an alliance about; and the Emperor Nicholas shared his views upon this matter. But the Emperor suffered from brain disease in the closing years of his life, resented opposition, and seemed unable to adhere to a single line of policy. His contradictions made it difficult to work with him rather than against him; the English suspicion and jealousy of Russia made cooperation with him practically impossible. So England listened to the evil suggestions of Napoleon III., and espoused the cause of the Turk instead of uniting with Russia to keep him in order. The result was a bloody war and an estrangement with Russia which has never been removed. And now, at the close of the century, England, CHAP. Ill QUEEN VICTORIA'S REIGN 293 the only European power humane enough to arrest the Turk in his brutal career, no longer has the strength to do so. Ger- many and Austria have a vital interest in the disposition of Constantinople ; and they, as well as Russia, would resist any attempt on the part of England to settle the pestiferous Eastern Question. So the war policy prevailed in spite of the protests of some manly and noble-minded Englishmen. John Bright denounced the war in no measured terms, but his grave and lofty utter- ances ^ were treated as the delusions of a mere theorist who had no understanding of the practical side of national politics. The war was begun, but at first it was most inefficiently man- aged. Lord Aberdeen was the English Prime Minister. He was not a man of great ability ; moreover, he was not heartily in favor of the war. He did not prosecute it with energy, and very soon came complaints that the troops were not properly clothed, fed, and sheltered. The London Times " thundered " ; the Ministry resigned. Lord Palmerston was called on to form a Cabinet, and under his vigorous administration England recovered her military prestige. Russia was humiliated and the Ministry was popular. None the less Lord Palmerston's influence upon English politics was by no means wholly good. Arrogant and self-willed, he had already been censured by the Queen for his headstrong course as Foreign Secretary ; for he had not hesitated to embarrass the Government by the rash expression of his individual opinions. But keenly though he felt the royal rebuke, he did not drop his hauteur of manner and his insolent disdain of his political opponents. The criticisms of men like Bright he treated with contempt,^ and 1 " Let it not be said that I am alone in my condemnation of this war and of this incapable and guilty administration. And, even if I were alone, if mine were a solitary voice, raised amid the din of arms and the clamors of a venal press, I should have the consolation I have to-nij^ht — and which I trust will be mine to the last moment of my existence — the priceless consolation that no word of mine has tended to promote the squandering of my country's treasure or the spilling of one single drop of my country's blood." — " Speeches by the Right Hon. John Bright, M.P.," edited by James E. Thorold Rogers, p. 24(i. 2 Yet Lord Palmerston must have winced sometimes under John Bright's vigorous thrusts. In defending tlie Crimean War, Lord Palmerston had the audacity to assert that the Turks had improved within the past twenty years more than any other nation in Europe, knowing well that this statement did 294 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii liis mocking and defiant attitude did not lend dignity to the debates of the House of Commons.^ But for a number of years after the outbreak of tlie Crimean War he was recognized as the foremost statesman of England. He was Prime Minis- ter from 1855 to 1858 and from 1859 to 1865. In his earlier life he was a Tory; but his humane sympathies led him after a time into the Liberal party. For he disliked the Holy Alliance, and he believed that the weaker nations of Europe should be allowed to win their freedom and to establish con- stitutional governments without being thwarted by the stronger powers. So, naturally, he sympathized with Napoleon III. in his efforts to free Italy from Austrian rule; and he would have protected Denmark from Austria and Prussia in 1864, if he could have secured the active cooperation of other powers. His interference in European politics was not, therefore, with- out its beneficial effects. But he lent his support to the "un- speakable Turk"; and his foreign policy lacked breadth and marked him rather as an astute diplomatist than as a states- man of the loftiest aims. He was no true representative of English liberalism. He turned the thoughts of the nation away from peaceful progress; and he died at an advanced age without having left any enduring monument to win for him the gratitude of his country. The Crimean War was stern and bloody; it was soon fol- lowed by one which shook England to its very centre. In the spring of 1857 occurred the Sepoy Mutiny, wliich at once as- sumed alarming proportions. It arose partly from the dislike of the native soldiers for the greased cartridge required by the Enfield musket. But the greased cartridge was the occasion rather than the cause of the rebellion. Widespread disaffec- tion toward the English existed among the Indian troops, and their mutinous spirit was increased by their great numerical superiority over the English soldiers. There were in the not apply to the Christians under Turkish rule, though he meant to give the impression that it did. Mr. Bright thereupon accused him of "a disingenu- ousness which I should be ashamed to use in argument." — Speech on the "Enlistment of Foreigners Bill" (already quoted from on the preceding page). 1 Lord Palraerston was an Irish peer, and preferred to be elected to the House of Commons than to represent Ireland in the House of Lords. For not all Irish peers can sit in the House of Lords, but only a certain number (twenty- eight) , who are elected for life by their fellow-peers. CHAP. Ill QUEEN VICTORIA'S REIGN 295 Indian army 230,000 Sepoys and only 40,000 Europeans. Naturally, therefore, the natives thought they could free themselves from a rule which, for all its benefits, they never loved. Regiment after regiment of Sepoys nuitinied, and soon nearly 100,000 soldiers were m revolt. It was dithcult for the English to quell the uprising promptly, for they had to act over a large territory with an insufhcient force of men. Fortunately for tliem the principal native princes remained loyal. Had it been otherwise, the whole country would have had to be reconquered. Even as it was, the English found their task a most formi- dable one. The rebels captured some strongliolds and invested others that were rescued with difficulty. The heroic defence of Lucknow has become famous in history; and Havelock, who relieved it, and Sir Henry Lawrence, who was killed while defending it, are counted among the heroes of the Eng- lish nation. A still higher place was given to Lord Jolm Lawrence, whose wise rule and remarkable foresight undoubt- edly kept the Panjab from joining the mutiny. English valor and discipline triumphed over every obstacle. In a few months the revolt was practically quelled, though it took some time to stamp out all the sparks of rebellion. ]>ut the atrocities committed by the Sepoys were frightful beyond description. They had no respect for age or sex, and the sufferings they inflicted upon women and children made the English thirst for vengeance deep and terrible. l>ut for the firm refusal of Lord Lawrence, the Taj at Agra would have been razed to the ground; and how some of the ring- leaders of the mutiny were blown from the mouths of cannon is a well-known story. Awful as this punishment seems, it is hardly to be condemned on the score of cruelty, for the death itself was a j)ainless one. It Avas planned simply to teach an impressive lesson ; for the bodies thus scattered to the wind could not be reunited, and to the sensuous mind of the Hindu this meant the destruction of the soul. But it is hard to jus- tify such an outrageous contempt for tlie religion of a subject people; and the act was, moreover, a political mistake. It served to deepen the sulhm resentment of the Hindus toward their English masters — a resentment which may again burst forth into a lurid and dcstnictive flame. 296 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii After the Sepoy rebellion was ended, and peace was finally made with China, no wars of consequence occurred for a num- ber of years. England was free to consider domestic affairs ; but for some time no important reforms were carried through. Lord John Russell had long been anxious to extend the fran- chise, and had brought in a bill to secure that end in 1854. But the measure failed to pass. Nor was this reform any more successful when advocated by the short-lived Conservative Ministry of Lord Derby, in 1858, or by Lord John Russell in his excellent bill presented in 1860. Even the most progres- sive nation cannot continue in the path of reform without respite or cessation; and after repealing the Corn Laws, Eng- land might well pause and survey the beneficial changes she had made through the preceding quarter of a century. The years between 1850 and 1865 were years of growth and expan- sion under the new conditions created by the radical legisla- tion of earlier years. The country was somewhat tired of reforms. What it needed was to reap the full benefit of those already made. Moreover, the succession of exciting events that began with the Crimean War absorbed the attention of the nation. Not long after the Sepoy mutiny was suppressed came the war in North Italy waged by Napoleon III. against Austria; and this struggle Avas watched with eager interest by the English people. And hardly had this conflict been de- cided, when the American Civil War began, and gave the English Government grave questions to consider and to settle. Lord Palmerston's sympathies lay with the South rather than the North, as did those of many prominent Englishmen of both parties. Hence there was a strong feeling in favor of recognizing the Southern Confederacy. The better sense of the nation prevented such an act of hostility toward the American Union; but to the end of the war the Cabinet had to face troublesome problems regarding its proper attitude toward the two belligerents. In 1861 occurred the irritating Trent Affair, so called because the envoys of the Confederacy, Mason and Slidell, were forcibly taken from the British steamer Trent by an Amerian man-of-war. England at once prepared to make war on the United States, but the prompt restoration of the envoys by President Lincoln took away all pretext for resorting to arms. On this occasion the Prince Consort used CHAP. Ill QUEEN VICTORIA'S REIGN 297 his influence to restrain and modify the excited British feeling, and his good offices won for him the respect and regard of the American people. They as well as the English deeply mourned his untimely death, which occurred at the close of 1861. The blockade of the ports of the Confederacy by the United States navy also caused great irritation in England. For through this blockade the English factories were deprived of cotton, large numbers of workmen were thrown out of employ- ment, and much suffering was caused. The Government, therefore, was under a strong pressure not to recognize the blockade, especially as it was imperfectly maintained, owing to the vast extent of coast which the United States gunboats had to watch. Neutrality was however preserved in this matter, but not in preventing Confederate cruisers from being constructed and manned in English ports. The steamships Florida and Alabama were both made for the Confederacy at Birkenhead by an English firm, and were allowed to sail forth on their destructive mission, though the Government was fully warned of their character by the American minister at London. They did enormous damage to American commerce, and gave the United States ground for preferring against England the famous Alabama Claims. CHAPTER IV MR. GLADSTONE, LORD BEACONSFIELD. RECENT EVENTS Much to the relief of England, the American Civil War ended in 1865, and on October 18 of the same year occurred the death of Lord Palmerston. With the passing away of this contentious character began a new interest in reform. Lord Russell was made Prime Minister, and Mr. Gladstone, whose commanding abilities had long been recognized,^ became the Liberal leader in the House of Commons. The cause which was so dear to Lord Russell now seemed likely to succeed. A moderate bill to reform the franchise was brought forward by Mr. Gladstone, but it was defeated by the efforts of his politi- cal opponent, Mr. Disraeli. This was a sore disappointment to Lord Russell. He resigned, and abandoned the hope of being himself the means of accomplishing this reform which he had so often advocated. He never again held office, but as a member of the House of Lords he continued for some time to take an active interest in politics. Somewhat lacking in political sagacity and balanced judgment, he had not the qualities of a leader. Greatness of mind and character hardly belonged to him; he did not grow with his times, and before his death his liberalism represented the views of a past generation.^ But for fifty years he gave his country valu- able service, and the laws of England are more humane and enliglitened because of his parliamentary career. After Lord Russell's resignation Lord Derby was for the 1 In particular Mr. Gladstone's skill in linance was little short of marvel- lous. He handled the dry facts of revenue and expenditure so as to give them a genuine fascination. 2 His speech in the House of Lords on the secret ballot, July 8, 1S72, is a carious presentation of antiquated ideas. See "Wagner's Modern Political Orations," p. 158. 298 CHAP. IV MR. GLADSTONE 299 third time called to form a Cabinet. Mr. Disraeli, the most brilliant figure among the Conservatives, led his party in the House of Commons. Unscrupulous, shrewd, and boundlessly ambitious, he was always' ready to do the thing that would bring success; and he now had the effrontery to carry through the reform which he had just pronounced revolutionary and had defeated. He presented a more radical measure for lower- ing the franchise than Mr. Gladstone had advocated, and it was passed, Lord Derby giving it his consent rather than his support. By its provisions suffrage was bestowed on all male householders in boroughs who were taxed for the relief of the poor, and on all persons in the counties who owned property that yielded an annual return of £5 or who paid rental of £12. The distribution of parliamentary seats was also made more fair; towns with less than 10,000 inhabitants that had two members of Parliament lost one of them, and a third member was granted to M'anchester, Liverpool, Birmingham, and Leeds. Altogether, the measure was as liberal a one as the country was then prepared for; but it was by no means a final settle- ment of the suffrage question. The Eeform Bill was passed on August 15, 18G7. Before the year was ended, England was drawn into one of those petty wars which she has had to undertake so often during the cen- tury. Theodore, King of Abyssinia, had imprisoned English officials and missionaries, and it was apparent that force alone would effect their release. An armed expedition was therefore sent from Bombay to invade his country and bring him to terms. This it succeeded in doing under the vigorous leader- ship of Sir R. Napier. The prisoners were set free, and the defeated and humiliated ruler shot himself rather than fall into the hands of tlie nation he had so insolently defied. About the same time the Fenian agitators, who liad been more or less active since 1858, gave trouble in Ireland and on the Canadian border. In 18(56 they crossed the Niagara into Canada, and were not repressed without bloodshed. In 1867 they occasioned several outbreaks in Ireland, and large num- bers of them were arrested, tried, and convicted of treason. The movement was not in itself dangerous, but it was signifi- cant as revealing the dee])-seated discontent of the Irish peojde. The Fenian oath called on the brotherhood " to free and regen- 300 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii erate Ireland from the yoke of England." All the violence and the outrages of the Irish Land League were foreshadowed by this earlier agitation. Lord Derby retired from office on February 25, 1868, and Mr. Disraeli was made the head of the Cabinet. His minis- try, however, was of short duration. On November 11 of the same year Parliament was dissolved, and the Liberals gained a large majority in the elections. This meant that Mr. Glad- stone, was to be Prime Minister; for he was now beyond question the foremost statesman of his party. Like Lord Pal- merston, he had begun his political career as a Tory; but his interest in reform did not allow him to continue with a party* that resisted progress. He was now fifty-nine years old, but he was in the full vigor of his powers, and, unlike Lord Rus- sell, he was, even after passing middle life, amply able to grasp and assimilate new ideas. Hence, as long as he remained in politics, he continued to lead his party in the truest sense of the word. He did not allow it to rest upon its laurels, but continually forced it to take new and higher ground. Mr. Gladstone's term of office began on December 9, 1868. On March 1, 1869, he brought in a bill for the disestablish- ment of the Irish Church, and not without difficulty secured its passage through both Houses. The bill was aimed at crying abuses, for a population chiefly Catholic was obliged to support a Protestant Church; and the very endowments by which that Church was maintained had once belonged to the Catholics. But the measure attacked an arrogant and power- ful organization, and it excited the anti-Catholic feeling which is so deeply rooted in the English mind. After the Church was disestablished her bishops were no longer able to sit in the House of Lords or to receive their appointment from the Crown; her clergy could not obtain their support from the public revenues, though the life interest of existing clergymen was duly provided for; and her endowments were to be used for the good of Ireland after all just claims upon them had been paid. The sum realized from the endowments was not as large as Mr. Gladstone expected it to be, but it amounted to about $50,000,000. But other reforms, far more important than the disestab- lishment of the Church, were demanded by the Irish people. CHAP. IV MR. GLADSTONE 301 For the condition of Ireland was as deplorable as it was when the Act of Union was passed in 1800 (p. 267). Indeed, her wrongs dated back to the year 1177, when Henry II. invaded her shores and received the submission of her princes. Since that time the distracted country had met with little but cruelty and injustice at the liands of its conquerors. The English ruled Ireland with sole regard to their own interests, confis- cated her lands, brutalized her peasantry, and punished insur- rection with fire and sword (p. 267). Prostrate and bleeding, her people submitted to hateful laws Avhich they were power- less to evade. Those laws that were most oppressive to the Catholics were modified or changed; but nothing was done for the Irish tenant, whose condition was a most unhappy one. He could be ejected at his landlord's will; the improvements he made upon his holding could be appropriated by his land- lord; and his rent was often increased because of these very improvements which he had made and which had rendered the holding more valuable. Moreover, many landlords made their homes in England, never seeing their tenants, but submitting them to the merciless exactions of dishonest agents. Under these hard conditions the Irish peasants could not thrive. They lived in poverty and misery, and their discon- tent grew deeper the longer their sufferings continued unre- lieved. When the crops failed, famine overtook them and drove them out of the country in great numbers. The potato famine in 1845 caused a wholesale emigration, and the popu- lation soon diminished from 8,000,000 to 6,500,000. This exodus brought relief, but those who were unwilling to emi- grate still suffered from the unjust land laws and answered injustice by crime. But the remedy for crime was coercion, and again and again in the course of the century lias England placed Ireland under military law. More than forty coercion acts for Ireland were passed by the British Parliament between 1801 and 1887. But coercion was in no true sense a remedy for Irish agitation. It silenced discontent, but it did not heal it. What the Irish peasants craved was justice, and even jus- tice failed to satisfy them at last, so long was it withheld. The peasant brooded over his wrongs. He reflected that the land had once belonged to his ancestors and had been taken from them by force. He therefore learned to regard it as 302 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii riglitfully his own, and he determiuetl to regain possession of it if possible. A deep longing for national independence was taking hold of his mind. But relief from the oppressive land laws was the first step necessary. Three things the Irish peasants demanded to relieve their distress — fixity of tenure, fair rent, and free sale of improvements. These demands were termed the three F's, and they commended themselves to Mr. Gladstone's sense of justice. In a very imperfect manner the three F's were embodied in the Irish Land Bill of 1870, which was Mr. Glad- stone's first attempt to redress the wrongs of the Irish tenant. As time showed, it was not a very satisfactory bill. It offended the landlord and it did not sufficiently relieve the tenant. Yet it marked in a very striking manner the change of attitude which England, under Mr. Gladstone's lead, was learning to take toward the Irish people. For besides grant- ing, however imperfectly, the three F's, the bill contained pro- visions for enabling tenants to buy their farms from the owners of them by small annual payments extending over thirty-five years, two thirds of the purchase money to be advanced by the State. Thus, it was fully recognized that Ireland had griev- ances which coercion could not cure. Yet even Mr. Gladstone was not ready to accept Home Eule; nor was it distinctly advocated in Parliament during his first administration. But the Home Rule spirit was steadily growing at this time. The Irish people had conceived such a thorough mistrust of English justice, that they longed for the right to manage their own affairs. And although their leaders at first professed entire loyalty to the Empire, it became apparent before many years that Home Rule was by many Irishmen considered a step toward a separate national existence.^ 1 In the general elections that were held in Februarj% 1874 (p. 30i), the Home Rulers obtained (iO seats out of the 103 that belonged to Ireland in the National Parliament. Accordingly, their leader, Isaac Butt, felt justified in demanding Home Rule for Ireland, which he did in a speecli delivered in Parliament on March 20, 1874. But in the following sentence, and in others almost equally empliatic, he denied that he and his followers wished to make Ireland an independent nation: "I believe I speak for every member who has been returned for Ireland on the Home Rule principle when I say that we repudiate, in the strongest terms, the slightest wish to break np the unity of tlie Empire, or to bring about a collision l)etween England and Ireland." Similarly, Mr. O'Brien says, in his "Fifty Years of Concessions to Ireland" CHAP. IV MR. GLADSTONE 303 Other enligliteiietl measures besides his efforts in behalf of Ireland distinguished Mr. Gladstone's administration. After long negotiation between Great Britain and the United States, the Alabama Claims were finally settled, in 1872, by a court of arbitration which met at Geneva. The amount awarded to the United States was a little over fl5,000,000, and was promptly paid. The purchase system in the army was abol- ished, and the wealthy were no longer able to buy commis- sions for their sons. Naturally the Lords resisted this reform very fiercely; for the peers expected the army to furnish a career for tlieir younger sons, who were often too devoid of talent or training to secure an army appointment by merit. But the Queen threatened to create new peers, and the Lords gave way. A great protection to the voter was afforded by the adoption of the secret ballot, in 1872. The system then adopted by the Parliamentary and Municipal Elections Bill is practically the same that is known in A.merica as the Austra- lian Ballot system. Such a system seems to be necessary in all countries that have an extended suffrage, in order that the poor may cast their vote without intimidation. Mr. Gladstone also gave his attention to educational affairs. Such religious tests as still remained at the Universities of Oxford and Cam- bridge were removed; steps were taken toward opening the schools to all and making attendance compulsory. This was a much needed refoi'm; for education had been largely in the hands of the Established Church, and it was by no means free to all. But the nation was still to wait many years for a fully developed and complete system of national education. But the nation wearied of Mr. Gladstone's tireless pace as a reformer. His majority in the House of Commons dwindled. In March, 1873, he was defeated in attempting to pass a bill granting better educational advantages to the Irish. He resigned, but assumed office again when Mr. Disraeli declined to form a ministry. But in January, 1874, the Queen, at his (II. 427), "The masses of the Irish people are dispdsed to be loyal to the English connection; . . . they appreciate its value and desire its preserva- tion." But the truth of these utterances may be questioned. They are contradicted by the violent deeds and the rancorous expressions of the peas- antry, many of whom are filled with bitter hatred toward England, ami do not hesitate to avow opinions which their leaders consider it impolitic to publish. 304 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii suggestion, dissolved Parliament. The elections showed a Conservative majority of about fifty, and Mr. Disraeli came into power. This adroit politician had no thought of keeping the nation in the path of domestic progress. He thorouglily understood the temper of the Conservative party, and he was determined to win its entire devotion by a showy and dazzling foreign policy. Yet some minor reforms were accomplished ere home questions were abandoned in favor of the more imposing inter- ests of empire. Church patronage was abolished in Scotland. Laws were passed to check the practices of the ritualists of the Established Church. Above all, through the exertions of Mr. Plimsoll, British seamen were protected from serving in "floating coffins," as unseaworthy and overloaded vessels were called. But such matters as these were to Mr. Disraeli tame and uninteresting. He wished to strengthen and extend the British Empire, and to impress the world with a sense of its greatness. With this object in view he had the title Empress of India bestowed upon Queen Victoria; and the Prince of Wales visited India, in 1875, to show the splendor and mag- nificence of English royalty. For a long time England had suspected Kussia of designs upon her Indian possessions, and this suspicion Disraeli used adroitly to further his imperial scheme. He took the ground that Eussia was England's natural enemy. Russian advance upon India must be prevented; the long-established policy of supporting the Turk as a barrier to Russian aggression must be maintained. Accordingly, when tlie Turkish atrocities in Bulgaria, in 1875, caused universal indignation, Disraeli and the Conservatives made light of them; and Russia's attempt to reduce the Turk to submission only excited their hostility. In vain did Mv. Gladstone expose the horrible barbarities of the Turk. He roused the moral sentiment of the English people, but he could make no impression on the Conservative majority in the House of Commons. The Conservatives sym- pathized with the Turk rather than with Russia; and when Turkey was thoroughly vanquished, they wished to prevent Russia from reaping the fruits of victory. In 1878 a congress met at Berlin to settle the questions that had arisen from the Russo-Turkish War. Lord Beaconsfield (Mr. Disraeli had LORD BEACONSFIELD 305 been created Earl of Beaconslield in 187G), accompanied by Lord Salisbury, attended it to represent England's interests; and there he did everytliing he could to protect Turkey and humiliate Russia. He kept Eastern Rumelia under Turkish suzerainty, thus establishing the Balkans as Turkey's northern boundary against the wish of the other powers; he accepted the Turkish promises to make reforms and to grant religious liberty as if they were really made in sincerity; and by a secret agreement with Turkey he secured for England the con- trol of Cyprus, though the island was still to be regarded as an integral part of the Turkish Empire. Returning to England from the Berlin Congress, Lord Bea- conslield announced that he brought back "peace with honor." His reception was enthusiastic. He had become the idol of his party. He therefore adhered to his showy imperial policy and allowed it to involve England in several costly and unjus- tifiable wars. Ever since the disaster of the Khyber Pass, in 1842, England had cultivated friendly relations with Afghan- istan, with a view to keeping that country out of Russian control. This wise policy Lord Beaconsfield reversed. He deliberately picked a quarrel with the Afghans toward the end of 1878, and forced that unfortunate people into a war of self- defence. Their country was overrun with British troops. Their Ameer abdicated, leaving the land a prey to anarchy. They were forced to submit to British rule. The British took possession of the important stronghold of Herat; and Lord Beaconsfield triumphantly announced that England commanded "the great gates to India." But the moral sense of the Eng- lish nation had been shocked by this wicked war, in which $80,000,000 had been squandered and 50,000 lives thrown away. The policy which had caused this waste of men and money was to receive a crushing rebuke in the approaching elections. The war with the Transvaal in South Africa had no better excuse than that with Afghanistan. The Transvaal is a republic containing about 50,000 Dutch Boers and 1,000,000 negroes. In its vicinity were three other European States, Cape Colony and Natal under British rule, and tiie Orange Free State, which, like the Transvaal, was independent. It was Lord Beaconsfield's policy to unite all these States into a 306 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book k confederation, and to this end the Transvaal was annexed to England in 1877. True, the annexation was called for by a few of the Boers; but the President and the popular Assembly of the Republic protested against it. Finding their protests of no avail, they took up arms for their independence, in 1879. They proved themselves valiant iighters; and when the Liber- als came into power they had to consider whether the strength of England should be used to crush this brave little people. The same policy that tried to annex the Transvaal brought on a conflict with the friendly Zulus. To carry out the plan of confederation, England purchased Delagoa Bay from Por- tugal for $.3,000,000, and coveted Lucia Bay to the south of it, which the Zulus owned. Their chief, Cetewayo, had always shown a liking for the English. None the less Sir Bartle Frere, who had been sent to South Africa to carry out Lord Beaconsfield's schemes, made war upon him. Cete- wayo's country was invaded toward the end of 1878, but the English had underrated their savage antagonist. They met with one or two disasters, and, in 1879, Sir Garnet Wolseley was sent to South Africa to subdue the defiant chief. He soon succeeded. Cetewayo was captured, and the Zulu war, after costing over $20,000,000, was broughb to an end. In spite of severe arraignments by Mr. Gladstone and others, Lord Beaconsfield kept his majority in the House of Commons. But early in 1880 Parliament was dissolved, and the Conserva- tives were overwhelmingly defeated in the elections. In the new House of Commons there were but 240 Conservatives against 342 Liberals and 63 Home Rulers. In this striking manner did the nation express its condemnation of Lord Bea- consfield's imperial policy with its wicked waste of blood and treasure. Mr. Gladstone had abandoned the leadership of the Liberal party, after retiring from office in 1874. But the election meant that the country demanded his guidance, and no one else would have been able to form a Cabinet. He was made Prime Minister for the second time; but his task was not an easy one. The British troops were to be withdrawn from Afghanistan, — a step made necessary by English feeling, yet none the less galling to the national pride. The claim of the Boers was to be faced. Egyptian affairs were assuming a CHAP. IV RECENT EVENTS 307 troublesome aspect. The Irish were clamoring for further relief; and various measures of domestic reform were urgently demanded. Mr. Gladstone's government did net shrink from these troublesome questions. In spite of the protests of the Indian army officers, the English troops were withdrawn from Afglian- istan. The Transvaal was restored to the Boers, even tliough they had just inflicted a signal defeat upon the British at Majuba Hill. According to England's traditional policy, a victorious enemy must be humbled before peace can be ukuU; with him. But to his lasting honor Mr. Gladstone granted the Boers their independence (subject to England's suzerainty in negotiations with foreign powers) without first attempting to wipe out the disgrace of defeat by a needless victory. But Egyptian and Irish affairs were not thus easily settled. Even at the close of the century they still wait for a permanent solution. The Irish question assumed a new aspect in 1876. In that year the Irish members of Parliament who advocated Home Rule formed themselves into a solid phalanx, and aggressively demanded the redress of their country's wrongs. Their leader was Charles Stewart Parnell,^ a man of intrepid courage, rare organizing ability, and first-rate power in debate. His control over his followers was absolute. Under his direction the Home Rulers acted as one and became a formidable body of obstructionists in Parliament. But during Lord Beaconsfield's rule they accomplished little besides making themselves a nuisance to both parties. When Mr. Gladstone came into power, their prospects brightened. That he would do some- thing to relieve the Irish peasantry seemed certain. Yet it was some time before he was ready to grant the demands of the Home Rulers. The Irish were distressed and unfortunate, but they were also lawless. Agrarian crime seemed to be in- creasing. The peasants murdered their landlords and maimed their cattle. The Irish Land League, founded by Mr. Parnell in 1879, did not try to suppress these outrages, and it encour- aged the tenant to avoid paying his rent by every possible means. This condition of affairs naturally inclined even a 1 Mr. Isaac Butt was the nominal leader of the Irish Liberals till 1879, and William Shaw fur a short time after tliat. 308 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii Liberal Government to employ force to suppress disorder; and this inclination was strengthened by the famous Phoenix Park tragedy, that occurred in 1882. On May 6 of that year Lord Frederick Cavendish, Chief Secretary of Ireland, and liis assistant, Mr. Burke, were murdered in Phcenix Park, at Dub- lin, by Irish assassins. The crime caused intense indignation throughout England, and the leaders of the Land League felt called upon to denounce it. Even so, Mr. Gladstone consid- ered that the state of Ireland called for martial law. A severe Coercion Act was passed, and the knife of the assassin was met by the bayonet of the constabulary. But justice as well as force was meted out. The Land Law of 1870 had failed to bring much relief, because tenants could contract themselves out of its operation ; and that they often did so contract them- selves at the instigation of their landlords was a natural con- sequence. Moreover, the sales of land to tenants under the provisions of this act had not been extensive. Mr. Gladstone accordingly brought in a new and more sweeping measure in 1881. To tenants wishing to buy their holdings it advanced three fourths of the purchase money; and courts were estab- lished to regulate rents and prevent them from becoming excessive. But these liberal concessions did not win Mr. Gladstone the support of Parnell and his followers. The Home Rulers in Parliament were made angry by the Coercion Act, which they bitterly opposed when it was passed through Parliament. And some of them came into direct collision with the Govern- ment; for the Land League, to which they all belonged, adopted such violent methods of agitation that it was pro- nounced illegal. Parnell himself was for a time lodged in jail. But gradually jNIr. Gladstone's views upon the Irish question underwent a change. He saw that violence was not cured by force, and he lost his faith in coercion. He secured the repeal of the drastic act of repression which he had believed necessary; and as time passed he learned to regard conciliation as the only means of keeping Ireland loyal to the Empire. Tlie origin of the troubles in Egypt seemed to date back to the construction of the Suez Canal. Lord Palmerston had, with remarkable foresight, seen that England would inevitably CHAP. IV RECENT EVENTS 309 become the largest owner of the canal, and would thereby be led into undesirable complications in regard to Egyptian affairs. He was therefore heartily opposed to the construc- tion of the canal, not realizing its strategic importance. Exactly what he prophesied came to pass. In 1875 the shares in the canal owned by the Khedive of Egypt were purchased by the British Government. From this time on England had a vital interest in the canal, and hence in Egypt. And this interest was increased when British capitalists lo?.ned money again and again to the moribund Egyptian Government. The interest on the loans was not paid; and England assumed con- trol of Egyptian finances in order to protect its bondholders.' Finance cooperated with England in the matter; but the Ji^gyp- tians took it hard that their revenues should be managed by foreign powers. In 1882 Arabi Pasha, the Egyptian Minister of War, headed a revolt against the English and French s\i- premacy. His party raised the cry, " Egypt for the Egyp- tians," and for a time showed itself formidable. It even ventured to attack the English fleet which was lying off Alex- andria; and, on July 11, 1882, Alexandria was bombarded by the English and reduced to submission. Two months later, Arabi was defeated by the British forces at Tel-el-Kebir. Thus the country passed under English control, and it re- mained so. Great Britain, having taken possession of Egypt, did not see her way clear to withdraw from the country, though she had given the powers assurance that her occupa- tion would be temporary. Mr. Gladstone's Government Avas sharply criticised for the bombardment of Alexandria.^ Yet a long series of events seemed to make this action necessary. No doubt Egyptian finances have been manipulated too much in the interests of English bondholders; but Egypt has, in the end, benefited from English rule. Her affairs have been brought into order; the English supremacy is a protection to the fellaheen against the robbery and oppression of native governments. But tlie needless death of General Gordon will always be a reflection 1 Consult " Spoiling the Egyptians," by J. Seymour Keay. 2 John liright resignerl liis position in the Cabinet because he difTereti with his colleagues on tlieir Egyptian policy and on Home Rule for Ireland, which Mr. Gladstone now advocated. 310 GEEAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii upon the feebleness of the Liberal foreign policy. This daring adventurer undertook, on his own responsibility, to restore order in the Soudan. But when he was cooped up in Khar- tum, a relief expedition was sent to rescue him. To the pro- found sorrow of the whole English nation it arrived just too late. Khartum fell into the hands of the Mahdi ^ in January, 1885. Gordon was slain ; and the English abandoned the Sou- dan to the Mahdi and his followers. In 1884 the great question of electoral franchise was again revived, for not yet had the suffrage been so far extended as to satisfy the demands of the nation. By the Reform Act of 1832 the middle classes were enfranchised; by that of 1867 the right to vote was given quite extensively to workingmen in cities and boroughs; but laborers in small towns and vil- lages and in rural districts were still without the suffrage. It was to relieve the latter class that Mr. Gladstone passed the Electoral Bill of 1884.^ By this measure 2,000,000 working- men were endowed with the franchise, and the number of voters in the kingdom Avas brought to about 6,000,000. Thus, the results which the Duke of Wellington and his political allies feared have gradually been brought about. The English political edifice now rests practically upon a basis of universal suffrage, and the government of the country is no longer in the hands of a privileged class. Leadership, however, still belongs to the men who, by reason of ability, education, social influence, and political experience, are best fitted to lead. Not yet has Great Britain experienced the full force of the level- ling tendencies of democracy. Her civil service has not been corrupted by the spoils system; her finances are not controlled by the untrained masses; her laws are not framed at the insti- 1 In 873 the last Mohammed of the family of AH disappeared in a cave and was never seen again. His reappearance as El Mahdi (the leader) has been expected by many Mussulmans. In 1880 a Mussulman named Mohammed Achmet claimed to be El jNIahdi, and obtained a vast following am )ng the dervishes of the Sondan. He is usually termed "the Mahdi," but he was a thorough impostor, licentious, arrogant, and cruel. See Slatin Pasha's " With Fire and Sword in the Soudan." 2 This franchise extension bill was stoutly opposed by the Conservatives, and their objections to it were not without weight. Lord Salisbury claimed that it would merge the rural constituencies in a vast mass of urban electors and obliterate the distinction between the rural and urban parts of the country. — F. S. PuUing's " Life and Speeches uf Lord Salisbury," II. 195-197. CHAP. IV RECENT EVENTS 311 gation of the lobby ; her diplomats are not appointed for party reasons. Her government is, accordingly, one of the most admirably conducted that the world has ever seen. Whether it will continue to be so if the professional politician thrusts aside the statesman, and the caucus exercises its pernicious sway, the future has yet to show. Undoubtedly the franchise will in time be extended to all ; but it is to be hoped that universal suffrage will educate rather than impair the sturdy sense of the English people, and will complete rather than undermine the political edifice which six centuries have reared. But by this time the Liberal majority had dwindled, and, on June 9, 1885, Mr. Gladstone was defeated on a question of revenue. As Lord Beaconsfield had died in 1881, Lord Salis- bury, the recognized head of the Conservative party, was made Prime Minister without an appeal to the country. His short term of office was signalized by a further relief act for the Irish tenants. A new Land Bill was brought in by Lord Ash- bourne, which allowed peasants the long term of forty-nine years for buying their holdiiigs, and advanced to them all the purchase money. This act was better planned than either of those passed by Mr. Gladstone ; and under it the sale of land to the Irish tenants greatly increased. . Lord Salisbury's ministry only lasted till January, 1886. A dissolution of Parliament was followed by a Liberal victory; and, on February 1, 1886, Mr. Gladstone was for the third time made Prime Minister. His majority was considerable, 331 Liberals having been returned against 249 Conservatives. But his term of office was brief. He had been thoroughly converted to Home Rule for Ireland, but his party would not follow him on this burning question, which caused a split in the Liberal ranks. For those who still accepted Mr. Glad- stone's leadership were now termed Gladstonians, Avhile those who opposed him on the Home Kule question took the name of Liberal Unionists. It was in vain that Mr. Gladstone appealed to the country. The election returned 310 Conservatives and 73 Liberal-Union- ists against 196 Gladstonians and 95 Parnellites. Lord Salisbury was again called upon to form a Cabinet. The Conservatives seemed as strongly intrenched in power as they 312 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii were when Lord Beaconstiekl's showy policy for a time cap- tivated, the nation. But this policy could not be revived, even though the Con- servatives had a large majority in the House of Commons. Imperialism had not gone by, but it had become greatly modi- fied. England was bent on maintaining the power and great- ness of her Empire; but she could no longer venture upon wars of aggression. The sentiment of the whole civilized world was turning against war. The Conservatives as well as the Liberals were desirous of avoiding it. Moreover, the living questions of the day imperatively demanded attention. The Conservatives could not ignore them even if they would. Education, the relations of labor and capital, local government, and similar matters forced themselves upon the notice of the nation's lawmakers. No party that neglected these questions could long maintain itself in power. Hence the closing years of the century witness a great change in the policy of the Conservative party. Toward Home Rule it has remained utterly antagonistic. In other matters it is almost as ready for change as the Liberals them- selves, the Radicals being excepted. Evidence of this change we find in the acts of Lord Salisbury's administration. It still maintained a repressive policy toward Ireland. In 1887 the National League was proclaimed dangerous; and a new Coercion Act was passed in order to repress agrarian disturb- ances. Toward Pai'nell himself, moreover, the Conservatives showed themselves bitter and contemptuous. The London Times brought grave charges against him and published letters, apparently in Parnell's own handwriting, to sustain them. He was accused of countenancing the Phosnix Park murders in 1882, and of secretly fomenting crime and sedition. These charges the Conservatives believed; but a commission appointed to investigate them proved that the letters published by the Times were a forgery, and that the gravest of the charges were without foundation. But, aside from its attitude toward Irish affairs, Lord Salis- bury's administration showed itself liberal and progressive. In 1887 it passed a measure to relieve the laboring classes, called the Allotment Act. The measure provided that when- ever laborers could not procure land at a fair rent by private CHAP. IV RECENT EVENTS 313 arrangement, allotments, not exceeding one acre for an indi- vidual, should be made them by the State. In 1889 an act was passed to protect children from cruelty, neglect, and abuse. And in 1891 was passed an act to further elementary education. This was a very important measure, and was in line with the educational legislation of the preceding twenty years. Eng- land was slowly learning to make education universal and compulsory. Yet the problem was not a simple or an easy one. The Church maintained schools which asked a small fee and which emphasized religious instruction. The State, in pro- viding free schools, could not ignore the Church schools, which had long done such excellent service; but how far it should help them was a perplexing question, not to be solved imme- diately and sure to call forth long and heated discussion. The act of 1891 was designed to provide free school accommodation wherever necessary; but, in order to avoid friction, such edu- cation was not immediately made compulsory. During this Conservative administration occurred the death of a Liberal leader who for fifty years had proved himself a stanch friend of democracy, and who deserves more than a passing notice in a history of England during the nineteenth century. For John Bright admirably embodied the best traits of the Anglo-Saxon temper. Sturdy, upright, fearless, and plain-spoken, he became the acknowledged champion of the English workingmen, and throughout his long life he espoused their cause ■with unswerving fidelity to principle. Boi'n in 1811, he became, about 1810, a distinguished advocate of the Anti-Corn-Law League, and from that time to the end of his life he labored devotedly for reform. Again and again did his voice ring out on the platform and in the House of Com- mons in behalf of the poor, the suffering, and the victims of unjust legislation. Electoral reform found in him one of its most earnest supporters ; and as a member of the Society of Friends he hated war and rebuked it on every possible occasion. Yet so great was his abhorrence of slavery that he was an ardent friend of the American Union when it was imperilled by civil conflict. As an orator he possessed uncommon powers, and the "lava flow" of his speech often tlirilled his audiences and filled them with his own enthusiasm. l>ut he never used these splendid gifts to further selfish ambition. For two gen- 3U GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii erations he rebuked injustice, shams, and intrigue, and held up the noblest ideals of national greatness before iiis country- men. England has had far greater political leaders than he, but none that have surpassed him in purity of aim and lofty patriotism. He died in London on March 27, 1889. In spite of the progressive course which the Conservatives pursued under Lord Salisbury, the sentiment of the nation seemed to turn toward Mr. Gladstone. Parliament was dis- solved in June, 1892, and the Gladstonians gained a victory, though by no means a decisive one. In the new House of Commons they had a majority of forty-two, so long as the Home Rulers voted with them. But the Home Rulers were divided. Mr. Parnell died in 1892, after losing much of his power and influence through his connection with a disgraceful scandal; and the leadership of the Irish Liberals, even before his death, had passed to Mr. Justin ]McCarthy. But a small faction of Home Rulers clung to the memory of their departed leader, refused to follow Mr. McCarthy, and called themselves Parnellites. Between these two factions much bitter feeling existed; and under these circumstances Lord Salisbury did not recognize defeat and did not retire from ofHce because of the result of the elections. But the Home Rulers, in spite of their dissension, combined with the Gladstonians to overthrow him. He was forced to resign, and Mr. Gladstone was for the fourth time made Prime ]Minister. He was now eighty-two years old; and, though remarkably vigorous, he was bent upon accomplishing one thing only before closing his long parliamentary career. He wished to crown his services to his country by securing Home Rule for Ireland. Accordingly, he brought in an elaborate bill to that end in April, 1893. It resembled the one he had presented in 1886; but in this second bill he allowed the Irish members to sit in the Imperial Par- liament and to vote on national as distinguished from Scotch and English affairs. The bill passed the Commons after long discussion, but was overwhelmingly defeated in the House of Lords. It seemed impossible to coerce the Lords, for Mr. Gladstone did not really have the English nation behind him. A majority of the English and Scotch members of the House of Commons were opposed to Home Rule. Hence there was no public sentiment that would warrant the creation of new CHAP. IV RECENT EVENTS 315 peers in sufficient numbers to pass Mr. Gladstone's bill. Yet the political character of the Upper House invited serious reflection and called forth much hostile criticism. The peers represented a class rather than the nation. They were never in sympathy with progressive and liberal legislation, but only accepted it as a necessity. The Home Eule Bill was not popu- lar with the English people; still, it had passed the House of Commons. In the House of Lords only 41 voted for it, while its opponents numbered 419. Such a vote seemed to show that the Lords were not in touch with the voters of the nation. A reform in the character of the Upper House seemed therefore necessary, and was loudly demanded. Yet how to accomplish it was a difficult question. The House of Lords has had a great and splendid history, and, though it often delays, it never thwarts the legislation that is imperatively demanded by the nation. Few would be willing to see it abolished, and no one can say just how its powers should be curtailed. Hence, in spite of severe and frequent criticism, it remains unchanged.^ As his majority was small and dependent upon the Home Kulers, and as the Lords were so thoroughly hostile, Mr. Gladstone did not appeal to the country. The question of Home Rule was quietly abandoned in spite of the protests of the Irish members. That it will soon be revived again in Parliament seems improbable. Yet JVIr. Gladstone had set the English nation an ideal of justice toward Ireland which it cannot lose sight of and toward which it will surely grow. Not till it has done so will Irish discontent be appeased.'^ In March, 1894, Mr. Gladstone resigned, owing to the forma- tion of a cataract in his eyes. A successful operation restored his sight; but he did not reenter public life. His retirement was deeply mourned and was to his party an irreparable loss. To choose a successor to liim was by no means easy, for no other Liberal leader was conspicuous above his colleagues for ability and influence. No one else, it was prophesied, could maintain the small Liberal majority in the House of Commons. A very slight disaffection would result in the defeat of the 1 For an able defence of the Honse of Lords, see Pulliug's " Life and Speeches of Lord Salisl)iiry," IL 22:}-2;?0. 2 O'Brien's " Fifty Years of Concession to Ireland " (II. 42.5) contains this signiticant utterance: " Sutticient measures liave not yet been taken to oblit- erate the memory of the conquest from their (i.e. the Irish) minds." 316 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii Government. And the Irish Liberals were already becoming discontented; for they thought the Home Rule question was not receiving due consideration. It was a discouraging task, therefore, that awaited the new Liberal leader; and so Lord Rosebery, who was elected to fill the vacant post, found it to be. The Queen appointed him Prime Minister; but, being a peer, he could not sit in the House of Commons and direct his party there. Yet he performed his difficult duties with no little skill. For more than a year he kept the Liberals in power, and had many useful and progressive measures passed through Parliament. Among them was a bill to establish a Local Government Board for Scotland ; for the Scotch as well as the Irish had become desirous of managing their own affairs. But in June, 1895, the Government was defeated on a question of army estimates. Lord Rosebery resigned. Lord Salisbury was for the third time made Prime Minister, and Parliament was dissolved. In the elections which followed the Liberals met with a most disastrous defeat. Only 177 Gladstonians and 82 Irish Liberals were elected, against 340 Conservatives and 71 Liberal Unionists. Thus the Conservatives, witli the aid of the Lib- eral Unionists, had a clear majority of 152. No party had won such a sweeping victory since 1832, when the excitement over the Reform Bill enabled the Liberals to carry everything before them. The reasons for the Liberal discomfiture cannot be stated with certainty, but apparently the following causes contrib- uted to bring it about: (1) Mr. Gladstone's retirement from politics and the consequent mistrust of the Liberal policy; (2) the increased readiness of the Conservatives to legislate in domestic affairs; (3) a growing disposition among the British people to love power and dominion, and to regard the Conservative party as a means of obtaining it; (4) indiffer- ence on the part of the newly enfranchised Avorking-classes to the ideals of the Liberal leaders and thinkers.^ Lord Salisbury's administration was not in the end success- ful. He was not a great leader or a great executive. He 1 The causes of the apathy of the Liberals and vigor of the Conservatives are ably discussed in a London letter to the New York Nation for January 28, 1897. CHAP. IV KECENT EVENTS 317 lacked the energy and the intrepidity which characterized Lord Palmerston; he had not the intellectual breadth or the moral elevation of Mr. Gladstone. In no direction did he show great vigor and ability: and his foreign policy was so timid and cautious as to give offence even to his own party. He soon found himself confronted with problems of a pecul- iarly difficult and delicate character, — problems which would have taxed the resources of a statesman of first-rate genius, and which proved too formidable for Lord Salisbury's astute but halting diplomacy. In handling them he gradually lost the confidence of the nation. In 1894 and 1895 terrible massacres were perpetrated by the Turks in Armenia. At first only vague rumors of these bar- barous deeds were circulated, and they were received with mistrust. But authentic tidings not only confirmed the first reports, but gave revolting details which sent a thrill of indig- nation over the whole civilized world. Plainly the Turk was at his old game of robbery, indecency, and murder, which he had played with delight for centuries. Moreover, it was clearly shown that the massacres Avere planned at the Sultan's palace in Constantinople with a view to exterminating the unliappy Armenian people, whom the Turks thoroughly detest. The more fully the circumstances of the murders were known, the more atrocious did they appear. In England they occa- sioned great excitement and called forth demands that the Government should put a stop to the outrages at any cost. Mr. Gladstone appeared in public to lift up his voice once more against Turkish iniquity and to denounce the regime at Constantino})le as the "scandal of the world." But many who thoroughly disliked the Turk believed that England ought not to act alone or hastily in bringing his barbarities to an end. Lord Rosebery was of this opinion, and ultimately he resigned the leadership of the Liberal party because he found himself out of sympathy with its views upon this question. Lord Salisbury himself approached the matter slowly and with an apparent sense of powerlessness. At first he declared that England could do nothing for the Armenians, and hinted vaguely at the need of Turkish reforms. Xo other power seemed able and willing to take the matter in hand, so the Turk went ou uninterrupted in his wicked work. Thousands 318 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii more of Armenians were butchered in 1890. The prospects of this unhappy people seemed dark enough; for even the efforts which Lord Salisbury finally made in their behalf were showy and pretentious rather than effective. He endeavored to bring about a concert of the great European powers against the Sultan, and in spite of serious obstacles he succeeded after much negotiation. Russia was at first very unwilling to threaten the Turk with force; and merely to ply him with moral suasion Avas an utter farce. But the Tsar finally con- ceded the point, and by January, 1897, Lord Salisbury had won what was at the time considered a considerable diplomatic triumph. The Sultan was informed that the bloody work of exterminating the Armenians must come to an end, or the powers would put a stop to it by armed force. But that the Sultan will long be restrained by the menace is not probable. He well knows how unwilling the powers would be to carry out their threat and to depose him at the risk of exciting fierce jealousies, and, possibly, of bringing on a general European war. Accordingly, after the lapse of forty years, the folly of the Crimean War had received a striking demonstration. By sustaining the Turk in 1855, England had made it difficult to coerce him in 1897. Yet difficult as was the task, there were many Englishmen who did not consider it impossible. There were many who agreed with Mr. Gladstone rather than with Lord Rosebery and Lord Salisbury, and who claimed that it was England's right and duty to enforce the provisions of the Anglo-Turkish Convention of 1878. In that Convention, arranged at the Berlin Congress (p. 304), Turkey had agreed to carry out such reforms as England demanded; and England would have been fully justified in compelling the Sultan to live up to this agreement. Had she boldly and fearlessly taken this stand, there is no likelihood that the great powers of Europe would have felt that the Turkish possession of Con- stantinople was menaced, and would have ventured to inter- fere. The fear of applying force to Turkey and of bringing on a gigantic war has become the nightmare of European diplomacy. In 1896 the British Government was drawn into another entanglement with the South African Republic. Rich gold mines exist in the territory of this Boer State, and in their CHAP. IV RECENT EVENTS 319 vicinity thriving communities have sprung up with wonderful rapidity. Yet to the inhabitants of tliese communities, who are largely English and who bear the name of Uitlanders (that is, Outlanders), the Boers would grant no political rights what- ever. The control of their rich country they desire to keep entirely in their own hands, no matter though they become a small minority of its population. Naturally this state of things was galling to the new settlers. In particular the rich and growing city of Johannesburg, in the heart of the mining district, was full of malcontents; for its people were heavily taxed to support a state which would not give them citizen- ship. A conspiracy was therefore framed to overthrow the Boer Government, and bring the South African Republic under British rule. The seat of the conspiracy was Johannesburg; but it was known to Englishmen of high position in South Africa, and possibly to the colonial office in London. Cecil Rhodes, Prime Minister of Cape Colony, was privy to it; his friend. Dr. Jameson, with the cognizance of Mr. Rhodes, as it proved, attempted to bring the conspiracy to a successful ter- mination. On December 29, 1895, he entered the South African Republic with seven hundred men. The Boers, under the lead of their President, Paul Kruger, successfully resisted the invading force. Dr. Jameson, after losing a large number of his followers, was obliged to surrender. President Kruger delivered his prisoners to the British authorities for trial and punishment; and Dr. Jameson and five of his foremost assist- ants were taken to England and there convicted and sentenced to imprisonment. Dr. Jameson's term was fifteen months; that of the others from ten to five months. But the Boers themselves arrested and tried a number of Uitlanders who had organized and abetted the conspiracy. Four, including the brother of Cecil Rhodes, were condemned to death, and sixty others were sentenced to a fine and to imprisonment for two years. But President Kruger mitigated all these sentences. All of those convicted were finally released on payment of a heavy fine. One principal offender, however, was still unpunished. Cecil Rhodes Avas beyond question deeply implicated in the conspiracy, and President Kruger demanded that the Bi-itish Government should bring him also to justice. It was difficult 320 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii to resist the demand ; even more difficult to comply with it. England naturally preferred to use Mr. Rhodes in extending her power in South Africa rather than to punish him as a criminal. But early in 1897 he sailed to the mother-country to meet whatever fate might await him. His fate, however, was not an unhappy one. He was received more like a hero than a criminal; and the parliamentary committee appointed to investigate Dr Jameson's raid was dominated by Mr. Rhodes's strong personality, and its proceedings were little better than a farce. Certain important cablegrams had passed between Mr. Rhodes and others in South Africa and persons in England who were in his confidence. But these cable- grams the committee of investigation would not call for; nor would it follow up any clews that might possibly lead to Mr. Chamberlain and the colonial office.^ So its final report, which censured no one in high station, commanded no respect. Mr. Rhodes returned to South Africa without loss of prestige ; the colonial office remained suspected, but not convicted, of complicity in the raid. But England's operations in Africa at this period were not confined to the region of Boers and gold mines. The occupa- tion of Egypt (p. 309) finally led to an invasion of the Soudan ; for it seemed best to bring this vast tract once more under the reign of law and order. The task was rendered more easy by the death of the Mahdi, in 1885. His successor had not the same influence over the dervishes that the Mahdi himself had had; and the English troops penetrated the Soudan and cap- tured its strongholds without serious difficulty. Hardly less serious, for a brief period more serious, than the troubles that arose in South Africa and in Egypt was the diffi- culty with the United States over the Venezuela question. The boundary between British Guiana and Venezuela had never been determined. The British claimed large tracts 1 Mr. Chamberlain himself appeared before the investigating committee and declared in the most positive manner that he had no previous knowledge of the raid and no suspicion of it till the day before it took place. There seems to be no good reason why this statement should not be believed, coming as it does from a man of Mr. Chamberlain's position. But that there were persons in England who were acquainted with Mr. Khodes's plans can hardly be doubted; and the production of the cablegrams would have shown who they were. CHAP. IV RECENT EVENTS 321 which the Venezuelans considered part of their own territory, lu some of these tracts British citizens had settled in pursu- ance of the mining industry; a,nd these lands Great Britain was disposed to appropriate, in order to give her own subjects ample protection. Against such appropriation Venezuela pro- tested; and the United States claimed that Great Britain could not set aside Venezuela's protest without violating the IMonroe Doctrine. The Government of the United States entered into long negotiations with the British Government regarding the matter; but for some time diplomacy accomplished nothing. Lord Salisbury held that the nations of Europe were in no way bound to recognize the Monroe Doctrine; and he was thor- ougldy disinclined to settle the disputed question by arbi- tration, as the United States desired. His attitude caused President Cleveland to take a bold stand in his message to Congress in December, 1895. So deliant was the President's tone toward Great Britain that for a short time war between the two countries seemed a possibility. But Lord Salisbury, always timid in the face of a storm, finally agreed to submit the difficulty with Venezuela to arbitration, a satisfactory rule of procedure having been devised. It was decided that British Guiana should be treated as an individual, and that its claims to territory should be determined by the length of time they had been allowed to pass without question, as would those of an individual in court of law. And not only was this peace- able solution of a troublesome question found, but an arbitra- tion treaty between Great Britain and the United States was formulated. It provided that all disputes between the two countries should be settled by a court of arbitration; and if it had been adopted, this treaty would have made war, the tra- ditional resort of nations that disagree, wellnigh impossible. But unfortunately it was rejected by tlie United States Senate. Although this peaceable adjustment of the Venezuela difficulty was only accomplished by concessions to the United States, it was undoubtedly agreeable to the people of Great Britain ; and it subjected the Government to no serious criticism. But new troubles arose which had to be faced with courage and consum- mate statecraft, and which afforded the Liberals many oppor- tunities for faultfinding. In particular, two of the continental nations gave England much uneasiness by their aggressive 322 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii foreign policy, and threatened her with loss of territory and of trade. For France encroached upon Great Britain's African domains, and Russia began to be grasping and dangerous in the far East. It was in the region of the river Niger that British and French interests clashed. France persisted in occupying country which Great Britain claimed, and was loath to heed the protests of Lord Salisbury's Government. The French Government made promises, indeed, that England's rights should be respected; but the promises were not kept, and French posts were still maintained where England claimed sole possession. Hence England's position became difficult and embarrassing. It was hardly worth while to go to war over the disputed territory ; yet where would French aggression end if it were not stopped? There was much negotiation between the Governments of the two countries over these African diffi- culties; and it was finally decided that each of them should appoint commissioners to meet in Paris and settle all African boundary disputes. The commissioners met, considered care- fully the claims of the two nations, and, on June 14, 1898, they signed a convention which promised to bring the disputes over the Niger region to an end. France was, on the whole, the gainer by the agreement, as her West African possessions were increased. At the same time Egypt was recognized as a British possession; and nearly all of the southern third of the continent, from Lake Tanganyika to Cape Town, was consid- ered British soil. The agreement would have been more satisfactory to the British Government if it had provided the means for connect- ing Egypt with South Africa. For this is one of England's cherished schemes. She has pushed northward from Cape Colony and southward through the Soudan ; and she would fain acquire enough territory in Central Africa to make her domains stretch uninterruptedly from the Nile Delta to the Cape of Good Hope. This plan has captivated the mind of Mr. Cecil Rhodes, who hopes to see these two distant points of African territory united by a railroad.^ But the Congo Free 1 It is possible that this ambitious project covers still larijer designs. Those who have studied Englisli diplomacy carefully believe that England never loses sight of Constantinople, and that in consolidating her power in and CHAP. IV RECENT EVENTS 323 State and the German possessions in East Africa stand in the way of the realization of this project; and it conflicts also with French territorial schemes. For France desires to make her African empire extend from the western to the eastern coast; and thus she would occuiiy the very territory which Great Britain needs. Now that the Paris Convention has been signed, there may be no further friction; but before that agreement was made, France showed an unmistakable tendency to encroach upon England's Central African possessions. On September 2, 1898, Sirdar Kitchener annihilated the army of the Khalifa at Omdurman, nearly opposite Khartum on the Nile, and thus nearly completed the conquest of the Soudan (p. 320). But only a day or two after the battle the Sirdar received the important news that Fashoda, a point on the river about six degrees farther south, was occupied by a force of white men. Proceeding southward to investigate, the Sirdar found that the white men were a small body of French soldiers headed by Major Marchand, who had pushed his way westward to this spot from the French Congo. As he had acted under instructions, Major Marchand refused to withdraw at the Sirdar's request. But his action called forth such vigorous protests from Great Britain that the French Government de- cided to abandon the post. Accordingly, at a banquet given to Lord ^ Kitchener by the Lord Mayor of London on Novem- ber 5, Lord Salisbury was able to announce that the French would shortly evacuate Fashoda. Thus the unpleasant inci- dent terminated without rupturing the friendship of the two nations; bvit it well typified the spirit of French aggression. In Madagascar the French showed scant respect for British rights; and the colonists of France manifest a tendency to usurp British soil when opportunity offers. In the far East Russia has given England cause for uneasi- ness ever since the close of the war between China and Japan. That struggle showed so strikingly the weakness of the Chinese Empire, that the nations of Europe began to wrest concessions and privileges from the tottering Chinese Government. In about the Eastern Meiliterranean she is preparing for a final move upon the Golden Horn. 1 For his victory at Oindurinan, (General KitchtMicr, who had been knighted after the taking of Dougola in IS'JtJ, w as made Uarou Kitchener of Khartum. 324 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii this race for gain Russia played a leading part. First acting in concert with France and Germany, Russia forced Japan to give up the Liao-Tung peninsula, which had been ceded to her at the termination of the war with China as a part of the spoils of victory. This accomplished, Russia next schemed to get possession of Port Arthur, on the extremity of this peninsula, and thus secure on the Pacific a port not ice-bound in the winter. The attempt was successful. On March 27, 1898, this important stronghold was ceded to Russia by China; and the cession ^vas all the more important because Russia had already obtained from China the right to carry the Trans- Siberian railway through Manciiuria. Indeed, although the Russian Government still pressed for every possible concession at the Court of Peking, it had obtained what it particularly desired. Always pursuing an exclusive policy, Russia is not satisfied merely to acquire rights in a country. What it wishes is actual annexation and absorption. Consequently, no sooner did it obtain privileges in Manchuria than it quietly proceeded to possess the country. It introduced its own colonists, the region being by no means densely populated,^ and began to Russianize the province. Hence, having become practically the owner of this rich and fertile country, Russia viewed with unconcern the smaller concessions wrested from China by other European powers. The powers, however, were not inactive. Finding that Russia had gained Port Arthur, Great Britain, in order to lessen the value of this outlet upon the Pacific, requested China to declare Talien-wan, in the vicinity of Port Arthur, a treaty port. Failing in this. Great Britain secured the port of Wei-Hai- Wei, on a tongue of land over opposite Port Arthur; while Germany seized the harbor of Kiao-Chau, farther south on the Chinese coast, and France obtained the lease of a bay on the southern coast of China and several other substantial concessions. By obtaining possession of Port Arthur, Russia has become a naval power in the far East, and, in case of a war with Great Britain, she could advance on India by sea as well as by land. 1 Manchuria has 362,310 square miles and less than 20,000,000 inhabitants. New York State has about one seventh of this area and nearly one third as large a population. CHAP. IV RECENT EVENTS 325 It thus becomes necessary for England to watch Russia's movements with the greatest care; and that she is doing this there is abundant evidence. Moreover, England views with concern the attempts of the continental European nations to grasp portions of Chinese territory; for all the regions thus acquired are likely to be ruled in the interests of the nations that possess them, and to be closed to British trade. This narrow policy is not pursued by the British Government. Great Britain, in acquiring territory, throws it open to other nations for purposes of trade; and she has been anxious that, as Cliinese exclusion is overcome and broken down, the riches of this vast country should not become the sole possession of a few grasp- ing nations, but should be available to the whole world. This enlightened view of international commercial relations is termed " the open door " policy ; and very naturally it is held by the United States. For until recently the idea of foreign conquest and actual possession of far-away lands has not been cherished by the American mind. But the continental Euro- pean powers are more inclined to the policy of exclusion than to that of the open door; and England, which is finding Ger- many a formidable commercial rival, considers the question of maintaining its foreign trade an all-important one. Thus, the eyes of the English people have been directed toward remote regions, and domestic politics have been over- shadowed by foreign complications. Yet the path of internal progress and political reform has not been abandoned, as the statute book conclusively shows. It is impossible to enumerate here all the important legislative acts that have been passed in recent years by the English Parliament ; but a few of them may be mentioned, as they serve to show what has already been pointed out (p. 312), that the Conservative party has become exceedingly active in the cause of reform. The suf- frage received further extension in 1897 through a bill which gave women owning or renting buildings the right to vote for candidates for Parliament. In the same year additional gov- ernment aid was granted to elementary education, and compen- sation was secured to workingmen Avho received injury while working under certain specified conditions. In the following year the statutes regarding criminal evidence were so revised as to allow an accused person, and also the wife or husband of that 326 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii person, to testify for the defence ; and local self-government was granted to Ireland by an elaborate and carefully framed measure. By this act the duties of local government are im- posed upon bodies popularly elected, as is the usage in Eng- land and Scotland, the franchise being in each case the parlia- mentary franchise with the addition of peers and rate-paying women. That so radical a measure of relief to Ireland should be passed by a Conservative Parliament was a matter of sur- prise and an interesting commentary upon the shifts and changes of political opinion in a thinking country. Had a Liberal Gov- ernment proposed a similar measure a quarter of a century earlier, it would have been accused of treason by the Conser- vative party. It was unfortunate that the great statesman who had done so much for Ireland did not live to see his own principles vindi- cated by the passage of this just and enlightened measure. It was not until July 18, 1898, that the bill passed to its third reading; and on May 19 of the same year William Ewart Gladstone died at the age of 88. He was buried in Westmin- ster Abbey at the request of the House of Commons, and his loss was mourned not only by the nation but by the whole civil- ized world. A fitting tribute was paid him by Mr. Balfour, the Conservative leader of the House of Commons, who pro- nounced him "the greatest member of the greatest deliberative body which so far the world has seen." Important as were the legislative acts above enumerated, they did not arouse more interest than a measure appertaining to the Established Church which was passed in 1898. This measure, which was called the Benefices Act, was aimed to rectify abuses in the bestowal of church patronage ; but the dis- cussion of it led to a consideration of the extravagant practices of the Ritualists. Sir William Harcoiirt denounced the Ritu- alists in the severest terms, declaring that there existed in the Church of England a conspiracy to overthrow the principles of the English Reformation ; that priests publicly and secretly violated the oaths they had taken; and that the bishops did not discourage the appointment and promotion of such offenders. As the Benefices Act was not primarily concerned with the question of ritualistic offences, the accusations of Sir William Harcourt were not wholly called for; at the same time they CHAP. IV RECENT EVENTS 327 were a natural expression of existing feeling. For all England had become excited over the doings of the Ritualists, who not only set the moderate Church party at defiance, but were guilty of illegal conduct. The Church oi England being an estab- lished church, its form of worship is prescribed by law in the Book of Common Prayer. But the Ritualists have adopted many ecclesiastical practices not authorized by the Book of Common Prayer, and in other ways have refused to admit that the Church is subject to the civil law. This position they maintain in all honesty, and sometimes with entire candor and moderation ; ^ but their practices have caused dissension in the Church and have roused vehement hostility among the Dissen- ters, who are easily swayed by the English hatred of Catholicism. Hence their position has a political bearing, for it has given life to the cause of disestablishment. There is no doubt that the schism in the Church has weakened it in the eyes of the nation ; and many, who fear that its ritualistic tendencies will lead its members into the pale of Rome, desire to terminate its political existence. But the memories and traditions of four centuries will not easily die. The Church of England, with its grand historic past, is one of the most splendid and imposing institutions of the world. Even the Dissenters recognize its power and greatness, and the slow, conservative English temper must change essentially before it robs this mighty ecclesiastical edifice of the nation's pledged support. As the nineteenth century closes, it finds the English nation progressive, vigorous, and great. With wise conservatism it has wrought reforms Avithout losing its moderation and self- control. It has given rights to the many, but it still gives leadership to the few. It has recognized the principles of democracy, but it has clung to aristocratic usage and tradition. Never forgetting that its strength lies in sea-power^ it main- tains the mightiest navy that the world has ever seen, and abides secure against assault upon its island home. Here, then, is its seat of dominion and the centre of its wide imperial sway. But its sons and daughters seek far lands, increase and multiply, and make jungle, hill, and valley echo with the music of the Saxon tongue. Beneath their civilizing touch new wil- 1 " The English Church Union Declaration," in the Contemporary Review for April, 181)9. 328 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii dernesses blossom into beauty, new nations rise, new institu- tions mark the path of progress. And as one Colony after another develops its own vigorous life, the power of England waxes strong and great. For the peoples of these distant countries do not forget their splendid English inheritance, but take increasing pride in their connection with the mother-land. And thus there is rising up a mighty power whose destiny no man can measure or comprehend. The descent of Hengist and Horsa upon the isle of Britain laid the foundation of a vast political edifice that reaches around the world. Its strength lies in its sincerity. The Anglo-Saxon has always built in a stern and rugged temper, which respected little besides clear- grained human worth. Hence, from the beginning the subject met his king as a peer, despised the mere pomp and show of power, and stubbornly asserted his rights with the sword when- ever those rights were denied. And the result of this strong self-assertion was liberty. Through the vicissitudes and the rough experiences of a thousand years the English have been free men. Respecting authority, they have yet been their own masters and have recognized no power that did not spring from the people themselves. So the record of the nineteenth century merely completes the story of a long and splendid career. It shows how the people of England at last came fully into their own. Great Britain has an area of 120,832 square miles and a population of about 38,000,000. The government is a consti- tutional monarchy ; but the Constitution is unwritten. The sovereign appoints the Prime Minister, assembles and dissolves Parliament, and without the signature of the sovereign the acts of Parliament are not legal. But in all these matters he is but the servant of the people and has no will of his own. His power of creating peers is unrestricted. The Parliament of the nation consists of the House of Lords and the House of Commons. All of the English peers sit in the House of Lords, and besides them 26 bishops, 16 Scottish peers elected for the duration of Parliament, and 28 Irish peers elected for life. The presiding officer of the House of Lords is the Lord High Chancellor, who is a member of the Cabinet and is always appointed for life. CHAP. IV RECENT EVENTS 329 The House of Commons consists of 670 members. Of these, 495 represent England, 72 Scotland, and 103 Ireland. The only qualification necessary in order to be a member of Parlia- ment is to have reached the age of twenty-one. No peers can be elected to the House of Commons except those of Ireland. No Parliament can sit longer than seven years. At the end of that time the House of Commons is necessarily dissolved by the sovereign. But the course of events usually brings about a dissolution before the term of seven years has expired. The executive business of the nation is really performed by the Cabinet, though it is nominally vested in the sover- eign. One or two Cabinet offices are filled by peers ; the rest by members of the House of Commons, who, after re- ceiving their appointment, must be reelected by their con- stituencies. The Protestant Episcopal Church is the established Church of England. Theoretically, every Englishman is a member of it; but its actual members comprise a little more than half of the population, or about 15,000,000. Its annual income is about $15,000,000. The sovereign is its supreme head. In Scotland the Presbyterian Church is established ; but its connection with the government is not close and vital, as it has no bishops to sit in the House of Lords and receive their appointment from the Crown. England is, in proportion to her population, the richest country in the world. Probably her wealth is not less than $60,000,000,000. Her chief source of wealth is her man- ufactures, which are exported all over the world. And her manufacturing interests have owed their prosperity largely to her vast supply of coal. Such enormous demands have been made upon the supply that the thoughtful minds of the nation have already begun to view with concern the time when it will be exhausted; but that time will not come for many years, and when it does science will possibly have found a substitute for it. The imports of England are even larger than her exports, and consist chiefly of food-stuffs. Eor England is too densely populated to produce the needed supplies from her own soil. The annual expenditure has increased all through the cen- tury, and has now reached a total of about $500,000,000. Nearly one quarter of this large expenditure is occasioned by 330 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii the interest charges upon the national debt, which was brought to the enormous figure of £801,039,049 (or about $4,300,000,000) by the costly Napoleonic wars. But it has been England's policy to reduce the debt every year, and in 1899 it amounted to not very much more than .^3,000,000,000. It will be con- siderably increased, however, by the unfortunate war in South Africa. Owing to her sea-coast defence, England does not need to maintain a large standing army, but trusts to her navy for protection and for the maintenance of her power. She has a little over 200,000 men under arms, including those who serve in India. Her navy is the largest and strongest in the world, and she spends much energy and money in keeping it so. CHAPTEE V CANADA It was a vast and goodly territory that England acquired by Wolfe's victory on tlie Plains of Abraham in 1759. For, Quebec once captured, all Canada fell inevitably into the hands of its conquerors ; and Canada has proved to be one of the richest countries in the world. Its area is nearly as extensive as that of the United States; its mineral and agricultural wealth is almost inexhaustible ; its forests will last for centuries. But at the close of the Seven Years' War this region was sparsely settled and its value was little appreciated. Its in- habitants, exclusive of the Indians, did not number much more than sixty thousand, and their civilization was of a very primi- tive type. Mostly French and half-breeds, they had had no training whatever in self-government. Canada had yet to acquire the Anglo-Saxon instinct for political development. But this instinct was very soon implanted in the minds of her peo- ple. The triumph of the American Colonies in their struggle with the mother-country secured for Canada a large inflow of English-speaking citizens; for the Loyalists, finding their posi- tion in the new republic intolerable, emigrated to Canada and Nova Scotia. Altogether some thirty thousand of them found a new home in these regions, where their loyalty to the Eng- lish flag brought them honor instead of insult. And with their advent the struggle for responsible government really began. And immigrants came also from the mother-country. New Brunswick was largely settled by the English ; and not less than twenty-five thousand Scotch Highlanders found homes in Prince Edward Island and Cape Breton. Tlierefore, as the population increased, new divisions of the country became necessary. New Brunswick and Cape Breton were made sepa- rate provinces in 1784, though the latter district was I'cunited 331 332 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii to Nova Scotia in 1820 ; and in 1791 the English Parliament passed an act separating Upper and Lower Canada. Each of these provinces was allowed its own Governor, Legislative Council, and House of Assembly ; and the Governor was assisted by an advisory board with executive powers, termed the Executive Council. Quebec was made the capital of Lower Canada. The capital of Upper Canada was at first Magaia and afterward Toronto. Quite a difference there was in the char- acter and population of these two provinces, and it was largely on that account that the separation Avas made by the English Parliament. For Lower Canada, whose population Avas almost entirely French, had about 125,000 inhabitants; while in Upper Canada there were scarcely 20,000 people and these were largely English. Thus the English, by being set apart in a province of their own, were protected from French control. But in the French province, as well as in the English, there was a steady growth toward constitutional government. The French, though at times disaffected, were on the Avhole loyal to the Eng- lish Government. This the United States more than once found to its cost. For in the Revolutionary War, and in the War of 1812 the Americans invaded Canada with the expectation of finding its French inhabitants ready to throw off their alle- giance to Great Ik-itain. But in each case they were disappointed. None of the French would take the field against their own Gov- ernment, and some of them fought side by side with the Eng- lish against the American invaders. Thus the Canadian people grew one in feeling and interest. They were slowly acquiring that national sentiment which is to-day their most striking characteristic. But it was many years before the Canadas obtained the right to manage their own affairs. Although the people were repre- sented by an Assembly, the Governor, with the help of the Executive and sometimes of the Legislative Council also, usu- ally usurped the power. Hence, government was not carried on without a good deal of friction ; for both in Upper and in Lower Canada appeared popular leaders who made a stubborn stand for the rights of the people. Unfortunately, some of these leaders were hot-headed and unable to distinguish between lawful and revolutionary agitation. Hence, in 1837 there broke forth armed rebellion in each of the Canadas ; and the upris- CHAP. V CANADA 333 ing was not immediately suppressed. But the home Govern- ment dealt leniently with these outbreaks. The people were not made angry and bitter by needlessly harsh treatment ; and at this time there appeared upon the scene a man whose influ- ence mightily furthered the cause of responsible government. In 1838 Lord Durham was made Governor-General of Canada. Acute, just, and broad-minded, he was not content with merely suppressing disaffection. He set himself to ascertaining the reasons for it, and the means of bringing it to an end. So he invited the Governors of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, New- foundland, and Prince Edward Island to meet him at Quebec; and in the course of their conference they considered the ques- tion of forming all the provinces of British North America into one confederation. The ideas at this time brought forward he introduced in a report to Parliament, which was clear, broad, and masterly. It recommended that the provinces should be brought together by a new legislative union, and that the differ- ences of race and language should thus be superseded by ques- tions of local interest. For this momentous change Canada was not quite ready, nor did Lord Durham long continue to direct her affairs ; for, owing to a disagreement with the home Government, he resigned his office after holding it for only six months. But his influence upon the destiny of Canada was lasting; and although many years were to pass by before his scheme could be carried out in full, it had immediate effect upon the two Canadas. In 1841 these two provinces were united into one, and were placed under the control of a Governor appointed by the Crown, a Legislative Council also chosen by the Crown, and an Assembly of eighty- four members elected by the people. There was also an Execu- tive Council of eight members whom the Governor selected from the Legislative Council and the Assembly. But those appointed from the Assembly were, like the members of the English Cabinet chosen from the House of Commons, obliged to obtain the consent of their constituents by standing again for election. Municipal government also received development at this time ; for cities and towns were largely intrusted with the manage- ment of their own affairs, instead of being controlled by the Legislature. But the growth in this direction was necessarily slow. The citizens of Canada were for the most part unaccus- 334 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii tomed to the New England system of town government ; and in some of the provinces the people of the towns were not at all anxious to assume the responsibilities of self-government. New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island were notably backward in this branch of political development. The capital of the newly constituted province was first established at Kingston, but was moved to Montreal in 1844. But this city did not long retain the distinction thus con- ferred upon it. In 1850 the Parliament buildings were burned by some indignant members of the Conservative party who were angry with Lord Elgin, the Governor-General. For nearly ten years after this disgraceful event the Parliament sat alternately at Toronto and Quebec; but in 1858, the Queen chose a small village, named Bytown, on the Ottawa Eiver, as its permanent site. Taking now the name of Ottawa, the town steadily grew through its increased importance, and now has a population of fifty thousand. Meanwhile, nearly all the provinces of Canada had been growing in population, in prosperity, and in institutional life. In 1848, responsible government was adopted in New Bruns- wick and Nova Scotia ; and in 1854 reciprocity in trade was established between Canada and the United States. Thus, developing in every direction, Canada was becoming ready for the next momentous step in her history, that of confederation. The various provinces could not indeed remain separate. For a hundred years they had been passing through a like experi- ence, and under English law had been acquiring the English love of constitutional liberty. That their destinies should now be united seemed, therefore, the logical outcome of events. And in 1867, hardly more than a century after the signing of the Peace of Paris, the union which had been recommended by Lord Durham became an accomplished fact. A conference met at Quebec on October 10, 1864, to consider the question of con- federation, and to it all the different provinces, including New- foundland, sent delegates. After eighteen days of discussion it adopted seventy-two resolutions which were at once accepted by the two Canadas, and, after some hesitation, by New Bruns- wick and Nova Scotia. Newfoundland rejected them, and still remains outside the Confederation. Prince Edward Island was unwilling to approve them at the time ; but in the course CHAP. V CANADA 335 of a few years it abandoned its independent attitude and joined the union. The Confederation thus formed was called the Dominion of Canada; and the two provinces of Upper and Lower Canada were termed, respectively, Ontario and Quebec. The British Parliament endorsed the seventy-two resolutions after they had been approved by the provinces, and incor- porated most of them in the British North America Act, which established the Confederation and which gives to Canada a written Constitution. For, in uniting, the provinces were obliged to imitate the example of the United States, and base their union upon a written compact instead of depending upon usage and tradition, like the mother-country. But it is to be noticed that the Canadians did not model their Constitution upon that of the United States. In the most important par- ticulars they made it embody English political usage, as will easily be made apparent by a brief statement of its principal features. I. The executive power is vested in the Crown, which is represented by a Governor-General appointed for five years. This official has full power over the army and navy, and he can give the royal assent to bills passed by the Legislature, withhold it, or reserve it for the signification of -the royal pleasure. In the latter case the bill has no force unless the Governor-General signifies the royal assent to it within two years from the day it was presented to him. Even when the Governor-General gives the royal assent to a bill, the act can be annulled by the English sovereign in Council any time within two years after it has been received by the royal Secretary of State. The Governor-Gen- eral also has the power of appointing the Lieutenant-Governors of the different provinces. He is assisted by a Council, which he himself appoints and which he has power to remove. II. The legislative power is vested in a Senate and a House of Commons. The members of the Senate are appointed for life by the Governor-General, and their number is not to exceed seventy-eight. But these seventy-eight members are not equally distributed among the several provinces ; for Ontario and Quebec are represented by twenty-four each, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick by ten each. Prince Edward Island by four, and British Columbia and Manitoba by three each. Moreover, the relations of the Senate and the House of Com- 336 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii mons do not closely resemble those of the Senate and the House of Representatives in the United States, but are deter- mined by the rules and traditions that govern the two English Houses of Parliament. The members of the House of Com- mons are elected b}'- the people for five years. But the Gov- ernor-General can dissolve the House whenever he sees fit. The House has power to originate all bills for the appropriation of revenue or for imposing taxes, but only for purposes that have been recommended by the Governor-General. III. Exclusive powers are given to the provincial legislatures in regard to many matters wherein the States of the American Union likewise have sovereign authority. But the United States Constitution does not define or enumerate these powers ; it sim- ply grants to each State, in virtue of its sovereignty, all those powers that are not exclusively delegated to the Federal Govern- ment. In the Dominion Constitution, on the other hand, the powers of the provinces as well as those of the Federal Parlia- ment are expressly named, in order that conflicts between the central authority and the individual members of the Confeder- ation may, so far as possible, be avoided. For the Canadians did not wish to see the question of state rights cause those grave disturbances that had imperilled the permanence of the American Union. It is to be further noticed that the powers of the provinces are not as extensive as those of the States of the Republic. The Governor-General not only appoints the LieiTtenant-Governors of the provinces, as already stated, but removes them for cause when he so pleases. The provinces, moreover, do not have their own courts corresponding to the State courts in the United States, nor can they determine the salaries of lieutenant-governors and judges, as that is done by the Parliament of the Dominion. ISTor do the provincial legis- latures have absolute control over education ; for denominational schools are specially protected by the Constitution. IV. As has just laeen stated, the courts that are established throughout the Dominion are not controlled by the provinces ; for the judges of the superior, district, and county courts are appointed for the most part by the Governor-General, and can be removed by him when he is so petitioned by the Parliament of the Dominion. But neither are the courts of Canada federal courts, as the word '' federal " is understood in the United CHAP. V CANADA 337 States. For only two of tlieiu, the Supreme Court of Canada and the Exchequer Court at Ottawa, have a jurisdiction that is limited to federal as distinguished from local or provincial affairs. And not even these courts have the right of interpret- ing the Constitution and the legality of legislation which is possessed by the Supreme Bench of the United States. For there is no provision in the Constitution that interferes with the English sovereign's prerogative right to hear appeals from colonial courts before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. Accordingly, disputed questions regarding the Con- stitution have from time to time been brought before the Council, and have been decided by some of the ablest jurists in England, greatly to Canada's benefit. Now this scheme of government, when carefixlly studied, is seen to contain nearly everything that is vital to the English representative system. The Governor-General represents the Crown, and appoints the Premier, the colonial term for Prime Minister, who holds his office only so long as he can command a parliamentary majority. If he loses the confidence of his party, or if his party goes out of power, he resigns, and the one who best represents the dominant party is appointed in his place. By this usage the legislative branch of government and the executive, that is, the Premier, are always kept in sympathy; while in the United States the President often finds himself confronted by a hostile majority in Congress because his party has been defeated at the polls before his term of office expired. Thus it appears that the executive more truly represents the people in England and Canada than he does in the United States. And in other respects the Canadian system, showing as it does the English deference to the Crown and to official authority, protects the interests of the public and secures a pure and efficient administration of affairs. Important measures of legislation originate from the Ministry, and not, as in the United States Congress, from committees who are frequently the mere mouthpiece of the lobby. The civil service is, as in England, conducted on purely business principles, instead of being used to bestow rewards on zealous partisans. Even the Speaker of the House of Commons is expected to treat his political opponents with impartial justice. Moreover, party interests are kept out 338 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii of city politics, to the great advantage of clean and honest government.^ For all these reasons the thoughtful people of Canada are well satisfied with their system of government, and do not care to join their fortunes with those of the great neighboring republic. Yet this is a fact which the government and people of the United States have been very slow to recognize. The dislike for England which is so common in America inclines its citizens to think that the Canadians cannot help desiring annexation to the United States rather than continued subjec- tion to Great Britain. Hence, the policy of the American government toward Canada has not been wholly wise. It has been shaped with reference to bringing about annexation, in- stead of encouraging the fullest and freest commercial relations with a neighboring people that is reasonably sure to have a different destiny. Nor have the Canadians always showed a friendly spirit toward the United States. Consequently, fre- quent misunderstandings and antagonisms have arisen between the two peoples. During the American Civil War many Canadians exasperated the North by showing an active sym- pathy with the Confederate cause. Partly through resentment at this conduct and partly through sympathy with the doctrines of protection, the United States Congress decided in 1864 to bring the reciprocity treaty to an end. That this action was unfortunate for Canada cannot be denied ; that it was equally unfortunate for the United States is believed by the opponents of protection. Yet, notwithstanding the interruption to free commercial intercourse with the United States, the Dominion of Canada grew and prospered under its new Constitution. At the time when the Union was accomplished the population of Canada was not much above 3,000,000. As the end of the century approaches, the inhabitants of the country number over 5,000,000, and show many signs of vigorous and progressive life. Since the Confederation was established, not only Prince Edward Island, but the provinces of Manitoba, Keewatin, Assin- 1 For a comparison of the American and the Canadian systems consult the introductory cliapter of A. H. F. Lefroy's " The Law of Legislative Power in Canada"; also an excellent paper by J. S. Bourinot on Parliamentary Gov- ernment in Canada, in the Annual Report of the American Historical Associa- tion for 1891, particularly pp. 368 tt seq. CHAP. V CANADA 339 iboia, Saskatchewan, Alberta, Athabasca, and British Columbia have been added to it. These western provinces have for the most part been formed out of land obtained from the Hudson Bay Company. That powerful Company long clung jealously to its vast territories, and, desiring to use them solely as a source of fur supply, it resisted all attempts to develop their agricultural and mineral resources. But in 1869 it surrendered them to the Crown for the sum of $1,500,000 ; retaining at the same time certain special rights and privileges. Thus some of the richest and most fertile tracts in the world were opened to civilization, and are slowly becoming populated. But not with- out difficulty were they reclaimed from the semi-barbarous life that prevailed under the regime of the Hudson Bay Company. Their population of half-breeds and Indians resisted the advance of law and order, and had to be suppressed by armed force. Louis Riel, wdio had a mixture of Indian blood in his veins, though his father was a white, stirred up a rebellion in the Red Rivet region in 1870 ; and under this same leader a far more formidable outbreak occurred in the Saskatchewan dis- trict in 1885. In this second uprising the Canadian troops met with one or two severe reverses. The people of Canada became exasperated with the man who caused such needless bloodshed ; and, when finally the rebellion was crushed, Riel was tried for treason and executed.^ There have been in Canada, as in the United States, two leading political parties, but their historical development has not been the same in the two countries. In the United States the two opposing principles of centralization and state rights came into conflict immediately after the Constitution was adopted, and they dominated the political field for more than half a century. In Canada there have been indeed those who were for and those who were against Confederation; but the powers of the central Government could not be questioned as they have been in the United States, for those powers are determined by the Crown through the English Parliament. So the only questions on which the two parties could divide have been those of progress and financial policy. The Conservatives have been averse to radical measures of reform, and have reso- 1 The rebellion headed by Kiel and the legality of his sentence are discussed in the Political Science Qiua-lerli/, 2 : 135. 340 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii lutely clung to the policy of protection ; the Liberals are in favor of free trade and of more liberal and progressive meas- ures in politics and education. But the latter have had little opportunity to carry out their ideas ; for, with the exception of one period of five years' duration, the Conservatives were in power from 1867 until 1896. Their leader during most of this time was Sir John Macdonald, a shrewd, ambitious man, who sometimes resorted to unscrupulous methods to advance the interests of his party. ^ Yet he had great ability, and that he conferred upon Canada many substantial benefits can hardly be denied. Some important questions came up for consideration during his administration of affairs. The Canadian Pacific Railroad was first projected in 1871, and, not without causing some political scandals, was finally completed in 1885. It was a charge of corrupt use of power in furthering this enterprise that caused Macdonald to resign in 1879 ; and in his further dealings with the railroad corporation he showed a most rep- rehensible carelessness of the public interests, even though dishonesty could not be charged against him. The growth of the tracts along the road has been greatly retarded by the unwise grants that were made to this corporation.^ Protection became a living issue in 1878. At that time there was a depression in trade and business, and to secure the vic- tory of their party the Conservatives advocated a protective policy. They promised better times if they were elected ; the people, in their desire for prosperity, believed them ; and the elections gave them a handsome majority. True to their prom- ises, the Conservatives, under the lead of Sir John Macdonald, began to tax imports in order to encourage home manufactures. As a result the manufacturers flourished, and insisted that the duties should be retained and even increased. That Sir John Macdonald met them before every election and granted their demands was one of the well-known facts of Canadian politics. But whether Canada has prospered by adopting the policy of protection is doubtful. The Conservatives honestly believe that this course has been beneficial to the country ; but the 1 Westminster Review, 137 : 478. 2 Alternate blocks a mile long were given to the railroad all along its route. — Ihid. CHAP. V CANADA 341 Liberals claim that protection has checked commercial growth, and caused a million people to leave Canada on account of the stagnation in business. Between these contradictory claims every one will decide according to his economic convictions. Very early after Macdonald's rise to power the fisheries question began to give trouble. Althougli the American fisher- men lost their unrestricted rights to fish in Canadian waters when the reciprocity treaty was terminated in 1866, they regained them in 1871 ; for in the Treaty of Washington reciprocity in regard to the fisheries and their products was established, the United States agreeing to pay Canada for the privileges conceded. For in the matter of fisheries reciprocity was worth much more to the United States than to Canada. But how large a sum should be paid was not determined by the treaty, and it was through the energies of the Liberal Premier, Alexander Mackenzie, that a commission w^as ap- pointed in 1877 to fix the amount of the compensation. The commission decided that the sum should be $5,500,000. This amount the United States paid; but, deeming the award ex- cessive, it gave notice that it desired the termination of the reciprocity agreement, which accordingly came to an end on July 1, 1885. So Americans could now fish in Canadian waters only in accordance with the Treaty of 1818. But the meaning of some terms in this treaty was disputed, and trouble consequently arose. The Americans claimed privileges Avhich the Canadians, supported by England, were unwilling to allow.^ In particular, American fishermen believed that they had the right to purchase bait and to enter bays more than six miles wide; but in living up to this belief they met with disaster. Their vessels were captured by Canadian cruisers and fined by Canadian authorities. Whether or not this action was justifi- able, it caused great indignation in the United States ; and to settle all disputed points in regard to the fisheries, an inter- national commission was appointed by Great Britain and the United States in 1887. But the United States refused to ratify the agreement made by the commission, and the fish- eries question remained as a menace to good feeling. Nor was the understanding between Canada and the United States made better by the dispute over the Bering Sea seal fish- 1 The Forum, 4 : 349. 342 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii eries. The Canadians persisted in the practice of pehagic seal- ing, which tends to exterminate the seals by destroying them when they are with young. To put a stop to this practice, the Americans seized several Canadian sealing vessels in Bering Sea, claiming that the waters within sixty miles of the coast of Alaska were, by rights long since established when Russia owned the territory, under the control of the United States. T'his claim was disallowed by a court of arbitration which met at Paris in 1893 ; but to prevent the extermination of the seals the court advised against killing them from May 1 to July 21. This recommendation was adopted by Great Britain and the United States, and was enforced by cruisers of both countries. But pelagic sealing still went on, for Great Britain, through fear of offending Canada, refused to join with the United States in stopping it. Hence the seals were in danger of extermination, and the United States became anxious for a reopening of the question. After an extensive diplomatic correspondence the Governments of Great Britain and the United States agreed that experts, representing both countries, should meet and thoroughly consider the important points at issue. Experts were accordingly appointed, and met at Washington in October, 1897. They agreed that the number of the seals was diminish- ing, and that pelagic sealing was largely responsible for the decrease, although the herd was not in danger of extermina- tion provided the numbers killed on land were not excessive. The experts also found that the death-rate among females and pups was great because of indiscriminate sea-killing. But while the representatives of the two countries could agree upon essential facts, they found it impossible to adopt the same views of international policy. Mr. J. W. Foster, one of the American experts, proposed on behalf of the United States Government that the Canadian sealers should abstain from pelagic sealing for a year, and that the United States should prevent the killing of seals on the Pribiloff Islands, where the seals give birth to their young, for the same length of time. But the Canadian Government refused to consent to this proposal, which it considered prejudicial to the interests of the Canadian sealers, and the practice of pelagic sealing was still continued. The failure of the Anglo-American Commis- sion to settle this question is elsewhere recorded ; and owing CHAP. V CANADA 343 to the unwillingness of the Canadians to abandon pelagic seal- ing, a satisfactory adjustment of this long-standing difficulty cannot be easily devised. The year 1896 was an important one in Canadian annals, as it marked the advent of the Liberal part}^ to power. By the general elections which were held in that year, 118 Liberals were returned to the House of C!ommons against 86 Conserva- tives and 8 Independents. This victory was in some measure due to the personal popularity of Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the leader of the Liberal party. A French Canadian and a Catholic, Sir Wilfrid had gained the confidence of the Eng- lish Liberals in Canada by his ability and his rare personal integrity. As leader of the victorious party he was now made Premier, and he courageously faced the difficult prob- lems that demanded solution. Of these problems none was more perplexing than the ^lani- toba school question. Until May, 1890, the Roman Catholics of Manitoba had had separate schools ; but by an act passed in that year by the legislature of the Province this privilege was taken from them. As they claimed that this act was illegal, and deprived them of a right that was guaranteed by the Con- stitution of the Dominion, the matter came inevitably before the Dominion Parliament. Put as the Catholics and the remaining population of Manitoba were equally obstinate, it had been found impossible to settle the difficulty. Sir Wilfrid Laurier's position in the matter was a trying one, for as a Catholic he was expected to sustain his own church, while as a Liberal he must recognize the essential justice of the action of the Manitoba Legislature. For the Catholics in Manitoba were so few in numbers that the expense of maintaining sepa- rate schools for them was unreasonably heavy. But the Premier showed much tact and adroitness, as well as a strong sense of justice in meeting the situation, and found a fairly satisfactory solution of the problem. It was arranged that all schools should be under governmental control, and that educa- tional work should be secular until the last half-hour of the school day, when representatives of any religious bodies should come in and instruct the children of their own denominations, providing the parents were willing to have thcni reiiain. Moreover, a Catholic teacher, fully qualified according to 344 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii national or provincial educational standards, was to be pro- vided for every school that had an average attendance of twenty-five Roman Catholic children. The financial situation was also a difficult one. As a Liberal, Sir Wilfrid Laurier was pledged to a free trade policy ; but the country had so long been accustomed to a protective tariff that duties could not be suddenly and materially lowered without seriously disturbing trade and commerce. The Government accordingly decided not to make a general and sweeping reduc- tion in the duties; at the same time it adopted a policy that was in keeping with Liberal principles. On April 22, 1897, Mr. W. S. Fielding, the Minister of Finance, delivered his Budget speech and stated that the Government had decided to free the tariff from some objectionable specific duties, but in other respects to maintain it as it was with all countries that would not grant reciprocity ; but to establish a preferential tariff which would apply at once to Great Britain, and afterward to any country that would grant reciprocal terms to Canadian products. This tariff was adopted by the House of Commons and gave great satisfaction to Great Britain, where Sir Wilfrid Laurier was enthusiastically received on the occasion of the Queen's Diamond Jubilee in the summer of 1897. All of the Premiers of England's self-governing Colonies were present at the Jubilee ; none received such marked attention as Sir Wil- frid Laurier. As the head of Great Britain's largest and rich- est territorial possession, he played a prominent part in the conferences that were then held over the great question of Imperial Federation.^ If such a federation could be organ- ized, Canada, next to Great Britain, would be its most impor- tant member and contribute most to its strength. Yet not even Canada, it was to be noticed, was looked upon as a nation. For, great as was the respect shown to the Colonial Premiers, their iThe advantages and the desirability of federation were carefully con- sidered in these conferences, but the difficulties of the problem were not ignored, and no settled plan of organization was arranged. An imperial par- liament was advocated by some, while others considered a parliament imprac- ticable and were in favor of an imperial council. The English papers of the period contain many interesting discussions of the question. Consult the Times, the Speaker, the Spectator, and the Saturday Review for the latter part of June and the earlier part of July, 1897. CHAP. V CANADA 345 claim to represent nations rather than subject Colonies was not allowed. A more difficult task than any other which Sir Wilfrid Laurier has attempted is that of securing free commercial intercourse Avith the United States. Contiguous as the two countries are, inhabited by peoples that speak the same lan- guage, and separated for the most part by a merely artificial frontier, they could hardly fail to benefit by an extensive inter- change of their products. But as Canada greatly needs the manufactured wares of the United States, while the Uuited States, on the other hand, is well supplied with nearly all those things that Canada produces, the American manufacturers are very loath to see reciprocity established between the two coun- tries. Their view of the question prevails in the United States ; but that it is an enlightened and patriotic view may well be questioned. If reciprocity existed, America could draw freely upon the Canadian supplies of coal and lumber, and could thus delay the destruction of its forests and the exhaustion of its mines. Accordingly, in presenting the Canadian side of this important question, Sir Wilfrid Laurier may perform a valuable service to the American people. Neiofoundland Not having become a part of the Dominion of Canada, New- foundland calls for a brief separate mention. The island was discovered in 1497 by John Cabot, and the value of its fisheries soon became known. In 1583 Sir Humphrey Gilbert took formal possession of the island for Queen Elizabeth ; but the French also laid claim to it, and it was not till the Treaty of Utrecht was agreed upon in 1713 that the dispute between the two countries was settled. By the Treaty of Utrecht the island was ceded to England, but the right to fish and to cure fish on the northern coast was granted to the French. In d783, however, the western coast, from Cape St. John to Cape Ray, instead of the northern, was assigned them for this purpose. But the conces- sion was an unfortunate one, for it led to continual disputes and retarded the development of that portion of the island. Even at the present day the grievance continues, and the French Shore Question has become an important issue in New- 346 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii foundland politics. In 1898 the matter was still giving so much trouble that delegates were sent to England to secure the appointment of a royal commission, which should investigate the condition of the Colony and in particular inquire into the French treaty rights upon the west shore. In accordance with this request commissioners were appointed by the home Government. Representative government was granted to Newfoundland by the British Parliament in 1832. Household suffrage was at that time established, but in 1887 the franchise was extended to all male adults. The Executive consists of a Governor, appointed by the Crown, and an Executive Council which must not exceed seven members. The legislative branch of the government is composed of a Legislative Council, whose' mem- bers are appointed by the Governor and are not to exceed fif- teen: and a House of Assembly of thirty-six members, who are elected for foiir years. Education is under the control of the different religious bodies and is not free. The island has an . area of 42,200 square miles and a population of about 200,000. CHAPTER VI AUSTRALIA The island, or fifth continent, Australia, seems to have been discovered by the Portuguese in the earlier part of the fifteenth century. Terra Australis it is designated on the maps of that period, and hence the name Australia. In the following cen- tury it was several times reached by Dutch navigators, one of whom, Tasman, discovered in 1642 the island which bears his name ; and the English buccaneer, Dampier, visited the north- ern coast of Australia in 1688. But no attempt was made to colonize this island-continent till the English began to send convicts to its shores shortly after they were deprived of their American Colonies by the Eevolution. Their attention was turned to this vast and unused tract by the celebrated voyager. Captain Cook. He conducted a scientific expedition to its eastern shore in 1769, and reported favorably upon its capaci- ties. So in 1787 a fleet of eleven vessels, containing 696 con- victs, was sent to this unexplored and far-away island ; and on January 26, 1788, the expedition landed near the spot where stands the city of Sydney. From this inauspicious beginning grew the rich and splendid civilization of Australia. For many years the country was used almost entirely as a receptacle for criminals ; but some free settlers also found their way there, and in 1839 the prac- tice of transporting criminals to Australia Avas abandoned. Meanwhile the country Avas explored, and many new settle- ments were made. Thus, gradually, as the population increased and spread, a number of separate provinces were established. The original province where the convicts were transported was termed New South Wales, because its shores were supposed to resemble the southern shores of Wales. Tasmania was occu- pied in 1803, and, like the elder province, was at first used as 347 348 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii a penal settlement. For a number of years it was under tlie control of New South Wales ; but in 1825 it was made a sepa- rate province. A convict station was established in Western Australia in 1825. Other settlements were made in the western district not long afterward, and this province was organized by 1829. This western tract, however, was destined to remain, for a long time, undeveloped and thinly populated ; while the eastern portion of the island had a far more fortunate history. For explorations made in 1813 showed that in the interior of New South Wales, beyond the Blue Mountains, lay perhaps the finest sheep pastures in the world. This discovery led to a rapid settlement of the province, and, as its fast increasing population pushed onward, it was found that the same magnifi- cent resources were possessed by the adjoining regions. Vic- toria was settled in 1836 ; and a company was established in South Australia at about the saine time. But Victoria did not become a distinct province until 1851, though it received its name some ten years earlier ; and Queensland had no inde- pendent existence until 1859, but up to that date was simply a portion of New South Wales. Though the growth of Western Australia was extremely slow, South Australia and New South Wales (including then Victoria and Queensland) gained rapidly in wealth and popula- tion. The sheep downs of these provinces were so favorable to raising sheep that Australian wool soon gained a reputation the world over for the fineness of its quality, and was in demand in all manufacturing countries. So the sheep owners grew rich and their numbers multiplied. By the middle of the century Australia had a population of over 300,000 ; but after the discovery of mineral wealth the increase was far more rapid. Copper was found in South Australia in 1842, and the mining of that article began to be an important industry. But this addition to the resources of the country awakened no wide- spread interest. It was the discovery of gold in 1851 that created wild excitement among the inhabitants and brought im- migrants to Australia in crowds. The discovery "was made in New South Wales, but rich mines were also found to exist in Victoria, and in the portion of New South Wales that became the province of Queensland. So Australia began to attract the attention of the whole civilized world. Her resources were CHAP. VI AUSTRALIA 349 rapidly developed. Her products multiplied. Her export and import trade grew steadily in volume. In 1871 her population had increased to 1,500,000 ; in 1891 it had risen to over 3,000,000, and it is nearly 5,000,000 at the close of the cen- tury. The largest city of the country is Melbourne, in Victoria, with a population of over half a million; but Sydney, in New South Wales, is a formidable rival, not being much inferior in size and population, and having in its university the most imposing building in Australia. Since 1851 the mining industry has been of prime impor- tance. Not only gold and copper, but silver, lead, tin, and coal have been mined in large quantities and exported to Great Britain and other countries. As a gold-producing country Australia has for many years ranked second only to the United States, and the supply is by no means exhausted. It is prob- able that for a long time to come the gold fields of Australia will be one of the chief sources for the supply of this precious metal, though their yearly output is now greatly surpassed by that of South Africa. But rich as are the mines of Australia, they do not yield as great a revenue as that derived from the soil. The yearly return from wool, tallow, hides, frozen and salted meats, sugar, fruits, timber, pearls and pearl shells, is enormous. In the year 1805 the total value of the exports was nearly $300,000,000. Yet the country is still very sparsely settled and its immense resources are most imperfectly devel- oped. Though larger than the United States without Alaska, it has not a tenth of the population of the latter country, and some of its richest and most fertile tracts are almost unknown and unvisited. Particularly is this true of Western Australia. This province, which is much larger than any of the others, has as yet less than 100,000 inhabitants ; yet its resources are pronounced equal to those of South Australia, Queensland, or New South Wales. ^ Its gold fields are among the richest in Australia, and its fertile regions, though interspersed with stretches of desert, are equal to those of the more populous provinces. Hence the population of Australia is sure to grow rapidly, and the volume of its import and export trade must steadily increase. Not indeed that the country can escape finan- cial reverses. It has had them in the past; it will certainly 1 Westminstei' Review, 137 : 482 et seq. 350 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book n have thein in the future. It is frequently afflicted by droughts, and from this cause, or from other unfavorable conditions, arise panics, failures, and stringency in the money market. In 1842 the prosperity of JSew South Wales was suddenly inter- rupted by a financial crash resulting from reckless speculation and inflated prices. A more widespread depression was expe- rienced in 1893, which profoundly affected all the Australian Colonies. Arising in part from an excessively free use of the credit system, it caused a number of banks to close their doors for a time, occasioned a general feeling of insecurity, and injured the financial standing of the whole country. The debt of Australia is very large, amounting to about $1,000,000,000, which seems an enormous sum for a people numbering five millions to owe. This indebtedness was by some considered to be largely the cause of Australia's financial collapse, and called forth attacks upon her credit and prophecies that greater troubles and possible bankruptcy were in store for her. But it was shown by those thoroughly acquainted with her financial system that the large amount of the public debt was due to peculiar conditions, and could not be fairly judged by the ordinary principles that govern state finance.^ More than half the sums borrowed by the Australian Colonies have been expended on railways, without which the commerce of so thinly settled a country could never have been developed. It is not to be forgotten, moreover, that Australia is a very wealthy country, even if its population is still small. In its gold mines and its sheep it has almost inexhaustible resources, and it is therefore warranted in spending freely, because its income is so great. There is every reason to believe that it will carry its burden of debt without feeling impoverished, and will eventually free itself from encumbrance. The political development of Australia has been commensu- rate with its material prosperity. Its various provinces were originally ruled by Governors appointed by the English Crown, and the power of these officials was practically unlimited. But the growth of the country was almost steadily toward democ- racy. Its settlers brought with them from Great Britain the Anglo-Saxon love of freedom ; and the conditions of life that 1 " The Attack on the Credit of Australia," The Nineteenth Century^ April, 18'J2. CHAP. VI AUSTRALIA 351 prevailed in tliis new land, where each man was dependent for success upon his own energy and exertions, encouraged equality. One brief attempt was indeed made to resist these levelling tendencies. In South Australia and Victoria the first settle- ments were made in accordance with the system of Edward Gibbon Wakefield, who believed that the social distinctions which are made in England should be rigidly preserved. But the plan of life he devised for this new and unsettled region proved wholly artificial and resulted in failure. The democratic tendencies of the settlers were too strong to be resisted and had their way. And naturally they showed themselves in the wish for representative government. As early as 1824 the Governor of New South Wales allowed a small body of men to confer with him in regard to the administration of affairs, and this body was termed the Executive Council. So successful Avas this arrangement that in 1829 the number of the body was enlarged to fifteen ; its name was changed to Legislative Coun- cil, and with the Governor it made laws for the Colony. It was not, indeed, a perfect representative body. It was not chosen by the suffrages of the people, and its decisions could be set aside by the Governor. Yet its creation marks the beginning of the movement which resulted in democratic and constitu- tional government. But as the population of the Colony increased, the desire for representation gained strength and found expression. The friends of the movement met at Sydney in 1842 and resolved to petition the British Parliament for a voice in the management of their affairs. Their petition was granted. A new Legislative Council was created, twenty-four of whose members were to be chosen by the people, while the remaining twelve took their seats by right of office or through appointment by the Governor. In 1843 the first popular elec- tion ever known in Australia was held, and the C'ouiicil met at Sydney in the same year. With this imperfect system of representative government the Colony remained satisfied for a period of ten years. But the discovery of gold in Australia in 1851 had an important effect upon the political development of the country. Its pop- ulation grew rapidly ; disorders occurred at the gold fields ; the need of a more efficient form of government became apparent. The Legislative Councils, which had been established in the 352 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii other Colonies as well as in New South Wales, did not suffi- ciently voice the will of the people, and the English Parliament decided that these far-away and rapidly growing states should frame their own Constitutions and assume a fuller degree of self-control. Accordingly, the Legislative Councils which were elected in 1851 were each invited by Parliament to prepare such a Constitution as the circumstances and conditions of their Colony seemed to demand. The invitation was readily accepted. New South AVales, Victoria, and South Australia submitted Constitutions which were approved by Parliament. Queens- land did the same when it was separated from New South Wales in 1859. Tasmania received a Constitution in 1885 and Western Australia in 1890. Each of these six Colonies now has its Parliament, consisting of two Houses, the Upper being termed the Legislative Council, and the Lower the Legislative Assembly, or (in Queensland and Tasmania) the House of Assembly. In each of the Colonies, excepting Tasmania,^ which requires a property qualification, the Lower House is chosen by universal manhood suffrage, though in South Australia women also are allowed to vote. The members of the Upper House are in some of the Colonies chosen by a liniited suffrage, and in others are appointed by the Crown for life. It is thus seen that Australia, like Canada, has to some extent accepted English political traditions and to some extent has broken loose from them. In its manner of electing its popular House, it is, with the exception of Tasmania, thoroughly democratic ; but it has refused to allow its Upper House to be chosen even indi- rectly by the whole people. Limited suffrage based upon prop- erty and legislative appointments proceeding from the authority of government are foreign to the democratic theory and to the usages of republics. It is to be noticed also that in all of the Colonies except Western Australia the members of the Lower House, unlike the members of the English House of Commons, are paid for their parliamentary services ; and that they are elected for three years. But though the Colonies had thus gained responsible govern- ment, they had not gained unity. Eor many years they con- tinued separate and distinct without making any active effort 1 In Western Australia either a six months' residence in one plaee or twelve months' residence iu the Colony, or a property qaalitication, is required. CHAP. VI AUSTRALIA 353 to unite their interests and destinies, though the idea of fed- eration was brought forward as early as 1852. As time passed, this idea inevitably grew pressing and important. The exam- ple of Canada was a perpetual invitation to the Australians to bring their island under one central sway. In 188(3 the move- ment for federation began to find expression, and a Federal Council met at Hobart to give it careful consideration. Little was accomplished by this Council, and its views of the meas- ures necessary were narrow. But the movement found an earnest friend in Sir Henry Parkes, who pushed it forward in the most vigorous manner. Again and again he enunciated the idea that federation could never be brought about without adequate representation, and that no representative body could be adequate unless its members were chosen by the people directly or by the different colonial Parliaments. Through his initiative another conference was brought about in 1890 ; and in 1891 the Australian Federal Council was formed with a view to framiiig a Federal Constitution. In 1895 the Australian Premiers held a conference and adopted '•' The Australian Fed- eration Enabling Act," which prepared the way for the election of a convention to draft a Constitution. To such a Federal Convention, accordingly, delegates were sent in 1897 by Tas- mania and all the Australian provinces excepting Queensland. The Convention held two sessions in 1897 and one in 1898, and finally framed a Constitution Bill to be submitted to the differ- ent Colonies, though it found the task an exceedingly difficult one. The smaller Colonies demanded equal representation in the Upper House ; and the larger Colonies insisted that the Upper House should have no power to amend money bills. The first of these claims was allowed ; the second was settled by compromise. There was also disagreement over the means of settling a dead-lock in case the two Houses disagreed, and also over the question of dividing the surplus customs revenue among the Colonies. These differences having been adjusted, the Convention broke up on March 17, 1898, and the bill was then referred to a plebiscite in the different Colonies. No vote was taken in Queensland, however, because that Colony had held aloof from the movement ; and in Western Australia the vote of the people was deferred until the matter should have been submitted to 2a 354 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii the local parliament. In Victoria, Tasmania, and South Australia there was an overwhelming popular majority in favor of the bill, although only a strikingly small proportion of the electors recorded their votes. In New South Wales the result was adverse; for, although the bill obtained a majority, it did not receive the 80,000 votes required by statute. Notwith- standing this defeat there was a strong sentiment in New South Wales in favor of the federative movement; and the Government of the Colony began to prepare such modifications of the bill as would make it acceptable to the electors, hoping that the proposed changes would meet with approval in the other Colonies. The customs arrangements of the Constitution Bill were especially objectionable to the people of New South Wales, as through their operation about £250,000 would be taken from the revenue of the Colony and made over to the general Government; and the provision that a dead-lock between the two Houses should be settled by a joint session in which a three fifths majority should be necessary also roused much opposition, and it was proposed that in such cases a bare majority should be sufficient. The modifications proposed by the Government of New South Wales were submitted to a conference of the Premiers of Vic- toria, New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia, Western Australia, and Tasmania, which met at Melbourne toward the end of January, 1899. As the result of the conference the most serious objections of the people of New South Wales were removed, and the Premier of that Colony, who had been the chief opponent of the Constitution, now promised to give it his support. Its ultimate acceptance by all the Colonies became, therefore, practically assured ; and there seemed to be no doubt that Mr. Chamberlain, the Colonial Secretary of Great Britain, would be in a position to submit the proposed Consti- tution to the House of Commons in the course of the year 1900. Consequently the Constitution began to attract the close attention of English lawyers and political leaders, and its exceedingly democratic character called forth much inter- esting comment.^ For it was modelled' after the fundamental law of the United States rather than that of Canada. Indeed, the Australians abandoned nearly all those political usages 1 Consult the (Euglisli) Law Quarterly Review for April, 1899. CHAP, vt AUSTRALIA 355 and traditions of the mother-country which the Canadians had held sacred and adopted. The Australian Constitution does indeed provide for responsible parliamentary government, as it gives the Governor-General the power to prorogue the Parlia- ment and to dissolve the House of Representatives ; but it does not vest that officer with the right of vetoing federal legislation ; it gives to the different members of the Confeder- ation equal representation in the Senate ; it grants legislative powers to the Federal Parliament, but does not expressly endow the individual states with similar authority ; and it provides for a system of federal courts which are to have a jurisdiction similar to that exercised by the federal courts of the United States. The supreme federal court is to be called the High Court of Australia, and Parliament may confer on it original jurisdiction in questious arising under the Constitution or involving its interpretation. Thus in several matters of prime importance the Australian Constitution imitates that of the United States rather than that of Canada, as will be apparent by comparing the provisions above noted with those of the Canadian Constitution as given on page 337. Moreover, the Australians sometimes prefer the political names adopted in America to those sanctioned by English usage; for they term their Lower House the House of Representatives instead of the House of Commons, and they call the members of the Confederation, not provinces, but states. From this outline of Australian history and political growth it is apparent that in this laiid, so far removed from European civilization, the principle of constitutionalism has won new and significant triumphs. Here also representative govern- ment has protected the rights of the people. Not indeed that its workings have been altogether smooth. Australia, like other progressive countries, has had difficult problems to en- counter. Its civil service has been corrupt, its political elec- tions have been disgraced by extensive bribery, it has not escaped from organized and long-continued strikes. Nor has legislation always dealt wisely and efficiently with these and other evils. On the contrary, it has often been cliaracterized by impatience, recklessness, and indifference to the highest welfare of the State.^ 1 In the Atlantic Monthly for March, 1808, there is an able criticism of Australian deuiocracy l>y ATr. E. Jj. Goilkiii : and in tlip issue of the same magazine for May, 18!)'.), is to be found a rejoinder to this article. 356 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii Yet constitutional government has acconlplislied so much good that the following statement by Sir Henry Parkes ^ about its workings in New South Wales may fairly be applied to the whole country : " Making all fair allowance for the bene- ficial working of those moral and commercial agencies which would have come into increasingly active operation under any form of political institutions, still the results which are directly attributable to the legislative discernment, wisdom, and vigor of the new Constitution are immense. They are to be seen in the extension of railways, and the greatly improved means of communication in all directions, in the scores upon scores of substantial bridges which span rivers and creeks, where dangerous crossings served the purposes of travel in the last generation, and the wider spread of settle- ment and the better class of rural homesteads, in the gradual sweep of cultivation over the wild land, in the beauty-spots of orchard and flower-garden around poor men's homes ; above all in the beneficent provision, reaching everywhere, for the instruction of the happy children, in the popular demand for municipal institutions, in the multiplication of books accessible to the many, in the more systematic ordering of towns and vil- lages, in the higher efficiency introduced into the departments of justice and police — in a word, in every feature of society." 1 « Fifty Years in the Making of Australian History," I. 312. CHAPTER VII NEW ZEALAND The group of islands which goes by the name of New Zea- land belongs to Australasia. But the term "Australasia" is purely geographical, and is, indeed, misleading. It suggests that all the islands included under the name have a connec- tion of some sort with Australia; whereas some of them lie far away from that island-continent, and differ from it in every essential feature. The two large islands which practically compose New Zealand lie 1200 miles east of Australia, and extend 600 miles south of its southernmost point, if Tasmania is not considered a part of it. Moreover, in climate and in physical characteristics the two countries are widely different. Australia is a low, flat country, and, on the whole, a very hot one, with a fauna and flora peculiar to itself. New Zealand is mountainous and comparatively temperate ; and its fauna and flora bear scarcely any resemblance to those of the larger country. But naturally, in its material and political growth, it repeats the story of Australia. An unknown land with great natural resources is occupied by a few adventurous Englishmen, is gradually civilized and populated, and becomes a rich and flourishing dependency of Great Britain. Like Australia, New Zealand was first brought prominently to the notice of Great Britain by Captain Cook, who explored it in 17G9. But its native population of Maoris was savage and addicted to cannibalism, and for a long time none but desperate characters would settle upon its inhospitable shores. A few runaway sailors and escaped convicts found refuge there ; the better class of colonists could not find a home amid cannibals and profligates. Still, missionaries from Sydney did find their way to the islands, which were accordingly declared a dependency 357 358 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii of New South Wales. Thus the influence of Great Britam began to make itself felt in New Zealand, and gradually became dominant. At the request of some of the native chieftains, who had been reached by missionary effort, King William IV. took the islands under England's protection, and sent a British resident to bring them under British control. This action encouraged Englishmen to settle there. Colonists of the better class began to increase, and in 1838 they estab- lished a provincial government. And now Edward Gibbon Wakefield, that remarkable man who played so prominent a part in the early history of Australia, resolved to make the islands a possession of the British Crown. So serious a step should have been taken by the British Government rather than by irresponsible individuals; but as Parliament was slow to act in the matter, Wakefield, with the cooperation of Lord Durham, secretly formed the New Zealand Company, and sent his brother to the islands in 1839 to take possession. More colonists came in the following year under the auspices of the new company. The city of Wellington was founded. The British Government, awakened from its indifference, saw that it was high time to interfere. It made New Zealand a sepa- rate colony, and placed it under the control of a Governor- General and a Legislative Council of six. And as the natives ceded the North Island to the Queen by a formal treaty, and the Middle Island Mvas claimed for the Crown through right of discovery, the sovereignty of Great Britain over the islands was at least nominally assured. But it remained to gain actual possession of the country, and this was not easily done. The Maoris were hostile and defiant. They fought the English step by step. Though they sold their land to the settlers, they would not respect the rights of the new owners; and they involved the colonists in long and sanguinary wars. Not until 18(39 were they entirely sub- dued. But in spite of these obstacles the process of coloniza- tion went steadily on. Although the British Government would not allow a private corporation to control the islands, it granted the New Zealand Company a charter under which active measures were taken to populate and develop the new 1 There is a third member of the group, called Stewart Island ; but it is small, thinly settled, and unimportant. CHAP. VII NEW ZEALAND 359 colony. Emigrants were sent to it in large numbers, its inte- rior was explored, its resources were carefully examined. Gradually it was found tliat New Zealand was one of the richest and most fertile possessions of the Crown. Its forests contain an almost inexhaustible supply of valuable timber, its moist lands teem with the flax plant, sheep and cattle thrive on its immense stretches of pasture land, large stores of gum are dug from the sites of its ancient forests, its gold mines have given an abundant yield, and its coal mines are rich and extensive. Moreover, the northerly part of the North Island, not as yet a favorite residence portion of the colony on account of its warm climate, has resources of its own, for silk- worms and semi-tropical fruits can be produced there without trouble. Blessed with such resources, New Zealand gained rapidly in population, trade, and commerce, after the stream of immi- gration had once fairly set toward its shores. In 1854 its inhabitants nuiubered abont oO,000, exclusive of the aborigines ; in 1858 they had increased to nearly 60,000 ; by 1880 the population, exclusive of the Maoris, liad grown to 500,000, and as the century closes it numbers nearly 750,000. And quite proportionate has been tlie growth in trade and pros- perity. In the twenty years from 1859 to 1878 the commerce of New Zealand increased nearly twenty fold ; and in the last of these years its yearly exports were over ^oO,000,000. In 1896 this figure had increased to |42,500,000. Very large, also, has been the import trade, owing to the slow development of New Zealand's manufacturing industries. Rich in its forests, its mines, and its agricultural and grazing lands, the country did not for a long time find it expedient to attempt manufacturing upon a large scale. Rather did it })ursue the natural course of sending its own products to Great Britain, and in turn drawing largely u})on the mother-country for the manifold articles of daily use. At the same time, manufactures have of late received considerable attention. The factories of New Zealand now give employment to 40,000 persons, and their yearly product has a value of more than $50,000,000. Helped thus by their climate, their soil, their mineral resources, and their facilities for all manner of industrial and commer- cial enterprises, the people of the country have attained to an 360 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii almost unexampled prosperity. Large fortunes, it is true, are not common, as they are in Australia ; but nearly all live in comfort, and poverty is hardly known. Kot that the islands have been free from those seasons of business depression, money stringency, and disastrous speculation which seem invariably to attend the advance of civilization. The year 1879 marked the beginning of a panic, which was of long duration, and which caused widespread financial disturbance, for previous to that year there had been an over-rapid develop- ment of commei'cial enterprises. Money had been borrowed extensively, speculation in land had been excessive, prices had become inflated. The crash came which inevitably fol- lows such unhealthy business activity, and many were finan- cially ruined, while many others saved their fortunes only by anxious years of exertion and self-denial. But this season of excitement and disaster was followed by prosperous years. The people settled down into thrifty and contented ways, avoiding the fierce competition of modern civilization and the direful evils which it brings. For though the New Zealanders have had to grapple with the socialistic and other troublesome problems of the present day, they have faced these problems with courage and equanimity, as a glance at their political his- tory will show. That this history is a most interesting and instructive one need not surprise us. The colonists of New Zealand were Englishmen, with many Scotch and Irish and a few Scandina- vians and Germans intermixed. Possessing thus the Anglo- Saxon genius for affairs, they soon learned to demand the right of self-government. This demand was pressingly urged by Edward Gibbon Wakefield, who played a conspicuous and not wholly creditable part in Australian politics, and who may be said to have been the founder of the New Zealand Colony. But it was only by persistent efforts that the colonists obtained what they desired. In this case, as in all similar cases of colo- nial ambition for independence, the mother-country was slow to relax its grasp upon its young and growing progeny. The home Government sent out one Governor-General after another from Great Britain, but not till 1852 did it recognize the claims of the New Zealanders to manage their own affairs. In that year the British Parliament granted New Zealand the right of CHAP. VII NEW ZEALAND 361 self-government under a Constitution which was largely the work of the Governor-General, Sir George Grey. This able man, who more than once played an important part in the his- tory of the Colony, was sent to New Zealand in 1846. Showing great tact in dealing with the natives, and a sincere interest in the welfare of the colonists, he was more successful in govern- ing the islands than his predecessors had been. The Constitu- tion which he helped to frame for the Colony was ambitiously conceived ; for it provided for nine provincial assemblies as well as for a central parliament, and it must be admitted that the country was sparsely settled for the establishment of so many parliamentary bodies. But the Constitution materially helped the political development of the country, and for twenty- two years it continued without substantial modification. But Governor Grey did not remain with the Colony long enough to see the machinery of government which he had devised put into successful operation. He left New Zealand in 1853, and it was not till 1856 that the House of Representa- tives was thoroughly and efficiently organized and enabled to perform its legislative functions. That this early departure of Governor Grey was a loss to the country soon became apparent, for his immediate successors proved incompetent. Those disas- trous wars which disturbed the Colony for so many years (p. 358) were largely due to the mismanagement of Colonel Browne. Appointed Governor in 1855, he soon offended the natives by his arbitrary manner of dealing with them ; and though Grey was again made Governor in 1861, even he could not quell the spirit of insurrection which had been roused. But, in spite of reverses, the Colony grew in wealth and population, and with increased prosperity came new social and political conditions. For gradually the colonists acquired confidence in themselves and in the resources of their country ; and this confidence gen- erated a desire to control the policy of the Government and to adapt legislation to the growing needs of the Colony. The early Governors took the administration of affairs very largely into their own hands ; but after Grey's second term of office came to an end, in 1868, the Governors did not attempt to shape the colonial policy. Left thus to themselves, the colonists proved active and capable. The decade preceding 1880 was marked by a number of important steps. The provincial .362 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii councils were abolished in 1875, and local affairs were largely intrusted to local boards which could not claim parliamentary dignity. But more important than this change was the assump- tion of new duties and responsibilities by the Government. The time had come when it was necessary to provide the Colony with better facilities for communication and commercial inter- course. Accordingly, the Government borrowed large sums of money, built roads, constructed railroads, purchased land, and brought new immigrants into the country. That this activity on the part of the Government stimulated private enterprise, and was finally attended with some unfor- tunate consequences, has been already shown (p. 360). The decade that followed 1880 was largely spent in retrieving the disasters of this period of expansion and development. But the colonists were by no means inclined to curtail the powers and the activity of the Government, because it had, indirectly, been the cause of a period of depression. On the contrary, they continually increased the area of State control. For into these far-off islands swept the wave of socialistic feeling which has in recent years been flowing around the world. The New Zealanders have not indeed become professed State Socialists, nor have they passed revolutionary legislation. But prosper- ous, successful, building up a new civilization, and easily emancipating themselves from the traditions of the past, they have considered their country well fitted to work out political and social reforms. Accordingly, they have little by little enlarged the powers and functions of government. The vexed question of land ownership has received a partial solu- tion, as the State, instead of selling the Crown lands, more commonly retains its ownership of them and leases them to villages or to individuals. Railroads, telegraphs, and telephone systems are also owned by the State, and hospitals and lunatic asylums are under its control. It conducts a large life insur- ance business, takes charge of conveyancing and the investiga- tion of land titles, and maintains a public trustee who looks after, not only intestate estates, but all those which are settled with difficulty. In raising its revenues the State recognizes the principle of inequality ; for both lands and incomes are assessed in proportion to their value or amount. Small farms and incomes below £333 pay nothing to the State. Farms CHAP, vn NEW ZEALAND 363 ■ « ■" — ' ■ worth £5000 or more than that sum are assessed according to a graduated scale. Incomes between £300 and £1300 pay six- pence in the pound; incomes larger than £1300 pay a shilling. To the labor question much attention has been given, and some radical measures have been taken to prevent wasting con- flicts between workingmen and capitalists. In every mining or manufacturing district is established a Board of Conciliation, which is composed of representatives of the laborers and their employers, and to which all disputes between these two classes are first referred. But each side is so vitally interested in the question at issue, that these local boards are usually unable to make their decision respected, and an appeal to a higher tri- bunal becomes necessary. In such cases the Central Court of Arbitration takes the disputed matter in hand and passes judg- ment upon it. As the verdict given by this court can be legally enforced, it is always accepted without question. And certainly the composition of the court is such that its decisions ought to carry weight. Only three members belong to it, one of whom represents labor, one capital, while the third is a judge of the Supreme Court. It is difficult to see how this important tribunal could be made up in a fairer way. Although the labor laws of New Zealand are numerous, few of them besides those that concern arbitration can be said to differ essentially from those of other countries. They are designed to make employers liable for accidents to their employees, to protect seamen and miners, to prevent the sweating system, to regulate the hours of factory operatives, to secure weekly half-holidays for certain classes of working- people, and in many ways to secure justice to the laboring man and to lighten his burden. But the Servants, Registry Offices Act may be specially mentioned, as illustrating a ten- dency toward State socialism, for it gives the Government entire control over employment offices. None but persons of good character are allowed to conduct such offices, and only the fee that the Government prescribes can be charged. It may also be noted that trade-unions have the right to become corporate bodies, and as such are able to sue and to be sued. Such being the legislative tendencies of New Zealand, it is not surprising that this enterprising and democratic country should adopt a radical plan of giving relief to the aged. The 864 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii question of Old Age Pensions has been widely discussed, and has been seriously considered by the legislatures of various countries. Even in England a committee was appointed in 1896 to examine into the feasibility of the manifold schemes of this character. But while other countries have deliberated, New Zealand has taken action. On October 20, 1898, the New Zealand House of Representatives voted to grant a pension of £18 per annum to persons sixty-five years of age and npward, of good moral character, who have resided in the colony twsnty- five years, and whose income does not exceed £34. It will be seen that the purport of the measure is to secure to all persons in their declining years a sure income of as much as a pound a week. The Constitution of New Zealand has received some modifi- cations, but it is fundamentally the same that was framed and adopted in 1852. The connection with the mother-country is preserved through the Governor-General, who is appointed by the Crown. The legislative branch of the Government consists of a Legislative Council of forty-six members, now appointed by the Crown for seven years, but originally for life, and of a House of Representatives of seventy-four members, who are elected by the people for five years. Responsible ministers, representing the dominant party, constitute with the Governor- General the Executive, and remain in power as long as they retain their majority, or until Parliament is dissolved. For some time a property qualification was required of voters ; but in 1872 this limitation of the suffrage was practically abolished. Either a twelve months residence in the islands, or the owner- ship of real property worth £25, now gives the right to vote. It is worthy of notice that the Maoris are allowed to choose four of their number to sit in the Honse of Representatives, and also that the franchise was extended to women in 1893. That New Zealand has made a wide departure from the aristocratic usages and customs of the mother-country is apparent, and her radical and socialistic legislation has attracted much attention. Many are confident that evil results will ultimately come from this legislation ; but the New Zea- landers themselves, who ought best to understand their own affairs, believe firmly in their institutions.^ 1 The Economic Review, July 15, 1899. CHAPTER VIII SOUTH AFRICA Toward the end of the fifteenth century it was discovered that vessels coukl go from the ports of Europe to India by- rounding the Cape of Good Hope, and this route was at once made use of, to the great advantage of commerce. But for some time no European settlement was made near this famous point of land, for the advantages of South Africa in soil and climate were unknown. In 1052, however, the Netherlands East India Company established a Colony on the shores of Table Bay. Other colonists followed. Settlers gained possession of a considerable tract of country by purchasing land from the Hottentot chiefs, and they pushed their way northward and eastward, though not without coming into bloody conflicts with the natives. Thus the Dutch became undisputed possessors of South Africa. For nearly a hundred and fifty years after their first settlement was founded at Table Bay they were molested by no European nation. But in 1795 the English wrested the Colony from them, Holland having in that year been made a French province, and fears being entertained in England that the Dutch Colony at the Cape of Good Hope would share a like fate. For French control of this important point would have threatened England's communication with India. liestored to Holland by the Treaty of Amiens in 1802, the Colony was again seized by the English in 1806, and was formally ceded to them by the King of the Netherlands for a sum of money in 1815. But, though now an English possession, the Cape was peopled almost entirely by Dutch. Only gradually did Euglish settlers become numerous and English customs and the English lan- guage supersede those of the older colonists. Not till 1S2G did the process of Anglicizing the Colony actively begin. In that year an Executive Council was appointed to advise with the 305 366 GREAT BKITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii Governor ; and a supreme court, wliich set aside the old Dutch system of rendering justice, was established. But these inno- vations gave great offence to the Dutch inhabitants, who dif- fered in many ways from the English settlers. The Dutch Boers were industrious, pious, and upright, but narrow and unprogressive. They lacked the Anglo-Saxon instinct for political development. Moreover, interpreting the Bible in a strictly literal way, they found in the Old Testament ample warrant for holding the native Africans in slavery. Accord- ingly, their discontent, which had for a long time been growing, became bitter and outspoken in 1834, when the British Parlia- ment abolished slavery in the Colonies. They were a sturdy people, jealously clinging to their independence ; and many of them now determined to take themselves out of the reach of English rule. Selling their possessions, many of them " trekked " eastward with their cattle, flocks, and wagons into the territory which is now comprised by the Colony of Natal. Here they attempted in 1839 to establish the " Republic of Natalia," tak- ing the name from that which Vasco de Gania had applied to this portion of South Africa in 1497. Eor, having sighted it on Christmas Day, he called it Terra Natalis. But the English Government was not at this time willing that any independent state should be established near its own South African Colony. Consequently, armed conflicts followed between the Boers and the troops that were sent to subdue them. Overpowered by numbers, the Dutch submitted, and Natal was proclaimed a British Colony in 1843. But the Boers were none the less determined to secure their independence. Eor a number of years the Dutch had been making their Avay northward across the Orange River, and those who had already settled there were now joined by others who wished to be free from British rule. Here, with a wide river to separate them from the English Colony, they hoped to be entirely their own masters. But their hopes Avere for a tijue doomed to be disappointed. The Governor of the Cape Colony issued a proclamation annexing the territory beyond the Orange River, and once more the Dutch took arms to establish their independence. But they were as unsuccessful here as they had been in Natalia. Worsted on the field, they were obliged to recognize the sovereignty of Great Britain ; and it was only CHAP. VIII SOUTH AFRICA 367 when the English Government voluntarily abandoned all claim to the territory in 1854 that the Boer dream of independence was realized. Becoming now the sole owners of the soil, they founded the Orange Free State. But the Boer movement extended even farther north. At the time when the Dutch malcontents were making their way into Natal, some of the more independent spirits crossed the Vaal River in their endeavor to get entirely beyond the limits of British authority. And though, like the settlers of the Orange Free State, they were at first held to their allegiance to the Crown, they were finally allowed to manage their own affairs and to have a separate national existence. By an agree- ment made with them in 1852 the British Government granted them complete independence. And, as their scattered commu- nities learned to feel the need of a central government, they united and formed the Transvaal, or South African Republic. Thus, in assuming full control of her own Colony at the Cape, England caused an extensive Boer emigration and occasioned the founding of two independent Dutch states. But if many Boers left the Cape Colony, many also remained and became thoroughly loyal citizens. Dutch blood is still dominant in the Colony. In each of its parliamentary Houses there is a large majority of Dutch-speaking men. But these men of Dutch descent have become firm believers in English rule, and are ready to promote all reasonable schemes to bring about a fed- eration of the Dutch and English South African Colonies. But the Dutch were not the only ones to resist the authority of the Colony. Some of the aboriginal tribes in South Africa are brave, fierce peoples, suspicious and jealous of the white man and not afraid to face his destructive weapons with their own primitive implements of warfare. First and last the Kaffirs, Hottentots, and Zulus have given the Dutch and English a good deal of trouble and caused the loss of many lives. But, in spite of the dissatisfaction of the Dutch and the hostility of the native tribes, the Colony grew, though it was by no means always prosperous. Its original area had, under ])utch control, been comparatively small. By successive annex- ations its territory Avas widened, and its population was increased by immigration and by natural growth. And with the expan- sion of the Colony came the inevitable demand for self-govern- 368 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii ment, even as it came in Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. As early as 1827 the English Secretary of State received a petition from the colonists, asking for an elected House of Representatives. As the petition was not granted, it was fol- lowed by others ; and after a time they produced the desired effect. In 1849 the Colony acquired respect by the vigor with which it protested against a project to make it a penal settle- ment. The project was abandoned, and the colonists, elated by their success in defeating it, clamored for self-government more earnestly than ever. In 1853 they were granted a Con- stitution which empowered them to choose a Parliament con- sisting of two Houses. But though representation was thus gained, it did not as yet apply to the executive branch of the Government ; for the members of the Executive were appointed by the Crown and were responsible to the Crown for their actions. Hence the Executive did not, as it does in England, fairly represent the popular majority. Sometimes it was in conflict with the members of Parliament; and the colonists grew more and more dissatisfied with a system which really denied them what it pretended to give, the right of managing their own affairs. But in 1872 a more liberal Constitution was proclaimed, after being adopted by the colonial Parliament and receiving the royal sanction. By its provisions the Governor- General and the Executive Council are still appointed by the Crown ; but the administration of affairs is largely in the hands of the Prime Minister, who holds office, as in England, as long as he can command a majority in Parliament. As in other English colonies that have responsible government. Parliament consists of an Upper and a Lower House. The members of the Upper House, or Legislative Council, are twenty-two in number and are elected for seven years ; those of the Lower House, or House of Assembly, are seventy-four in number and are elected for five years. The suffrage is limited by a property qualification. But the happy termination of political troubles did not bring unbroken prosperity to the colony. South Africa, with all its natural wealth and resources, presents many obstacles to suc- cessful enterprise. Travellers have remarked upon its strange and bewildering contrasts. The climate is healthful on the high plateaus, but malarial near the coasts ; and the changes CHAP. VIII SOUTH AFRICA 369 in temperature are sudden and very great. The rivers are at one time raging torrents and again " feeble trickles of mud." ^ Dust-storms come even where the air is usually pure and exhila- rating. Tracts of luxuriant vegetation are interpersed with arid plains. Heavy rains are succeeded by periods of drought ; and the cattle that thrive so commonly are in some places stricken down by mysterious disease or by the maddening tsetse fly. Hence the growth of the Cape Colony was interrupted by seasons of reaction and depression ; and not long after the new Constitution was adopted there came a period of stagnation. Droughts and other adverse conditions made trade languish and fall away. But the discovery of the diamond fields near the Vaal River in 1867 brought a revival of prosperity. It was soon found that some of the mines were exceedingly productive, and thus a new industry, bringing enormous returns to the Colony, was securely established. True, the most valuable mines are in the Orange Free State ; but some are in the borders of Cape Colony, and those outside of it have been developed largely by the capital of its own inhabitants. But the mineral wealth of South Africa is by no means limited to its diamonds. Extensive deposits of gold, silver, iron, lead, and coal are found in the various Dutch and English possessions, the South African Republic (Transvaal) being especially rich in minerals ; and copper has been mined from Namaqualand, in the adjoining German territory, by two English companies for half a century. But most of these mineral deposits have been found since the discovery of dia- monds in 1867, and none of them have yet yielded very large profits excepting that of gold. This metal exists in various parts of Cape Colony; but the only rich deposits thus far discovered are in the South African Republic. At Witwaters- rand, about thirty-five miles south of Pretoria, there are gold fields of , immense value. They were first worked in 1886, but they soon proved to be among the richest in the world. In their vicinity has sprung up the flourishing city of Johannes- burg, which now has a po})ulation of 70,000. The sluires of the Witwatersrand gold-mining companies increased rapidly in value, and the owners of them, both in England and South Africa, became very wealthy. 1 Bryce's " Impressious of South Africa," p. 8. 2b 370 GREAT BRITAIN AND OER COLONIES book n Thus the Cape Colony passed from the season of depression that visited it in the latter sixties to an era of great prosperity. The resources of the country were developed. Its sheep pas- tures are rich and extensive, and the amount of wool exported yearly has grown to be very large. The value of this export in 1897 was £1,496,779. A large quantity of this staple is also consumed in home manufactures, which are slowly increas- ing.^ Thus the country is growing wealthy. Large fortunes have been made from diamonds, gold, and wool ; and with large fortunes have come large ambitions. Under Anglo-Saxon rule and influence the Colony has taken an aggressive attitude which its Dutch inhabitants never would have assumed. For a number of years an English resident of Cape Colony has filled the minds of its people with vast schemes of expansion and federation. This man is the Hon. Cecil Rhodes, who left England to recruit his health in South Africa just before 1870. He was at that time about thirty years of age. In the mild climate of his new home he grew strong and rugged; and along with bodily health he developed commanding ability and a forceful personality. By effecting a consolidation of various separate mining companies he acquired an enormous fortune ; but he has apparently valued wealth as a source of power rather than as a means of luxurious living. Having become the most important figure in South Africa, he determined to use all his resources and ability to further British influence in that region. Thirty years ago Great Britain's possessions in South Africa were limited to Natal and the Cape Colony, and the area of the latter province was smaller than it is at the present time. ISTor was the English Government then anxious to increase the extent of its South African territory. But in 1871 Basutoland, with an area of 10,000 square miles, was annexed to Cape Colony because of the unhappy condition of its native inhabit- ants, who had suffered severely in war and who appealed to the British for protection. In 1874 the Conservatives came into power in England, and how they attempted to carry out an ambitious imperial policy under Lord Beacousfield's leader- 1 Mr. Bryce thinks, and with apparent reason, that any considerable devel- opment of manufacturing industries in South Africa is improbable. The inferior quality of the coal, the lack of water-power in the rivers, and the scarcity of skilled labor put great difficulties in the way of manufacturing enterprise. " Impressions of South Africa," pp. 459 et seq. CHAP. VIII SOUTH AFRICA 371 ship has already been related (p. 305). That policy embroiled the Government of Cape Colony both with the Dutch and with the Zulus, and led to the temporary annexation of the South African Republic. The Republic was finally granted its inde- pendence under England's suzerainty when the Liberals came again into power in England; but the trouble with the Zulus was not easily settled. Finally, however, a portion of their country was incorporated into the South African Republic; and the remainder, comprising about 9000 square miles, was, in 1887, declared British territory, and was placed under the authority of Natal and a commissioner and magis- trates. In the same year, Annatongaland, lying north of Zulu- land and having an area of 5300 square miles, was brought under the sovereignty of Great Britain by a treaty with Zambilli, its queen regent. And before this a still more decided step in territorial expansion had been taken ; for in 1885 Bechuanaland, as far as the Molopo River, was proclaimed to be a part of the Queen's dominions, in order that the people of Cape Colony might control the trade route to the interior. Thus a tract of 10,000 square miles was gained for British South Africa; and not long afterward an additional tract to the north, containing 380,000 square miles, was brought under British sovereignty under the name of the Bechuanaland I'ro- tectorate. These additions to the British domains in South Africa were altogether pleasing to Mr. Rhodes, but they by no means satisfied him. To the north of the Bechuanaland Protectorate he saw an immense region, stretching to the southern boundary of the Congo Free State, which he was extremely anxious that England should acquire. For if England did not seize it, some other nation surely would. The explorations of Stanley and others had revealed the resources of Africa and awakened the cupidity of the powers of Europe. The stronger states were becoming filled with colonial ambition. Germany, France, Italy, and Portugal were laying hold of African territory with eager hands. Unless Great Britain claimed her share with prompt decision, there would soon be nothing left to acquire. But the British Government was slow to recognize its opportu- nity, and had it not been for the energy of ^Er. Rhodes, the immense basin of the upper Zambesi River would have passed 372 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii into the hands of Germany and Portugal ; for these powers possess the coast region on either hand. But Mr. Khodes, seeing that England's imperial ambition was not to be aroused, determined to get possession of the desired territory for pur- poses of trade. Accordingly, he joined with others in founding the British South Africa Company and gained for it a royal charter, by which it was empowered to take possession of and administer the country lying north and south of the Zambesi and west of Portuguese East Africa. As the company under- took to maintain order at its own expense in this vast tract, comprising 750,000 square miles, the English Government was thus able to control the territory and to consider it a part of the South African domains. Ultimately England will undoubt- edly relieve the company of its responsibility and take the management of the territory into its own hands. Thus the British Colonies in South Africa have acquired ample room for growth and expansion. They now comprise nearly 1,500,000 square miles, an area which is nearly half as great as that of Canada or Australia, and more than ten times as great as that of Great Britain itself. But much of this territory will in all probability never be thickly settled. Of the land recently acquired a good deal is not intrinsically valuable. Some dis- tricts are marshy and malarious, others have a thin and sandy soil, and others are arid and unproductive. Yet there remain vast tracts that will be available for grazing and agriculture, and some of the more unpromising regions undoubtedly contain deposits of gold.^ How great these deposits are is quite uncer- tain. Explorations to determine their value are now in prog- ress, but it seems certain that for many years to come they will attract capital and labor and will yield at least moderate returns. On the whole, the British possessions in South Africa are a valuable addition to the Empire. Like Canada and Australia, they add greatly to the power and wealth of Great Britain, and give to her surplus population a splendid field for activity and enterprise. But in the nature of things these newly acquired tracts have not as yet received any political development. Their white population is so scanty that self-government will for some 1 To understand the value of these new acquisitions of Great Britain in South Africa, consult Bryce's " Impressions of South Africa," Ch. XVII. CHAP, viii SOUTH AFRICA 37.3 time be out of the question. Bechuanaland is ruled by an administrator who acts under the Governor of Cape Colony. The region to the north is controlled by the British South Africa Company, as already stated. Besides Cape Colony, Natal is the only South African British province that has secured responsible government, and this distinction it attained as recently as 1893. Its executive is a Governor, appointed by the Crown, and a responsible Ministry of five members. The parliamentary branch of the government is composed of a Legislative Council of eleven members, who are appointed for ten years by the Governor assisted by the Ministry; and a Legislative Assembly of thirty-seven members, who are elected for four years. As in Cape Colony, the franchise is restricted by a property and an educational test. For in both of these colonies the white population is determined to keep the man- agement of affairs entirely in its own hands, and to withhold the suffrage from the numerous but ignorant native class. Cape Colony, with an area of 221,311 square miles, has about 2,000,000 inhabitants, of whom only 400,000 are white. Natal, with an area of 20,401 square miles, has about 100,000 whites against 500,000 natives and Indians. It is therefore necessary for the whites to guard the franchise with great care. Univer- sal suffrage would make responsible government little better than a farce. Though much smaller than Cape Colony, Natal possesses advantages of its own. It contains valuable deposits of coal and iron, and it has on the whole a better climate and a richer soil. Therefore, though its growth is slow, its future seems assured. This discussion of South Africa would hardly be complete without some further consideration of the South African Republic, or the Transvaal, and the Orange Free State, espe- cially after the important things that happened there in 1809. For in that year the animosity that had long existed between the Boers of the Transvaal and the English residents of South Africa caused the outbreak of a most unfortunate war. Ever since the Boers trekked northward in 183(), they have been try- ing to evade Great Britain's reach and to get entirely out of the current of English life and thought. l)ut they could not place themselves where the Anglo-Saxon lust for land and gold 374 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii did not pursue them. In 1S77 Great Britain tried to annex their territory (p. 306). In the last decade of the century both their country and their gold aroused the covetous instincts of the Anglo-Saxon. But the Boers, though deserving sympathy, have yet brought their troubles upon themselves. If they had simply sought isolation, independence, and the meagre comforts of a primitive mode of life, all the world would have felt that they were entitled to what they craved. But the truth is, they have wanted these things, and they have also desired to profit, and to profit greatly, by the enterprise of more restless spirits than themselves. Hence their dealings with other peoples have not been marked by the honesty and straightforwardness that ought to characterize the simple and patriarchal life they maintain. For they are shrewd, crafty, and evasive in their diplomacy; and, while professing a strong love of freedom and independence, they are yet willing to exercise a galling tyranny over those who are within their power. By annexing them against their will ^ in 1877, Great Britain did them a wrong which they properly resented. But the wrong was righted, and the British Government showed indeed a sincere desire to do the Boers of the Transvaal full justice. To the terms of the treaty that was made between the Trans- vaal and Great Britain in 1881, the Boers took exception, for its stipulations curtailed their independence to an unreasonable degree. Not only did the treaty provide that the British Gov- ernment should approve of every treaty made between the Transvaal and a foreign power, but it limited the right of the Transvaal to deal with the natives, and it offended the pride of the Boers by forbidding them to encroach upon the boun- daries of their neighbors. Considering, therefore, that these provisions restricted them unduly, the Boers proceeded to set them aside. For in the very year that the treaty was con- cluded they made a raid into Bechuaualand, and they invaded Zululand and annexed a portion of it. But these high-handed actions did not prevent them from receiving a fair and consid- erate treatment at the hands of Great Britain. For when Paul Kruger went to England in 1883 to secure a larger measure of 1 The annexation, though disliked by the Boers, did not cause such wide- spread resentment among them as has often been supposed. Bryce, p. 159. CHAP. VIII SOUTH AFRICA 375 autonomy for his people, he obtained about all that he demanded. A new treaty was made with the Transvaal in 1884, and the only restriction that was placed upon its independence was con- tained in the following article : " The South African Eepub- lic will conclude no treaty or engagement with any state or nation other than the Orange Free State, or with any native tribe eastward or westward of the Republic, until the same has been approved by her Majesty the Queen." It is to be noticed that in this provision no mention is made of suzerainty, though a suzerainty may be said to be implied by the very character of the stipulations. But it was during this very visit to England that President Kruger showed the insincerity of all future claims made by the Boers that their sole desire was to live apart by themselves. For, when asked whether foreigners would be well treated in the Transvaal, he replied that the Boers desired to see the min- ing resources of the Transvaal developed and would do all they could to further that end. Accordingly, the Uitlanders flocked into the Transvaal after gold was found there in abundance, made Johannesburg a thriving and populous city, and developed the gold mines till they became the most productive in the world. But they did not find the Boers ready to cooperate, as Presi- dent Kruger had vouched that they would be. On the contrary, the Boers treated the Uitlanders with the most wanton and high-handed injustice. That the Dutch residents of the Trans- vaal should have made it extremely difficult for foreigners to obtain the fraiichise was natural and justifiable. The Boers wished to maintain their own institutions and primitive form of civilization unimpaired; and this they had a perfect right to do. Consequently, they were hardly to be criticised for making a fourteen years' residence in the Transvaal a necessary qualification for voting. But nothing could excuse their unhandsome treatment of the people whom they thus refused to enfranchise. For they made the Uitlanders pay nine-tenths of the taxes of the country, and the revenues thus acquired they spent for the benefit of the Dutch population, but never for the good of the Uitlanders themselves. Johannesburg remained an ill-paved, ill-lighted, and unsanitary city; and, instead of helping the Uitlanders in their mining enterprises, 376 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii as Mr. Kruger had promised would be the case, the Boers thwarted and hindered them by unjust monopolies and various petty and tyrannous exactions. Thus they made it clearly apparent that, however much they despised the modern gold- seeker and the civilization he represents, they were determined to benefit to the full by his energy and his enormous gains. No wonder, then, that the Uitlanders grew more and more restless under such galling treatment. It was their discontent in part, no doubt, that was responsible for the futile invasion of Dr. Jameson in 1895 ; and it was this same discontent that led to a more orderly attempt to secure justice in the spring of 1899. For at that time the Uitlanders united in demanding reforms of the Boer Government, and in requesting the British Government to see that the reforms were granted. The reforms were twelve in number, and included a fair representation in the Volksraad, cancellation of monopolies, the independence of the courts, and that the heads of the Government of the Trans- vaal shordd be answerable to the Volksraad. The cause of the Uitlanders awakened the interest of the British Government, Mr. Chamberlain, the Colonial Secretary, being especially ready to exert himself in their behalf. Nor was the Transvaal Government, which really meant President Kruger, unwilling to consider the reforms urged by the Uit- landers and to make concessions. The length of residence necessary for obtaining the franchise was curtailed from four- teen years to nine, and then to seven, and finally to five; and in other respects a willingness to conciliate the Uitlanders was manifested. And yet the negotiations between Great Britain and the Transvaal were at no time satisfactory to the former power, and the longer they were continued the more unpromis- ing did they become. For the crafty Boer Executive was eva- sive and exasperatingly slow, and in the end he made it plain that he meant to yield nothing without obtaining a correspond- ing advantage. He conducted the entire diplomatic intercourse as if he were dealing with a power that was ready to regard his country as an equal ; but in taking this attitude he made a serious mistake. Mr. Gla,dstone would perhaps have met him in this spirit; Mr. Chamberlain never had any thought of doing so. Consequently, when President Kruger announced his terms CHAP. VIII SOUTH AFRICA 377 after long delay, and it was found that his concessions were made upon the assumption that the Transvaal was a "sovereign international state," the situation at once became serious. To some of the extreme Liberals in Great Britain this assumption gave no offence ; but in most Englishmen it roused a feeling of indignation, and the Boer President was accused of shiftiness and insincerity. Even the moderate press now took an aggres- sive tone, and the warlike preparations which Great Britain had been making as a matter of caution, and without really expecting war, were now pushed forward in a vigorous and determined spirit. The Dutch were equally warlike, and neither country showed any intention of yielding so far as to relieve the strain and prevent the interruption of peaceful rela- tions. Finally, early in October, 1899, the Boers began hostili- ties and launched their country into a foolish and utterly unnecessary war. It was a war which could end in but one way, and it was one for which the Boers themselves were largely responsible ; yet the blame was not chiefly theirs. Unprejudiced observers of events in the Transvaal could not ignore the fact that after all the Uitlanders did not have a thoroughly good cause. They had gone into a foreign state to acquire wealth, and this they got in abundant measure in spite of the exasperating treatment to which they were subjected. Why, then, should the feeble Dutch state, intolerant and tyran- nical as its conduct was, have been threatened with force at all ? If Great Britain had prepared no armaments to support its demands, but had asked for concessions to the Uitlanders solely on the ground of humanity and justice, concessions would have been made. They would have been long withheld, and, when granted, they would have been meagre and inade- quate. But delay and scanty justice would have been infinitely better than a war, the primary cause of which was nothing less than Anglo-Saxon greed. ^ The Boers of the Transvaal are more crude and ignorant iMr. Frederick Harrison, who well represents advanced liberal thought in England, denounced the conduct of the British Government unsparinjily and declared that Mr. Chamberlain conducted his negotiations witli the Transvaal with a view to bringing on war. His criticism of Mr. Chamberlain's jiolii'V is I)artially given in the Review of Rei'icins, October, ISiii). p. ;>S!). A powerful vindication of England's policy is given in "The Situation in South Africa," The Nineteenth Century, 46 : 522. 378 GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES book ii than the Dutch iu the Orange Free State, and are utterly- opposed to progress. In politics, religion, and social life they see no need of growth or change. Paul Kruger, shrewd, bigoted, and narrow, fairly typifies the spirit of the nation. Numbering not much above fifty thousand, the Boers of the Transvaal are outnumbered by the Uitlanders ; but this great inroad of foreigners only inclined them to cling more stub- bornly than ever to their own institutions and ways of life. At the head of the State is the President, who is chosen for five years, and is assisted by an Executive Council of five members. The legislative branch of the Government consists of one chamber, termed the Volksraad. Its members are forty- four in number, and are elected for four years by a suffrage which is almost universal among the Boers themselves. The President has no power to veto the acts of the Legislature ; yet the system of government is so far patriarchal that the Volksraad is almost entirely guided and controlled by the Executive. A shrewd and determined President, like Paul Kruger, has practically an absolute sway. The Orange Free State was led by race sympathy to join with the Transvaal in the war against Great Britain ; but it has not had a turbulent political career, for it contains no rich gold mines to bring a rush of Uitlanders into its territory. Indeed, it is an ideal state for all who would avoid the excite- ments of the modern world. It has no cities, no political parties, and no disturbing social questions. Its people are neither rich nor poor, but they live in entire contentment on the moderate means which are within the reach of all. The Boers themselves number about 70,000, and comprise by far the greater part of the white population. There are less than 150,000 Africans in the country, while in the Transvaal there are more than 600,000. The only village that can fairly be called a town is Bloemfontein, the capital, which has 6000 inhabitants, of whom little more than half are white. The form of government is very much like that of the Transvaal. There is a President elected for five years, an Executive Coun- cil of five members, and a Volksraad whose members are chosen for four years, and who make the sole legislative chamber. Here, as in the Transvaal, the President has no power of veto ; but here, also, he has become the centre of power. The restric- CHAP. VIII SOUTH AFRICA 379 tions upon the suffrage are so slight that practically it belongs, to all white citizens who make their home in the State. For the Boers have found no occasion to adopt the narrow policy of the Transvaal, and to keep the right of voting exclusively in their own hands. Such are the Colonies and Republics of South Africa. It is too early to prophesy how or when they will become united. But that they will all ultimately become members of one con- federation under Great Britain's control there can be no reason- able doubt. BOOK III THE UNITED STATES CHAPTER I THE BEGINNINGS OF THE REPUBLIC " Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal." These words, spoken by Abraham Lincoln at Gettysburg in 1863, are as accurate as they are famous. They point to 1776 as the year when the United States had its national origin, and they point to democracy as its national foundation stone. It was in 1774 that the First Continental Congress was assembled in Philadelphia, Massachusetts taking the lead in calling it together. But not until 1776 were the members of Congress ready to declare the colonies free and independent ; for the Americans were at first desirous of forcing England to treat them with fairness and justice rather than of severing all ties with the mother-country. Gradually, however, they learned to see the meaning of the conflict in which they were engaged. On July 4, 1776, the Philadelphia Congress adopted the famous Declaration of Independence, and the birth of a new nation was accomplished. Not all at once, however, could the nation show itself strong, self-assertive, and able to exercise vigorously all the functions of government. Remembering the tyranny of Great Britain, the Colonies clung jealously to their own rights. They adopted Constitutions for themselves, and thereby became independent and sovereign States instead of colonies ; but they were slow to see that a Constitution was needed for all the States in com- jnon, that thereby they might have a strong central govern- ment and acquire the respect of other nations. Moreover, the war with Great Britain absorbed the energies of Congress, and that body did not go farther in the direction of nation-making than to draw up thirteen Articles of Confederation for the States to adopt, if they saw fit. 383 384 THE UNITED STATES book hi Eleven of the States did adopt them in 1778, and thus a rude and imperfect form of national government came into be- ing. For the Articles gave the United States authority to treat with foreign powers ; to declare war ; to appoint officers for the army and the navy ; to control military affairs ; to levy taxes ; to fix the standard of money, weights, and measures ; to manage Indian affairs ; and to establish post-offices. But this government was after all a government only in name. It did not have distinct executive, legislative, and judicial depart- ments, and no one was empowered to enforce its authority. In short, it was utterly lacking in centralized power. Accordingly, when the war for independence was ended and the occupations of peace were resumed, the people of the States became more and more restless under this weak and inefficient control. They found themselves unable to collect their debts, to obtain protection from the courts, or to make trade and in- dustry prosper. Slowly but surely the need of a strong central government made itself manifest, and a convention was finally called by the States to assemble and to take into consideration the condition of the United States. On May 4, 1787, the con- vention met at Philadelphia in Independence Hall. The ablest political leaders and thinkers of the country were among its members, and its discussions were weighty, prolonged, and sometimes marked by radical differences of opinion. More than once, indeed, it seemed inevitable that the convention should break up Avithout accomplishing the object for which it was called together. But, after sitting four months, it gave its sanction to a Constitution and submitted it to the States for their approval. Very slowly and reluctantly was this ap- proval given on the part of some of the States. New York, in particular, was quite unwilling to adopt the new Constitution, and was only made to do so by the convincing arguments of Alexander Hamilton. Virginia also took the decisive step only after much hesitation. But after these two great and strong States had set the example, the result was never in doubt. Nine States finally ratified the Constitution, and thus, accord- ing to the Convention, it became the law of the land. Two States, however. North Carolina and Rhode Island, did not adopt it until the newly established government was in operation. By providing a distinct executive, legislative, and judiciary. CHAP. I BEGINNINGS OF THE REPUBLIC 385 and by giving to each of these branches of government clearly defined and adequate powers, the Constitution made a power- ful and efficient central government possible. And that the powers are in almost every case adequate and well defined has been proved by the experience of a hundred years. To the President, to the Congress, and to the national courts of jus- tice were given that measure of authority that was neces- sary for a successful administration of affairs; for the three branches are perhaps as perfectly balanced as human wisdom could make them.^ No one of the three could receive any con- siderable increase of power without impairing the efficiency of the other two and endangering the democratic character of our institutions. It is true that abuses have grown up under the Constitution. The President's appointing yjower has been i;sed to reward party service in a scandalous manner, and Congress has exercised its right to tax and to coin money with question- able freedom. But such abuses do not necessarily indicate that the Constitution itself is defective. Katlier do they show that in a democracy the character of the government depends upon the character of the governed. Popular prejudice, pop- ular error, popular condonement of public immorality, are chiefly responsible for political scandals and corruptions. The civil service began to grow pure when the people demanded that it should be pure. And the national legislation will be sane, rational, and economical when Congressmen are not allowed to abuse their constitutional authority without rebuke. It must be admitted that the clauses in the Constitution that give Congress the right to fax and to coin money are very gen- eral in character, and therefore bestow a power which is almost unlimited in its scope. But this could not be otherwise. The fundamental law of the land could not presci-ibe either the manner in which these important powers should be exercised, or the extent of the authority they convey. Such matters of detail were necessarily left to the judgment of Congress, which must have freedom to decide questions of coinage and taxation as the needs of the nation may from time to time require. That Congress has interpreted the taxation and coinage clauses 1 Some students of American politics take a different view. Consult Wilson's " Con.icressiorial Government," and Bryce's " Tlie American Commonwealth," Vol. I. Ch. XXI. (second edition revised, ISDIJ. 2o 386 THE UNITED STATES book hi properly, and has used the authority they bestow in a strictly constitutional manner, has been denied and always will be denied. Indeed, the interpretation of these two clauses has been directly or indirectly the origin of much of the fiercest party strife that the nation has known. For some consider that it is unconstitutional to impose taxes for any other purpose than that of raising revenue, or to make the coinage clause cover the right to establish a legal tender ; while others believe that it is strictly constitutional to tax for the purpose of protecting and encouraging industry, and to force a coin into circulation by making it legal tender. But these differing schools of political thinkers did not come into existence because the language of the Constitution is loose and inadequate. They arose from two opposite tendencies of human thought. For whenever a document is under discussion, be it religious, political, or con- cerned with everyday affairs, there will always be found some who interpret it by the letter and others who judge it by its spirit. Hence the Constitution will always have its broad and its literal constructionists ; and its true meaning will come to light through the arguments and the political action of these two classes of expounders. That the Constitution is perfect it would be absurd to state ; for such an instrument reflects the limitations of its founders and of the period when it was framed. From time to time it has been necessary to amend it ; but the very character of the amendments is a tribute to its excellence. For they have always been designed to supplement and complete it, never to destroy or undo anytliing that was vital and fundamental. In constructing it, its framers did a noble work and earned the lasting gratitude of the country. Indeed, they builded better than they knew, for they could not foresee what difficulties and dangers the Republic would have to meet by the aid of this fundamental law. They did not realize that the country would grow vast until only the telegraph and the steam railway could hold its parts together and give them unity of thought and life. They did not know what mischief would be wrought by the spoils system, by financial heresies, and by extravagant legislation. Nor did they see that the cloud of slavery, then no bigger than a man's hand above the political horizon, was to overspread the sky. CHAPTER II ADMINISTRATIONS OF WASHTNGTON, ADAMS, AND JEFFERSON New York was the first capital of the Republic, and Wash- ington was its first President. Born in 1732, the great Vir- ginian was in the full vigor of his powers, and was able to guide the young and struggling nation through perilous seas. From the first day of his administration he found his task an arduous one. Already was the country disturbed by virulent party warfare ; for the Federalists, who believed that the Con- stitution gave the government full and satisfactory powers, were vehemently opposed by the Anti-Federalists, who were enemies of centralization and stood ready to accuse Congress and the President of abusing their authority. Even the Cabi- net was not free from the dissensions of these rival factions ; for Washington made Hamilton, the leader of the Federal- ists, Secretary of the Treasury, while Jefferson, the foremost statesman of the Anti-Federalist party, served for a time as Secretary of State. These two engaged in many heated and acrimonious discussions ; but Jefferson retired from office early in 1794, while Hamilton retained his position in the Cabinet and continued to render the country those services whose value it is hard to overestimate. It was through his influence that the United States undertook to pay all sums which the Confederation had owed to foreigners, to receive the worthless continental currency and give good money in exchange for it, and to become responsible for all those debts which the States had incurred while acting for the good of the whole country. The last measure excited much opposition, however, and was only carried through Congress by means of a political bargain. It happened that the question of choosing a permanent capital city for the country was under discussion, and Hamilton won two Virginia Congressmen to his side by promising to use his 387 388 THE UNITED STATES book in influence in favor of a site upon the Potomac. Thus the pas- sage of tlie obnoxious measure was secured, and the Republic proved itself a thoroughly honest debtor. Henceforth its credit was good all over the world. But Hamilton did not end his financial services to the country by seeing that it paid its debts. In order to bring the Govern- ment into close relations with the operations of business and commerce, he secured the establishment of a national bank under a United States charter. This project was not carried through without encountering the opposition of the Anti-Eederal- ists, who saw in it a scheme to fortify the central authority, and who finally succeeded, with the aid of Jackson, in bringing the institution to an end. But the bank did good service for many years ; and, although it might possibly have been a source of corruption under present political conditions, it did not, while it lasted, promote those dishonest schemes which the Anti- Federalists, and afterwards the Democrats, continually laid at its doors. More important than the question of a national bank was that of raising a revenue. To this matter Hamilton gave much thought and Congress devoted much discussion. Direct taxa- tion was not in favor, and it was finally decided to tax imports and spirituous liquors made in the country. The duty on im- ports was imposed chiefly for the purpose of securing an income for the Government; but even in those early days it gave a certain measure of protection to native industries,^ and as the duties were raised again and again, their protective character assumed an ever increasing importance. Already therefore, in the very beginnings of the nation's history, the taxation clause is so interpreted as to give rise to those profound political dif- ferences which are as great to-day as they were a hundred years ago. So also did the tax on spirituous liquors have an impor- tance beyond that of swelling the national revenues. For it established the right of the Government to tax its citizens, and thus greatly helped to strengthen its authority. These various financial measures, which were for the most part attributable to Hamilton's genius, did much to win the 1 Schouler's " United States," I. SC,pt spq.; R. W. Thompson's "History of the Protective Tariff Laws," Ch. V. ; Orrin Leslie Elliot's " Tariff Controversy in the United States," 1789-1833, pp. 70-73. CHAP. II WASHINGTON, ADAMS, AND JEFFERSON 389 Republic the respect of foreign nations ; bnt England and France, the two powers with which it was especially desirous of having intercourse, were slow to give it the treatment due to an equal. England, being at war with France, claimed the right to search vessels for seamen of British birth, to seize pro- visions for the enemy which she might find in neutral vessels, and to appropriate the produce of French Colonies wherever found ; while France sent to America a mischievous character named Genet, to excite sentiment in favor of his country and issue commissions to privateers. This manifest violation of neutrality Washington promptly brought to an end, bnt even he could not control the rancorous antagonism of the Federalists and the Anti-Federalists, who espoused respec- tively the cause of England and of France, and who made the country ring with their belligerent cries. Apparently, each party was willing to plunge the country into war with the nation it disliked, and to have it become the armed ally of the one it favored. In 1795 war with England seemed so immi- nent that Washington sent John Jay to London to avert it ; and though the treaty which Jay arranged still left England the right to search American vessels and was in other respects unsatisfactory, it was ratified by the Senate and signed by Washington. A loud outcry was raised against it when its provisions were known ; but Washington undoubtedly did right in giving it his signature, as he thereby saved the country from a conflict for wdiich it was ill prepared. Moreover, merely by securing a treaty, though an imperfect one, from so great a power as England, the Republic gained strength and dignity before the world. Less important than this treaty, but nevertheless indicative of the nation's growing strength, was one that was made with Spain in the course of the same year. For the Spaniards claimed that they owned the Mississippi River as well as the country west of it, and had given great annoyance to tlie set- tlers in Kentucky and Tennessee, who desired to sentl tlioir produce to New Orleans by boat. This privilege the Govern- ment secured for them by the Mississi])pi Treaty, which gave both Spain and the United States the free use of the river. On its own soil also the Government found opportunities of asserting itself. For Anthony Wayne crushed the Indians in 390 THE UNITED STATES book hi the West after they had gained two signal victories over care- less generals ; and an insurrection which broke out in Penn- sylvania was promptly suppressed by military force. It was occasioned by the resistance of the settlers to the tax on dis- tilled spirits ; but the insurgents gave way when they found themselves pitted against the armed strength of the Govern- ment. Thus the young nation was steadily gaining in power under its first Executive. AVashington retired from public life at the end of his second term, and he could look with entire satisfac- tion upon the progress made during his two administrations. The Constitution had proved adequate under the government which it had established, the weakness and instability of the Confederation had passed away, and the country had grown and flourished in spite of serious obstacles. It had met its financial obligations, raised its own revenues, treated with two foreign powers, avoided war under great provocation, en- forced law, and suppressed insurrection. The Republic there- fore v^^as no longer a mere experiment. Through Washington's wise guidance it had become a nation. The second President of the United States was John Adams, a man narrow, obstinate, and quarrelsome, but inflexible in his devotion to the public welfare. This devotion he had ample opportunity to show during his single term of office ; for, by preferring the good of the whole country to the demands of his own party, he wrought the downfall of the Federalists. Through prestige rather than throvigh numbers the Federal- ists had maintained their ascendency up to this time and had elected their candidate, Adams, by a small majority in the Electoral College. But their lack of moderation and foresight now proved their undoing. During the earlier portion of Adams's administration the Anti-Federalists were under a cloud. For French cruisers seized hundreds of American ves- sels ; and when a special embassy was sent to France to re- monstrate, it was met with insulting and dishonest proposals. These proposals were indignantly rejected and the ambassa- dors were ordered to leave France. They did so; but when the treatment they had received was made known in the United States, a storm of indignation swept over the land. France and all its partisans were severely condemned, and the Feder- CHAP. II WASHINGTON, ADAMS, AND JEFFERSON 391 alists now liad a great opportunity. But, instead of making the most of it, they now passed the Alien and Sedition Laws and compassed their own ruin. By the Alien Laws the Presi- dent could send out of the country any foreigner whom he considered dangerous to its peace ; and by the Sedition Laws he could fine and imprison those guilty of conspiring against the Government, or acting maliciously toward it. In passing these laws the Federalists had counted on the support of the country, but they only succeeded in exciting the alarm of the opponents of centralization. The new laws were widely censured. The legislatures of Virginia and Ken- tucky even declared them unconstitutional, and threatened to withhold allegiance to the Government. Moreover, a new embassy was sent to France and was favorably received by Napoleon Bonaparte, who now directed French policy. The cruisers ceased to capture American vessels, and a satisfactory treaty between the two countries was concluded. Toward this result Adams himself labored assiduously, preferring peace to an ignoble party triumph. But the Federalists felt that they were abandoned by their leader; and as England, whose inter- ests they had championed, still acted in an overbearing manner, their policy had nothing to recommend it to the country. Unable to avert political defeat, they held Adams responsible for their loss of prestige and power, and bitterly accused him of ingratitude toward those who had secured him his high office. But Adams's course had been too patriotic to be justly open to censure; and even the Federalists ultimately acknowl- edged this by endeavoring to secure his reelection. He received sixty-five votes in the Electoral College; but Jef- ferson and Burr each had seventy-three, and the election was therefore thrown upon the House of Representatives.^ In that body Jefferson received a majority, and the Anti-Federalists, who were now called National Republicans, thus completed their triumph over their political opponents. Thomas Jefferson is remembered chiefly as a writer and thinker, but as an Executive he showed unusual capacity. He 1 It was owing to the troubles that arose from this electoral contest that the Twelfth Amendment to the Coustitutiou was passed in 1804, and electors were thenceforth required to vote separately for President and Vice-President. Before this an elector balloted for two names, without specifying the office each of his two candidates was to hold. 392 THE UNITED STATES book hi was reelected in 1804, and, during his two administrations, he reduced the public debt, fortitied the seaports, lightened taxa- tion, rendered the militia more efficient, and secured lands from the Indians by giving them fair compensation and induc- ing them to migrate west of the Mississippi. With the help ^of Decatur he also humbled the Barbary pirates, who infested the Mediterranean and seriouslj^ interfered with the commerce of maritime nations. But unquestionably the greatest service that Jefferson rendered the country was the purchase of the Louisiana tract, in 1803. Pressed by the exigencies of war, Napoleon parted with that vast territory for the sum of fifteen million dollars. In assuming the authority to make the pur- chase, Jefferson clearly went beyond the powers delegated to him by the Constitution, and thereby showed strikingly how political theory must sometimes give way to national require- ments.^ For he, the avowed champion of the Anti-Federalists, greatly strengthened the central Government. But, whatever may be thought of his consistency, he conferred a vast benefit upon the country by this action, which was ratified by Congress and heartily approved by the people. Not equally successful was Jefferson's management of our foreign relations. France and England were still at war, and, in their efforts to cripple each other's commerce, they practised high-handed tyranny upon the sea. Napoleon claimed the right to seize all vessels trading with England or her Colonies; while England prohibited all commerce with France or her allies. Thus the growing trade of America was checked, and Jefferson determined to bring these two arrogant nations to terms by an act of retaliation. He therefore persuaded Con- gress to pass an Embargo Bill, which forbade United States vessels to leave American ports for Europe. But it was the United States that suffered chiefly from this measure. For the nation soon grew impoverished, and discontent became 1 Jeiferson himself said of the purchase, in his correspondence: "The Executive, in seizing tlie fugitive occurrence which so much advances the good of tlie country, has done an act beyond tlie Constitution. The Legisla- ture, in casting behind them metaphysical subtleties, and risking themselves like faithful servants, must ratify and pay for it, and throw themselves on the country for doing for them, unaut]u)rized, what we know they would have done for themselves had they been in a situation to do it." — "Works," IV. 500 (edition published at Washington in 1853) . CHAP. II WASHINGTON, ADAMS, AND JEFFERSON 393 widespread. So tlie Embargo Bill was repealed, and in its place was passed a Non-Intercourse Act, which allowed com- merce with other European countries than England and France. By this measure the situation was improved, but was still strained and difficult. Only Avise statesmanship could keep the nation from ultimately engaging in war with one or the other of these two powers. During Jefferson's administrations new lands were occupied and cultivated, and the Kepublic steadily grew in population. The valley of the Ohio was now becoming settled, and there was a continuous flow of hardy pioneers across the southern stretches of the Alleghany Mountains into the "dark and bloody ground." And significant it was that the first success- ful application of steam to navigation was contemporaneous with this early westward migration. Robert Fulton's ^ first steamboat, the Clermont, plied on the Hudson in 1807; and this invention meant much more than rapid transit on the water. It meant that American ingenuity was at work; that successive inventions were to triumph over distance and mul- tiply the power of human labor; and that thus the vast extent of the country was to offer no barrier to intercourse, and its vast resources were to be made available for national prosperity. But more important than this external growtli of the country was a quiet movement that attracted no attention at the time. The Supreme Court of the land was helping to solidify the nation. Its justices were able men, and their decisions were, on the whole, in favor of national unity and against State sovereignty. Of these justices the ablest was John Marshall of Virginia. His remarkable breadth of mind and his profound knowledge of the law, used as they were to strengthen the power of the central Government, were of inestimable service to the American people.'^ 1 .John Fitch was the real inventor of the steamboat. As early as ITHO a small steam vessel, constructed by him, carried passengers w^ and down the Delaware dnriny; the entire summer. 2 It is impossible to understand thoroughly the political history of the United States without studying the more important decisions of the Suprenn' Bench, especially those rendered while the nation was still in its infancy and the powers of tiie central Government were not clearly apprehended. Con- sult Boyd's " Cases on Constitutional Law " ; or the larger collection of cases by Professor Thayer. CHAPTER III THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF MADISON, MONROE, AND JOHN QUINCY ADAMS Jefferson was succeeded by James Madison, also a Repub- lican, on March 4, 1809. The very day that Madison assumed office the Non-Intercourse Act went into operation, and the measure seemed ominous of the troubles of the administration. For France and England were still injuring our commerce by their tyrannical edicts, the conduct of the latter power being particularly offensive. Its warships seized hundreds of American vessels and impressed thousands of American sea- men; while Napoleon, seeing that these high-handed actions roused the bitterest resentment in the United States, deter- mined to profit by the situation. He promised that, so far as the United States was concerned, he would withdraw his decrees prohibiting commerce with England. Madison was duped by the promise. At his recommendation Congress repealed the Non-Intercourse Act so far as it related to France ; and the relations between the United States and England became exceedingly strained. England's aggressions upon the sea did not cease. The war party in the United States became urgent and clamorous. Hence, even though Napoleon never repealed his obnoxious edicts as he had promised, Madison consented to a declaration of war against England, which was formally made on June 18, 1812. The war lasted two years and a half. The Americans suffered several defeats through inferior generalship; yet they won some signal victories on land, and on the sea they were almost uniformly victorious. But as the war dragged on, it was seen to have no sufficient cause, and both nations became tired of it. So peace was signed on December 24, 1814. By the terms of the treaty England did not agree to abandon 394 CHAP. Ill MADISON, MONROE, AND J. Q. ADAMS 396 the right to search American vessels; but the right was no longer exercised, and the United States thus derived a sub- stantial advantage from the war. More important than this gain, however, was the respect which the Republic acquired all over the civilized world. Six months after peace was estab- lished with Great Britain, Decatur humbled the Barbary States a second time ; and this success, added to the naval victories gained in the recent war, gave the United States the character of a powerful and independent nation. Moreover, the War of 1812 revealed the growth of a truly national character. Of the men of 1755 Parkman writes, " The colonist was not then an American; he was simply a provincial, — and a narrow one."* Perhaps this could not have been said at the close of the Revo- lution; but at any rate it could not be said after the War of 1812. The victories of the American navy were truly national victories. They were won by no accident. They were due to the intelligence, the alertness, the enthusiasm, and the rapid movements of the American seamen. Already it was becom- ing apparent that " a nation conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal " must produce its own peculiar type of citizen. A further result of the war was the change that was now made in the character of the nation's financial legislation. For, after peace was established, Congress found that domestic commerce was paralyzed, foreign trade crippled, and the coun- try burdened with a debt of one hundred million dollars. Accordingly, it not only resorted to increased taxation for the purpose of filling the depleted treasury, but it also adopted a dis- tinctive protective policy in order to encourage the languishing industries of the country. In particular, it was desired that the cotton grown in the South should be made into fabrics by domestic labor; for England was taxing American cotton in order to stimulate cotton raising in India, and was thus injur- ing the market for the South's staple product. So a new tariff law was passed in 1816; and though the duties it established were still moderate, averaging only about fifteen per cent, they were still high enough to accomplish what was expected from them. The Southern planter now found a market for his cotton in New England, where cotton cloths began to be made 1 " Montcalm and Wolfe," 1. 169. 896 THE UNITED STATES book itt in great quantities; manufacturers grew rich, and men and women found employment in the factories. Thus the nation became committed to the policy of protection, and the tariff law of 1816 must be considered the most important event of Madison's administrations; for, though it brought immediate prosperity, it soon helped to divide the North and the South and to intensify party warfare. In 1817 Madison was succeeded by James Monroe of Vir- ginia,, who was reelected in 1820. The period covered by his two administrations has been called the Era of Good Feeling; for the people of the country forgot the animosities of party under the influence of prosperity and universal contentment. Yet political dissension had not died out of the nation. On the contrary it was striking its roots deeper than ever. Very soon the old quarrel between the supporters of the central Government and the champions of State rights was to break out again; and even in Monroe's first administration there were heard mutterings of the coming storm. For slavery, recognized, though not formally and explicitly countenanced, in the Constitution, had developed a vast political significance, and now began to force itself upon the attention of the nation. The framers of the Constitution expected slavery to die of itself in the course of no long period of years ; so they said as little about it as possible. But the invention of the cotton gin by Eli Whitney, in 1793, prevented this expectation from becoming realized. It made slave labor valuable. To the Southern planter cotton stood for wealth, and the negro for the tool that brought this wealth into his coffers. Hence, he began to regard slavery as vital to the prosperity of the South. He would not hear of its decline. He imperiously demanded that it should grow and flourish. Thus slavery became part of the very fibre of Southern life. It gave a peculiar character to the entire region that cherished it. Indeed, it caused a distinct and special type of civilization to grow up in the United States; for the institution exercised a separative influence, from whatever side it was regarded. Its various aspects therefore demand a moment's attention. It may appropriately be considered from the social, the economic, and the humanitarian points of view. I. The influence of slavery upon the social life of the CHAP. Ill MADISON, MONROE, AND J. Q. ADAMS 397 South was profound and far-reaching. Life on a Southern plantation was almost ideally delightful; ease, dreamy quiet, repose, and languor steeped the very atmosphere. The asperi- ties, the fierce excitements, and the wearing competitions of business life were absent. On the best estates high-bred manners, social grace, and the most generous hospitality were conspicuous. The plantations being extensive, and families, in consequence, being separated by considerable distances, neighborly intercourse took a very different character from that of a JSTew England village. The planters kept open house, welcomed all their friends from the surrounding country, and visits were measured by days and weeks rather than by hours. Education was not developed as it was in New England, but the intellectual life was by no means barren. The planter read and studied much in the solitude of his own library, and discussed politics at length when he visited the estates adjoin- ing his own. He had the genius for affairs that belongs to the English character. Southern statesmen have been conspicuous for political learning, intellectual vigor, and keenness in debate. Nor were })rofound scholarship and scientific research unknown on the Southern plantation. But the indolence engendered by slavery made such mental achievement unprofit- able to the world at large. The slave-owner studied and acquired, but he did not publish. Even in his intellectual pursuits he was rather the gentleman of leisure than the scholar. The unrest of the modern world did not reach and possess him. II. Economically considered, slavery was a great hindrance to Southern prosperity. The immense mineral resources of the South were neglected. The wealth of her forests was hardly touched. Factories were almost unknown. Cotton was king. Nearly all other products were passed by in favor of this one staple article. From some of the States rice, tur- pentine, and other articles were exported; but corn, bacon, and various foods were produced chiefly to satisfy home con- sumption and maintain the slaves. It was on cotton that the planter relied for his yearly income. Thus the whole South was only half developed; its indus- tries were narrowed, its faculties were without due stimulus. Its people lacked variety of occupation. Their ingenuity 398 THE UNITED STATES book in received no exercise. They were not trained to do all things for themselves, as they found to their sorrow when the Civil War came. Moreover, slave labor was very costly. The freeman works with intelligence, with care, with thrift, with energy. The slave is stupid, clumsy, wasteful, and listless in performing his appointed tasks. He plies his tools with indo- lence and breaks them often. It is asserted that one freeman in the North did as much as two or three negro slaves. III. The cruelty of slavery in the Southern States has often been exaggerated; but at best the institution was not a humane one. In Virginia the negroes were well off. They were treated with great kindness, were sometimes regarded with atfection, and, on the whole, were a very happy and contented class. They were often deeply attached to their masters; and among the Virginia planters there existed a strong feeling against abusing them. And the same could be said of other parts of the South where the institution existed under the most favor- able conditions. Wliere a planter was kind-hearted and the slaves were not exceptionally stupid, vicious, and indolent, all was well. But many slave-owners were harsh and passionate, and employed brutal overseers to keep the slaves in order. And in some portions of the South the slaves were extremely coarse, brutish, and degraded, and could only be kept in order through fear. In such cases cruelty was common. Moreover, the whole process of slave auctions was a degrading one. Families were separated, men and women were examined and criticised like cattle, and the passion of greed was excited by the sight of human flesh. Altogether, there was enough that was baneful in the insti- tution to excite the just censure of Northern philanthropists. The strictures of these enthusiasts were indeed undiscriminat- ing and unreasonably severe, but they had some justification. So the Abolitionists lashed the institution unsparingly, and stirred up much bitter feeling between the North and the South. Thus slavery contributed in every possible way to the rupture of the Union. Its social, its economic, and its humanitarian sides all helped to give Southern life a distinctive character, and to prevent the South from amalgamating with the rest of the country. More and more did the people of the South learn CHAP, m MADISON, MONROE, AND J. Q. ADAMS 399 to think and feel for their own section rather than for the country at large, and more and more did they desire to obtain new territory for the spread of their "peculiar institution." For they were unwilling to see the free States gain the ascen- dency in the national Congress. Kentucky and Tennessee were properly admitted to the Union as slave States, for they were formed out of territory which the original slave States of the South had ceded to the Government. Nor was objection made to the admission of Louisiana as a slave State in 1812; for her position identified her with the South, and the imminence of war made the question of slavery seem insignificant. But when Missouri applied for admission as a slave State, in 1817, the North began to take alarm. It was now seen that the South meant to carry slavery into the whole Louisiana purchase; and to such an extension of slave territory jSTorthern statesmen were bitterly opposed. Missouri's application therefore aroused fierce discussion in Congress; and, finally, occasioned the passage of the famous Missouri Compromise Bill in 1821. By this bill, which was passed largely through the influence of Henry Clay, slavery was allowed in Missouri, but was forever prohibited in all the territory west of that State and north of its southern border, 36° 30'. Thus, political differences were for the time being adjusted; but the day of trouble was merely postponed.^ The difficulty was too great to be settled by com- promise. Two civilizations were face to face within the borders of the same nation; one of them must eventually give way before the other. So slavery had assumed the place in the national politics that of right belonged to it. For forty years it remained the one vital and absorbing question before the country. Less threatening to the nation's welfare, yet of grave impor- tance, was a question of foreign policy that now arose ; for it was in Monroe's second administration that the famous Mon- roe Doctrine was first formulated. It owed its origin to the war for independence which was waged by the Spanish Colo- nies in America against their mother-country. For, seeing 1 The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for 1893 contains an excellent essay on the " Historical Significance of the Missouri Compromise," which shows that this episode was the beginning of the long struggle between the North and the South. 400 THE UNITED STATES book hi that some of the European powers were inclined to help Spain in her effort to subdue her rebellious provinces (p. 238), President Monroe deemed it best that the United States should utter a warning against foreign aggression. Accordingly, in his message to Congress of December 2, 1823,^ he says: "We owe it to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety." This utterance is strong and uncompromising, but its true nature has been greatly misunderstood. For it was simply an attempt at self-protection. At that time the Republic was young and struggling, popular government was an experiment, and Europe was still, for the most part, under despotic rule. It therefore seemed necessary to warn the powers of Europe that the United States would not allow them to establish any- where on the American continent despotic governments, which would be a menace to free democratic institutions. But after the Republic became a great and powerful nation, it no longer needed to protect itself against foreign schemes of conquest in the western hemisphere ; and the Monroe Doctrine largely lost its significance. Monroe's second term ended in 1825. John Quincy Adams, who succeeded him, was the son of John Adams, the second President of the United States, and, like his father, he was not reelected. Honest, fearless, and independent, he yet lacked the qualities that bring popularity. His abilities and his eminent diplomatic services to his country had made him distinguished; but so little enthusiasm did he awaken among the people that Jackson, his leading opponent in the presi- dential election of 1824, commanded a larger number of votes in the electoral college. Neither of them, however, had a majority, and the House of Representatives was tlierefore called upon to decide the election, as provided by the Twelfth amendment to the Constitution. Largely through Henry Clay's influence the House elected Adams. As Jackson was the choice of the people at large, this action of the House was denounced by some fierce partisans as unconstitutional. But unquestionably the House acted strictly within its rights. If ^ " Messages and Papers of the Presidents," II. 218. CHAP. Ill MADISON, MONROE, AND J. Q. ADAMS 401 it is to decide such cases at all, its decision must be free and not perfunctory. And this view of the matter prevailed throughout the country, which accepted the judgment of the House quietly and without disturbance. The most important question that came up during Adams's administration was that of State Sovereignty. It was not the negroes, however, but the Indians who now gave this issue prominence. Growing covetous of the tracts occupied by the Creeks and the Cherokees, Georgia tried to eject them, though they held these lands under treaty with the United States. These tribes were partially civilized, and were tilling their lands in peace and contentment; but, instead of protecting them, the national Government allowed Georgia to have its way in the matter, though it first made a vain effort to bribe the Indians to go. During Jackson's administration the Indians were compelled to abandon their lands and move westward; and in a matter where the honor of the country was at stake, an individual State was suffered to act in defiance of a national agreement. The question of State sovereignty was involved also in the tariff law of 1828, by which the duties upon exports were still further increased. For, by passing this law. Congress added to the discontent of the Southern planters and raised discus- sions as to the legitimate extent of its own authority. Already was it becoming plain that, as the central Government assumed new powers, its critics would challenge its right to exercise those powers, and that thus two great political parties would always stand arrayed against each other. And as if to illus- trate this fundamental political truth, the Era of Good Feeling now came to an end, and the single party that had existed since the collapse of the Federalists was divided into two. One of these two was the legitimate successor of the party which had always embraced the ideas of the Anti-Federalists, and had been in power for twenty years. Its members called themselves Democrats, — a name which they have ever since retained, — and, as if to justify the title, they selected as their candidate for the presidency that thoroughgoing man of the people, Andrew Jackson. For Vice-President they nominated John C. Calhoun. The other party, which took the name of National Republicans, inherited the principles of the early 2d 402 THE UNITED STATES book hi Federalists; but it was largely a product of the material growth and the expanding powers of the nation. Its members believed that, in order to develop the vast resources of the country and to meet new commercial and agricultural conditions, the powers of the central Government should be amplified and its field of activity enlarged. A high tariff and extensive internal improvements were the cardinal points of its creed. But while these ideas were popular in the North, they were too new to find general acceptance; and, in giving Adams a second nomination, the National Republican party insured its own defeat. For Adams had as little hold as ever upon the com- mon people, while Jackson had an enthusiastic following all over the country. Accordingly, the presidential contest was too one-sided to be exciting, Adams and Rush — the National Republican candidate for Vice-President — obtaining but 83 electoral votes, against 178 cast for their opponents. But, though deprived of a second presidential term, Adams did not retire to private life. On the contrary, the most creditable portion of his public career was still before him; for he represented Massachusetts in the House of Representa- tives for twenty years, and fearlessly advocated the right of petition against the intolerance, the threats, and the arrogance of his political opponents. Believing that any citizens in the land had an absolute and sacred right to petition Congress upon whatsoever subject they pleased, he presented to the House numerous petitions upon the burning question of slavery. Naturally, this course aroused the Southern mem- bers of Congress to furious resentment, but in the end they learned to respect the lofty courage, the caustic speech, and the uncompromising character of the invincible debater; and when Adams was suddenly stricken with paralysis in the Representative chamber, in 1848, the South mourned equally with the North over the loss of the grand and incorruptible statesman. His services in behalf of free speech entitle him to a high rank among the patriots of the country; and no American ever gave a more splendid example of unswerving devotion to public duty. CHAPTER IV THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF JACKSON AND VAN BUREN The two administrations of Jackson were a period of great national importance. The country gained rapidly in, wealth and population, and the public debt was entirely cleared in 1835. The States of Arkansas and Michigan were admitted to the Union. Steam was successfully applied to locomotion, and the railway system was rapidly developed. Industry was promoted by other important inventions, conspicuous among which were the reaping machine and the screw propeller. But the political happenings of the period were of greater consequence than its material prosperity. From the first Jack- son showed himself a vigorous executive, and, right or wrong, acted up to his convictions. He promptly discharged about seven hundred office-holders, because they were not of his party, and thereby inaugurated the vicious spoils system;^ and he finally attacked the National Bank, which he accused of corruption and denounced as a menace to the free institu- tions of the country. His charges were not well founded. The bank had done good service in providing the country with a sound and uniform currency and in promoting commercial enterprise. So Congress renewed its charter in 1832. But Jackson vetoed the measure, and as Congress could not pass it over the veto, the bank had to close its affairs when its charter expired, in 1837. In spite of the unfairness of Jackson's accusations, his hos- tility toward the bank was not without justification. Such an institution may easily become the seat of corrupt political intrigue, and exert an undue influence upon elections and 1 .Jefferson did the same thing, hut his action was not imitated by the Presidents who followed him, and it was less important than Jackson's action because there were comparatively few United States offices in his day, 403 404 THE UNITED STATES book hi other national affairs. At any rate, Jackson's conduct met with the approval of the country, for he was renominated by the Democrats in 1832 and triumpliantly reelected over his rival, Henry Clay, who was the candidate of the National Republicans. In the electoral college he received all but 49 out of 288 votes. With this popular verdict in his favor Jackson did not allow his warfare on the bank to cease. He gave orders that the government revenues should be deposited in the State banks instead of in the National Bank, as had been the custom ; and when the Secretary of the Treasury refused to carry out this policy, Jackson removed him and appointed a more pliable oflRcial in his place. For this action he was formally censured by the Senate, and condemned by his political opponents gen- erally; but the people admired the independence he had shown, and his friends eventually succeeded in getting the Senate to expunge its vote of censure. Still greater approval did Jackson win by his attitude toward Nullification. Tlie tariff duties, which had been slightly raised under Adams (p. 401), were still further increased by Congress in 1832. This angered the South, which now began to take an extreme position in favor of State rights, and against the supremacy of the national Government. Its statesmen appealed to the Constitution to support their views, and pre- sented their case with cogency and skill. Robert Hayne of South Carolina became one of their foremost spokesmen, and in the United States Senate he argued with great power that, by the very terms of the Constitution, the States kept their sovereignty and could refuse to obey any act of Congress which they considered oppressive. But Daniel Webster of Massa- chusetts showed conclusively that this interpretation of the Constitution would forever prevent the United States from becoming a nation. The South was silenced for the time being, but it was not convinced. South Carolina in particular was rebellious about the tariff laws, and threatened to resist their execution. She even went so far as to pass an ordinance declaring them null. Hence the term "nullification." But she gave way when she found that Jackson would use the entire military strength of the country to compel her to obedience. Moreover, the dis- CHAP. IV JACKSON AND VAN BUREN 405 satisfaction of the Southern States was largely removed by the modification of the tariff laws. Congress saw with regret the seditious tendencies manifested in South Carolina. So, in 1833, it passed the "Compromise Tariff," by which the duties were lessened each year until 1842. After the passage of this measure the tariff question did not again become a prominent political issue until after the Civil War. By his strong stand for the Union Jackson undoubtedly helped his party. The National Kepublicans, who now took the name of Whigs, did not even make nominations for the national elections in 1836. Hence, the Democratic candidates, Martin Van Buren of Xew York and Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky, won an easy victory, though General Harrison, Daniel Webster, Hugh L. White, and W. P. Magnum each received votes in tlie Electoral College. Van Buren was Secre- tary of State in Jackson's first administration and Vice-Presi- dent during his second term. Before that he had been United States Senator and Governor of New York. He was an able and thoroughly upright man, but his reelection was made impossible, for his administration came at an unfortunate period and suffered from disastrous occurrences for which he was not responsible. At the time when he succeeded to office the nation had been gaining rapidly in wealth. Revenue exceeded expenditure, and the treasury had accumulated a surplus of forty million dollars. This sum was, by act of Congress, distributed among the States. As a result, money became plentiful; banks were multiplied; speculation was widespread. The new banks flooded the country with worth- less paper money, Avhich for a time was universally received. But even in Jackson's time the currency had become so inflated that Jackson issued a circular forbidding the United States land offices to accept anything but specie in payment for gov- ernment land. This action was wise and patriotic, and it pro- tected the Government; but it helped to bring on a financial crisis. In Van Buren' s administration much of the paper money of the country was found to be irredeemable, and specie disappeared from circulation. The result was a commercial panic, which caused stringency in the money market and numerous failures. The country gradually recovered from its financial embar- 406 THE UNITED STATES book hi rassments ; but, to prevent them from recurring, Congress, at the President's suggestion, adopted the subtreasury system. Heretofore the government moneys had been deposited in the National Bank or in the State banks. By the new system they were placed, as fast as they were collected, in the national treasury or in subtreasuries established in the leading cities of the country. Thus the vast funds of the Government could no longer be used to promote business enterprise and commer- cial activity; yet the change was undoubtedly for the country's good. For the old system, though it had performed a use, was a dangerous one. It led to abuses while it lasted; it would have resulted in still graver ones as the government income grew and the task of dividing it fairly among the banks became increasingly difficult. Nor does private capital now need any increase from government funds. For the wealth of the coun- try is so great that the rates of interest have become low, and profitable investments are not always easily found. Van Buren was renominated by his party in 1840; but Gen- eral Harrison, the Whig candidate, was widely popular on account of his brilliant military career, and swept the country. CHAPTEK V THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF HARRISON AND TYLER, POLK, AND TAYLOR AND FILLMORE President Harrison had shown some administrative ability as Governor of Indian Territory. Whether he woukl have proved an efficient executive of the nation cannot be deter- mined, for he died only a month after his inauguration. John Tyler, the Vice-President, succeeded him, and proved a disap- pointmelit to the Whig party. He had been accounted a Whig, because he was opposed to nullification. But he did not ap- prove of a national bank ; and when the Whigs, who had a majority in Congress, voted to recharter the Bank, Tyler vetoed the measure. The Whigs were not able to pass it over the veto and fiercely accused the President of disloyalty to his party. In the course of Tyler's administration the Independent Treasury Bill was repealed ; a bankrupt law was passed ; the northeast boundary of the United States was settled on its present basis by Mr. Webster, who as Secretary of State very ably represented the country's interests ; and the Mormons, after vain efforts to establish themselves in Missouri and Illinois, settled near the Great Salt Lake and founded the Territory of Utah. But the absorbing question before the country was the annex- ation of Texas. It was not a new question in Tyler's adminis- tration. Texas won her independence from Mexico in 1836 and at once applied for admission to the Union. But Van Buren, who feared a war with Mexico, opposed the proposi- tion, and it was for the time being abandoned. In the last year of Tyler's administration, however, the question came up again. The Democrats were strongly in favor of annexation, and the Whigs opposed it. The whole country was excited 407 408 THE UNITED STATES book hi over the situation, and annexation became the vital question in the presidential campaign of 1844. If Texas were admitted, she would be admitted as a slave State, and thus slavery was once more serving to divide the North and the South. Arkansas had been admitted as a slave State in 1836, and Michigan as a free State in 1837. The States were now half slave and half free ; but the latter were gaining rapidly on the former in population. Therefore, un- less new slave States should be added to the Union, the South- ern members of Congress would be in a hopeless minority. But Northern Congressmen were determined that they should be in a minority, as they viewed the slave power with increas- ing dread. They were therefore bitterly opposed to the acqui- sition of any new territory which would allow slavery to grow and expand. As men of this political type were for the most part Whigs, the Whig party became largely identified with their views. All the voters in the North who were opposed to the spread of slavery identified themselves with the Whig party ; while the men of the South were almost uniformly Democrats. But the North was not united, while the South was. So the Democrats gained a victory in 1844 by carrying the State of New York, and elected their candidates, James Polk of Tennessee and George M. Dallas of Pennsylvania. The Whig candidate was Henry Clay, and his defeat was a bitter disappointment to him. He was now becoming an old man, and he could hardly hope for another presidential nomi- nation. The new President did not prove a strong or able head of the nation. He simply carried out the wishes of his party, as he had been expected to do. A consistent Democrat, a man of dignified and estimable character, he lacked vigorous self- assertion, and at no time did he think of opposing the slave power. So the scheme of annexation was easily carried through under Polk's administration. Congress did not even wait for his inauguration before attacking the question. On March 1, 1845, it was voted to admit Texas into the Union. President Tyler immediately approved the measure ; the legislature of Texas ratified it in July, 1845 ; and Texas became one of the United States. CHAP. V HARRISON TO FILLMORE 409 But the war with Mexico wliich Van Buren had feared soon followed. Mexico could not reasonably resent the adoption of Texas into the Union, seeing that Texas had become an inde- pendent State; but the southern boundary of Texas was a matter of dispute. Mexico and Texas both claimed the terri- tory between the rivers Nueces and Rio Grande. The United States adopted the Texan view of the matter and went to war over it, though not without first trying to settle the difficulty by arbitration. The war with Mexico was not popular in the North, and many Northern statesmen believed it to be utterly unjustifia- ble. They looked upon it as a war of aggression, needlessly brought upon the country in order to win territory for slavery. But however discreditable it was to the national honor, it was highly creditable to American valor. The United States forces sent into Mexico were ridiculously small, but they proved in- vincible. They defeated armies that far outnumbered them, and Mexico got nothing but humiliation from the conflict. Hostilities began in the spring of 1845, though war was not formally declared until a year later. In the summer of 1846 the United States armies entered Mexico. Before the end of September in the following year the country was completely conquered, and meanwhile the power of Mexico had been overthrown in New Mexico and California. So when peace was made in the winter of 1847-48, not only was the Rio Grande established as the southern boundary of Texas, in- stead of the Nueces, but Mexico was obliged to give up New Mexico and California for the sum of $15,000,000. Debts of $3,000,000 which she owed to American citizens were also to be discharged by the United States. But hardly had the new tract been acquired, before it became a bone of contention between the North and the South. The North was determined that the Mexico purchase should be free soil ; the South was equally determined that it should be slave territory. In 1846 David Wilmot of Pennsylvania had proposed in Congress that money should be appropriated to buy the proposed acquisition from Mexico, only on condition that slavery should be excluded from it. This proposition, called the Wilmot Proviso, failed to pass through Congress ; but it formed the political creed of the new Free-Soil party 410 THE UNITED STATES book in which came into existence in 1848. The Democrats and Whigs were unwilling to oppose the spread of slavery through fear of offending their Southern supporters. So a new party was formed by those who believed in the Wilmot Proviso, and who were convinced that the slave power was threatening the very existence of the nation. The Free-Soilers nominated ex-President Van Buren and Charles Francis Adams of Massachusetts in the presidential campaign of 1848 ; and in their platform they declared them- selves against allowing slavery in the new territory. The Democrats and the Whigs avoided this issue. While the Free- Soil vote was not large, it turned the scale in New York ; and by causing the vote of that State to be given to the Whigs it secured the election of the Whig candidates, Taylor and Fill- more. They received 163 votes in the Electoral College, against 127 that were given for Cass and Butler, the candidates of the Democratic party. Zachary Taylor was born in Virginia in 1784. He served in the War of 1812, and also in the Black Hawk and Seminole wars ; and in the war with Mexico he played a conspicuous part and won the admiration of the whole country. When he was first mentioned as a presidential candidate, he declared that he had no taste for politics and forbade the use of his name. But after a time he found himself thoroughly pos- sessed by presidential ambition. The office which he once thought unattractive he now coveted ; and he gladly accepted the nomination of the Whigs in 1848. Indeed, he even claimed it as a right. But his death, only about a year after he was in- augurated, prevented him from showing conspicuously whether he had the abilities of a statesman. Millard Fillmore, who as Vice-President succeeded him, was a native of New York and was born in 1800. Made President by accident, he showed no vigorous qualities of mind or char- acter during his term of office. President Taylor's career was cut short at a very critical time. The national affairs were in confusion because Con- gress could not decide whether or not to allow slavery in the Territories. California was rapidly becoming populated, owing to the discovery of gold in its soil in 1849. But its people, largely composed of ruffians and adventurers, and greatly need- CHAP. V HARRISON TO FILLMORE 411 ing a government to restrain lawlessness, could get little help from the United States. For no stable government could be established till it was known whether the Territory was to be slave or free. Moreover, the feeling between the North and the South was continually becoming more heated. The South was offended by the denunciations of the Abolitionists against slavery and by the difficulty the slave-owners experienced in getting back runaways from the Northern States; while the North objected to the sale of slaves in the District of Columbia, resented the aggressive and irritating tone of South- ern statesmen, and pronounced their demands extravagant and dangerous to the permanence of the Union. Texas added to the confusion by claiming a part of New Mexico and threaten- ing to take it by armed force. Once more the difficulties created by slavery were settled by compromise ; and once more Henry Clay was the means of bringing about an agreement. He had arranged the Missouri Compromise in 1820 and the Compromise Tariff in 1833 ; and it was a committee of which he was chairman that framed the Omnibus Bill of 1850. By this compromise measure the troubles between North and South were for a time quieted, though the chief causes for irritation remained untouched. The Omnibus Bill embraced five distinct acts : — I. That California should be admitted as a free State. II. That Texas should receive f 10,000,000 and in considera- tion of that sum should give up her claims to a portion of New Mexico. III. That the rest of the Mexican purchase, with the excep- tion of California, should be divided into the Territories of Utah and New Mexico, and that the question whether they should be slave or free should be left unsettled. IV. That slaves should still be held in the District of Columbia, but not bought or sold. V. That the Northern States should be required to surrender all fugitive slaves that took refuge in them. These compromise measures were carried through Congress largely through the support of Daniel Webster. His speech in favor of them, delivered on March 7, 1850, created a power- ful conciliatory influence. Mr. Webster believed that it was needless to exclude slavery from the Territories by law, for 412 THE UNITED STATES book hi their barren soil offered no remuneration to slave labor. He held that the North was bound by the Constitution to deliver up fugitive slaves, and that it ought not to evade its responsi- bility. The agitation created by the Abolitionists he pronounced mischievous, and he deprecated all acrimonious controversy between the North and the South. Thus powerfully supported, the Omnibus Bill proved too strong to be defeated. Its live acts were separately considered and passed by Congress, and the difficulties that had been disturbing the nation were tem- porarily adjusted. But the cause of the disturbance had not been removed. The excited feelings of the North and the South were not quieted by compromise. Loudly and fiercely did the people of the free States denounce the Fugitive Slave Law, which indeed many pronounced iniquitous and refused to obey. And equally angry and bitter were the criticisms of the South upon the conduct of the Abolitionists. To all who understood the political situation it was apparent that Mr. Webster's argu- ments were specious and did not touch the real points at issue. The North and the South were trying to perpetuate two antag- onistic types of civilization under the same Constitution ; but such an experiment in government was bound to fail. It only invited dissension. Compromise could postpone the day of conflict, but the day of conflict was sure to come. This Mr. Webster failed to recognize in his famous seventh of March speech. Ignoring the deepest and gravest moral issues of the controversy, he did not rise to the plane of the highest states- manship. Ambition blinded his moral vision. But even while he was advocating an impossible conciliation, a greater mind than his was clearly discerning the signs of the times. Abra- ham Lincoln of Illinois had already begun to see that a house divided against itself could not stand, and that the country must become all slave or all free.^ President Taylor died on July 9, 1850. Calhoun, the ardent champion of State Rights, passed away in the March preced- ing ; and Webster and Clay in 1852. But the death of these eminent men did not apparently affect the course of public events. They had played great and brilliant parts in the nation's history, but individuals were beginning to count as 1 It was in his debates with Douglas iu 1858 that Lincoln clearly and em- phatically enunciated this idea. CHAP. V HARRISON TO FILLMORE 413 little in those stirring and tremendous times. The country was drifting toward civil war, and no one could stay its course. Yet able men appeared to fill the places of the departed leaders. Charles Sumner of Massachusetts and Stephen Douglas of Illinois became conspicuous in the debates of Congress ; while the South found sturdy leaders in Alexander Stephens of Georgia and Jefferson Davis of Mississippi. In 1852, as in 1848, there were three presidential candidf.tes. The Democrats nominated Franklin Pierce of New Hamp- shire, and William li. King of Alabama, for President and Vice-President. The Whigs nominated General Winfield Scott, and William A. Graham of North Carolina. The Pree- Soilers again put candidates in the field, nominating John P. Hale of New Hampshire and George W. Julian of Indiana; but these candidates received very few votes in the election, and, like the Free-Soil nominees in 1848, they had no votes whatever in the Electoral College. The contest, therefore, was really between the Whigs and the Democrats ; but the Whig party was very much weakened by the disaffection of its mem- bers. For many Southern Whigs now joined the Democrats, because of the growing importance of the slavery question ; and many Northern Whigs refused to support their party, because it had indorsed the Fugitive Slave Law. Under these conditions, the Democrats naturally had things very much their own way, their candidates receiving 254 electoral votes against 42 that were cast for Scott and Graham. CHAPTER VI THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF PIERCE AND BUCHANAN The new President was not the man to lead the country when a crisis was approaching. A fascinating personality was his most notable characteristic, and to it he was largely indebted for his successful career. Though a Northern man, he defended slavery ; and in his inaugural address he made it plain that the South would receive more support than the North from his administration. Thus the slave power gathered strength ; the division between North and South grew wider ; the final appeal to arms became more difficult to avoid. Other matters besides those connected Avith the slave ques- tion did, it is true, assume prominence at this period. Of these the most important was that of naturalization. The United States claimed that foreigners who became her citizens by pro- cess of naturalization were no longer subject to the laws of the country of their birth. This claim European nations were slow to admit ; it was not until 1853 that the question was decided. In that year the Austrians attempted to carry off an American named Martin Kostza, who was a native of Austria and who had been engaged in an insurrection against the Aus- trian Government. He was seized in Asia Minor and put on board an Austrian frigate. But the commander of an Ameri- can man-of-war threatened to fire upon the Austrian vessel unless Kostza were given up. Kostza was accordingly sur- rendered, and the United States Government, instead of heed- ing Austria's protest, justified its officer and rewarded him with a medal. In the following year the United States gained further re- spect among the nations of the world by establishing diplo- matic and commercial relations with Japan. This country had looked with true Oriental disdain upon other nations 414 CHAP. VI PIERCE AND BUCHANAN 415 and had held aloof from all intercourse with thein. But Com- modore M. C. Perry, a brother of the Captain Perry who dis- tinguished himself at the battle of Lake Erie, succeeded in overcoming this aversion to foreigners. He was sent to Japan with a naval squadron ; and by his resolution, tact, and diplo- matic skill, he persuaded the Japanese to form a treaty with the United States. Thus the Republic was steadily gaining in power. Her population had been growing rapidly all through the century, and had now reached a total of twenty -five millions. Railways were being extended in every direction. The great streams of the country were being bridged. Factories were becoming numerous under the protective system. The volume of business was constantly increasing. The Crystal Palace Exhibition at New York City, in 1853, gave many evidences of the country's astonishing growth. But outward prosperity could not conceal the nation's trouble. During President Pierce's administration slavery caused more disturbance and angry feeling than ever. In 1854 Stephen Douglas of Illinois proposed the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, which violated the Missouri Compromise of 1820. But it was claimed that the Omnibus Bill set aside all earlier agreements, and that the settlers of Nebraska and Kansas should be allowed to decide whether they would have slavery or not. And this view pre- vailed in Congress. The Kansas-Nebraska Bill was passed ; new seeds of dissension between North and South were sown. Nor were these seeds long in bearing fruit. Nebraska was too far to the North to attract Southern settlers ; but Kansas immediately became a bloody battle-ground. On the vast stretches of this fertile Territory the North and South fought their preliminary skirmish, and the North won its earliest vic- tory. Northern immigrants hastened into Kansas, rifle in hand. Blocked by the people of western Missouri, they found a pas- sage through Iowa, and forced their way through all obstacles. They carried their families with them. They went to establish homes and free institutions, for which they were ready to fight and die. Equally active was the South in occupying the cov- eted Territory. But the Southern planters did not like to carry their slaves into Kansas through fear of ultimately losing them. So the Southern immigrants were largely young men who did not take families with them, and whose object was to hold the 416 THE UNITED STATES book hi ground for the slave power against ISTortliern invasion. But this they were not able to do. The Northern settlers outnum- bered them, and, after many sharp struggles, established a government forbidding slavery and demanded admittance into the Union. Their petition, however, was rejected by the Senate, in which the Democrats were in a majority ; and not till 1861 was Kansas added to the list of States. The struggle for Kansas intensified the feeling between North and South and made President Pierce's administration a stormy and eventful period. So determined and aggressive did the Northern opponents of slavery become, that they formed them- selves into a new party. At first they were called "Anti- Nebraska men," as opposition to the Kansas-Nebraska Bill was the cardinal point in their political creed ; later they took the name of Republicans. They absorbed the Free-Soil party, drew the anti-slavery Whigs and Democrats into their ranks, and almost from the beginning appeared formidable. In 1854 they elected a majority of the House of Representatives ; and their leaders in Congress showed conspicuous ability. Sumner and Seward in the Senate, and Burlingame and Giddings in the House voiced the Northern anti-slavery sentiment in no uncertain tones. The excitement that prevailed throughout the country was reflected in Congress itself. The members of that body engaged in acrimonious debate, carried knives and pistols, and challenged each other not unfrequently. Sometimes scenes of violence occurred in the very halls of Congress, and in 1856 an assault was made upon Charles Sumner in the Senate chamber which caused great excitement throughout the country. In a heated debate Mr. Sumner spoke in offensive terms of Senator Butler of South Carolina. Preston S. Brooks, a nephew of Senator Butler, was a representative from the same state, and he considered that his uncle's honor needed to be vindicated. So, entering the floor of the Senate with a cane, he showered repeated blows upon Mr. Sumner's head, and injured him so severely that his health was not restored for several years. Yet, dastardly as was the outrage, it was not seriously rebuked by Southern statesmen, so fierce was their resentment toward all the opponents of slavery. In the national election of 1856 the Democrats were again CHAP. VI • PIERCE AND BUCHANAN 417 successful. Of the 296 votes cast in the Electoral College their candidates, James Buchanan and John C. Breckenridge, received 174. But they were by no means satisfied with their triumph. The Republican party developed surprising strength, and carried a majority of the Northern States. Its candidates, John C. Fremont and William L. Dayton, received 114 elec- toral votes, 8 being given to the American or Know-Nothing candidates, ex-President Fillmore and Andrew J. Donelson. So the South grew more and more uneasy regarding its favorite institution. It feared that slavery could not live, if the Repub- lican party, pledged to oppose its extension, should carry a presidential election. And that contingency did not seem very far away. James Buchanan was born in Pennsylvania in 1791. A lawyer by profession, he showed marked ability very early in his career, and before his presidential election he filled various political and diplomatic offices. He approved of President Jackson's position against the Nullification movement in 1832 ; but he never resisted the claims of slavery, and, like Pierce, he gave the support of his administration to the South rather than the North. So throughout his presidency sectional feeling grew more intense and dangerous. Yet President Buchanan's administration was a period of prosperity and growth in spite of the threatening political conditions. Three new States were admitted to the Union, Minnesota, Oregon, and Kansas. The population continued to increase, and by 18G0 it had reached the figure of thirty-one millions. Ingenious inventions were multiplying the power of labor and bringing wealth and comfort to the people. The min- eral riches of the country were showing themselves inexhaustible. Silver as well as gold was now found to be abundant. Petro- leum was discovered in Pennsylvania in 1859, and the deposits of coal were found to be far more extensive than was at first supposed. Thus the nation was rapidly becoming one of the greatest and wealthiest in the world. All the more did it need to become an undivided nation, that there might be no hindrance to the growth of its power and prosperity. The slave question sternly demanded settlement. So long as the nation was half slave and half free there was sure to be unceasing political warfare between 2e 418 THE UNITED STATES book in North aad South. The whole country was disquieted. Industry and enterprise did not have free play. The South in particu- lar failed to develop its great mineral resources, because, under the deadening influences of slavery, it gave all its energies to raising cotton. But the march of events was rapid during the four years of Buchanan's administration. The excitement over slavery con- tinued and was fed by new and portentous happenings. In 1857 the famous Dred Scott Decision was given by the Supreme Court of the United States and caused much indignant protest among the people of the North. For in the North it had been believed that, according to the Constitution, slaves w^ere persons held to labor, and were property only by State law. But it appeared that this view was a mistaken one. For Dred Scott, a Missouri slave, was carried by his master into the territory that had been declared free by the Missouri Compromise of 1820 ; and he accordingly brought a suit to gain his freedom. But the Supreme Court, to which body the case was appealed, refused to declare him free. As a slave, he could be carried where his master willed, like cattle or any other property. Thus the bars were everywhere broken down. As the law had been interpreted, there was nothing to prevent the people of the South from settling with their slaves in the very hotbeds of the Abolitionist movement. Naturally the North was alarmed. It did not fear that the free Northern States would actually be invaded by slavery ; but it did look with concern vipon the growing strength of the slave power w^hich the Dred Scott decision fostered instead of discouraging. The excitement over the Dred Scott decision had hardly died away when sectional feeling was inflamed anew by an event of startling character. On the night of October 10, 1859, John Brown, an Abolitionist who had won notoriety in Kansas, seized the United States arsenal at Harper's Ferry with a band of armed associates. His plan was to use the arms thus acquired for equipping the slaves and inciting them to insurrection. But the scheme was a foolhardy one and resulted in utter failure. The slaves did not rise. Brown and his followers were easily overpowered by the troops sent against them ; and on December 2, Brown himself and all of his party who had not been killed in the fray were hanged by CHAP. VI PIERCE AND BUCHANAN 419 the State of Virginia, l^ut the excitement of the South was not quieted by this vindication of the law. Though John Brown's raid was easily checked, it touched the people of the South in their most sensitive spot, the fear of a negro insur- rection. So the Southern hatred of the Abolitionists grew more bitter than ever; for the slave-owners were naturally indignant that the very movement they had always feared should have been originated by their own countrymen. Nor was the feeling of the Abolitionists any less vehement and bitter. They justified John Brown, pronounced him a martyr, and prophesied that his death would hasten the doom of slavery. Sectional feeling being thus excited, the slave question inev- itably became the vital one in the election of 1860. The Southern Democrats framed their platform and made their nominations with a view to defending slavery against the attacks of the North. They declared that it was the duty of Congress to protect slavery in the Territories in accordance with the Dred Scott decision. Their candidates were John C. Breckenridge of Kentucky, who was at this time Vice-President, and Joseph Lane of Oregon. The Northern Democrats could not indorse such a platform without becoming actual champions of slavery ; so they made their own independent nominations, their candidates being Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois and Herschel V. Johnson of Georgia. Unwilling to avoid the question of slavery altogether, they would not express them- selves decidedly for or against it. Their platform embodied the ideas of Douglas, who held that each Territory should be slave or free according to the wishes of its inhabitants. This theory was sometimes known as squatter sovereignty. But there were many conservative, peace-loving people in the North who believed that the slave question caused disturbance because it was so much talked about, and that if it was ignored it would ultimately settle itself. They accordingly refused to act with either the Northern or the Southern Democrats, and nominated John Bell of Tennessee and Edward Everett of Massachusetts on a platform which simply declared for the Constitution, the Union, and the enforcement of the laws. And lastly there were the nominees of the Republican party, Abraham Lincoln of Illinois and Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, 420 THE UNITED STATES book hi who were pledged to oppose slavery in the Territories. Thus the Republicans committed themselves against slavery, and their party was the party of the anti-slavery leaders. Yet the Republicans were by no means to be classed with the Abolition- ists. They Avere opposed to the extension of slavery ; they had no thought of making war upon the institution itself. Their cardinal belief was that the Union should be preserved. Slavery they opposed because it threatened the permanence of the Union, not because they condemned it on moral grounds. Intense interest was taken in the election. A victory for the Northern Democrats or for the American party would have meant the continuance of attempts at compromise and of bitter feeling between the North and the South. A victory of the Southern Democrats would have filled Northern statesmen with alarm and would have caused them wellnigh to despair of saving the Union. That the election of the Republican candi- dates would actually bring about the disruption of the Union was hardly supposed in the North ; but it was eagerly hoped for by all the opponents of slavery, as they saw in it the only means of checking the growth of the slave power. The Republicans triumphed and disruption came. Lincoln and Hamlin received 180 votes in the Electoral College ; Breck- enridge and Lane 72; Bell and Everett 39; and Douglas and Johnson 12. Almost as soon as the result was known. South Carolina summoned a state convention and severed her connec- tion with the Union. Six other States soon followed her ex- ample. Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana seceded in January, 1861 ; and Texas in February of the same year. Thus the secession movement had become formidable. Its leaders were confident, and they proceeded to establish a government of their own. The State conventions which had passed the acts of secession took upon themselves the authority of sending delegates to Montgomery, Alabama, to form a con- federation of the seceded States. Early in February the dele- gates met, framed a Constitution for the " Confederate States," adopted a flag which became known as the " Stars and Bars," and chose Jefferson Davis and Alexander Stephens as President and Vice-President. The latter, who was a native of Georgia, opposed secession vigorously until 1860 ; but, like many South- CHAP. VI PIERCE AND BUCHANAN 421 erners, he deemed allegiance to his own State stronger than that which he owed to the Union. The States that had seceded were the sea-coast States. Between them and the free North lay seven slave States, Mary- land, Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, and Arkansas, whose attitude was for some time doubtful. The people of these border States did not wish to secede, but many of them were unwilling to see the States that had seceded brought back into the Union by force. It was quite certain, therefore, that the seven Confederate States would find their numbers increased unless they could be persuaded to cancel their ordinances of secession and submit to the United States Government. But nothing was done to bring about this result. President Buchanan ignored the whole matter of secession to the end of his term. In Congress there was much loose talk about com- promise, but nothing was accomplished. Meanwhile, the whole South was busy with preparations for war. For years, indeed, the Southern leaders had been looking for such a crisis as had arisen, and now that it had come they were ready to meet it. So prompt and vigorous were their measures in the seceded States that within their area the authority of the United States Government was soon completely destroyed. The soldiers of the United States were disarmed and sent away. Forts were erected. Munitions of war were accumulated, and troops were equipped and drilled. If a struggle was to come, the South had reason to begin it with confidence. But the national Govern- ment remained utterly inactive. President Buchanan would not sanction any measure that looked toward suppressing the secession movement.^ 1 Buchanan's conduct during this critical period is vigorously defended in King's " Turning on the Light " (see especially pp. 129 et seq.). For the other side consult Rhodes's " History of the United States," IH. 217-228. CHAPTER VII Lincoln's administration. — the civil war The first decided measure of the new administration was to send supplies to Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor. For some time the leaders of secession in South Carolina had been preparing to capture this fortress. They had built forts and batteries about it which Major Anderson, in command of Fort Sumter, was forbidden by the United States Government to fire upon, but which drove away a vessel sent to Major Ander- son's relief. Hence the garrison of Fort Sumter could get no supplies of food, and at the beginning of Lincoln's administra- tion it was being rapidly reduced to extremities. But when the secession leaders found that Lincoln had despatched a fleet to succor the fortress, they opened fire upon the fort, and soon forced it to surrender. Thus civil war was begun. The secession movement had developed into armed rebellion. There was now but one course open to President Lincoln. Having sworn to maintain the Constitution, he must suppress the rebellion at any cost. Civil war had become inevitable, but it was to be waged simply for the preservation of the Union. Mr. Lincoln resolutely refused to free the slaves at the begin- ning of the war, and thereby greatly disappointed the Aboli- tionists, who considered the destruction of slavery the chief end of the conflict. He ordered a blockade of the Southern ports and called for seventy-five thousand volunteers to suppress the rebellion. But these measures brought matters to a crisis in the border States. Four of them, Arkansas, North Caro- lina, Tennessee, and Virginia, cast their fortunes with the South. Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri were saved for the Union, partly by the efforts of the Union men in them, partly by the action of the United States Government. In West Virginia the population was so loyal to the Union that this portion of 422 CHAP. VII LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION 423 Virginia was made by Congress into a separate State. There were now, therefore, eleven States in the Southern Confederacy, while those that remained in the Union numbered twenty-two. The former had a popvilation of about eight millions ; while that of the States which had not seceded was nearly three times as great. Moreover, the North had a great advantage over the South in its wealth and in the variety of its industries. It had long been engaged in manufactures, and through these and through the richness of its agricultural regions its resources were practically inexhaustible ; while the South, producing little but cotton and unable to send that abroad on account of the blockade of its ports, became gradually impoverished. None the less the South made a long and gallant resistance against superior force, and there were times when the national cause looked dark and discouraging. It soon became evident that the South could not be subdued unless slavery were de- stroyed, and Mr. Lincoln issued an emancipation proclamation on January 1, 1863, in which the slaves were declared to be their own masters. But even after this decided step was taken, the Union armies suffered many reverses; and it was not until April 26, 1865, that the resistance of the South was completely overcome. Unhappily, Mr. Lincoln did not live to see this final triumph which his owu wisdom and lofty courage had so largely brought about. Reelected in 1864, he had entered upon his second term of office under bright auspices, and had shared the rejoicing of the North over Lee's surrender, which occurred on April 9, only about a month after his famous Second Inau- gural Address was delivered. But on April 14 he was shot by an assassin at Ford's Theatre in Washington, and died after lingering a few hours in unconsciousness. Profound gloom fell upon the nation when this calamity was known ; for, though doubted and distrusted when the war began, President Lincoln had gradually won the enthusiastic regard of his countrymen. His great patience, his homely wisdom, his kindness of heart, and his unswerving justice had made a profound impression upon the people. His quaint sayings were everywhere repeated ; his name was everywhere mentioned with deep and reverent affection. But his cliaracter was not merely one to be admired ; it was a distinctive product of American life and American institutions. The breadth, the freedom, the humanity and the 424 THE UNITED STATES book in moral dignity of the new democracy had moulded this remark- able man and made him one of the most perfect products of mod- ern civilization. In his nature gentleness and strength were so admirably blended as to render him an ideal leader for a free people. He asked no blind allegiance. He believed in the people, and he was always ready to wait till they could follow him. The result was that they gave him their hearts and their devotion in a manner hardly paralleled in history. The rebellion was crushed, but this vast result had not been accomplished without heavy cost. Hundreds of thousands of lives had been sacrificed and billions of dollars had been expended to secure the harmony of the Union. Moreover, in order to meet extraordinary expenditures, the national Con- gress had resorted to unwise financial legislation, which could not readily be undone and which has not yet ceased to plague the country. In 1857 the tariff had been put upon a scientific basis by a most excellent bill ; ^ but, for purposes of revenue rather than of protection, this admirable adjustment of the tariff question was set aside, and a high scale of duties was adopted in the early years of the war. And, once adopted, it was permanently retained, contrary to all expectations, for the manufactvirers, having tasted the benefits of extreme protec- tion, were loath to give them up. Hence the Republican party became committed to a high tariff policy, and the principle of government paternalism was immensely strengthened and encouraged. And even more far-reaching in its political effects was the legislation now passed in regard to the cur- rency. Up to this time Congress had controlled the coinage, as authorized by the Constitution, without exciting serious political comment. In 1792 it enacted that the coinage ratio between gold and silver should be 15 to 1 ; and it provided that eagles, half eagles, and quarter eagles should be coined from gold, and dollars, half dollars, quarter dollars, dimes, and half dimes should be coined from silver. But as this ratio caused the gold to be driven out by the silver, in accordance with Gresham's Law, the ratio was made 16 to 1 in 1834, and now it was the silver that was driven out. Indeed, a law was passed in 1853 to increase slightly the amount of silver used in the fractional coins, for it was found difficult to keep them 1 Taussig's " Tariff History of tlie Uuited States." CHAP, vn LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION 425 in circulation.^ But thus far Congress had avoided issuing paper money, and in regulating the coinage it had obeyed the requirements of sound finance, and not the dictates of party. But, pressed by the exigencies of the Civil War, Congress unfortunately decided to make the Government's credit serve in the place of rnone}^, and authorized the issue of notes with a face value of f 500,000,000. These notes were mere promises to pay on demand, but they were legal tender and were redeem- able in coin. The result was that they soon drove both gold and silver out of circulation, and brought gold to so high a premium that a single dollar of that metal was worth more than two dollars in paper money. Thus the nation began to experi- ence the necessary consequences of issuing hat money. It was burdened with a depreciated currency ; but, far worse than that, it had created in the minds of the people a craving for a debased circulating medium. For from that time to the present day the poorer classes have not ceased to think that the Government could relieve their poverty by making dollars enough for all. Thus it becomes apparent that the Civil War exerted a profound and immeasurable influence upon the nation's political development. For even while it was accomplishing its momentous task of abolishing slavery and making the Union whole, it was leading Congress into actions which became the ultimate source of ever increasing dissensions and party war- fares. But in that it did make the Union whole, the war was worth all that it cost. Ever since 1789 it had been an unsolved ques- tion whether the States could withdraw from the compact they had voluntarily made. But that question was now settled, and the permanency of the Union was secured. The principle of federation had won a glorious triumph. It had proved capable of making a strong and enduring nation. The Republic now stood before the world united, free, and great. 1 For a discussion of these various eoinaj^e measures consult Laupflilin's "History of Bimetallism in the United States," or Bolle's " Fiuaucial History of the United States from 1789 to 1860," Book III. Ch. XI. CHAPTER VIII THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF JOHNSON AND GRANT. — RECON- STRUCTION The assassination of President Lincoln was part of a plot to kill all the highest officials in Washington, and leave the country without a government. Fortunately, the infamous scheme was frustrated. Andrew Johnson, the Vice-President, was at once sworn into the presidential office, and the Govern- ment did not suffer even a temporary collapse. But the course of affairs was troublous during the adminis- tration of President Johnson. He was a Southern man, who had settled in Tennessee at an early age and had there obtained political preferment. Becoming President through Lincoln's death, he showed himself eager to punish the leaders of the Rebellion; but it soon became apparent that his condemna- tion of treason was due rather to class hatred than to exalted patriotism. He was a self-willed and passionate man, with- out breadth and magnanimity ; and, being a poor white him- self, he disliked the Southern leaders because they were his social superiors. Accordingly, he was anxious to see them brought to justice, while he had no feeling against the rank and file of the secession movement. But the nation did not indorse these sentiments. There was a feeling throughout the North that quite enough blood had been shed during the war, and that the nation's victory should not be sullied by unnecessary and vindictive executions. Jefferson Davis was indeed arrested, and for two years was imprisoned in Fortress Monroe ; but he was set free in 1868, and no other leaders of the rebellion were even molested. Thus Johnson put himself out of sympathy with Northern feeling ; and, as time passed, he and the Republican majority in Congress became thoroughly antagonistic. The great prob- 426 CHAP. VIII JOHNSON AND GRANT 427 lem of Reconstruction was before the country. The States that had seceded were to be governed and were to receive back their full political rights as soon as possible. But in accomplishing these ends, the President and Congress dis- agreed. The President's plan was that the whites in each Southern State should elect delegates to a convention, and that the convention should repeal the ordinance of secession passed just before the war, agree not to pay any debt incurred by supporting the Confederacy, and ratify the Thirteenth Amendment, which declared slavery abolished, and which Congress had voted to bring before the country. This plan was actually carried out. The seceded States conformed to these requirements of President Johnson, organized govern- ments, and elected members of Congress who would, they supposed, be admitted to the national Senate and House of Eepresentatives. But Congress declined to admit them. In both of its branches the Republicans were in a two thirds majority and they coi;ld act in entire disregard of the President's wishes; for they could pass any measure they pleased over his veto. And this power they proceeded to exercise. They did not at all approve of President Johnson's reconstruction scheme. It was too liberal for them, so they framed one to suit them- selves. They were determined that the leaders of the Con- federacy shoidd not vote and that the negroes should. Por, now that slavery was abolished, the Republicans held that the negro was a citizen and was entitled to the rights of one. Accordingly, Congress passed its own reconstruction acts over the veto of the President in March, 1867. By these acts Southern Senators and Representatives were to be admitted to Congress only if negroes were allowed to vote, and the Fourteenth Amendment, which deprived the Confederate leaders of the right to vote and to hold office, was ratified. Moreover, military governors were to be appointed by the President in all the seceded States, and United States troops were to be kept in the South to sustain their authority. These conditions were hard. Toward the end of the war. President Lincoln had attempted to bring several States back ■into the Union, and had wished to restore to them at the out- set their fidl political rights and privileges. His plan of 428 THE UNITED STATES book hi reconstruction was not indeed materially different from that of President Johnson. But even he had come into collision with Congress in carrying out this scheme.^ The Republicans in Congress were suspicious of the men who had just been in arms against the Union. They feared that the rights of the newly enfranchised negro Avould not be respected ; and they considered it more important to secure these rights than they did to conciliate the South and destroy that bitter sectional feeling which slavery had engendered and the war had by no means destroyed. Hence they adopted a policy which resulted in years of disturbance and of bitter recrimination between North and South. But there was nothing for these Southern States to do but accept the conditions imposed by the Republican Congress. So all but four of them ratified the Fourteenth Amendment, submitted to military rule, and saw the negroes vote and hold office, while their own leaders were obliged to keep out of the political arena until they were pardoned by Congress. But they did not quietly acquiesce in bayonet rule. They formed organizations which terrorized the negroes and did wild and bloody work among them for many years. Of these organiza- tions the most notorious was the Ku-Klux-Klan. President Johnson was not behind the Confederate leaders in his dislike of the reconstruction acts of Congress. He carried out their provisions, but he did so under protest ; and his feeling of resentment toward Congress grew increasingly bitter. Again and again he vetoed its reconstruction bills, but invariably they were passed over his veto. Finally, in March, 1867, Congress passed the Tenure of Office Act, which Johnson held to be unconstitutional. Therefore, after vetoing it in vain, he determined to disobey it. It required the Presi- dent to obtain the consent of the Senate before removing officials of the highest class. Hence, by removing Stanton, the Secretary of War, Johnson brought on an open struggle between himself and Congress. For the Senate refused to sanction the removal, and, when Johnson persisted in forcing Stanton out of office, he was impeached by the House of Representatives. 1 An interesting .iccoiiiit of this episode may be found iu Blaine's " Twenty Years of Congress," II. 34-50. CHAP. VIII JOHNSON AND GRANT 429 Intense interest was awakened throughout the country by this action of Congress. No President had ever been impeached before ; and the trial of the chief magistrate of a great nation was a spectacle of the most solemn character. In Europe it was wondered whether our national institutions could stand such a strain. Yet, great as was the public excitement over the trial, it was from beginning to end a most quiet and orderly proceeding. In accordance with provisions of the Constitution, the charges against President Johnson were made by the House and judged by the Senate. The most able and eloquent mem- bers of the House of Representatives presented the case against the President, while he was defended by some of the most skilful lawyers in the country. When the vote was finally taken, thirty-five Senators were in favor of conviction and nine- teen in favor of acquittal. The President was therefore vindi- cated, a two thirds vote being necessary to prove him guilty. The result was a great disappointment to the majority of the Republicans, as they firmly believed that the President had violated the Constitution. But the soberest and sanest minds in the nation approved of the verdict. In opposing Congress President Johnson had acted strictly within his legal rights. Even in removing Secretary Stanton he had only forced a deci- sion on the constitutionality of the Tenure of Office Act. After his refusal to obey this law, it was left for the Supreme Court to decide whether or not the act was legal. Had it been declared legal, Johnson would doubtless have obeyed it. But during his administration the Republican majority in Congress grew extremely arrogant through the exercise of power, and was unwilling to brook opposition. Finding it could override the President's vetoes, it concluded it could dictate to him on its own terms. The result of the impeachment trial convinced it that the President had some rights of his own. And eventu- ally the country learned to believe that the verdict of acquittal was not merely just, but was greatly needed to hold the legisla- tive branch of the Government in check and keep it from infringing upon the privileges of the executive. Although the problem of reconstruction had absorbed the country during Johnson's administration, it Avas by no means the only important matter that came up during that period. The French troops were withdrawn from Mexico at the urgent 430 THE UNITED STATES book hi request of the United States, and Maximilian was left to his unhappy fate. A submarine telegraph was successfully carried from Ireland to Newfoundland in 18G6. The territory of the United States was increased by the purchase of Alaska from Eussia in 1867, the price paid being $7,200,000. Nebraska was admitted to the Union in the same year. The national debt of nearly $3,000,000,000 was diminished and commercial prosperity greatly promoted, though gold still remained at a premium. Yov not yet had the inflation of the currency during the war ceased to disturb values. Nor did the greenbacks cease to cause financial trouble, even after specie payments were resumed ; for they gave their holders the right to draw gold out of the treasury, and thus forced the Government to keep on hand a quantity of gold large enough to meet all demands. In other words, the Government had assumed the functions of a bank, and would be in danger of bankruptcy if at any time the gold reserve in the treasury should show signs of becoming exhausted. And that this danger was not an imaginary one the country was soon to learn by painful experience. Reconstruction was the important issue in the presidential election of 1868. The Republicans were determined to uphold the policy adopted by Congress, and to that end they nomi- nated General Grant and Schuyler Colfax of Indiana. As the North was still overwhelmingly Republican, and as the mili- tary rule in the South made it possible for the negroes to vote, the Republicans gained an easy victory. The Democrats nomi- nated Horatio Seymour of New York and Frank P. Blair of Missouri ; but in the Electoral College these candidates received only 80 votes out of a total of 294. Accordingly the work of reconstruction was continued. In 1870 Georgia, Mississippi, Texas, and Virginia were readmitted to the Union, and the Fifteenth Amendment was ratified by three fourths of the States and became a part of the Constitution. It declared that no person should be prevented from voting because of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, and thus protected the negro in the exercise of his political rights. But the whites were biding their time. They knew that bayonet rule could not be maintained in the South for many years, for public sentiment would not long justify this survival of the war. Meanwhile they cowed and intimidated the negroes, and CHAP, viii JOHNSON AND GRANT 431 when they were accused of violence and brutality, they charged the reconstruction governments with fraud and corruption. Nor were their charges without foundation. Altogether, the condition of the South was far from happy. It was impover- ished by the war, it needed capital to develop its resources, it was restless and discontented under the Republican recon- struction policy. The reconstructed governments felt their inefficiency and powerlessness, and appealed to President Grant for assistance. To this appeal Grant always responded. He sent troops Avherever they were needed, and showed that United States authority was behind the unpopular State governments. But it was beginning to be plain that the South must in the end be allowed to manage its own affairs. Bayonet rule was an anomaly in a free republic. It was during this administration (May 8, 1871) that the im- portant Treaty of Washington was arranged between Great Britain and the United States. By its provisions the Alabama Claims (p. o03) and the San Juan boundary dispute were sub- mitted to arbitration, and the question of the Canadian Fisheries was referred to a special commission. The decision regarding San Juan was given in 1872, and this small island, which lies near Vancouver's Island and which was claimed both by Great Britain and the United States, was awarded to the latter power by the Emperor of Germany ; but the Fisheries question was settled by an international commission in 1877, greatly to the advantage of Great Britain.^ Grant's administration was on the whole a period of great national prosperity. The mineral and agricultural resources were developed. New railroads were built. IVfanufacturing interests flourished. So enormously did the wealth of the country increase that it was possible to pay off the national debt very rapidly without making the burden of taxation 1 The difficulties between Canada and the United States over the Fisheries question are brietiy stated on p. ."141. A general survey of the subject may he found in Appleton's Annual Cyclopnidia for 1887, p. 280 ei .se.q., and a fuller treatment in the ForUiig/itli/ Rpvinr, .'>.'?: 741; the American Laio Revietv, 21 :.%!* (applying to the question the principles of intcrnatiimal law) ; and the Nation, 44 : 44.'5. Of special iniiHirtance are the docuuicnts hearing upon this question in th'! "Foreign Relations of the United States" for 1878, par- ticularly the letter from Mr. Evarts to Mr. John Welsh on p. 290, and Lord Salisbury's reply to the same on p. olG. 432 THE UNITED STATES book hi heavy. And the population of the country increased steadily, till in 1870 it had reached the figure of 38,558,371. And yet this prosperity was mainly material and external, and was therefore deceptive in its character. So absorbed had the nation been by the great problem of reconstruction that it had been blind to the manifold dangers that were beginning to threaten its political life. And that these dangers were not at once discerned was only natural. The long excitement of the struggle with slavery, followed by the fierce agonies of civil war, had severely taxed the national energy and had inclined the popular mind rather to a justifiable pride in what had been accomplished than to an anticipation of coming evils. Hence the average citizen failed to see that he was face to face with new and difficult problems, and that in a great democracy, quite as much as under a despotism, liberty is only secured by ceaseless vigilance. The demoralization of the civil service, the vicious use of money in political campaigns, the general disappearance of statesmen from public life, the growing indifference of Congressmen to all things but party success, and their incompetence to deal with grave economic and social problems, escaped general notice. Yet there were many clear- sighted men who were far from satisfied with the condition of the country. Eespecting Grant as a general and a citizen, they did not believe him a statesman. Under his management of affairs they saw corruption in office overlooked, and party intolerance and narrowness encouraged. Moreover, they thor- oughly disapproved of maintaining the reconstruction govern- ments by military force. This discontent showed itself in the presidential campaign of 1872. A number of liberal Kepubli- cans, prominent among whom was Carl Schurz of Missouri, de- termined to make an independent nomination. They selected Horace Greeley of New York and B. Gratz Brown of jVIissouri as their candidates, and these nominations were approved by the Democratic National Convention. But the choice was not a fortunate one. Horace Greeley was a man of the purest inten- tions, but he was considered erratic and unpractical, and he did not command the confidence of the nation. His candidacy therefore became little better than a farce. The Republicans nominated President Grant and Henry Wilson of Massachu- setts, and easily swept the country. Of the 366 electoral votes CHAP. VIII JOHNSON AND GRANT 433 cast their candidate received all but 80. So the Independent movement suffered a defeat that disguised its real strength and meaning. Por many Kepublicans were growing more and more out of sympathy with their party. They disliked its high tariff policy. They resisted its claim that the Democrats could not safely be trusted with the management of national affairs. They believed, furthermore, that the unlimited con- tinuance of one party in power was undemocratic and unwise. The course of events in Grant's second administration only increased their dissatisfaction. Political scandals were numer- ous and involved many government officials. The Indians were cheated and made rebellious by the Indian agents. In the West a whiskey ring of distillers and revenue officers was found to be systematically swindling the Government. The Credit Mobilier, an organization founded to push through the Pacific Railroad, secured the votes of Congressmen by pres- ents of stock. Even a member of the Cabinet was suspected of taking bribes, and only escaped impeachment by resigning. The political atmosphere at Washington was unwholesome, and some of Grant's own friends were implicated in dishonest practices. That the President himself was thoroughly upright and honorable was never for a moment doubted. His char- acter was one of noble simplicity and directness. He was indeed so free from guile that he could not suspect it in others. Hence he persisted in believing his associates honest and in protecting them, even when their guilt was clearly shown. Consequently, through his very magnanimity, his administra- tion was in bad odor before its close. Nor did the national prosperity continue without cheek dur- ing Grant's second term. Railroads were built faster than the country needed them, and the capital thus invested brought no returns. Property accordingly depreciated. Money became scarce. In 1873 a financial panic occurred and made business stagnant for several years. Hence the Republicans could not engage in the national election of 1876 with al)Solute confidence. They could not point to a clean administration of affairs. They could not rely upon a solid support in either the North or the South. For in the North they had lost many of their supporters ; and in the South the whites were gaining control of the State 2f 434 THE UNITED STATES book in governments and were intimidating the negroes. In only three States, South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana, were the reconstruction governments still maintained. In all the other Southern States the people had overthrown them at the polls, elected their own governors, and assumed entire control of their own affairs. And this control meant that the negroes would no longer be allowed to vote. The whites were deter- mined, by fair means or foul, to be the dominant race in the South. So they kept the negroes from the polls and made a Republican majority in the South impossible for many years. For throughout the South the whites continued to support the Democratic party, as they had done before the war. As a result of this state of affairs the election was bitterly contested. The Republicans, nominated Rutherford B. Hayes of Ohio and William A. Wheeler of New York. Their most brilliant leader was James G. Blaine of Maine ; but, though he had an enthusiastic following in the National Republican Convention, many viewed him with distrust, and he could not command a majority of the delegates. The Democrats put forward their most eminent statesman, Samuel J. Tilden of New York, a man of great ability and of wide and successful experience in public affairs. As Governor of New York he had carried out reforms with a vigorous hand. The Demo- cratic candidate for Vice-President was Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana. Nominations were also made by the Greenback, or National party ; and, though its candidates obtained no electoral votes, the independent stand made by the party was significant. It pointed to the fact that many voters were dis- posed to make finance the leading political issue. As time* passed this tendency increased. The discontented classes grew more numerous, and they demanded that the Government should remedy their grievances by making money more abundant. The Greenback party came to an end, but the Free Silver party took its place, and finally, in the last decade of the century, free silver was made the dominant issue in a presidential campaign. The country was prepared for a close contest ; hardly for the condition of affairs that followed the election. For when the returns were made from the various States, it was found that each party claimed the victory. This was owing to the fact that in Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina the result was CHAP. VIII JOHNSON AND GRANT 435 in doubt. These were the States still controlled by reconstruc- tion governments ; and these governments insisted that the returning boards, which announced the result of an election, should have the right to throw out all votes which they con- sidered improperly cast. The excuse for this action was that there was much fraud at the polls, because the whites took possession of them in certain counties, and either rejected the negro vote, or cast enough dishonest votes to put it in a minor- ity. And this excuse had abundant justification in fact. Uuth by intimidation and by fraud the whites in the South prevented the negro vote from outnumbering their own. But it was a grave question whether the arbitrary conduct of the return- ing boards were not a greater evil than imfairness at the polls. For in a close national election the few men who constituted the returning board in a doubtful State had it in their power to decide the result of the contest. Thus they were under a powerful temptation to forget justice in the interests of party. The returning boards of South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana gave the vote of their States to the Republican electors. But the Democrats claimed that they had carried each of these States and that the action of the returning boards was illegal. Thus a dispute arose Avhich it was extremely difficult to settle. For no one had the right to decide whether the Republican or the Democratic electors had been chosen in the doubtful States. But trouble was avoided by the appointment of a special Electoral Commission. l>oth Houses of Congress agreed that a board of fifteen members should be chosen to decide all disputed questions that had arisen in connection with the election. Five members were to be chosen by the Senate; five by the House; and five from the Supreme Bench of the United States. The decisions of the Board were to be final, unless both Houses should agree to set them aside ; and as the Senate was Republican while the House was Democratic, such an agreement was practically impossible. The Senate chose three Republicans and two Democrats to sit on the Board ; the House chose three Democrats and two Republicans. The Justices were to be appointed by seniority ; and it was expected that two of them would be Republicans, two Democrats, and oiu', David Davis of Illinois, an Inde- 436 THE UNITED STATES book hi pendent. But just at this juncture Judge Davis was chosen United States Senator by the legislature of Illinois, and the Justice who by right of seniority now served in his place on the Board was not an Independent, but a Republican. So the Republicans now had a majority of one in the Electoral Commission. Small as this majority was, it was sufficient to give the election to Hayes. For the members of the Commission voted for their own party on nearly every question that came before theih. South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana were counted as Republican States, and Hayes thus received 185 votes in the Electoral College to Tilden's 184. The result was a bitter disappointment to the Democrats. They had originally been more heartily in favor of the Elec- toral Commission than the Republicans ; for they had fully expected Judge Davis to be one of its members, and they had felt sure that he would consider the action of the returning boards illegal. In that event the doubtful States would have been pronounced Democratic, and Tilden, not Hayes, would have received 185 electoral votes. But the Democrats quietly accepted the verdict of the Commission. Hayes was inaugurated without opposition, though some never ceased to maintain that he was not lawfully elected. CHAPTER IX THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF HAYES, GARFIELD, AND ARTHUR Rutherford B. Hayes was born in Ohio in 1822. A lawyer by profession, he abandoned his practice to serve in the Union army, and rose to the rank of brevet major general by his efficiency and gallantry. At the close of the war he was elected to the oSlational House of Representatives. In 1867 he was chosen Governor of his own State, was reelected in 1869, and was again chosen in 1875. A man of rare purity of purpose, he gave the country an excellent administration. He selected a Cabinet of very able men ; his foreign appointments were unusually good. All the branches of government were effi- ciently managed, though the civil service suffered from the vicious system of giving the victor the spoils. So great were the evils of this system, which Jackson had inaugurated, that Civil Service Reform now became an important national question. Already was it becoming apparent that the habit of awarding office in return for party service was corrupting the jnorals of the nation. But it was a habit not easily mended, for it was highly approved by the politicians of both parties. Only by long years of agitation was the sentiment of the country so aroused against this abuse that Congress was obliged to remedy it. The Treasury Department was conducted with conspicuous ability under President Hayes by Secretary Sherman. This skilful financier refunded the national debt at a much lower rate of interest than had previously been paid; and in 1879 he brought about the resumption of specie payments, (lold was no longer at a premium. The national finances now seemed to be in a thoroughly sound condition. The yearly income exceeded the expenditure by as much as $100, 000,000, and this surplus was used in paying off the national debt. 437 438 THE UNITED STATES book hi About the same time that specie payments were resumed the financial panic which had begun in 1873 ceased to be felt. Money became plentiful ; commercial enterprises flourished. American wheat was extensively demanded in Europe, and it commanded a high price ; so the farmers of the country were prosperous. Moreover, new inventions enormously increased the capital of the country. In particular, electricity began to be applied to the arts and conveniences of life. The telephone made business operations more easy and simple. Electric light- ing and electric motors were soon to come into general use. But with the rapid growth of wealth new and troublesome questions arose. The wage-earning class grew dissatisfied as it saw large fortunes acquired by a few, while many had only a bare subsistence. Not that wages were low in the United States. On the contrary, the laboring class was able to live in comfort. If there was occasional distress when times were hard, it was not long continued or widespread. Many, it is true, suffered from the keenness of business competition. Some industries coiild only be carried on at a profit by allow- ing the most meagre wages to employees. But on the whole the condition of the workingman in the United States was a prosperous one. This, however, the workinginan himself was not inclined to admit. Not his comparative comfort, but his comparative poverty, impressed him. He saw many who were poorer than himself, but he also saw many who were very much richer than himself. Hence he was always inclined to resist a reduc- tion of wages, and the strike was his favorite means of defend- ing himself against what he considered the tyrannical exactions of wealthy corporations. In 1877 there was a very widespread strike of the railroad employees in the West, as the result of an attempt to reduce their wages. As the strikers were unwilling that other men should take their vacant places, they resorted to violence, and were only put down by the soldiery. Riots occurred in St. Louis, Chicago, and other cities, and property worth millions of dollars was destroyed. It was some two weeks after the first outbreak before order was restored. This riotous movement was not merely serious in itself ; it was significant of the feeling of the workingmen. It gave evidence of a growing revolt against the power of CHAP. IX HAYES, GARFIELD, AND ARTHUR 439 capital. Nor was this revolt a blind and unreasoning one. Only two years after the great strike there appeared a remark- able book entitled " Progress and Poverty," which was a forcible and impassioned argument against one form of prop- erty holding. The author, Henry George, was himself a work- ingman. Impressed by the sufferings of his own class, he had made a careful study of the causes of poverty, and had con- cluded they were all to be traced to the individual ownership of land. So to his mind progress was synonymous with land communism. Naturally, his theories did not hud favor with property holders, nor have they been accepted by the most eminent students of political economy. Yet they have made many converts, not only among workingmen, but among thoughtful and highly educated people. The " Single Tax " movement, as Mr. George's would-be reform is designated, has grown into a well-organized effort to revolutionize society. Its success seems remote and improbable, but its champions lose none of their zeal and earnestness in the face of discour- agement. Another movement that began during Hayes's administration proved ultimately to spring from the same roots as the single tax idea, for it was at this time that the silver question attracted general attention. In 1873 Congress had once more given its attention to the coinage question, and had voted to coin no more silver dollars. At first the action excited little comment, for it was not taken without good reason. The yearly output of the silver mines was increasing; silver was becoming less valuable than it had been ; the dollar coined from it was no longer worth a dollar in gold. So Congress decided to retire the silver dollar from circulation, and to make debts payable only in gold. Other nations had taken this stand. Unless the United States followed their example, these nations would be likely to send their silver to America, where a demand for it still existed. But it is hard for the general public to understand the laws of finance. To the untrained mind it appeared that the demonetization of silver was an injustice to the poor and a benefit to the rich. In reality it helped the poor much more than it did the rich; for if silver crowded out gold, and a dollar worth only ninety cents became the unit of value, the 440 THE UNITED STATES book hi "workingmen, as having the narrowest incomes, would feel the depreciation most keenly. But this was not understood by the people. It was believed that the law of 1873 was framed in the interest of the bondholders, who by means of it were enabled to exact payment in gold. Hence there arose a gen- eral demand that silver should once more be put in circulation. Congress bowed to the demand ; and thus the people, with their ignorance of financial laws, began to assume control over financial legislation. That this is one of the inevitable results of democracy must be admitted ; but it is a result that brings with it long periods of stagnation in business and frequent menace to the material prosperity of the country. Accord- ingly, in 1878, it was voted in Congress by an overwhelming majority that the silver dollar should be coined again, and should be legal tender, the men of both parties uniting to bring about this result. The Secretary of the Treasury was instructed to coin not less than two million dollars a month, and gradually vast stores of this bulky coin were accumulated in the Government's" vaults. IS'evertheless the price of silver fell steadily, so great was the quantity produced, until the silver dollar came to be worth hardly more than half its face value and threatened to drive gold out of circulation. Yet in face of these facts the people believed in it still. Even though they disliked to carry it about in their pockets, they regarded it with affection as the poor man's dollar. To them it represented cheap and abundant money. The attempt to drive it out of circulation they regarded as a nefarious scheme of the wealthy classes, whose interests were identical with those of gold, while silver was the friend of the working- man. In short, the poorer classes demanded the silver dollar in the same spirit that they demanded a more equal distribu- tion of wealth, government ownership of land, and legislation against capital and rich corporations. All this was not apparent when the agitation in favor of silver was first started. Indeed, President Hayes's administra- tion was a period of great prosperity, and its true significance was not understood. What the country saw was that bayonet rule was brought to an end in the South and the reconstruction governments were thus allowed to collapse ; the public debt was rapidly paid off ; specie payments were resumed ; business CHAP. IX HAYES, GARFIELD, AND ARTHUR 441 confidence was restored; Indian affairs were justly managed by Mr. Schurz as Secretary of the Interior ; and foreign gold flowed freely into the country, owing to the extensive export trade. Even shrewd students and observers were misled by the prosperous appearance of the country. Mr. Schurz in a public address congratulated his hearers on the smooth and favorable course of national affairs, which he contrasted with England's difficulties over the Irish question and over the impoverishment of the farming class. Nor were there, indeed, any movements beneath the surface which should have excited serious apprehension even had they been understood. No troubles were developing that the nation could not meet and overcome. But the troubles were there. They were taking shape all through President Hayes's excellent administration of affairs. Before long they were to appear formidable and to put the strength of the nation to new and searching tests. Hence, to the political student the administration of Hayes will always be a period of peculiar interest. President Hayes was not renominated by his party, as he had not made himself popular with the politicians. In the National Repiiblican Convention in 1880, ex-President Grant had a large and devoted following, while Mr. Blaine's friends were active and hopeful ; but the choice finally fell upon James A. Garfield of Ohio, Chester A. Arthur of New York receiving the nomination for the vice-presidency. The Democrats, to vindicate their loyalty to the Union and to conciliate Northern sentiment, nominated for the presidency Winfield S. Hancock of New York, who had been one of the most brilliant and gallant Union generals in the Civil War. The second place on the ticket they gave to William H. English of Indiana. But this attempt to win Northern votes was not successful. Han- cock had no political training or experience, and, to overcome this deficiency, he had not Grant's immense popularity with the country. His candidacy did not find favor in the North. In the Electoral College he received only 155 votes against 214 that were cast for Garfield. James A. Garfield was born in Ohio in 1831. Like Hayes, he was a lawyer by profession, and like him he abandoned the law to serve first in the Union army and afterward in Congress. His war record was creditable, as he attained the rank of major 442 THE UNITED STATES book hi general. In Congress he showed ready power in debate and became one of the foremost Kepublican leaders. He was in the House of Representatives from 1863 to 1880 ; but at the time of his nomination he was serving in the Senate. His ability and his personal integrity made the country look for an admirable administration of affairs during his term of office. But in the short time that Garfield lived after his inaugu- ration he did not make good this expectation. The demand for civil service reform was not yet loud or general. Garfield gave a very faint-hearted support to this cause, though it had been indorsed in the platform in Avhich he was nominated. He recognized the opponents of the reform in choosing his Cabinet. He awarded office as a return for party service. He showed himself an astute politician rather than a great and intrepid leader. But his tragic fate made the country forget his weak- nesses and extol his virtues. On July 2, 1881, only four months after his inauguration, he was shot by a man whom he had refused to appoint to office and who thirsted for notoriety and vengeance. For nearly three months the injured President clung to life, but the wound proved mortal. On the 19th of September he died near Long Branch in 'New Jersey. Vice-President Arthur, who succeeded him, had not had a creditable public career. As collector of the port of New York he had affiliated with intriguing politicians, and had shown no sympathy Avith reform movements. But the grave responsi- bilities he now assumed awoke in him a lofty sense of duty. He threw off unworthy associates, conducted himself with rare dignity and discretion, and proved an able and upright execu- tive. During his term of office the country continued to be prosperous. All branches of industry flourished, and there were few manifestations of discontent among the poorer classes. Under these favorable conditions the resources of the South began to be rapidly developed. Northern capital found its way into the Southern States. New railroads were constructed in them, factories were established, mines were opened. Under free labor the South was beginning to build up a substantial prosperity. Nor was the progress of this period merely material. The shocking death of Garfield had turned the attention of the country to the corrupt condition of its civil service. Washington CHAP. IX HAYES, Gx^KFlELD, AND ARTHUR 443 was thronged with office-seekers at every presidential inaugura- tion ; and it was one of these office-seekers who had assassinated the late President. The indignation caused by the act gave the friends of civil service reform their opportunity. They succeeded in passing through Congress a law which empowered the President to appoint commissioners to examine and recom- mend candidates for office. Thus merit and not zealous politi- cal partisanship was to establish the right to an appointment. Unfortunately, however, there remained a large class of gov- ernment offices outside the scope of the law ; and those officials to whom it applied were not to retain their places through good behavior, but only for four years. So the victory of civil service reform was by no means complete. Still, a victory had been gained. The tariff question also came up in President Arthur's administration. The scale of duties adopted during the Civil War had not since been changed ; and with the growth of trade it had brought very large returns to the national treasury. So long as the surplus revenues were used in paying off the na- tional debt, this condition of affairs occasioned no difficulties. But the time had come when the debt could not be much further reduced. For when Secretary Sherman had carried through his refunding scheme, he had been obliged to postpone the redemp- tion of the Government's bonds for a long term of years in order to dispose of them at a lower rate of interest. Consequently, there was no immediate use for the government surplus ; and to prevent it from accumulating every year it seemed necessary to reduce the revenue. The natural way to do this was to lower the duties on imports. So a new tariff law was passed by Congress in 1883, but it did not accomplish the end desired. The duties were only slightly reduced, and the Republicans strongly objected to a further reduction. The Democrats, on the other hand, were earnestly opposed to a high tariff, as they had been during Jackson's administration. So protection be- came once more a prominent political question. For a num- ber of years it obscured all other interests and divided the two great parties. It was the paramount political issue in the presidential campaign of 1884. Put after the nominations were made in that year, the plat- forms of the two great parties were wellnigh forgotten in the 444 THE UNITED STATES book hi vigorous and abusive warfare tLat was waged against the per- sonal characters of the two presidential candidates. Mr. Blaine was nominated by the Republicans, to the delight of his nu- merous and enthusiastic admirers. The Democrats put forward Grover Cleveland, who had shown integrity and fearlessness as mayor of Buffalo, and as Governor of New York. The friends of civil service reform had watched his career with interest and urged his name for the presidency. As candidates for Vice-President the Republicans selected John A. Logan of Illinois, and the Democrats Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana. But scarcely were the nominations made when the warfare of recrimination began. Mr. Blaine was accused of official cor- ruption ; while Mr. Cleveland's private character was attacked. Each party declared that the nation would be disgraced if the candidate of the other party should be elected. But the truth of the charges cannot be here considered. They are mentioned as showing that political contests in the United States easily degenerate into vituperation ; and yet that the good sense of the country condemns such methods of warfare. For since 1884 the personal characters of the presidential candidates have not been assailed. The national elections have been con- ducted with dignity, moderation, and fairness. One virulent and acrimonious campaign sufficed the nation. The election was closely contested and was decided by the Independent vote. Many Republicans voted for the Demo- cratic candidates, because they disliked the high tariff policy of their party and because they distrusted Mr. Blaine. So the movement which had resulted in the unfortunate nomination of Horace Greeley in 1872 now achieved a signal success. It placed a reform leader in the White House. For, by carrying the State of New York, Mr. Cleveland secured the presidency. He received 219 votes in the Electoral College out of 401. CHAPTER X THE ADMINISTRATI02SrS OF CLEVELAND, HARRISON, AND MCKINLEY Grover Cleveland was born in New Jersey in 1837. In 1855 he settled in Butt'alo, New York, and was there admitted to the bar in 1859. Elected mayor of the city in 1881 by an overwhelming majority, he excited admiration by his fearless exercise of the power of veto. This same independence he showed as Governor of the State. It was therefore confidently expected that as President he wonld resist the unprincipled politicians of his party and would further the cause of civil service reform. But President Cleveland's position was a peculiarly trying one. When he assumed office, the Republicans had been in power for nearly twenty -five years. During that time they had filled all the public offices with their own partisans, and too often these offices had been used in the interests of party. The Democrats therefore deemed it grossly unfair that they should now be excluded from office by the new civil service law, just as they had, after long waiting, succeeded in carrying a national election. They demanded that President Cleveland should dismiss the Republican office-holders, and give their places to the men of his own political creed. This demand the President resisted. He announced that he would only remove offensive partisans, and for a time he lived up to this principle. But gradually he gave way to party pressure. The RepiU)li- cans were slowly and quietly dismissed, and only a small parcentage of them remained in office at the end of the admin- istration. Apparently President Cleveland regarded civil service reform as secondary to the tariff question. Desiring to keep his hold upon his party and to dominate its counsels, he sacri- ficed for the time being a cause which the Democratic politi- cians did not regard with favor. 445 446 THE UNITED STATES book iir But in the use of the veto President Cleveland was uncom- promising and fearless. He would give his sanction to no legis- lation that did not command his hearty approval. Pension bills in particular he vetoed with an unsparing hand, and in so doing he rendered the country valuable service. Por the pen- sion system was growing to be an evil. Neither party was willing to resist the demand for pensions, through fear of offending the veterans who had served in the Union army and losing their vote. So the amount granted for pensions was increased year by year, and was gradually absorbing the sur- plus revenues of the Government. Indeed, the time was approaching when income would not meet expenses. The discontent of the laboring classes, which had manifested itself during Hayes's administration, broke out anew under President Cleveland. For the prosperous years that had fol- lowed the long financial disturbance of the seventies had by no means put an end to the dissatisfaction of the workingmen. Encouraged by German Socialists who had settled in this coun- try, and by other mischievous leaders, they had cherished their resentment toward the wealthy classes through the days of good wages and plentiful occupation. Through trade-unions and other organizations they encouraged strikes, intimidated cor- porations and demanded a new and more equitable distribution of wealth ; and so insistent were their demands in the earlier years of President Cleveland's administration, that they forced the labor question upon the attention of the country. It was in recognition of their claims that Congress passed the Contract Labor Act in 1885, the object of which was to prevent the pro- moters of large enterprises from importing cheap labor from Europe. And Chinese immigration, which had been partially checked in 1880, was now still further restricted. To the laborers of California the presence of the Chinese had long been a grievance. Por these clever and industrious Mongolians gave skilled labor for low wages. ISTor was Chinese immigration alone objected to in Congi'css. An attempt was made to stem the tide of ignorant and impoverished peasants that was con- stantly pouring into the country from Europe. But at this time nothing was accomplished in that direction. More suc- cessful was the endeavor to bring the railroads under control, for the Interstate Commerce Act was passed by Congress in CHAP. X CLEVELAND, HARRISON, AND McKINLEY 447 1887. It was aimed against railroad practices which were considered unjust, and it forbade those roads which extended through more than one State to make unfair distinctions in their freight and passenger charges. Thus the old Federalist interpretation of the Constitution seemed to gain in favor, and in accordance with this interpretation the Government was continually assuming new authority to meet new conditions and emergencies. But it was not doing this without exciting criticism from those who still held to the creed of the old Anti- Federalist party. For the thinkers of this school believe that, in exercising control over trade, the Government is exceeding its just and constitutional rights. They think that trade should work out its own laws quite unrestricted, and that Government cannot interfere with these laws without causing gross injus- tice. The attempt to control them always springs from the desire to protect one class of citizens against another, and thus leads the legislators of the country into making dangerous dis- criminations and into strengthening corrupt political tendencies. For if the protective theory is once established, every class has a right to claim advantage from it. It cannot be used solely to benefit the poor and the victims of competition. If their condition is bettered by it, the rich will also demand that it be exerted in their behalf. More than this, they will bring the tremendous power and influence of capital to bear upon State legislatures and upon the national Congress in order to secure the passage of such measures as they desire. Subjected to such pressure, legislators lose their sense of responsibility. They ignore the true interests of their constituents, wrangle over ill-advised and iniquitous schemes, and promote the growth of the lobby. State legislatures are at times swayed by giant monopolies, and again are roused to a fierce warfare on the owners of property ; while Congress is distracted by the noisy claims of conflicting influences. In particular, whenever a new tariff law is framed, the representatives of the various indus- tries gather at Washington, and all demand extravagant duties on the products they manufacture or produce from the soil. Bvit it is found that even in granting the demands of some interests, the interests of others are seriously injured. So great perplexity arises. Such are the arguments of those who oppose the protective 448 THE UNITED STATES book hi theory of government. They are sound and forcible argu- ments ; they will always be employed against government paternalism ; they will always be needed when centralization grows overweeningly arrogant and aggressive. But it is safe to say they will not convince the people. In this day and time it is impossible to restrict the functions of the Government to levying taxes and spending them judiciously, as the early Anti- Federalists desired. For a hundred years the very existence of the nation has been dependent upon material prosperity. The development of the country's resources, the use of labor- saving machines, the spread of railways, the multiplication of devices for subduing the forces of nature, have all promoted the growth of the nation and given it community of thought and feeling. Through coal, through the steam-engine, and through electrical inventions, the people of the country are made independent, and become, as it were, the partners in one gigantic enterprise. Without the help of modern science they could not have a common political experience and common commercial interests. Thus legislation has inevitably concerned itself with the forces that have contributed to the nation's growth. It has extended its jurisdiction over factories, roads, canals, railways, patents, and even over trade itself.^ For a long period, indeed, its object was to promote commerce, manufactures, industries, and invention. By a protective tariff it stimulated domestic manufactures. By securing ample rights to proprietors it helped the growth of railroads and other highways, and encour- aged inventive genius. But, having once taken these branches of human enterprise under its fostering care and established its right to supervise and control them, legislation proceeded to curtail and cripple them when it felt that they were growing dangerous. As capital increased enormously and fortunes grew to colossal size, the people became afraid of the power of money. Trusts began to be extensively formed during Presi- dent Cleveland's administration, and caused much adverse criticism. It was quite generally believed that they kept prices high by preventing competition. Whether trusts pro- diice such a result may be questioned. If they check competi- tion, they also promote economical methods of putting articles 1 Atlantic Monthly, 81 : 120. CHAP. X CLEVELAND, HARRISON, AND McKINLEY 449 on the market. But the people viewed these gigantic opera- tions with alarm, and they also became hostile to great corpo- rations which they saw acquiring enormous influence and attempting to control legislation. They concluded that capital was becoming a foe to democracy, and many were persuaded that the accumulation of wealth should be entirely prevented. Hence the last two decades of the century have witnessed a vigorous and persistent war upon capital. Both Congress and State legislatures have passed numerous laws designed to check the increase of private and corporate wealth. The State is asserting itself against the individual. State socialism is still far away, but it is slowly gaining ground. The poor man is jealous of the millionnaire. Unable to contend with so powerful an adversary, he invokes the aid of the State. The State lis- tens to his demands and voices them in its statutes. So cor- porate privileges are restricted, large dividends are forbidden, double taxation is allowed, and town and city governments are empowered to acquire control of corporate enterprises on very low terms. It is therefore folly to suppose that the Government will let trade alone. Its tendency is to exercise a fuller authority over the commercial world. In doing this, it becomes guilty of glaring inconsistencies and it makes egregious blunders. The wisdom of the Government is the wisdom of the politi- cians ; the politicians obey the popular will ; and the popular will is a very unenlightened will on questions of taxation, finance, and political economy. Or, again, the politicians obey their own selfish will, and make laws in the interests of corrupt rings and ambitious party demagogues. Hence we see the most absurd contradictions in the legislation of the day. Gov- ernment smites the rich with its right hand and raises them up with its left. It helps the poor to their feet and then fells them to the earth. By coining vast stores of silver dollars, it enriched the owners of silver mines at the expense of the rest of the nation. By refusing to retire the greenbacks, it causes a general financial uneasiness, makes capital timid, and de- prives labor of the means of support it gets from large business enterprises. And by an unscientific tariff it puts a needless burden on rich and poor alike. Nor will such absurdities of legislation altogether disappear with added and riper experi- 2g 450 THE UNITED STATES book hi ence. The problems of modern statecraft are excessively diffi- cult. Democracy cannot solve them. The best that it can hope to do is to attain to a more enlightened form of govern- ment than has been known under the rule of a privileged few. Its mistakes are sometimes very foolish; its basis of activity is sound. For it proceeds upon the supposition that all men have equal rights. As the presidential campaign of 1888 drew near, President Cleveland, to the dismay of the Democratic politicians, forced his party to advocate a reduction in the tariff. His last mes- sage to Congress contained a bold and uncompromising utter- ance against high tariff duties ; and, as the Democratic party had always been an opponent of protection, it could not now ignore the opinions of its leading statesman. It renominated Mr. Cleveland, associating with him Allen G. Thurman of Ohio, and it indorsed the President's views upon the tariff. The Republicans nominated Benjamin Harrison of Indiana and Levi P. Morton of New York. The policy of protection received the fullest support in their platform. So the tariff question was fairly before the country. Measures, not men, were discussed in the political campaign that now followed. The voters of the nation Avere now to decide between tariff for revenue and tariff for protection. They decided in favor of protection, the result of the elec- tion hinging, as in 1884, upon the vote of New York. This State gave Harrison and Morton a small majority and accom- plished the defeat of Cleveland. For the latter would have had a majority of seven in the Electoral College if New York's thirty-six votes had been cast in his favor. The Pro- hibitionists had also made nominations, but their candidates received no electoral votes. President Harrison, wdio was born in Ohio in 1833, was a grandson of William Henry Harrison, the ninth President of the United States. He settled in Indianapolis in 1854, and successfully practised law there until 1862. Joining the In- diana volunteers with a second lieutenant's commission, he was promoted for brave and efficient service and was made brevet brigadier general in 1865. He was therefore the fourth military general elected President by the Republicans since the Civil War. He returned to the profession of law at the close CHAP. X CLEVELAND, HARRISON, AND McKINLEY 451 of the war, but his activity brought him political preferment, and in 1881 he was chosen a member of the United States Senate. Thus his legal, military, and political career were highly honorable. As President he showed an inclination to indorse the legislation of his party and not to make an exten- sive use of the power of veto. The most important matters connected with his administra- tion were the following : — I. A new silver bill, called the Sherman Act, was passed by Congress. It provided that 4,500,000 ounces of silver bullion should be purchased by the treasury every month and made into dollars. For this coin certificates were to be issued which should be legal tender for debts public and private. The act was passed in obedience to a strong and growing class which advocated the free coinage of silver; but its effects were very unfortunate. The coinage of $2,000,000 a month under the law of 1878 had not caused serious disturbance, owing to the steady increase in the volume of the business of the country. For, as business expands, a corresponding expansion in the currency is needed. The silver dollar itself was indeed too bulky a coin to circulate ; but by issuing silver certificates the treasury was able to make the silver coinage useful. But after the Sherman Act went into operation, the volume of currency increased far faster than the volume of business. And meanwhile silver steadily depreciated, till the silver dollar was worth hardly more than half of its face value. So silver, the cheaper metal, was accumulated in the treasury in immense quantities ; gold, the dearer metal, was continually drawn from the treasury for foreign exchange. Hence the cheaper metal was threatening to drive out the dearer. Busi- ness was becoming stagnant in view of a probable change in the standard of value. II. A new tariff measure, known as the McKinley Bill, was passed by Congress. This was a natural consequence of the Republican triumph in the national election ; for the Republi- cans not only elected their presidential candidate, but they also secured a majority in the Senate and the House of Repre- sentatives. Hence they were able to pass a tariff law Avhich fairly expressed the Republican theory that native industries should be amply protected from foreign competition. The 452 THE UNITED STATES BOOK III McKinley Bill put so high a duty on foreign products as vir- tually to exclude many of them from the country. Thus, by diminishing exports and by putting sugar on the free list, the national revenue was curtailed by about $60,000,000. And this was in keeping with Republican policy. As there had for a considerable time been a yearly surplus in the national treasury, and this surplus could not now be used in redeeming the government bonds which had not yet matured, the Repub- licans claimed that a protective tariff performed a double ser- vice. It not only encouraged domestic manufactures, but it prevented the accumulation of an undesirable surplus. And for a time these statements seemed to be justified by facts. III. A tendency to extravagant expenditure began to mani- fest itself in Congress. The pension list was greatly increased by a bill granting eight dollars a month to every veteran over sixty years old who had served in the Union army during the Civil War. By this provision the amount yearly spent on pensions reached in 1893 the figure of $160,000,000. The naval appro- priation was, not without reason, made more ample, in order to provide for the construction of new cruisers. Large sums were allowed for improving rivers and harbors ; and in many ways the grants of public money were unnecessarily large. As a result of this extravagance, the annual expenditure crept gradually toward the total of $400,000,000. Before President Harrison's administration came to an end, the revenues of the Government hardly exceeded its expenses.^ Nor was this con- dition of affairs in itself unfortunate. It was well that no 1 The following figures show how revenues diminished and expenditures increased, until the latter exceeded the former: — Revenue Expenditure 1890 $403,080,983 $297,736,487 1891 392,612,447 365,773,905 1892 354,937,784 345,023,331 1893 385,819,629 383,477,955 1894 297,772,019 367,525,280 1895 313,390,075 356,195,298 1896 326,976,200 352,179,446 CHAP. X CLEVELAND, HARRISON, AND McKINLEY 453 surplus should exist as a temptation to cupidity. But the ten- dency toward extravagant expenditure was becoming firmly fixed in the minds of legislators, and was destined to produce unhappy results. For, even when income shrank, expenditure was not curtailed. Congress caught the spirit of extravagance which wealth and prosperity have developed in the American people. IV. Reciprocity, which had been advocated by Mr. Blaine, received a limited and partial trial while the McKinley Bill was in operation. By one of the provisions of that measure, sugars of a low grade, molasses, coffee, and hides were to be admitted into the United States free of duty unless the Presi- dent should be convinced that the countries producing these articles would not show equal favor to the products of the United States. Several Central American and South American states, besides some in Europe, took advantage of this provision. But the merits of reciprocity could not be fairly judged from this brief experiment. To the advocates of free trade the system seemed an improvement on a rigid high tariff, and a step toward the fulfilment of their own ideas. But Mr. Blaine always stoutly maintained that reciprocity was the foe of free trade and the ally of protection. V. There were various indications during President Har- rison's administration that socialistic opinions were gaining ground and that a warfare upon vested interests was preparing. Various strikes, some of them serious, occurred at this time. The single tax movement continued to be active. On Sep- tember 2, 1890, delegates of the single tax clubs all over the country assembled at New York to form a permanent and united organization. And the silver agitation, the full signifi- cance of which was hardly seen as yet, had by no means quieted down. Business men looked with alarm upon the con- tinual increase in the number of silver dollars. But not so the friends of the white metal. They still believed that the liberal coinage of silver was the only means of making money plentiful, and their antipathy to the gold standard grew more and more pronounced. Among the poorer classes in the country the conviction deepened that the capitalists were con- spiring against them, and were trying to drive silver out of circulation through the most selfish motives. Hence their 454 THE UNITED STATES book in feeling against trusts, monopolies, and wealthy corporations grew more intense and bitter. VI. In some parts of the country lynch law assumed a dangerous and alarming activity. White people were infuri- ated by the brutal crimes of negroes, and sometimes inflicted upon the offenders a lingering and agonizing death. Through wide sections of territory there was manifested a fierce impatience with the law's delays. Those guilty of crimes punishable by death were promptly executed ; for there seemed to exist a fear that the offenders would escape justice if brought to trial. So jails offered little security to their guilty inmates. Wardens and sheriffs Avere powerless to resist the mobs that gathered at the prison doors and demanded that notorious criminals should be given into their hands. ISTor was this wild justice occasioned merely by race feeling. White men as well as colored were torn from their cells at night, or openly snatched from the officers of justice, and executed without trial. This contempt for the processes of law was viewed with concern by all thoughtful citizens, and became a serious menace to American institutions. For, as time passed, this disease in the body politic only seemed to grow more desperate. As crimes became numerous, so did lynchings increase in frequency, until in many parts of the country the mobs learned to regard every depraved and vicious criminal as their legitimate prey. And all the more dangerous did these outbreaks of violence seem when they were contrasted with the almost unbroken reign of law in Europe. True, the populations of Europe are held in check by military rule. They do not take the administration of justice into their own hands because they dare not. The smallest outbreaks on their part would be promptly suppressed by the troops, though even the large standing armies do not prevent Socialists and other agitators from causing an occa- sional riot. But the very fact that lynch law is prevented in Europe keeps the taste for it from growing; while the constant resort to it in America cannot fail to engender lawlessness, destroy the love of justice, and feed unhealthy and degraded appetites. Not, therefore, until this tendency to override the law has been controlled, will the institutions of the country rest securely upon the affections and the good-will of the people. CHAP. X CLEVELAND, HARRISON, AND McKINLEY 455 VII. In the course of President Harrison's administration there occurred a striking reversal of the popular verdict given in the election of 1888. In that year the Republicans carried the country. In the elections of 1890 the Democrats made surprising gains and obtained a large majority in the lower House of Congress. Nor was it easy to ascribe the reason for this change of feeling. It could hardly be said that the country was dissatisfied with the policy of the Republicans, for that policy had not been fairly tried in so short a time. At least, the fruits of it were not yet fully matured. So the Democratic gains seemed to be largely due to a discontent not easily analyzed. There is, apparently, a large class of voters in the country who have no strong party affiliations and no fixed political principles. They want prosperity. They are ready to vote for any creed or party that promises better times. Hence, the results of a national election are sometimes quite misleading. Apparently, they indicate that the country has accepted the principles of the victorious party. In reality, they indicate that many voters, out of mere restlessness and unreasoning dissatisfaction, desire a change. VIII. As a result of the discontent prevailing among the farmers and many persons of moderate means, the Populist party was organized in 1892. Its members were persuaded that the two great parties of the country were controlled by the railroads, the banks, and the speculators. They therefore determined that their own organization should be entirely free from these conflicting influences, and they so announced in their platform. Their political creed is that all railways should be owned by the public, and that Government should issue currency directly to the people, without using banks as a medium. They also believe in the free coinage of silver as a means of making money plentiful. The party has found many followers, especially among the nnprosperous. In one or two States it has gained temporarily the ascendency. But it has only a handful of representatives in Congress, and has therefore been utterly unable to shape national legislation. Mr. Harrison was renominated by the Republicans in 1892, Whitelaw Reid being given the second place on the ticket. The Democrats for the third time put Mr. Cleveland forwai'd, and selected Adlai E. Stevenson of Illinois as their candidate 456 THE UNITED STATES book hi for the vice-presidency. Both parties were confident of carry- ing the election. The Democrats were encouraged by their victory in 1890. The Republicans believed that the McKinley tariff met v/ith the approval of the country, and that the con- gressional elections in 1892 showed merely a passing dissatis- faction with the Republican policy. But the result of the contest showed that this dissatisfaction had spread and deep- ened, instead of disappearing. Mr. Cleveland had a handsome majority in the popular vote, and he received 276 electoral votes to 145 cast for Harrison, and 23 for Weaver, the candidate of the People's party. The Prohibitionists had nominated John Bidwell, but he obtained no votes in the Electoral College. Mr. Cleveland was duly inaugurated in March, 1893, and at once gave to the affairs of the nation that careful attention which they required. For the condition of the country was anything but satisfactory. Business was depressed, failures were common, financial disaster was apprehended. These evils President Cleveland attributed to excessive coinage of silver and to the high tariff established by the McKinley Bill. He was indeed a resolute foe to government paternalism in all its forms. More than once he had warned the country that government aid to the various forms of industry was robbing the people of their self-reliance and was undermining public morals. And he looked upon a protective tariff and upon legis- lation to help the production and the circulation of silver as peculiarly unfortunate forms of paternalism. As the business situation grew worse in the early months of President Cleveland's administration, he determined to call a special session of Congress to pass relief legislation. That body was accordingly convened on August 7, 1893. The Pres- ident called its attention to the unfortunate condition of affairs,, showed how the gold standard was endangered by the constant issue of silver dollars and business consequently paralyzed, and demanded the repeal of the Sherman Bill of 1890. This rec- ommendation Congress was ready to adopt, though Mr. Cleve- land received in this matter as much support from the Republicans as from his own party. So the House promptly passed an act repealing the Sherman Bill ; and a majority in the Senate was eager to confirm this action. But the Senators who believed in free silver coinage for a long time prevented CHAP. X CLEVELAND, HARRISON, AND McKINLEY 457 the Senate from voting. They insisted upon discussing the measure for repeal indehnitely, and they only allowed action to be taken on it after many weeks of obstruction. But finally, on the first of November, it was passed by the Senate and signed by the President. So the coinage of silver was stopped, the gold standard was temporarily made more secure, and busi- ness revived. But so long as the greenbacks were in circulation the gold standard was in danger. Several times during Mr. Cleveland's administration the amount of gold in the treasury fell consid- erably below $100,000,000 and was only brought above the danger point by an issue of gold bonds. Such issue the Presi- dent was empowered to make by an act of July 14, 1870 ; and if Mr. Cleveland had not freely used this power, gold would have been driven out of circulation. Por it was needed in large sums for foreign exchange ; and, by means of the green- backs, those who wished to send gold abroad could draw it ad libitum from the treasury. Moreover, many were disposed to raid the treasury of its gold through fear that gold would soon be driven out of circulation by silver. Therefore Mr. Cleveland was obliged to contract for considerable sums of gold in order to keep the reserve in the treasury sufficiently large, and to issue bonds as security for the debt thus incurred. But this means of maintaining the gold standard was to his mind extremely objectionable, for it offered no permanent rem- edy for a desperate weakness in our fiscal system. More than once he urged Congress to retire the greenbacks, that the Gov- ernment might be wholly relieved of the obligation of supply- ing gold on demand. But this action Congress steadily refused to take. Relief came, however, somewhat unexpectedly toward the end of President Cleveland's administration. For the foreign demand for American wheat became very great, owing to scant crops in Europe and India ; our exports very largely exceeded our imports ; and by the laws of exchange gold flowed very rapidly into the country from abroad. The gold reserve in the treasury was swelled to upward of $150,000,000. All fear of a change in the circulating medium was for a time put to rest. But the danger to the gold standard still existed, as the greenbacks had not been withdrawn from circulation. The sweeping Democratic victory in 1892 was supposed by 458 THE UNITED STATES book hi the Democra.ts themselves to mean that the country demanded a large reduction in the taritf. That this supposition was cor- rect may well be doubted. In late years the voters of the country have apparently changed their creed so many times that it is difficult to determine their attitude toward the tariff ques- tion. Hardly does one party win a victory at the polls, and acquire a handsome majority in Congress, before the decision is reversed and the other party rides triumphantly into power. Hence it is almost impossible to decide whether the people of the country want a high tariff or a low one. Probably the majority have no clear or decided views upon the subject. They want a scale of duties that will establish prosperity, but they are altogether unable to make sound inferences upon so intricate a question. But the Democrats were unquestionably right in attacking the tariff question, whatever their victory in the election of 1892 may have signified. Their party stood committed to a low tariff policy, and they were bound to legislate in accordance with their platform. They accordingly framed a bill which greatly reduced the duties on imports and practically granted raw material; and it was passed by the House early in 1894. It was framed chiefly by Mr. Wilson, a representative of Vir- ginia, and was originally called by his name. As arranged by him and as passed by the House, it fairly expressed the Demo- cratic theory that tariff is for revenue rather than for protec- tion. But some of the leading Democratic Senators desired protection for articles in which they were financially interested ; and under their influence the bill was so essentially changed that it could hardly be recognized. Coal and iron were taken off the free list, and the duties on many articles were largely increased. The measure no longer reflected the principles of the Democratic party, and the House was very unwilling to accept the Senate amendments. For a time it looked as if the cause of tariff reform would be utterly lost in this disagree- ment between the two congressional bodies. But finally the House passed the bill as amended by the Senate, and Mr. Cleveland, by failing to return it with objections within ten days after receiving it, allowed it to become a law. In thus refusing to give it his signature, he showed his disapproval of the Senate's amendments. On the whole, the scale of duties it CHAP. X CLEVELAND, HARRISON, AND McKINLEY 459 established was considerably lower than that of the McKinley Bill of 1890, — so much lower, indeed, as to call forth severe criticisms from the Republicans. They determined to pass a strong protection measure in place of it as soon as they should be restored to power. Evidence was given from time to time that the discontent among the poorer classes of the country was by no means diminishing. In the spring of 1894: a man named Coxey induced bands of unemployed men all over the country to march on to Washington that they might present their griev- ances to Congress. Those that started on this bizarre errand gave much trouble in the Western States by boarding railroad trains ; but, in spite of their lawless efforts to steal rides, very few of them reached their destination. Coxey was himself arrested in the national Capitol, and the whole project resulted in a farce. More serious was an extensive strike of railroad employees that occurred in the summer of the same year. Beginning in the workyards of the Pullman Car Company near Chicago, it rapidly spread, until forty thousand railroad hands were idle, and most of the railroads in the West were unable to run their trains. Chicago became the centre of the disturbance, and there the strikers resorted to violence, intimi- dation, and wholesale destruction of railroad property. As Governor Altgeld of Illinois did not take summary measures to suppress the riot. President Cleveland sent United States troops to Chicago to quell the disturbance. And though he took this action against the earnest protest of Governor Alt- geld, he was fully sustained by the sober sentiment of the country. For the rioters, by interfering with the United States mail service, made their violent conduct an offence against the national Government and gave the Government a perfectly valid reason for using its strength to put them down. So the out- break was soon quieted. The strikers resumed work ; the trains ran without interference. Once more had the central Govern- ment of the nation shown itself equal to an emergency and earned the respect of thoughtful citizens. Nor was its victory over lawlessness without its instructive lesson to railway own- ers. All over the country the managers of street railways tried to secure mail transportation over their lines, that they might count on Government protection in case of strikes. 460 THE UNITED STATES book hi While the laboring classes were manifesting their dissatis- faction in this violent manner, the wide and deep-seated feel- ing against capital and large fortunes showed itself in more peaceable ways. The State legislatures passed laws taxing inheritance and restricting the rights of monopolies ; and the national legislature, in 1894, attempted to increase the dimin- ishing reveniies of the country by taxing incomes larger than forty-five hundred dollars. It was noticeable that those who voted in favor of this bill came largely from the poorer dis- tricts of the country, and those who voted against it from the centres where capital was accumulated. So the measure was additional evidence of the widespread conviction that capital should contribute more generously to the public support. Nor was this conviction by any means confined to the men of slender means. Many fair-minded observers of existing eco- nomical conditions believe the income tax a perfectly fair one, and a legitimate means of making wealth beneficial to the State. But in 1895 the tax on incomes was declared by the Supreme Court of the United States to be a direct tax and therefore unconstitutional, because it was not laid by appor- tionment. Foreign affairs several times engrossed attention during Mr. Cleveland's term of office. The Bering Sea question, which had been the cause of long diplomatic negotiations between Great Britain and the United States, was finally settled in a manner adverse to the latter country in 1894. For the United States had claimed that it had a right to prevent the killing of seals in the open sea ; but the court of arbitration appointed to consider the matter decided against the claim. That their decision was legally correct there can be no doubt. Pelagic sealing can only be stopped by an agreement between the two countries. But unless such an agreement is made and enforced, the seals will soon be exterminated. But a far more serious complication with England was caused by the Venezuela boun- dary question. As England, under Lord Salisbury's guidance, resisted the claim of the United States to have a voice in the matter, Mr. Cleveland took a very firm stand upon the ques- tion in his message to Congress in December, 1895. So men- acing were his utterances that feeling was greatly excited in both countries, and war was considered possible. But after a CHAP. X CLEVELAND, HARRISON, AND McKINLEY 461 time calmer counsels prevailed. Congress authorized the President to appoint a commission to investigate and report upon the subject, and England finally allowed the question to be decided by arbitration. But the difficulties occasioned by the rebellion in Cuba (p. 108) were not so easily settled. For, as the war dragged on and Spain seemed unable to stamp out the insurrection, many Congressmen insisted that the United States should recognize the Cubans as belligerents, and should be prepared to annex the island if opportunity offered. But this policy Mr. Cleveland steadily opposed, aiid in his last mes- sage to Congress he expressed the conviction that the Cuban insurgents were without an organized government and could not properly be considered a warlike power. At the same time he gave Spain warning that the United States might feel justi- fi.ed in interfering, if she did not suppress the insurrection within a reasonable time. This attitude was discreet and dignified, but it was much criticised by Mr. Cleveland's political opponents, as was also his conduct with reference to the Hawaiian Islands. Queen Liliuokalani succeeded to the sovereignty of the islands in 1891, upon the death of her brother, King Kalakaua ; but her rule was so corrupt that she was deposed in 1893 by a small but influential portion of the i)opulation, who proclaimed a Repub- lic and issued a new Constitution. Upon these revolutionary proceedings the American people were inclined to look with favor; but Mr. Cleveland recommended that Liliuokalani be restored to power. For a commissioner whom he had specially sent to investigate the Hawaiian difficulties reported that the American Minister on the islands had used his own influence and the presence of a United States ship-of-war in support of the insurgents. But the Senate declined to adopt the Presi- dent's view; and on May 31, 1894, it agreed unanimously upon a policy of non-intervention in Hawaiian affairs. As a civil service reformer Mr. Cleveland made a much better record in his second administration than he did in his first. By the Civil Service Law passed in 1883 only about fourteen thousand offices were filled through competitive examination. But gradually the number was increased. By the terms of the law the examination systiMu could, at the discretion of the President, be made applicable to many of the 462 THE UNITED STATES book hi smaller postal and customs offices ; and both Mr. Harrison and Mr. Cleveland took advantage of this provision. Presi- dent Harrison widened the application of the law; and in the last year of his second administration President Cleveland applied it to forty thousand offices, which were about all that still remained outside of its scope. Thus civil service reform, which had so few friends at first and never found favor with the politicians, achieved in the end a signal triumph. Govern- ment officials are now appointed for merit, not for party service ; and they are discharged only for cause, not because of a victory or a defeat at the polls. Nor can they be assessed for political purposes as they were in the most open and shameful manner before the days of the reform. It is worthy of note also that some of the States are adopting the national system of appointment to office. Both Massachusetts and New York have passed excellent civil service laws ; but in the latter State the purport of the law has been largely defeated by corrupt political influence. The presidential campaign of 1896 was one of the most interesting in the history of the country. The Republicans nominated William McKinley of Ohio, who had been one of the foremost leaders of the party ever since his name had been associated with the tariff bill of 1890; and Garret A. Hobart of New Jersey. In their platform they declared for the maintenance of the gold standard and for a revision of the tariff. The Democrats made the currency question the all- important one, and expressed themselves so unequivocally in favor of the free coinage of silver that the delegates who believed in maintaining the gold standard were driven out of the convention. Their nominees were "William J. Bryan of Nebraska and Arthur Sewall of Maine. The nomination of Mr. Bryan was indorsed by the Populists, but they refused to accept Mr. Sewall as their candidate for Vice-President because of his wealth, and nominated instead Mr. Thomas E. Watson, an editor of Georgia. The Socialists and Prohibitionists also made nominations, and the Gold Democrats too put their own candidates in the field. For they were aware that many Democrats in the Western States who were bitterly opposed to free coinage were yet equally opposed to voting a Republi- can ticket. So, to give such voters a ticket they could con- CHAP. X CLEVELAND, HARRISON, AND McKINLEY 463 scientiously support and to give Democratic principles upon the tariff question a full and fair expression, they met at Indianapolis and nominated Senator Palmer of Illinois and ex-Governor Buckiier of Kentucky. As the campaign proceeded, the currency question became the absorbing one and drove all others from the field. The whole political strength of the nation was arrayed for or against the free coinage of silver. So the ordinary party distinctions were entirely lost. Lifelong Democrats declared in favor of the Republican ticket ; and the Democrats who indorsed the Bryan nomination entirely abandoned the principles the party had stood for since 17P) he waged war on Salvador, not liking the liberal and pro- gressive administration of its President, Gerado Barrios. In this war, though at first defeated, he was in the end success- ful, and thus won for the cause of absolutism a further tri- umph. His death occurred two years later, on April 14, 18()5. For some time after this the federative movement lan- guished. Its friends had been discouraged by its repeated 1 Even Morazan's high character and lofty purpose could not wholly redeem the contlicts he engaged in from a personal and partisan character. Stephens relates that his soldiers, after a victory, " marched into the plaza, stacked tiieir arms, and sliouted 'Viva Morazan! ' In the morning the shont was ' Viva Carrera ! ' iSoue cried ' Viva la Patria ! ' " — " Incidents of Travel," II. 85. 496 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv failures, and they abandoned their efforts in its behalf. But shortly after Carrera's death there appeared in Guatemala a man who was destined to play a conspicuous part in Central American politics, and who nearly succeeded in effecting that union of the States which had so long been the dream of the Federalist party. Justo Kufino Barrios was born in Guate- mala on July 17, 1835, of mixed Spanish and Indian blood. Possessing strong liberal sympathies, he thoroughly disap- proved of the despotic regime which Carrera had established ; and in 1867 he took part in a revolutionary movement which was designed to free Guatemala from its tyrannical govern- ment. At first winning some small successes and again suffer- ing defeat, he gradually gained in power and reputation ; and in 1871 he was able to enter the capital of Guatemala and to terminate the reign of absolutism and bigotry which had been established there by Carrera thirty years before. Elevated soon after this to the presidency, he attracted the attention of all Central America by his energy, ability, and courage. Insurrections against his government broke out repeatedly in Guatemala, and he was sometimes obliged to contend also with the neighboring States of Honduras and Salvador, which, headed by reactionary rulers, were opposed to his liberal and progressive rule. But Barrios maintained himself against all his enemies, outlived the attempts of assassins upon his life, and devoted himself to the cause of reform and good govern- ment with tireless energy. He freed the press, built railways, reorganized the telegraph and postal systems, improved the roads and bridges, and did much for education both in colleges and schools. In his capital, Guatemala, he took especial inter- est, and through his efforts it became a clean, healthy, well- policed and well-administered city. He also perfected the military organization of the country, and maintained a dis- ciplined and efficient army, knowing that every Central Ameri- can ruler must always be ready for an appeal to force. But perhaps the greatest service that he rendered his country was that of ridding it of the tyrannj^ of the Church. " Regardless of priestly malediction and protesting bishops, he suppressed monasteries and nunneries ; he banished dangerous religious orders ; he made a sweeping sequestration of Church estates ; he turned the right royal residences of the clerical dignitaries CHAP. II CENTEAL AMERICA 497 into schools, which he liberally endowed with Church incomes. . . . The great convent of San Domingo, almost a town in itself, with a splendid surrounding estate, was converted into a university." ^ But unfortunately the man who so greatly improved the condition of Guatemala was not clean-handed and Avas sometimes cruel.^ At the head of a nominal republic^, he was really as absolute a ruler as Carrera himself, though he used his power for good government, while Carrera was the enemy of progress. Only, indeed, by harsh measures and by prompt and summary action could he have maintained himself in power. Accordingly, having confirmed himself in the ways and usages of a dictator, liarrios approached the question of fed- eral unity in a thoroughly characteristic manner. He wished to see all the Central American States brought under one gov- ernment, but of that government he himself would be the head. In other Avords, he proposed that Guatemala should annex the other four so-called Republics. But it could not be assumed that this scheme was the offspring of a merely selfish ambition. Undoubtedly Barrios wished to extend all over Central America the enlightened and progressive rule he had given to Guate- mala; and he well knew that the personal supremacy of a single strong administrator could alone secure this end. Ob- servant of the world around him, he had seen how Diaz had established his sway in the neighboring State to the north ; and he was convinced that political conditions were alike in Mexico and in Central America. Accordingly, he aimed to accomplish a similar work to that of Diaz and to accomplish it in a similar way. Not, however, that he wished to bring about the union by military conquest. On the contrary, he strove pi'imarily to secure the Avilling cooperation of the other Republics and to gain the desired end solely through diplomacy and negotiation. And in this effort he seemed at first to be successful. It was in 1884 that he gave his attention to the scheme of unity, and he found his own ministers and President Zalvidar of Salvador and President Bogran of Honduras appar- 1 " Guatemala," by O. J. Victor, in Harper's Magazine, 71 : 000. 2 From the cliarge of wanton and unparalleled cruelty which has some- times been bronjiht against him, he must be acquitted. LltteWs Livlncj Age, 170 : 283 ; the Nation, 02 : 17G. 2 k 498 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv ently in entire sympathy witli his plan. Accordingly, as every- thing seemed ready for the realization of his project, he publicly proclaimed his intention of establishing unity on February 28, 1885 ; and on March 6 he showed in a further proclamation how the proposed union should be brought about. The prospect of national unity was greeted with approval by the Federalists all over Central America, and at first it seemed as if the movement would meet with no serious oppo- sition. Nicaragua and Costa Kica stood too much in awe of Barrios to object to it; and Honduras gave it a hearty support. But it soon appeared that President Zalvidar of Salvador had been playing a treacherous part. Openly a friend of the national project, he was at heart opposed to it; and he had been secretly negotiating with Mexico to secure its defeat. Fancying that the Mexican Government was behind him, he now ventured to send an army to attack Barrios in Guatemala. But Mexico gave him no support ; his troops were rapidly overpowered by Barrios ; and the union seemed likely to be effected without further opposition. But on April 2, at the very moment of success. Barrios himself was killed by the bullet of a sharp- shooter, while entering a hostile village at the head of his troops. Thus perished the one man in Central America who was able to unite its petty States anew under one strong rule. He had not the elevated character, the personal integrity, and the aversion to harsh and cruel measures of President Diaz ; but that he would have governed Central America with justice, ability, and statesmanlike breadth there can be no reasonable doubt. But whether he would have laid the foundations of a new nation is quite a different question. Even in Mexico anarchy and revolution may be the order of things when the strong and beneficent rule of the last quarter of a century has come to an end ; though the world confidently expects a better result. And in Central America, where jealousies and petty warfares have reigned for three quarters of a century, and where revolutions are still an everyday occurrence, the diffi- culties in the way of national unity are even greater than they are in the ]\rexican Republic. Yet, even so, the death of Barrios was a public calamity, and was the occasion of deep and genuine sorrow throughout all the Central American Republics. CHAP. II CENTRAL AMERICA 499 But the end wliicli he failed to accomplish was imperfectly realized ten years after his death. On June 28, 1895, the three States of Central America which had always been most loyal to the federativ^e idea, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Salvador, con- stituted themselves the Greater Republic of Central America. Guatemala and Costa Rica held entirely aloof from the Con- federation for a time ; but on June 15, 1897, they proposed to join it, and a treaty was agreed upon by all five Republics as a basis of union. But this treaty was never ratified, and Gua- temala and Costa Rica, accordingly, never became actual members of the Greater Republic. As originally constituted, the Confederation had but a precarious existence. It did not rest upon a Constitution, and the scheme of government provided for it was a very imperfect one. The Presidents of the different States took their turns in serving as President of the Greater Republic, and the only legislative body was a Council, of very limited powers, which consisted of two delegates from each State. But in 1898 the Confederation was put upon a better basis. For in the summer of that year delegates from its three members met at Managua in Nicaragua, framed a Constitution, and gave their union the name of the United States of Central America. The Consti- tution was not to be submitted to popular vote, but a commis- sion was appointed to exercise the functions of government for the time being, and to provide for the election of a President in the following December. It was expected that the President would be inaugurated in March, 1899. But before that time arrived, the Confederation collapsed. It was formally estab- lished on November 1, 1898, and for a brief period all went well. But about the middle of November one of the candi- dates for the presidency, a Salvadorean named Tomaso Rega- lado, seized upon the machinery of government and made the fulfilment of the federative scheme impossible. He did not aim to make himself the permanent head of the Confederation, for it did not accord with his plans to keep the Confederation alive. Rather was his action prompted by regard for the inter- ests of Salvador, which strongly objected to the financial arrangements authorized by the new Constitution. Accord- ingly, after gaining control of affairs, Senor Regalado issued a proclamation declaring that Salvador was no longer a member 500 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv of the Confederation, but that it woukl join tlie union of Cen- tral American Republics whenever its own interests made such a course seem advisable. Such is the meagre result of three quarters of a century of endeavor after national unity. What will yet be accomplished in that direction it is useless to prophesy ; but the history of Central America ever since it was delivered from Spanish rule shows conclusively that the people of the country cannot exer- cise self-government as that word is properly understood. That they have made progress in education, industry, and commerce cannot be denied ; and assuredly they have the right to estab- lish any kind of rule that they find suited to themselves. They are certainly better off than they were under Spain's harsh dominion ; and even though they do not make law respected, government stable, and property secure, who shall say that their political education is making no headway at all ? But as yet they do not understand the meaning of free institu- tions or the responsibilities of citizenship. Fond of color, gayety, and brightness, loving the gorgeous processions and ceremonies of the Church better than the sober side of life, averse to serious thinking, living in the feelings and emotions, and delighting in fetes and in exciting sports, the Central American does not know how to cherish political ideals or to fight against political corruption. Hence, in his country it is the strong man rather than the majority that rules, and the character of the government always depends upon the charac- ter of the man who has grasped the reins of power. Almost invariably the Central American ruler is despotic ; almost invariably does he surround himself with characters whose chief merit is their willingness to do his bidding ; but some- times he is not dishonest, and occasionally he is a man of lib- eral and progressive views. But his power he knows to be insecure, for it does not rest upon the suffrages of the people. It is by a revolution that he rises, and by a revolution that he may expect to fall. Therefore, the (Jentral American Repub- lics will be Republics in name only until long years have changed the temper of the people, and many patriots like Morazan have taught their countrymen the value of liberty. And, all this being so, it goes without saying that the endeavor to establish national unity cannot well succeed. Weak states CHAP. II GUATEMALA 601 cannot form a strong state ; the weakness of the units is siu-e to affect the whole. If the individual republics are at the mercy of revolutions, the central republic must be subject to revolutions also; if each separate government is a one-man power, the one-man power must likewise control the central government. Hence, an alliance or contract easily dissolved is all that can for some time be expected from a confederation of the Central American Republics. The government of each one of these live states being thus shifting and unstable, it is hardly worth while to trace its his- tory since the lirst attempt at union failed in 1838. For the story would be an unprofitable record of constant changes and petty revolutions; of intrigue, greed, selfishness, despotism. and cruelty, attended with some progress, some inevitable material growth, and on the whole a fair measure of prosperity. The larger and more important elements of the story have already been given in the account of the endeavor after unity ; the small and petty elements may well be ignored. Accord- ingly, each of the Republics will be considered separately only so far as is necessary to describe the form of government and to give such statistical records as may indicate the industrial possibilities of each country.' Guatemala The largest of the five Republics is the one which the pre- ceding pages show to have had, on the whole, the greatest political importance, Guatemala, its area being 63,400 square miles, which is about that of all New England. It is also the most populous of them all, having 1,750,000 inhabitants. The Constitution gives the suffrage to all, and vests the govern- ment in a President elected by the people for six years, and a single Legislative Chamlier, the members of which are elected for four years. Education is free and is supposed to be com- pulsory, but not more than from one third to one half of the children actually attend school. The poor roads of the country are as yet a great hindrance to the development of iFor a discussion of the resources, climate, soil, products, and industries of each Repuhlic consult the United States Government's "Handbook of the American Republics" ; also W. E. Curtis on " Central America: Its Resources and Commerce," in the Forum for April and May, 18'.t8. 502 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv the country's resources, as mule paths are the ordinary means of communication, and as yet but few railroads have been con- structed. Yet, owing to the influence of Barrios, Guatemala has introduced more modern improvements than any other Central American State, and since his death the construction of public works has not been entirely abandoned. The soil of the country is exceedingly rich, and is capable of producing a great variety of products. Cofi^ee, sugar, tobacco, and cereals of an admirable quality can be raised in almost unlimited quantities, while the timber forests are very valuable, as they are all over Central America. Altogether, the resources of Guatemala are so great that it probably could support ten times the population that it now con- tains. But its growth will not be rapid until it has acquired greater political stability, for of recent years it has been the scene of much restlessness and agitation. After the death of Justo Barrios in 1885, his nephew, Jose Maria Reina Barrios, became the leading figure in the State, and made himself head of the Government. But his rule was a stern one, and in suppressing rebellion with a merciless hand he made so many enemies that a price was publicly offered for his death. Consequently, he lived in constant dread of assassins, and was finally killed by one on February 8, 1898. But his death caused little change in the conduct of the Government. Honduras Honduras is about two thirds as large as Guatemala, having an area of about 43,000 square miles, which is nearly the same as that of Virginia, but it has a population of less than 500,000. It is, indeed, a very backward and unprogressive country, its inhabitants being peculiarly listless and indolent, even for Spanish Americans. Little attempt is made to develop the natural resources of the country ; yet Honduras has a wonderfully rich soil, considerable mineral wealth, excel- lent timber lands, navigable rivers, and fine harbors. It is nominally a Republic, being governed under a charter which was proclaimed in 1891, and which grants representative gov- ernment, religious freedom, and free and compulsory educa- tion. The executive power is vested in a President elected by the suffrages of the people, who is assisted by a Council of CHAP. II SALVADOR 503 Ministers. There is one legislative body, to wliich one deputy is allowed for every thousand inhabitants. This system of government is actually in operation, and education is provided as the law directs. But the apathy of the people makes the free institutions of the country peculiarly unstable. The strong man could at any time easily overturn them. Salvador Quite a different country is the little Republic of Salvador. Although it contains but a little over 7000 square miles — about the size of New Jersey or Massachusetts — it has nearly a million inhabitants, and its people are characterized by industry, energy, and thrift. Only about 20,000 of them are white, and this oligarchy controls the Government and gives to the whole country its progressive character and its com- paratively advanced political condition. Salvador has indeed an admirable Constitution,^ proclaimed first in 1864 but modi- fied in 1880, 1883, and 1886, which vests the executive authority in a President elected for four years by the people, and the legislative in a National Assembly of Deputies chosen for every year by universal suffrage. Instruction is made com- pulsory, and all the rights which properly belong to the citi- zens of a free republic are guaranteed. But the provisions of the Constitution are summarily set aside by the ruling class, which so manipulates the elections as to keep the power firmly in its own hands. Although the Constitution declares against the conscription of soldiers, the Government does not hesi- tate to raise all the troops it needs, and to use them in an illegal and high-handed manner. Hence here, as nearly every- where in Spanish America, republican institutions exist rather in theory than in practice. The President is abnost invariably an absolute ruler, and comes into power by a proclamation declaring his authority rather than by process of election. But the country is highly prosperous and its resources have been well developed. Its mines contain rich stores of silver, gold, iron, copper, and quicksilver; its soil gives an abundant yield of coffee, sugar, indigo, tobacco, and various tropical products ; and its roads are in better condition than those of 1 Consult the United States Government's publication on Salvador in the Bureau of Anieric;iu Republics. 504 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv the other Central American countries. Unfortunately, however, its coast does not contain a single harbor, and it frequently suffers from violent earthquakes. Nicaragua Though containing 49,500 square miles of territory and equalling in ai-ea the State of New York, Nicaragua has a population of only half a million, and is making no gains in material prosperity. For its people are discouraged by the frequent political disturbances and are little disposed to accu- mulate what a usurping Government may suddenly snatch away. The closing years of the century have been especially disquiet- ing, for they have witnessed the attempts of a typical Spanish- American adventurer to make himself master of the country. General Santos Zelaya, aspiring to be President, established his authority by a proclamation setting aside the Constitution of 1894, which vests the executive power in a President chosen for four years by the people and the legislative in a Congress of forty dejjuties elected for two years. Unce in power, President Zelaya found himself the object of many conspiracies, and adopted such harsh and repressive measures as to make himself disliked all over the country. That his career will be cut short by violence is highly probable, but it is equally probable that his successor will resort to similar methods of rule and will show the same disregard of the Constitution. And while such political unrest prevails, Nicaragua will continue to be unde- veloped, though its mines, its forests, its soil, and its fisheries contain inexhaustible riches. Costa, Rica In this small country, which, containing about 39,000 square miles, is a little larger than Indiana and has a population of less than 300,000, republican institutions seem to have found a congenial home. Unlike her sister Republics, Costa Rica elects her rulers in the manner provided for by the Constitu- tion, and in other respects shows herself to be a quiet and law- abiding country. The Constitution, however, is not as demo- cratic as that of most Spanish-American States, as both the President, whose term of office is four years, and the Congress, whose members serve for four years, one half retiring every CHAP. II COSTA IlICA 505 two years, are chosen by an electoral assembly and not directly by the people. There are about 30 deputies and between 500 and 600 electors. The President has considerable power, as he can appoint and remove at will the four members of his Cabinet ; but he cannot serve for two terms in succession. The Constitution provides for free primary education, and the chil- dren are obliged to attend school except in the thinly settled regions. Costa Rica has also an excellent judicial system, there being a Supreme Court of eleven justices elected by Con- gress for four years, a minor court in each province but that of San Jose, which has two, and criminal courts with subordinate judges called alcaldes throughout the country. In the other Central American Republics also a judicial system is provided for by the Constitution and has of necessity some degree of working efficiency. But it is needless to say that where despots govern, justice is often blind. It is to be noted that Roman Catholicism is recognized as the established religion of the State in Costa Rica ; but entire freedom of worship is granted to other creeds. Under its excellent government the population of the country is rapidly increasing, and already Costa Rica has developed a considerable foreign trade. Coffee, bananas, skins, hides, and hard woods are the chief articles of export ; but the soil is capable of producing almost everything, and these exports are certain to grow in variety as well as in value, as the country becomes more thickly settled. Not very many miles of rail- ways have yet been constructed, but the lines are Avell arranged for giving the great productive regions an outlet upon the Atlantic and Pacific coasts. It may be remembered that Costa Rica was the first State to recognize the futility of the federative experiment (p. 494) and to devote itself quietly and peaceably to the management of its own affairs. Ever since that time it has been inclined to let its neighbors alone and to expend its energies in establish- ing the reign of justice, law, and prosperity within its own borders. So well has it succeeded in these efforts, that its career may be viewed as an example for all Spanish-American coun- tries, and as a promise that all Central America, which is one of the richest and fairest regions of the globe, will some day be one of the most prosperous. CHAPTER III SOUTH AMERICA The opening years of the nineteenth century found Spain in possession of a great portion of South America. Brazil belonged to Portugal ; the British, Dutch, and. Prench had divided Guiana between them ; and Patagonia, though really a part of the Spanish viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, was aban- doned to tribes of wandering Indians ; but over all the rest of the South American continent Sj^ain exercised her galling and tyrannical rule. For the people of this vast region fared no better than the inhabitants of other Spanish Colonies. They were badly used by the Spanish governors, persecuted by the Inquisition, and continually forced, to sacritice their own inter- ests to those of the mother-country. Their commerce was crippled by exasperating restrictions ; they were forbidden to raise articles which might compete with the products of Spain in the home markets.^ But the people of South America did not remain tamely submissive under this petty tyranny. It was the Indians who first sought to redress their wrongs by arms, for they Avere treated with intolerable cruelty ; and 1 It has become one of the accepted traditions of history that Spain's treat- ment of her Colonies was extremely harsh and crnel ; hut only a detailed statement of the atrocities practised could give an idea of what the colonists suffered. The brief and general account given in the text above, far from being exaggerated, falls greatly short of the truth. Throughout Spanish America the prisons were veritable infernos. For a full description of Spain's infamous colonial policy consult Captain Basil Hall's " South America," Vol. I. Ch. VII. Even as temperate and careful a writer as Professor Bernard Moses says of this same policy: "The trade restrictions which were imposed upon the Colonies, instead of permitting them to start with the advantages of the achievements of European civilization, in many cases drove them back to the barbarism of the aborigines, and doomed them to go over again the pain- ful way up to civilization which their ancestors had trod in Europe." — " The Establishment of Spanish Rule in America," p. 286. 506 CHAP. Ill SOUTH AMERICA 507 under Tupac Amaru II., called the Last of the Incas, they made a formidable attack upon the Spanish power in 1780. But owing to a lack of arms and discipline they were thor- oughly defeated, and their leader was put to a cruel death in the following year.^ Soon, however, came the victorious end- ing of the American Revolution and the bloody overthrow of monarchy in France. Encouraged by these events, the discon- tented South American peojjles cherished the hope of winning their independence, and bided their time. Their opportunity seemed to come when Napoleon invaded Spain in 1808 ; for the entire energies of the Spanish nation became absorbed in its long and desperate struggle with the armies of France. Accord- ingly, on April 19, 1810, some months earlier than the first attack in Mexico (p. 479), a handful of Venezuelan patriots, among whom was Simon Bolivar, instigated an uprising at Caracas. The movement was successful, and the rebellion became more formidable with each new victory. Venezuela was soon freed temporarily from Spanish rule and in 1811 was declared to be a Republic. Meanwhile, the first sparks of insurrection had been kindling a mighty conflagration, and by this time nearly all of Spain's South American Colonies were in a state of revolt. The provinces that are now comprised by the countries of Peru, Chili, and Bolivia, and the city of Buenos Ayres, all became the scenes of uprisings against the dominion of Spain. Buenos Ayres had in 1776 been declared the capital of a viceroyalty comprising the provinces of Rio de la Plata, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Bolivia, and it now became the centre of a persistent and successful movement for independence. As early as 1810 a provisional Government of the provinces of the Rio de la Plata was formed, and allegiance to Spain made thereby only nominal ; and on January 31, 1813, a Congress was assembled at Buenos Ayres, which thus became the seat of a national Government. This Government Spain never succeeded in overthrowing; and in 1816 the formal separation from the mother-country was decreed, and the Argentine Republic came into being, though not with its present boundaries. From this time on the Republic was not called upon to expel the Spanish armies from its own territory ; 1 An interesting sketch of this rebelliou may be found in Markham's " lli.s- tory of Peru," Ch. VIII. 508 SPANISH AND TORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv but it rendered aid to the other Colonies that were struggling for independence. And this struggle was a long and sanguinary one, in the course of which the cause of the patriots more than once seemed hopeless. For at Buenos Ayres alone was the revolu- tion at once successful. In other places the insurrectionary movement was crushed, for a time even Venezuela, with Boli- var as its leader, being unable to hold its own. For fresh troops were sent into that province in 1812, and in the same year the patriots were discouraged by the tremendous earth- qiiake which shook Caracas to the ground and destroyed the lives of more than ten thousand people. Viewing this con- vulsion of nature as sent by an offended Deity to rebuke their rebellious spirit, the superstitious people of Venezuela lost their interest in the revolution, and made so feeble a stand against the Spanish forces that Bolivar was driven from the province in 1812. Passing into the adjoining province of New Granada, he continued the struggle with varying fortunes, in 1814 receiving so disastrous a defeat that it seemed doubtful whether he could ever rally another army. Even his courage almost failed at this crisis, and in 1815 he sought refuge in Jamaica. But he soon reappeared, and rencAved the conflict with such vigor that the Spanish power, undermined by the persistency and the widespread area of the rebellion, began to give way. Defeated in one province, Bolivar passed into another, always finding some region in which the fire of rebellion had not been quenched. In the northern provinces the patriots suffered many reverses before they won any decisive victories. But Chili was finally freed from Spain by the battle of Maipo, fought April 5, 1818, and on August 7 of the following year Bolivar freed New Granada by the great victory of Boyaca. In Venezuela the Spanish general, Murillo, offered a very stubborn resistance to the patriot forces, but his army was at last almost annihilated in the battle of Carabobo, which took place on June 24, 1821. So complete was this victory that it enabled the people of Venezuela to set up a Republic on the ruins of the Spanish regime. Quito (now Ecuador) and Peru were the only countries still in the possession of Spain, and Bolivar determined to com- CHAP. Ill SOUTH AMERICA 509 plete the work of liberation by effecting their deliverance. Marching first into the province of Quito, he defeated the Spaniards in the important battle of Pichincha on May 24, 1822, which enabled him to enter the city of Quito without opposition, and on December 9, 1824, he brought the long struggle practically to an end by the great victory won at Ayacucho in Peru. About a year later the Spaniards gave up their last stronghold in South America, though they did not formally recognize the independence of the country till 1845. Bolivar was undoubtedly the central figure in this long revolutionary contest, and he was not inaptly termed " The Liberator," by his countrymen. Showing rare self-denial in his efforts to free his country, he sacrificed his vast fortune in prosecuting the war, suffered the hardships and privations of the commonest soldier, faced overwhelming odds unflinch- ingly, and inspired enthusiasm and devotion by his unfailing personal charm. Yet, great as was the service he rendered to the work of liberation, he might possibly have failed but for the assistance of three other patriots whose merits have sel- dom received adequate recognition. A brief account of what each of them accomplished is therefore appropriate. Jose Antonio Paez ^ saved the revolutionary movement in Venezuela from utter defeat by his heroism and daring. Ac- customed to tlie wild life of the herdsman, inured to hardship, without an equal in horsemanship and in all exercises requir- ing bodily strength and skill, Paez had an unbounded influ- ence over the rough llaneros of the plains. These men, whose weapon was the deadly lance, he trained into a marvellously efficient body of cavalry, and with them he accomplished feats which make those of mediaeval knights seem tame.^ When the armies of the patriots were routed and the war seemed at an end, Paez continued the struggle with his llaneros and made his name a terror to the enemy by his wild and amazing 1 Not very much has been written about this gallant revolutionary hero, but a graphic picture of his achieveincnts may be found in a work by his son, Don Ramon Paez, entitled " Wild Scenes in South America," Chs. XXII. and XXIII. ; and Paez has himself recorded the story of his life in an autobiog- raphy, published in New York in 18(i7, and appreciatively reviewed in the Nuti'an, G: 291. ■■^ His most astonishing achievement was that of capturing some Spanish gunboats in the river with a small band of men who swam with their horses into the stream, climbed into the boats, and overpowered their crews. 510 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv exploits. Notliing seemed too hazardous for him to attempt, and some of the more important victories were acliieved by his reckless bravery and ingenious stratagems. In the great and decisive battle of Carabobo it was a charge by Paez and his horsemen that carried the day. But, modest as he was brave, Paez, even after his most astonishing successes, always stood ready to acknowledge Bolivar's superiority. By no dis- play of jealousy or petty -mindedness did he ever injure or imperil the patriot cause. Services of quite a different character did Antonio Jose de Sucre render to the revolutionary movement. Educated as a military engineer, General Sucre showed such rare organizing power that Bolivar termed him " the soul of the army " and his campaigns were conducted with ability and success. On the battle-field he was of great service to Bolivar, who was not always cool and clear-headed during an engagement.' The decisive battles of Pichincha and Ayacucho, as well as some that are less famous, were won by Sucre's generalship and courage. Unfortunately, his political career was cut short when he was only thirty-seven years old, as his political ene- mies had him' shot from an ambush in 1830. Less famous even than Paez is Jose de San Martin, though his achievements rivalled even those of Bolivar himself. Born at Yapeyu, in the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, in 1778, he was taken to Sj)ain at the age of eight and Avas there educated as a soldier. After serving for nearly twenty years in the Spanish army, he returned to Buenos Ayres in 1810 to engage in the war for independence. Soon gaining distinction by his military ability and receiving an important command, he yet retired from the army in 1814, for he had conceived a large project which could only be executed after long and careful preparations. His plan was nothing less than to march an army across the Andes and break the Spanish power on the Pacific coast. Impracticable as this scheme seemed to be, it was yet carried out in 1817. San Martin organized a force that was termed the "army of the Andes," succeeded, by extraor- 1 Bolivar has sometimes been pronounced destitute of military ability ; but San Martin thought highly of his generalship, and Sucre came near losing the battle of Ayacucho through disregarding Bolivar's warning against sca- teriug his forces. Filling's " Emancipation of South America," pp. 407, 4.".-i. CHAP, in SOUTH AMERICA 511 dinary exertions, in leading it across the Andes into Cliili, and won a signal victory over the Spaniards at Chacabiico on February 12. The still more decisive battle of Maipo, fought on April 5 of the following year, delivered all Chili into his hands and left him free to attempt the conquest of Peru. Landing in that province in September through the assistance of Admiral Cochrane's fleet, he carried everything before him ; and on July 12, 1821, he was able to make a triumphal entry into Lima. By these successes he had made himself as con- spicuous in the southern theatre of the war as Bolivar had been in the northern provinces, and he expected to share equally with that eminent patriot the glory of bringing the struggle for liberty to a speedy and successful conclusion. But in this hope he was bitterly disappointed. Meeting Boli- var for the first time at Guayaquil on July 25, 1822, San Martin found that the Liberator would brook no rival. Ac- cordingly, unwilling to create dissension and antagonisms, he withdrew from the scene of action, and, soon resigning his command, set out for Europe. Unquestionably the war was prolonged because Bolivar's vanity prevented him from secur- ing this gifted patriot's cooperation. But it was not to her own sons only that South America owed her independence. As the Greeks in their nearly con- temporary struggle for liberty were greatly helped by Lord Byron and other Hellenists, so did the people of South Amer- ica receive valuable aid from Lord Cochrane and from a valiant band of British volunteers. Thomas Cochrane, tenth Earl of Dundonald, was born on December 14, 1775. Although he was an able and gallant seaman and distinguished himself in Great Britain's service, his impulsive and uncompromising character finally caused him to be unjustly sentenced to fine and impris- onment, and to be deprived of his command in the British navy. Thus becoming a free lance, but always preserving a high sense of honor and never lending himself to an ignoble cause, he now listened to overtures from the newly established government of Chili and undertook to command and organize its navy. Arriv- ing at Valparaiso on November 29, 1818, he put life and spirit into the struggling patriots by his boundless energy. It was through Lord Cochrane's successes and vigorous exertions that San Martin was able to invade Peru ; and for four years he did 512 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv sterling service to the patriot cause. But he never got on well with San Martin/ and he finally threw up his commission in disgust, being satisfied that he could never obtain due recogni- tion and support from a government that was already torn with political dissension and rendered inefficient by ministerial cor- ruption. More fortunate in winning merited praise were the British and Irish volunteers, who fought side by side with the patriots on the fields of Venezuela and showed heroic valor in the bloody battle of Carabobo. Two thirds of their number were killed or wounded in that engagement, and when the sur- vivors passed before Bolivar, he greeted them with the generous words, " Saviours of my country ! " ^ The war for independence having been brought to a suc- cessful termination, the countries thus set free from Spanish rule had to choose and establish their forms of government. As the war had been a war of liberation, to some extent inspired by the example of the United States, it was natural that republican principles should now be held throughout Spanish America and that the people should everywhere expect to rule. Even during the war these tendencies were manifest, and as fast as the Spanish viceroys were driven out of various provinces. Congresses were convened to pro- vide for the conduct of affairs. But throughout the northern provinces the success of the patriots was for some years too transitory and the fortunes of war too shifting to allow any organized government a sure and permanent foundation ; and the exigencies of the time seemed to render a dictatorial power inevitable. Accordingly, Bolivar was intrusted with supreme authority, and as the revolution gained new victories, the area of his rule increased. First of all Venezuela gave him entire control of civil and military affairs when he entered Caracas at the head of a liberating army in 181.3 ; and in the following year New Granada, which had declared itself to be a Republic, appointed him commander-in-chief of its forces. But in 1819 1 Much sharp and bitter language passed between Lord Cochrane and San Martin. Probably the two were incapable of understanding each other. The "Dictionary of National Biography" (XI. 172) implies that San Martin deserved Lord Cochrane's reproaches : but the account of San Martin given in Hall's " South America," Vol. II. Ch. X., makes the correctness of this view seem at least very doubtful. 2Eastwick's " Venezuela," p. 217. CHAP. Ill SOUTH AMERICA 513 he succeeded in uniting these two countries into a single State, called the Republic of Colombia, of which he was chosen President. Three years later occurred his victorious campaign in the province of Quito, which now entered the Colombian Republic under the name of Ecuador,^ and increased Bolivar's authority and influence. Still greater prestige came to him after his armies liberated Peru in 1824, for the Congress of Lima made him dictator with absolute powers. And finally, in 1825, Upper Peru, which had been under the government established recently at Buenos Ayres (p. 507), as it belonged once to the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, formed itself into a separate State under the name of Bolivia, made the triumphant general perpetual dictator, and intrusted him with the task of preparing it a Constitution. Such a rapid advancement in power and authority Avas enough to inspire any man with far-reaching ambition ; and Bolivar, though sometimes called the "Washington of South America," did not possess Washington's well-balanced mind and perfect self-control. The powers which had been given him for the purposes of warfare he wished to keep perpetually; and it was just when the most splendid future seemed before him that his influence began to decline. For with the dawn of peace the countries he had freed began to manifest strong republican aspirations. Bolivar's arrogant and dictatorial ways gave offence to the partisans of popular sovereignty, and a fierce factional warfare arose between the Liberals, who believed that each State should pursne its own separate career and devote its energies to interual reforms, and the Federal- ists, who were ardently attached to Bolivar and were deter- mined to carry through their scheme of federation at any cost. Hence, the era of peace soon degenerated into an era of dis- sension. In all the States which had been freed by Bolivar's exertions and had come under his ascendency, violent conten- tions arose and stood in the way of peaceable and steady prog- ress. Thus here, as in Central America, the incapacity of the Spanish American for self-government began to be strik- ingly manifest. 1 This iiajiie was derived from the southernmost of the three departments into whicli the old Spanish province of Quito was divided. This department was called Ecuador (Equator) because the equator passed through it. 2l 514 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv That Bolivar's actions at this period were clue to a purely selfish ambition cannot be justly concluded. No doubt he wished to wield the vast powers to which he aspired for the prosperity and political advancement of the people. But his methods were unfortunate, and equally so were those of some of his most distinguished compatriots. On May 25, 1826, he presented to the Congress of Bolivia his draft of a Constitution, and at the same time recommended that form of government which he deemed most siiitable for the newly established Republics. As the most striking feature in his plan was that the President of each Republic should be appointed for life, the friends of constitutional government took alarm. Even in Chili and in Buenos Ayres the Repub- licans were filled with apprehension, while in Peru they accused Bolivar of conspiring to subvert free institutions and to bring all the States of Spanish America under his own absolute rule.^ And in truth this was exactly what Bolivar wanted and endeavored to accomplish. But his efforts were unsuccessful. Bolivar was at this time President of the Republic of Colombia, and Santander, an able and upright man, was its Vice-Presi- dent ; but Bolivar left the practical management of affairs in Santander's hands, while he himself pushed forward his dic- tatorial schemes in Bolivia. But rebellion soon called him back to the seat of government. Venezuela became disaffected in 1826, and Ecuador in the following year. By using the powers which the Constitution gave him and by establishing military rule in these States, Bolivar for the time being kept them under his control. But his power was waning fast. In February, 1827, he resigned his official position, and, although he was asked by the Senate to withdraw his resignation, it was apparent that he was losing his adherents, while San- tander, whose loyalty to the Constitution had commanded respect, was steadily gaining friends. But, instead of profit- ing by this lesson and abandoning his despotic ways, Bolivar became more arbitrary than ever. On March 21, 1828, he issued a decree, convening a national Congress at Orcana; iln the "Memoirs of Simon Bolivar." by General H. L. V. Ducoudray Holstein (1829), is a memoir by the Marquis of Torre-Tagle, late President of Peru, which shows how high-handed were Bolivar's actions there. CHAP. Ill SOUTH AMERICA 515 and when it assembled, he quartered himself near it with an army of three thousand men, with a view to controlling its proceedings. True, he did not play the part of Cromwell and send his soldiers on the floor of the assembly hall, but he directed his own followers to leave the Convention and thereby deprived it of a quorum. So the Convention could accomplish nothing, and his own friends, to whom he issued earnest appeals, now became masters of the situation. Summoning popular assemblies at Bogota, Caracas, and Cartagena, they granted him the powers of a dictator. Thus fortified, he issued a decree in August, 1828, declaring himself absolute ruler of Colombia. But these high-handed measures could not long delay his downfall. The States became more and more disaffected, and not even by military force was he long able to hold them in sub- jection. Venezuela withdrew from the Confederation in 1829, and in the following year the Liberals in Ecuador wrested the government from the adherents of Bolivar and made Ecuador an independent Republic. These secessions broke Bolivar's power, and it soon became apparent that even over the remaining portion of the Colombian Republic he could no longer retain his sway. The Convention that met at Bogota, the capital, in 1830, accepted his resignation from the presi- dency, greatly to his mortification, and there was nothiug left for him but to retire from public life. Disappointed and broken in health, he spent the few months that remained to him in bitter reflections,' and only a few days before his death he dictated a farewell address to the nation in which he taxed 1 Bolivar's feelings at this period are shown by the following extracts from a letter which he wrote to General Flores of Ecuador only about a month before his death. They were first published in English by Hassaurek in his " Four Years among Spanish Americans," Ch. XII. " I have been in power for nearly twenty years, from which I have gathered only a few definite results: — 1. America is for us ungovernable. 2. He wlio derlicates his services to a revolution ploughs the sea. 3. The only thing that can be done in America is to emigrate. 4. This country will inevitably fall into the hands of the unbridled rabble, and little by little become a prey to petty tyrants of all colors and races. .'"). Devoured as we shall be by all possible crimes, and ruined l)y our fero- ciousness, the Euro)ieaiis will not deem it worth wliile to conquer us. 6. If it were possil)le for any part of the world to return to a state of primi- tive chaos, that would be the last stage of South America." 516 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv his countrymen with ingratitude and injustice. He died on December 17, 1830, having lived long enough to see the States he had freed fail utterly in their attempt at federative union and enter the troublous pathway of factional warfare. Since his death Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia have continued to be separate and independent States. Equally futile were the efforts to weld the remaining Spanish countries of South America into a permanent federation. The viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres was a very extensive province, comprising the territory now occupied by Uruguay, Paraguay, Bolivia, and the Argentine Republic. Under Spanish rule the viceroyalty was divided into six provinces, and these six prov- inces made the vmits out of which the new State was composed. The first attempt at union was utterly unsuccessful, as the government was very imperfectly organized and the people of the country barely knew what system of rule they desired. So far were they from accepting true republican principles that they sent delegates to Europe in 1814 to find them a prince in England, France, or some other monarchical country. But as this project fell through, and as the government seemed to have no power to preserve order outside of Buenos Ayres itself, a Congress was assembled at Tucuman in 1816 and a new Con- federation, called the " United Provinces of Rio de la Plata," was established. Like all Spanish-American people at this time, the members of the Congress looked upon the United States as having successfully solved all the problems of govern- ment, and they adopted some of the fundamental features of the United States Constitution. For they provided that the new Confederation should be governed by a president and by a legislature consisting of two houses. But that the forms of a republic are worth little without a free and intelligent exercise of the right of suffrage, they had yet to learn. Hence this new experiment in nation-making soon ended in failure. The new Constitution, from which so much was expected, was not even adopted by all of the provinces ; for an antagonism was speedily developed between the city of Buenos Ayres and the men of influence in the rural districts. Accus- tomed to lead the people about them, these men could not brook the assumptions of the capital city, which despised the raw civilization of the pampas, being quite unconscious of the CHAP. Ill SOUTH AMERICA 517 thinness and poverty of its own. There being this lack of sjm- pathy and cooperation between the different parts of the United Provinces and their centre, the process of disintegration soon began. Bolivia asserted its independence in 1825 (p. 513). Paraguay, as early as 1814, passed under the despotic rule of Jose Gaspar Kodriguez Francia, who exercised such absolute authority that the province never really came under the control of the Buenos Ayres Government. In Uruguay, Jose Artigas, a giiacho who had served with success in the war for indepen- dence, attempted the role of dictator which Prancia had played so successfully in Paraguay, and in 1814 he made himself master of affairs. After ruling despotically for a few years and stirring up much strife, he was driven out of the country in 1820, and Uruguay was annexed by Brazil as the Cisplatine State. But its people were little inclined to submit to this arrangement, and, encouraged to revolt by Buenos Ayres, they declared themselves independent on August 25, 1825. This action led to a war between Buenos Ayres and Brazil for the possession of Uruguay, which lasted several years. But, partly through the intervention of the British Government, the inde- pendence of the country was recognized on October 4, 1828. Thus the tendencies to disintegration, to petty despotisms, and to ceaseless political turmoil were as strong in the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata as they were in the Colombian Republic. Everywhere throughout the Confederation there was factional strife, which ended in the elevation of some soldier of fortune to the control of his own province. Under these conditions the cause of federal unity was hopelessly lost, and the only question was how far the process of disintegra- tion would extend. Would each one of the six provinces that once made up the viceroy alty of Buenos Ayres become an independent State, or could any of them be held together and be made into one Republic of imposing power and dimensions ? If such a unifying movement could be accomplished, Buenos Ayres itself must be its centre, for no other city possessed the necessary energy and prestige. And even at Buenos Ayres there was confusion for a while ; for in 1820 Jose Rondeau, the last director elected under the Constitution of 1816, was overthrown, and at first it seemed doubtful if any one could establish order. But a few months later General MaTuiel 518 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv Domingo Rodriguez appointed Bernardino Rivadavia Secre- tary of tlie Interior and Dr. Manuel Garcia Secretary of the Treasury ; and, with the aid of these two able aud progressive men, he effected a number of reforms. Liberty of the press was decreed, protection was extended to savings-banks and other financial institutions, education was encouraged, and the Church was declared separate from the State. Thus Buenos Ayres made good its right to lead and to save the surrounding provinces from discord and anarchy. The States which had not declared their independence continued to recognize Buenos Ayres as their capital, aud on January 23, 1825, they received from the Buenos Ayres Government a national Constitution. Thus the process of disintegration was to some extent stayed, and the Argentine Republic, as now constituted, had its first beginnings. Through Canning's influence the British Govern- ment recognized the independence of the country in a commer- cial treaty which was signed February 3, only a few days after the Constitution was decreed. Fortunate in these negotiations with a great Eixropean power, the State was equally fortunate in its first President ; Rivadavia, the head of the Unitarians, being chosen to that oflice in spite of the efforts of the Fed- erals, who were opposed to national unity and to a strong central government. Thus by the year 1830 the question of federation was settled all over South America. Brazil had become an Empire under a branch of the Portuguese monarchical house (p. 117). Chili, owing to its isolated position, never joined any union of the States after it established its independence in 1818. The old viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres had been broken up into the separate States of Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay, and the Argen- tine Confederation. Bolivar had failed to make a Republic out of the Colombian States ; and if these smaller federations could not hold together, still less could the countries of South America follow the example of the American Union and, through the binding power of a Constitution, develop into a great nation. Many obstacles were in the way of permanent union. The area of the States was vast, and they were sparsely settled ; they were severed by wide rivers and lofty mountain chains ; they had no well-developed system of roads to make intercourse easy. But all these difficulties might have been CHAP, in THE ARGP:NTINE REPUBLIC 519 overcome if the political conditions had been more favorable. It was the ignorance, the instability, the superstition, and the lack of political experience that made all the larger federative schemes fall through. In South America, as well as in Central America and Mexico^ the Spanish American has shown himself unable to understand the principles of self-government. Hence, even the story of the separate States is an unattractive and discouraging one. Some few of them have shown a capacity for progress, orderly government, and all the institutions that belong to advanced civilization. But these States are the excep- tions. In most of them revolution has succeeded revolution, anarchy alternates with despotism, and the people, though they cherish republican ideals, cannot found a true Republic. Tlie Argentine Republic The Confederation of the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata, established in 1816, had from the beginning an arduous and struggling existence (p. 516). Rivadavia ruled the Con- federation with justice and moderation, but he was followed in 1829 by Rosas, who obtained dictatorial powers and main- tained his ascendency for more than twenty years by tyranny and bloodshed. He was driven from the country in 1852, and in the following year a new Constitution was proclaimed, the country now taking the name of the Argentine Republic. But the new Confederation found almost as many difficulties to contend with as the old. The province of Buenos Ayres de- clared itself independent in the very year that the Constitution was adopted, and did not rejoin the Confederation until 1859. Even after this was accomplished, the country did not hud peace and prosperity. In 1865 the Republic was forced into a serious war with Paraguay, which lasted till 1870. Only four years later occurred a civil uprising under Brigadier-Gen- eral Mitre, who had been a candidate for the presidency and who asserted that his successful rival. President Avellaneda, had carried the election by fraudulent means. The revolution was put down in sixty-six days and was followed by a period of comparative tranquillity, during which the country made considerable progress. But an insurrection which broke out in 1890 brought this era of progress temporarily to an end, as it proved to be of a 520 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv formidable character. It was caused by the extravagance and the arbitrary conduct of President Juarez Celman. Though he brought the country into great financial difficulties and showed himself an incapable executive, President Celman re- fused to resign his office, and severe fighting took place between his supporters and the insurgents. He was finally forced to retire from office ; but hardly had good order been restored before the country was visited by a disastrous panic. It was due in part to the corrupt practices and reckless expenditures of the Celman Government, and in part to over-rapid indus- trial and commercial expansion. This unfortunate financial condition was aggravated by political restlessness, and for some years the country suffered from frequent rebellions and from a stringency in the money market which seriously affected its credit with foreign countries. But after a time the Gov- ernment established its authority, and prosperity began to return. The country, which has an area nearly one third as large as that of the United States, including Alaska, is one of the richest agricultural and grazing regions in the world, and with the growth of industry and commerce there is devel- oping a strong desire for settled government and for all those conditions which make progress possible. For many years the Republic has attracted large numbers of immigrants, the Italians in particular finding it a desirable field for new enter- prises. Education is carefully fostered and encouraged, for not only are children from six to fourteen years of age required to attend school, but a number of secondary schools and sev- eral normal schools are maintained by the general Government. There are also colleges and two universities. The Constitution of the Republic is liberal, and is modelled very closely after that of the United States. The President, who serves six years and who cannot be reelected, is chosen indirectly by a body of electors. He must belong to the Roman Catholic Church. There are two parliamentary Houses, as there are, theoretically at least, in every South American State. The senators are elected for nine years, each state of the Republic choosing two through its Legislature, and two being chosen from the capital by a special body of electors. Senators must have an income of two thousand dollars, though they and the members of the Chambers of Deputies are paid CHAP. Ill BOLIVIA 521 for their services. The Deputies are chosen for four years directly by the people. Each state has also its own separate government, consisting of a legislature and of a governor who is not appointed by the central authorities, as the prefects of departments are in France, but is voted for directly by the people. The Eoman Catholic is the State religion, but all creeds are tolerated. The population numbers about four millions, but is rapidly increasing. Bolivia Agitated by almost unceasing revolutions, Bolivia has made but little progress since it became a distinct and independent nation in 1825. For this has been one of the most restless of all the perturbed and unsettled South American Kepub- lics. For a long time it did succeed in keeping its credit good and avoiding a foreign debt; but after it passed under the rule of President Melgarejo in 1865, its finances became seri- ously disordered, and the disastrous conflict with Chili, in 1879 and 1880, made its condition still worse. As a result of the war it was obliged to mortgage its coast territory, hav- ing an area of 29,910 square miles, to Chili, and it thus lost control of its nitrate beds, which had been an important source of wealth to the country, and was also deprived of all access to the sea. But in 1896 Chili agreed to give it a seaport if it would permanently surrender the mortgaged district. The President of Bolivia is elected for six years by a direct vote of the people, but he cannot be reelected for the term that immediately follows his own. The members of the Senate are chosen for six years by direct suffrage, and those of the Cham- ber of Deputies for four years in the same manner. The suffrage belongs to all who can read and write. The Roman Catholic is the religion of the State, but all forms of worship are tolerated. Such is Bolivia's scheme of government ; but its democratic Constitution seems to have little influence upon the politics of the country. Not the suffrages of the people, but the strong hand and the sword, appoint the nation's executive. Even as the century draws to its end,^ Bolivia is the scene of a formi- dable insurrection against the government. 1 This was the condition of affairs at the beginning of 1899. 522 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv Brazil After John VI. of Portugal had returned to his own country (p. 117), his eldest son, Dom Pedro, was chosen Perpetual Defender of Brazil. On September 7, 1822, he proclaimed the independence of the country, and on October 12 of the same year he was made Constitutional Emperor and Perpetual Defender. Not without a struggle did Portugal relinquish her hold upon her South American province ; but her forces were defeated on land and sea by the Brazilians, and before the end of the year 1823 the independence of Brazil was fairly established. But the newly constituted Emperor found it a difficult task to govern his wide-reaching domains. Opposed to liberal prin- ciples, he ruled autocratically and excited the antagonism of the Republicans all over the Empire. As his troops were defeated by the forces of the Argentine Confederation, and as the finances of the country were in a very unsound condition, he grew more and more unpopular, and fiually abdicated in 1831 and sailed for Portugal, after naming his son, Dom Pedro, the heir apparent of the throne. Dom Pedro was at this time only five years old, and the country was placed under a regency, which was republican in its character. But this Government failed to establish order, and in 1840 Dom Pedro was declared of age in order that rebellion and intrigue might be brought to an end. For nearly fifty j^ears Dom Pedro maintained his sway, and he proved a liberal and progressive ruler. During his reign the slave-trade was abolished, and steps were taken to briug slavery itself to an end by gradual emancipation. Moreover, the wealth of the Empire steadily increased, trade and commerce were developed, new enter- prises were promoted, and education was encouraged. But the Empire was out of harmony with its surroundings. The other South American countries were Republics at least in name, and the people of Bra,zil grew restless under monarchi- cal rule. Accordingly, they rose against the government in 1889, forced Dom Pedro and his family to sail for Europe, and proclaimed a Republic. On February 24, 1891, a new Consti- tution was adopted and a republican form of governuient was established. This Constitution was formally adopted by the CHAP. HI CHILI 523 Constituent Assembly in February of the following year ; but the country did not secure peace and quiet by proclaiming democratic institutions. On the contrary, it has of recent years been the seat of conspiracy, insurrection, and petty war- fare, and steady progress has been impossible. Yet its popu- lation has been increasing, its industries have been developed, and the interest on its foreign debt has usually been paid, though not without serious effort. By the provisions of the Constitution adopted in 1891 the President is elected for six years by an electoral college. Both senators and deputies are chosen by direct vote of^the people, the former for nine years and the latter for three. The fran- chise belongs to all persons not under twenty-one years of age, who are not beggars, illiterate, soldiers in active service, or members of monastic orders under vows of obedience. The Republic comprises twenty states, each of which must, by the Constitution, be organized under a republican form of govern- ment, and have its administrative, legislative, and judicial authorities distinct and independent. There is no recognized state religion, all forms of worship being on an equality. Pri- mary education, though controlled by the governments of the individual states and not by the central Government, is made gratuitous by the Constitution. Brazil is nearly as large as the United States including Alaska, having an area of 3,218,182 square miles. Its popula- tion is about 17,500,000. Chili The independence of Chili was secured by the decisive battle of Maipo, which was fought on April 5, 1818. Soon afterward a government was formed, and Chili took its place among the nations of the world. For about fifteen years its political affairs were in great confusion, as its rulers assumed dictatorial powers, and one administration followed another in rapid succession. But in 1833 the present Constitution of the country was framed and promulgated, and since that time Chili has almost continuously enjoyed the blessings of firm and stable government. Its presidents have usually adminis- tered its affairs with wisdom; its credit has been good with foreign nations ; its legislation has been enlightened and pro- 524 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv gressive. But in 1886 an unscrupulous man, named Don Jose Manuel Balmaceda, was elevated to the presidency, and so despotically did he govern that Chili soon became the theatre of a desperate and bloody civil war. On the first of January, 1891, Congress pronounced Balmaceda guilty of treason to the Constitution, deposed him from his office, and named Senor Jorge Montt as its assistant in its endeavors to make the authority of the Constitution paramount. This decree Balma- ceda resisted, and, though the navy supported Congress, the army remained faithful to him, and thus he was able to defy the power gf Congress for several months. The contest was not settled until Balmaceda's party had been defeated in two fiercely fought battles. But finally, realizing that further resist- ance was useless, Balmaceda committed suicide on December 19, 1891 ; and on November 4 of the same year Jorge Montt was elected President. This deplorable and sanguinary struggle is hardly to be classed with the revolutionary outbreaks that have convulsed the greater portion of Spanish America for three quarters of a century. It arose through the efforts of Congress to set aside a tyrannical ruler, and when it was ended, law and order were reestablished, and the civil strife was seen to have been an unusual episode in the history of the country, not the begin- ning of anarchy and political turmoil. Since Balmaceda's death the country has been as well governed as it was in the long period that preceded his rise to power. In the honesty with which it meets its obligations, in the sobriety of its legis- lation, and in its capacity for intellectual and material progress. Chili compares favorably with the enlightened countries of to-day. At the same time it must be admitted that its pros- perity and the settled character of its government have been due to the ascendency of a class rather than to the free and orderly working of republican institutions. For Chili is in the hands of a landed aristocracy, whose members have monopo- lized the powers granted by the Constitution. The State, therefore, is not a democracy, but a strongly organized and centralized oligarchy,^ Accordingly, it must not be supposed that even in this well-ordered Spanish-American country the supreme law of the land is fully obeyed either in letter or 1 Spanish- Americau Manual for 1891. CHAP. Ill COLOMBIA 525 spirit. We are not to be surprised, then, that tlie President sometimes names his own successor, though he is supposed to be chosen for five years, indirectly, by a body of electors. The Constitution itself secures the election of the wealthier class to the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies ; for the senators, whose term is six years and who are chosen indirectly by the provinces, receive no salary and must have an income of two thousand dollars a year or its equivalent; while the deputies, who serve for three years, also receive no salary and must pos- sess property that yields them an equivalent of five hundred dollars a year. The deputies are supposed to be elected by the direct vote of the people in the provinces, but the vote is not always a fair expression of the popular will. There are no provincial legislatures, as the Government is too highly cen- tralized to share its authority with the powers that might inter- fere with its full control. All who are twenty-one years of age and can read and write have the right to vote. The Roman Catholic is the religion supported by the State, but entire freedom of worship is allowed. Both elementary and higher education are provided by the Government without charge. Colombia The old Spanish viceroyalty of New Granada made a part of the Colombian Confederation until that organization was dissolved in 1832. Becoming then a separate Republic, it kept the name of New Granada until 1858, when it was changed into a confederation of eight states under the title of the Confederation Granadina. But this political arrange- ment was short-lived. In 18G3 a new federal Constitution was adopted, and the State was now known as the United States of Colombia. In 1886, however, it took the name of the Republic of Colombia, which it still retains. As these changes would suggest, the country has had its full share of insurrections and civil disturbances ; and such progress as it has made has been accomplished during those rarely recurring periods when quiet has been maintained by an unusually able ruler. In the last two decades of the century there have been several uprisings of a formidable character, and the govern- ment forces have not always been able to hold their own against the insurgents. But the population of the country 626 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv is increasing, its mineral and agricultural resources are vast, and its import and export trade, though varying greatly from year to year, shows a tendency to expand. Under settled con- ditions its industries must have an immense development. Following the example of other South American countries, Colombia adopted in 1863 a Constitution very much like that of the United States. But in 1886 this Constitution was set aside in favor of one which was less truly republican in char- acter. For the nine States which had made up the Republic were deprived of their sovereignty and made into mere depart- ments, each under the control of a governor nominated by the President. Thus the principle of centralization has received the same recognition here that it has in France, where the President appoints the prefects of the departments. The President of Colombia is chosen for six years by electoral col- leges. The members of the Senate are appointed for six years by the governors of the departments without much regard to the popular will ; those of the House of Representatives are elected by universal suffrage for four years. The State recog- nizes the Roman Catholic religion, but permits all forms of worship. It has done much to encourage education, public instruction having been taken from the hands of the clergy in 1870 and placed under the control of the Government, a reform in the school system being at the same time carried out. But primary education, though gratuitous, is not compulsory. The area of Colombia is a little above 500,000 square miles, and its population numbers about 4,000,000. Ecuador The Republic of Ecuador came into existence on May 11, 1830, through the disruption of the Colombian Federation. Like the other Spanish States of South America, it attempted to establish a republican form of government, and to that end adopted a Constitution ; but so much power was placed in the hands of the President as to render him a despot rather than the head of a free State. For he could arrest and imprison without trial all persons whom he considered dangerous to the State. This power was unscrupulously used by various presi- dents, and for many years the political history of Ecuador was CHAP. Ill PARAGUAY 527 chiefly distinguished by petty tyranny, intrigue, reactionary measures, and consequent revolutions. Dr. Gabriel Garcia Moreno, who was made President by the Conservatives in 1861, made himself conspicuous by his opposition to progress and education, and by his subserviency to a narrow and bigoted priesthood. More than once forced to retire from office, he reinstated himself by force or by underhand measures ; but he was assassinated in 1875. Before his death the President's power to imprison on suspicion was taken away ; and in spite of its corrupt and unsettled political condition Ecuador has made some progress in education and in material prosperity. But it is still one of the most backward and poorly governed States of South America. No later than 1895 it was the scene of an insurrection, as a result of which General Alfaro was made dictator and afterward elected President. The President is elected for four years directly by the people. There are two Congressional Houses : the Senate, composed of two members for each province, who are elected for four years, and a Chamber of Deputies, whose members are chosen for two years. The right to vote belongs to all male adults who can read and write, and who belong to the Koman Catholic Church. Paraguay None of the South American countries have been more unfortu- nate than this small, but rich and fertile State. From 1814 to 1840 it was under the rule of Dr. Jose G. R. Francia, who assumed the power of a dictator and governed as a despot. After his death there was an interregnum of two years, at the end of which time two of his nephews, Mariano Roque Alonso and Don Carlos Antonio Lopez, were chosen Consuls of the Republic. And in 1844 a new Constitution was adopted by Congress, and Don Carlos Antonio Lopez was elected sole President. This position he retained until 1862, when his son, Don Francisco Solano Lopez, succeeded him and soon brought the country into a desolating war with Brazil, Uru- guay, and the Argentine Republic. The struggle lasted for five years, and when it ended with the death of Lopez in 1870, Paraguay had lost a large portion of its population and was in an utterly impoverished and prostrate condition. However, it 528 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv proclaimed a new Constitution and made an earnest effort to establish order and regain prosperity. For many years its gains were slow, but in the last decade of the century it took its place among the growing and progressive South American countries. Possessing vast natural resources and favored with an excellent climate, it showed great recnperative energy, and its trade and population increased from year to year. Since the death of Lopez it has been little troubled with revolutions. Paraguay has an area of 98,000 square miles, and a popula- tion of about 500,000. The President is elected for four years by an electoral college, and eight years must then pass before he can be chosen a second time. The members of the Senate and of the Chamber of Deputies sit respectively for six years and for four years, and are chosen directly by the people. Peru Peru has not had a fortunate history since its independence was established in 1824. For twenty years it was torn by civil strife and subjected to the despotic rule of military presidents who believed that they could solve the problems of government by an appeal to the sword. In 1845 began a long period of progress and prosperity which lasted, with only one or two short interruptions, for thirty-five years. During this time the Constitution was remodelled and put, as to essentials, in its present form ; slavery was abolished ; the Indians were released from paying tribute; and many internal improve- ments were made, though not without an enormous increase of the public debt. From 1872 to 1876 the country was under the administration of Don Manuel Pedro, who governed it with such wisdom and integrity that his memory is still cherished by the Peruvian people. But in 1879 began another season of calamity and disaster. For in that year Peru and Bolivia were drawn into a war with Chili toward which events had long been leading, but which found them poorly prepared. The difficulty arose over a strip of land on the sea-coast to which Chili and Bolivia both laid claim. ^ To enforce her claims Chili declared war upon Bolivia, 1 It is believed by many that Chili was the aggressor in this war, but this view is hardly borue out by the facts of the case. Chili claimed that her CHAP. Ill PERU 529 and as Peru had formed an offensive and defensive alliance with the latter country, she was forced to take part in the struggle. But the armies of Peru and Bolivia proved to be no match for those of Chili ; nor was the Peruvian navy able to cope with the Chilian warships. Consequently, after a sanguinary and wasting conflict, the disputed tract was ceded to Cliili,^ and peace was made on October 20, 1883. But this encroach- ment upon her boundaries was not the worst result which Peru experienced from the war. For the bitter and savage conflict engendered a spirit of lawlessness which was not suppressed for many years. One insurrection followed another, and the Government found it almost impossible to establish its author- ity. Order was however at last restored, and the country is now endeavoring to regain its lost prosperity and to heal the territory extended to the twenty-third parallel of latitude, and this claim was not disputed by Bolivia until copper mines and rich deposits of guano were found between the twenty-tliird and twenty-fourth parallels. Bolivia then claimed that the twenty-fourth parallel was Chili's northern boundary; and it was not until Chili had made large concessions with a view to adjusting the dispute that slie finally resorted to war. In 1879 the French minister at Cliili made a report to his Government upon the war between Peru and Chili, and quoted a diplomatic note of the prefect of Antofagasta as fairly expressing the attitude of the Chilian Government in its controversy with the other two powers. A portion of the note (as translated from the Spanish by the French minister) reads: " Le gouverneraent du Chili ne peut voir dans la Bolive qu'un pays frere et ami, avec lequel il vent maintenir toujours et resserrer les relations les plus cordial du fraternite', et fera tons les efforts en son pouvoir afin que la paix et I'amitie existant jusqu'a ce jour ne soient pas troublees." The causes of the quarrel are also discussed in " Historiade la Guerrade Amer- ica entre Chile, Peruy Bolivia," por Don Tomas Caivano, Ch. I., pp. liM7 ; and in " Histoire de la Guerre du Pacifique," par Diego Barras .\rana, published in Paris in 1882, and reviewed at length in the Nation, 34: 361. 1 Tarapaca, the southern province in the disputed tract, was ceded to Chili " unconditionally and forever." Tacna and Arica, the provinces immediately to the north of Tarapaca, were to be held by Chili for ten years, and at the end of that time the inhabitants of the two provinces were to decide by a pleb- iscite whether they wished to make a part of Peru or of Chili, it being agreed that the country which obtained them should pay the other 810,000,0(10. The plebiscite was never held, owing to political disturbances in Peru; but it became apparent that the people of Tacna and Arica were overwhelmingly in favor of belonging to Peru, and Chili showed herself ready to give them up whenever Peru could guarantee the payment of the .'ii;iO,000,OfX). It was also agreed that Peruvian creditors should receive fifty per cent from the sale of the guano beds, though Chili should have exclusive rights to new deposits dis- covered in the ceded territory. Bureau of American Rei)ub]ics, Bulletin No. 60, p. 27 ; " Animal Register " and " Appleton's Annual Cyclopedia " for 1895 and succeeding years. 2u 530 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv wounds inflicted by crushing defeat and distracting civil strife. But, though it is making progress, its recovery is slow. The executive power of Peru is vested in a President, who is chosen for four years indirectly. The legislative power belongs to a Senate and a House of Representatives. The members of each House are chosen indirectly by electoral colleges for a term of six years. The State religion is the Roman Catholic, and the law does not countenance any other form of public worship, though the rule is not strictly enforced. Elementary education is free and compulsory. Uruguay Securing its independence in 1828, Uruguay adopted a repub- lican Constitution two years later; but the coxmtry showed itself utterly unequal to the task of self-government. For seventy years its history has been a record of insurrection, foreign warfare, political corruption, and financial embarrass- ment. As late as 1898 the country was disturbed by a revolu- tionary conspiracy and by a revolt of two regiments of the army, who seized the arsenal at Montevideo, the capital, and resisted the Government so strongly that the city was declared to be in a state of siege. Order was only established by a proclamation of amnesty by which the ringleaders were allowed to leave the country unmolested. These frequent outbreaks have prevented good government, and the debt of the country has been enormously increased in recent years by corrupt and extravagant administration of the national finances. In 1885 the public debt amounted to $55,537,000 ; at the end of 1897 it stood at $120,765,000.1 It is only by an abuse of language that such a country as Uruguay can be termed a republic ; yet the Constitution of 1828 provides for a republican form of government. The suf- frage is bestowed upon all who can read and write. The Pres- ident and the senators are chosen indirectly, for four and six years respectively. The members of the Chamber of Repre- sentatives are elected for three years directly by the people. All religions are tolerated, but the Roman Catholic is that of the State. Primary education is compulsory. The country 1 " Current History," 8: 926. CHAP. Ill VENEZUELA 631 has an area of 72,110 square miles, which is about that of the State of Nebraska, and a population of from 400,000 to 500,000. It contains deposits of gold, silver, copper, and other min- erals, and has a soil of remarkable fertility. Venezuela Becoming an independent Republic in 1829, Venezuela chose Paez to be its first President. The country prospered under his liberal and progressive rule,^ and for nearly twenty years it suffered little from political upheavals. General Monagas headed a rebellion against the Government in 1831, but he was soon suppressed ; nor did another outbreak, which occurred in 1835 and lasted into the following year, succeed in destroying the Constitution. It Avas Paez who crushed both of these insurrections. But after serving as President for the second time from 1839 till 1813, he himself took the field against the Government in 1848, having become alarmed at the attempts to subvert the Constitution and to rule as dictator rather than as president. Monagas, however, proved too strong for his old opponent. After a short struggle Paez and his adherents were completely routed, and Paez himself was captured and put in prison, where his treatment was unpardonably severe. Being released in May, 1850, he went to New York; and though twice afterward he returned to Venezuela, he found that he was unable to quiet dissension there, and he finally returned to New York to end his days. His death occurred on May 6, 1873. The disturbances which drove Paez froiu the country con- tinued until the latter part of 1870. They grew out of the fundamental disagreement of the Unionists and the Federal- ists, which was like that of the Federalists and the Anti- Federalists in the early days of the United States. The Unionists desired to establish a strong central government ; the Federalists aimed to secure the sovereignty of the separate States ; and, finding an able leader in Don Guzman Blanco, 1 During the administration of Paez, laws were passed " subjecting persons accused of treason to the ordinary civil jurisdiction, establishing freedom of worship, abolishing the monoixily of tobacco, and abolishing tithes." — "Docu- ments relating to the Public Life of Paez," p. 'M. 532 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE AMERICA book iv they finally triumphed over their opponents. From December, 1870, until February, 1873, Blanco ruled the country, nominally as President, but really as dictator. Having quieted the coun- try by his firm exercise of power, he became its legitimate constitutional President for four years. His term expired in 1877, but twice afterward he was reelected, and gave the coun- try the benefits of a progressive and efficient administration. Blanco's excellent rule, however, did not secure settled order and general recognition of the principles of self-govern- ment. During recent years Venezuela has been the scene of serious political disturbances, which culminated in a formidable insurrection against the Government in 1899. The uprising was headed by General Guerra, who found numerous adherents in the mountain districts, while the cities for the most part were loyal to the rule of President Andrade. At first General Guerra met with scant success, and, after being severely de- feated by the government troops, was obliged to flee into Colombia. But he proved to be a very stubborn antagonist ; for, rallying his forces, he routed the armies of the Govern- ment, and in October, 1899, he succeeded in driving President Andrade from his capital. Such occurrences show that the country of Paez has not yet learned the true nature of repub- lican institutions. Venezuela's difficulties with Great Britain over the frontier question never had any great intrinsic importance; they assumed a fictitious importance through the firm stand taken by the United States Government against Great Britain's supposed encroachments u].X)n the territory of a weaker power. How the matter was referred to arbitration has already been related (pp. 320, 460). The Commission which was appointed to settle the difficulty met at Paris in June, 1899. Professor F. Martens of the University of St. Petersburg was its president ; two representatives of the United States and two of Great Britain served with him on the Commission. The case for Venezuela was presented chiefly by United States counsel, of whom ex- President Harrison was the most distinguished, Avhile emi- nent English lawyers sustained Great Britain's position in the controversy. For nearly four months the Commission listened to the opposing arguments and deliberated over the question, and finally gave its decision early in October. Some- CHAP. Ill VENEZUELA 533 what to the disappointment of those Americans who had ac- cused Great Britain of unfair dealing in the matter, the decision was largely in favor of that power. For Great Britain was allowed to retain a very considerable portion of the gold fields to which Venezuela laid claim, and which had been a chief cause of the dispute between the two countries. By the Constitution promulgated in 1893 Venezuela is a federative Republic, under the executive authority of a Presi- dent who is chosen indirectly for four years. But that the President is often in reality a dictator has already been made apparent. It has also been shown that the members of the Senate are appointed by the departmental governments and not in accordance with democratic principles. The members of the House of Representatives are elected for four years by direct and universal male suffrage. The State religion is the Roman Catholic. The adherents of other faiths are not allowed to worship in public, though the rule is not strictly enforced. Elementary education is free and compulsory ; and illiteracy, which was general a generation ago, is steadily diminishing. Venezuela has an area of more than 5,500,000 square miles and a population of about 2,500,000. B0(3K Y UNCLASSIFIED COUNTRIES LIBERIA JAPA]^ HAITI INDIA SANTO DOMINGO SIAM CHAPTER I LIBERIA The Republic of Liberia had rather a philanthropic than a political origin. Very early in the century certain benevolent Americans, among whom were Clay, Madison, and Bushrod Washington, undertook to provide a home for freedmen and other negroes, and the American Colonization Society was the outcome of their efforts. Conceived in 1811 and formally organized at Princeton College in 181G, the Society sent two agents to the west coast of Africa in 1817 to find a suitable location for the proposed Colony. The agents selected Sherbro Island, and here a band of eighty-eight colonists settled in 1820. Not finding the spot as desirable as they had supposed it to be, they transferred themselves to the continent in 1822, and established a small settlement at Cape Mesurado. As the Colonization Society continued its labors, the number of these original settlers was gradually SAvelled, and altogether eighteen thousand persons were sent from America to join them. For many years, however, the colonists remained under the Society's control ; for, though certain rights of government were con- ferred upon them in 1824, and a Constitution giving them larger powers was granted them in 1828, the Society reserved to itself the final authority in all matters of importance. It was not until 1847 that the Colony acquired complete inde- pendence, and became a Republic. That its people were fitted for this new dignity was not clearly apparent ; but England objected to the duty on imports which the colonists imposed, and the only way by which the colonists could carry their point was to acquire the rights of a free self-governing state. Accordingly, on July 26, 1847, the Colony, acting under the advice of the Society in America, declared itself an indepen- dent state. 689 540 UNCLASSIFIP:D countries book V For ten years previous to this event it had been governed by Joseph J. Roberts, a negro of unusual intelligence, who had administered affairs so ably and discreetly that he was now chosen President of the newly constituted Republic. No longer acting as the agent of the Colonization Society, but able to shape his own policy, he showed great efficiency and dip- lomatic skill. He made Liberia respected along the West African coast, advanced its boundaries, and waged successfrd war with native tribes who disputed his authority. But, more than all this, he obtained foreign recognition for his country by visiting the capitals of Europe and presenting its claims with dignity and address. So favorable was the impression which he made, and so energetic was his administration of affairs, that the early years of the Republic were full of promise and excited much favorable comment. In 1855 an English writer declared that the " Republic of Liberia has already taken an honorable place among the nations of the earth " ; ^ and American writers were equally enthusiastic in their appreciation of the black man's commonwealth.^ But such commendation sprang from generous sentiment rather than from adequate knowledge of facts. At the time when the Republic was established, and for some years after- ward, the abolition movement was at its height in the United States. Indignant over the wrongs and sufferings of the negro, many people in the Northern States exaggerated his capacities and idealized his achievements. They expected much from Liberia, and they estimated results by their expectations. Hence, for some years after the close of the Civil War, they took a roseate view of the growth, development, and prospects of the black man's Republic. But gradually the world dis- covered that Liberia was not a growing, progressive, and well- ordered State. Roberts retired from the chief magistracy^ after serving for several terms ; and his successors were by no means equal to him in energy and ability. Nor did the Re- public attract as many colonists as had been expected. In 1857 it increased its extent and population by uniting with Mary- land, a negro Republic to the east of Palm as, which had been 1 London Quarterly, 4: 507. 2 North American Revieiv, 125: 147 and 517. 8 He retired in 1857, but he was again elected in 1871. CHAP. I LIBERIA 841 founded by people in Maryland in 1821. But the negroes of America have shown little inclination to leave the United States in order to share the doubtful advantages of living under a black man's government. That Liberia would have prospered if it had received a much larger infusion of Afro- American blood cannot be asserted with any confidence. The negro in the United States has shown greater aptitude for political corruption than for enlightened citizenship. But certainly Liberia has languished, its political life having grown feeble, and the civilized part of its population seeming unable to hold its own resolutely against the great mass of surrounding barbarism.^ Of its 1,068,000 people only about 18,000 are of Americo- African descent ; and only 4000 or 5000 children are to be found in the schools. The wealth of the country does not increase and its trade is not expanding. The annual revenues, which are derived almost entirely from cus- toms duties, are hardly sufficient to meet the annual expendi- ture, still less to pay the interest on the country's indebtedness. English capitalists advanced £100,000 to Liberia in 1871, but no interest on this amount was paid after 1874. The Constitution of Liberia is modelled after that of the United States. All males who are of age and own real estate have the right of suffrage, and the elections are conducted by ballot. The executive is vested in a President, who is chosen for two years. The legislative branch of the government con- sists of a Senate, whose members are elected for four years, and a House of Representatives, whose members are elected for two. Liberia extends 500 miles along the coast, and has an area of 14,360 square miles. 1 Some of the native tribes, notably the Mandingoes, are spirited and intelligent. CHAPTER II THE REPUBLIC OF HAITI Liberia is not the only black man's state that owes its origin to America, for the negroes of Haiti first acquired the love of freedom from the American Revolution. Their masters were French planters ; for the French gained possession of the western portion of the island of Santo Do- mingo in the earlier half of the seventeenth century, when the Spaniards abandoned it for the more alluring fields of Mexico and South America. Out of this bloodless conquest the French made a prosperous Colony, and, bringing slaves from Africa, they held them in subjection for more than a century. But when they bore aid to their American allies in the Revolution- ary War, they unwisely took their slaves with them to par- ticipate in the struggle for freedom ; and the negroes thus acquired a love of liberty which they never lost. They returned indeed to Haiti when the war for independence was over, and still rendered obedience to their masters. But they were discontented, and their discontent soon found opportu- nity for expression. The French planters revolted against the home Government, and the whites on the island who remained loyal called oh the slaves to help them put down the insurrec- tion. Only too eagerly did the blacks respond to the call. They rushed into the conflict as tigers leap upon their prey, and, once tasting blood, they waged war more like demons than human beings. Haiti soon became a wild scene of con- flagration, rapine, and bloodshed ; and though the negroes were for a time kept under restraint by that remarkable man, Tous- saint L'Ouverture, they finally drove the French entirely out of the island.^ 1 The brutality of the war bet-vyeen the French and the blacks under Des- salines is shown in Marcus Rainsford's "Black Empire of Haiti" (published iul805J. See pp. 337-339. 542 CHAP. II THE REPUBLIC OF HAITI 543 It could not be expected that independence thus gained would be wisely used. The negroes were free, but they were also coarse, ignorant, sensual, and brutish ; and self-govern- ment was a term that conveyed no meaning to them. For a time, therefore, they submitted to the tyrants of their own race, who governed them with despotic rigor and cruelty. Dessalines was one of the most notorious of these rulers. The governments thus established were variously termed empires, monarchies, and constitutional presidencies ; but these names had little or no significance. Whatever the ruler was called, he was in fact a despot, whose qualifications for governing were native vigor and animal courage, and Avho maintained himself in power by the fear which he inspired. From 1822 until 1843 Santo Domingo, the eastern half of the island, Avas united with Haiti, and the State thus constituted was called, the Republic of Haiti. But Santo Domingo revolted in 1844, and from this time on the two portions of the island had each its separate government. But even under these adverse conditions the blacks of Haiti found freedom a stimulus to growth. They have not learned to appreciate the full responsibilities of self-government, for nearly all their rulers have been assassinated or driven out of the country. But they have retained their vigor instead of growing indolent and degenerate, and they have acquired some respect for law and some appreciation of education. Their present Constitution, which was drawn up in 1867, has many excellent features ; and, if its provisions could be enforced, it would give the country an enlightened and satisfactory govern- ment. For it guarantees freedoin of religious worship, trial by jury, and entire freedom of speech ; it makes primary educa- tion compulsory ; and it provides for a system of government which Avould make the country a true republic if it could be established and maintained. For it vests the executive power in a President who is to be elected by the people, and the leg- islative power in a Senate and a House of Representatives. The Senate is to be composed of thirty-nine members who are nominated for six years by the House of Representatives ; the representatives are to be chosen directly for three years by all male citizens who have an occupation. In many respects, it is to be noticed, the Constitution recognizes French usage 544 UNCLASSIFIED COUNTRIES book v and customs, the legal code being largely borrowed from the Code Napoleon, and the country being divided, like France, into departments, arrondissements, and communes. Unfortunately, the country has not, even in the closing decade of the century, put this well-devised scheme of govern- ment into successful operation. Haiti has in recent years been the scene of sanguinary warfare between opposing fac- tions, and has attracted attention chiefly by its feuds. But it is now quiet, and its condition is fairly prosperous. Certainly it may be said that the negroes of Haiti have been better off since they gained their freedom than they were under their French masters; and, with almost everything against them, they have yet kept alive a rude and imperfect civilization. That they are capable of maintaining a republican form of government may well be doubted; but the fact that they have made some progress, instead of retrograding like their breth- ren in Liberia, entitles them to the respect of the civilized world. The population of Haiti is about 2,000,000, and its area 28,249 square miles. The exports of the country consist chiefly of coffee, cocoa, cotton, turtle shells, hides, mahogany, and log- wood, and have a yearly value of about $13,000,000. CHAPTER III THE REPUBLIC OF SANTO DOMINGO Although the French obtained possession of the western portion of the island of Santo Domingo in the seventeenth century, the eastern portion was under Spanish control until 1785. In that year the whole island was ceded to France; but in 1806, after the French had been driven out by the negroes, Spain once more gained possession of the eastern half and retained it for fifteen years. Even through the period when Mexico and South America were struggling for inde- pendence Spain maintained her authority in this island Colony. But the ultimate success of the revolutions near by at last made the Santo Domingoans discontented, and in 1821 they, too, declared themselves independent. At first they attached themselves to the newly established Republic of Colombia and organized their own government, which was also republican in character, under its flag and authority ; but they soon decided to unite with the neighboring state in the western portion of the island. So for twenty years there was but one government in the whole island of Santo Do- mingo. This union, however, was not a natural one. The Haitians are blacks, being almost entirely of African descent, and speak the French language ; the Santo Domingoans are mostly mulattoes and speak Spanish, though French and English are used extensively in the cities. Accordingly, the Santo Domin- goans grew more and more determined to work out their own political destiny ; and in 1844 they revolted and set up their own separate government, which they called the Republica Dominicana. Ever since then the two States have remained, not only separate, but hostile ; and so frequently do they wage war upon each other that the middle portion of the island, 2n 545 546 UNCLASSIFIED COUNTRIES book v where their conflicts occur, has remained an uninhabitable wild. The independence thus secured by Santo Domingo was not to continue unassailed, for the Republic was forced to acknowl- edge Spain's supremacy in 18G1, when the United States was prevented by civil war from interfering. But the Spanish usurpation was terminated in 1865, and Santo Domingo has ever since maintained its independence. In 1869 it endeavored to become a part of the United States, but the Senate of that country voted against annexation, and the little Republic was obliged to struggle on alone. Santo Domingo has great agricultural and mineral resources, but lacks the energy and vigor to develop them. The mulat- toes of the country are intelligent and not vicious, but they are much more indolent than the blacks of Haiti, and are not on the road to prosperity and progress. Both the Government and the people seem feeble and inefficient. By the Constitu- tion the executive power is vested in a President, who is chosen for four years by an electoral college, and the legisla- tive in a single Chamber of twenty-two deputies who are directly elected by a restricted suffrage. For purposes of local administration the country is divided into ten districts, each of which is under a governor appointed by the President. The Roman Catholic religion is recognized by the State, and other forms of worship can be practised only under certain restrictions. Primary education is by statute free and com- pulsory, and higher educational institutions have been estab- lished. Trade languishes on account of the customs duties, which are excessively high ; but the exports of tobacco, coffee, hard woods, and other articles have a yearly value of about $2,000,000, and the national income is usually sufficient to meet the expenditure. The population of the country is about 600,000, and its area is a little more than 18,000 square miles. CHAPTER IV JAPAN The Japanese are probably a mixed race. Koreans, Malays, and other surrounding peoples arc supposed to have made their way into the islands that compose Japan, and to have become mingled with the aboriginal race. This race may at one time have covered the whole of the islands ; but it was crowded northward by an invading people that entered from the southwest, and its descendants are, it is conjectured, now represented chiefly by the Aino tribes of Yezo. The invading race, whatever may have been its origin, centred about Kioto, in the southwestern part of the island of Honshu, and built up an empire whose head was termed the Mikado. Kioto was the Mikado's home. Surrounded by his nobles and retainers, he lived there in a simple and unpretentious manner and grad- ually extended his power. As the aborigines or savages gave him much trouble, he was obliged to exalt the military class above the agricultural, and to give a large measure of authority to the Shogun, or general-in-chief. By the end of the eighth century of the Christian era the military had become the dominating class in the Empire ; and from that time on its power increased, while that of the Mikado seemed to wane. Almost inevitably, therefore, the time came when the general was able to make his authority supreme. It was Yoritomo, a man of great energy and ability, who brought about the change. In 1192 he was made Shogun by the Emperor Takahu; and from that time on until 1868 the Shogunate was of foremost importance in the Empire. By the end of the sixteenth cen- tury it had lost some of its prestige; but its power was re- stored by lyeyasu Tokugawa, who was appointed to the office in 160,3. This remarkable man, who was at once a crafty poli- tician and a skilful general, fixed his seat of government at 547 548 UNCLASSIFIED COUNTRIES book v Yedo, at the mouth of the rivers which drain the largest plain in Japan, enlarged and strengthened his authority, and made the office of Sliogun hereditary in his family. Under his successors Yedo became a great and populous city, and the power of the Tokugawa dynasty quite over- shadowed that of the Mikado. The latter still maintained his court at Kioto and invested each Shogun in office ; but, though nominally the sovereign of Japan, he never assumed the direct control of affairs. Hence the Shoguns of the Toku- gawa line found it easy to consolidate their power. lyeyasu himself had introduced the feudal system in Japan; his suc- cessors gradually and adroitly extended it, until the nobles were feudal vassals and the whole country was divided into fiefs. These fiefs, which were sometimes of considerable extent, were despotically ruled by the nobles, who treated the peasants as serfs and frequently subjected them to galling taxation. On the other hand, the members of the military class received many privileges, and were allowed to wear two swords as a mark of distinction. This was the system that prevailed in Japan during the first half of the nineteenth century. It was not altogether a per- nicious system, for it gave Japan two hundred and fifty years of peace and moderate prosperity. But it was doomed to extinction, for the people were growing restless under its exasperating restrictions. While it lasted, Japan was cut off from communication with other nations, for the policy of the Shogunate was one of utter isolation and seclusion. Foreigners were kept out of the country, new ideas were not allowed to take root, and the people were placed under a despicable system of espionage. But in thus declining to share the growth of the nineteenth century, the Shogunate brought about its own destruction. Its power was on the decline, and the Japanese only needed the stimulus of foreign intercourse to emancipate themselves from this deadening and repressive rule. Consequently, the advent of Commodore Perry and his squadron in 1853 was not unwelcome to the more enlightened portion of the Shogun's subjects. The Shogun himself did not venture to repulse the representative of so formidable a power ; and though Commodore Perry remained at the Japanese court CHAP. IV JAPAN 649 only a few days, the result of his visit was a commercial alli- ance between Japan and the United States, concluded on March 31, 1854. Seeing how easily the Shogunate had been forced to abandon its policy of exclusion, other nations fol- lowed the example of the United States, until sixteen had gained like privileges. Thus Japan was brought once more within the pale of the nations, and the fall of feudalism was made inevitable. For the action of the Shogun in opening the country to foreigners was distasteful to the Mikado and his adherents, and soon brought about a deadly warfare between the court at Kioto and that at Yedo. As the daimios, or nobles, were quite gen- erally opposed to foreign intercourse, the Mikado used this hostility to the Shogun to strengthen his own power. For centuries his predecessors had been subservient to the Shogun- ate ; but he determined to reassert the imperial dignity and make himself the centre of authority and influence. Hence, his followers began to oppose the Shogun both secretly and openly, even resorting to the policy of assassinating his adhe- rents that they might thus deprive him of support. Very soon, therefore, the Shogun found his position an uncomfor- table one. For the great nobles carried their opposition to foreigners so far that they did not hesitate to inflict outrages upon the vessels of America and other nations. These out- rages the Shogun was unable to stop, for the rebellious nobles were strong enough to defy his authority. Two of them, the Prince of Nagato and the Prince of Satsuma, were especially bold and insolent; and the damage they inflicted upon un- armed vessels was so serious that it became necessary to sub- jugate them by force. The former was temporarily brought to terms by a squadron of English, French, and American ves- sels, which bombarded his forts, July 15 to 19, 1863. But the Prince of Satsuma proved a more stubborn antagonist. Ad- miral Kuper of the British navy was directed to subdue him, and proceeded with his fleet to the bay of Kagoshima in the island of Kiusiu, where the Prince had a castle and other strong fortifications. As the Japanese had no thought of submitting to a mere display of force, the Prince's strongholds were bombarded by the English vessels on August 15 and 16, 1863, and were almost entirely destroyed. The loss of prop- 550 rXCLASSIFIED C(H'XTRIES book t erty was estimated at ^5,000,000 and about fifteen hundred of the Prince's followers were killed and wounded. Cowed bv this severe experience, the Prince of Satsunia ceased to annoy the vessels of other nations, but the anti- foreign party in Japan only gained in strength as a result of these hostilities, and the Prince of Xagato was inspired to commit further outrages. jNIoreover, the Shogun's government refused to fulfil its treaty obligations, and it therefore became necessary for the powers that had interests in Japan to over- awe the Government by a display of force. Accordingly, an allied fleet, which represented Great Britain, France, and America, sailed in September. 1S64. to the Straits of Shimono- seki and attacked the Prince of Xagato's forts. The forts returned the enemy's fire, hut they were silenced after a spirited action which lasted for two days (September 5 and 6), and the Prince of Nagato granted all that was demanded by the powers. He agreed to open the Straits of Shimonoseki to foreiacn commerce and to treat foreigners civillv ; and he even offered to open the ports upon his own territory for trade. From this time on Japan fulfilled its treaty obligations and placed no serious obstructions in the way of foreign inter- course. But the Shogunate lost its prestige in this conflict with the powers, and the day of its downfall rapidly drcAv near. It had indeed shown itself weak and inetficient. First assuming relations with other nations, it tried to terminate them when they roused the antagonism of the ]\Iikado and the nobles; but it left the nobles to do the actual fighting, and, when they were subdued, its own resistance came promptly to an end. Hence the Mikado's party grew in strength and favor, till it was able to set the Shogunate aside. This did not happen immediately after the close of the conflict with the powers. Even when the Shogun died, in 18G6, his successor assumed the functions of oflice and maintained his Government at Yedo for nearly two years ; for the Mikado, who was born in lSo2, was too young at this time to be more than the nominal head of the Empire. But in 1868 the daimios rose in open rebellion against the Shogunate, and after several months of warfare they succeeded in establishing the Mikado as the sole reigning power in Japan. In Xovember of this year he was proclaimed to be of age. CHAP. IV JAPAN 051 It was not as the champions of progress, but rather as reac- tionaries, that the Mikado and his party had gained control of his affairs, but the force of circumstances soon led them to adopt more liberal views. It became apparent to all that Japan could not long remain isolated from the world and enslaved by the traditions of the past. Therefore an era of progress now began, and those political ideas which had been effecting revolutions all over the world began to take root in Japan. As a first step toward a more enlightened policy the Mikado moved his court from Kioto, where his predecessors had lived in seclusion for so many centuries, and made Yedo his cajjital. Its name, however, was changed to Tokio, that it might not be a reminder of the days of the Shogunate. This step taken, new life seemed to enter the nation, and both foreign and domestic affairs were managed with energy and vigor. In 1874 the Government sent an expedition to Formosa to punish jjiracy, and in 1879 it annexed the Liu-Kiu Islands in despite of China's remonstrances and threats. Korea was also made to feel the strong hand of Japan ; for when it violated its con- vention with the Japanese Government in 1875 and fired upon a Japanese gunboat, a high commissioner was sent into the country from Japan, and the Koreans were compelled to grant new and important concessions. Again, in 1882, Japan pre- pared to make war upon Korea, because eleven members of the Japanese legation Avere killed there in an anti-foreign insurrection. But this show of force was sufficient to bring Korea to terms, and, receiving such compensation as they demanded, the Japanese abandoned hostilities. Even in Japan itself the Government found it necessary to assert its strength, for in 1877 several of the clans rose against the Ministry, and for some months maintained their defiant attitude. But they were finally suppressed, and with the establishment of order came the introduction of many reforms. The postal system was developed, lighthouses were erected, railways were put in operation, and a new criminal code Avas enforced. Education received special attention from the Gov- ernment, which established a large numVjer of primary schools and made attendance compulsory, while all the ports of the country were thrown open to foreign trade, and freedom of 552 UNCLASSIFIED COUNTRIES book v worship was granted to all religions. Nor were military- matters neglected ; for a conscription law was passed in 1882, the army was reorganized, the navy strengthened, and an excellent scheme of coast defence was planned and execvited. The whole nation seemed to be animated by the spirit of prog- ress, and these manifold reforms, which brought Japan into touch with Europe and America, created a desire for demo- cratic institutions. Accordingly, on February 11, 1889, the Mikado promulgated a new Constitution, which established two parliamentary Houses, the Lords and the Commons, and guaranteed full civil and religious liberty. With the promulgation of this Constitution the first period in the history of modern Japan may be considered to end. It was a period of national awakening. The people suddenly threw off mediaeval habits of mind, and looked to the advanced nations of the world for instruction and inspiration. Their university at Tokio employed scholars from abroad and pub- lished scientific works in English. Japanese students resorted to the great universities of England and America. Alpha- betical writing was gradually adopted in place of ideographic, and even in matters of dress the Japanese began to borrow the ways and habits of W estern civilization. Indeed, so rapid and quiet was the nation's advance that the period has been termed " Meiji," Enlightened Peace. A more turbulent and exciting period was to follow this orderly epoch. During the last decade of the century Japan had to face war and to experience profound and significant political changes. It was now that the progress of the pre- ceding decades bore its full fruitage and gave Japan a place among the vigorous nations of the world. Eor this island country was now to show that its armed strength was formida- ble, and that in its political development it would not stop short of government by and for the people. It Avas in Korea, where Japan had formerly experienced trouble, that a cause for war was found. For a formidable insurrection against the King's government occurred in that country in 1894, and troops were sent there from Japan to protect the Japanese legation and consulates. At the same time the King of Korea, who acknowledged the suzerainty of China, applied to the Chinese Emjaeror for assistance, and CHAP. IV JAPAN 553 Chinese troops were accordingly sent to his support. This was a situation that invited disturbance ; but trouble might have been avoided if the suggestions of Japan had been adopted. For the Japanese Government proposed that China and Japan should together reform the internal administration of Korea, and prevent further uprisings against the King. But China declined to cooperate toward this end, the Emperor declaring that the traditional policy of his country would not allow him to interfere with the internal affairs of a vassal state. More- over, the King of Korea proved obdurate, for he refused to carry out any reforms unless the Japanese troops were with- drawn from his domains. As Japan would not accede to this proposition, the troops of the two nations remained in Korea in dangerous proximity, and only a spark was needed to kindle the smouldering embers of hostility into the conflagration of war. Toward the end of June, 1894, the spark was lighted and war came. For the troops of the two nations came into collision on land, and on the sea a Chinese transport vessel con- taining 1500 soldiers was sunk by Japanese warships. In consequence of these actions war was immediately declared, and the progressive island State with its 40,000,000 people found itself engaged in deadly conflict with the oldest civil- ized power in the world. As China had a population of probably 400,000,000, its resources were supposed to be inexhaustible, and the ultimate defeat of Japan was widely predicted. But it soon became apparent that the Chinese Empire had little strength or solidity. Many portions of it gave the Emperor but a nominal allegiance, and, semi-barbarous as they were, were not able to supply the army with disciplined and well- armed troops. Accordingly, the forces which the Emperor could put in the held were not even superior to those of Japan in point of numbers, and in equipment, training, and fighting strength were decidedly inferior. To the surprise of the world, therefore, Japan was victorious on land from the very beginning of the war, and on the sea she also vanquished her antagonist, though not without severe and bloody conflicts. The battle off the Yalu River on September 17 was fiercely contested, and, though four Chinese warships were sunk out- right, three of the Japanese vessels were badly damaged. 554 UNCLASSIFIED COUNTRIES book v Later in the year the remainder of the Chinese fleet was hemmed in at Port Arthur by the Japanese ships, and on February 7, 1895, its commander, Admiral Ting, was forced to surrender, after losing two of his vessels. As the Japanese continued to be almost uniformly victorious on land, China found it useless to prolong the struggle, and a treaty of peace was signed on April 17, and ratified by the Emperor on the 4th of the following month. By the terms of the treaty China was to surrender the Liao-tung peninsula with Port Arthur to her victorious rival, but this advantage Japan was obliged to forego on account of the objections that were urged by Russia, Germany, and France. But she acquired Formosa and the Pescadores Islands, and compelled China to pay a large war indemnity and grant a new commercial treaty. Korea also profited by the war, for it was now made entirely independent of the Chinese Empire. That the results of the war were not wholly beneficial to Japan the sequel was to show, but the concessions which China made brought some substantial advantages. For new ports were thrown open to Japan by the revised commercial treaty, and Japanese steam vessels were now allowed to navigate the Upper Yangtse-Kiang and Woosung rivers. From its fierce conflict, moreover, the nation derived important gains that were not of a material character ; for it now felt a new sense of power, a greater self-confidence, and a strong craving for further progress. Japan now counted itself one of the vigor- ous and growing powers of the world, and it was anxious to put itself on an entire equality with other nations. Even before the war a number of reforms were under consideration, and some attempts had been made to carry them into eifect. In particular, new treaties were arranged with Great Britain, the United States, and other countries, though they were not to become immediately operative. But, while the war lasted, the energy of the nation was directed toward military opera- tions, and domestic legislation was comparatively neglected. But when the war had been brought to a victorious issue, the needed reforms were loudly advocated. The question of local self-government was one of the first to receive attention, and was solved in a manner suggested by the experiences of demo- cratic countries. For the Empire was divided into forty-six CHAP. IV JAPAN 555 districts, each of which had its own governor and its own elected assembly. But a more important question than that of local administration was that of responsible party govern- ment. When the new Constitution was adopted in 1889, Japan ceased to be an absolute monarchy ; but absolute and despotic ideas of rule were not at once discarded by the Emperor and his immediate supporters. Like the King of Holland, the Emperor refused to recognize that the majority in a Parlia- ment had a right to control the administration of affairs, and he therefore persisted in upholding the Prime Minister of his choice in spite of adverse votes in the House of Eepresenta- tives. It was to the statesmen of the powerful Satsuma and Chosen clans that the government was intrusted ; but the rival Hizen and Tosa clans commanded a large majority in the national Diet. If the representatives of these two clans could have worked together consistently against the Government, they would very soon have become masters of the situation. But this combination they found it difficult to make, for they represented two different political parties. The members of the Hizen clan counted themselves Progressives, and were under the leadership of Count Okuma ; those of the Tosa clan were led by Count Itagaki and called themselves Liberals. Both the Progressives and the Liberals believed in party govern- ment; but, instead of making this the dominant political issue and cooperating to insure its triumph, they each looked for advancement and for advantageous political alliances. In No- vember, 1895, the Liberals gave their support to Marquis Ito, the head of the Cabinet, and their leader. Count Itagaki, was accordingly admitted to a Cabinet position. But this action of the Liberals caused all the opponents of the Government to combine against it, and so formidable did this opposition prove that it forced the resignation of the Cabinet in August, 1896, the Marquis Ito and his ministers having become unpopular through lack of decision in dealing with affairs in Korea and Formosa. The opposition, therefore, now came into power, and in the new Cabinet, which was formed by Count Matsu- gata. Count Okuma, the Progressive leader, received a place. But the new Ministry was not in the end more successful than its predecessor had been. Abandoning the cause of party government which it had zealously advocated, it strove to 556 UNCLASSIFIED COUNTRIES book v maintain itself in power through unprincipled alliances and a free use of the spoils system. But in spite of its efforts it was overthrown, and in January, 1898, the Marquis Ito returned to power. These political changes had made it apparent to the Lib- erals and Progressives that they must unite if they would make themselves the dominant force in the politics of the country, and secure the triumph of the principle of party gov- ernment. Moreover, a special reason for such cooperation was soon afforded ; for the Marquis Ito, who had not attempted to strengthen his administration by a coalition, was defeated in June, 1898, and the House of Representatives was dissolved. Accordingly, the Liberals and Progressives now joined their forces,^ and the Marquis Ito, seeing the uselessness of contend- ing against such a powerful combination, resigned his office and recommended the Emperor to recognize the principle of party government and to intrust the task of forming a new Cabinet to Count Okuma and Count Itagaki. This advice the Emperor followed. Count Okuma was made Premier on June 28, 1898, and the cause of party government, which for nearly ten years had been struggling for recognition, seemed at last to have triumphed. But its triumph proved to be of short duration. The new party, composed chiefly of Liberals and Progressives, adoj)ted a platform in which it promised to support the popular demands for moderate taxation, the maintenance of the Em- peror's authority and of the Constitution, the development of commerce and industry, and a peaceful foreign policy. Moreover, the platform distinctly stated that the Cabinet should represent the majority in the Lower House. But hardly had the Ministry begun to carry out this liberal programme before it encountered serious difficulties. It found itself called upon to oppose the spoils system, which had gained an unfortunate hold upon the minds of the Japanese politicians, and its own members soon showed a lack of harmony, the Liberals and the Progressives both standing jealously upon their rights. This jealous feeling mauifested itself when it became necessary to appoint a new Minister of Education in 1 The party formed by this fusion was called Kiusei-to, or Constitutional party. CHAP. IV JAPAN 557 the following October. M. Ozaki, who had been in charge of this bureau, was obliged to resign, because he had indiscreetly suggested that Japan might become a Republic. Thereupon Count Itagaki demanded that his place be filled by a Liberal ; but Count Okuma went secretly to the Emperor and secured the appointment of M. Inukai, a member of his own party. Over this incident dissension at once arose in the Cabinet, and the disagreement was made greater by the financial situation. For it was necessary to increase the revenue, and the Liberals believed that this should be accomplished by a land tax, while the Progressives were opposed to such a measure and demanded that an additional tax should be placed on incomes, drugs, and spirits. So fierce did the dispute become that the Government lost all prestige and influence, and a new adminis- tration became necessary. On October 31 the ministers all tendered their resignations, and a new Cabinet, independent of parties, was formed by the Marquis Yamagata. Under his leader- ship the land tax was carried, though the Progressives still fought it bitterly, and left the House in a body when they saw that they were to be outvoted. Thus the first attempt at party government ended in failure, as might, indeed, have been an- ticipated by all who understood the conditions under which it was tried. Japan has outgrown feudal institutions, but it has not utterly cast off the feudal spirit. For many centuries the great clans have exercised a powerful and commanding influ- ence over their retainers, and not all at once could the clansmen make personal loyalty subservient to political principle. The coalition of the Liberals and the Progressives ended in disaster, because those who composed it could not put away personal ends and petty ambitions for the sake of the larger cause to which they were pledged by their political platform. They regarded it as the politician in the United States regards finan- cial reform and many desirable measures that do not bring promotion or emolument. Not by coalitions and combinations, therefore, will party government succeed in Japan, but by securing the uncompromising adherence of the statesmen and voters of the nation.^ This parliamentary failure was to some extent atoned for 1 For an acoount of this interestiiitj jjolitical experiment, consult "Parlia- mentary Government in Japan," in the Xineteoith Centunj for July, IX'.H). 558 UNCLASSIFIED COUNTRIES book v ill the following year by a gain in national dignity and by increased opportunities for trade. For on July 17, 1899, most of the commercial treaties which had been formed in 1891 became operative, and gave Japan new privileges, new influ- ence, and new facilities for commercial groAvth and expansion. The old treaties, which had been negotiated before Japan had gained the respect of the world, were indeed most unsatisfac- tory both to foreigners and to the Japanese themselves. For they stipulated that foreign residents in Japan should be con- fined to certain open ports, outside of which they could not reside, own property, or engage in trade ; and also that they should be amenable to the consul of their own country and should not be under Japanese jurisdiction. As a result of this system there were more than a dozen different courts in Japan before which foreigners who had committed offences were brought for trial ; and even the quarantine laws, which the Japanese Government passed from time to time for the protection of its subjects, were for the most part ignored by other powers. Moreover, the foreign residents paid no taxes in Japan, as they considered that the country in which they lived and enjoyed special privileges had no authority over them. But under the new treaties these inequalities and in- justices disappeared. The United States, Great Britain, and all the leading nations of continental Europe had formed treaties with Japan which put their own subjects who lived in that country on the same footing as the Japanese them- selves. Hence, from this time on foreigners had the same privileges and the same obligations as Japanese citizens. They could no longer escape taxation, but they enjoyed new advantages in that the entire interior of Japan was now open to them for residence and trade. Altogether, Japan has made remarkable gains since the overthrow of the Shogunate, but her national career has not been one of uninterrupted progress. Political reforms have not been accomplished without serious difficulty, and the spoilsman and the adventurer still stand in the way of an honest administration of affairs. New problems, moreover, are continually arising to tax the resources of the nation's statesmen. Formosa has not proved an unmixed gain to the country, for it is a difficult country to subjugate and hold; CHAP. IV JAPAN 559 nor was the stimulus derived from the war with China alto- gether an advantage. Flushed with military success, Japan negotiated foreign loans and expended large sums in increas- ing her armament ; and yet found to her humiliation that the great powers would not consult her in settling the questions of the far East. Through these unwise expenditures the country became financially embarrassed, and in 1899 a panic seemed imminent. Taxation was oppressive, industries lan- guished, and the new commercial treaties could not at once bring relief. The history of tlie past few decades warrants the belief that the nation will find a way out of its difiiculties and will have a great and brilliant future. But strange are the vicissitudes of history, and who can say what the twentieth century will bring forth for this interesting island Empire ? Japan is made up of those islands which compose the archi- pelago of Niplion. Four large islands belong to the archipelago, Yezo, Honshu, Kiushiu, and Shikoku; and Formosa and the Pescadores Islands are also included in it, since they were ceded to Japan by China in 1895. Japan ha.s an area of 150,000 square miles and a population of above 40,000,000. The Constitution adopted in 1889 vests the executive power in the Emperor and his ministers, and gives him also legislative power so far as may be sanctioned by the Diet. The Diet, or national Parliament, is, like the legislatures of most coun- tries that have constitutional government, composed of two Houses, an Upper and a Lower. The Upper House is termed the House of Peers, and contains two distinct classes of mem- bers : (1) Peers elected for life, and (2) Peers elected for seven years. The life Peers include male members of tlie imperial family, princes and marquises above twenty-five years of age, and eminent citizens nominated by the Emperor. Of the elected Peers there are two classes, chosen in two entirely different ways. For the counts, viscounts, and barons of the Empire are respectively entitled to elect one fifth of their order, though the ones so elected must be above twenty-five years of age, while the various districts of the country are represented in the House of Peers by members who are chosen indirectly by the highest taxpayers. Altogether, the Peers number about three hundred members who are elected directly 560 UNCLASSIFIED COUNTRIES book v by male citizens who are above twenty-five years of age, who pay a national tax of fifteen yen yearly, and who have resided in their districts for at least one year. The annual revenue of Japan is about $125,000,000 and its debt is a little less than $400,000,000. Its financial condition may be considered pros- perous in spite of present embarrassments, for, owing to the rapid growth of its manufacturing industries, its imports tend to diminish and its exports to increase. CHAPTER V INDIA Not having received a Constitution, India cannot be classed with those British Colonies wliicli are experiencing an advanced political development. Yet is it true that the country is receiv- ing no political development at all ? An Oriental race, keen, fanciful, fiery, watchful, and vindictive, bows before the supe- rior might of a great European power, and from that power it receives daily lessons in the methods of establishing order and justice throughout a vast domain. Does it profit by its lessons and is it acquiring the art of self-government? Or is it so bound hand and foot by the dominant race that it can only chafe and revile its masters even while it renders them obedience ? These are the questions that suggest themselves to the students of British India, and they are not easily an- swered. It would be impossible to answer them fully in this brief survey, but some thoughts will be presented that may help toward a solution. First of all, it is necessary to consider the government of India and see how far it recognizes the riglit of the Hindus to a voice in the management of their own affairs. At its head is the Governor-General, the chief executive authority, who represents the Crown. Assisted by a council of hve or six members appointed by the Crown, he makes laws for all per- sons in the country, whether they be British, native, or foreign. The actual task of governing, however, falls chiefly upon the Secretary of State, who is assisted by a council of not less than ten members. Over all those portions of India tliat are strictly British territory this central Government, through its own appointed officials, exercises direct control. But there are feudatory States which are governed by their own native princes, ministers, or councils, with the help of a British resi- 2 o 561 662 UNCLASSIFIED COUNTRIES book v dent official, who sees that the native heads do not overstep certain restrictions by which Great Britain's suzerainty is firmly maintained. Thus it appears that the central Govern- ment keeps a firm hold upon the whole country, while it gives to the native princes as much authority as they can safely be allowed to exercise. But in local affairs and in the administration of justice the British Government gives a fuller recognition to the rights of the natives. For in 1882-84 Local Self-Government Acts were passed, which have so extended the franchise that the gov- erning bodies of the towns are now largely made up of native Hindus, and while the high and superior courts of the country are in English hands, the magistrates and civil judges who exercise jurisdiction in the lower courts are also native to a very considerable extent. Thus it appears that Great Britain does not govern its vast Indian dependency despotically, but endeavors to educate the Hindus in self-government by throwing upon them the task of managing their own local affairs and of controlling the lower and simpler processes of law and justice. A great change, indeed, has been effected in England's policy toward India since the control of the country was taken from the East India Company in 1858. "While that control lasted, this vast and rich domain was governed in the interests of a few privileged Englishmen. Now, however, England's treatment of the Hindus is so liberal that the following characterization of it may be considered fairly correct : ^ " We give them oppor- tunities for local self-government ; we open to them appoint- ments in the Indian Civil Service, and place on them all the responsibility they can bear. We do not expect to assimilate them or make them English; we offer them the opportunity for development in every way ; we only deny them the power to oppress and misgovern one another." Consequently, seeing the great and undoubted benefits of British rule, many intelligent and fair-minded Hindus are not discontented under this alien government. They believe that it must sometime cease, but consider its immediate overthrow undesirable ; and they uphold it with hearty and ungrudging loyalty. And yet the country is full of malcontents, and the 1 "English Imperialism," by William Cunningham, Atlantic Monthly, 84: 1. CHAP. V INDIA 5(53 British are as fiercely hated by some as they are cordially sup- ported by others. Ever and anon do the great English news- papers comment upon the hostile tone of the native press in India, and intimate that it should be placed under restrictions. And it must be admitted that the Hindus have reason to dis- like the foreign yoke they bear. For, however wisely they are governed, the fact remains that they are not their own masters, and are not making their own contribution to the civilization and progress of the world. Repressed and held in restraint by a stern and unsympathetic regime, they have lost their spontaneity and their natural creative impulse. Their fancy and imagination do not have free play. Neither art nor liter- ature is greatly enriched by their ill-regulated yet undoubted mental powers. The truth is, the English are by nature unfitted to Avin the affections of a fanciful and dreamy Oriental people. For the English temper is arrogaiit, hard, stubborn, practical, and unimaginative. Endowed with a genius for government, the Englishman has scant respect for races which have no capacity for politics and no aptitude for progress. Cynicism is his mental attitude toward subject peoples. And this cynicism is the dominant characteristic in his dealings with the Hindus. The English in India have become a caste, and no caste was ever more narrow, dogmatic, and intolerant. They have their own fixed opinions upon Indian affairs, and to dispiite the cor- rectness of them is to excite their vindictive resentment. They do not brook independence of thought. They persecute all who venture to contradict thein. And yet their opinions are not only incorrect in many particulars, but are antiquated and perverse. For in their devotion to everything Mohamme- dan they even uphold the Turk in his wars and barbarities, and they hold in abhorrence the administration of Lord Ripon, who was one of the most scrupulously just and honorable vice- roys that India ever had.^ What, then, is to be said of the contact of these two incon- gruous races? Is India really benefiting by a rule which arouses her antipathy ? That she is well governed cannot be denied. Law and order reign throughout her wide domains as 1 Consult "The Auglo-Iiidiau Creed" in the Contemporary Review for August, 1899. 564 UNCLASSIFIED COUNTRIES book v they never could have reigned through the efforts of her native peoples. And from such an efficient and well-ordered rule the Hindus must inevitably acquire new standards of political con- duct. But, chafing under the haughty and unbending domin- ion of a people whom they hate, they can hardly put on more than a veneer of civilization ; and their longing to live their own life seems wholly natural and justifiable. CHAPTER VI SIAM In the year 1868 this minor Asiatic State passed under the sway of a liberal and progressive ruler, King Chulalongkorn. Unlike the typical Asiatic sovereign, this kindly and upright King refused to be bound by the traditions of the past, and endeavored to improve and elevate the condition of his sub- jects. He was by no means hostile to the spirit of Western civilization, and, as opportunity offered, he introduced radical and startling innovations. A striking proof of his sympathy with modern ideas was his abolition of the custom of prostra- tion in the royal presence. For his subjects were allowed to stand erect before him instead of lying prone at his feet. He also showed appreciation of the value of education, and by his sanction and encouragement a college for princes and a royal school for girls Avere established in ]?angkok in 1893. But the closing years of the century found King Chulalong- korn a saddened and disappointed man, and his kingdom not greatly improved because of his enlightened efforts. He had indeed suffered many and severe discouragements. Domestic bereavements had tried him sorely, and the aggressions of the French were a bitter blow to his pride. For in 1893 France forced him into a war and robbed him of territory that con- tained over a hundred thousand square miles and three million inhabitants. But the worst obstacles to his progress as a reforming monarch lay in himself and in the character of his country and his people. For " laisser-faire is essentially engen- dered not only by the climate but by the religion of the coun- try." ^ The climate during the greater part of the year is hot, stifling, and excessively damp, so that sustained exertion is almost impossible. And, as if this natural condition were not 1 Conteynporary Revieiv, 71:884. 565 566 UNCLASSIFIED COUNTRIES book v enough to destroy enterprise, the Buddhist religion has done its utmost to create apathy and indifference to all things, for it prescribes Nirvana as the highest happiness, and non-resist- ance as the highest law of life. Hence the atmosphere that pervades hovel and palace alike is that of quietude and self- indulgence. The King himself has not been able to escape its vitiating influence, but has led the easy and pleasure-loving life that characterizes the Asiatic potentate. His palace swarms with princes who grow up to be weaklings and who must be supported in indolence by the State. The court, therefore, is by no means a centre of activity ; and the King, though he has autocratic power, has not the energy to master the details of administration. Necessarily, he leaves the actual task of governing very largely to his ministers, and these ministers are as lethargic, as dilatory, and as hostile to innovations as the Oriental official has always shown himself from ancient times to the present day. Moreover, some of them are exceedingly corrupt, and what they do to forward new enterprises they do only after receiving bribes. It is obvious, then, that however enlightened and progressive King Chulalongkorn may be, reforms must come slowly in a country so buried in sloth and self-satisfaction. And of political development there is indeed no evidence. Such changes as come are of an external character and do not show any awakening of the people. The modern inventions have been introduced ; but, although the King approves of such signs of progress, these innovations are due almost entirely to the enterprise of foreign residents. It is the busy and restless European that has carried the typical products of Western civilization into this sleepy Asiatic State ; and to him chiefly was it due that in 1897 Siam had 179 miles of steam railway, J 780 miles of electric telegraph lines, and a number of electric lighting plants. But the people of the country look Avitli such disapproval upon these modern con- veniences that it is difficult to make them profitable and to extend their use ; and when they fall under native manage- ment, as happens when the State takes them under its con- trol, they are often abandoned through sheer indolence.^ 1 Much that is now written about Siam is misleading, as it gives exag- gerated importance to the reforms and improvements which the King and CHAP. VI SIAM 567 Accordingly, Siara cannot be considered progressive in the same sense in which that word is applied to Japan. It is making no growth toward democracy ; and it is worthy of study, not because it is having a political awakening, but because it illustrates the difficulties of engrafting Western institutions upon Asiatic civilization. Japan actually borrows and assimilates Western ideas and politics ; the rest of Asia must receive its growth after the manner of Siberia, India, or Siam. Through conquest or through commercial enterprise these vast and populous districts, with their dreamy and languorous life, will echo with the hum of Western industry, and will witness the inevitable spread of Western ideas. But the East will remain unchanged in thought and temper, even though its territory is invaded on every hand. Even as it out- lived the dominion of Macedon and Eome,^ it will resist the encroachments of modern civilization with passive yet indomi- table strength. others have attempted to introduce. The true condition of affairs and the obstacles in the way of progress are shown in Blackwood's Mayazine, 159: 4()1 ; Contemporary Review, 64:1; and the article in the Contemporary (71:884) already referred to. 1 The brooding East with awe beheld Her impious younger world. The Roman tempest swell'd and swell'd, And on her head was hurl'd. The East bow'd low before the blast In patient, deep disdain ; She let the legions thunder past, And plunged in thought again. — Matthew Arnold, "Obermann Once More." CONCLUSION In this brief survey of the political changes wrought during the nineteenth century it has been impossible to do much more than to present essential facts. As in the old Greek tale, the curtain is the picture. The facts speak for themselves and tell their own story. They show how, all over the civilized world, the people have wrested Constitutions from their rulers, taken the government into their own hands, and controlled affairs through their chosen representatives. Becoming thus their own masters, they have thrown off the burdens that had oppressed them for centuries. The legislation of the last hun- dred years has largely been of a i-eformatory character. It has been a persistent and long-continued effort to give to the common people the rights that had so long been withheld from them. Broadly characterized, this legislation may be said to have had three distinct and notable tendencies : to educate the masses, to enfranchise them, and to relieve them from poverty and suffering. Ever since civilization began, the untrained and ignorant have felt the tyranny of stronger minds. In ancient times they were subjected to cruel slavery. In the middle ages they suffered from an almost equally cruel serf- dom. In modern times they have been crushed beneath the merciless exactions of capital. Thus civilization is the story of a struggle, throughout which the survival of the fittest has been the dominant law. In the nineteenth century the struggle culminated. Realizing their strength, the masses asserted themselves and forced from reluctant governments the weapons that would enable them to continue the endless struggle on more equal terms. But, since the tide of conflict ha,s turned somewhat in their favor, two interesting questions have arisen and claimed the attention of thoughtful minds. Have the weapons thus gained been wisely used ? And is the long conflict of the centuries 568 CONCLUSION 569 likely to cease? Each of these questions calls for a brief consideration. The weapons bestowed by democracy cannot, in the nature of things, be handled with perfect skill. In a democracy the people become their own rulers, and their essay at government will always reflect their own crudity, narrowness, self-suffi- ciency, and unsteadiness of purpose. And the more perfect the democracy, the more certain is this to be the case. The German Empire gives universal suffrage, but such is the force of prestige and tradition that the legislators of the nation are largely swayed by the men who are fitted to lead and by the government itself. The conditions are dissimilar in France ; yet there, too, the people assert themselves so little that the government rules autocratically, and year after year and dec- ade after decade supports an aggressive and truculent mili- tarism. But in the United States the people, in spite of the caucus and the primary, make their will felt in the statute- book. To a very considerable extent they shape and control legislation ; and this legislation reflects the tone of the aver- age mind. It lacks statesmanlike breadth. It is destructive rather than constructive in character. It consists of petty and annoying regulations rather than of the enunciation of great principles. Some of the provisions of the different tariff laws are absurdly unpractical and irrational. And yet this legislation is worthy of respect. Sometimes it is the mere product of a corrupt lobby ; but sometimes it reveals the honest efforts of undisciplined minds to discover the truth. And if it is faulty, narrow, and crude, where is the perfect code with which it may be compared ? Did legislators show consummate wisdom before the days of constitutional- ism ? Rather did they rule so atrociously that the people swept them aside and chose their own representatives to make laws and redress grievances. And if statesmen have disap- peared from the political arena, they have not by any means disappeared from national life. Strong, able, and original minds are considering the great questions of the day and arriving at well-reasoned conclusions regarding them. The opinions of such thinkers can hardly fail in the end to exert a wide influence and to affect legislation. Parliaments may not of themselves discover wise methods of taxation. But if 570 CONCLUSION the principles that shoukl govern taxation are enunciated by master minds, they may in time find expression in the statute- book. Similarly, legislators that are usually governed by self- ish motives may be forced to obey the awakened moral sense of the people. Civil service reform would never have come about in the United States if Congress had not bowed to the demands of the nation for a pure and efficient management of public affairs. It may fairly be claimed, then, that the self-governing coun- tries of the world have proved the worth of democratic insti- tutions. If the people have not used their new-found weapons with consistent wisdom, they have yet used them for good rather than for ill. In the countries where the people have most power there is often found the greatest prosperity and contentment. In England, Switzerland, New Zealand, Aus- tralia, and the United States there is free exjDression of opin- ion, enlightened public sentiment, and an absence of that unwise repression which drives political diseases below the surface and makes the currents of national life impure. Even in the turbulent South American States we see growth, devel- opment, and progress. The people there allow despotic leaders to control them, instead of maintaining the integrity of their Constitutions. Yet some of these States have made a marvel- lous advance in the course of three quarters of a century. Education has been encouraged, commerce developed, and a civilization of an admirable type has slowly come into being. It was through democratic institutions that the Spanish- American peoples had to learn the meaning and nature of political responsibilities. They have learned their lesson very imperfectly, but they have learned it better by far than they ever could have done if they had been subjected to a strong and efficient foreign rule, which would have earned their hatred even while it gave them order and settled peace. That countries like Holland, Sweden, and Denmark are more efficiently governed than most of the Spanish-American Re- publics is not to be denied. But comparisons between coun- tries that have had such a widely different political experience are apt to be misleading. The one essential fact in regard to each and every one of these States is, that in differing ways and in differing degrees the people have claimed the right CONCLUSION 571 to be their own masters, and have made a galling and unjust tyranny impossible for any length of time. Eevolution is the bane of stable governments, but it is also the bane of the despot. It is one of the people's weapons. If they have often used it wantonly and wickedly, they have also used it from time to time with good effect. It was through revolution that France dealt absolutism its death-blow. Let the people have the credit, then, of Avielding their tre- mendous powers for the good of civilization and progress. If they have been tearing down, they will yet build up. The day of statesmen is said to have gone by, but it is too soon to make such an assertion. Only a generation has passed since Lincoln gained an almost unparalleled ascendency over a whole people. Only a short time has elapsed since the death of Gladstone, who was the author of more numerous humane and liberal measures than any English statesman that ever lived. And even though the tendencies of the age are critical and analytical rather than constructive, it is not fair to say as yet that republican institutions cannot bring forth new leaders as great as these. Bismarck grew out of the severe and repressive regime of German despotism. The spirit of freedom is surely much mf)re likely to produce, as they are needed, "nature's masterful great men." And under their leadership democracy may take new strides toward a well- ordered political life. The second question that was raised is more easily answered. A mere glance at the political world of to-day is sufficient to show that democracy has brought no cessation to the strife of the ages. It has changed the conditions of the conflict, but not its essential character. Now that the masses have tasted power and measured their strength, they have become more ambitious, more grasping, more aggressive. With them, as with mankind the world over, attainment brings no satisfac- tion. No matter how much is won, it is possible to win still more. Hence, every acquisition becomes a source of tempta- tion rather than a source of contentment. Compared with the working classes of other countries, the American laborers may be said to be happy, prosperous, and contented. Yet. partially no doubt thi'ough the mischievous influence of " walking dele- gates," they are continually clamoring for more. They wish 572 CONCLUSION shorter hours, higher wages, and the right to dictate to capital the terms upon which every industry is to be conducted. Nor is this spirit of self-seeking confined to the wage-earners. It is shared by the people of moderate means who view with dislike the accumulation of colossal fortunes. Through the discontent that exists among people of this class — a discontent that is often founded upon intelligent convictions rather than upon envious and malignant feelings — arises a persistent and relentless warfare upon capital. The legislatures abound in communistic spirits who believe that the regeneration of society can only be accomplished by placing all industries under State control. Thus the wage-earners and the small property-owners work, either separately or conjointly, against further accumulations of capital. In short, they attack private ownership, and this attack makes the large holders of vested interests unite in self- defence. And their union is a formidable one. So enormous are the returns of well-conducted business ventures that the men of the largest brain power and the widest resources are attracted to the field of industrial and commercial enterprise. Finding themselves assailed, these men combine to protect themselves ; and the powers they have used to acquire colossal fortunes they now use to preserve them. They are vastly outnumbered, but the combat is not an unequal one. For, first of all, the capitalist has his own wealth to fall back upon and to support him in time of need, while the workman's very poverty soon drives him to the wall. But more than this, the capitalist has the disciplined, far-reaching intelligence, Avhich makes him the more perfect type in the great struggle for existence. He is more highly developed and therefore better fitted to survive. And survive he does, while the man of strong arm and honest but narrow brain goes down in the fight. Such are the conditions under which the long struggle between the classes now goes on, and seems likely to go on without cessation. It is difficult to see that the growth of democracy has abated this stubborn warfare. In the greatest democracy the world has ever seen, the last decade of the century witnessed vested interests arrayed against labor in a fierce struggle for supremacy. For, as has been elsewhere CONCLUSION 573 pointed out, the presidential election of 189G meant nothing else than this. And this struggle will be endlessly repeated. Neither the cooperative movement nor State socialism can ever bring it to an end. Let the wage-earners become profit-sharers just so far as they can ; they have a right to all they can fairly win. And let the State assume control of all enterprises it can manage better than the individual. But however much these movements grow and spread, they cannot change the funda- mental conditions of human life. A world that teems with riches invites conquest. To brute force assisted by human invention it yields up its treasures in bewildering profusion. But no sooner has it yielded them up than the struggle for possession begins. It is an absorbing and a furious struggle, for the rewards of victory are great. Accordingly, it brings all the powers and resources of the human mind into play. No perfectly devised scheme of distribution, no artificial struc- ture of Society can ever bring this exciting contest to an end. There is an arena; there are the prizes. Combatants will never be wanting until the auri scicra fames is banished from the human heart. The moment that profit-sharing became, universal, there would be a reaction against it. The more completely State socialism became established, the more surely would its structure crumble away. The saying of the Roman poet, that nature will not yield to force,^ is as true of the human, as it is of the inanimate, world. But surely this great conflict is best waged under popular government. When the people truly rule, they cannot be oppressed. The only burdens they carry will be those they put upon themselves. And these burdens may indeed be heavy ones. Through absurd and fantastic legislation they may cripple trade, make capital unproductive, vitiate the cur- rency, and bring distress to the poor man, whom above all they wish to help. But through mistakes and failures will come a more perfect knowledge. Gradually it will be seen that legis- lation is not a cure for poverty ; and a nation can afford to 1 The phrase is borrowed from the well-known lines of Horace {Ep. I., 10 : 24, 25) : Naturani cxpellas furca, tainen usque I'ecurret Et mala perruuipel furtini fastidia victrix. 574 CONCLUSION make costly errors to learn this lesson. It is a lesson that never can be learned in countries that are governed by a privi- leged class. In such countries there will be seething discon- tent among the masses, who will attribute all their ills to the selfishness of their rulers. But in a democracy the people must see in time that the warfare of the classes is not due to governmental oppression. And such knowledge should go far toward removing the bitterness that has characterized this unceasing conflict. BIBLIOGRAPHY GENERAL WORKS BIBLIOGRAPHIES : Langlois : Manud de BihliograpMe historique. — Monod : Bihliographie de Vhistoire de France. — Sonnenschein : A Iteadefs Guide. — Oettinger : Bihliographie Biographique Universelle. — Annales de Geographie : Bibliographie Ge'ographique Annuelle. — Cory, William : Guide to Moderyi English History. — Hart and Chan- ning : (ruide to the Stndg of American History. — Peabody Institute Library of Baltimore : Printed catalogue contains valuable bibliogra- phies under the names of countries. HISTORIES : Alison, Sir Archibald : History of Europe from 1789-1815, 13 vol., 1840-42 ; fruvi 1815-52, 8 vol., 1852-59; and more recent editions. Carefully done; Tory in its sympathies. — Miiller, Wilhelm : Political History of Recent Times, 1882. Spirited ; interest- ing ; lacks proportion. • — Bulle, Constantin : Geschichte der neuesten Zeit, 1886. — Oncken, Wilhelm : Allgemeine Geschichte. A popular work in thirty-six volumes written by a number of specialists. Publica- tion begun in 1878. Volumes 1-6 in Series IV., which treat of the nine- teenth century, are of recent date. — Fyffe, C. A. : A History of 3Iodern Europe, new ed., 1896, 3 vol. in one. Narrative terse but interesting. One of the best works for the period it covers. — Lowell, A. Lawrence : Governments and Parties of Continental Europe 2 vol., 1896. Indispen- sable to the student of political history. — Seignobos, C. H. : Histoire Politique de VEurope Contemporaine, 1897. A work of sound scholar- ship, written in a scientific spirit. English translation (1899) contains an index. — Andrews, Charles M. : The Historical Development of Modern Europe, 2 vol., l.S!»8. Valuable ; does not give references to authorities. GENERAL WORKS OF REFERENCE : Larned's History for Ready Reference : 5 vol. Composed of extracts from many authors. A very useful compilation. — Lalor's Cyclopaedia of Political Science, Note. Original sources are not indicated in the case of countries whose languages are not generally read. For such information the bibliographies should be consulted. Memoirs and Letters, though they may fairly be considered original sources, are, for the sake of convenience, classed with biographies. The works mentioned are arranged, not alphabetically, but chronologically, according to the date of their publication. The English translation of a foreign work is almost invariably mentioned in preference to tbe original. 576 576 BIBLIOGRAPHY Political History, and United States History : 3 vol. — Larousse's Grand Dictionnaire Universel du XIX Si^cle : Comprehensive. In- formation detailed and minute. — Encyclopaedia Britannica : Historical and biographical monographs mostly written by specialists, and valu- able. — Haydn's Dictionary of Dates. — Harper's Book of Facts. — Ploetz's Epitome of Universal History. — Heilprin's Historical Reference Book. — The Annual Register. Since 1758. — Appleton's Amiual Cyclopaedia. Since 18(51. — Revue Encyclopedique. Issued annually since 1891. — The Statesman's Year-Book. Since 1861. — Other Year-Books; as Annuaire Statistique de la France; Hand- buch fiir das Deutsche Reich; Annuario Statistica Italiano. — Whitaker's Almanac. Since 1809. — Hazell's Annual. Since 1886. Gives a valuable summary of the proceedings of the more important legis- lative and parliamentary bodies the world over. — The Politician's Hand-Book. Since 1899. Extremely aseful. BIOGRAPHICAL "WORKS : Thomas : Universal Pronouncing Dictionary of Biography uitd Mytliology, 1880. — Sanders : Celebrities of the Century, 1887. —Ward: Jlen of the Biign, 12th ed., 1887.— Vapereau : Dictionnaire Universel des Contemporains, 0th ed., 1893. — Plarr: Men and Women of the Time, 14th ed., 1895. — Camden Pratt; People of the Period, 1897. — Appleton ; Cyclopcedia of American Biog- raphy. Useful for Mexico, Central and South America, as well as for the United States. — Stephen and Lee : Dictionary of National Biography (English). Nearly completed. — Liliencron and Wegele .- Alhjemeine Deutsche Biographic. Not completed. GEOGRAPHICAL WORKS AND ATLASES : Freeman : His- torical Geography of Europe. Vol. I., text ; Vol. II., atlas. New edition, 1882. — Himly . Histoire de la Formation territoriale des etats de V Europe Centrale, 2d ed., 1890. — Hertslet : 3Iap of Europe by Treaty, 1814-1891. — Vivien de Saint-Martin: Nouveau Dictionnaire de Geographic Universelle, 7 vol., 1879-95. Information detailed and com- plete. — Reclus: The Earth and its Inhabitants, 19 vol., 1886-95. — Stanford ; Comp)endium of Geography and Travel, 8 vol. Publication begun in 1882. Some works in the series have been recently revised. — Poole : Historical Atlas of 3Iodern Eiirope. All the parts not yet issued. — Schrader : Atlas de Geographic Historique. — Droysen : Allgemeine, Historischer Hand-Atlas. — Mill, H. R. (Editor): The International Geography, 1900. GENEALOGIES : Lorenz : Genealogisches Handbuch der EuropH- ischen Staatengcschichte. — Grote : Stammtafeln. — George: Genea- logical Tables Illustrative of Modern History. — Convenient, and for ordinary use, adequate Tables are contained in H. Morse Stephens's Lectures on Blodern History ; and, for the French royal lines, in the StudenVs History of France. — Genealogies may be traced in the Alma- nach de Gotha (since 1764) ; and many questions of descent and relation- ship may be settled by the aid of Haydn''s Dictionary of Dates^ or 2'he Statesman''s Year-Book. BIBLIOGRAPHY 577 POLITICAL, HISTORICAL, AND ECONOMIC REVIEWS ENGLISH : Edinburgh Review. Since 1802. — Quarterly Re- vie^^r. Since l(). — Revue Historique. Since 1876. — Revue Politique et Parlementaire. Since 1891. WORKS ISSUED IN SERIES : Story of The Nations. The volumes of this series for the most part give a very meagre treatment of the nineteenth centnry ; but a few of them, wliich have been duly noticed under the proper head, are serviceable. — Public Men of To-day. Use- ful. — Questions of the Day. A very timely series of volumes. — Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science. — Columbia University Studies in Political Science. — Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (Philadel- phia). WORKS ON SOCIAL, INDUSTRIAL, AND ECONOMIC SUBJECTS' Jevons, W. Stanley: 3Iethods of Social Beform, 1883. — Graham, W. A. : The, SaciiiJ rmhlem, 1886. — Rae, John : Contrmponinj Sarial- ism, 1891.— Marx, Carl: Gujnial ; or Tha SlmlenVs Marx, by Edw^ard Aveling, 1892. — Ely, Richard : Socialism and Social Beform, 1894. — Kidd, Benjamin: Social Erolutinn, 1894. — Nitti, Francesco S. : Catholic Siiciulism,, 1895. — M'Kechnie, William Sharp -.The State and the Individual, 1896. — Zenker, E. V. : Anarchism, Its History and Theory, 1897. — Sombart, Werner : Socialism and the Sacial Move- ment in the Nineteenth Coitnry, 1H\)8. Valuable. — Mallock, W. H. : Ai-istocracy and Evolution, 1898. 1 As these subjects are vitally connected with political growth and progress, a few work.s that treat of them are mentioned. But it is impossible to make so brief a li.st fairly representative. 2 p 578 BIBLIOGRAPHY Jones, Benjamin: Cooperative Production, 1894. — Webb, Sidney and Beatrice: Trade Unionism, 1894; Industrial Democracy, 1899. — Lloyd, H. D. : Labor Co-partnership, 1898. — Menger, Anton: Tlie Bight to the Whole Produce of Labor, 1899. — Smart, William: Lhe Distribution of Income, 1899. — Gilman, N. P. : A Dividend to Labor, 1900. —Clark, J. B. : The Distribution of Wealth, 19U0. Walker, F. A.: Political Economy, 1888. — Bohm-Bawerk, Eugen F. : Capital and Interest, 1890. The theory of interest here presenttd attracted much attention. — Marshall, Alfred : Principles of Economics, 2 vol., 1890. Important. — Rand, Benjamin (Compiler): Selections Illustrating Economic History since the Seven Years'' War, 1892. — Patten, Simon N. : The Economic Basis of Protection, 1895. One of the most notable of the works that defend protection. — Dunbar, C. F. : Currency, Finance and Banking, Revised edition, 1896. — Plehn, C. C. : Introduction to Public Finance, 1896. — Seligman, E. R. A.: Essays in Taxation, 1897. — Daniels, W. M. : Elements of Public Finance, 1900. — Ely, Richard T. : Monopolies and Trusts, 1900. — Gunton, George: Trusts and the Public, 1900. FRANCE SOURCES: Archives Parliamentaires. A full record of parlia- mentary i)r(iceedings. Volume LXXV. brought the record down to 1834. — Amiales, published annually since 1861, gives the doings of the legislative bodies that have existed under the various governments. — Le Journal des Debats Politiques et Litteraires. In its 111th year in 1«99. — Bulletin des Lois; Bulletin de Statistique et de Legislation Comparee ; Statistique Agricole Annuelle, and other official pul)lications. HISTORIES: (1) GENERAL: Crowe, E. E. : Tfie History of France, in 5 vol. Brings the narrative to 1851. — Martin, Henri : His- toire de France de 1789 a nos jours, 8 vol., 1878-1885. — Jervis, W. K. : The Students History of France, revised ed., 1884. — Duruy, Victor: History of France, 1889. (2) SPECIAL : Lowell, E. J. : The Eve of the French Revolution, 1892. — Taine, H. A. : The Ancient Regime, 1876 ; The French Revolu- tion, 3 vol., 1878-1885 ; The Modern Regime, 2 vol., 1890-1894. — Sybel, Heinrich von : History of the French Revolution, 4 vol., 186(5-1868. — Stephens, H. Morse: History of the French Revolution, 2 vol., 1886- 1891. — Hoist, H. von: The French Revolution tested by Mirabeau's Career, 2 vol., 1894. — Thiers, Adolpbe : History of the French Revolu- tion, 10 vol., 1862; History of the Consulate and the Empire, 20 vol., 1845-1861. Various other editions have been published. The histories of Thiers are brilliant, but unscientific and not wholly trustworthy. — Mignet, F. A. M. : History of the French Revolution, 1856. One of the best brief accounts. — Lanfrey, P. : History of Xupolenn I., 4 vol., 1871- 1879. The standard work on Napoleon. — Sloane, W. M. : Napoleon. BIBLIOGRAPHY 579 A History, 4 vol., 1897-1898.— Mahaii, A. T. : The Influence of Sea Power upon the French Revolution and Empire, 2 vol., 1892. — Viel-Castel, Louis de : Histoire de la liestauration, 20 vol., 1860-1878. Cliietiy useful for reference. — Blanc, Louis : The Histonj of Ten Years (1880- 1840), 2 vol., 1844. Socialistic. — Lamartiiie, Alphonse de : The His- tory of the Restoration of Monarchy in France, 4 vol., 1864 ; History of the Revolution of 184S, 1852. These works are brilliant pictures of events rather than histories. — Pierre, Victor: Histoire.de la Republique de 184S, 2 vol., 1878. — Delord, Taxile : Histoire du Second Empire, 6 vol., 1870. The standard work on the subject. — Gorce, P. de la: Histoire du Second Empire, 3 vol., 1894. Friendly to Napoleon. Not yet completed. — Ferry, Jules: La Lutte Electorale en 1863, 18G3. — Adams, C. K. : Democracy and Monarchy in France, 2d ed., 1875. Traces the causes which brought about the overthrow of the Second Empire. — Simon, Jules: The Government of M. 77uVn'*, 2 vol., 1879. Interesting and valuable. — Coubertin, Baron Pierre de : The Evo- lution of France under the Third Jie/ndtlic, 1897. Important. MEMOIRS; CORRESPONDENCE: Bourriemie, L. A. Fau- velet de : Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, 4 vol., 1893. — Rdmusat, Madame de : Memoirs, 1802-1808, 2 vol., 1880. —Napoleon I., Corre- spondancede, 28 vol., 1858-1869. — Broglie, Due de : Personal Recollec- tions of, 1785-1820, 1887. — Lafayette, Marquis de : Memoirs of, 1870. — Tocqueville, Alexis de : Memoirs, Letters, and Remains, 2 vol., 1801. — Guizot, F. : Mrmnirs on the History of My Otcn Times, 4 vol., 1856-1858. — Senior, William Massau : Journals (1848-1852), 2 vol., 1871; Conversations with M. Thiers, 31. Guizot, a)id Other DistintjuisJied Persons during the Second Empire, 2 vol., 1878. — Falloux, Comte de : Memoirs of, 2 vol., 1880-1881. The comments of a liberal-minded mon- archist upon a long series of events. — Viel Castel, Comte Horace de : Memoirs of, 2 vol., 1888. Time of Napoleon III. — Washbume, E. B. : Recollections of a Minister to France, 2 vol., 1887. Gives a valuable pic- ture of the Connimne of 1871. GENERAL WORKS : Lebon, A. and Pelet, P. : France As It Is, 1888. — Brownell, W. C. : French Traits, 1889. A searching analysis of the national character. — Bodley, J. E. C. : France, 2 vol., 1898. FINANCES : Viihrer, M. A. : Histoire de la dette publique en France, 1880. — Say, Leon : Les Finances de la France soiis la 2\oisihne Repuhliqne. Vol. I. 1871-1875. 1898. COLONIES : Vignon, L. : Les Colonies francaises, 1885 ; H Expan- sion de la France, 1891. — Norman, C. B. : Colonial France, 1886.— Rambaud, Alfred : La France Coloniale, 1895. ITALY SOURCES : Statesman's Year Book contains lists of the official publications of the goverinnent. — The Amiual Register and other Annuals record the events of each year. — For Documents consult the historical bibliographies. 580 BIBLIOGRAPHY HISTORIES : Pepe, Guglielmo : Relation cles Evenements Poli- tiques et MiliUdres qui ont lieu a Naples en 1S20 et 1S21, 1822 ; His- toire des Revolutions et Guerres cVItalie en 1847-49, 1850. Events described by one who took part in tliem. — Probyn, J. W. : Italy, 1815-90, 1891. —Thayer, W. K. : The Dawn of Italian Independence, 2 vol., 1803. — Cesaresco, Countess: The Liberation of Italy, 1815- 1870, 1894. — Stillman, "W. J. : The Union of Italy, 1898. Valuable. — King, Bolton : A History of Italian Unity, 2 vol., 1899. Based upon wide research. — Orsi, Pietro : Modern Italy (1748-1898), 1900. In the Story of the Nations series. LETTERS ; MEMOIRS ; BIOGRAPHIES : Azeglio, Marquis d': Souvenirs, 2 vol., 18G7 ; Lettere, 1883. — Cavour, Count di : Discorsi, 12 vol., 1863-72; Lettere, G vol., 1883-87. —Ricasoli, Baron: Lettere e documenti, 10 vol., 1888-95. — Mazzini, Joseph: Life and Writings of, 6 vol., 1888. — R6cca, General Count deUa : The Autobiography of a Veteran, 1807-1893, 1898. Mazade, Charles de : The Life of Coiint Cavour, 1877. — Dicey, Edward: Victor Emmanuel, 1882. — Cesaresco, Coiuitess : Italian Characters in the Epoch ce/'-i>oo/i: under Australia ; The Quarterly Beview, 190 : 289 ; Political Science Quarterly, 14 : 003 ; and otlier x'eviews and magazines. (2) SPECIAL : Parkes, Sir H. : Fifty Years in the Making of Aus- tralian History, 2 vol., 1892. — Roydhouse, T. R. : The Labour Party in New South Wales, 1892. — Hutchinson, F. : Neto South Wales: the Mother Colony (f the Anstralias, ]S9(!. Russell, H. S. : The Genesis of Queensland, 1888. — Weedon, T. : Quei'usland Past and Present, 1890. Hodder, Edwin: The History of South Atistralia, 2 vol., 1893. — Blackmore, E. G. : The Law of the Constitution of Sotith Australia, 1894. Fenton, James: History of Tasmania, 1894. — Johnston, R. M. : Handbook of Tasmania, annual. Bannow, W. : The Colony of Victoria, 1897. Calvert, A. T. : Western Australia : Its IL'story and Prorjress, 1894. ^Memiell, P. : T/ie Com.ing Colony, 1894. Consult also the Annual Blue Book and Statistical Begister, published by oaoh Colony. NEW ZEALAND : TroUope's Australasia and Neio Zealand. — Wakefield, E. : New Zealand after Fifty Years, 1889. — Gisborne : 77/r C(d(>ny of New Zealand, 1891 ; New Zealand Bttlers and Statesmen, 1844-07, 1897. —Rees. W. L. : T/ie Life and limes of Sir George Grey, 1892. Valuable also for Australia and South Africa. — Rusden, G. W. : The History of New Zealand, new ed., 3 vol., 1890. — New Zealand, in the Story of the Empire .series, 1898. — Annual Statistical Begister. — Nev^ Zeala)id Officiid Year-Book. SOUTH AFRICA: Trollope, Anthony: So^ith Africa, 2 vol., 1878. — Statham, F. R. : Jilacks, JJocrs and Jlritish, 1881 ; South Africa As It Is, 1897 ; Paul Kruger and His Times, 1898. — Norris. Newman C. L. : With the Borrs in the Transvaal and Orange Free State in ISSO-Sl, 1882. — "Weber. Ernest de : Quatre aiis au pays des Boers, 1882. — Theal, Geoige McCall : History (f the Boers in South Africa, 1887 ; History of 590 BIBLIOGRAPHY South Africa, 5 vol., 1888-93 ; South Africa (Story of the Nations), 1897. — Molteno. P. A.: A Federal South Africa, 1890. — Regan. "W. F.: Boer and Uitlauder ; the True History of the Late Events in South Africa, 1896. — Withers, H.: The English and the Dutch in South Africa; an Histor- ical Betrospect, 1896. —Schieiner. Olive: The Political Situation (in Cape Colony), 1890; The Sauth African Question, 1899. — Campbell, C. T. : British South Africa, 1795-1825, 1897. — Garrett, T. E., and Edwards. E. J. : The Story of an African Crisis (Jameson raid), 1897. — Hammond, Natalie: A Woman\^ Part in a Bevolution, 1897. — Bryden, H. A. : The Victorian Era in South Africa, 1897. — MacNab, F. : On \'elt and Farm in Cape Colony, Bechuanaland, Natal, and the Transvaal, 1897. — Wilmot, A. : The Story of the Expansion of South- ern Africa, 2 ed., 1897 ; History of Our Own Times in South Africa, 2 vol.. 1898. —Nicholson. G. : Fifty Years in South Africa. i898. — Bigelow, Poultney: White Ma'n's Africa, 1 898. — Stanley , H. N. : Throxtgh South Africa, 1898. — Yovuighusband, F. E. : Soiith Africa of To-day, 1898.- — Thomson, H. C. : lihodesia and Its Government, 1898. — Johnston. Sir H. : The Colonisation of South Africa, 1899. — Hil- legas, H. C. : Oom PauVs People, 1899. — Bryce, James: Impressions of South Africa, new ed. in 1899, with a review of the troubles between the Boers and the British. Article on this question by the same author in the North American Beview, 109: 737. — Devereux, Roy: Side Lights on South Africa, 1900. — Brown. W. H. : On tlie South African Fron- tier, 1900. — Stickney. Albert : The Transvaal Outlook, 1900. —Hob- son, J. A. : The War in South Africa : its Causes and Effects, 1900. — Monthly Bulletin of the Boston Public Library, December, 1899, gives a complete bibliography of the South African Question, with a list of the British State Papers that bear on the subject, from 1876 to 1899. EGYPT (not a colony with responsible government, but a vital point in the British Empire) : Milner. Sir Alfred : England in Egypt, 1894. Of special value and importance. — Slatin Pasha : Fire and Svjord in the Sudan, 1895. — Alford. H. S.. and Sword, W. D. : The Egyptian Sudan: Its Loss and Becovery, 1898. — Cameron, D. A. : Egypt in the 19th Century, 1898. — Schweitzer. G. : Eniin Pasha: His Life and Work, 2 vol., 1898. — Stevens, G. W. : With Kitchener to Khartum, 1898. —Bennett, E. A. : The Doicnfall of the Dervislies, 1899. — Wors- fold, W. Basil : The Bedemption of Egypt, 1899. — Churchill, W. S. : The Biver War. An Account of the Be-conquest of the Sudan, 1899. — White, A. S : The Expansion of Egypt, 1900. THE UNITED STATES SOURCES : The Journals of Congress from 1774 to 1788, 4 vol., 1823. — Reports of the Debates in the National Convention of 1787. A diary kept by James Madison, 3 vol., 1840; 1 vol., 1893. — The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution, with other important documents. Collected by BIBLIOGRAPHY 591 Jonathan Eliot, 5 vol., 1801. — Annals of Congress, 42 vol., 1834-56. Period 1789 to May, 1824 ; The Register of Debates, 29 vol. Period December, 1824, to October. 1887 ; Congressional Globe, 108 vol. Period 1837 to 1872 ; Congressional Record. Period 1872 to the pres- ent. ^ — The Federal and State Constitutions, Colonial Charters, and Other Organic Laws of the United States. Collected by Benjamin Perley Poore, 2 vol., 1877-78. — Treaties and Conventions betw^een the United States and Other Powers. 177(5-1887. Printed by the United States Government in 1889. — Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789 to January 1, 1899, 10 vol., with a valuable index. An important collection. — Government publications concerning Arbitra- tion and all other important political questions. HISTORIES : (1) GENERAL : Bancroft, George : History of the United States to the Close of the Bevolutiunary War, 10 vol., 1834-74 ; and 6 vol., revised, 1876. Learned and interesting, but barely touching upon the period covered by the present volume. — Hildreth, Richard G. : History of the United States from the Discovery of America to the End of the Sixteenth Congress, vol., new ed., 1879. Sound, but dry. — Tucker, George: Tlie History of the United States from their Coloniza- tion to the End of the Twenty-sixth Congress in 1S41, 4 vol., 1860. Inter- esting as giving the Southern point of view. — McMaster, John Bach : A History of the People of the United States, 5 vol., 1883-1900. Not com- pleted. — Winsor, Justin (Editor) : yar ratine and Critical History of America,! yo\., 1888. ^Nlore critical than narrative. Bibliographies com- plete and valuable. —Montgomery, D. H. : The Students^ History of the United States, 1897. — Channing, Edward : Studenf s History of the United States, 1898. This work and the preceding, though single-volume histories, are not mere compendiums, but show independence of view and familiarity with original sources. (2) SPECIAL : Schouler, James : History of the United States, 1783-1865, 6 vol., 1880-99. A most important work for the period it covers. — Roosevelt, Theodore-. The Winning of the West, 4 vol., 1889-96. A graphic picture of the conquest and occupation of new land west of the Appalachian chain. — Fiske, John : The Critical Period of American History, 1888. — Adams. Henry: History of the United States, 1801-1817, 9 vol., 1889-91. The best work for this period. — Goodell, William : Slavery and Antislavery, 3 ed., 1855. Dispassionate ; scien- tific. — Wilson. Henry: Ilise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, 4 ed., 3 vol., isyo. Less fair and impartial than Goodell's work. — Greeley, Horace : The American Conflict, 2 vol., 1864-67. A valuable study of the causes of the Civil War. Military criticism unsound. — Count of Paris : History of the Civil War in America, 2 vol., 1875-76. An excellent work, but never completed. — Stephens, Alexander : The War between the States, 2 vol., 1870. — Davis, Jefferson : The liise and Fall of the Confederate Government, 2 vol., 1881. — Blaine, James G. : Twenty Years of Congress, 1861-1881, 2 vol., 1884. — Rhodes, James Ford : History of the United States, 1850-1885. Fourth 592 BIBLIOGRAPHY volume, ending with Lincoln's reelection in 18G4, published in 1899. Shows wide research and sound historical judgment. — Shaler, N. S. (Editor) : The United States, 2 vol., 1894. Valuable monographs upon a variety of interesting and important subjects. — Andrews, E. Benja- min : The History of the Last Quarter Century in the United States, 2 vol., 1896. Useful. Gives more details than most of the works that treat of this period. — Wise, John S. : The End of an Era, 1899. The views of a fair-minded Southerner. (3) CONSTITUTIONAL : Benton, Thomas H. : Thirty Years' View, 1820-1850, 2 vol., 1854-56. —Curtis, George Ticknor : History of the Constitution of the United States, 2 vol., 1854-58 ; new ed., 1896. Considered by many the standard work on the subject ; but its treatment of some of the graver political problems, particularly those arising from slavery, is by no means adequate. — Bancroft, George : History of the Formation of the Constitution, 2 vol., 1882. — Hoist, H. von : The Con- stitutional and Political History of the United States, 8 vol., 1879-85 ; new ed., 1899. A searching study of American institutions. More pro- found and suggestive than the work of Curtis. — Smith, Goldwin : The United States: a Political History, 1893. — Stevens. C. Ellis : Sources of the Constitution of the United States, 1894. — Bryce, James: The American Commomoealth, 2 vol., 3 ed., 1895. Of foremost importance. — Thorpe, F. N. : The Constitutional History of the American People, 1776-1850, 2 vol., 1898.— Tucker, John Randolph : The Constitution of the United States, 1899. Annual Iteport of the American Historical Association, 1896, Vol. II., contains an important monograph on pro- posed Amendments to the Constitution. With the Constitutional His- tories should be studied Professor James Bradley Thayer's Cases on Constitutional Law ; or the shorter collection, with the same title, by Carl Evans Boyd. — Henry Hitchcock's American State Constitutions, in the Questions of the Day series, is also worthy of notice, as is the Annual Report of the American Bar Association. To facilitate the use of original sources, a series of documents, comprising (1) American Federal Documents, (2) T7ie American Constitutions, (3) Foreign Con- stitutions, has been arranged by F. A. Cleveland. COLLECTED WORKS ; MEMOIRS ; JOURNALS ; BIOG- RAPHIES : The Federalist. Essays by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, for the most part originally published in the Independent Journal of New York in 1787 and 1788. More than twenty editions of the Federalist have been published. — "Washington, George : The Writings of, 12 vol., 1852. Volumes IX.-XIl. useful. — Adams. John : Tlie Works of, loith a Life of the Author, 10 vol., 1856. — Jefferson, Thomas : ITie Writings of, 10 vol. New edition completed in 1899. — Hamilton, Alexander: Complete Works, 8 vol., 1888. — Madison, James: Letters and Other Writings of . Published by order of Congress, 4 vol., 1865. —Monroe, James: The Writings of, Vol. II. (to 1796), 1899. — Clay, Henry : The Works of 6 vol.. 1855. —Adams, John Quincy : Memoirs of, 12 vol., 1874-77. — Calhoun, John C. : BIBLIOGRAPHY 593 The Works of, 6 vol., 1854-56. —Webster, Daniel: The Works of, 6 vol., 1853-56. — Seward, William H. : The Works of, 4 vol., 1853-62. Sumner, Charles: Works of 12 vol., 1875. — Garrison, William Lloyd : Life of 1805-1879, 4 vol., 1885. A noteworthy contribution to the history of the Antislavery Movement. — Lincoln, Abraham: Com- plete Works, 2 vol., 1894 ; Life of by Nicolay and Hay, 10 vol., 1890. — Grant, U. S. : Personal Memoirs of, 2 vol., 1885. — Tilden, Samuel J. : The Wi'itings and Speeches of 2 vol., 1885. — McCulloch, Hugh: Men and Measures of Half a Centnnj, 1889. — American Statesmen series. Thirty-second volume published in 1900. Valuable. FINANCE : Government Publications, including : Annual Reports of the ISecretary of the Treasury, the Director of the Mint, and the Com- missioner of Internal Revenue ; Annual Reports on the Internal Com- merce of the United States, the Foreign Commerce of the United States, and on Statistics of Railways ; Annual Statement of the Public Debt of the United States, and Quarterly Reports of Statistics, Bureau on Imports, Exports, etc. — Gallatin, Albert: The Writinys of 3 vol., 1879. A valuable commentary on the earlier financial history of the country. — Elliot, Orrin Leslie : The Tariff Controversy in the United States, 1 789- 1833, 1892. — Bolles, A. S. : Financial History of the United States, 3 vol., 1885. — Sherman, John: Speeches and Reports on Finance and Taxation, 1879. — Thompson, R. W. : The History of the Protective Tariff Laws, 1888. Defends protection. —Taussig, F. W. : Tariff His- tory of the United States, 1893. A fair and moderate critic of protection. — Rabbeno, Ugo : The American Commercial Policy, 1895. Discusses leading economic writers. A scholarly work. — Laughlin, J. Laurence : The History of Bimetallism in the United States, 4 ed., 1897. — Noyes, A. D. : Thirty Years of American Finance (1865-96), 1898. — Watson, D. K. : History of American Coinage, 1899. COUNTRIES ACQUIRED OR HELD SINCE THE CIVIL WAR Dall, "W. H. : Alaska and its Resources, 1870. — Bruce, Miner: Alaska, 1895. — Heilprin, Angelo : Alaska and the Klondike, 1899. Callahan, J. M. : Cuhu and hiternational Relations, 1899. A histori- cal monograph of great value in the study of the Cuban question. — Porter, R. B. : Industrial Cuba, 1899. — Matthews, Franklin: The Xcv^-Bnrn Cuha, 1899. Shows what American rule has done. — Pepper, C. M. : To-morrow in Cuba, 1899. Ober, F. A.: Puerto Rico and its Resources, 1899. — Dinw^iddie, William : Puerto Rico, Its Conditions and Possibilities, 1899. — Hamm, Margherita A. : Porto Rico, 1899. Blackman,W. F. : The Makiin/ of Ilavaii, 1899. — Young, Lucien : The Rial llawaii, 1899. — Carpenter. E. J. : America in Hawaii, 1899. — Whitney, Caspar: Hawaiian America, 1899. Worcester, Dean C. : The PIdlippine Islands, 1899. — Foreman. J. G. : The Philippine Islands, 1899. — Lala, Ramon Reyes : I'he Pliilip- pine Islands, 1899. — Bancroft, H. H. : The Neio Pacific, 1900. 2q 594 BIBLIOGRAPHY The literature upon these countries is fast multiplying, but is very unsatisfactory, and should be read with great caution. Most of it is the record of hastily formed impressions, and is written in an extremely parti- san spirit. It is particularly difficult to ascertain the truth regarding Hawaii. The report made by President Cleveland's commissioner (Mr. Blount) did not give the impression that its author carefully weighed the rights of the Americans as well as those of the native islanders ; while almost everything that has since been written on the subject presents only the American side. But a monograph by Von Hoist on "The Annexation of Hawaii" should be carefully read. MEXICO Hall, Basil : Extracts from a Journal v)ritten on the Coasts of Chile, Peru, and Mexico in the 'Years 1820, 1821, 1822, 2 vol., 1824. — Flint, H. M. : Mexico under Maximilian. 1S67. — Bancroft, H. H. : History of Mexico, G vol., 188;J-85.— Wells, David A. : .4 Study of Mexico, 1887. Noll, A. H. : ^ Short History of Mexico, 1890.— Blake, U. R. : Life of Benito Juarez, 1894. — Butler, J. W. : Sketches of Mexico, 1894.— Lummis, C. F. : The Aicakening of a Nation; Mexico of To-day. 1898. — Romero, M. : Mexico and the United States, 1898. The most valuable single work on Mexico. — For Mexico and all the Spanish American countries the Bulletins of the United States Bureau of American Republics are a specially important source of information. The unceas- ing political changes that occur in most of these countries are recorded in Current History and Appleton's Annual Cyclopaedia. CENTRAL AMERICA GENERAL: Froebel, Julius : Secen Years'' Travel in Central Amer- ica. 18->>. — Squier,E. G. : Stales of Central America, 1858.' — Stephens, J. S. : Incidents of Travel in Central America, 2 vol., 1867. — Belly, F^lix: A travels V Amerique centrale. 2 vol.. 1872. — Bates, H. W. : Central and South America, 1882. — Bancroft. H. H. : History of Central America. 3 vol., 1882-83. — Avenel, H. : U Amerique Latine, 1892. SPECIAL: Peralta, Manuel M. : Costa Bica : its Climate, Consti- tution, and Resources, 1873. — Biolley, P. : Costa Bica and her Future, 1889. — Calvo, J. B. : Bepuhlic of Costa Bica, 1890. — Shroeder, J.: Costa Bicii State Immigration, 1894. Stoll, Otto : Guatemala, Beisen und Schilderungen aus den Jahren 1878-83, 1886. — Brigham, T. : The Land of the Quetzal, 1887. Squier, E. G. : Honduras : Descriptive, Historical, Statistical, 1870. — Lombard, Thomas R. : The Neiv Honduras, 1887. — Charles, C: Honduras, 1890. Squier, E. G. : Nicaragua, 2 vol., 1852. — Pector. Desire: Etude Economique sur la Bepublique de Nicaragua, 1893. — Colquhoun, A. R. : The Key of the Pacific, 1895. — Niederlein, G. : The State of Nicaragua, 1898. BIBLIOGRAPHY 595 SOUTH AMERICA GENERAL : Windsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. VIII., contains a full bibliography on the struggle for independence, p. 342 ; and an account of the struggle on p. 295. — Hackett, James : Narrative of an Expedition which sailed from England in 2817 to join the South American Patriots, 1818. — Holstein, Ducoudray : Memoires de S. Bolivar, 1829. English translation, 1829. Reviewed by Caleb Gushing in the North American Review for January, 1829. — Miller, John : 3Iemoirs of General Miller in the Service of the Republic of Peru, 1829. — Dundonald. Earl of: Narrative of Services in the Liberation of Chili, Peru, and Brazil, 2 vol., 1859.- — Hassaurek, F. : Four Years among Spanish Americans, 1867. — Payne, E. J. : History of European Colonies, 1877. Touches upon the war for liberation. More scholarly than most works on South America. — Watson, R, G. : Spanish and Purtnguese Soiith America during the Colonial Period, 2 vol., 1884, "The only comprehensive historical worlt on the whole of South America." — Vincent, F, : Round and about South America, 1888 ; Phe Republics of South America, 1889, — Mitr^, B, : Historia de Sa7i Martin, 4 vol., 1890 ; The Emancipation of South America (a condensed translation, by VV. Pilling, of the history of San Martin), 1893. —Child, Theodore : The Spanish American Republics, 1891.— Ford, I. N. : Tropical America, 1893. — Crawfurd, R. : South American Sketches, 1898, SPECIAL: Sarmiento, D. F. : Life in the Argentine Republic in the Days of the Tyrants, 18(58. —Turner, T. A.: Argentina and the Argentines, 1892. — Akers, C. E. : Argentine, Patagonian, and Chilean Sketches, 1893. Bonnelli, L. H, de : Trarels in Bolivia, 2 vol., 1854. — Mathews, E. D, : Up the Amazon and Madeira Rivers, through Bolivia and Peru, 1879. —Wiener, Charles: Peron et Bolivie, 1880. Dent, J. H, : .4 Year in Brazil, 1880. —Wells, J. W. : TJiree Thou- sand Miles throiigh Brazil, 1880. — Levasseur, E. : Le Bresil, 1889. — Araujo, Oscar d' : V Idee Republicaine au Bresil, 1893. Markham, C. R. : The War between Chile and Peru, 1879-81, 1883. Russell. W. H. : .1 Visit to Chile and the Nitrate Fields of Tarapacd, 1890, — Hervey, H. M. : Dark Days in Chile, 1892, —Hancock, A, M, : A History of Chili, 1893. —Smith, W. Anderson: Temperate Chile, 1899. —Hall, Colonel F, : Colombia: Its Present State, etc, 1871, — Pereira, R. S, : Les Etats-Unis de Colombie, 1883. — Nuiiez, R., and Jahay, H. : La Republiqne de Colombie, etc., 1893. — Scruggs, "W. L. : 77«e Colombian and. Venezuelan Republics, 19(t0. — Fleming, B, : Wandei-ungen in Ecuador, 1872. — Church, G, E, : Ecmidor in 1881. Report to the United States Government. — Simson, Alfred : Travels in the Wilds of Ecuador, 1887. Masterman, G. F. : Seven Ecentful Years in Paraguay, 1809, — Kennedy, A. J, : La Plata, Brazil and Paraguay during the War, 1809, — Washburn, C. A. : 'llie History of Paraguay. With A'otes of Per- 696 BIBLIOGRAPHY sonal Observations, 2 vol., 1871. — La Dardye, E. de B. : Paraguay: The Land and the People, etc., 1892. — Santos, C. R. : La Republica del Paraguay, 1897. Temple, Edmond: Travels in Various Parts of Peru, 2 vol., 1830. — Fuentes, Manuel A. : Lima, or Sketches of the Capital of Peru, 1866. — Hutchinson, T. J.: Two Years in Peru, 1874. — Squier, E. G. : Peru: Liridents of Travels and E:eploration in the Land of the Incas, 1877. — Clark, E. JB. : Twelve Months in Peru, 1891. — Markham, C. R. : A History of Peru, 1892. Murray, Rev. J. H. : Travels in Uruguay, 1871. — Lomba. R. L. : La Republica Oriental del Uruguay, 1884. — Rumbold, Sir H. : The Great Silver River, 1888. Dance, C. D. : Four Years in Venezuela, 1876. — Spence, J. M. : The Land of Bolivar, 2 vol., 1878. — Curtis, W. E. : Veneziiela, 1896. — Wood, W. E. : Venezuela; or Two Years on the Spanish Main. — The Venezuela Boundary Question is best studied in the publications of the United States Government upon the subject, vfhich will include the arguments before the tribunal which met at Paris on June 15, 1899, and published its award on October 3. The British Blue Books may also be consulted. The Award itself, with a brief review of the case and ex- planatory maps, may be found in Current History, Vol. 9, p. 592. Con- sult also Scruggs's Colombian and Venezuelan Republics. South American politics have been so perturbed that they have seldom been treated by able historical writers. Professor Bernard Moses's Tlie Establishment of Spanish Rule in America (1898) is a scholarly work ; but the volumes that describe the varying phases of South American life and politics, from the establishment of independence to the present day, are mostly superficial in character. Extensive use should be made of the Bulletins of the U. S. Bureau of American Republics, and of the Annuals and Magazines. LIBERIA Wilson, J. : Western Africa, 1856. —Hutchinson, E. : Impressions of Western Africa, 1858. — Stockwell, G. S. : The Republic of Liberia, 1868. — Wauwermans. Colonel H. : Liberia, histoire de la fondation dhm etat negre libre, 1885. — Blyden, E. W. : Christianity, Islam, and the Negro Race, 1887. — MacPherson, J. H. T. : African Colonization : History of Liberia, 1891. In Johns Hopkins University Studies. HAITI Handelmann, J. : Geschichte von Haiti, 1856. — Bonneau, A. : Haiti, sesproqr'es, son avenir, 1862. — Janvier, L. J. : La Republique d'' Haiti, 184:0-82, 1883 ; Les Constitutions d' Haiti, 1801-85, 1886. — St. John, Sir S. : Haiti, or the Black Republic, 1889. —Justin, J. : iStude sur les Institutions Ha'itiennes, 1894. —Hill, Robert T. : Cuba and Porto Rico, 1898. Contains some interesting chapters on Haiti and San Uomingo. BIBLIOGRAPHY 597 SANTO DOMINGO Keim, D. B. R. : Santo Domingo, 1871. — Hazard, Samuel : Santo Domingo, Past and Present; with a Glance at Haiti, 1873. — Garcia, J. S. : Compendio de la historia de Santo Domingo, 1879. — Hill's Cuba and Porto Rico ; Bulletins of the United States Bureau of American Republics, for Santo Domingo and Haiti. JAPAN Reed, Sir E. J. : Japan: its History, Traditions, and Religions, 2 \o\., 1880. — Norman, H. : Phe Real Japan, 1892 ; The Peoples and Politics of the Fur East, 1895. — Murray, D. : Japan (Story of tlie Nations), 1894. — Johnston, J.: China and Formosa, 1897. — Knapp, A. M. : Feudal and Modern Japan, 2 vol., 1898. — Brinkley, Captain (Editor), Japan Described and Illustrated b]i Native Authorities, 1898. —Eraser, Mrs. Hugh : Letters from Japan, 2 vol., 1898. — Ransome, Stafford : Japan in Transition, 1899. An interesting account of Japan since the war with China. INDIA Williams, Sir Monier : Modern India and the Indians, 1879. — Reli- gious Life and Thought in India, 1883. — Temple, Sir R. : India in IS80, 1881 ; 3Ien and Events of My Time in India, 1882. — Smith, R. Bos- worth : The Life of Lord Lawrence, 1883. Valuable. — Wallace, Professor R. : India in IS87, 1888. —Hunter, SirW. W. : editorof the series, Riders of India, begun in 1890 ; The Indian Empire: Its History, People, and Products, new ed., 1893. — Baden-Powell, B. H. : Land Systems of British India, 3 vol., 1892 ; ^1 Sliort Account of the Land Revenue and its Administration in British India, 1894 ; The Indian Vil- lage Community, 1896. — Keene, H. S. ; History of India, 2 vol., 1893. — Lyall, Sir A. : The Rise of British Dmninio)) in India, 1893. — Innes, M. L. : The Sepoy Revolt, 1897. — Frazer, R. W. : British India {Story of the Nations), 1897. — Dutt, Romesh C. : England and India, 1897. The views of an Indian who is favorably disposed toward English rule. — Ilbert, Sir C. P. : The Government of India, 1898. SIAM Bow^ring, John: The Kingdom and People of Siam, 2 vol., 1857. — Grehan. A.: Le Royaume de Siam, 1868. — Leonowens, Mrs. A. H. : 'J'he English Governess at the Siamese Court, 1870. — Vincent, Frank: The Land of the White Elephant, 1889. — MacGregor, J. : Through the Buffer State, 1896. — Young. E. : The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe, 1898. — P'or recent history and tlie introduction of modern improvements the Magazines should be used with the help of Toole's Index. INDEX Abd-el-Kader, 35 ; career, 39-45 ; death, 50. Abdul Hamid II., 179. Abdul Medjid, Sultau of Turkey, 179. Aberdeeu, Lord, 293. Abolitionists, 398, 411-412, 418-419, 420, 422, 540. Abyssinia, 92, 299. Achin, 221-222. Act of Mediation, of Switzerland, 251, 252, 253.' Adams, Charles Francis, 410. Adams, John, Second President of the United States, 390-391. Adams, John Quincy, 400-402. Addington, 2(J9, 270. Afghanistan, 291, 305-306, 307. Africa, 210. Aguinaldo, 467. Alabama Claims, 297, 303, 431, 470. Alaska, 430, 469-470. Albanians, 155, 175-176. Alberoni, Cardinal, 131. Albert, son-in-law of Philip II., 123. Alexander of Battenberg, ruler of Bulgaria, 171-174. Alexander of Parma, 122. Alexander the Great, 21). Alexander I., Tsar of Russia, 181-182, 184, 192. Alexander II., Tsar of Russia, 184- 189. Alexander III., Tsar of Russia, 173, 189-190. Alexander, Prince of Servia (1842), 1.59. Alexander, King of Servia (1893), 160. Alexandria, boinh.ardnR'Ut of, ;)09. Alfaro, General, President of Ecuador, 527. Alfonso XII., King of Spain, 105-108. Alfonso XIII., King of Spain, 107. Alfonso VI., of Portugal, 113. Alfonso de Albuquerque, 113. Alfonso Heuriques, King of Portugal, 114. Alfred, Prince, of England, 164. Algeria, subdued by France, 35. Allied fleets sink Turkish fleet, 162. Alonso, Mariano R., 527. Alsace, 47, 60, 61, 208. Altgeld, Governor, 459. Althing, the legislature of Iceland, 2^4-235. Alvarez, General, 483-484. Amadeus, King of Spain, 105. American Colonization Society, 539- 540. Anderson, Major, 422. Andorra, 1.32-134. Andrade, President of Venezuela, 532. Andrassy, Count, 145. Anglo-American Commission, Joint, 4(i9. Anglo-Saxons, 6-8. Antwerp, siege of, 1832. Arabi Pasha, .309. Arabs in Greece, 162. Aragon, 113-114. Arce, General, President of the Re- public of Central America, 493. Argentine Republic, 507, 518-521, 522, 527. Arica, claimed by Peru and Chili, 529. Armenians, 17(i, 317-318. Arnold, Matthew, " Obermana once more," .567. Arthur, Chester A., 441-442. Artigas, Jose, dictator of Uruguay, 517. 599 600 INDEX Artois, Count of, see Charles X. Ashley, Lord, see Shaftesbury, Earl of. Asia, not cougeuial to constitutional government, 9. August, Prince of Leuchteuberg, 120. Auniale, Due d', 37. Ausgleich, 148-149, 152. Australia, 10, 192, 347-355; convict settlement, 347; finances, 349-350; form of government, .350-356, 570; mineral wealth, ;>18-349; sbeej) rais- ing industry, 348. Australian ballot in England, 303. Australian colonies, 8. Austria-Hungary, 137-153, 198-293, 205, 207-208; and Servia, 159; and the German Confederation, 1.39, 143; and San Mariuo, 131 ; annexes Hol- stein, 205; army and navy, 153; Clericals, 147, 149; constitutions, 142-145, 152; Czech language made official, 147-149 ; combines with Prus- sia and Piedmont to restore Louis XVI., 19-20; despotic government, 139, 142-143, 146 ; early history, 137- 138; electoral reform bill (18^)6), 146 ; finances, 153 ; governed for the aristocracy, 1 ; in Italy, 76, 78-79, 84-85, 88-89 ; insurrection of Vienna (1848) , 140 ; intervenes between Bul- garia and Servia, 173; Napoleon in, 139 ; opposed to democracy, 139 ; population, 147; progress, 147; race problem, 137-138, 147 ; Reichsrath, 147-149; religion, 138, 1.52-153; war with Denmark (1864), 143. Austrian-Germans, 5. Austrian War of Succession, 123. Austro-Prussian War, 205. Avellaneda, President of the Argentine Republic, 519. Baden, 25, 202. Badeni, Count, head of the Austrian Ministry, 147. Bajazet, 171. Balfour, Sir Arthur, 326. Balkan States, 154-179. Balmaceda, Jose Manuel, despotic ruler of Chili, 524. Baratieri, General, 92. Barbary pirates, 392, 395. Barrios, Gerardo, President of Salva- dor, 495. Barrios, Jose' Maria Reina, ruler of Guatemala, 502. Barrios, Justo Ruffino, ruler of Guate- mala, 496-498. Basutoland, 370. Batavian Republic, 216. Battles: Ambalagi, 92; Auerstadt, 25; Austerlitz, 25, 270; Ayacucho, 509- 510; Boyaca,508; Calpuhilpan, 484; Carabobo, 508, 510, 512; Chacabuco, 511; Custozza, 81, 88, 91; Fort Sum- ter, 422 ; Goito, 81 ; Gravelotte, 44 ; Hohenlinden, 22 ; Jemappes, .34; Jena, 25 ; Koniggriitz, 88 ; Lake Erie, 415; Leipsic, 25, 243; Magenta, 42, 84; Maipo, 508, 511, 523; Majuba Hill, .307 ; Manila Bay, 465 ; Marengo, 22; Metz, 44, 46; Navarino, 162, 278; Nile, 21 ; Novara, 82 ; Omdurman, 323 ; Pastrengo, 81 ; Pichincha, 509- 510; Quebec, 331; Saarbriicken, 44; Santiago, 465; Sedan, 44, 46, 89; Solferiuo, 42, 84; Tchernaya, 83; Tel-el-Kebir, 309 ; Trafalgar, 25, 270 ; Valmy, 34; Wagram,25; Waterloo, 26 ; Worth, 44 ; Yalu River, 553. Bavaria, 199, 201. Bazaine, Marshal, 44, 46. Beaconsfield, Lord, 173, 278, 298, 300, 30.3-307, 311. Bechuanaland Protectorate, 371, 373. Belfort, 47. Belgium, 4,122-129; and Austria, 123; Celtic element in population, 123; Clerical party, 125, 128; education, 125, 128 ; finances, 128 : form of gov- ernment, 124-129; Liberal party, 125-127 ; occupied by France, 20 ; population, 129; religion, 123, 126, 128; retained by France, 22; revolt of 1830, 12;J-124, 128; socialists in, 126- 127 ; temperament of the people, 122- 123; union with Holland, 123-134. Bell, John, presidential candidate in 1860, 419, 420. Bern, Hungarian general, 142. Benefices Act, 326. Beresford, Lord, 11(5. Bering Sea seal fisheries, 341-342, 460, 469-470. INDEX 601 Berlin, Congress of, 146, 177, 189, 304- 305, 318. Berlin decree, 270. Bernadotte, Jean (see Charles XIV., King of Sweden), 240. Berri, Ducliess of, 36. Berri, Duke of, 30, 33. Berri-berri,222. Bessarabia, 169, 184. Beust, Baron von, 144. Bidwell, Joliu, presidential candidate of tiie Proliibitiouists, 456. Bismarck, Prince, 47, 144, 20:3-211, 571. Bismarck Isles, 210. Black Sea, Russia loses control of, 42. Black George; 157-158. Blaine, James G., 434, 441, 444, 453. Blair, Frank P., 430. Blanco, Guzman, President of Vene- zuela, 531-532. Bloemfontein, 378. Bliicher, General, 26. Boers, 31i>-320, 366-367, 373-379. Bogran, President of Honduras, 497. Bohemia, 138, 140, 206; Czech lan- guage made ofticial in, 147, 149. Bolivar, Simon, 507-515. Bolivia, 507, 513-514, 516-518, 521, 528- 529. Bomba, King (.see Ferdinand II.), 85. Bonaparte, Caroline, 76. Bonaparte, Jerome Napoleon, 59. Bonaparte, Joseph, 25, 76, 97-98. Bonaparte, Prince Louis Napoleon, 67. Bonaparte, Prince Napoleon, 59. Bonaparte, Prince Victor Napoleon, 69, ()2, 67. Bonapartists, 35, 38, 50, 51, 53, 54, 58, 59, 62. Bordeaux, 46. Borris, Prince of Bulgaria, 175. Bosnia, 146. Boulanger, General, 62-63, 71. Boulogne, 39. Bourbons, deprived of Catholic sup- port by Bonaparte, 22. Bourbons, restoration of, ;30. Bragan(;a, House of, 115, 117. Brazil, 114-117, 506, 517-518, 522-523, 527. Breckenridge, J. C, 417, 419-420. Brienne, 17. Bright, John, 275, 288, 293, 313. British South Africa Company, 372. Broglie, Due de, 53, 56. Brooks, Preston S., 416. Brougham, Lord, 283. Brown, B. Gratz, 432. Brown, John, 418-410. Browne, Colonel, 361. Bryan, William J., 462. Buchanan, James, 417-418, 421. Buckner, Governor, 463. Buenos Ayres, 506-508, 510, 513-514, 516-519. Buffet, French Prime Minister, 53. Bulgaria, 170-176; Constitution, 175; education, 175; National Assembly, 171-172; religion, 175; republican principles, 172. Bulgarian and Servian war, 173. Bulgarians, 156, 159. Bureaucracy in France, 61. Burlingame, Anson, 416. Burr, Aaron, 391. Butler, Senator, 416. Butt, Isaac, leader of the Irish Liber- als, 302, 307. Byron, Lord, 162, 273, 511. Bytown (see Ottawa) , 334. Cabot, John, 345. Cadiz, Don Francisco of Assisi, Duke of, 37, 102. Cpesar, Julius, 26. Caffarel, General, and the Limousin scandal, 62. Calhoun, J. C, 401, 412. California, 409-411. Calonne, 17. Cambridge, University of, 274. Camoens, Luis de, 115. Campos, Martinez, 108-109. Canada, Dominion of, 10; 331-345; Fisheries question, 341, 431, 469; Conservative party, 339-341 ; edu- cation, 343; government, 332-338; Liberal party, 339-340, 343-344; Loyalists from America emigrate to, 331 ; reciprocity with the United States, 338, 341,345; relations with the United States, 338-339, 431, 469-470; Scotch element in, 331; 602 INDEX separation into Upper and Lower Canada, 332; tariff question, 344. Canadian Pacific Railroad, 340. Canning, George, 162, 183, 270-272, 275, 277-278, 518. Canovas del Castillo, 107, 108. Cape Breton, 331. Cape Colony, 8, 366-373. Capodistrias, John, 162-163. Caprivi, General. 211. Carbonari, the, 77, 78, 79. Carlos I., King of Portugal, 120. Carlos VII., 105. Carlos, Don, 100-101, 110. Carlotta, Queen of Portugal, 117, 118. Carlsbad Congress, 200. Carnot, President, 62, 63, 65. Caroline, Queen of England, 283. Caroline Islands, 210. Carre ra, Central American despot, 494-497. Casiniir-Perier, French Prime Minis- ter, 65. Cassation, Court of, 66, 68, 73. Castelar, Emilio, 106. Castile, 113, 114. Catherine II. of Russia, 180, 187. Catholic Church, in Austria, 153; in Belgium, 126, 128: in Canada, 343- 344: in England, 269-270, 278-279; in France, 22, 56; in Germany, 208- 209; in Ireland, 26(i-267, 279, 300- 301; in Switzerland, 255-256. Cavendish, Lord Frederick, murdered, 308. Cavour, Camillo Benso, Count di, 82-84, 87. Celman, Juarez, President of the Argentine Republic, 520. Central America, 490-505 ; allied to Latin nations, 8 ; annexed by Mexico, 491 ; becomes independent, 491 ; Church party, 495-496 ; federation in, 491-495, 497-501 ; Liberal party, 491-494; Republic of, 492-494; re- volts from Spain, 490-491; Serviles in, 491-493. Cetewayo, chief of the Zulus, 306. Chamberlain, Joseph, 320, 354, 376. Chambord, Count of, 50, 51, 54, 59. Charlemagne, 133, 137. Charles I., King of England, 17. Charles III., King of Spain, 97. Charles IV., King of Spain, 97, 98. Charles V., Emperor of Austria, 96, 197. Charles X., King of France, 31-33 ; 79. Charles XII., King of Sweden, 237, 245. Charles XIII., King of Sweden, 238- 240, 243-245. Charles XIV., King of Sweden, 240, 243. Charles XV., King of Sweden, 241-242. Charles of HohenzoUern-Sigmaringen, King of Rumania, 169-170. Charles Albert of Savoy, 78, 81, 82, 87. Charles Felix, 78, 81. Chassepot ritle, 43. Chauvinism in France, 60. Chicago riot, 459. Chicapos, 491. Chili, 507-508, 511, 521-523, 525, 528- 529. China, liK), 323-325 ; cedes Port Arthur to Russia, 324; partition of, 323- 325; relations with England, 291- 292, 323-325; war with Japan, 552-554. Chiselhurst, 44. Christian I., King of Denmark, 224. Christian II., King of Denmark, 224. Christian VII., King of Denmark, 225. Christian VIII. , King of Denmark, 226. Christian IX., King of Denmark, 204, 230, 234-235. Christian, Prince of Gliicksburg, 229. Christian Augustus, Regent of Nor- way, 240. Christian Frederick, King of Norway, 243. Chulalongkorn, King of Siam, 69, 565-566. Circassians, 171. Citizen King, see Louis Philippe. Clay, Henry, 399-400, 404, 408, 411-412, 539. Clement XII., Pope of Rome, 13. Cleveland, President, 321, 444-446, 450, 455-462. Cobden, Richard, 288. Cochrane, Lord Thomas, 511. Code, Napoleon, 544. INDEX 603 Colfax, Schuyler, 430. Colombia, Republic of, 513-516, 525- 526, 545. Comonfort, General Ignacio, 484. Compromise of Zanyon, 108. Confederate States of America, 420, 422-423. Confederation of the Rhine, 139, 143, 198-199. Congo Free State, 322-323. Congress of Berlin, 146, 177, 189. Congress of Paris, 83. Congress of Vienna, 28-29, 77, 123, 198, 217, 253. Consulate, established, 21; how con- stituted, 22. Cook, Captain, 347, 357. Cordeliers, 18. Corsica, 21. Cortez, Fernando, 479, 490. Costa, Italian Socialist, 90. Costa Rica, 493, 494. Coxey, American agitator, 459. Credit Mobilier, 433. Crete, 163-166. Crimean War, 41, 42, 183-184, 292-294, 318. Crispi, 90. Croatia, 141, 151. Crusades, 3. Crystal Palace exhibition in New York, 415. Cuba, 105. 107-110, 461, 464-466, 471. Cumberland, Duke of, 286. Gushing, Caleb, 100. Cuza, Prince of Rumania, 169. Czechs, 5, 147. Dahra, caves of, 35. Dallas, George M., 408. Damaraland, 210. Dampier, English buccaneer, 347. Danes, temperament of, 6. Darmstadt, 199. Davis, David, 435. Davis, JeiTerson, 413, 420, 426. Dayton, William L., 417. Detik, Francis, 142. Deciatur, Commodore, 392, 395. Decazes, Duke, 30. De Cissey, FrcTicli Prime Minister, 53. De Laveleye, lilmile, 146. Delyannis, Greek Prime Minister, 165. Denmark, 143, 204, 224-232; annexes Sweden, Schleswig, and Holstein, 224; cedes Norway to Sweden, 225; condition before the French Revolu- tion, 5 ; Liberal party, 227-228, 230- 231 ; loses Schleswig, 227 ; serfdom in, 224-225. Depretis, Italian statesman, 90. Derby, Lord, 296, 298-300. Dessalines, despot of Haiti, 543. De Staal, Russian diplomatist, 191. Devil's Island, 68. Dewey, Admiral, 465. Diaz, Bartholomew, 115. Diaz, Portirio, 486, 488, 497^98. Disraeli, Benjamin, see Beaconsfield, Lord. Dobrudja, 169. Donelson, Andrew J., 417. Douglas, Stephen A., 413, 415,419-420. Dreci Scott Decision, 418-419. Dreyfus, Captain, 65-69. Dublin Parliament, 267. Dnfaure, French Prime Minister, 54. Dufour, General, 255. Durham, Lord, 333, 334, 358. Dutch Republic, see Holland. Dutch, temperament of, 5. Eastern Rumelia annexed to Bulgaria, 172. Ecuador, 508-509, 513-516, 526. Egypt, expedition of Napoleon to, 21. Elgin, Lord, 334. Emma, Princess of Waldeck-Pyrmont and Regent of Holland, 222. Engelbrekt, Swedish patriot, 239. Enghien, Due de, 24. England, 1, 570 ; Abyssinian War, 299 ; alienated from France by the Span- ish marriages, 36-37; Allotment Act, 312-313; army, 330; attitude toward America during the Civil War, 29(5- 297 ; Chartist movement, 289-290 ; Church of England, 274, 284, -.UYA, 32(>-327, 329; conflicts with France in Africa, 322-.323 ; Conservative and Liberal parties, 61 ; Conservative party, 275, 281, 325; corn laws, 273, 2.SS, 2!r); Corporation Reform Act, 284; Crystal Palace exhibition, 290; 604 INDEX Dissenters in, 284, 327; education, 269, 313; Egyptian War, 308-310 Electoral Reform Bill, 282, 316 fears Germany commercially, 325 finances, 272-273, 276, 329; foreign policy under Disraeli, 304-306, 370- 372 ; foreign wars, 291-297, 366-367, 373-379; free trade, 288-299, 325; Home Rule, 302, 307-308, 311-312, 314-316; House of Lords, 275, 281, 314-315; invasion of Spain, 271-272; Irish discontent, 300-302; Irish Land Bill (1870) , 302, 308 ; Irish Land Bill (1881), 311; laboring classes, 267, 272-273,276-277,287, 289; landown- ers, 273, 287; Liberal party, 275, 315-317; Local Government Board for Scotland, 316; Navigation Laws, 288; navy, 327, 330; opium traffic with China, 291 ; parliamentary gov- ernment, 265, 266, 268-269; penal code, 267, 284; penny postage, 286; policy- in India, 291, 561-563; re- forms, 303-304, 310, 325; relations with Russia, 292-294, 304-305, 323- 325; sentiment in regard to Turkish atrocities in Armenia, 317-318 ; South African complications, 318-320, 365- 379; suffrage, 279-284, 296, 299, 310- 311; Test Act repealed, 278; Tory party, 270, 274-275, 288; trade- unions, 276 ; upholds Turkey against Russia, 183, 292 ; Venezuela question, 321, 460, 470, 532-533; war with France, 269 ; war with the Trans- vaal, 305-307 ; Whig party, 274-275 ; Zulu war, 306. English, W. H., Democratic vice-pres- idential candidate, 441. Epaminondas, 26. Eric, King of Sweden, 236. Erythrffia, 92. Espartero, Spanish general and states- man, 101, 102, 103, 104. Esterhazy, Colonel, 66, 68. Estrup, Jacob, Danish statesman, 231. Eugenie, Empress of the French, 41, 43. Everett, Edward, 419^20. Fashoda, 323. Faure, Felix, 65-68. Favre, Jules, 46. Federal Pact of Switzerland, 253, 254. Federigo, Duke of Urbino, 131. Fenians, 299. Ferdinand I., Emperor of Austria, 140-141, 201. Ferdinand I., of Naples, 77, 78. Ferdinand of Castile, King of Spain, 96, 114. Ferdinand II., of Naples, 81, 82, 85. Ferdinand VII., King of Spain, 30, 37, 97-100, 481. Ferdinand, Pi-ince of Bulgaria, 174. Ferdinand, Prince of Coburg, 120. Ferry, Jules, 63. Fielding, W. S., Canadian Minister of Finance, 344. Fillmore, Millard, 410, 417. Finland, ceded to Russia, 238. Finns, 192. Fitch, John, inventor of the steam- boat, 393. Flanders, Count of, 169. Flemings, 122, 123. Floquet, Prime Minister, duel with Boulanger, 63. Flores, General, of Ecuador, 515. Foix, Count of, suzerain of Andorra, 133. Ford's Theatre, 423. Forest States of Switzerland, 249. Formosa, 551, 554-555, 558-559. Foster, J. W., American expert on the seal fisheries question, 342. Fox, Charles James, 270, 275. France, 15-74, 20(5-208 ; aggressions in Africa, 322-323 ; in Siam, 565 ; army and navy, 74; Bank of, 24; bureau- cracy, 61 ; centralization perijetuated by Napoleon, 61; injurious to the Republic, 61; character of democ- racy, 61 ; clergy, 6, 17 ; Code Napo- leon, 23; Commune of 1871, 47, 51; Communists of 1871 granted am- nesty, 56 ; Constituent Assembly, of 1879 {see National Assembly of), 39; Constitutionalists, 34, 38; Con- stitutions, 18, 19, 29, 39, 40, 54; Court of Cassation, 66; courts, 23, 72-73; Declaration of Rights, 18; democracy, 33, (il,70; the Directory, how constituted, 19-20; insurrection INDEX 605 against, 20; overthrow, 21; educa- tion, 19, 23, 54, 73 ; Empire collapses, 89 ; extravagance of the court, 15-1(J ; finances, 16, 17, 20, 44, 57, 58, 73, 74 ; First and Second Empires compared, 44; franchise, 29, 71 ; free trade, 44, 49; frequent changes of ministries, 61; fusion of the Monarchists, 50; " Government of National Defence," 44; great and prosperous under Na- poleon III., 42-43; Imperialists, 52, 54, 59, 63, 64; indemnity i)aid to Ger- many, 47, 49, 51, 57 ; interferes in Mexican affairs, 485 ; July revolution of 1830, 79; lack of puhlic opinion, 38; Legislative Assembly of the French Revolution, 18; Legitimists, 34, 38, 49, 52, 54 ; Monarchists, 51 , 53, 55, 59, 62; monarchy in, 48-51, 54; National Assembly of 1789, 17-18; of 1848, 40 ; of the Third Republic, 46, 48, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 58; national convention of the French Revolution, 19; National Guard disbanded, 31; national workshops, 39 ; nobles ex- empted from taxation, 15; their vir- tues and vices, 15, 16; oppose the third estate, 17 ; opposed to the Third Republic, 59 ; parties in, 34-35, 38, 48-50, 52, 54, 58-59, 61, 63, 64; peerage restored, 30 ; people, condi- tion of before French Revolution, 2 ; oppression of, 15 ; grow prosperous after Bourbon restoration, 32; not ready for self-government, 38 ; have made their will respected, 70 ; politi- cal restlessness, 8, ()9; population almost stationary, (iO; hopes to re- gain Alsace and Lorraine, 61 ; pop- ulation, 60; the press, freedom menaced by Charles XII., 31, 32; criticises the government, 51 ; freed from restrictions, 54; Prince Impe- rial, 59; prior to the Revolution, 15; the First Republic, 17-19 ; the Second Republic, 39-40 ; the Third estab- lished, 47; menaced by the fusion, 50; gains strength, .51, 62, 63; con- flict with MacMalion, .52-54 ; dangers of, 57-62 ; stability of, 70-71 ; organ- ization of, 71-74 ; riots, 3(5, .39, 47 ; seeks the friendship of Russia, 60; Senate created by the Third Repub- lic, 52 ; statistics, 71-74 ; suffrage, 39, 40; the three estates, 17, 18; the tri- color adopted by Louis Philippe, .'34 ; repudiated by the Count of Cham- bord, 50; unites with England against Russia, 183. Francia, Jose Gaspar Rodriguez, des- pot of Paraguay, 517, 527. Francis I., Emperor of Austria, 138, 198. Francis II., of Austria, 201. Francis II., of Naples, 85, 86. Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria, 141-142, 144, 149, 183, 246. Franco-Prussian War, 43-46, 60, 105, 206, 207. Frederick II., Emperor of Germany, 211. Frederick III., King of Denmark, 224- 225. Frederick VI., King of Denmark, 226, 243. Frederick VII., King of Denmark, 204, 227, 229, 242. Frederick VIII., King of Denmark, 234. Frederick, Prince of Hesse, 229. Frederick William III., King of Prus- sia, 198, 200, 201. Frederick William IV., King of Prus- sia, 198, 201, 202, 204. Freemasons, 115. Fremont, John C, 417. French Revolution, arouses patriotism in Greece, 161 ; changes accom- plished by, 20; controlled by Pari- sian populace, 17 ; creates an elective judiciary, 23; effect of in Germany, 198 ; effect of in Holland, 215 ; effect of in Russia, 180-181 ; effect of in Switzerland, 250, 251 ; reaction from, 29. French Shore question, 345. Frere, Sir Bartle, 306. Fulton, Robert, and the steamer CTer- mont, 393. Gaeta, 86. Galicia, 113. Gallifet, General, 68, 69. Garcia, Dr. Manuel, of Buenos Ayies, 518. 606 INDEX Garfield, James A., 441-442, 470. Garibaldi, Giuseppe, 80, 82, 86, 87, 88. Genet, French emissary to ttie United States, 389. Genoa, 76, 77, 80. George I., King of Greece, 164, 165, 167, 230. George III., King of England, 269-270, 276-277. George IV., King of England, 277, 279,- 283. George, Prince of Greece, made High Commissioner of Crete, 166. George, Henry, 489. German, the, 5. German States, governed for the aris- tocracy, 1. German Confederation, 199, 202, 203, 206. Germany, 5, 197-214, 569 ; army, 204, 205, 208, 211, 212, 214 ; composition of the Empire, 212-214; Constitu- tional Convention of 1848, 202; de- mocracy, 213; effect of the French Revolution of 1830, 200; of 1848, 201, 202; education, 197, 198, 214; finances, 214 : foreign colonization, 210; May Laws, 208; National As- sembly, 202, 207 ; new civil code, 212; population, 60; the Refor- mation, 197; Reichstag, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 213, 214; religion, 214; scholarship, 203; Socialists, 20i>-210, 213 ; State socialism, 210 ; treaty with Russia, 208; unification, 207, 211. Ghibellines, the, 75. Giddings, Joshua R., 416. Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 345. Gladstone, W. E., 85, 220, 275, 278, 281, 298-318, 326, 571. Goethe, 203. Golchowski, Count, Austro-Hungarian statesman, 145. Gonzalez, Manuel, Mexican President, 486. Gordon, General, 309-310. GiJrgei, Hungarian general, 142. Graham, William A., Whig vice-pres- idential candidate, 413. Gramont, Due de, 43. Grant, General U. S., 430-433, 441. Great Britain and her Colonies, 265- 379. Great Britain, area, population and government, 328-330; a colonizing power, 327-.328. Greece, 61-167; Constitution, 161-162, 163, 164 ; democratic spirit, 163, 166 ; indemnity paid Turkey, 166; Na- tional Assembly (1822), 161; secret political societies, 161, 165; war with Turkey, 1(J2, 165-166, 278. Greeks, character of, 167 ; in Euro- pean Turkey, 155. Greeley, Horace, 432, 444. Grenville, Lord, 270, 271, 278. Grey, Lord, 275, 282-283. Grey, Sir George, 360. Grosgurin, French oflicer in Siam, 69. Guatemala, 490-499, 501-502. Guelfs, 75. Guerrero, General, Mexican revolu- tionary leader, 480. Guizot, F., 36, 37, 275. Gustavus II., King of Sweden, 2.35. Gustavus III., reasserts royal pre- rogative in Sweden, 237. Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, 237, 245. Gustavus Vasa, 237, 242. Haiti, 542-544, 546. Hale, John P., 413. Ham, citadel of, 39. Hamilton, Alexander, 384, 387-388. Hamlin, Hannibal, 419-420. Hancock, Wiufield S., 441. Hanover, 206, 286. Hapsburg, House of, 138, 143. Harcourt, Sir William, opposes ritual- ism, 326. Harold Fairhair, King of Norway, 236. Harrison, Benjamin, 450-453, 455-456, 462, 532. Harrison, William Henry, 405-407. Hartington, Lord, 220. Havelock, General, 295. Hawaii, 461, 467. Hayes, Rutherford B., 434, 436^37, 439, 440, 441. Haymerle, Baron, Austro-Hungarian statesman, 145. INDEX 607 Hayne, Robert, 404. Helvetian Club, 250. Helvetic Republic, 2,51. Helvetic Society, 250, 254. Hendricks, Thomas A., 434, 444. Heni-y H., King of England, 301. Henry V., title claimed by the Count of Chambord, 51. Henry, Count of Burgundy, 114. Henry, Colonel, and the Dreyfus Case, 67. Herzegovina, 146. Hesse, 199, 200. Hidalgo y Costilla, Miguel, Mexican revolutionary leader, 480. Hill, Sir Rowland, 286. Hobart, Garret A., 462. Hohenlohe, Prince, 212. Holland, 21.5-223; abolition of slavery in the West Indies, 218-219; as a Republic, 215 ; classed with the Ger- manic countries, 5; Constitution, 216, 218, 219, 223; Liberal party, 218, 219, 220, 221; relations with Bel- gium, 123, 124 ; reverts to monarchy, 216; States-General, 218, 219, 221, 223 ; subjugated by Fi-ance, 20; war with England, 215. Holstein-Gottorp, House of, 239. Holy Alliance, 30, 78, 100, 117, 139, 183, 277-278, 294. Holy Roman Empire, 138, 197, 198. Honduras, 490, 493-496, 498, 499, 502, 503. Honshu, 547, 559. Hospodars (in the Danubian Princi- palities), 167, 168. Hudson Bay Company, 3.39. Humbert IV., King of Italy, 90-91. Hundred Days, the, 26. Hungary, 138, 140-141, 142, 143, 144, 148, 14fM52, 153; education and art, 150; prosperity, 150; race pi-oblem, 150; socialism, 151. Iceland, 233-2.35. Iglesias, Mexican politician, 486. Imperial federation of Great Britain and her Colonics, .344. Income tax in the United States, 460. India, 9, 291, 561-.5()4 ; form of govern- ment, 561-562 ; Sepoy Mutiny, 294. Inquisition, 77; in Portugal, 114; in Spain, 96, 99, 100, 101. Inukai, Japanese statesman, 557. Ireland, 266-267, 300-301, 302 ; Act of Union, .300; coercion acts, 301, 308; disestablishment of the Protestant Church, 300; Fenian agitation, 299; Home Rule, 302, 307-308, 311-312, 314-316; Land League, 300, 307-308; National League, 312 ; National Par- liament, 266 ; obtains local self-gov- ernment, 326. Isabel, daughter of Philip II. of Spain, 123. Isabella II., Queen of Spain, 100, 101, 102, 105. Isabella of Aragon, Queen of Spain, 96, 114. Isabella Maria, Regent of Portugal, 117. Istria, 89. Itagaki, Count, Japanese statesman, 555, 557. Italy, 75-95, 205, 206, 208 ; at the close of the eighteenth century, 75-76 ; Chinese complications, 91; colonial policy, 91 ; conflicting parties, 75 ; Constitutions, 77, 78; education made compulsory, 91; famine in, 91; finances, 92, 93, 95; first Par- liament, in 1861, 87, 90; general progress, 91-95; government, 94; government prior to the French Rev- olution, 1 ; in the Crimean War, 83; political unrest, 4, 8; Radicals, 90- 91 ; revolution of 1848-49, 82 ; scene of discord, 75; Socialists, 90-91, 93; unification, 87, 89. Ito, Marquis, Japanese statesman, 555- 556. Iturbide, Augustin de, Mexican Em- peror, 480-481, 482, 491. lye'yasu Tokugawa, early Japanese leader, 547, 548. Jackson, Andrew, 400, 401, 402, 403- 406. Jacobins, the, 18. Jameson, Dr., 31it-320, 376. Japan, 9, 414-415, 547-560 ; commercial relations, 548-550, 558-559; feudal system, 547-549; finances, 557-.5()0: form of government, 559; Hizen 608 INDEX Clan, 555; Liberal party, 555-557; Mikado, 547-551 ; party government, 555-557 ; Progressive party. 555-557 ; rapid modern development, 551-552; reforms, 55i-557; Shoguuate, 547, 548, 549, 550; spoils system, 550; Tosa Clan, 555 ; war with China, 553-554. Java, 218. Jay, John, 389. Jefferson, Thomas, 387, 391-392, 403. Jesuits, expelled from Spain, 101, 104; institutions of, closed in France, 50. Jews in Russia, 184. Johannesburg, 319, 369, 375. John III., King of Portugal, 114. John VI., King of Portugal and Brazil, 110, 117, 522. John, Prince of Saxony, 103. Johnson, Andrew, 420-429. Johnson, Herschel V., Democratic vice-presidential candidate, 419- 420. Johnson, Richard M., Vice-President under Van Buren, 405. Juarez, Benito, 483-480. Julian, George W., Free Soil vice- presidential candidate, 413. Junot, French general, 115, 116. Kabyles, Algerian tribe, 35. Kalakaua, King of Hawaii, 461. Kalnoky, Count, Austro-Hungarian Minister, 145. Kansas, 415-416. Kardjordje, or Black George, 157. Kliartum, fall of, 310. Khyber Pass, 291, 305. Kiao-Chau, seized by Germany, 324. King, William R., Democratic vice- presidential candidate, 413. Kinkel, Gottfried, 203. Kingston, 334. Kioto, 547, 549, 551. Kitchener, General, 323. Kiushiu, 559. Klapka, Hungarian general, 142. Klephts, in Greece, 101. Klondike, 470. Knut the Great, 224. Koniggratz, 144, 200. Korea, 551, 553, 554, 555. Kossuth, Francis, 148, 152. Kossuth, Louis, 142. Kostza, Martin, and the naturalization question, 414. Kotzebue, murder of, 199-200, 201. Krapotkin, Prince, 185. Kruger, Paul, 319, 374-378. Ku-klux-Klan. 428. Kuper, British admiral, 549. Labori, Maitre, 68. Lafayette, Marquis of, 34. Lamartine, Aljjhonse Marie Louis de, 39. Lamballe, Princess de, 19. Lansgemeinden, general assemblies of Switzerland, 249. Lane, Joseph, Democratic vice-presi- dential candidate, 419, 420. Latin countries, 4, 10. Latin races, characteristics of, 111; decline of. 111. Laurier, Sir Wilfrid, 343-345. La Vendee, 36. Lavigerie, Cardinal, supports the Re- public, 64. Lawrence, Sir Henry, 295. Lawrence, Lord John, 295. Lee, General Robert E., surrender of, 423. Legion of Honor, 24. Leon, 113. Leopold I., King of Belgium, 124, 125. Leopold II., King of Belgium, 125. Leopold II., head of the Holy Roman Empire, 17TO-92, 198. Leopold, Prince of Saxe-Coburg, 103. Leopold, Prince of Sigmaringen, 43, 105. Lerdo de Tejada, Mexican statesman, 486. Lese majeste, 6. Lesseps, Charles de, 64. Lesseps, Ferdinand de, 64. Liao-tung peninsula, 324, 554. Liberia, 539-541, 544. Liechtenstein, 153. Liliuokalani, Queen of Hawaii, 461. Limousin scandal, 62. Lincoln, Abraham, 296, 383, 412, 419, 420, 422-424, 420, 427-428, 571. INDEX 609 Liu-Kiu Islands, annexed by Japan, 551. Liverpool, Lord, 277-278. Logan, John A., 444. Lombardy, 42, 85, 143. Lopez, Carlos A., ruler of Paraguay, 527. Lopez, Francisco Salano, ruler of Para- guay, 527. Lorraine,47,60, 61, 208. Loubet, lilmile, 68. Louis XVI., King of France, 16-19, 31, 198, 238. Louis XVII., title given to Louis the Dauphin, 29. Louis XVIII. , 26, 29-31, 70. Louis Napoleon, King of Holland, 39, 216. Louis Philippe, 34-37, 40, 70, 103, 124, 201. Louise, Princess of Hesse and Queen of Denmark, 229. Lucca, annexed by Tuscany, 80. Lucknow, siege of, 295. Luddites, the, 27.'5. Liiger, Dr., Austrian-German leader, 149. Luis I., King of Portugal, 120. Luisa, Infanta of Spain, 37, 102. Luther, Martin, 197. Luxemburg, duchy of, 219. Lyons, uprising in, 36. McCarthy, Justin, 314. McClellan, General, 166. Macdonald, Sir John, 340-341. Macedonia, 164, 165. Machinery, in England, 272-273, 277. Mackay, Baron, Dutch statesman, 220. Mackenzie, Alexander, 341. Mackintosh, Sir James, 284. McKinley, William, 462, 464-465, 467, 470-471. MacMahon, Marshal, 44, 47, 50-55. Madison, James, 394, 539. Magna Charta, 265. Magnum, W. P., presidential candi- date in 1836, 405. Magyars, the, 5, 137, 138, 142, 143, 150, 151, 16(), 183. Mahdi, El, 310. 2 R Maine, United States battleship, 465. Malatesta family, 130. Malta, island of, 24. Manchester riot, 276. Manchuria, absorbed by Russia, 324. Mandingoes, 541. Manin, Daniel, Italian patriot, 82. Manitoba, school question, 343. Maoris, 357, 358. 361, 364. Marchand, Major, occupies British territory in Africa, 323. Margra-et, Queen of Denmark, 236. Maria I., Queen of Portugal, 116. Maria Christina, Archduchess of Aus- tria, Queen Regent of Spain, 107, 110. Maria Christina, Queen Regent of Spain, 37, 100-103. Maria da Gloria, Queen of Portugal, 118-120. Maria Dagmar, Tsarina of Russia, 230. Maria Teresa, Princess of Spain, 107. Marie Antoinette, executed, 19. Marinus, Saint, 130. Marshall, John, 393. Martens, F., Russian jurist, 532. Maryland (African settlement), 540. Mason and Slidell, 21K). Matsugata, Count, Japanese states- man, 555. Maurice, Prince of Saxony, 197. Mavromichale;; family, 163. Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico, 429- 430, 485. Mazzini, Giuseppe, 79, 80, 81, 82, 87. Melgarejo, President of Bolivia, 521. Menelek, King of Abyssinia, 92. Mercedes, Queen of Spain, 106-107. Mercedes, Infanta of Spain, 107. Mesurado, Cape, 539. Metteruich, Prince, 25, 27, 37, 78, 139- 140, 14(;, l(i2, 198-201, 217. Mexico, 47i>-489; allied to the Latin nations, 8; Church party, 481-484; Empire established, 481 ; form of government, 488^89 ; Frencli troops withdrawn from Maximilian, 42!l- 4;;0; independence secured, 481 ; in- vaded by France, 42; invaded by Spanish, French, and Britisli troops, 484-485 ; offends France, 'Xi ; pros- perity under Diaz, 486-488 ; religion, 610 INDEX 481 ; Republic established, 481 ; revolt against Spain, 479-481 ; war with the United States, 482-483. Michael, Prince of Servia, 158-159, Middle Ages, 3. Miguel, Dom, 117-119. Milan, 7G, 77, 81. Milan, King of Servia, 159, 160. Milan, Prince of Servia, 158. Milosh Obreuovitch, Prince of Servia, 158, 159. Mitre, Brigadier-General of the Ar- gentine Republic, 519. Modena, 76, 77, 79, 81, 82, 85. Modena, Duke of, 79. Moldavia, 167-169. Moltke, General von, 44, 205, 20G. Monagas, General, of Venezuela, 531. Monroe, James, 396, .399-400. Monroe Doctrine, 321, 39S)-400. Montefeltro family, 130, 131. Montenegro, 154, 171, 177-179; Con- stitution, 178; education, 178. Montijensier, Duke of, 37, 102-103, 106. Montreal, 334. Montt, Jorge, President of Chili, 524. Moors, il6, 113, 114. Morazan, Francisco, Central Ameri- can patriot, 493-495, 500. Morelos, Jose Maria, Mexican revo- lutionary leader, 480. Moreno, Dr. Gabriel Garcia, President of Ecuador, 527. Mormons, 407. Morton, Levi P., 450. Moreau, General, 22. Mountain, the, 22. Mufti, interpreters of the Koran, 179. Muiat, Marshal, 76. Murillo, Spanish general, 508. Nagato, Prince of, 549-550. Napier, Sir Charles, 119. Napier, Sir R., 299. Naples, 76, 77, 78, 81, 85, 86. Napoleon I., Emperor of France, 20, 28, 76, 131, 139, 181, 198, 216, 507; career, 21-27; relations with Den- mark, 225; with England, 269-272; with the United States, 391-392. Napoleon II., 41. Napoleon III., 22, 35, 39-45, 50, 82, 84- 85, 88, 131, 206-207, 485. Natal, 366, 371, 373. Nathalie, Queen of Servia, 159. Nebraska, 415, 430. Necker, Jacques, 16. Needle-gun, 43, 205. Nelson, Lord, 21, 25. Nemours, Due de, 124. Nesselrode, Russian Chancellor, 292. Netherlands, 1, 123. Netherlands East India Company, 365. New Brunswick, 331, 334. Newfoundland, 7, 345-346. New Granada, 508, 512, 525. New Guinea, 210. New Mexico, 409, 411. New Zealand, 8, 10, 357-364, 570 ; arbi- tration in, ;3(!2; finances, 360; gov- ernment, 360-3(>4; resources, 359. New Zealand Company, 358. Nicaragua, 493-495, 498-499, 504. Nice, 80, 85. Nicholas I., Tsar of Russia, 42, 168, 182, 183, 184, 187, 218, 292. Nicholas II., Tsar of Russia, 190-192. Nihilism, 185-190. Noricum, 137. Norway, 5, 225, 242-248. Norway and Sweden united, 244. Norwegian, 2 ; temperament of, 5. Nova Scotia, 331, 334. O'Connell, Daniel, 279. O'Donnell, Spanish general, 103. O'Donoju, General, viceroy of Mexico, 481. Oesterreich, Margraviate of, 137-138. Okuma, Count, Japanese statesman, 555-557. Opportunists in France, 58. Orange Free State, 367, 369, 373. Orange, House of, 215-217. Orleanists, 49, 52, 54. Orleans, Duke of, 65, 67. Orleans, Duke of, see Louis Philippe. Oscar I., King of Sweden, 241. Oscar II. , King of Sweden, 242, 246. Ottawa, 334. Otto of Bavaria, King of Greece, 163- 1()4. Ottomans, 154. INDEX 611 Oxford, University of, 274. Ozaki, Japanese Minister of Educa- tion, 55(3. Pact of 1815 (Swiss), 255, 256. Paez, Jose' Antonio, 509-510, 531. Palermo, 86. Palmella, Duke of, 119. Pahner, Senator, 463. Palmerstou, Lord, 37, 278, 293-294, 298, 300, 308, 317. Panama Canal, scandal of, 64. Pannonia, 137. Paraguay, 507, 516-518, 519, 527-528. Paris, capitulates to the allies, 25 ; makes and unmakes oovernmeuts, 38; rebuilt by Napoleon III., 41; riots in, 3(), 47. Paris, Count of, 37, 38, 50, 62, 63, 65. Paris Exposition of 1S89, 63. Parisian populace, 17, 19, 71. Parkes, Sir Henry, 353, 356. Parkman, Francis, 395. Parma, 77, 79, 81,82, 85. Parnell, Charles Stuart, 307-308, 312, 314. Patagonia, 506. Paul, Tsar of Russia, 180. Peace Convention of 1899, 191. Pedro I., Emperor of Brazil, 117-120, 522. Pedro v.. King of Portugal, 120. Pedro, Don Manuel, President of Peru, 528. Peel, Robert, 275, 278, 288. Peerehoom, van den, Belgian states- man, 127. Pelloux, General, 91. Perry, Commodore, M. C, 415, 548. Perry, Captain, 415. Peru, .507-509, 51 1 , 51.3-514, 516, 528-530. Pescadores Islands, ,\54, .5.59. Petrovitch, George (Black George), 1.57. Petrovitch, Peter, Prince of Montene- gro, 178. Petrovitch Nyegush, Prince of Monte- negro, 178. Philip II., King of Spain, 9(3, 114, 123, 217,221. Philip III., King of Spain, 9(3. Philip IV., King of Spain, 97. Philippe Egalite, 34. Philippine Islands, 110, 465-467, 471. PhcEuix Park murder, 308. Picquart, Colonel, 66, 67. Pierce, Franklin, 413-416. Pitt, Wil'.iam, 267, 2(59, 270, 275, 278. Pius VI., Pope of Rome, 76. Pins VII., Pope of Rome, 76. Pius VIII., Pope of Rome, 79. Pius IX., Pope of Rome, 80, 81, 131, 208, 209. Plevna, siege of, 169. Plinisoll, British legislator, 304. Poland, 29; becomes a Russian prov- ince, 182. Poles, the, 5. Polignac, Prince, 32. Polk, James K., 408. Port Arthur, ceded to Russia, 324. Portland, Duke of, 270. Portocallo, 114. Porto Rico, 466, 471. Portugal, 113-121 ; constitutional gov- ernment, 116-117, 120-121; Cortes, 116, 118-120; education, 120; finances, 121; freed from France, 116; geography of, 113; Inquisition in, 114; in.surrection of 1820, 117; loses her colonies, 115, 522; Na- poleon in, 115-116; political unrest of, 4, 8; rebels against Spain, 115; religion, 114; sixty years' captivity, 115. Portuguese explorers, 114. Pra Yaut, case of, 69. Pribiloff Islands, 342. Prim, General, 104, 105. Prince Edward Island, 3.31, 334. Protot >] of London, 103. Provence, ('onnt of, see Louis XVIII. Prussia. 88-89, 1.39, 144, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 212; annexes Schleswig, 205; combines with Austria and Piedmont to re- store Louis XVI., 19; governed for the aristocracy, 1; humbled by Na- poleon, 25. Radet.sky, Austrian general, 81. 82. Rainsford, Marcus, " Black Empire of Haiti," .542. Rattazzi, Minister under Victor Em- manuel, 87-88. 612 INDEX Reconcentrados, 110. "Red Shirts" (Garibaldi's soldiers), 80. Reformation, the, 197. Regalado, Tomaso, politician of Sal- vador, 4<)9. Reid, Whitelaw, 455. Reign of Terror, the, 19, 27, 238. Renues, 68. Repnblic of Natalia, 366. Repiiblica Dominicana, 545. Republicans in France, 48, 52, 58, 64. Revolution, age of, 29. Rhine, the, made the frontier of France, 20, 22. Ricasoli, Baron Bettino, successor of Cavour, 87. Riclielieu, 15. Riel, Louis, Canadian insurrectionary leader, 339. Riener, van, Dutch statesman, 220. Rigsdag, of Denmark, 228. Rimini, i;30, 131. Rio de la Plata, 507. Ripen, Lord, 563. Ritualism in England, 304, 326-327. Rivadavia, Bernardino, reformer at Buenos Ayres, 517, 518, 519. Roberts, Joseph J., President of Libe- ria, 540. Robesjiierre, Maximilien, 19, 21. Rodolf , Emperor of Germany, 138. Rodriguez, General, M. D., ruler at Buenos Ayres, 517. Roland, Madame, executed, 19. Rome, 88. Romilly, Sir Samuel, 284. Rondeau, Jose', director of Buenos Ayres, 517. Rosas, dictator at Buenos Ayres, 519. Rosebery, Lord, 316, 317, 318. Rossi, Count, assassinated, 81. Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 180. Rudini, Marquis di, Italian Prime Minister, 90-91. Rugen, Island of, 238. Rumania, 167-170. Rumanians, 150. Rush, Richard, National Republican vice-presidential candidate, 402. Russell, Lord John, 275, 282, 283, 295, 296, 300. Russia, 180-193; aids Austria in sub- duing Hungary, 142; aids Greece, 162, 182 ; an absolute monarchy, 180 ; area and population, 193; becomes a great European power, 181 ; Church in, 193; commerce, 182, 184, 188; Council of Empire instituted, 181 ; defeats Turkey, 188-189; diplo- macy, 190; education, 182, 184, 193; emancipation of the serfs, 181, 184, 185 ; governed for the aristoc- racy, 4; in Asia, 182, 188; invaded by Napoleon, 25 ; is slow to interfere in behalf of the Armenians, 318; loses control of the Black Sea, 42; Nihilism, 185-190; obtains the right of navigation in the Black Sea, the Dardanelles, etc., 183; oppresses the Finns, 192; Polish insurrection, 185; progi'essive character of its civ- ilization, 10, 181, 184, 187, 191-192; railroads, 188, 190; relations with Bulgaria, 171-175; with China, 190, 324-325; with Germany, 208; with Persia, 182 : with Rumania, 168-169 ; with Servia, 158-159, 188. Russo-Turkish War, 165, 169, 188, 304- 305. Ruthenians, 5. Sagasta, Praxedes Mateo, 108, 110. Saldanha, Duke of, 119. Salic Law, in Simin, 100; in Holland, 216. Salisbury, Lord, 311-312, 314, 316-318 321, 322, 323, 461. Salvador, Republic of, 493-496, 498, 503-504. Sampson, Admiral, 465. San Juan, island of, 431, 470. San Juan de UUoa, 35. San Marino, 89, 130-132. San Martin, Jose' de, 510-511, 512. San Stephano, Peace of, 188. Santa Anna, 482-483. Santander, Vice-President of Colom- bia, 514. Santo Cesario, assassin, 65. Santo Domingo, 9, 542-543, 545-546. Sardinia, 75, 77, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85. Satsuma, Prince of, 549-550. Savoy, 75, 79, 85. INDEX 613 Saxe-Weimar, Grand Duke of, 199. Saxon, the, 2. Saxony, 29, 20(1, 201, 202, 206. Scheurer-Kestner, French statesman, m. Schley, Admiral, 465. Schurz, Carl, 203, 432, 441. Scotland, 206. Scott, General Winfield, 413. Seal fisheries, question between Can- ada and the United States, 341, 343, 431, 469. Sebastopol, 42, 184. Seljuks, 154. Sepoy Mutiny, 294-295. Serbs, 156, 175. Serrano, General, 104, 105. Servia, 157-161 ; Constitution, 159-161; freed from Turkish rule, 159, 171, 188. Sewall, Arthur, 462. Seward, William H., 416. Seymour, Horatio, 4.30. Shaftesbury, Earl of, 275, 287. Shaw, William, Irish political leader, ;%7. Sherbro Island, 539. Sherman, John, 437, 443. Shikoku, 559. Sliimonoseki, Strait of, 550. Siam, 565-567. Siberia, 9, 192. Sicily, 76, 78, 81, 86. Sigurdson, Jon, 234. Silesia, 140. Simon, Jules, 46, 53. Single tax movement, 439, 453. Slavs, 5, 10, 137, 138, 140-141, 143, 144, 149, 150, 156, 160, 172. Slidell, 2«K). !Snell, Ludwig, Swiss reformer, 254. Social Democrats, growth of in Ger- many, 6. Socialists, in America, 446,462-463; in France, 63, 64 ; in Germany, 209-210. Somaliland, 210. Sonderbund, in Switzerland, 2.")5. Sonuino, Baron, Italian financier, 95. Soudan, the, 320, 322-323. Soult, Marshal, 35, .'56. South Africa, 10, 3(i.5-379 ; claims made by European powers, 371 ; Dutch settlements, 365; English settle- ments, 36.5-367; government, 367- 369, 373; native tribes, 367; re- sources, 368-370; slavery abolished, 366. South America, 506-533 ; allied to the Latin nations, 8; Confederation Granadina, 525 ; the United Prov- inces of Rio de la Plata, 516-517, 519. Spain, 96-112 ; anarchists in, 108 ; Carl- ist movement, lO), 101, 105, 106; cedes the Philippines to the United States, 110 ; Cortes, the, 98, 99, 102, 10.3-104, 107 ; Cuban insurrection, 1868-78, 105, 108; insurrection of 1895, 109-111, 461, 465; decline, 96- 97; democracy, 97, 102; education, 108, 112 ; finances, 108 ; form of gov- ernment, 112; French army in, 100; governed for the aristocracy, 1 ; in America, 479-481, 490, 506-509; in- surrection of 1820,99; of 1854, 103; of 1868, 104; Liberals, 99, 100,101; loses Santo Domingo, 545-546; Moors, {K3; political unrest, 4, 8; regency of Maria Christina, 107, 108 ; of Serrano, 105 ; religious policy, 9(;, 99, 100, 101, 112; Republic under Castelar, 106; revenues from Amer- ican possessions, 96 ; revolt of the Netherlands in 1566, 122 ; revolt of Mexico, 479-481 ; of the South Amer- ican Colonies, 99; royal succession and the Salic Law, 100 ; sells the two Floridas, 99; under Napoleon I., 97- 98. Spaniard, the, 2. Spanish Constitution, 77. Spanish marriages, 37, 103. Speranski, liberal Russian Minister, 182. Staal, de, Russian ambassador, 191. StambulofT, Stephen, 172-174. Stanton, Edwin M., 428-429. States-General, the, summoned in Kill, 15; in 1789, 17. States of the Church, the, 29, 75, 76, 77, 79, 88, 89. Stephens, Alexander, 413, 420. Stevenson, Adlai E., 4.55. Storthing, national Diet of Norway, 244. 614 INDEX Stralsund, 238. Strasburg, 39. Sucre, General Antonio Jose de, 510. Suez Canal, 308. Sumatra, 221. Sumner, Charles, 413, 416. Sweden, 1, 5, 237-242. Sweden and Norway, 236-248 ; friction between, 246-247. Swiss Confederation, 6. Swiss guards, massacre of, 19. Swiss people, political development of, 570. Switzerland, 249-260 ; classed with the Germanic countries, 6 ; Constitution, 257-258; controlled by an aristoc- racy, 1 ; Popular Initiative, 258 ; rec- ognized as an independent power, 253; Referendum, 257-260. Tacna, claimed by Pern and Chili, 529. Takaliu, Empei'or of Japan, 547. Talien-wan, 324. Talleyrand, Duke of, 28. Tarapaca, ceded to Peru, 529. Tasman, Dutch navigator, 347. Taylor, Zachary, 410, 412. Teba, Countess of, see Eugenie. Terceira, 118. Teutonic countries, national character in, 5, 6. Teutonic peoples, 4, 10. Texas, 407-408, 411. Theodore, King of Abyssinia, 299. Tliessaly, 164-165, 166. Thorbecke, de, Dutch Liberal leader, 218, 220, 221. Thurman, Allen G., 450. Tilden, Samuel J., 434, 4.36. Thyies (London) , 293, 312. Ting, Admiral, 554. Tokio, 551. Torre-Tagle, Marquis of, 514. Toussaint L'Ouverture, 542. Trans-Siberian Railway, liX), 324. Transvaal, 305-307, 367, 369, 373-379. Transylvania, 151, 167. Treaties: Akerman, 168; Amiens, 22, 365; Berlin, 165, 169, 171-172; 1818, 341; Frankfort, 47, 49; Frederiks- borg, 227; Kiel, 243; Luueville, 22; Mississippi, 389; Paris, 169, 184; Utrecht, 123, 345; Valen^ay, 98; Washington, 341; Westphalia, 249. Treaty of "benevolent neutrality" between Germany and Russia, 208. Trent Affair, 296. Trepoff, General, shot by Vera Zas- sulic, 186. Triple Alliance, the, 60, 89,208. Trusts, 448-449. Tuileries, the, invaded and sacked, 19. Tupac Amaru II. , 507. Turin, 78. Turk, the, 5. Turkey (in Europe), 178-179; men- aced by Russia, 42, 182, 183, 188, 292; not represented in the Congress of Vienna, 28 ; relations with Armenia, 317-318; with Bulgaria, 170-171; with Greece, 161-167; with Molda- via and Wallachia, 167-1()9; with Montenegro, 177; with Servia, 157- 159. Turks in the Balkan Peninsula, 154- 159. Tuscany, 76, 77, 80, 81, 82, 85. Two Sicilies, the, 76. Tyler, John, 407-408. Tyrol, the, 89. Uitlanders, 319, 375-378. Ulema. Turkish Council, 179. Ultra-Montaues, in Belgium, 126. United Irishmen, 267. United States, 383-473; Alabama Claims, 297, 303, 431, 470; Alaska purcliased, 430; Alien Labor Laws, 469 ; Alien and Sedition Laws, 391 ; an Anglo-Saxon country, 8 ; Anti-Fed- eralist party, 387-392, 401 ; Articles of Confederation, 383; Chinese im- migration, 446 ; Civil Service Reform , 437, 442-443, 445, 4(il-462, 470-471, 570; Civil War,29(3,422-425; Compro- mise Tariff, 405, 411; Congress, 383, 385; Constitution, 3S3-,386, S'lO, 427, 429, 430, 4(i7-46S; Twelfth Amend- ment to, 391 ; Thirteenth Amendment to, 427; Fourteenth Amendment to, 427^28; Fifteenth Amendment to, 430; C(mtract Labor Act (1885) 446; Declaration of Independence, 383; Democrats, 401, 405, 407, 408, 410, INDEX 615 413, 416-417, 419-420, 430, 432, 434- 436, 441, 444-445, 450, 435, 456, 462- 464; Dingley Bill, 4(i4; Electoral Ckimmissiou, the (1876)435-436; Em- bargo Bill, 393-391 ; Nul- lification, 404; Omnibus Bill, 411- 412,415; Oregon boundary decided by the German Emperor, 433; pen- sion abuses, 446, 452; political cor- ruption, 385, 432-433, 472^73; Pop- ulist party, 455, 462; protection, 388, 395-396, 402, 443, 450-451, 464; rapid growth, 415, 417, 431; reciproc- ity, 453, 469; reconstruction period, 427-428, 430, 431. 432, VM; relations with Canada, 338-339, 431 . 4()9-470 ; with England, 383, 389, 392, 394-395, 470; with France, 38f»-3<)0, 391, 392- 393,394; with Hawaii, 461 ; Repub- lican party, 4]()-417, 419-420, 427- 429, 430, 431, 432, 433, 4;^43(!, 441, 444-445, 450, 452, 455, 456, 462-464; secession of slave States, 420-421; Sherman Act, 451, 456; slavery, 386: 396-399, 402, 408-410, 411, 413, 421, 422, 423 ; Spanish claims to the Mis- sissippi River, 389; spoils system, 403. 437, 442-443, 445, 470-171 ; squat- ter sovereignty, 419; State social- ism, 449; State sovereignty, 401; sub-treasury system adopted, 406; tariff laws, 404-405, 443, 445, 449, 450-451, 452, 458-459, 464, 569; Ten- ure of Office Act, 428-429; trusts, 448; Venezuela question, 321, 460- 461, 532, 533; War of 1812, 271-272, 394-395 ; War of Independence, 383- 384; war with Mexico, 407, 409, 482-18;;; war with Spain, 110, 465- 46(;; Whig party, 405, 407, 408, 410, 413,416; Wilmot Proviso, 409 ; Wil- son Bill, 458. Universal suffrage, 4. University of France, 23. Urgel, Bishop of, and Andorra, 133. Uruguay, 507, 516-518, 527, 530-531. Usugara, German colony, 210. Utah, 407, 411. Uzes, Duchess d', 63. Van Buren, Martin, 405-406, 407, 409, 410. Vasco de Gama, 115, 366. Vendome column, 51. Venetia, 84-85. 88, 206. ^'enezuela, 507-509, 512, 514, 515, 516, 531-533. Venezuela question, 320-321, 460-461, 532-533. Venice, 42, 76, 77,81,82. Venice, Republic of, 75. Vera Zassulic, 186. Versailles, 4(i, 207. Victor Emmanuel I., 77, 78. Victor Emmanuel II., 82-90. Victoria, Queen of Great Britain, 88, 220, 286, 2iK), .'W. Vienna, insuri-ection in, 140. Vlach, the, 5, 156, 1(J7-169, 175. Voltaire, Francois M. A. de, 180. Wakefield, Edward Gibbon, 351, 358, .360. Wales, Alexandra, Princess of, 230. Wallachia, 1(;7-168. Walloons, 122-123, 128. Washington, Bushrod, 539. 616 INDEX Washington, George, 387, 389-390, 513. Watsou, Thomas E., 462. Wayne, Anthony, 389. Weaver, People's party presidential candidate, 456. Webster, Daniel, 404-405, 407, 411-412. Wei-Hai-Wei, acquired by England, 324. Wellington, Duke of, 25, 26, 55, 62, 272, 278-279, 281, 283, 290, 310. Weyler, General, 109-110, 465. Wheeler, William A., 443. Whiskey Ring, 433. White, Hugh L., presidential candi- date in 1836, 405. Whitney, Eli, 396. Wilhelm, Prince of Denmark, see George I., King of Greece. Wilhelmina, Queen of Holland, 222. William I., German Emperor and King of Prussia, 43, 46, 204, 207, 211. William II., German Emperor and King of Prussia, 6, 211, 213. William IV., King of England, 279, 282, 283, 286, 358. William I., King of the Netherlands, 217. William II., King of Holland, 217, 218. William III., King of Holland, 218, 901 900 *— -I, *JW-I. William Y., Stadtholder of Holland, 215-216. Wilson (Grevy's son-in-law), 62. Wilson, Henry, 432. Witwatersrand, 369. Wolseley, Sir Garnet, 306. Wurtemberg, 199, 201. Yamagata, Marquis, Japanese states- man, 557. Yezo, island of, 547, 559. Yoritomo, Shogun of Japan, 547. Young Italy, Society of, 79, 80. Ypsilanti, Alexander, 168. Zalvidar, President of Salvador, 497- 498. Zanyon, compromise of, 108. Zelaya, Santos, President of Nica- ragua, 504. Zola, Emile, 66, 68. Zollverein, the, 200. Zumalacarregui, Carlist general, 100- 101. THE UNITED STATES AN OUTLINE OF POLITICAL HISTORY, 1492-1871 By GOLDWIN SMITH, D.C.L. Crown 8vo. Cloth. $2.00 "The brilliant comment of a liberal Englishman on the history and in- stitutions of this country is of the utmost value to Americans, who will not be repelled by its occasional harshness, by its occasional injustice, but who will be materially helped to a juster conception of the results of American civilization, and will be immensely entertained and interested by the vivacity and freshness with which the comments are made." — The Outlook. 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