UC-NRLF Zb\Z 1904 $B SbS DD3 J " Equal rights to all, special privileges to none. THE Campaign Text Book OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES, 1904. ISSUED BY AUTHORITY OF THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE. THE METROPOLITAN PRINTING COMPANY 213-227 WEST 26th STREET NEW YORK CITY " Equal rights to all, special privileges to none.'' THE Campaign Text Book OF THE ( DEMOCRATIC PARTY. OF THE UNITED STATES, i • » 1904 ISSUED BY AUTHORITY OF THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE. G2 Jte HEADQUARTERS DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE, 1 West 34thi Street, NEW YORK CITY. HEADQUARTERS DEMOCRATIC CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE . Rlggs^Hop^e; wyl.s h i N.oir*or>i J 13. c. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. PREAMBLE. We, the people of the United Slates, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity,, pro- vide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this CONSTITUTION for t-aeXIrited States of- America. ARTICLE I. Section I. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. Section II. 1. The House of Representatives shall be com- posed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the quali- fications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. 2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have at- tained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citi- zen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. 3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union ac- cording to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Repre- sentatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative; and until such •enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose 3 ; Massachusetts, 8 ; Rhode Island and Provi- dence Plantations, 1 ; Connecticut, 5 ; New York, 6 ; New Jersey, 4 ; Pennsylvania, 8 ; Delaware, 1 ; Maryland, 6 ; Virginia, 10 ; North Carolina, 5 ; South Carolina, 5, and Georgia, 3.* 4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers, and shall have the sole power of impeachment. Section III. 1. The Senate of the United States shall be corn- See Article XIV., Amendments. M41604 4 Constitution of the United States. posed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote. 2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary appointment until the next meeting of the Legislature, .which shall then fill such vacancies. 3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years; and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. 4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote unless they be equally divided. 5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a Presi- dent pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States. 6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Jus- tice shall preside; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit under the United States; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law. Section IV. 1. The times, places, and manner of holding elec- tions for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof ; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to places of choos- ing Senators. 2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. Section V. 1 Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller num- ber may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to com- pel the attendance of absent members in such manner and under such penalties as each House may provide. 2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and with the con- currence of two-thirds expel a member. 3. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in Constitution of the United States. 5 their judgment require secrecy, and the yeas and nays of the mem- bers of either House on any question shall, at the desire of one- fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 4. Xeither House, during the session of Congress, shall, with- out the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. Section VI. 1. The Senators and Representatives shall re- ceive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same, and for any speech or debate in either House they shall not be questioned in any other place. 2. Xo Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office. Section VII. 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives, but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments, as in other bills. 2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representa- tives and the Senate shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered ; and if approved by two-thirds of that House it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return; in which case it shall not be a law. 3. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (ex- cept on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the same shall take effect shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two-thirds of the Senate and the House of Repre- sentatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. 6 Constitution of the United States. Section VIII. 1. The Congress shall have power: To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States. 2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States. 3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes. 4. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States. 5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures. 6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States. 7. To establish post-offices and post-roads. 8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts by se- curing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive rights to their respective writings and discoveries. 9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court. 10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations. 11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and Water. 12. To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years. 13. To provide and maintain a navy. 14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces. 15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions. 16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States re- spectively the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress. 17. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of Government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the Legis- lature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dry-docks, and other needful buildings. 18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. Section IX. 1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand Constitution of the United States. 7 eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. 2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be sus- pended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. 3. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. 4. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in pro- portion to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken. 5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from anv State. 6. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another, nor shall vessels bound to or from one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. 7. No money shall be drawn from the Treasury but in conse- quence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. 8. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States. And no person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the consent of Congress, accept of any present, emolu- ment, office, or title of any kind whatever from any king, prince, or foreign state. Section X. 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation, grant letters of marque and reprisal, coin money, emit bills of credit, make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts, pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility. 2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any impost or duties on imports or exports, except what may be abso- lutely necessary for executing its inspection laws, and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. 3. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace,. enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in* such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. ARTICLE II. Section I. 1. The Executive power shall be vested in a Presi- dent of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and, together with the Vice-Presi- dent, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows: 2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature- 8 Constitution of the United States thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole num- ber of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress ; but no Senator or Representative or per- son holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be appointed an elector. 3. [The electors shall meet in their respective States and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each, which list they shall sign and certify and transmit, sealed, to the seat of the Government of the United States, di- rected to the President of the Senate. The President of the Sen- ate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representa- tives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed, and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by. ballot one of them for President; and if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the said House shall in like manner choose the President. But in choosing the President, the vote shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote. A quorum, for this purpose, shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice-President.]* 4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the elec- tors and the day on which they shall give their votes, which day shall be the same throughout the United States. 5. No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President ; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years and been fourteen years a resident within the United States. 6. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice- President, declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly until the disability be removed or a President shall be elected. * This clause is superseded by Article XII., Amendments. Constitution of the United States. 9 7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any of them. 8. Before he enter on the execution of his office he shall take the following oath or affirmation: "I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." Section II. 1. The President shall be Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States when called into the actual service of the United States ; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the prin- cipal officer in each of the executive departments upon any sub- ject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States except in cases of impeachment. 2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators pres- ent concur ; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law; but the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate by granting com- missions, which shall expire at the end of their next session. Section III. He shall from time to time give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and ex- pedient; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive am- bassadors and other public ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. Section IV. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United States shall be removed from office on im- peachment for and conviction of treason, briber}'-, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. ARTICLE III. Section I. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as the io Constitution of the United States. Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall at stated times receive for their services a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office. Section II. 1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party; to controversies between two or more States, between a State and citizens of another State, between citizens of different States, between citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants of different States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens, or subjects. 2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, and those in which a State shall be party, the Su- preme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before-mentioned the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such regulations as the Congress shall make. 3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury, and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed, but when not com- mitted within any State the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. Section III. 1. Treason against the United States shall con- sist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be con- victed of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture except during the life of the person attainted. ARTICLE IV. Section I. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general laws prescribe the man- ner in which such acts, records and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. Section II. 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. 2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on demand of the Executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. Constitution of the United States. 1 1 3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. Section III. 1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union ; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State, nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned, as well as of the Congress. 2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular State. Section IV. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion, and, on application of the Legisla- ture, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be con- vened), against domestic violence. ARTICLE V. The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three- fourths of the several States, or by conventions of three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be pro- posed by the Congress; provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the Ninth Section of the First Article; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. ARTICLE VI. 1. All debts contracted and engagements entered into before the adoption of this Constitution shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution as under the Confederation. 2. This Constitution and the law r s of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land, and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. 3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and 12 Constitution of the United States. judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Con- stitution; but no religious test shall ever be required as a quali- fication to any office or public trust under the United States. ARTICLE VII. The ratification of the Conventions of nine States shall be suffi- cient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. ARTICLE I. Congress shall make no law representing an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a re- dress of grievances. ARTICLE II. A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. ARTICLE III. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war but in a man- ner to be prescribed by law. ARTICLE IV. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue but upon proba- ble cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly de- scribing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. ARTICLE V. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or other in- famous crime unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be °ubject for the same offence to be twice Constitution of the United States. 13 put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensa- tion. ARTICLE VI. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which dis- trict shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be in- formed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be con- fronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the as- sistance of counsel for his defence. ARTICLE VII. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be pre- served, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States than according to the rules of the common law. ARTICLE VIII. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. ARTICLE IX. The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the peo- ple. ARTICLE X. The powers not delegated to the United States by the Consti- tution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. ARTICLE XL The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States, by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. ARTICLE XII. The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, 14 Constitution of the United States. and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President; and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat of Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Rep- resentatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; the person having the greatest number of votes for Presi- dent shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President, whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death, or other constitutional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. ARTICLE XIII. 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a pun- ishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly con- victed, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appro- priate legislation. ARTICLE XIV. 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immuni- ties of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. Constitution of the United States. 15 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male members of such State, being of twenty-one years of age, and citi- zens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for par- ticipation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the n-umber of such male citizens shall hear to the whole number of male citi- zens twenty-one years of age in such State. 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid and comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection and rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave ; but all such debts, obli- gations, and claims shall be held illegal and void. 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce by appropriate leg- islation the provisions of this article. ARTICLE XV. 1. The right of the citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce the provisions of this article by appropriate legislation. THE PLATFORM OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. ADOPTED AT ST. LOUIS, JULY 8TH, 1904. The Democratic Party of the United States, in National Con- vention assembled, declares its devotion to the essential principles of the Democratic faith which bring ns together in party com- munion. Under these principles local self-government and national unity and prosperity were alike established. They underlaid our inde- pendence, the structure of our free Republic and every Democratic expansion from Louisiana to California, and Texas to Oregon, which preserved faithfully in all the States the tie between taxa- tion and representation. They yet inspirit the masses of our peo- ple, guarding jealously their rights and liberties, and cherishing their fraternity, peace, and orderly development. They remind us of our duties and responsibilities as citizens, and impress upon us, particularly at this time, the necessity of reform and the rescue of the administration of government from the headstrong, arbi- trary, and spasmodic methods which distract business by uncer- tainty, and pervade the public mind with dread, distrust, and perturbation. FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES. The application of these fundamental principles to the living issues of the day constitutes the first step toward the assured peace, safety, and progress of our nation. Freedom of the press, of con- science, and of speech ; equality before the law of all citizens ; right of trial by jury; freedom of the person defended by the writ of habeas corpus; liberty of personal contract untrammeled by sumptuary laws; supremacy of the civil over the military author- ity ; a well-disciplined militia ; separation of church and State ; -economy in expenditures; low taxes, that labor may be lightly burdened; prompt and sacred fulfillment of public and private obligations; fidelity to treaties; peace and friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; absolute acquiescence in the will of the majority, the vital principle of Republics — these are doctrines which Democracy has established as proverbs of the nation, and they should be constantly invoked, and enforced. ECOMONY OF ADMINISTRATION. Large reductions can easily be made in the annual expenditures of the Government without impairing the efficiency of any branch of the public service, and we shall insist upon the strictest economy and frugality compatible with vigorous and efficient civil, military and naval administration, as a right of the people, too clear to be denied or withheld. The Platform of the Democratic Party. 17 HONESTY IN THE PUBLIC SERVICE. We favor the enforcement of honesty in the public service, and to that end a thorough legislative investigation of those executive departments of the Government already known to teem with cor- ruption, as well as other departments suspected of harboring cor- ruption, and the punishment of ascertained corruptionists, with- out fear or favor or regard to persons. The persistent and de- liberate refusal of both the Senate and the House of Representa- tives to permit such investigation to be made demonstrates that only by a change in the executive and in the legislative depart- ments can complete exposure, punishment, and correction be ob- tained. FEDERAL GOVERNMENT CONTRACTS WITH TRUSTS. We condemn the action of the Republican Party in Congress in refusing to prohibit an executive department entering into con- tracts with convicted trusts or unlawful combinations in restraint of interstate trade. We believe that one of the best methods of procuring economy and honesty in the public sendee is to have public officials, from the occupant of the White House down to the lowest of them, return, as nearly as may be, to Jeffersonian simplicity of living. EXECUTIVE USURPATION. We favor the nomination and election of a President imbued with the principles of the Constitution, who will set his face sternly against executive usurpation of legislative and judicial functions, whether that usurpation be veiled under the guise of executive construction of existing laws, or whether it take refuge in the tyrant's pleas of necessity or superior wisdom. IMPERIALISM. We favor the preservation, so far as we can, of an open door for the world's commerce in the Orient without unnecessary entangle- ment in Oriental and European affairs, and without arbitrary, un- limited, irresponsible and absolute government anywhere within our jurisdiction. We oppose, as fervently as did George Washing- ton, an indefinite, irresponsible, discretionary, and vague absolu- tism and a policy of colonial exploitation, no matter where or by whom invoked or exercised. We believe with Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, that no government has a right to make one set of laws for those "at home" and another and a different set of laws, absolute in their character, for those "in the colonies." All men under the American flag are entitled to the protection of the institutions whose emblem the flag is ; if they are inherently unfit for those institutions, then thev are inherently unfit to be mem- bers of the American body politic. Wherever there may exist a people incapable of being governed under American laws, in con- sonance with the American Constitution, the territory of that people ought not to be part of the American domain. We insist that we ought to do for the Filipinos what we have 1 8 The Platform of the Democratic Party. done already for the Cubans, and it is our duty to make that promise now, and upon suitable guarantees of protection to citi- zens of our own and other countries resident there at the time of our withdrawal to set the Filipino people upon their feet, free and independent, to work out their own destiny. The endeavor of the Secretary of War, by pledging the Govern- ment's endorsement for "promoters" in the Philippine Islands to make the United States a partner in speculative exploitation of the archipelago, which was only temporarily held up by the oppo- sition of Democratic Senators in the last session, will, if success- ful, lead to entanglements from which it will be difficult to escape. TARIFF. The Democratic Party has been, and will continue to be, the consistent opponent of that class of tariff legislation by which cer- tain interests have been permitted, through congressional favor, to draw a heavy tribute from the American people. This monstrous perversion of those equal opportunities which our political insti- tutions were established to secure, has caused what may once have been infant industries to become the greatest combinations of capital that the world has ever known. These special favorites of the Government have, through trust methods, been converted into monopolies, thus bringing to an end domestic competition, which was the only alleged check upon the extravagant profits made pos- sible by the protective system. These industrial combinations, by the financial assistance they can give, now control the policy of the Republican Party. We denounce protectionism as a robbery of the many to enrich the few, and we favor a tariff limited to the needs of the Gov- ernment economically, effectively, and constitutionally admin- istered, and so levied as not to discriminate against any industry, class or section, to the end that the burdens of taxation shall be distributed as equally as possible. We favor a revision and a gradual reduction of the tariff by the friends of the masses and for the common weal, and not by the friends of its abuses, its extortions and its discriminations, keep- ing in view the ultimate end of "equality of burdens and equality of opportunities," and the constitutional purpose of raising a rev- enue by taxation, to wit, the support of the Federal Government in all its integrity and virility, but in simplicity.' TRUSTS AND UNLAWFUL COMBINATIONS. We recognize that the gigantic trusts and combinations designed to enable capital to secure more than its just share of the joint product of capital and labor, and which have been fostered and promoted under Republican rule, are a menace to beneficial com- petition and an obstacle to permanent business prosperity. A private monopoly is indefensible and intolerable. Individual equality of opportunity and free competition are es- sential to a healthy and permanent commercial prosperity; and any trust, combination or monopoly tending to destroy these by The Platform of the Democratic Party. 19 controlling production, restricting competition, or fixing prices and wages, should be prohibited and punished by law. We espe- cially denounce rebates and discriminations by transporation companies as the most potent agency in promoting and strengthen- ing these unlawful conspiracies against trade. We demand an enlargement of the powers of the Interstate Com- merce Commission, to the end that the traveling public and ship- pers of this country may have prompt and adequate relief from the abuses to which they are subjected in the matter of transportation. We demand a strict enforcement of existing civil and criminal statutes against all such trusts, combinations, and monopolies; and we demand the enactment of such further legislation as may be necessary effectually to suppress them. Any trust or unlawful combination engaged in interstate com- merce which is monopolizing any branch of business or production, should not be permitted to transact business outside of the State of its origin, whenever it shall be established in any court of com- petent jurisdiction that such monopolization exists. Such pro- hibition should be enforced through comprehensive laws to be en- acted on the subject. CAPITAL AND LABOR. We favor the enactment and administration of laws giving labor and capital impartially their just rights. Capital and labor ought not to be enemies. Each is necessary to the other. Each has its rights, but the rights of labor are certainly no less "vested," no less "sacred," and no less "inalienable" than the rights of capital. We favor arbitration of differences between corporate employers and their employees, and a strict enforcement of the eight-hour law on all Government work. We approve the measure which passed the United States Senate in 1896, but which a Eepublican Congress has ever since refused to enact, relating to contempts in Federal courts and providing for trial by jury in cases of indirect contempt. CONSTITUTIONAL GUARANTEES. Constitutional guarantees are violated whenever any citizen is denied the right to labor, acquire and enjoy property/or reside where interest or inclination may determine. Any denial thereof by individuals, organizations, or governments should be summarily rebuked and punished. We deny the right of any executive to disregard or suspend any constitutional privilege or limitation. Obedience to the laws and respect for their requirements are alike the supreme duty of the citizen and the official. The military should be used only to support and maintain the law. We unqualifiedly condemn its employment for the summary banishment of citizens without trial, or for the control of elections. WATERWAYS. We favor liberal appropriations for the care and improvement of the waterways of the country. When any waterway, like the 20 The Platform of the Democratic Party. Mississippi Elver, is of sufficient importance to demand the special aid of the Government, such aid should be extended with a definite plan of continuous work until permanent improvement is secured. We oppose the Republican policy of starving home development in order to feed the greed for conquest and the appetite for national "prestige" and display of strength. RECLAMATION OF ARID LANDS AND DOMESTIC DEVELOPMENT. We congratulate our Western citizens upon the passage of the measure known as the Newlands Irrigation Act, for the irrigation and reclamation of the arid lands of the West — a measure framed by a Democrat, passed in the Senate by a non-partisan vote, and passed in the House against the opposition of almost all the Re- publican leaders by a vote the majority of which was Democratic. We call attention to this great Democratic measure, broad and com- prehensive as it is, working automatically throughout all time with- out further action of Congress, until the reclamation of all the lands in the arid West capable of reclamation is accomplished, reserving the lands reclaimed for homeseekers, in small tracts, and rigidly guarding against land monopoly, as an evidence of the policy of domestic development contemplated by the Democratic Party, should it be placed in power. THE ISTHMIAN CANAL. The Democracy when entrusted with power will construct the Panama Canal speedily, honestly and economically, thereby giving to our people what Democrats have always contended for — a great inter-oceanic canal, furnishing shorter and cheaper lines of trans- portation, and broader and less trammeled trade relations with the other peoples of the world. AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP. We pledge ourselves to insist upon the just and lawful protec- tion of our citizens at home and abroad, and to use all proper meas- ures to secure for them, whether native-born or naturalized, and without distinction of race or creed, the equal protection of laws and the enjoyment of all rights and privileges open to them un- der the covenants of our treaties of friendship and commerce ; and if under existing treaties the right of travel and sojourn is denied to American citizens or recognition is withheld from American passports by any countries on the ground of race or creed, we favor the beginning of negotiations with the governments of such countries to secure by new treaties the removal of these unjust dis- criminations. We demand that all over the world a duly authenticated passport issued by the Government of the United States to an American citizen shall be proof of the fact that he is an American citizen, and shall entitle him to the treatment due him as such. ELECTION OF SENATORS BY THE PEOPLE. We favor the election of United States Senators by direct vote of the people. The Platform of the Democratic Party. 21 STATEHOOD AND TERRITORIES. We favor the admission of the Territory of Oklahoma and the Indian Territory. We also favor the immediate admission of Arizona and New Mexico, as separate States, and territorial govern- ments for Alaska and Porto Eico. We hold that the officials appointed to administer the govern- ment of any Territory, as well as the District of Alaska, should be bona fide residents at the time of their appointment of the Terri- tory or District in which their duties are to be performed. CONDEMNATION OF POLYGAMY. We demand the extermination of polygamy within the jurisdic- tion of the United States, and the complete separation of Church and State in political affairs. MERCHANT MARINE. We denounce the ship subsidy bill recently passed by the United States Senate as an iniquitous appropriation of public funds for private purposes and a wasteful, illogical and useless attempt to overcome by subsidy the obstructions raised by Eepublican legisla- tion to the growth and development of American commerce on the sea. We favor the upbuilding of a merchant marine without new or additional burdens upon the people and without bounties from the public treasury. RECIPROCITY. We favor liberal trade arrangements with Canada, and with peo- ples of other countries where they can be entered into with benefit to American agriculture, manufactures, mining or commerce. MONROE DOCTRINE. We favor the maintenance of the Monroe doctrine in its full integrity. ARMY. We favor the reduction of the Army and of Army expenditures to the point historically demonstrated to be safe and sufficient. PENSIONS. OUR SOLDIERS AND SAILORS. The Democracy would secure to the surviving soldiers and their dependents generous pensions, not by an arbitrary executive order, but by legislation which a grateful people stand ready to enact. Our soldiers and sailors who defend with their lives the Consti- tution and the laws have a sacred interest in their just administra- tion. They must, therefore, share with us the humiliation with which we have witnessed the exaltation of court favorites, without distinguished service, over the scarred heroes of many battles, or aggrandizement by executive appropriations out of the treasuries of prostrate peoples in violation of the act of Congress which fixes the compensation or allowances of the military officers. 22 The Platform of the Democratic Party. CIVIL SERVICE. The Democratic Party stands committed to the principles of civil service reform, and we demand their honest, just and impar- tial enforcement. We denounce the Republican Party for its continuous and sinis- ter encroachments upon the spirit and operation of civil service rules, whereby it has arbitrarily dispensed with examinations for office in the interest of favorites, and employed all manner of de- vices to overreach and set aside the principles upon which the Civil Service is based. SECTIONAL AND RACE AGITATION. The race question has brought countless woes to this country. The calm wisdom of the American people should see to it that it brings no more. To revive the dead and hateful race and sectional animosities in any part of our common country means confusion, distraction of business, and the reopening of wounds now happily healed. North, South, East and West have but recently stood together in line of battle from the walls of Pekin to the hills of Santiago, and as sharers of a common glory and a common destiny, we should share fraternally the common burdens. We therefore deprecate and condemn the Bourbon-like, selfish and narrow spirit of the recent Republican Convention at Chicago, which sought to kindle anew the embers of racial and sectional strife, and we appeal from it to the sober common sense and patriotic spirit of the American people. THE REPUBLICAN ADMINISTRATION. The existing Republican administration has been spasmodic, erratic, sensational, spectacular and arbitrary. It has made itself a satire upon the Congress, courts, and upon the settled practices and usages of national and international law. It summoned the Congress in hasty and futile extra session and virtually adjourned it, leaving behind in its flight from Wash- ington uncalled calendars and unaccomplished tasks. It made war, which is the sole power of Congress, without its authority, thereby usurping one of its fundamental prerogatives. It violated a plain statute of the United States as well as plain treaty obligations, international usages and constitutional law; and has done so under pretense of executing a great public policy which could have been more easily effected lawfully, constitution- ally and with honor. It forced strained and unnatural constructions upon statutes, usurping judicial interpretation, and substituting for congressional enactment executive decree. It withdrew from the Congress its customary duties of investi- gation which have heretofore made the representatives of the people and the States the terror of evil-doers. It conducted a secretive investigation of its own, and boasting of a few sample convicts, it threw a broad coverlet over the bu- The Platform of the Democratic Party. 23 reaus which had been their chosen field of operative abuses, and kept in power the superior officers under whose administration the crimes had been committed. It ordered assault upon some monopolies, but, paralyzed by a first victory, it flung out the flag of truce and cried out that it would not "run amuck"; leaving its future purposes beclouded by its vacillations. APPEAL TO THE PEOPLE. Conducting the campaign upon this declaration of our principles and purposes, we invoke for our candidates the support not only of our great and time-honored organization, but also the active assistance of all of our fellow-citizens who, disregarding past differ- ences, desire the perpetuation of our constitutional Government as framed and established by the fathers of the Republic. Subsequent to the adoption of the platform Judge Parker was nominated for President, receiving two-thirds of the votes cast on the first ballot, and the nomination was then made unanimous. The following telegram was sent by Judge Parker for communica- tion to the Convention : "Esopus, N. Y., July 9, 1904. "Hon. Wm. F. Sheehan, Hotel Jefferson : "I regard the gold standard as firmly and irrevocably estab- lished, and shall act accordingly if the act of the convention to- day shall be ratified by the people. "As the platform is silent on the subject, my view should be known to the convention; and if it is proved to be unsatisfac- tory to the majority, I request you to decline the nomination for me, so that another may be nominated before adjournment. "(Signed) Alton B. Parker." At the final session of the Convention, after consideration of the telegram, the Convention voted that the following reply should be sent to the candidate: "The platform adopted by this convention is silent on the ques- tion of the monetary standard because it is not regarded by us as a possible issue in this campaign, and only campaign issues were mentioned in the platform. Therefore, there is nothing in the views expressed by you in the telegram just received which would preclude a man entertaining them from accepting the nom- ination on said platform." THE PLATFORM OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. ADOPTED AT CHICAGO, JUNE 22, 1904. Fifty years ago the Kepublican party came into existence dedi- cated among other purposes to the great task of arresting the ex- tension of human slavery. In 1860 it elected its first President. During 24 of the 44 years which have elapsed since the election of Lincoln, the Republican party has held complete control of the government. For 18 more of the 44 years it has held partial control through the possession of one or two branches of the gov- ernment, while the Democratic party during the same period has had complete control for only two years. This long tenure of power by the Republican party is not due to chance. It is a demonstration that the Republican party has commanded the con- fidence of the American people for nearly two generations to. a degree never equaled in our history, and has displayed a high ca- pacity for rule and government which has been made even more conspicuous by the incapacity and infirmity of purpose shown by its opponents. CONDITIONS IN 1897. The Republican party entered upon its present period of com- plete supremacy in 1897. We have every right to congratulate ourselves upon the work since then accomplished, for it has added lustre even to the traditions of the party which carried the gov- ernment through the storms of Civil War. We then found the country after four years of Democratic rule in evil- plight, oppressed with misfortune and doubtful of the future. Public credit had been lowered, the revenues were declining, the debt was growing, the administration's attitude toward Spain was feeble and mortifying, the standard of values was threatened and uncertain, labor was unemployed, business was sunk in the depression which had succeeded the panic of 1893, hope was faint and confidence was gone. We met these unhappy conditions vigorously, effectively, and at once. THE TARIFF LAW. We replaced a Democratic tariff law based on free trade prin- ciples and garnished with sectional protection by a consistent pro- tective tariff, and industry, freed from oppression and stimulated by the encouragement of w T ise laws, has expanded to a degree never before known, has conquered new markets, and has created a vol- ume of exports which has surpassed imagination. Under the Dingley tariff labor has been fully employed, wages have risen, and all industries have revived and prospered. We firmly established the gold standard which was then men- The Platform of the Republican Party. 25 aced with destruction. Confidence returned to business, and with confidence an unexampled prosperity. REVENUES. For deficient revenues, supplemented by improvident issues of bonds, we gave the country an income which produced a large surplus and which enabled us only four years after the Spanish war had closed to remove over $100,000,000 of annual war taxes, reduce the public debt, and lower the interest charges of the gov- ernment. THE PUBLIC CREDIT RESTORED. The public credit, which had been so lowered that in time of peace a Democratic administration made large loans at extrav- agant rates of interest in order to pay current expenditures, rose under Republican administration to its highest point and enabled us to borrow at 2 per cent, even in time of war. CUBA. We refused to palter longer with the miseries of Cuba. We fought a quick and victorious war with Spain. We set Cuba free, governed the Island for three years, and then gave it to the Cuban people with order restored, with ample revenues, w r ith edu- cation and public health established, free from debt, and connected with the United States by wise provisions for our mutual interests. PORTO RICO. We have organized the government of Porto Rico, and its peo- ple now enjoy peace, freedom, order, and prosperity. THE PHILIPPINES. In the Philippines we have suppressed insurrection, established order, and given to life and property a security never known there before. We have organized civil government, made it effective and strong in administration, and have conferred upon the peo- ple of those islands the largest civil liberty they have ever enjoyed. By our possession of the Philippines we were enabled to take prompt and effective action in the relief of the legations at Peking and a. decisive part in preventing the partition and preserving the integrity of China. THE ISTHMIAN CANAL. The possession of a route for an isthmian canal, so long the dream of American statesmanship, is now an accomplished fact. The great work of connecting the Pacific and Atlantic by a canal is at last begun, and it is due to the Republican party. THE ARID LANDS. We have passed the laws which will bring the arid lands of the United States within the area of cultivation. THE ARMY AND NAVY. We have reorganized the army and put it in the highest state of efficiency. 26 The Platform of the Republican Party. We have passed laws for the improvement and support of the militia. We have pushed forward building of the navy, the defense and protection of our honor and our interests. Our administration of the great departments of the government has been honest and efficient, and wherever wrong-doing has been discovered, the Republican administration has not hesitated to probe the evil and bring offenders to justice without regard to party or political ties. THE GREAT CORPORATIONS. Laws enacted by the Republican party which the Democratic party failed to enforce and which were intended for the protec- tion of the public against the unjust discrimination or the illegal encroachment of vast aggregations of capital, have been fearlessly enforced by a Republican President, and new laws insuring rea- sonable publicity as to the operations of great corporations, and providing additional remedies for the prevention of discrimina- tion in freight rates, have been passed by a Republican Congress. In this record of achievement during the past eight years may be read the pledges which the Republican party has fulfilled. We promise to continue these policies, and we declare our constant adherence to the following principles: PROTECTION TO AMERICAN INDUSTRIES. Protection which guards and develops our industries, is a car- dinal policy of the Republican party. The measure of protec- tion should always at least equal the difference in the cost of production at home and abroad. We insist upon the maintenance of the principle of protection, and, therefore, rates of duty should be readjusted only when conditions have so changed that the pub- lic interest demands their alteration, but this work cannot safely be committed to any other hands than those of the Republican party. To intrust it to the Democratic party is to invite disas- ter. Whether, as in 1892, the Democratic party declares the pro- tective tariff unconstitutional, or whether it demands tariff re- form or tariff revision, its real object is always the destruction of the protective system. However specious the name, the pur- pose is ever the same. A Democratic tariff has always been fol- lowed by business adversity; a Republican tariff by business pros- perity. To a Republican Congress and a Republican President this great question can be safely intrusted. When the only free trade country among the great nations agitates a return to protec- tion, the chief protective country should not falter in maintaining it. FOREIGN MARKETS EXTENDED. We have extended widely our foreign markets, and we believe in the adoption of all practicable methods for their further ex- tension, including commercial reciprocity wherever reciprocal ar- rangements can be effected consistent with the principles of pro- The Platform of the Republican Party. 27 tection and without injury to American agriculture, American labor, or any American industry. THE GOLD STANDARD. We believe it to be the duty of the Republican party to uphold the gold standard and the integrity and value of our national currency. The maintenance of the gold standard, established by the Republican party, cannot safely be committed to the Demo- cratic party, which resisted its adoption and has never given any proof since that time of belief in it or fidelity to it. AMERICAN SHIPPING. While every other industry has prospered under the fostering aid of Republican legislation, American shipping engaged in for- eign trade in competition with the low cost of construction, low wages, and heavy sudsidies of foreign governments, has not for many years received from the government of the United States adequate encouragement of any kind. We therefore favor leg- islation which will encourage and build lip the American mer- chant marine, and we cordially approve the legislation of the last Congress which created the Merchant Marine Commission to in- vestigate and report upon this subject. A navy powerful enough to defend the United States against any attack, to uphold the Monroe doctrine, and watch over our com- merce, is essential for the safety and the welfare of the Ameri- can people. To maintain such a navy is the fixed policy of the Republican party. CHINESE LABOR. We cordially approve the attitude of President Roosevelt and Congress in regard to the exclusion of Chinese labor, and promise a continuance of the Republican policy in that direction. CIVIL SERVICE. The civil-service law was placed on the statute books by the Republican party, which has always sustained it, and we renew our former declarations that it shall be thoroughly and honestly enforced. THE SOLDIERS AND SAILORS. We are always mindful of the country's debt to the soldiers and sailors of the United States, and we believe in making ample pro- vision for them and in the liberal administration of the pension laws. ARBITRATION. We favor the peaceful settlement of international differences by arbitration. PROTECTION OF CITIZENS ABROAD. We commend the vigorous efforts made by the administration to protect American citizens in foreign lands, and pledge our- selves to insist upon the just and equal protection of all our citizens 28 The Platform of the Republican Party. abroad. It is the unquestioned duty of the government to pro- cure for all our citizens, without distinction, the rights of travel and sojourn in friendly countries, and we declare ourselves in favor of all proper efforts tending to that end. THE ORIENT. Our great interests and our growing commerce in the Orient render the condition of China of high importance to the United States. We cordially commend the policy pursued in that direc- tion by the administration of President McKinley and President Roosevelt. THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. We favor such Congressional action as shall determine whether by special discriminations the elective franchise in any State has been unconstitutionally limited, and, if such is the case, we de- mand that representation in Congress and in the electoral col- leges shall be proportionally reduced as directed by the Constitu- tion of the United States. COMBINATIONS OF CAPITAL AND OF LABOR. Combinations of capital and of labor are the results of the eco- nomic movement of the age, but neither can be permitted to in- fringe upon the rights and interests of the people. Such com- binations, when lawfully formed for lawful purposes, are alike en- titled to the protection of the laws, but both are subject to the laws and neither can be permitted to break them. OUR LAMENTED PRESIDENT. The great statesman and patriotic American, William McKin- ley, who was re-elected by the Republican party to the Presidency four years ago, was assassinated just at the threshold of his sec- ond term. The entire nation mourned his untimely death and did that justice to his great qualities of mind and character which history will confirm and repeat. PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT. The American people were fortunate in his successor, to whom they turned with a trust and confidence which have been fully justified. President Roosevelt brought to the great responsibili- ties thus sadly forced upon him a clear head, a brave heart, an earnest patriotism, and high ideals of public duty and public serv- ice. True to the principles of the Republican party and to the policies which that party had declared, he has also shown him- self ready for every emergency and has met new and vital ques- tions with ability and with success. The confidence of the people in his juctice, inspired by his pub- lic career, enabled him to render personally an inestimable service to the country by bringing about a settlement of the coal strike, which threatened such disastrous results at the opening of winter in 1902. The Platform of the Republican Party. 29 Our foreign policy under his administration has not only been able, vigorous, and dignified, but in the highest degree successful. The complicated questions which arose in Venezuela were set- tled in such a way by President Roosevelt, that the Monroe doc- trine was signally vindicated and the cause of peace and arbitra- tion greatly advanced. His prompt and vigorous action in Panama, which we com- mend in the highest terms, not only secured to us the canal route, but avoided foreign complications which might have been of a very serious character. He has continued the policy of President McKinley in the Orient, and our position in China, signalized by our recent commercial treaty with that empire, has never been so high. He secured the tribunal by which the vexed and perilous ques- tion of the Alaskan boundary was finally settled. Whenever crimes against humanity have been perpetrated which have shocked our people, his protest has been made, and our good offices have been tendered, but always with due regard to inter- national obligations. Under his guidance we find ourselves at peace with all the world, and never were we more respected or our wishes more regarded by foreign nations. Pre-eminently successful in regard to our foreign relations, he has been equally fortunate in dealing with domestic questions. The country has known that the public credit and the national currency were absolutely safe in the hands of his administration. In the enforcement of the laws he has shown not only courage, but the wisdom which understands that to permit laws to be violated or disregarded opens the door to anarchy, while the just enforce- ment of the law is the soundest conservatism. He has held firmly to the fundamental American doctrine that all men must obey the law; that there must be no distinction between rich and poor, between strong and weak, but that justice and equal protection under the law must be secured to every citizen without regard to race, creed, or condition. His administration has been throughout vigorous and honor- able, high-minded and patriotic. We commend it without reserva- tion to the considerate judgment of the American people. NOTIFICATION ADDRESS OF HON. CHAMP CLARK, OF MISSOURI, DELIVERED AT ESOPUS, AUG. 10TH, 1904. Judge Parker: The most momentous political performance known among men is the quadrennial election of an American President. The supreme executive power of 80,000,000 free peo- ple changes hands with simplest ceremony and most perfect or- der. While the contest for votes is waged with earnestness and enthusiasm — sometimes with much heat and with much bitterness — the ready acceptance of the result by the defeated is the surest augury of the perpetuity of our institutions. Presidents come and Presidents go; but the great Republic — freighted w r ith the hopes of the human race for liberty — goes on forever. All history proves that a Government bottomed on popular suf- frage is a Government by party. Experience shows that he serves his party best who serves his country best. The names most fondly cherished are those of men who unselfishly devoted their time, their energies, their talents, their fortunes and their lives to the pro- motion of the public weal. Stronger incentive to high and pa- triotic endeavor no man hath than to stand through all the ages in that goodly company. Out of the strong debates and profound deliberation of the St. Louis convention emerged a reunited party, which goes forth con- quering and to conquer. The flower of the Democracy assem- bled there to consult on the state of the country and to take meas- ures for restoring the Government to the principles enunciated by the Fathers, from which it has drifted far in these latter days. AN UNTRAMMELLED CONVENTION. Every phase of Democratic opinion was represented and advo- cated by brave, honest and able champions in that great conclave of free and patriotic men. The St. Louis Convention carried out no cut-and-dried programme; its delegates were not mere autom- atons or marionettes moving and talking when strings were pulled by one man. Speech and action were absolutely free and the great debates which took place there will constitute part of the per- manent political literature of the country. No effort was made to gag or bridle any one. If a delegate had a pet idea which lie wished to exploit he was given an adequate and respectful hear- ing before either the platform committee or the entire conven- tion. Every man had his say. To none was opportunity denied. Out of it all there grew such unity as encourages lovers of liberty and of pure government everywhere. Notification Address of Hon. Champ Clark. 31 To serve the whole American people without discrimination, faithfully and well ; to distribute the benefits of the Federal Gov- ernment impartially to all our citizens; to lighten the burdens of Government by reducing taxation to the minimum and by rigid economy in the public service; to administer the powers conferred by the Constitution justly, wisely, fearlessly, vigorously and pa- triotically without diminution or usurpation; to maintain free- dom of thought, freedom of speech and freedom of the press; to promote the sacred cause of human freedom everywhere by the wholesomeness of our example; to vindicate and glorify the the- ory and the practice of representative government; to secure its blessings to our posterity for all time — these always have been, .are, and forever must be the aims and purposes of Democrats. These aims and purposes of the Democracy have been carefully, clearly and comprehensively set forth in the declaration of prin- ciples which was unanimously reported to the St, Louis Conven- tion in July last by the platform committee after more than sixteen hours spent in its consideration, in which every great live issue is frankly, boldly and fully discussed, and which was unanimously and enthusiastically adopted by the convention, composed of del- egates from every constituency under our flag. There was a splendid array of Presidential candidates before the St. Louis convention, supported by loyal friends and ardent admirers. An unusually large number of men were placed in nomination for the greatly coveted honor. THE CONVENTION'S CHOICE. You were chosen with such enthusiasm as foretells success. Having, on the only ballot, received the two-thirds majority in- dispensable by Democratic usage, your nomination was made unan- imous with the heartiest approval of all your illustrious compet- itors. "Absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics/' has ever been a cardinal tenet of Democracy, and the signs of the times indicate that you will be supported at the polls by the Democratic host with the same una- nimity with which you were nominated. The hope is not too extravagant for entertainment that in this campaign our candidates will have the support not only of every Democrat in the land, but also of every voter by whatever political name called who believes that the Constitution of the United States is a living reality, and that it is binding equally on high and low, great and small, public official and private citizen. They will also be supported, let us hope, by all men, without regard to po- litical affiliations, who favor maintaining the lines of demarca- tion between the Legislative, Judicial and Executive departments of the Government, the separation of which has been generally conceded to be the wisest, most salutary and most dif- ficult achievement of the masterful statesmen who framed the Constitution. It is believed and hoped that, when President, you will use every legitimate influence at your com- 32 Notification Address of Hon. Champ Clark. mand to restore and preserve the just and healthful equilibrium among the departments established by the Constitution. The most marked characteristics of the bulk of the American people are reverence for the Constitution and obedience to law. Your long and conspicuous career as a jurist in one of the high- est courts in the world — the period which you have spent in ex- pounding constitutions and statutes — causes your countrymen to believe that into that more exalted position to which they are about to call you, you will carry with you that profound respect for the Constitution and the law which with you has become a confirmed mental habit, and upon which depends the perpetuity of our sys- tem of government — the best ever devised by the wit of man — a system whose beneficent results have made us the most puissant nation on the whole face of the earth. THE PARTY'S STANDARD BEARER. Into your hands the great historic party of constitutional gov- ernment has committed its standard with abiding faith in your courage, your integrity, your honor, your capacity, and your pa- triotism, believing that under your leadership we will achieve a signal victory ; hoping that your administration will be such a for- tunate, such a happy epoch in our annals as to mark the begin- ning of a long era of Democratic ascendency and that you will so discharge the duties of your high office as to rank in history with the greatest and 'best beloved of American Presidents. The convention, according to Democratic custom, appointed a committee of which it did me the honor to make me chairman — for which I am deeply grateful — to convey to you official informa- tion of your selection as the Democratic nominee for President of the United States. Speaking for the committee, with pleasure I hand you this formal notification of your nomination, together with a copy of the platform unanimously adopted by the convention. In its name and by its authority I have the honor to request you to accept the nomination unanimously bestowed. May the nomination find fruition in election! May the God of our fathers guide, protect and bless you, both as a candidate and as Chief Magistrate of the Eepublic ! ADDRESS OF ACCEPTANCE OF ALTON BROOKS PARKER, AT ESOPUS, NEW YORK, AUGUST 10, 1904. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: I have resigned the office of Chief Judge of the Court of Ap- peals of this State in order that I may accept the responsibility that the great convention you represent has put upon me, without possible prejudice to the court to which I had the honor to belong, or to the eminent members of the judiciary of this State, of whom I may now say as a private citizen I am justly proud. At the very threshold of this response and before dealing with other subjects, I must, in justice to myself and to relieve my sense of gratitude, express my profound appreciation of the confidence reposed in me by the convention. After nominating me and sub- sequently receiving a communication declaring that I regarded the gold standard as firmly and irrevocably established, a matter concerning which I felt it incumbent upon me to make known my attitude so that hereafter no man could justly say that his sup- port had been secured through indirection or mistake, the con- vention reiterated its determination that I should be the standard- bearer of the party in the present contest. This mark of trust and confidence I shall ever esteem as the highest honor that could be conferred upon me — an honor that, whatever may be the fate of the campaign, the future can in no degree lessen or impair. THE PRINCIPLES OF THOMAS JEFFERSON. The admirable platform upon which the party appeals to the country for its confidence and support clearly states the principles which were so well condensed in the first inaugural address of President Jefferson, and points out with force and directness the course to be pursued through their proper application in order to insure needed reforms in both the legislative and administrative departments of the government. While unhesitating in its prom- ise to correct abuses and to right wrongs wherever they appear or however caused; to investigate the several administrative depart- ments of the government, the conduct of whose officials has created scandals, and to punish those who have been guilty of a breach of their trust; to oppose the granting of special privileges by which the few may profit at the expense of the many ; to practise economy in the expenditure of the moneys of the people, and to that end to return once more to the methods of the founders of the republic by observing in disbursing the public funds the care and caution a prudent individual observes with respect to his own; still the spirit of the platform assures conservative, instead of rash ac- tion ; the protection of the innocent, as well as the punishment of the guilty; the encouragement of industry, economy and thrift; 34 Address of Acceptance of Alton Brooks Parker. the protection of property and a guarantee of the enforcement for the benefit of all of man's inalienable rights, among which, as said in the Declaration of Independence, are "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." Liberty, as understood in this country, means not only the right of freedom from actual servitude, im- prisonment or restraint, but the right of one to use his faculties in all lawful ways, to live and work where he will and to pursue any lawful trade or business. These essential rights of life, liberty and property are not only guaranteed to the citizen by the Constitution of each of the several States, but the States are by the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States forbidden to deprive any person of any one of them without due process of law. GOVERNMENT BY CONSTITUTION. Occasionally, by reason of unnecessary or impatient agitation for reforms, or because the limitations placed upon the depart- ments of government by the Constitution are disregarded by offi- cials desiring to accomplish that which to them seems good, whether the power exists in them or not, it becomes desirable to call attention to the fact that the people, in whom all power re- sides, have seen fit, through the medium of the Constitution, to limit the governmental powers conferred and to say to departments created by it : "Thus far shalt thou go and no farther." To secure the ends sought the people have by the Constitution separated and distributed among the three departments of government — the executive, legislative and judicial — certain powers, and it is the duty of those administering each department so to act as to pre- serve, rather than to destroy, the potency of the co-ordinate branches of the government, and thus secure the exercise of all the powers conferred by the people. Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to William C. Jarvis, touching the perpetuity of our institutions, written many years after he had retired to private life, said : "If the three powers of our govern- ment maintain their mutual independence of each other, it may last long, but not so if either can assume the authority of the other." It must be confessed that in the course of our history executives have employed powers not belonging to them; statutes have been passed that were expressly forbidden by the Constitution and statutes have been set aside as unconstitutional when it was difficult to point out the provision said to be offended against in their enactment; all this has been done with a good purpose, no doubt, but in disregard, nevertheless, of the fact that ours is a government of laws, not of men, deriving its "just powers from the consent of the governed." If we would have our government continue during the ages to come, for the benefit of those who shall succeed us, we must ever be on our guard against the danger of usurpation of that authority which' resides in the whole people, whether the usurpation be by officials representing one of the Address of Acceptance of Alton Brooks Parker. 35 three great departments of government, or by a body of men act- ing without a commission from the people. Impatience of the restraints of law, as well as of its delays, is becoming more and more manifest from day to day. Within the past few years many instances have been brought to our attention, where in different parts of our beloved country supposed criminals have been seized and punished by a mob, notwithstanding the fact that the Constitution of each State guarantees to every person within its jurisdiction that his life, his liberty or his property shall not be taken from him without due process of law. In a struggle between employers and employees, dynamite is said to have been used by the latter, resulting in the loss of life and the destruction of property. The perpetrators of this offence against the laws of God and man, and all others engaged in the conspiracy with them, should, after due trial and conviction, have had meted out to them the most rigorous punishment known to the law. This crime, added perhaps to others, led to the forma- tion of a committee of citizens that, with the support of the mili- tary authority, deports from the State, without trial, persons sus- pected of belonging to the organization of which the perpetrators of the dynamite outrages were supposed to be members. In both cases the reign of law gave way to the reign of force. These Illus- trations present some evidence of the failure of government to protect the citizen and his property, which not only justified the action of your convention in this regard, but made it its duty to call attention to the fact that constitutional guarantees are violated whenever any citizen is denied the right to labor, to acquire and to enjoy property, or to reside where his interests or inclination may determine; and the fulfillment of the assurance to rebuke and punish all denials of these rights, whether brought about by individuals or government agencies, should be enforced by every official and supported by every citizen. The essence of good gov- ernment lies in strict observance of constitutional limitations, en- forcement of law and order and rugged opposition to all encroach- ment upon the sovereignty of the people. The foregoing suggestions but emphasize the distinction which exists between our own and many other forms of government. It has been well said, in substance, that there are but two powers in government, one the power of the sword, sustained by the hand that wields it, and the other the power of the law, sustained by an enlightened public sentiment. The difference in these powers is the difference between a republic — such as ours, based on law and a written constitution, supported by intelligence, virtue and patriotism — and a monarchy — sustained by force exerted by an individual, uncontrolled by laws other than those made or sanc- tioned by him; one represents Constitutionalism, the other Im- perialism. THE TARIFF. The present tariff law is unjust in its operation, excessive in 36 Address of Acceptance of Alton Brooks Parker. many of its rates and so framed in particular instances as to exact inordinate profits from the people. So well understood has this view become that many prominent members of the Eepublican party, and at least two of its State conventions, have dared to voice the general sentiment on that subject. That party seems, however, to be collectively able to harmonize only upon a plank that admits that revision may from time to time be necessary, but it is so phrased that it is expected to be satisfactory to those in favor of an increase of duty, to those who favor a reduction thereof, and to those opposed to any change whatever. Judged by the record of performance, rather than that of prom- ise, on the part of that party in the past, it would seem as if the outcome, in the event of its success, would be to gratify the latter class. With absolute control of both the legislative and executive departments of the government since March 4, 1897, there has been neither reduction nor an attempt at reduction in tariff duties. It is not unreasonable to assume, in the light of that record, that a future Congress of that party will not undertake a revision of the tariff downward in the event that it shall receive an endorse- ment of its past course on that subject by the people. It is a fact and should be frankly conceded that though our party be success- ful in the coming contest we cannot hope to secure a majority in the Senate during the next four years, and hence we shall be un- able to secure any modification in the tariff save that to which the Eepublican majority in the Senate may consent. While, there- fore, we are unable to give assurances of relief to the people from such excessive duties as burden them, it is due to them that we state our position to be in favor of a reasonable reduction of the tariff; that we believe it is demanded by the best interests of both manufacturer and consumer, and that a wise and beneficent re- vision of the tariff can be accomplished as soon as both branches of Congress and an executive in favor of it are elected, without creating that sense of uncertainty and instability that has on other occasions manifested itself. This can be achieved by providing that such a reasonable period shall intervene, between the date of the enactment of the statute making a revision and the date of its enforcement, as shall be deemed sufficient for the industry or busi- ness affected by such revision to adjust itself to the changes and new conditions imposed. So confident am I in the belief that the demand of the people for a reform of the tariff is just, that I indulge the hope that should a Democratic House of Representa- tives and a Democratic executive be chosen by the people, even a Republican Senate may heed the warning and consent to give at least some measure of relief to the people. THE TRUSTS. The combinations, popularly called trusts, which aim to secure a monoply of trade in the necessaries of life as well as in those things that are employed upon the farm, in the factory and in many other fields of industry, have been encouraged and stimu- Address of Acceptance of Alton Brooks Parker. 37 lated by excessive tariff duties. These operate to furnish a sub- stantial market in the necessities of eighty millions of people, by practically excluding competition. With so large a market and highly remunerative prices continuing long after the line of pos- sible competition would naturally be reached, the temptation of all engaged in the same business to combine so as to prevent com- petition at home and a resulting reduction of prices, has proved irresistible in a number of cases. All men must agree that the net result of enacting laws that foster such inequitable conditions is most unfortunate for the people as a whole, and it would seem as if all ought to agree that the effective remedy would be to ap- propriately modify the offending law. The growth of monopoly, of which complaint is justly made, cannot be laid at the doors of the courts of this country. The decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, the Court of Appeals of this State and the courts of last resort in many other States, warrant the assertion that the common law as developed affords a complete legal remedy against monopolies. The fact that they have multiplied in num- ber and increased in power has been due, not to the failure of the courts to apply the law when properly moved by administrative officials or private individuals, but to the failure of officials charged with the duty of enforcing the law to take the necessary procedure to procure the judgments of the courts in the appropri- ate jurisdiction, coupled with the fact that the legislative depart- ments of some of our State governments, as well as Congress, in the manner already referred to, have, by legislation, encouraged their propagation. What is needed — in addition to the passage of a statute revising the tariff duties to a reasonable basis — is not so much other and different laws, as officials having both the dis- position and the courage to enforce existing law. While this is my view of the scope of the common law, if it should be made to appear that it is a mistaken one, then I favor such further legis- lation within constitutional limitations as will give the people a just and full measure of protection. SELF-GOVERNMENT FOR THE PHILIPPINES. It is difficult to understand how any citizen of the United States, much less a descendant of Revolutionary stock, can tolerate the thought of permanently denying the right of self-government* to the Filipinos. Can we hope to instill into the minds of our descendants reverence and devotion for a government by the people, while denying ultimately that right to the inhabitants of distant countries, whose territory we have acquired either by purchase or by force ? Can we say to the Filipinos, "Your lives, your liberty and your property may be taken from you without due process of law for all time," and expect we will long glory in that feature of Magna Charta, which has become incorporated, in substance *In a letter published in the press Judge Parker subsequently stated that he used the term self-government as equivalent to independence. 38 Address of Acceptance of Alton Brooks Parker. and effect, into the Constitution of every State, as well as into the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution of the United States ? Can we hope for the respect of the civilized world, while proudly guaranteeing to every citizen of the United States that no law shall be made or enforced which shall abridge the privileges or im- munities of citizens of the United States, or deny to any person the equal protection of the laws, and at the same time not only deny similar rights to the inhabitants of the Philippines, but take away from them the right of trial by jury, and place their lives and the disposition of their property in the keeping of those whom we send to them to be their governors? We shall certainly rue it as a nation if we make any such attempt. Viewing the question even from the standpoint of national selfishness, there is no pros- pect that the twenty millions of dollars expended in the purchase of the islands and the six hundred and fifty millions said to have been since disbursed will ever come back to us. The accident of war brought the Philippines into our possession and we are not at liberty to disregard the responsibility which thus came to us, but that responsibility will be best subserved by preparing the islanders as rapidly as possible for self-government and giving to them the assurances that it will come as soon as they are reason- ably prepared for it. There need be no fear that the assertion so often made of late, that we have now become a world power, will then be without support. Ours is a world power, and as such it must be maintained, but I deny that it is at all recently that the United States has attained that eminence. THE FOUNDATION OF WORLD POWER. Our country became a world power over a century ago, when, having thrown off foreign domination, the people established a free government, the source of whose authority sprung, and was continuously to proceed, from the will of the people themselves. It grew as a world power as its sturdy citizens, to whose natural increase were added immigrants from the Old World seeking to obtain here the liberty and prosperity denied them in their own countries, spread over the face of the land, reduced the prairies and forests to cultivation, built cities, constructed highways and railroads, till now a nation, which at the formation of the govern- ment numbered only three millions in population, has become eighty millions, and from ocean to ocean and the lakes to the gulf the country is the abode of a free and prosperous people, advanced in the highest degree in the learning and arts of civilization. It is the liberty, the advancement and the prosperity of its citizens, not any career of conquest, that make the country a world power. This condition we owe to the bounty of Providence, unfolded in the great natural resources of the country, to the wisdom of our fathers manifested in the form of government established by them, to the energy, industry, moral character and law-abiding spirit of the people themselves. Address of Acceptance of Alton Brooks Parker. 39 MILITARISM UN-AMERICAN. We are not a military people, bent on conquest, or engaged in extending our domains in foreign lands, or desirous of securing natural advantages, however great, by force; but a people loving peace, not only for ourselves, but for all the nations of the earth. The display of great military armaments may please the eye, and, for the moment, excite the pride of the citizen, but it cannot bring to the country the brains, brawn and muscle of a single im- migrant, nor induce the investment here of a dollar of capital. Of course such armament as may be necessary for the security of the country and the protection of the rights of its citizens, at home or abroad, must be maintained. Any other course would be not only false economy, but pusillanimous. I protest, however, against the feeling, now far too prevalent, that by reason of the commanding position we have assumed in the world, we must take part in the dis- putes and broils of foreign countries; and that because we have grown great we should intervene in every important question that arises in other parts of the world. I also protest against the erec- tion of any such military establishment as would be required to maintain the country in that attitude. We should confine our in- ternational activities solely to matters in which the rights of the country or of our citizens are directly involved. That is not a situation of isolation, but of independence. The government of the United States was organized solely for the people of the United States. While it was contemplated that this country should become a refuge for the oppressed of every land who might be fit to discharge the duties of our citizenship, and while we have always sympathized with the people of every nation, in their struggles for self-government, the government was npi^created for a career of political or civilizing evangelization in oreign countries or among alien races. The most efficient work we can do in uplifting the people of other countries is by the pres- entation of a happy, prosperous, self-governing nation as an ideal to be emulated, a model to be followed. The general occupation of our citizens in the arts of peace, or the absence of large military armaments, tends to impair neither patriotism nor physical cour- age, and for the truth of this I refer the young men of to-day to the history of the Civil War. For fifty years, with the exception of the war with Mexico, this country had been at peace, with a standing army most of the time of less than ten thousand men. He who thinks that the nation had grown effeminate during that period should read the casualty rolls of the armies on either side at Shiloh, Antietam, Fredericksburg and Gettysburg, at Stone River and Chickamauga. I would be the last man to pluck a single • laurel from the crown of any one of the military heroes to whom this country owes so much, but I insist that their most heroic deeds proceeded infinitely more from devotion to the country than from martial spirit. As I have already proceeded at too great length, other questions suggested in the platform must await my letter of acceptance. 40 Address of Acceptance of Alton Brooks Parker. Mr. Chairman : In most graceful speech you have reminded me of the great responsibility, as well as the great honor of the nomina- tion bestowed upon me by the convention you represent this day. Be assured that both are appreciated — so keenly appreciated that I am humbled in their presence. NO SECOND CANDIDACY. I accept, gentlemen of the committee, the nomination, and if the action of the convention shall be endorsed by an election by the peo- ple, I will, God helping me, give to the discharge of the duties of that exalted office the best service of which I am capable, and at the end of the term retire to private life. I shall not be a candidate for nor shall I accept a renomination. Several reasons might be ad- vanced for this position, but the controlling one with me is that I am fully persuaded that no incumbent of that office should ever be placed in a situation of possible temptation to consider what the effect of action taken by him in an administrative matter of great importance might have upon his political fortunes. Questions of momentous consequence to all of the people have been in the past and will be in the future presented to the President for determina- tion, and in approaching their consideration, as well as in weighing the facts and the arguments bearing upon them, he should be un- embarrassed by any possible thought of the influence his decision may have upon anything whatever that may affect him personally. I make this statement, not in criticism of any of our Presidents from Washington down who have either held the office for two terms or sought to succeed themselves; for strong arguments can be advanced in support of the re-election of a President. It is sim- ply my judgment that the interests of this country are now so vast and the questions presented are frequently of such overpower- ing magnitude to the people that it is indispensable to the main- tenance of a befitting attitude before the people, not only that the Chief Magistrate should be independent but that that independence should be known to all men. NOTIFICATION ADDRESS OF HON. JOHN SHARP WILLIAMS, OF MISSISSIPPI, AT WHITE SULPHUR SPRINGS, W. VA., AUGUST 17, 1904. Mr. Davis — Sir : We have been appointed by a most notable con- vention as a committee to notify you of your nomination by the Democracy as their choice for Vice-President of the United States. We desire to express the pleasure we feel in having been selected to perform this duty, and our confidence in you, your faithfulness, honesty and wisdom. The people see in you one of the best prod- ucts of the best period of American institutions, a period whose salient characteristics were local self-government, individuality, equal opportunity and freedom — freedom to work, freedom to buy and sell, freedom to compete in industrial life, resulting in self- dependence, freedom to develop as one's own master — and not merely as the well trained and well managed industrial servant of another. They see in you what Oliver Wendell Holmes said is a rare thing, "a self-made man who is yet not proud of his maker." In a certain way the notification with which we are charged is perfunctory and unnecessary, and yet it is well to maintain by some degree of formality that respectful observance which is due to great events. The nomination by a great party to the great office to which we call you, the Vice-Presidency, carrying with it the duty of pre- siding over the Senate of the United States, and the possibility ot succession to the Presidency, is a great event. As soon as I learned that I was, by resolution of the convention, to be the mouthpiece of the committee for the performance of this pleasant task, I began to look about me in order to see how the duty had been performed by others. I found from recent performances of a similar character in the Kepublican camp that for a notification speech an historical essay is altogether the proper thing, absolutely necessary for the emergency. We shall therefore entitle our notifica- tion address, "A Brief Historical Disquisition upon Some of the Blunders of Our Ancestors, as Viewed from the Standpoint of the Wisdom of Kepublican Statesmen Who Have Embraced the Strenu- ous Life." * * * BENEVOLENT ASSIMILATION. The next great blunder in our early history consisted in their taking up arms against King George and his forces, when the lattei were actuated, as they themselves confessed, only by the kindest designs of "benevolently assimilating" to themselves our resources and our opportunities. You, sir, who have a Republican son-in- law, and, therefore, possess culture by affinity at least, will hardly 42 Notification Address of Hon. John Sharp Williams. believe that our ancestors were stupid enough to fight against the principles which we so frankly recognize in the Philippines, viz., that it is perfectly right, self -evidently proper, for a flag to cover and emblemize two entirely different sorts of government, one for ourselves "at home," protecting individual, civil and political lib- erty, and pretending to furnish full and equal opportunities for in- dustrial development; and another for others "in the colonies" — absolute and discretionary in its character and avvvwedly limiting industrial development there by the necessities of commercial ex- ploitation for the benefit of the "home" merchant and the "home" manufacturer. We know now, of course, that all our ancestors' talk about "in- alienable rights" of self-government, "no taxation without repre- sentation," habeas corpus and right of trial by jury, freedom of the press, freedom of speech, and freedom of assembly, were only a pre- text resorted to by ranting "insurgents" in order to throw off the "civilizing influences" of the best government which the world had that far witnessed. We have not been stupid enough to confine to mere words of apology for this mistake in our history; we have apologized by deeds of confession; it seems strange that we could, as a people, have prospered, industrially and otherwise, as we have prospered, so marvelously, sir, in all our history, both as colonies and as States, in spite of the monstrous error — this unholy rebel- lion. * * * CUSTOM HOUSES AS PROMOTERS OF COMMERCE. The next great historical blunder, in spite of which, strange to say, we have, as I cannot too often repeat, prospered right along in every step of our history, with now and then a temporary drop- back, was the immolation by our ancestors of the nation's industrial- ism upon the altar of free trade within the common domain, not- withstanding . already existing State lines furnished convenient place, opportunity and temptation to establish custom houses — those potent encouragers of commerce. What we ought to have fought for during colonial days was a high protective tariff to keep British products out of the American market, and another high protective tariff to keep American products out of the British mar- ket; thus enriching both Britain and America. Then, after we had accomplished our independence and each State had become a sepa- rate sovereignty, South Carolina ought to have protected herself against Pennsylvania and New England. Pennsylvania ought to have seen to it that a line of custom houses prevented the invasion of her sacred soil by the products of the Jerseyman, the Marylander and the Delawarean. We ought to have encouraged interstate trade by stopping it as much as possible, thus pursuing in that regard the enlightened policy which prevails in regard to our international trade. Then, after forming the present Union, the Constitution itself ought to have prescribed to the States "mutual protection, by mutual taxation, and consequent universal prosperity." What an enormously rich country the little State of Rhode Island Notification Address of Hon. John Sharp Williams. 43 would have been now but for the influx of the cotton raised by the pauper labor of South Carolina and Georgia, slave labor for a long time, and therefore worse than pauper labor! How rich Florida would have been if, instead of raising pineapples and oranges and such products as an unreasoning sun seems to recommend, she had kept the rye and barley and wheat and woollen goods of the North- ern States out of her confines and had "created," at some little ex- pense to her people, it is true, but still, with much pride and self- gratification, purely "Floridian industries" of these and all other things ! Each community on the surface of the earth, sir, should "raise everything and make everything which it possibly can," re- gardless of the cost to its people of making and raising it, and if they will not make and raise everything of their own accord, then the people ought to be taxed, until somebody consents to accept the profits of newly created industries for the altruistic purpose of giv- ing them away to American, Polish, Hungarian, and other labor. I have known people foolish enough to answer that if New Jersey had "created" a great New Jersey banana industry, we will say (because bananas could be easily raised there under glass and in forcing beds), it would have made bananas very much more costly than common people would like, and that perhaps it is better for New Jersey to raise potatoes and peaches, and manufacture vari- ous things naturally profitable, and, with the profits of capital and labor thus prebeianly employed, buy bananas. But the men who say that, of course, are lacking in patriotism — "a cheap banana makes a cheap man," and we hurl foul scorn at those who are so lacking in self-dependence as not to be willing to pay whatever is necessary to be paid out of the pockets of consumers in order to pre- vent the pauper banana, raised by pauper labor, grown on pauper soil, nourished by pauper sunshine — vile foreigner, as it is — from invading New Jersey. I know there are a lot of old-fashioned, out-of-date people, prin- cipally Democrats, who say that the watchword of industrial prog- ress among communities is not isolation and independence of pro- ductivity, but reciprocity and interdependence ; that isolation leads to feelings of estrangement and enmity among the people ; that in- dustrial interdependence constitutes a sort of world-effective bond to keep the peace. I need not stop to tell you that such men are "mere theorists." One of them might be granted plenary power for a thousand years, and at the end of that period would not have given any change of occupation to such capitalists and workingmen in Maine as are, or might be made to be, desirous of raising sun- kissed plants. The base Cobdenite would leave the workingmen of Maine and New Jersey "unprotected," to devote their labor self- ishly to other things, merely because the cultivation or manufacture of these other things is naturally more profitable. * * * THE EVOLVED TRUSTS. That reminds me of another blunder of our ancestors, both under the common law in Great Britain and in the United States. They 44 Notification Address of Hon. John Sharp Williams. seem to have entertained a notion that combinations in restraint of trade, seeking monopoly and throttling competition, are in some way adverse to the development of individuality, and somehow poison the life of trade. They went so far as to contend that the highest object of man's existence is not to be well managed, even at a living money profit to himself, but that it is to learn to manage himself well. We know now that combinations of corporations seeking with the power of monopoly the resultant power of robbing consumers by raising prices to an extortionate figure, under the shelter of tariff laws, shutting out foreign competitors, and seeking the further resultant power to bear down the price to be paid to the farmer raising the raw material; and seeking the yet further re- sultant power to regulate wages, by reason of the fact that the workingman has nowhere else to go to get work except to the con- cerns in the combination — are, on the whole, beneficial institutions in a free republic of self-governing men. They may appear to be doing some harm, may appear at first blush, indeed, to be blocking that broad opportunity for individual effort, which you enjoyed, sir, when you advanced in a lifetime from the position of a brake- man on a train to that of a leader of men as a railroad and indus- trial captain, and which many a country merchant, become now a merchant prince, also once enjoyed. These are only phenomenal, however — mere outward seemings. Sir, there is hope for the republic as long as it continues to move forward in the tried ways of the Old World, divorcing itself from outgrown American landmarks. That we are moving and divorcing there is no doubt. Standing now in the dawn of the twentieth century; having forbidden the reading the Declaration of Inde- pendence in a part of the country's domain; with courts ready to decide that the Constitution is not a written letter to be read and obeyed, but a dancing panorama, "changing itself to suit changing conditions;" having put our foot down, wisely and firmly, upon freedom of speech and freedom of assembly, and freedom of the press in Colorado, and those "appurtenant-appendages," where freedom of speech, press and assembly might be awkward for us; having joined the holy alliance of land grabbing nationalities; having discovered that God's command against robbery and theft does not apply to men in the aggregate, acting as nationalities, when robbing communities of their independence or "benevolently assimilating" their resources; amid all these reversals of historical blunders of our past, I boldly aver that we need not despair of the republic. * * * Remember, above all things, that our chief duty as citizens, but especially as rulers, is not to be "weaklings" or "cowards." A weakling, sir, is a strangely domesticated animal, who listens be- fore he acts, and who w r eighs evidence before he decides, who modestly venerates greatness — in others; who habitually prefers "piping times and peace" to the "pomp and circumstance of glori- ous war." Weaklings are "men who fear the strenuous life, the only national life that is really worth the living" — the life of Notification Address of Hon. John Sharp Williams. 45 crown-colony-eonquest, the life militant, in a word. We are getting to be as a people — your committee is glad to say — splendidly mili- tary. A nag, brass band, and a choice collection of epaulets, escorting a secretary of war to and from the depot in Washington when he augustly leaves or arrives, appeal to the higher flights of our patriotic imagination as nothing else does or can. * * * In real conclusion, Mr. Davis, it is a sincere pleasure indeed to know and to be able to help to place in high position a man of your character and sense and modesty, a man who, as the result of a life of continence, temperance, self -containment and useful- ness and honest industry, presents a picture, in virile, though ad- vanced, age, of mens sana in corpore sano, which is a delight to the eye, a satisfaction to the soul, and was taught by wise ancients to be the summum bonum of individual earthly existence. MR. DAVIS'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. AT WHITE SULPHUR SPRINGS, WEST VIRGINIA, ON AUGUST 17TH. "Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee : "The official notification which, you bring of my nomination for the Vice-Presidency of the United States, by the national De- mocracy, gives me a feeling of the sincerest gratitude to my party for the honor conferred. At the same time it brings to me a deep sense of my responsibility to my party as a candidate, and to my country in case of my election. "A spirit of determination to succeed in the campaign before us appears to pervade the rank and file of our party in all sections of the country. Of that rank and file I have for many years been a member, and have at all times devoted my humble powers to party success, believing that success to be for the country's good. Unexpectedly called as I am now to the forefront, I am impelled to an acceptance of the obligation by a sense of gratitude to my fellow-workers, and the hope that I may be able the better to assist in restoring to power that party whose principles and past history guarantee a safe, wise, economical, and constitutional administra- tion of the Government. "I find it, therefore, a great pleasure, standing here upon the borderland of the two Virginias, to receive and accept the commis- sion you bear, and to send greetings through you to the Democracy of the entire country. Is it not significant of a closer and truer brotherhood among us, that for the first time since the Civil War a nominee on the national ticket has been taken from that section of our common country that lies south of Mason and Dixon's line — a happy recognition of the obliteration of all sectional differ- ences which led to and followed that unhappy struggle ? "As introductory to the few remarks I shall make, I desire to say that I heartily endorse the platform upon which I have been nominated, and with the convention and its nominee for Presi- dent regard the present monetary standard of value as irrevocably established. UNSATISFACTORY INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS. "In the campaign preceding the last election much stress was laid by Republican speakers upon the prosperous condition of the country, and forebodings were heard of the ill results, especially to the laboring man, which would follow any change in the political complexion of the Government. It is true that the times then Mr. Davis's Speech of Acceptance. 47 were good, but it is no less a fact that, while there has been no change in the party in power, many of the evils prophesied have come under Eepublican rule. Four years ago factories, mills, mines and furnaces were in active operation, unable to supply the demand, but now many are closed, and those that are open are being operated with reduced force on short hours. Then wages were high, labor was scarce, and there was work for all. Now work is scarce, many wage-earners unemployed, and wages reduced. The apprehension which now prevails in business circles and the present unsatisfactory industrial conditions of the country seem to demand a political change. "In the language of our platform, 'the rights of labor are cer- tainly no less vested, no less sacred, and no less inalienable than the rights of capital/ The time is opportune to emphasize the truth of this utterance. The most sacred right of property is the right to possess and own one's self and the labor of one's own hands — capital itself being but stored-up labor. For years I worked in the ranks as a wage-earner, and I know what it is to earn my living in the sweat of my brow. I have always believed, and my convictions came from the hard school of experience, that, measured by the character of work he does, and the cost of living, a man is entitled to full compensation for his services. My experi- ence as a wage-earner and my association with labor have alike taught me the value of Democratic principles, for in them the humblest has the strongest security for individual right and the highest stimulus to that independence of spirit and love of self- help which produce the finest private characters and form the base of the best possible government. COMPARATIVE FINANCIAL CONDITIONS. "The receipts of the Government for the year ending June 30, 1902, the first fiscal year of the present Administration, showed a surplus over expenditures of $91,000,000, but for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1904, instead of a surplus, there was a deficit of $41,000,000. From the 1st of July, 1904, to August 10, or for about a month and a third of the present fiscal year, the ex- penditures of the Government have exceeded the receipts by $21,- 715,000. There could be no stronger evidence of the extravagance into which the Eepublican party has fallen, and no more potent argument in behalf of a change to the party whose tenets have always embraced prudence and economy in administering the peo- ple's affairs. "Our Eepublican friends are prone to refer to the great com- mercial growth of the country under their rule, and yet the census reports show that from 1850 to 1860, under Democratic rule and the Walker tariff, the percentage of increase was greater in popula- tion, wealth, manufactures and railroad mileage, the factors which affect most largely the prosperity of the country, than in any decade since. "The cost of government has largely increased under Eepubli- 48 Mr. Davis's Speech of Acceptance. can rule. The expenditures per capita for the last years respec- tively of the Administrations given, taken from the reports of the secretary of the treasury, were as follows: In 1860 under Buchanan $2 01 In 1890 under Harrison 5 77 In 1897 under Cleveland 5 10 In 1901 under McKinley 6 56 In 1904 under Roosevelt 7 10 "The Republicans now claim great consistency in their attitude upon the currency question, and the President in his recent speech of acceptance said that they know what they mean when they speak of a stable currency, 'the 'same thing from year to year/ and yet in the platforms of their party in 1884, 1888 and 1892, they fa- vored the double standard of value. In the platform of 1888 they said, 'The Republican party is in favor of the use of both gold and silver as money, and condemns the policy of the Democratic- Administration in its efforts to demonetize silver/ PRAISE OF JUDGE PARKER. "I congratulate your committee, and the constituency it repre- sents, on the selection by the delegates to the National Convention of the nominee for the Presidency. He is a man of courage, yet prudent; of high ideals, yet without pretence; of the most whole- some respect for the Constitution and the majesty of the laws under it, and a sacred regard for their limitations; of the keenest sense of justice, which would rebel against compounding a wrong to an individual or to a nation; positive in conviction, yet of few words; strong in mental and moral attributes, and yet withal modest and reserved; possessed of a sturdy constitution and mag- nificent manhood, and yet temperate in his actions and dignified in his demeanor. It is not the orator or man of letters, but the man of reserve force, of sound judgment, of conservative method and steadiness of purpose, whom the people have called to the office of the Presidency; notably in the contests between Jefferson and Burr, Jackson and Clay, Lincoln and Douglas, Grant and Greeley, Cleveland and Blaine. "Dire predictions were made by our political opponents of what would happen at the St. Louis Convention, but they misjudged the temper of the party, and the people. While there had been differences in preceding campaigns, yet at St. Louis they were all harmonized and a common ground was found upon which all could stand and do battle for Democratic principles. A platform was adopted by a unanimous vote, embracing the issues of the day, and presenting to the people a declaration of principles which, in the language of the times, is sane, safe and sound. "With a candidate whose personality appeals to the good sense and sound judgment of the American people, a platform whose principles are for the greatest good to the greatest number, and a reunited party, earnest for the restoration of good and economical Mr. Davis's Speech of Acceptance. 49 government, we should succeed, and the principles of Democracy again triumph. "1 beg my countrymen, as they value their liberty, to guard with great care the sacred right of local self-government, and to watch with a jealous eye the tendency of the times to centralize power in the hands of the few. "Mr. Chairman, it is an added pleasure to receive this notifica- tion at your hands. You have been conservative and courageous as the leader of our party in the House of Representatives, a posi- tion which few men have filled with the signal ability that you have displayed. "It will be my pleasure and duty at a time not far hence to ac- cept more formally in writing the notification which you have extended in such graceful and complimentary terms, and to give my views upon some of the important questions commanding the attention of the country." COMMENT ON JUDGE PARKER'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. (From "The Nation," August 18, 1904.) Ever since Judge Parker's telegram declaring that the Presi- dency must come to him right or he would not have it, his greatest peril has been that of an anti-climax. Could he hold the ear of the country which he had so instantaneously gained? Or would his act of bold initiative be followed by timidities of speech? His highly dramatic first appearance on the national stage made it the harder, yet the more necessary, to fix the eye of the spectators when he stepped forth a second time. But all doubts of his ability fittingly to follow up his great stroke are solved by his speech of acceptance. It is the utterance of a man who does his own think- ing, who has something to say, and who says it with the utmost frankness. The country will pronounce him a man worth listen- ing to, and will gladly hear him further. His speech is long, but not rambling, and a single conception runs through and vitalizes the whole. It is the old American con- ception of liberty under law. Not for nothing has this man been giving his mind to the study and exposition of jurisprudence. From it he has drawn that doctrine of American government which never was so much in need of being proclaimed and enforced as to-day, and which he expounds and illustrates so powerfully — the doctrine, namely, of a free people decreeing orderly liberty by law, and determining the authority while limiting the powers of those set to execute the law. Judge Parker applies it with vigor and pungency. He shows how it cuts both ways, striking alike at grasping oppression and mob violence, protecting the working- man against arbitrary deportation at the same time that it inhibits his interference with "the right to labor" which others enjoy. The growing impatience of the restraints of law has alarmed Americans who stop to think, and Judge Parker puts his finger surely upon that ailing spot. He names no names. He does not say who those executives are that have rashly done what seemed to them good, law or no law. His attitude is that of Chapman, who characterized an offender without naming him, and added: "I have stricken ; single him as you can." This same idea of law as at once bulwark and weapon, guaran- tee and remedy, Judge Parker carries into his discussion of Trusts and the tariff. He has no nostrum to offer. None of the conven- tional candidate's promise of a millennium after his election fall trippingly from his tongue. He calls simply for the enforcement of the laws we have before flying to others that we know not of. Comment on Judge Parker's Speech of Acceptance. 51 To him no way of orderly government is conceivable except due process of law. The absolutely honest way in which Judge Parker's mind works is shown by his words about the tariff. He will not promise what he knows his party cannot perform. Emphasizing the existence of gross tariff injustices, he frankly admits that the Senate will remain for a time an insuperable barrier to sweeping revision, and says that the best a Democratic House and Execu- tive could do would be to dash at the doors of the Senate with bills repealing the more flagrant tariff schedules, in the hope that an aroused public opinion would compel even that fortress of monopoly to surrender. This may be an humble tariff programme, but it honestly faces the facts as they are. The money question is treated most happily. Judge Parker re- affirms his own declaration for the irrevocable gold- standard, but does it incidentally as a part of his acknowledgment of the honor done him in nominating him with his convictions upon that sub- ject known. That is all, but that is enough. Why linger upon dead issues? The silver question is defunct. Let us turn to sub- jects in which the people take a live interest. It is a noble passage of the speech which shows how un-Ameri- « can is the tawdry militarism which the Republican party has of late been flaunting. And in speaking up so emphatically as he does in behalf of Philippine independence, Judge Parker shows how precious to him are American traditions. It is the casting away of our ideals, the stretching of our Constitution to the break- ing-point, the abhorrent thought of a free people having subject peoples, which are to Judge Parker the grievous things in our Phil- ippine delusion. The ring of indignation in his voice as he speaks of that wandering away from the true path is unmistakably honest. We happen to know that he was warned by some timid Democrats against putting such plain-spoken words in his speech, but he merely said : "Make votes or lose votes, those are my honest views, and I shall state them." Sincerity and elevation of mind appear unmistakably in Judge Parker's explicit declaration of intention to serve but one term, if elected. Much may be said for or against making a President in- eligible for a second term, but nothing can be said against the rea- sons which Judge Parker gives for his own decision. He wishes to be above suspicion. To him, any attitude but the judicial is intolerable. That he should ever be approached as President with the argument that the course he thought right would lose delegates, is a prospect which he will not contemplate for a mo- ment. Consequently, he takes his clear stand. If he is chosen President, we shall not witness an Executive feverishly working night and day to perfect the machine for a renomination. There will be many cheap jests about Judge Parker's putting aside what may never be his, but nothing of that kind can obscure the simple dignity of his announcement that, if his fellow-citizens elect him President, he will devote himself for four years entirely to their affairs. 52 Comment on Judge Parker's Speech of Acceptance. Not that Judge Parker placed himself in a holier-than-thou po- sition as regards his competitor. He was quick to say that he made no criticism of any President who had served two terms or sought to do so. Yet the very reasons that he gave for reaching this con- clusion — which so astonished the professional politicians — have made thoughtful men run over in their minds the actions of Presi- dent Roosevelt within the last year or year and a half. Why the rapprochement with Addicks? Why the readiness to sign the fa- mous pension order merely to save Congress the trouble of legis- lating? Why the installation of Senator Quay's notorious son in the Naval Office in Philadelphia? And, since the nomination, why the reconciliation with "Lou" Payn and the appointment of Gov. OdelFs white-haired civilian neighbor to a majority in the regular army over the heads of hundreds of officers of long and faithful service? Do these and many similar acts bespeak the President who is, in Judge Parker's words, "unembarrassed by an}' possible thought of the influence his decision may have upon anything what- ever that may affect him personally" ? The speech at Esopus makes it plain to all that Judge Parker was the right candidate with whom to oppose President Roosevelt. The two men stand for antithetic ideals, and it is for the nation to make its choice between them. It is Constitutionalism versus Im- perialism. It is law against impulse. It is the man of calm and poise and judicial habit against the impetuous meddler who leaps first and asks afterwards what the law is, who violates a treaty and thinks it defence enough if he says his own "sense of honor" was satisfied. If Americans have got tired of all the fret and sham of militarism and the meretricious glitter of Imperialism, they will turn with relief to Judge Parker. But, whether they do or not, he has shown himself a man worthy of their confidence and their suffrages, and has already wrought a great work for his country by pointing it to the things which make for peace and true grandeur. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF THE CANDIDATES ALTON BROOKS PARKER. WRITTEN BY CHARLES J. HAILES, AND REPRODUCED BY PERMISSION FROM "ALBANY LAW JOURNAL," MAY, 1904- Alton Brooks Parker may well be called New York's favorite son. He has been highly honored on many occasions by his fel- low suffragists. Never has he known the bitterness of defeat. The crowning honor of his career thus far has been his elevation to the chief judgeship of the Court of Appeals, the highest local tribunal in the Empire State, a position for which he is ideally fitted by temperament, training and education. Frequent and en- ticing have been the opportunities presented to him for entry into political life, but they have always been refused. He early deter- mined not to be turned aside from his chosen profession, the law. Even since he has donned the ermine, men prominent in party councils have advised, and portions of the press have suggested, his candidacy for high official positions, but he has steadily declined. Nothing less than a call to the highest office within the gift of the nation could tempt Judge Parker to forsake his life work on the bench. Judge Parker's career is a strong incentive to every lawyer who has an honorable ambition to rise in his profession. His splendid success has been wholly due to his own efforts. Favored by no special advantages in early life, but possessing health, strength, untiring industry and an honorable ambition, he made his own way, paid for his own schooling by teaching, and after adopting the law as a profession did not shrink from the toil which he knew to be absolutely necessary in order to reach eminence in it. All his life Judge Parker has been a prodigious worker. Though now fifty-two years of age, his whole appearance is that of a strong man still in his prime. Scarcely a- tell-tale wrinkle is to be seen in his genial, kindly face. Though his appearance to the superficial observer is that of a man who has taken life easily, the fact is that few men work harder or more systematically. If the marks of his toil have not been left on his countenance or in his frame, the explanation is to be found in his abstemious mode of living and the care he has taken to keep his physical vigor unimpaired. Perfect health and wise systematization enable him to dispose of an amount of work which otherwise would be impossible. Since he became chief judge of the Court of Appeals that tribunal has shown an ability to dispone 54 Biographical Sketches of the Candidates. of a much larger number of cases than ever before in its history. The reason is to be found in the unwearying efforts of the chief judge, supplemented by the loyal and hearty co-operation of his colleagues. A PEN PORTRAIT. Nearly six feet in stature, straight as an arrow, broad-shouldered, wiry, athletic, Judge Parker is in the prime and vigor of life, a splendid specimen of American manhood. His face is singularly attractive, a smile continually playing about his symmetrical features. His eyes are keen but kindly, his mouth firm set, showing determination. Although a great student, there is not the slightest suggestion of the bookworm about him. Courtly in manner and always well dressed, though never conspicuously so, he is not par- ticularly judicial in appearance, but would rather be taken by those not acquainted with him for a prosperous business man or a bank president. In manner he is most democratic. Born in the country, he has never lost his love for rural life, and when the pressure of his duties does not require his presence in Albany he lives at Esopus-on-the-Hudson, near Kingston, where he has a beautiful country home which has borne the name of Rosemount for half a century. EARLY STRUGGLE FOR SUCCESS. Alton Brooks Parker was born at Cortland, N. Y., May 14, 1852, and is the son of John Brooks Parker and Harriet F. Strat- ton. His ancestors for several generations were residents of Mas- sachusetts, his great-grandfather, John Parker, having served for three years in the War of the Revolution. His grandfather, John Parker, in 1794, married Elizabeth Brooks, of Worcester, Mass., from whom the surname of the subject of this sketch is derived. The early education of Mr. Parker was obtained in the academy and normal school at Cortland, where his family resided. At the age of sixteen he commenced teaching in order to obtain money to enable him to continue at school, after which he adopted the law as a profession. His ambition to become a lawyer was early formed and came about in an interesting way. His father was summoned for jury service in a case which was to be tried at Cortland. He brought young Alton to court with him. The case was one of some importance, and one of the parties to it had employed the services of a Syracuse lawyer of some distinction as a pleader. This law- yer's address made such an impression upon young Parker that when he and his father were driving back to the farm he informed his parent that he intended to become a lawyer when he grew up. Once having formed that purpose, he began to bend all his ener- gies toward its accomplishment. But it was by no means all plain sailing. His family was not in affluent circumstances, and it be- came necessary for him, besides working on the farm during the summer, to obtain other employment in order to enable him to attend the academy and normal school as well as the law school. This he did not hesitate to do; any honorable employment was Biographical Sketches of the Candidates. 55 eagerly sought. The winter after he was sixteen he started out to secure his first employment as a teacher. After a thirteen-mile drive and numerous disappointments, he was engaged by the trus- tees of a Virgil township school. Meanwhile his father was "keep- ing an eye* open" in his son's interest, and at the same time that the young man was on his quest of employment the father had suc- ceeded in securing him an opportunity for an engagement, which from a pecuniary standpoint, was more attractive than that which the young man had concluded for himself. When young Parker returned home that night and related, with some pride, the re- sult of his quest, his father, instead of sharing his elation, expressed regret, explaining that he had secured for him the promise of a much better place than that at Virgil. Bather crestfallen, he pro- posed that he return to Virgil the next morning and ask to be re- lieved from the engagement. "No," replied his father, "you have made it and you must keep it. I have observed that when a young man once fails in that way he is pretty apt to fail all through his life." Later he entered the normal school, and the following winter taught a school in the neighborhood of Bingham- ton. The next winter Prof. J. H. Hoose, the principal of the Cortland Normal School, received an application from a school in Accord, Ulster County, for a principal of a school, with wages at three dollars a day, and he asked young Parker to take it. He was only too glad of the opportunity, and after teaching about seven months he entered the office of Schoonmaker & Harden- burgh, as a law student, through the favor of Augustus Schoon- maker, then a prominent practitioner at the bar at Kingston, who took a decided fancy to young Parker. Thence he went to the Albany Law School, from which, after graduation, he returned to the office of Augustus Schoonmaker (Hardenburgh having died in the meantime), who made him his managing clerk, on a salary. FIRST ENTRANCE INTO POLITICS. After some months Mr. Parker formed a partnership with W. S. Kenyon, Jr., which continued until 1878. Soon after entering Mr. Schoonmaker's office, the latter, who was then serving his second term as county judge, was defeated for re-election after a hard campaign, and was so disheartened that he decided to with- draw altogether from politics. Believing that his patron was un- duly discouraged, and that he was still very strong with the peo- ple, young Parker arranged for Mr. Schoonmaker's nomination for State senator in 1875, and prevailed upon him to accept. The young lawyer and politician so well managed the campaign that Mr. Schoonmaker was elected by a large majority, and his prestige in politics fully restored, for he was, in 1877, elected attorney gen- eral, renominated in 1879, nominated for judge of the Court of Appeals in 1880, and subsequently appointed interstate commerce commissioner by President Cleveland. Parker's success in Ulster County politics thus brought him into prominence, and in 1877 he was nominated for surrogate. He 56 Biographical Sketches of the Candidates was the only Democrat on the county ticket who was elected that year. He was then but twenty-five years of age. Parker's popu- larity with the voters was still more strikingly shown in 1883 when, after having served six years as surrogate, he was re-elected to the office by a majority of 1,400 in a total vote of 15,000,* against a competitor — Judge William Lawton — whose popularity as county judge had carried the county twice successively by large majorities, and again he was the only candidate on the Democratic ticket who was elected. When he had served two years of his second term, David B. Hill, the Democratic candidate for governor, who had watched the young lawyer's successful political work in Ulster County with much interest, reached the conclusion that Parker was the man he w r anted to manage his State campaign, and Parker was elected to the Democratic State committee and made its chairman. Largely owing to Parker's masterful work the entire Democratic State ticket was elected by pluralities rang- ing between 11,000 and 12,000. During the time he held the po- sition of surrogate, Parker carried on a large general law practice and was actively at work in the trial of causes and the argument of appeals. In 1883 he declined to consider Daniel Manning's sug- gestion that he accept the nomination for secretary of state, and again in 1885 he declined to consider the nomination for the office of lieutenant-governor proposed at a session of State party lead- ers, giving as his reason that he did not wish to abandon his chosen field — that of the law. President Cleveland, in 1885, ten- dered him the office of first assistant postmaster-general, but this he also declined, for the same reason. When Theodore "R. West- brook died, leaving the Supreme Court justiceship for the Third Judicial District vacant, Governor Hill appointed Parker to the vacancy. He entered at once on the duties of his office of the current year, at the close of which he received the unanimous nomi- nation of the Democratic party for justice for the full term, a nomination which the Republicans did not oppose. This w r as a compliment never before or since paid to a candidate for that po- sition in the Third Judicial District. Judge Parker was then but thirty-four years of age. While thus serving as a Justice of the Supreme Court, he refused to consider the suggestion made by prominent men in the party that he be a candidate for gov- ernor in 1891. He was urged to be a candidate for TJnited States senator while a member of the Second Division of the Court of Appeals, but would not consent. In January, 1889, the Second Division of the Court of Appeals was created for the pur- pose of clearing the congested calendar, and Judge Parker was ap- pointed to it, being the youngest man that ever sat in the Court of Appeals of New York. This position he retained until the disso- lution of the court in 1892. In consequence of a request made in that year by members of the judiciary of New York city, Governor Flower appointed Justices Follett and Parker as members of the General Term of the First Department, in which important and arduous judicial position Judge Parker continued to labor until Biographical Sketches of the Candidates. 57 the creation of the Appellate Division, when he resumed the duties of the trial terms in his own district. When Mr. Justice Barrett became ill, Judge Parker was designated by Governor Black to take his place temporarily on the Appellate Division in New York city. As already stated, before his elevation to the bench, Judge Parker took an active part in politics, receiving many marks of the favor with which his party regarded his influence and his effi- cient service, being elected a delegate to every State convention, and to the national convention of 1884, which nominated Mr. Cleveland, whom he actively supported. ELECTION TO THE COURT OF APPEALS. Judge Parker was thirty-three years of age when he became a Justice of the Supreme Court. In 1897, when he was in his forty- sixth year, he received the nomination of his party for the office of Chief Judge of the Court of Appeals. In 1896 the Republican majority in the State was 212,000; two years before the Demo- cratic State ticket had been defeated by more than 150,000. At such a time Judge Parker accepted the nomination of his party, a nomination which many of the shrewdest politicians of both par- ties agreed was probably an empty honor. He was elected by a plurality exceeding 60,000. AS A JURIST. Judges nowadays, more than ever before, are expected to eschew rhetoric and to repress any imaginative tendency in the writing of their opinions. They are, perhaps properly, held strictly to argu- ments and reasons. At the same time, it is inevitable that a vigor- ous personality like that of Judge Parker's should find expression. His opinions are noted for their forceful diction, comprehensive grasp of the fundamental questions involved, unsparing labor in citing precedents, close reasoning, and their tendency to disregard mere technicalities. Following his life-long habit, Judge Parker has, since his elevation to the highest court in the State, insisted upon giving every case coming before him original investigation. He never relies upon the labors of the lawyers, but goes to the books and searches cases and precedents for himself. Any one who takes pains to study the records will find that the chief judge has been a positive force in the direction of wise conservatism. He is a strict rather than a liberal constructionist of the Constitution. He has set his face firmly against the crying evil of judicial legis- lation. He has insisted that private litigants shall be held strictly to the letter of their contracts. He firmly believes that, however serious are the evils of vicious legislation, the proper remedy is not to be found in the judiciary ; hence he has consistently adhered to what he believes to be the court's duties of construction and in- terpretation, and has resolutely refused to interfere with the proper powers of the legislature. This attitude is well illustrated in People ex rel. Rodgers v. Coler (166 N". Y. 1, 9), in which the court passed upon the constitutionality of the so-called prevailing rate of wages law which was passed by the legislature of 1897. 58 Biographical Sketches of the Candidates. This law provided that workmen and mechanics on all public works should receive not less than the prevailing rate of wages, and that every contract thereafter made for public work should contain a clause binding the contractors to pay the prevailing rate of wages. This law was declared unconstitutional by a vote of five to two. Judge Parker was one of the dissentients and read a vigorous opin- ion, in which he pointed out that whether the statute was uncon- stitutional or not, there was nothing to prevent a contractor from incorporating the phraseology of the statute into the contract. In the dressed stone law, which required dressed stone for public buildings in New York city to be dressed within the State of New York, Judge Parker took a similar position. Again, in the case of People v. Oregon Eoad Construction Co. (175 N. Y. 84, 94), the court held that the law prohibiting any person contracting with the State or with a municipal corporation from requiring more than eight hours' work for a day's labor was unconstitutional, being in conflict with the fourteenth amendment of the Federal Constitu- tion, because it created an arbitrary distinction between persons contracting with the State or with a municipality and other em- ployers of labor, and thus denied to persons within the State's jurisdiction the equal protection of its laws. Judge Parker, in this case, concurred in the result on a question of pleading, but took pains to go on record as dissenting "from even the expression of a doubt as to the power of the State to enforce its constitutional mandate by making a violation thereof a crime, whether such vio- lation arises under contract with the State or otherwise." It is important to note that the United States Supreme Court very re- cently held, in the case of Atkin v. Kansas (U. S. Supreme Court Opinions advance sheets, p. 124) that a similar provision of the Kansas statute was not in conflict with the fourteenth amendment; thus sustaining entirely his position in the prevailing rate of wages case. Another notable case was that of the National Protective Asso- ciation v. Cummin (170 N. Y. 315, 331), in which damages were sought by a labor union from the walking delegates of a rival union who, by threats to strike, had caused the discharge of mem- bers of the plaintiff's union. The court denied the right to relief. Judge Parker, who wrote the opinion, held that a man may work for another or not, just as he pleases, and if he pleases not, the law- fulness of his choice is not diminished by the fact that the reason he pleases not to is that his employer retains in his employ some other man to whom he, the workman, objects. If he chooses not to work, of course, he may stop working, and if he may stop work- ing he may threaten to stop working. "A labor organization," he says, "has precisely the same right as an individual to threaten to do that which it may lawfully do." Three judges dissented, the case being decided by a bare majority of the court. The unbiased opinions of one's colleagues, those opinions which have been formed by daily contact and close personal observation, are always valuable. Hence the tribute of the Hon. Irving G. Biographical Sketches of the Candidates. 59 Vann (a Kepublican in politics), who, as an associate of Chief Judge Parker on the bench of the Court of Appeals for many years, has had exceptional opportunities to observe the workings of his mind, makes interesting reading at this time. "The strong- est characteristic of Judge Parker's mind, in my opinion," says Judge Yann, "is its absolute fairness and impartiality. He is so constituted by nature that his mind is incapable of taking any but a logical view of a legal question, wholly divested of outside consideration. ... I could never see that his judgment was influenced in the least by his acquaintance with one of the parties to the action, or by the effect of a decision upon a political party, where, for instance, election questions were before us. He reasons with reference to broad general results rather than to special and particular effects. He seems to have in mind what is the best rule for all, now and for all time, rather than the effect upon the for- tunes of the parties before him. He believes in a thorough sepa- ration of the functions of the three great departments of govern- ment in a free country — the executive, legislative and judicial. He appreciates the theory of the Constitution of 1789, and that its basic principle was a strong, sharp, well-defined line of demarca- tion between the powers of these three great departments. He has a profound reverence for law and believes in a strict obedience to law, and that each of these departments should be compelled to keep within its own sphere as defined by the Constitution ; that the legislature should confine itself to legislation and never trespass upon the domain of the executive and judiciary ; that, with equal strictness, the judges should keep within their own department and confine themselves to the construction of the law and never venture into the region of the legislative or executive departments. It follows, of course, that he has the same strictness of view with reference to the duties of the executive department, and believes that it should be confined to the execution of the laws without in- terference with legislation or with the action of the judges. Cour- age of his convictions is another strong characteristic in Judge Parker's mental character. Whether he stands alone or represents the views of the entire court, he expresses his conclusion with abso- lute fearlessness and without regard to anything except his honest conviction that that is the right conclusion. In reaching a con- clusion he advances slowly, and his mind is open to receive the views and listen to the arguments of others, but when he has weighed and considered them all deliberately and has made up his mind, no rock is firmer than his position from that time forward. His mind is conservative, and the rights of property and personal rights are always safe in his hands." Judge Vann finds in the record of his associate "power, modesty, learning, strength of char- acter, independence, conservatism and soberness of views," and adds: "Every step in his judicial life, so far as known to me, has reflected honor and dignity upon the position that he fills." 6o Biographical Sketches of the Candidates. THE JUDGE'S HOME LIFE. Judge Parker's home life has been almost ideally happy. Early in his career he married Mary L. Schoonmaker. They have had two children. John M. Parker, their only son, died at the age of seven years. Bertha, their daughter, married Charles Mercer Hall, the young rector of the Episcopal Mission of the Holy Cross at Kingston. Two children have been born to Mr. and Mrs. Hall — Alton Parker, four years of age, and Mary, two years. Judge Parker takes great delight in the company of his grandchildren; his judicial dignity is at no time a bar to a jolly romp with them. A recent writer in the New York Times has thus described Judge Parker's home life: "Esopus, where Judge Parker has his resi- dence, is a modest little village consisting of about thirty houses built scatteringly along a country crossroad. The Hudson, which here spreads out to surround the island of Esopus, stretches away before the eye in all its grandeur. The peaks of the Catskills form the background of the picture. On top of a hill, from which the eye can sweep the picturesque river and mountain scenery, stands Rosemount. The house, which stands fully one hundred feet above the river, is a big, square two-and-a-half -story structure. All about it are giant trees, and the approach to it is along a graveled path which divides a perfect lawn ornamented with flower beds. A trail leads down to the river bank, and at the end of the trail in the summer there is moored a naphtha launch, christened the Niobe, which Judge Parker has for the use of himself and family. When the visitor stands upon Judge Parker's porch and takes in the magnificent scenery it is impossible to suppress a feel- ing of envy. The older part of Rosemount Hall was standing when the British fleet anchored directly in front of it in 1777, on the night before Kingston was burned. Through the center of the house runs a broad hall used as a living room, the walls of which are lined with a miscellaneous collection of books — the works of standard writers of prose and poetry. Judge Parker's library oc- cupies nearly the whole of the southern part of the first story. The walls of the room are nowhere visible. From the polished bard-wood floor to the ceiling mount row after row of books. There are thousands of them. Revolving cases support still other books to which the judge has found he needs to make frequent reference. In the bow window of the room is a small flat-top table, while down the center of the room stretches a big directors' table. On these tables, upon which there are more books and usually piles of documents, Judge Parker does his work. When at Rosemount Hall he rises at seven o'clock, and one of his first acts during the summer months is to don a bathing suit, run down the steep hill to the Esopus landing, and take a plunge into the Hudson. He is an expert swimmer and is fond of that form of exercise and recrea- tion. After breakfast he usually mounts his saddle horse and takes a ride around the farm, which comprises several hundred acres. All of the operations on the farm are carried on under the super- vision of the judge himself, who is a practical farmer. The judge's Biographical Sketches of the Candidates. 61 special hobby is his blooded cattle. The inspection of the farm is completed about eleven o'clock, and returning to the house Judge Parker reads his mail and the morning papers until noon, Avhen the family sit down to luncheon. After the mid-day meal Judge Parker shuts himself up in the library with his private secretary and the family see nothing more of him, unless there is urgent reason for disturbing him, until he is called for the evening meal at six o'clock. Even when he is in Albany, presiding over the sessions of the court, the judge does not allow himself to be robbed of his daily exercise. He is up by seven o'clock every morning, and no matter how cold the weather may be, he has a horseback ride before breakfast." HENRY GASSAWAY DAVIS. WRITTEN BY CHARLES S. ALBERT, AND REPRODUCED BY PERMISSION FROM "REVIEW OF REVIEWS.") Henry Gassaway Davis was born in the village of Woodstock, Maryland, a few miles from Baltimore, November 16, 1823. He comes of Scotch- Welsh stock. His father was Caleb Davis, and his mother, before marriage, was Louisa Brown. His mother's ancestors served in the Eevolutionary army. His father was a soldier in the War of 1812, after which he retired as a successful merchant, and lived on a farm in Howard County, Maryland. He founded the village of Woodstock, took contracts for railroad construction, lost his fortune, and soon -after died, leaving a widow with four sons and a daughter. Henry at once became a bread- winner, depriving himself of educational advantages in favor of a younger brother, contenting himself with the meager mental train- ing of a country school, and beginning work on the farm of former Governor Howard. The boy was willing, active, and intelligent. When nineteen years old, he obtained a position as freight brake- man on the Baltimore & Ohio Eailroad, which had been extended to Cumberland. He was soon promoted to be a conductor. The energetic manner in which he cleared up a wreck secured him a passenger run. After five years of railroading, Mr. Davis was made master of transportation and given his first opportunity to display executive ability. He was successful. He made operative the plan of run- ning railroad trains at night. Prior to this innovation, all trains would stop until morning at the stations where darkness overtook them. Mr. Davis sent an experimental train through from Cum- berland to Baltimore, and since that time there has been no sus- 62 Biographical Sketches of the Candidates. pension of running schedules at nightfall. At that period, Mr. Davis received a salary of less than one hundred dollars per month, but he found it ample to assist his mother in supporting his brothers and sister, laying aside, in addition, sufficient to establish a home for himself. In 1853, he married Miss Kate, daughter of Judge Gideon Bantz, of Frederick, Maryland. Her death, in 1902, after almost half a century of domestic happiness, proved a severe blow. BEGINNINGS IN BUSINESS. Mr. Davis was appointed agent for the Baltimore & Ohio Rail- road at Piedmont, W. Va., in 1854. He promptly realized the business opportunities presented in that new country, and assisted his brother, William R. Davis, to become a shipper of coal and lumber. In 1858, he resigned from railroad service and formed the firm of Davis & Brothers. In addition to handling natural products, a general merchandise business was conducted. In that year Mr. Davis organized the Piedmont Savings Bank and was elected its president. At the close of the Civil War, the founda- tions of a fortune were rapidly and securely established. In 1867, Davis & Brothers purchased several thousand acres of land in Garrett County, Maryland. Timber for ties, bridges, and other purposes was supplied to the railroad company. Mr. Davis laid out on this tract the mountain resort of Deer Park, and con- structed an elegant summer residence, where simple hospitality was extended all visitors. The Deer Park investment having furnished him with sufficient funds, Mr. Davis began obtaining extensive tracts of land in the Cheat River and Upper Potomac regions. Prior to that time, he had carefully examined that territory, desiring to procure infor- mation at first hand. All his investigations were made in person. He thoroughly explored the sections in which he sought to acquire property, traveled on foot, and frequently slept at night in the woods. He was conversant with every acre of that undeveloped country, and knew that its forests and hills contained fabulous wealth. The only requisite was a railroad. It was years before Mr. Davis could combine the needed capital to make his plans effective, but when the money was available, he began building the West Virginia Central & Pittsburg Railroad. Mr. Davis became a student of political economy while serving as a passenger conductor. He was a Whig. Henry Clay often traveled over the road with him, and the great Com- moner received his vote when a Presidential candidate. Mr. Davis aided the Union cause during the Civil War. He fur- nished the Government with supplies, and naturally became a Conservative Unionist at the termination of the struggle. The Democratic party in West Virginia was the outgrowth of that political organization. Mr. Davis actively participated in public affairs, was elected to the Assembly in 1866, and was a member of the Committee on Commerce and Finance. Two years later, Biographical Sketches of the Candidates. 63 he was chosen a State Senator, and was re-elected. As chairman of the joint committee on finance, his efforts were successful in placing the State on a firm monetary basis. After refusing a nomination as Representative from the Con- gressional district in which he lived, in 1870, Mr. Davis was the ensuing winter elected United States Senator, with the aid of Re- publican votes, and took his seat as a Democrat on March 4, 1871. He was prominent in all the bitter debates of that period. As a Senator, Mr. Davis antagonized the civil rights bill, which was passed despite opposition and subsequently pronounced un- constitutional. A DEVELOPER OF WEST VIRGINIA. In order to protect his enormous property interests, Mr. Davis declined re-election after serving twelve years in the Senate. He then devoted his entire time to developing the coal and lumber re- gions of West Virginia, completed the construction of additional railroads, opened up new mines, became locally identified with every section of the State, and built himself a residence of stone — Graceland — on a hill north of Elkins, West Virginia, where he now spends the summers. His winter home in Washington was closed after the death of his wife. When in the national capita!, he lives with his son-in-law, Arthur Lee. Mr. Davis was a delegate to the Pan-American Congress. He is a member of the United States Inter- Continental Railway Com- mission. No man can surpass Mr. Davis in amiability. His clear brown eyes are always laughing. He is invariably pleasant and approach- able. He is democratic by profession and practice. His voice is ordinarily keyed to a low, soft, musical pitch, but when occasion requires he can give it the most surprising force and volume. The vehemence of these infrequent utterances belie the surface indica- tions of under-strength. He is in no sense a rugged-looking man. His step is not firm or elastic. It never was either. He walks with an easy, sliding motion. He is never garrulous, but always conversational.. He can talk much but say little. He will dis- cuss any subject in the most entertaining manner for two hours and convey no information that he does not care to impart. It can readily be seen where Senator Gorman, the first cousin of Mr. Davis, found his model for silence or pleasant utterances devoid of harmful results. The tender-heartedness of Mr. Davis is pro- verbial. The affection manifested for his dead wife is pathetic. Tears come into his eyes whenever her name is mentioned in his presence. The physical endurance of Mr. Davis is surprising, and almost irritating to younger men who do not possess his untiring vitality. He seems never to become tired. He is always fresh and vigorous. His capacity for hard work is unlimited. Neither loss of sleep nor hardship impairs his energy. A striking illustration of this characteristic was given at the St. Louis convention. Mr. Davis 64 Biographical Sketches of the Candidates. sat in a not over-large room, as a member of the committee on resolutions, from 8 o'clock Thursday evening to 11.30 o'clock Friday morning — fifteen and a half hours, — and emerged with his usual brightness of eye and composedness of manner. Men of but little more than half his age were haggard and weary. Mr. Bryan appeared to be on the verge of exhaustion. Senator Tillman was near the point of collapsing. Others were all more or less affected by the all-night committee meeting, but Mr. Davis appeared to have been freshened and invigorated by the long and arduous ses- sion. Mr. Davis regards horseback riding as the best possible form of exercise. He may be seen on every pleasant day cantering along the mountain roads, sitting erect, and managing his animal with ease and skill. It is less than a year since he rode on horseback from Elkins to Charleston, a distance of more than two hundred miles, in five days. The road passes through an unbroken and mountainous country, and his friends and neighbors still marvel at this exhibition of unimpaired vigor. Long hours of almost incessant activity constitute the daily routine of Mr. Davis in his summer home. He allots the same period to labor now as when serving as a brakeman. PHILANTHROPY AND PUBLIC SPIRIT. Mr. Davis's fortune was realized from the original purchases of hills and forests in Maryland and West Virginia. His philan- thropy has kept pace with his prosperity. While Presbyterianism is his predilection, he has made regular and liberal gifts to all de- nominations. He is a close personal friend of Cardinal Gibbons, and has given much aid to the church represented in the United States by his eminence. He gave a new high school to the city of Piedmont in 1886. In 1893, he gave a nine-acre park to the town of Elkins. He and his brother, Thomas Davis, erected the Davis Memorial Church, at Elkins, as a tribute to their mother. He gave eleven thousand dollars to the State for a Children's Home at Charleston, West Virginia, endowing it with an annuity of one thousand dollars for maintenance. He erected the Davis Memorial Hospital, at Elkins, in memory of his eldest son, Henry G. Davis, Jr., who was drowned off the coast of South Africa in 1896. He recently gave a large sum for the establishment of a Presbyterian school, now under construction, on one of the hills adjacent to Elkins. He built a church for colored people. He regularly con- tributes freely to churches, hospitals, and schools, in his own State and in other sections of the country. Mr. Davis probably holds the record for consecutive attendance at national conventions of his party. He had been a delegate to six such gatherings prior to the one which made him the nominee for Vice-President. In the Democratic convention of 1884, Mr. Davis was requested to accept the nomination for Vice-President, but declined to per- mit the use of his name in that connection. He threw his strength Biographical Sketches of the Candidates. 65 and influence to Mr. Hendricks. The Senator was called into con- sultation by President-elect Cleveland when the formation of a cabinet was under consideration. He was offered the position of Postmaster-General, but declined on account of his business affairs. He was subsequently considered by Mr. Cleveland for a cabinet place upon the retirement of Mr. Manning, as Secretary of the Treasury, and Mr. Lamar, as Secretary of the Interior. In both instances he refused to accept office. He has repeatedly been urged to become a candidate for governor of West Virginia, but without success. Democratic leaders have always insisted that Mr. Davis as a gubernatorial candidate could redeem the State from Republican domination. The fact that many thousand employees engaged in railroad and mining operations are either directly or indirectly in the service of Mr. Davis has strengthened the impres- sion that his acceptance of the nomination would be equivalent to -an election. .ATTITUDE ON LABOR. Mr. Davis's career eminently qualifies him to judge fairly be- tween the rights of laborer and employer. A fairer declaration on the labor question could not be asked than his letter dated August 15th, last, to Mr. I. V. Johnson, of Roanoke, Virginia, which was as follows : "I think I can well claim that I belong to the laboring class, as for many years I worked in the ranks as a wage-earner, and I know what it is to earn my living by the sweat of my brow. On the other hand, I have been a large employer of labor, in railroads, coal mines, lum- ber mills, etc., and have never had any serious trouble with our men. I can recall but two instances in which there were strikes, and these were of short duration and peaceably settled. "No man has ever been discharged from our service because he was a union man, or been evicted from a company's house for any reason. I think you will find that the conditions of the railroad man and the miner in connection with the enterprises I have directed will compare most favorably with those in other localities of the country. "I always have believed, and my conviction came from the hard school of experience, that measured by the character of the work he does and the cost of living, every man is entitled to full compensation for his services. "I am charged with having instituted proceedings which led to an injunction against strikers by Judge Jackson of this state. The fact is, I had nothing whatever to do with the case and knew nothing about the matter until I read of it in the newspapers. The injunction did not apply to the men in our employ or pertain to them in any way. "On the contrary, I remember on one occasion, one of our superin- tendents suggested an injunction against our men, and I declined to con- sider it. H. G. Davis." THEODORE ROOSEVELT. FALSE AND DEAD ISSUES AGAINST TRUE AND LIVING ISSUES. (From the New York World, July 30, 1904.) "We are content to stand or fall by the record which we have made and are making."— PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. The paramount issue of this campaign is not, as you would have it, free trade or free silver, but YOU yourself — Theodore Roose- velt. This issue is forced upon the country by your unusual tempera- ment and talents — your own strong, able, ambitious, resourceful, militant, passionate personality, your versatile and surprising genius. As the French king said of the state, you can with greater truth say of the Republican party, "It is II" More absolutely than any of your predecessors in office ever did, you procured your own nomination. You dictated the platform. You edited the nom- inating speeches. You appointed the campaign manager. You moved your Cabinet officers like pawns to meet the exigencies of your game of politics. By an act of Executive usurpation you added many thousands of pensioners to a roll already containing a million names, in order to makes votes for yourself — the first open use ever made of the National Treasury as a party's campaign chest. You have glorified war and threatened the future peace of the country by proposing a bullying over-lordship of the other coun- tries in this hemisphere, and offering to constitute the United States the Constable and Collector for Europe in the rotten and irresponsible^tates of Central and South America. You have,%y your recommendations to Congress and your signa- ture to its extravagances, increased the national expenditures dur- ing your term to more than $2,500,000,000 — an excess of $211,- 000,000 over the expenditures during President McKinle/s term (which included the expenses of the war with Spain), and exceed- ing the cost of President Cleveland's second term by $880,000,000. You and the Congress of your party have converted a surplus of $80,000,000 in 1900 into a deficit of more than $40,000,000 for the fiscal year just closed 1 . This extravagance is encouraged, and in fact made inevitable, by the high tariff and policies of war and imperialism of which you are the most strenuous champion. The greater the revenue from customs the greater the temptation for lavish expenditures. The more colonies and dependencies we have the greater the need of False and Dead Issues. 67 more warships, more fortifications, more coaling stations, more soldiers. Every high protectionist is a jingo, and every jingo a high protectionist. These cardinal (features of the [Republican policy are interrelated and interdependent. They stand to each other in the relation of cause and effect. In view of this surpassing record of extravagance, it is perhaps not strange, but will be regarded by the taxpayers as significant, that the words "economy," "retrenchment" and "reform," once the rule of the nation and the shibboleth of statesmen, do not once appear in your entire speech of acceptance — NOT ONCE ! You say in your speech of acceptance that "prosperity has come at home." Are there not many thousands of workingmen who have great reason to feel that prosperity is departing? Does the army of striking cotton operatives, whose wages have been reduced 22 J per cent, since 1900, find that "wages are higher than ever be- fore"? Do the tens of thousands of employees dismissed by our great railway systems share your roseate view? Are the partici- pants in or the victims of the strike against the exactions of the Beef Trust throwing up their hats over the "full dinner-pail"? Deserting your early convictions in favor of a freer trade, you cultivate the monopolistic campaign contributors of your party by "standing pat" for a tariff higher in its average duty than the highest schedules of the war time — a tariff which the Republicans of Iowa have declared to be a "shelter to monopoly," which the Republicans of Wisconsin demand shall be revised in the interest of consumers, and which tens of thousands of Republicans in Mas- sachusetts and elsewhere insist shall be modified by a reciprocity treaty with Canada. The principle of protection has been maintained by every party that has held power in this country since the adoption of the Con- stitution, including the administrations of eight Democratic Presi- dents. Representative Clark, Chairman of the St. Louis Conven- tion, truly said that "the Democratic party is not a free-trade party." Protection, however necessary under some conditions, is both needless and unjust when infant industries have become hoary monopolies. It is especially oppressive and exasperating when per- verted to enable favored manufacturers to maintain arbitrary high prices in the home market while underselling foreign competitors in the markets of the world. The free coinage of silver, which was the decisive issue in the last two elections, is no longer a living question, though there are indications in your speech that you will seek to revive it. The overwhelming verdict of the people, regardless of party, in the last two elections; the law of 1900 re-establishing the gold standard; the enormous increase in the world's production of gold ; the fact that no party and no public man of importance, not even Mr. Bryan, is now advocating free silver; and, beyond all, the declara- tion of your opponent, Judge Parker, that he regards the ?old standard as "firmly and irrevocably established"— a declaration unreservedly accepted by the St. Louis Convention by a vote of 68 False and Dead Issues. 774 to 191 — afford cumulative proof that the silver issue is dead and buried past resurrection. You boast that your policy is "to do fair and equal justice to all men, paying no heed to whether a man is rich or poor." Can it be maintained that a tariff law which enables favored manu- facturers, in return for big campaign contributions, to levy tribute on the whole body of the people is an example of "fair and equal justice"? Who represents anti-monopoly and the rights of labor in your Cabinet ? Is it Secretary of the Treasury Shaw, the banker, who preaches that high prices are a blessing ? — or Attorney-General Moody, who has not lifted a finger to enforce the anti-trust laws ? — or Secretary of the Navy Morton, lately a Vice-President of the Santa Fe Eailroad, an ally of the Beef Trust? — or Secretary of the Navy Metcalf, a political representative of the Southern Pa- cific Eailroad? — or Postmaster-G-eneral Payne, long the legislative and lobby agent of railroad and other corporations? Do these acts of yours give very strong backing to your words asserting equal regard for all classes? You say of the "great organizations known as trusts," that "we do not have to explain why the laws against them were not en- forced, but to point out that they actually have been enforced." This will be news indeed to the victims of the unpunished and unhampered Beef Trust and the other "conspiracies in restraint of trade" which continue to stifle competition and to rob con- sumers in defiance of law. Far worse than this political partnership with trusts under the tariff is the blow which you dealt to public confidence in the sin- cerity of your opposition to monopoly by the changes in your Cabinet on the eve of your personal campaign for election to the Presidency. The politic removal of Attorney- General Knox just as he had demonstrated in one notable instance his ability to enforce the law against combining corporations, after all previous Attorneys- General of both parties had failed, was a shocking submission to the plutocratic power which with admirable courage you success- fully challenged in the Northern Securities case. But the trans- fer of Secretary Cortelyou from the head of the Department of Commerce — created, as the law declares, to make "diligent investi- gation" of the affairs of corporations, and, as your platform says, to secure "reasonable publicity to their operations" — to the Chair- manship of your Campaign Committee, has all the appearance of deliberate preparation for partisan blackmail of the very corpora- tions that were to be investigated. Mr. Cortelyou, formerly your private secretary, was at the head of the Department of Commerce just long enough to acquire by "diligent investigation" such information as would be useful to the filler of your campaign chest. The public does not share this information. There is no evidence that the law officers of the Government are making use of it to suppress and punish such odious and oppressive monopolies as the Beef Trust—which con- False and Dead Issues. 69 trols the greater portion of the meat supply of 80,000,000 people. But ex-private and ex-public Secretary Cortelyou — Chairman Cor- telyou of your Campaign Committee — no doubt knows all that the law enabled him to learn of the inner workings of the potential campaign contributors. What save a consuming ambition to be elected President in your own right could have led you to shift your successful trust prose- cutor to Quay's place as a trust agent in the Senate, and to con- vert your confidential private secretary and trust investigator into a campaign trust fat-fryer, in place of Mark Hanna, deceased? You boast that "never has the administration of the Govern- ment been on a cleaner and higher level/' We appeal to all honest men whether in the annals of our Government there was ever a grosser abuse of power, a greater public scandal or a more un- principled defiance of decent public opinion than is this transfer of an official investigator and curber of great corporations to be a collector of campaign funds from them ! You say that you "earnestly desire friendship with all the na- tions of the New and Old Worlds," and that you think "peace is right as well as advantageous." Can you wonder that the people find it hard to recognize in these pacific utterances the Roose- velt they have known hitherto? A short time ago, in urging the creation of an ever larger navy, the advice you gave for the guid- ance of the nation was : "Speak softly, but carry a big stick." Is the man who habitually does this generally "seeking peace"? Do you think that the other nations of -the New World thought that you, as President of this Republic, really "desired peace and friend- ship" with them when you wrote in your letter to the Cuban dinner : "Any country whose people conduct themselves well can count upon our hearty friendliness. If a nation shows that it knows how to act with decency in industrial and political matters, if it keeps order and pays its obligations, then it need fear no interference from the United States. Brutal wrong-doing or an impotence which results in the general loosening of the ties of civilized so- ciety may finally require intervention by some civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the United States cannot ignore its duty/' Is not this unmistakably a threat that if any of the republics of Central or South America fails to "act with decency" — you being the judge — or if it fails to "keep order and pay its obliga- tions" (as some of the States of our Union have failed to pay), it "need fear no interference from the United States"; but that if any or all of these States fail to live up to your standard of order and morality, "civilized society may finally require inter- vention/' and that then "the United States cannot ignore its duty"? In other words, you propose that you, as President of the United States, shall constitute yourself the Supervisor and Sponsor of all the turbulent, chronically revolutionary, bankrupt sham republics JO False and Dead Issues. of the Western Hemisphere, and will undertake to make them "act with decency" and pay their debts to the bondholders, speculators and usurers of Europe! Can even the wildest imagination conceive a more grotesque, preposterous and dangerous perversion of the Monroe doctrine than is contained in this extraordinary proposition? It combines the humbug of Barnum with the hypocrisy of Uriah Heep — and all to prove, as you say in your speech, that the non-interference doctrine of James Monroe is "a living reality" ! If there could be devised a more effective perpetual invitation to war and trouble than this policy holds out, the imagination of diplomatists and the combative instinct of soldiers looking for a fight have not yet conceived it. Can you wonder that the conservative business men of the coun- try, who above all need stability and security in their affairs, want a President in the White House whose temperament, train- ing and character will enable them to go to sleep at night without fear of waking on any morning and learning from startling head- lines in the newspapers that the President has despatched war- ships to Turkey, Morocco, Venezuela, China or where not, on in- sufficient information or with impossible demands — or has been cabling buncombe messages that he wants "Perdicaris alive or Raissuli dead," or ordering some of our Southern neighbors to "act decently" and "pay their debts" ? These being the results, the tendencies and the dangers of your Administration and your policy, are we not right in saying that the paramount issue of the election is whether you, Mr. President, shall have a vote of approval, confidence and encouragement to go on in the course you have marked out? You would have the right to accept your election as a warrant from the people to con- tinue, to increase and to intensify the Executive acts which have amazed and alarmed the friends of peaceful, lawful and safe ad- ministration. Our faith in the intelligence, the common sense and the con- science of the American people is too great to believe that they will give a commission for four years in his own name to the chance pilot who is now heading the ship of state toward the rocks upon which other republics have been wrecked — tolerated usurpations by the Executive ; warlike adventures for gain and glory ; contempt for law; privileged classes sustained by election bribes; corruption in high places and extravagant expenditures from unjust taxes. Honor and prudence alike require a change of pilots and a return to the chart of the Constitution, to the rule of law and the flag of a peace-loving republic. Not for the Democratic party but for democratic institutions is this written. Not against the Eepublican party, but for the Republic. Not in the interest of office-seekers against office- holders, but in that spirit of independent thought and action, in- spired by a common desire for the public good, which has led to the extraordinary and most significant union in opposition to your A "War Lord" for President. yi candidacy of all the independent journals of the metropolis that advocated the election of Mr. McKinley in 1896. A "WAR LORD" FOR PRESIDENT. Former Governor Black's nominating speech at the Chicago con- vention was as much devoted to glorifying war as to eulogizing the candidacy of President Roosevelt. It adds to the significance of these utterances that this speech was, according to report, first sub- mitted to and approved by Mr. Roosevelt himself. It is a little singular that the President's friends think of him in connection with the roar of cannon and the carnage of the battle field. In the present situation of the United States, it is remarkable that Governor Black should suggest that the fate of this nation is yet to be "decided by war," and that the danger of such a war is so imminent asjx) make it important that a warlike President should occupy the White House during the next four years. Appended is an .extract from Governor Black's speech : NEED OF GRANITE AND IRON. The fate of nations is still decided by their wars. You may talk of orderly tribunals and learned referees; you may sing in your schools the gentle praises of the quiet life; you may strike from your books the last note of every martial anthem, and yet out in the smoke and thun- der will always be the tramp of horses and the silent, rigid, upturned face. Men may prophesy and women pray, but peace will come here to abide forever on this earth only when the dreams of childhood are the accepted charts to guide the destinies of men. Events are numberless and mighty, and no man can tell which wire runs around the world. The nation basking to-day in quiet con- tentment and repose may still be on the deadly circuit and to-morrow writhing in the toils of war. This is the time when great figures must be kept in front. If the pressure is great the material to resist it must be granite and iron. The "great figure" Governor Black has in mind is, of course, that of a military hero, rather than that of a peaceful statesman; the figure of a man who shares his own views as to the futility of all the dreams of advancing the progress of mankind except through bloodshed, and especially his view that the fate of this nation is yet to be decided by war. As to the President's fitness to deal with such dire emergencies as Governor Black describes, the candid and intelligent student of his career will find but scanty materials from which to make up his judgment. Mr. Roosevelt obviously possesses what he considers the most necessary quality of a good soldier — the love of war. In a speech at Sea Girt, in July, 1902, he said that the only trouble with the Spanish -American war was that "there was not enough of it to go round," and spoke of himself as one of the "lucky ones." From this point of view it would seem to be a matter of regret that the war was not more bloody and protracted so as to give every man 72 Roosevelt on Former Presidents. a chance to get killed. In another speech he said : "No soldier is worth his salt if he has not got the 'fighting desire. A good soldier must not only be willing to fight, but he must be anxious to fight. I do not want to have anything to do with him if he is not." President Roosevelt, no doubt, thinks himself a good soldier, filled with the "fighting desire," not only "willing to fight," if necessity arises, but so "anxious to fight" that he would welcome the opportunity. The people of the great American Republic think that a man may say "let us have peace" and yet be a good soldier; they assuredly are not eager to put themselves under the protection of one who has developed no genius for war, but only a distaste for peace, and a contempt for the settlement of disturbing inter- national questions "by orderly tribunals and learned referees." President Hayes once said that while the power to declare war was given to Congress alone, any President by a rash and reckless exercise of his powers could make war inevitable. Do we need a President with the "fighting desire" in the White House, rather than a successor of the line of peaceful statesmen who have oc- cupied it? ROOSEVELT ON FORMER PRESIDENTS. Theodore Roosevelt employed his books, "Winning of the West," "Life of Thomas H. Benton," and "Naval War of 1812," published a few years since, as vehicles for characterizing without restraint many former Presidents of the United States. Here is his ex- pressed opinion of eight predecessors in the White House : Jefferson : "Timid and shifty doctrinaire. * * * The most incapable execu- tive to ever fill the President's chair." Madison : "Incapable. Results of his administration brought shame and dis- grace to America in the war of 1812." Monroe : "He was a courteous, high-bred gentleman of no especial ability, but well fitted to act as Presidential figurehead during the politically quiet years of that era of good feeling which lasted from 1816 till 1824." Jackson : "Ignorant, headstrong, and straightforward soldier." Van Buren: "The first product of what are now called machine politics that was put into the Presidential chair. He owed his elevation solely to his own dexterous political manipulation, and to the fact that for his own selfish ends, and knowing perfectly well their folly, he had yet favored or con- nived at all the actions into which the Administration had been led, either through Jackson's ignorance and violence, or by the crafty un- Bcrupulousness and limited knowledge of the kitchen cabinet. Van Buren On What Does the Republican Party "Stand Pat ?" 73 faithfully served the mammon of unrighteousness, both in his own State and later on at Washington, and he had his reward, for he was ad- vanced to the highest offices in the gift of the nation. He had no reason to blame his own conduct for his own downfall. He got along just as far as he could possibly get. He succeeded because of and not in spite of his moral shortcomings." Tyler: "Tyler has been called a mediocre man; but this is unwarranted flat- tery. He was a politician of monumental littleness. Owing to the nicely divided condition of parties and to the sheer accident which threw him into a position of such prominence that it allowed him to hold the balance of power between them he was enabled to turn politics completely topsy- turvy; but his chief mental and moral attributes were peevishness, fretful obstinacy, inconsistency, incapacity to make up his own mind, and the ability to quibble indefinitely over the most microscopic and hair-splitting plays upon words, together with an inordinate vanity that so blinded him to all outside feeling as to make him really think that he stood a chance to be renominated for the Presidency." Polk: « # ♦ * These three men, Calhoun, Birney, and Isaiah Rynders, may be taken as types of the classes that were chiefly instrumental in the elec- tion of Polk, and that must, therefore, bear the responsibility for all the evils attendant thereon, including among them the bloody and unrighteous war with Mexico. With the purpose of advancing the cause of abstract right, but with the result of sacrificing all that was best, most honest, and most high'-principled in national politics, the Abolitionists joined hands with the northern roughs and southern slavocrats to elect the man who was, excepting Tyler, the very smallest of the line of small Presi- dents who came in between Jackson and Lincoln." Buchanan : "Polk's Administration was neither capable nor warlike, however well disposed to bluster, and the Secrtary of State, the timid, shifty, and selfish politician Buchanan, naturally fond of facing both ways, was the last man to wish to force a quarrel on a high-spirited and determined antagonist like England." ON WHAT DOES THE REPUBLICAN PARTY "STAND PAT?" (Editorial from "New York American and Journal," June 29, 1904.) The Republican party commits itself unreservedly to the policy of "stand pat" and appeals to the country to support it in its hos- tility to all change. In its National Convention last week it adopted with cheers a platform declaring everything to be as it should be, and with further cheers nominated "stand pat" candidates. Such Republicans as are not for the "stand pat" idea had no influence at the convention, and have none in shaping the course of the party. Since the Republican party has gone to the poker table for its slogan, it is pertinent to say that wise gamblers "stand pat" only on a hand so good that it cannot be improved, or on a poor hand for the purpose of "bluffing" other players into the belief that it is a first-class one. 74 On What Does the Republican Party "Stand Pat ?" Consider seriously, are the national conditions so good that they cannot be improved ? Is that the reason why the Republican party "stands pat" on them? Is the country so prosperous that it is either foolish or wicked to think it might be made more so by intelligent legislation ? Conditions are upon us which have thrown hundreds of thou- sands of workingmen out of employment and reduced the earnings of millions. Does the Republican party "stand pat" on that state of things? Idleness for an army of workers and the lowering of wages have caused a widespread lessening of the people's purchasing power, and a consequent decrease in sales and profits among manufacturers and merchants. Thus has been brought on a general lethargy in business. Does the Republican party "stand pat" on that? While wages and profits have gone down, the cost of living has gone up through the arbitrary demands of extortionate trusts. Does the Republican party "stand pat" on that? Exports and imports have fallen off enormously. Does the Republican party "stand pat" on that? For the current fiscal year the Treasury statement shows an excess in expenditures over receipts of about $45,000,000. Does the Republican party "stand pat" on that ? Monopolistic trusts continue to charge what they please for the prime necessaries of life, and speculative trusts to overcapitalize combined properties, swindling honest investors and transferring the hard-earned dollars of the people from banks and legitimate investments into worthless watered stocks. Does the Republican party "stand pat" on that? Trusts, protected by the tariff, sell cheaper to foreigners than they do to Americans. Does the Republican party "stand pat" on that? In Colorado men are denied the constitutional rights of American citizens, imprisoned without process of law and banished from the State at the point of the bayonet for the crime of belonging to a labor union. Does the Republican party "stand pat" on that ? Confederated predatory trusts, affecting to represent the country's honest business interests, whose worst enemy they are, dictate legislation in Washington and have the Administration's promise that it will not "run amuck" against banded trust magnates who break the laws but make heavy campaign contributions. Does the Republican party "stand pat" on that ? Instead of enjoying government by and for the people, we are suffering under government by and for the trusts. Does the Republican party "stand pat" on that? The answers to all of these questions are obvious. The Republican party "stands pat" on conditions which MUST BE CHANGED if we are to have republican government and not On What Does the Republican Party "Stand Pat?" 75 government by a plutocracy that is insensible to everything save its own immediate financial interests. The Republican party as an organization "stands pat" on the trusts, and it is the most remarkable organization the Republic has ever known. Nationally the party has become as compact, as obedient to orders, as easily "bossed" as any city "machine." But the Republican organization is not the whole of the Repub- lican party. The organization consists of politicians, and to carry out the policy of "stand pat" they must get the votes of millions who are not politicians. Every party carries with it the bulk of its adherents, no matter whether its policy be one of "stand pat" or change and reform. But in all parties there is an element which will not follow when the leaders give the word of command if the direction of the march does not seem to it right. So there is Republican rebellion in Wisconsin, Republican dis- affection in Iowa, in North Dakota and throughout the Northwest. Governor La Follette refuses to submit to a national machine which he denounces as plutocratic, and the farmers are restive under a tariff which fosters and protects monopoly, making dear all that they are compelled to buy. Among the rank and file of the Republican party everywhere are men who are patriots first and partisans afterward. They do not believe that their party is in no need of cleansing, or thai its tendencies and associations and policies are all so admirable that it should "stand pat," boast of its outlived past, brag of its trust- controlled present and promise no advance in time to come. These Republicans are Americans who hold to the American doctrine of equal rights and no privileges, and object alike to servitude and rob- bery under government by the trusts. They have been faithful to their party in the hope that it would shake off the influences that have corrupted it into sordidness and become again what it once was — a party of moral ideas, of aspiration, of progress. To such Republicans — the cynical and defiant announcement by the plutocracy-ridden Chicago Convention of the policy of "stand pat" has been a blow in the face. The Republican party, as represented by the machine, is satis- fied to "stand pat." The trusts are satisfied to "stand pat." All the "interests" that go into politics for what they get in the way of governmental favors are satisfied to "stand pat." But how about the PEOPLE, the plain American people — the manufacturers, the storekeepers, the clerks, the mechanics, the pro- fessional men, the laborers, who are neither politicians nor bene- ficiaries of the trusts nor of trust- government — are THEY satisfied to " stand pat"? Patriotic and thinking Republicans, no less than patriotic and thinking Democrats, know very well what is the matter with their country; they know very well why prosperity is departing. There is no lack of wealth in these United States. We have a j6 The Silver Record of the Republican Party. new continent of limitless natural resources and a people industri- ous and enterprising beyond any other. But monopoly has got its grip upon the resources, and that grip has been steadily strengthened by favoring legislation — legislation that arms the combination against the individual and aids power- fully in concentrating wealth in few hands. If we are to have prosperity, wealth must be distributed as well as accumulated. There is no more reason why we should have periods of hard times in this young and rich republic than that we should be periodically afflicted with, the black plague which centuries ago paid recurrent desolating visits to Europe. Medical and sanitary science has banished the plague forever, and honest government — legislation designed for the good of the whole American people and not for a class — together with an im- partial administration of the laws would banish hard times from America.' It is class legislation, legislation for the class that dominates the party in power, that is cursing the country. Will patriotic and thinking Republicans remain with their party, or- will they join with their patriotic and thinking Democratic fellow-citizens in overthrowing government for private interests, in restoring government for the public interest, and in making an end of trust-rule — of the ossified, soulless, hard-times-inviting and wholly plutocratic policy of "stand pat" ? THE SILVER RECORD OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. The comparison which President Roosevelt makes in his speech of acceptance between the Democratic and Republican positions on the money question is hardly ingenuous, either in its arguments or in its statement of facts. "We mean the same thing from year to year," he boasts, echoing in this respect the felicitations of Speaker Cannon as to the staunchness and steadiness of Repub- lican loyalty to the gold standard. Surely these two recently converted bimetallists must have winked at each other during this interchange of oratorical false history ! The President says, substantially, that the Republican party can be trusted to maintain the gold standard because it has alwa3's been for the gold standard ; and he concludes with the remarkable statement that its position on this question is not affected by conditions affecting the pro- duction of gold. Whether gold becomes as scarce as radium or as common as tin it will not, according to the President's logic, affect the "fundamental principles of national honor and morality." Such a statement removes the gold standard from the realm of economic science. Silver, long universally regarded as an ideal money metal, was demonetized solely on the plea that it had become too The Silver Record of the Republican Party. 77 cheap and abundant. In the early fifties a formidable movement, supported by leading economists and financiers, was begun for the demonetization of gold for a like reason. Those Democrats and Republicans who opposed the gold standard in the past because of what they considered the excessive scarcity of gold, cannot be justly accused of either insincerity or inconsistency because they have ceased their opposition since the enormous and unexpected increase in its production. Their attitude in this matter is not singular. Leading bimetallists all over the world have ceased to agitate the question for the same reason. But our present concern is with the accuracy of the President's historv rather than with his economic wisdom. REPUBLICAN PARTY HISTORICALLY A BIMETALLIC PARTY. The truth is that both political parties were for many years pledged to the double standard and both equally opposed to the gold standard as how established by law. So far from the Repub- lican party having been a continuous and unfailing champion of the gold standard it now appears in that role for the very first time, just as President Roosevelt, himself, appears as a new convert to that doctrine. PRESIDENT M'KINLEY A FREE SILVER ADVOCATE. The leaders of the Republican party, including President McKin- ley himself, were for many years advocates of free silver or bimetallism. Prior to 1896 it was quite the fashion in Republican platforms and party speeches to "denounce" President Cleveland and other wicked Democrats for trying to fasten the gold standard upon the country. In 1891 Mr. McKinley made a speech at Toledo, Ohio, in which he excoriated President Cleveland for being hostile to bimetallism and said "during all of his years at the head of the Government he was dishonoring one of our precious metals, one of our own great products, dishonoring silver and enhancing the price of gold. He was determined to contract the circulating medium and demonetize one of the coins of commerce, limit the volume of money among the people, make money scarce and therefore dear. He would have increased the value of money and diminished the value of everything else." In 1890 he had said in Congress : "I am for the largest use of silver in the currency of the country. I would not dishonor it; I would give it equal credit and honor with gold. I would make no discrimination; I would utilize both metals as money and dis- credit neither. I want the double standard." Quotations might be made at length from the speeches of Speaker Cannon, Representatives Grosvenor and Hepburn, the late Mr. Dingley of Maine, Senators Allison, Dolliver, and many others along the same line. 78 The Silver Record of the Republican Party. THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS ON SILVER. The national Republican platform of 1888, which was reported by Mr. McKinley as chairman of the committee, contained the following plank: "The Republican party is in favor of the use of both gold and silver as money and condemns the policy of the Democratic ad- ministration in its efforts to demonetize silver." In 1892 the Republican money platform was as follows: "The American people, from tradition and interest, favor bi- metallism and the Republican party demands the use of both gold and silver as standard money with such restrictions and un- der such provisions to be determined by legislation as will secure the maintenance and the parity," etc. In 1896 the platform of the Republican party was as follows : "We are opposed to free coinage of silver except by international agreement, which we pledge ourselves to promote, and until such agreement can be obtained, the existing gold standard must be preserved." In 1892 the Republican party was for bimetallism to be se- cured by legislation without reference to international agreement. In 1896, it was still for bimetallism and favored the gold stand- ard as a "matter of temporary expediency," until it could be got rid of by "agreement with foreign countries." THE OHIO PLATFORM IN 1896. Mr. McKinley was the nominee of the Republican party in 1896, but the declaration of the national Republican platform was not such a declaration as he himseslf would have made. There can be little doubt that the Republican Convention in his own state of Ohio more accurately defined his individual views. The state which was then pressing his candidacy for the presidential nomina- tion would not have adopted a platform which was not thoroughly satisfactory to him. The Ohio Republican platform in 1896 con- tained the following plank: "We favor bimetallism and demand the use of both gold and silver as standard money, either in accordance with a ratio to be fixed by international agreement, if that can be obtained, or under such restrictions and such provisions to be determined by legislation as will secure the maintenance of the parity values of the two metals." It will be seen that the platform adopted in McKinley's state in 1896 declared in favor of international bimetallism, if that could be obtained, or if it could not, it was to be had by independent legislation of the United States. Such were the views of President McKinley in the very year in which he was first nominated against William J. Bryan. The Republican platform of 1900 says: "We renew our allegiance to the principle of the gold stand- ard. * * * We declare our steadfast opposition to the free and unlimited coinage of silver. * * * No measure to that end could be considered which was without the support of the The Silver Record of the Republican Party. 79 leading commercial countries of the world." Though growing weaker and weaker, there is still the suggestion of bimetallism in the Republican platform. The Republican platform of 1904 is the first unequivocal declara- tion of that party in favor of the gold standard. Thus it appears that only by slow and stealthy steps did the Republican party at last reach the gold standard. It has never made an approach to the gold standard except with the promise of bimetallism upon its lips. It never proclaimed itself the friend of the gold standard until after it had obtained power as the friend of bimetallism. Soon after it had won the great battle of 1896, its leaders resented with indignation the charge that it was a gold standard party. Congress authorized and Mr. McKinley appointed a commission to beg the co-operation of the European nations for the establishment of bimetallism. When Mr. Quigg, of New York, declared in debate in 1897, that the Republican party was for the gold standard he was bitterly assailed by Mr. Hepburn, of Iowa, and Mr. Grosvenor, of Ohio, as an "apostate" from Republican- ism. Mr. Grosvenor denied that the Republican party was a sin- gle gold standard party, and said that more than one hundred Republicans had been elected to Congress in 1896, who would have been defeated if the Republican party had declared for the gold standard. This is hardly a record upon which one can stand and chal- lenge the sincerity of another. Might not one with at least equal justice apply to the Republican party the language of Mr. Roose- velt that "they appeal for confidence on the ground that if tri- umphant they may be trusted to prove false to every principle" they have advocated for the last sixteen years ? PRES. ROOSEVELT ON THE QUESTION OF "DEFINITE COMMITTALS." President Roosevelt charges the Democratic party with avoid- ing a "definite and conclusive committal" for the gold standard. But in 1896, he did not think it at all important that his own party should declare against 16 to 1, claiming that silence would in that case be equal to denunciation. In an article in the "Cen- tury Magazine," in 1896, before the assembling of the Republican Convention, he undertook to outline the Republican platform, and said: "Refusal to be for free silver means, of course, that the party is reso- lutely against it; and the majority may rest content with this state of affairs and spare the minority humiliation by .refraining from denouncing in so many words the free coinage of silver. I should prefer that they did denounce it; but the denunciation is really a matter of small consequence when the attitude of the party is so clear." This is plain and rational. The Republican Convention of 1892 had declared for bimetallism, with proper restrictions to insure parity, indeed, but by the legislative action of the United States alone. Mr. Roosevelt argued that under the circumstances a mere failure to declare for free silver would be equivalent to 80 The Silver Record of the Republican Party. an abandonment of that policy and would at the same time spare the feelings of the free silver Republicans. Even so there were Democrats at St. Louis who felt in 1904, as Mr. Roosevelt did in 1896, that a refusal to include a free silver plank was tanta- mount to saying that the party was "resolutely against it," and that it was a matter of "small consequence" whether this opposi- tion was expressed in words or by silence. Mr. Roosevelt, at least, is not in a position to dispute the soundness of this view. As a plain matter of fact, practically all Democrats agree that for an indefinite time the question of the money standard has been settled by the great and unexpected increase in the production of gold. The President is doing no good service either to his party or his country by attempting to raise that issue. MR. ROOSEVELT AS A BIMETALLISM In the "Century" article referred to Mr. Roosevelt took strong grounds in favor of international bimetallism, and said: "There is grave doubt as to whether the agreement can be reached; but the end is of such importance as to justify an effort to attain it. The people who oppose the move are, as a rule, men whom the insane folly of the ultra free silver men has worked into a panic of folly only less acute." To the mind of President Roosevelt in 1896, an out and out gold standard man, such as he has since become, was only little less of a lunatic than a "Bryanite." Yet he and the followers of Mr. Bryan were alike trying to reach by different methods the same end — that of replacing the gold standard with a double standard of gold and silver. Now why did Mr. Roosevelt regard it as "so important" to get rid of the gold standard in 1896 by international agreement, while in 1904 he regards it as vital to preserve it at all hazards? He sneers at Democrats who offer rational explanations for their change of position and claims a monopoly of sincerity for his own party because it has abandoned its principles without telling us why. Why does he say that those who can give solid reasons for a change of attitude toward a public question are any less to be trusted than the man or party who abandons a long cherished policy for no reason whatever? REPUBLICAN EXTRAVAGANCE. THE DEFICIT IN THE TREASURY. The expenditures actual and estimated for the four years of President Roosevelt's incumbency aggregate $2,641,724,019.18, which is $211,407,628.89 greater than the four years of McKinley's although he conducted the Spanish War, and $883,024,802.75 greater than the last four years of Cleveland. REMARKS OF SENATOR CULBERSON, OF TEXAS, IN THE SENATE, APRIL 28, 1904. Mr. Culberson. Mr. President, the statement which has just been presented by the Senator from Iowa (Mr. Allison) is a useful and valuable one. Among other matters, he has made a comparison of the expenditures during the past two or three years. I desire, Mr. President, to go somewhat further back in a comparison of the ex- penditures of the Government, covering, in fact, the past twelve years, beginning with the first full year of the last Administration of Mr. Cleveland. For that purpose I present at this point a table, which I have myself copied from the reports of the Secretary of the Treasury, showing the total revenues and the total expenses of each year. I present the table now, but without reading it, so as not to occupy unnecessarily the time of the Senate. I ask that the table may be printed in the Eecord. The President pro tempore. In the absence of objection, it is so ordered. The table referred to is as follows : TOTAL REVENUES AND EXPENDITURES FOR THE PAST TWELVE YEARS AS SHOWN BY THE REPORTS OF THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. CLEVELAND. Year. Revenues. Expenditures. Deficit. 1894 $372,802,498.29 $442,605,758.87 $69,803,260.58 1895 390,373,203.30 433,178.426.48 42,805,223.18 1896 409,475,408.78 434,678,654.48 25,203,245.70 1897 430,387,167.89 448,439,622.30 18,052,454.41 m'kinley. 1 898 $494,333,953.75 $532,381,201.35 $38,047,247.60 1899 610,982,004.35 700,093,564.02 89,111,559.67 1900 669,595,431.18 590,068,371.00 *79,527,060.18 1901 699,316,530.92 621,598,546.54 *77,717,984.38 ROOSEVELT. 1902 $684,326,280.47 $593,038,904.90 *$91,287,375.57 1903 694,621,117.64 640,323,450.28 *54,297,667.36 1904 (estimated) .. 674,767,664.00 660,767,664.00 * 14,000,000.00 1905 (estimated) .. 704,472,060.72 747,694,001.44 43,121,939.28 * Surplus. Mr. Culberson. In the first full fiscal year of McKinley (1898) the expenditures, as shown by the foregoing table, exceeded those 82 Republican Extravagance. of the first full fiscal year of Cleveland (1894) by $89,775,442.48. In the last full fiscal year of McKinley (1901) the expenditures exceeded those of the last full fiscal year of Cleveland (1897) by $159,333,631.62. The last year of Cleveland exceeded his first year by only $5,833,863.43 ; while the last year of McKinley exceeded his first year by $75,392,052.57. During the four years of Cleve- land the total expenditures amounted to $1,758,699,216.43, while during the four years of McKinley the total expenditures were $2,430,316,390.29, and increase in four years under McKinley of $671,617,173.86. Taking from this the deficit of $18,052,454.41, coming over from Cleveland in 1897, there will be left a net increase of $653,564,- 719.45, or about 38 per cent. The notable increase of expenditures in 1898 over 1894 was $6,275,083.65 for pensions, $8,743,650.59 interest on the public debt, $27,122,691.01 in the naval establish- ment, and $37,424,070.44 in the military establishment. The notable increase in 1901 over 1897 was $25,438,453.71 in the naval establishment, $35,747,938.31 in the civil establishment, and $91,- 049,732.11 in the military establishment. Of the total net increase of $653,564,719.45 for the four years, the notable increase, in round numbers, exclusive of the postal service, was $19,000,000 interest on the public debt, $29,000,000 in the civil establishment, $116,000,000 in the naval establishment, and $391,000,000 in the military establishment. President Roosevelt assumed office September 14, 1901, and as soon as he became firmly established in power and control, it will be observed, increased expenditures began. The total expenditures, actual and estimated, for the four years of his incumbency aggre- gated $2,641,728,019.18, which is $211,407,628.89 greater than the four years of McKinley, though he conducted the Spanish war, and $883,024,802.75 greater than the four years of Cleveland. In the first full fiscal year of Roosevelt (J903) expenditures exceeded those of the first full fiscal year of McKinley (1898) by $107,942,248.83, and in the last full fiscal year of Roosevelt (1905) expenditures, as estimated by the Secretary of the Treasury, will exceed those of the last full fiscal year of McKinley (1901) by $105,875,660.25. Mr. Aldrich. Will the Senator give me the figures for the first fiscal year of the present Administration, if he has them ? Mr. Culberson. After I read this consecutively I will. The last year of McKinley exceeded his first by $75,392,052.57, while the last year of Roosevelt will exceed his first year by $134,435,301.89. Of the total increase of $883,024,802.75 for the four years of Roose- velt as compared with the four years of Cleveland, the notable in- crease, exclusive of the postal service, is, in round numbers, $160,- 000,000 in the civil establishment, $231,000,000 in the naval estab- lishment, and $284,000,000 in the military establishment. The total cost of the military establishment, exclusive of pensions, during the four years of Roosevelt, exceeds that of Cleveland by $515,000,000. The War Department has furnished me a statement of the war Republican Extravagance. 83 budget of Great Britain, France and Germany for the year 1903, including pensions, and I desire to insert at this point in the brief statement I am making these budgets from the War Department, to which I have added those of the United States for 1903 and the estimated expenses of the military establishment for 1905. STATEMENT OF BUDGETS OF GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE AND GERMANY DURING 1903. GREAT BRITAIN. » Army: Ordinary budget $168,709,355.00 Navy: Ordinary budget 172,287,500.00 Total $340,996,855.00 FRANCE.O Army: Ordinary budget $131,348,048.00 Extraordinary budget 1 6,212,000.00 Navy: Ordinary budget 62,694,905.00 Total $200,254,953.00 GERMANY. Armv : Ordinary budget $143,401,436.00 Extraordinary budget 16,082,267.00 Navy: Ordinary budget 23,367,048.00 Extraordinary budget 35,344,467.00 Total $218,195,218.00 GREAT BRITAIN. Ordinarv total budget (1903): Army $135,424,355.00 Navy 172,287,500.00 Total $307,711,855.00 UNITED STATES FOR 1903. War $118,619,520.15 Navy 82,618,034.18 Pensions 138,425,646.07 Total $339,662,200.40 UNITED STATES FOR 1905.0 War $142,294,000.00 Navy 106,841,000.00 Pensions 138,152,600.00 Total $387,287,600.00 a The Budget for Great Britain includes extraordinary credits for the Transvaal war, the expedition to China and to Somaliland, etc. The or- dinary budget amounts to $135,424,355. 6 The war budget includes $7,658,269 for the gendarmerie and $5,551,441 for colonial troops. o Estimated. War Department, Office of the Adjutant-General, Washington, April 25, 1904. Hon. Charles A. Culberson, The Normandie, Washington. Dear Senator Culberson: Complying with your request over the 'phone this afternoon, I beg to hand you herewith a memorandum show- ing the costs of the military establishments of England, France, and Ger- 84 Republican Extravagance. many, including pensions, so far as can be shown from the data on file in the military information division of this Department. Trusting the memorandum contains the information you desire, I am, Very truly yours, W. P. Hall, Brigadier-General, Assistant Adjutant-General. Mr. Culberson. The total war budget of Great Britain for 1903 was $340,996,855; for Germany, $218,195,218, and for France, $200,254,953. The total expenses of the military establishment of the United States for 1903 was, in round numbers, $339,000,000. If the expenses of the British operations in South Africa are ex- cluded, the war budget of the United States for 1903 exceeded that of Great Britain by $32,000,000; Germany by $121,000,000, and France by $139,000,000. The Secretary of the Treasury estimates that the total cost of the military establishment of the United States for 1905, including pensions, will approximate $387,287,600, which it will be observed still further increases this character of expendi- tures in the United States over those of Great Britain, France and Germany. Mr. Culberson. I also ask leave to insert as a part of this state- ment the letter of the Secretary of the Treasury, dated April 25, 1904, in which he gives me the estimates of expenditures for 1905, which I have used in the statement, that I will now send to the desk to have printed. The Presiding 1 Officer. Without objection, the statement pre- sented by the Senator from Texas will be ordered printed in the Eecord. The letter of the Secretary of the Treasury referred to is as fol- lows: Treasury Department, Office of the Secretary, Washington, April 25, 1904. Hon. C. A. Culberson, United States Senate. Sir: In reply to your request of to-day I have the honor to inform you that the estimates of appropriations for the year 1905, as submitted by the several Executive Departments and offices and transmitted to Congress at the beginning of and during the present session, aggregate, in round numbers, as follows: For the civil establishment, including foreign intercourse, public buildings, collecting the revenues, District of Co- lumbia, and miscellaneous expenses $165,697,000 For the military establishment, including rivers and har- bors, forts, arsenals, seacoast defenses, etc 142,294,000 For the naval establishment, including construction of new vessels, machinery, armament, equipment, improve- ments at navy-yards, etc 106,841,000 For Indian affairs 10,888,000 For pensions 138,152,000 For postal service, payable from postal revenues 159,472,000 (Deficiency, $8,600,000, payable from Treasury and charged in civil establishment.) For interest on the public debt 24,250,000 Total, exclusive of the sinking fund $747,594,000 As the appropriations for the year 1905 have not all been made, it is impossible for the Department to estimate the expenditures falling within the ensuing fiscal year. Respectfully, L. M. Shaw, Secretary. SPEECH OF HON. LEONIDAS F. LIVINGSTON, OF GEOR- GIA, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, THURSDAY, APRIL 28, 1904. The House having under consideration the subject of appropria- tions — Mr. Livingston said: Mr. Speaker: I submit a statement showing the appropriations made at each of the sessions of the Fifty-third Congress, which was controlled in both branches by the Democratic party, for the fiscal years 1895 and 1896, the estimates submitted by the Executive Departments to Congress at this session, and the appropriations made thereunder for the ensuing fiscal year 1905. The appropriations for each of the fiscal years 1895 and 1896, as made by a Democratic Congress, do not materially vary, as will be seen, one from the other, and average only $494,619,602.84 for each year. The table also shows that appropriations for Federal expenditures made under a Republican Administration, by a Eepublican Con- gress, for the next fiscal year have reached the startling sum of $781,574,629.99, or an increase of $286,955,027.15 over the average of the last two years under Democratic control and within a period of less than ten years. I do not question the honesty of these vast appropriations, either in their aggregate amount or in their details ; but I challenge the wisdom of the policy of the dominant party that has made these enormous expenditures necessary through the increase of the mili- tary and naval establishments, the maintenance of which is at the expense of needed internal improvements, such as river and harbor works and public buildings. During the session which is just about to close the Representatives of the people have been denied consid- eration of the demands of their constituents all along this line, and yet the appropriations for the Army show an increase over what it cost in 1896 of $54,000,000 and the Navy the still greater increase of $69,000,000. Whatever may have been the sins of commission of this Congress, they are as nothing compared to its sins of omission in denying consideration to all legislation looking to the welfare of the great masses" of the people. The following editorial in the Washington Post of yesterday, an influential and non-partisan journal published here in the national capital, voices, I believe, an almost universal criticism against the session of Congress just closing: "POSTPONED TILL AFTER ELECTION." A number of Republican organs, of varying caliber, are pointing with pride that must be affected to the work that will have been accomplished by the Fifty-eighth Congress at the end of its first 86 Speech of Hon. Leonidas F. Livingston. regular session. If to have refrained from doing irreparable mis- chief be worthy of glorification, the laudation of those organs is in order. If to have put off to the more convenient season that will probably never come most of the business that belonged to this session be commendable, let the organs go on piping their praise. It can not justly be said that the Fifty-eighth Congress has done many things that it ought not to have done; but it has assuredly left undone much work that it ought to have done. And the pen- dency of a national election is the only excuse vouchsafed. If this Congress at this session was under any obligation to the country to do anything at all beyond passing appropriation bills to keep the machinery of Government in operation for the next fiscal year, it was bound to mature and enact legislation for the reform of our wretched hodgepodge of currency laws. Postponement of that duty had been carried far beyond the safety limit, and equally beyond excuse, long before this Congress met. That is the opinion of the ablest financiers, irrespective of party. That was the opinion expressed by the chairman of the Senate Finance Committee before the end of the Fifty-seventh Congress. This Congress came in pledged to tariff revision. The session will close with that duty untouched. It is a clear violation of good faith, a surrender to the standpatters in the interest of the few against the many. There can be no tariff legislation at the next ses- sion, for no time will be available for that purpose. Besides those two great subjects, on which legislative action was due and expected from this session, there are many other matters of moment laid over "till after the election." That phrase records the situation of the ship-subsidy bill, statehood, rivers and harbors, immigration, the Smoot case, impeachment of Swayne, labor bills, land leases, and other propositions — all put off for political reasons, all evaded, not for lack of time, but for want of courage. If this sort of thing goes on — if it becomes, as bids fair to be the case, the unwritten law to postpone all but unavoidable legisla- tion "until after election'' — what will be the result ? That question is worth considering. Under our Constitution and statutes every House of Eepresentatives is on the eve of an election when the first session of a new Congress convenes. At the time the Eepresenta- tives have been elected from thirteen to eighteen months, and the next election is staring them in the face. They have even more reason for timidity in the years between than in the Presidential years. Suppose timidity should continue to grow until "after the election" became the only time for Congress to do business, what would the country do ? We can see but one ray of hope. Executive legislation looms up as the last resort ; either that or chaos. Speech of Hon. Leonidas F. Livingston. 87 Table Showing Appropriations Made by the Last Democratic Congress, the Fifty-third, and by the First Session of the Fifty-eighth Congress. Fifty-eighth Congress, First Session. fiscal year 1905. « Fifty-third Congress » First session, Second session, for fiscal year for fiscal year 1894-95 1895-% Agriculture $3,223,623.06 $3,303,750.00 Army 23.592,884.68 23,252,608.09 Diplomatic and consular 1,563,918.76 1,574,458.76 District of Columbia 5,545,678.57 5,745,443.25 Fortification 2,427,004.00 1.904,557.50 Indian 10,659,565.16 8,762,751.24 Legislative, executive and judicial- 21,305,583.29 21,891,718.08 Military Academy 406,535.08 464,261.66 Navy 25,327,126.72 29,416,245.31 Pension 151,581,570.00 141,381.570.00 Post-office 87,236,599.55 89,545,997.86 River and Harbor 11,643,180.00 Sundry civil 34,253,775,55 46.568,160.40 Totals $378,767,044.42 $373,811,552.15 Deficiencies 11,811,004.06 9,825,374.82 Totals $390,578,048.48 $383,636,896.97 Miscellaneous 577,956,55 297,667.37 Total regular annual ap- propriations $391,156,005.03 $383,934,564.34 Permanent annual appropriations. 101,074,680.00 113,073,956.32 Grand total regular & perma- nent annual appropriations • • $492,230,685.03 $497,008,520.66 Total $989,239,205.69 $5,902, 77,070, 2,020, 11,021, 7,518, 9.447, 28,556, 975, 98.005, 138.360 172.574, 3,000, 57,846, 040.00 300.88 100.69 740.00 192.00 961.40 913.22 966.84 140.94 700.00 998.75 000.00 ,911.34 $612,300,966.06 26,801,843.93 $639,102,809.99 1,000,000.00 $640,102,809.99 141.471,820.00 $781,574,629.99 STATEMENT OF EDWARD ATKINSON ON COST OF WAR AND WARFARE— THE PENALTY INCURRED IN EIGHT FISCAL YEARS ENDING JUNE 30, 1898, TO JUNE 30, 1905, INCLUSIVE, $1,200,000,000. During the twenty years preceding the Spanish War covering the fiscal years ending June 30, 1878, to June 30, 1897, under five administrations — three Republican and two Democratic — the cost of the Government of the United States for the support of the Civil and Judicial service, for the support of the Army, and for the support of the Navy, including the construction of the "new navy" so-called, varied but a slight fraction over two dollars and a half ($2.50) per head of the population in each year. The revenue de- rived from liquors and tobacco, domestic and foreign, also averaged two dollars and a half ($2.50) per head and met those charges. The cost of pensions and interest on the public debt per head also varied but a fraction over two dollars and a half ($2.50) each year. The cost of interest and pensions is now one dollar and ninety cents ($1.90) per head and is steadily diminishing. The total cost of supporting the Government of the United States during the twenty years of peace, order and industrial progress, was five dollars ($5.00) per head of the population. The cost of supporting the Government for the eight fiscal years ending June 30, 1882, to June 30, 1889, inclusive, under the sane, safe and prudent administrations of Presidents Arthur and Cleve- land (first term) including a part of the cost of the "new navy" begun under President Cleveland, was four dollars and a half ($4.50) per head of the population. At this standard the rate would now be four dollars ($4.00), but since a somewhat larger Army and Navy are now said to be needed purely for defensive purposes and for home service, the sum gained by the reduction in pensions and interest expended on Army and Navy would maintain the rate per head at four dollars and a half ($4.50). The taxation required for the cost of sustaining the Government of the United States economically administered may be established at the standard of four dollars and a half ($4.50) per head. During the eight years of war and warfare under Presidents Mc- Kinley and Roosevelt the cost of the Government has been two dol- lars ($2.00) per head per year in excess of what it would have been at the rate of the previous twenty years, and two dollars and a half ($2.50) per head on the average per year in excess of what it would have been at the standard of four dollars and a half ($4.50) per head. The excess of expenditure on War and Warfare over 1878 to 1897, during the eight years named has been over $1,200,000,000 The excess of expenditure on War and Warfare over the standard $4.50 per head during the eight years named, has been over 1,500,000,000 Cost of War and Warfare. 89 WHO PAYS THIS TAX?-THE CONSUMER OF FOOD, CLOTHING AND SHELTER. A small part of the taxes are derived from duties on the import of articles of luxury and voluntary use; the greater part of the taxes collected under the Internal Eevenue Act and under the tariff are imposed upon articles of common consumption by the whole body of consumers. They are imposed on coal, iron, steel, copper, lumber, sugar, beef, potatoes, hay, leather, fish, oats, oatmeal and other of the necessaries and comforts of life. In' addition to the taxes on these articles of necessary consumption which the people pay and which the Government receives, a heavy additional tax is imposed through the duties on imports which the consumers pay, but which the Government does not receive. This tax imposed for the declared purpose of "protection with incidental revenue" in- creases the cost of a large portion of the necessary articles of con- sumption, both domestic and foreign. It is collected indirectly by the owners and managers of the works in which are manufac- tured oil, steel, sugar, tobacco, matches, or in which beef and pork are packed, or crude timber converted into lumber. These taxes are also collected indirectly by the owners of the ore deposits, of the timber land, of the borax deposits, of the "hoofed locusts" (as the Territorial sheep are called), of the fishing smacks on the sea- board, and the like. Under this act they have been and are now enabled to put high prices on their products which are sold for home consumption, and to sell for export to foreign countries at much lower prices. It now becomes fit to measure these taxes. What does war and warfare, imperialism, over-sea expansion and protection with inci- dental revenue, cost each person or each family, and how is this penalty distributed? Eelative cost in figures and appropriations to each person. In excess of the standard of four dollars and a half ($4.50) per head, each person has paid $20 Penalty paid by the head of each family of five or by each two persons who sustain themselves and three others 100 Had these sums not been taken from consumers for the purposes of War and Warfare they might have been deposited in a savings bank at an average of 4 per cent, interest year by year for eight years. The saving would have been four years' interest at 4 per cent 16 The consumption of the people of the North and West is much larger than that of the people of the South, where eight millions (8,000,000) negroes of low purchasing power constitute so large a part of the population. Additional penalty paid by the consumers in the North and West added on an estimate of 20 per cent, in excess in consumption 20 90 Cost of War and Warfare. A very low estimate of the tax which the people have paid, but which the Government has not received, secured by the privileged classes under the tariff for "protection with incidental revenue," would be 40 At these estimates the total penalty paid by each group of five persons during eight years of War and Warfare up to June 30, 1905, by actual ex- penditures and appropriations in excess of the standard of four dollars and a half ($4.50) per head has been 176 The head of a family, consisting of five persons, liv- ing in the North or West, in receipt of an annual income of from one thousand to fifteen hundred dollars ($1,000 to $1,500), with expenditures corresponding to the average expenditures of artisans, craftsmen, bookkeepers, clerks and others, may reasonably compute his share of this assess- ment of taxes, direct and indirect, under the fore- going conditions for the past eight years at 200 The expenditures of the United States in the fiscal years ending June 30, 1862, to June 30, 1869, eight years of Civil War and Reconstruction, were $4,900,000,000, at high prices in depreciated paper money for all supplies. At a very moderate reduction for depreciation the cost of eight years of Civil War and Reconstruction on a gold basis was not over 4,200,000,000 The expenditures in eight years of War, Warfare and Over-sea Expansion under McKinley and Roosevelt, to June 30, 1905, will have been over. . 4,200,000,000 From the Annual Report of the Secretary of the Treasury for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1903, and the official statement of the expendi- tures of the last fiscal year and the appropria- tions for the present year, it proves that the ex- penditures in the War and Navy Departments under the administration of Presidents McKinley and Roosevelt for eight years of War and War- fare and Over-sea Expansion will have been six- teen hundred and twenty-five million 1,625,000,000 The expenditures under the sane and safe admin- istration of Presidents Arthur and Cleveland, 1882 to 1889, for Army and Navy fully developed for purposes of national defense and for beginning the construction of the "new navy," amounted to four hundred and sixty-two million 462,000,000 The difference of eleven hundred and sixty-three ($1,163,000,000) constitutes the greater part of the excessive expenditures of War and Warfare which are tending to increase rather than dimin- ish 1,163,000,000 Speech of Hon. Gilbert M. Hitchcock. 91 The revenue to pay the penalty measured as above has been derived wholly from taxes on the necessaries and comforts of life and on the crude materials of foreign origin which are necessary in the process of domestic industry. All the facts and figures which are given in this condensed state- ment have been derived from the official reports of the Govern- ment and have all been justified and proved. The citations from the reports and the detailed figures of each year will be found in my book about to be published by Houghton, Mifflin & Com- pany, Boston, entitled "Facts and Figures," and in my treatises of the Cost of War and Warfare which are in nearly every pub- lic library in the United States. Edward Atkinson, LL.D. Brookline, Mass., U. S. A., July, 1904. SPEECH OF HON. GILBERT M. HITCHCOCK, OF NE- BRASKA, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTA- TIVES, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 1904. We have before us a bill appropriating over $96,000,000 for the Navy, and in addition authorizing an increase in naval plans which involves $29,000,000 more to be appropriated at a future time. It seems to me that a man may favor a navy, may favor its reasonable development, and still denounce this gigantic and excessive appro- priation. It is now more than one hundred years ago that our forefathers established this Eepublic with the idea that we could improve not only on monarchical forms but on monarchical methods. Ours was to be a government of consent, a government to promote peace, es- tablish justice, and to insure the blessings of liberty to the people. It was to permit them to work out in their own way the natural development of their interests, only possible in times of peace, free from the exactions of exorbitant taxation. And so, Mr. Chairman, we continued in our course for over a cen- tury, a nation of peace, in marked contrast to the war-cursed coun- tries of Europe and the tax-burdened monarchies of the Old World. Suddenly, within the last few years, the rage for militarism and em- pire, for so-called expansion, has come upon us, and we are beset with that old spirit of conquest and war that has dominated every monarchy. I say it without danger of contradiction from any in- telligent source that our Eepublic, in its use of its national revenues, is more wasteful and extravagant than any empire in the world. This Eepublic, founded on the idea of consent, founded on the idea of a government by a people, is becoming the imitator of mon- archies. Our forefathers sought to give the people relief from tax- ation, but our Eepublic is becoming the most tax-burdened nation of the world. We were formerly taught that as little money as pos- 92 Speech of Hon. Gilbert M. Hitchcock. sible should be taken each year by the Government from the income of the business men and from the wages of the laborers. Now we are told that patriotism must be measured by appropriations. Whether we judge our present national expenditure by our former history or by the national expenditure of other nations, we appear in a most unenviable position. The great Eussian Empire, with two and a half times the area of the United States and nearly twice the population, is the only nation in the world that regularly raises as large an amount of money by national taxation as the United States. The total annual revenue of Eussia is about $1,100,000,000. But from that must be deducted nearly $400,000,000 not raised by taxation, but flowing from state monopolies and government property, so that the actual amount which Eussia raises by taxation is only about $700,000,000 a year. In proportion to the size and population that is a smaller sum than the United States annually raises by taxation from its citizens. We can hardly compare our annual expenditures with those of Great Britain at the present time, because Great Britain has only just emerged from a most expensive and destructive war. In times of peace Great Britain's national expenditures are less than those of the United States. Nor will it do to explain this by saying that Great Britain has less population than the United States, because the national expenditures of Great Britain are the expenditures for an empire employing a navy three or four times as large as ours and an army exceeding ours in at least that proportion. While the United Kingdom is smaller in area and less in population than the United States, it must be remembered that it is the seat of power and expenditure for ten times the population and forty times the area of the United Kingdom. It must also be remembered that Great Britain as the result of countless wars in the past, has a national debt whose interest charge is $100,000,000 a year greater than the interest charge with which the United States is burdened. If we compare our national revenues and expenditures with those of France, we find that each nation has total revenues of about $700,000,000 a year. Each nation derives nearly $200,000,000 a year of this revenue from sources which are not due to taxation. In the United States the chief of these is the Post-office receipts, land sales, and other miscellaneous income of that sort. In France the following items of revenue are not the production of taxation : France's revenue not the product of taxation. Francs. From State monopolies 734,836,000 From public domains 28,932,000 From public forests 32,368,000 Miscellaneous revenues from fees, etc 63,184,000 Eecettes d'ordre 143,855,000 Total 1,003,175,000 Speech of Hon. Gilbert M. Hitchcock. 93 Deducting above revenues from total receipts we have the fol- lowing showing of net amount derived from national taxation in France : Gross revenues of France. Francs. Gross receipts 3,675,661,000 Sundry receipts not taxes 1,003,175,000 Net amount from taxation 2,672,486,000 Equal to $534,497,200. Nor does the above showing correctly represent the amount of "national" taxation in France, for the reason that the French Government, unlike the Government of the United States, ex- pends a part of the national revenue for local purposes. In this way, of the above $534,000,000, more than $50,000,000 are expended for public schools and other purely local matters which are paid for in America by local taxation. This brings the French total of national taxation down to $483,000,000 a year, which is mate- rially less than that of the United States. And yet France main- tains a standing army of over half a million men and a navy larger than ours. France also pays five times as much interest on her public debt every year as we do. This one item alone costs France $120,000,000 a year more than it costs the United States. She has an enormous inheritance of debt from her bloody centuries of war and revolution. But perhaps the most instructive comparison is the comparison between the expenditures of the United States with those of Ger- many, that Empire designated by the gentleman who preceded me as a land/ of "blood and iron." We might expect to find in this Em- pire of 60,000,000 people, ruled by the iron hand of an ambitious and dominating Kaiser, maintaining a standing army of 600,000 men and a navy ranking third among the naval powers of the world — we might expect to find here, I say, a burden of national tax heavier than in the American Eepublic. But the fact is otherwise. Our national taxation exceeds the national taxation of the Ger- man Empire by more than $200,000,000 a year. ' The German Kaiser, with all his ambition and all his lust for empire, inflicts on the German people less taxation than the Government of the United States upon its citizens. Let us look at the figures. The following is a statement which shows the total income of the Ger- man Empire for the year 1903. With the classification of those items not due to taxation and those items of revenue not used for national purposes, the table is as follows: 94 Speech of Hon. Gilbert M. Hitchcock. German Government income. (Expressed in marks.) Gross income, Items not for national all sources. taxation. purposes. Post and telegraph 456,220,100 456,220,100 Railroads 87,879,600 87,879,600 State banks 15,866,200 15,866,200 Administration bureaus 41,658,300 Disabled pension funds 49,003,800 States matricular contribution . . . 565,856,200 565,856,200 Customs and internal revenue. . . . 810,252,900 Stamp duties 93,028,000 Public printing 7,906,000 7,906,000 Sundry other sources 17,406,600 Total ordinary receipts 2,145,077,700 567,871,900 565,856,200 Extraordinary 199,848,800 Grand total 2,344,926,500 Less items not raised by tax 567,871,900 Balance 1,777,054,600 Less assignments to States 565,856,200 Net national taxation *1,211,198,400 *Equal to $302,799,600. The reason for deducting the items of income from post and telegraph, railways, State banks, and public printing from the gross income is manifest. These items are not taxation. The reason for deducting the items entitled "Matricular contribution of the States" perhaps demands an explanation. The German Empire is composed of a number of States. Under the law of 1879 it was decreed that certain national revenues drawn from all parts of the Empire should be assigned back to the States in proportion to their population. These revenues, as above shown, now amount to 565,- 856,200 marks per year, and being assigned back to the States and used by them for local taxation, they must of course be deducted from the national expenditures, as they are not a part of the national but are purely local expenditures. Without going into detail in the United States, the figures of which are very much more familiar to us, it may be said that our total gross income is $694,621,117. Of this amount the receipts from the post-office, land sales, and other sources should not be counted in national taxation. Deducting these items as we have deducted these items from the German revenues, and converting the whole into American money, we have the following comparative table, showing taxation in Germany and the United States: Germany. United States. Total gross income $586,231,625 $694,621,117 Income not national taxation 283,432,025 179,331,411 Amount raised by taxation.. $302,799,600 $515,289,706 Speech of Hon. Gilbert M. Hitchcock. 95 It thus appears, as I have stated above, that our national taxa- tion exceeds the national taxation of the German Empire by $212,- 000,000 a year. Nor can it be said that this is due to the fact that the American Republic has 80,000,000 population, while the Ger- man Empire has less than 60,000,000, because the per capita of the taxation is greater in the United States than it is in Ger- many, and if we equalize the populations we would still be tax- ing ourselves $85,000,000 a year more than the Germans tax them- selves. Now, what becomes of the vast amount of money which we raise by national taxation in the United States ? More than two dollars out of every five that we now raise in na- tional taxation go for purposes of war — for our Army and our Navy. This time of profound peace is a time of enormous taxation. The gentleman who just preceded me, and who pleads so elo- quently for the contractors who build our ships and furnish the armor, stated that the wealth of this country is so enormous that our national expenditures are insignificant. But he forgets, Mr. Chairman, that the wealth of this country does not contribute these millions of dollars which go to make up this enormous amount of money that we gather in from the people every year. The wealth of the country does not pay that money. We do not tax wealth; in raising our national revenues we merely tax consumption, and, plainly speaking, such taxation is practically nothing but a per capita tax on the population of the United States. The head of every family pays that tax not only for himself and his wife, but for his children. The daily living expenses of every man, woman and child are increased by the manner in which we raise this money. Our system of indirect taxation increases the cost of food, clothing, and most of the other necessaries of life. If the wealth of the country were contributing to these enormous expenditures, which go into armor plate and war ships, I think we would hear more voices raised here in this House for economy and limited expendi- ture. The fact is that the money is taken from the masses of the peo- ple, regardless of their ability to pay, and is turned over to armor trusts, beef trusts, railroads, and shipbuilding trusts. These and other trusts and great corporations are the ones who get the great chunks out of these gigantic annual appropriations, and we all know it. The growth of these war expenditures has been simply prodigious in twenty years. Do gentlemen ever stop to think that we may deplete if not ex- haust the resources of a nation in the time of peace by excessive preparations for war. We have heard of the man who, in preparing to leap a ditch, took such a long running start that he used up his strength before he reached the ditch and fell into it. Nations have done the same thing with war preparations. The following table shows the strength of the navies of the four great countries of the world, both present and prospective, revealing the fact that we are making an increase of our Navy under present q6 Speech of Hon. Theodore E. Burton. laws equal to the increase being made by Germany and France combined : Strength of navies, present and prospective. Tonnage in Total future Country. Men. Tonnage, construction, tonnage. Great Britain 114,430 1,516,000 351,000 1,867,000 Germany 37,900 388,000 1 18,000 506,000 France 44,312 576,000 180,000 756,000 United States 31,000 295,000 322,000 616,000 The following table of naval expenditures for four years of four great countries of the world shows how rapidly our expenditures have increased, compared with those of other nations, and the mad race is only just begun : Naval expenditures. 1900 1901 1902 1903 Great Britain $130,000,000 $146,600,000 $155,000,000 $155,850,000 France 74,590,000 73,10°,000 62,419,000 68,000,000 Germany 42,000,000 52,000,000 54,259,500 56,000,000 United States ... . 55,953,078 60,506,978 67,803,128 82,613,034 Amount proposed by new bill, $96,338,000. SPEECH OF HON. THEODORE E. BURTON, OF OHIO (REPUBLICAN), IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTA- TIVES, TUESDAY, MARCH 15, 1904. Mr. Burton said: Mr. Chairman: It is my desire to address the House upon the increase of national expenditures. It will be profitable to examine into the history and causes of this increase, to investigate whether any dangerous tendencies arise from it, and to attempt to point out a proper policy to be pursued. The average annual expenditures of the United States Government in the last decade of the eighteenth century were $6,835,000. They were greatly increased by the war of 1812, in the decade from 1811 to 1820, but the following decade showed a decrease, and the annual average in the decade ending in 1860 was only $60,000,000. This was followed by the enormous expense of the Civil War, and an average annual expenditure ap- proaching ten times as much, or amounting to $530,000,000. The closing decade of the last century showed an annual average of $407,000,000. If we deduct from the expenditures of the first decade of the Republic, interest charges, which were large because of the assumption of State debts and other expenses growing out of the War for Independence, the annual average in the last decade of the nineteenth century was very nearly 100 times as great as in the decade from 1791 to 1800, and if we take the last two years for Speech of Hon. Theodore E. Burton. 97 comparison — 1902 and 1903 — we find them more than 100 times as great. There may be said to be two general causes for the increase of national expenditures. One works automatically without the inter- position of the legislature. It arises from the necessary enlargement of existing public functions due to the growth of population, to the expansion of territory, and to the higher range of salaries, which is correlative with the diminishing purchasing power of money, and contemporaneous with improved standards of living. The second may be said to be under the control of the legislature. Chief among those of this class is the ever-swelling demand for the enlargement of military establishments, the army and the navy. It is to be noticed that this increase exists contemporaneously with a general condition of peace, interrupted by occasional war. The greater cost is due in some degree to improved varieties of arma- ment and equipment employed in war, and in a measure to different political ideals. It can not be said that expenses for the army and navy are entirely under the control of the political power, though in a large degree they are. They depend in part upon the position of a state among nations, but more upon the general policy which the dominant influences in each government may choose to adopt. In no country has the increase in military expenses been so marked as in our own. In the year 1880 the total expenses for the Army and Navy were $42,000,000 — twenty-eight millions for the Army and fourteen millions for the Navy. In 1902 more than five times as much as in 1880, and under the appropriation bill passed for 1905 it will cost more than seven times as much. The increase between 1902 and 1905 will be more than twice as much as the total cost in 1880. THE TARIFF AND TRUSTS. EXPORT PRICES OF THE TRUSTS— HOW THE DINGLEY TARIFF ENABLES TRUSTS TO CHARGE AMERICANS MORE FOR AMERICAN GOODS THAN FOREIGNERS ARE CHARGED. PITTS- BURG STEEL RAILS SOLD IN JAPAN FOR #18 OR $22 A TON; FOR SAME RAILS AMERICAN RAILROADS HAVE TO PAY $28 A TON. During the year ending June 30, 1904, the sale of American manufactured products to foreigners amounted to $452,000,000, of which fully 85 per cent., according to the estimates of well in- formed exporters, was sold at cheaper prices than are charged for precisely the same goods when sold to Americans. The average price of these goods in the foreign market is 20 per cent, less than the selling price in the home market. On some goods, such as paints and varnishes, the difference between the price to foreigners and to Americans is only 5 per cent., but on agricultural imple- ments, tools, machines and hardware the difference in the price to the foreigner and to the American varies from 10 to 50 per cent. On wire, cartridges, playing cards, etc., the difference is more than 100 per cent., and on such articles as wire rope and borax the dif- ference exceeds 200 per cent. Were there nothing else to condemn the Republican policy of high tariff taxes, this one fact ought to be sufficient to cause the American people to repudiate it, for surely nothing can be more unjust than for the American Govern- ment to tax its own people to the end that American steel rails, plows, shoes and. other articles of prime necessity may be sold cheaper to the people of Japan, Europe and foreign countries gen- erally than they are sold at home to Americans. It is absurd to speak of "infant industries" like the steel trust, which is able to compete with the so-called pauper labor of foreign countries and which makes enough profit on its export sales, even at prices far below its domestic prices, to enable it to pay dividends upon mil- lions of dollars of watered capital. During the first thirty-three months of its existence the steel trust made net profits of $327,000,000, an average of $119,000,000 a year, or $10,000,000 a month, $300,000 a day and $30,000 an hour for a day of ten hours. But for the unjust tariff on steel products there would have been no temptation to manufacturers and trust promoters to organize this gigantic monopoly, with its thousand million dollars of watered stock. When the voters of America, the farmers, mechanics, clerks and professional men, realize the extent of the difference between export and home prices, they will speedily withdraw "protection" The Tariff and Trusts. 99 from such "infants" as the steel and other giant trusts of this country. As long ago as 1890 the attention of the American people was called to this injustice of the Republican tariff policy which permits trusts to sell goods cheaper to foreigners than to Ameri- cans. In a pamphlet entitled "Protection's Home Market," pub- lished in 1890 by the Reform Club, we find quoted the domestic and export prices of a number of American goods. The domestic prices usually exceed the foreign prices by 10 to 25 per cent., and in some cases by 100 per cent. Here are a few extracts from the table : Articles Domestic. Foreign Price. Price. Cultivators $11.00 $8.40 Plows 14.00 12.60 Axes, per dozen 8.25 7.20 Kettles 1.40 .85 Yvire nails, per hundred pounds 2.25 1.35 Table knives, per gross 15.00 12.00 Horse-nails, per pound .17 .14 Barbed wire, per hundred pounds 3.00 2.00 Rivets, per hundred pounds 10.00 5.55 Typewriters 100.00 60.00 Sewing machines, fine 27.50 20.75 Sewing machines, medium 22.00 17.50 Sewing machines, cheap 18.00 12.00 THE TRUSTS SEEK TO CONCEAL FROM THE AMERICAN PEOPLE THE PRICES AT WHICH TRUST-MADE GOODS ARE SOLD TO FOREIGNERS. To obtain foreign trade it is, of course, . necessary for the trusts to advertise their export prices in journals with strictly foreign circulation. So unwilling are the trusts to have this feature of their business known to the public that they use every means to prevent their export trade journals, which circulate only in foreign countries, containing their lists of export prices, from falling into the hands of American buyers. In 1902 the Democratic Congressional Committee offered a reward of $100 for one of these export price journals, and endeavored to insert an advertisement to this effect in several prominent New York papers. Fearing to offend the trusts, these papers refused to publish the ad- vertisement. The New York World, however, published the offer, and the committee at last succeeded in obtaining several copies of export journals. In the present year the National Democratic Committee has not only procured several copies of export jour- nals published in America for exclusive circulation abroad, but it has also employed an expert familiar with all the ins and outs of the export business who has visited the selling offices of exporting manufacturers and obtained from them, in their own handwriting, many of the export prices given below. The list of these prices could be extended almost indefinitely if space permitted. The specimens given, however, are amply sufficient to illustrate the IOO The Tariff and Trusts. manner in which the Eepublican tariff system enables the trusts to charge Americans higher prices for their goods than they, charge foreigners. The first list is from the American Export Monthly of June 18, 1904, published by Arkell & Douglas, 5 to 11 Broad- way, New York City, N. Y. The Douglas of this firm is the Hon. William Harris Douglas, Republican Representative from the Fif- teenth Congressional District of New York. COMPARISON OF EXPORT AND HOME PRICES. FIRST TABLE. Showing differences in discounts from price lists for foreign and home consumers, and the per cent, of difference between export and home prices; many varieties and sizes are often included under one discount. Note.— Where several discounts are quoted, the first figure is the dis- count from list price, the second figure is the discount from the remainder, the third figure is the discount from that remainder, and so on. Thus in the line for "Augers" below, the home discount is given as "50, 10, 5."— If the list price was $1 these discounts would mean 50 per cent, off from $1 (50c), less 10 per cent, of remainder (5c), less 5 per cent, of that re- mainder (2>ic), leaving 42%c. as net price to buyer. Firm or Corporation. count fr< Articles— Description. List. i Russell & Erwin Mfg. Co. Auger bits, Swan's Jennings 60 Locks, door 50 Bells, cow 50, 15 Snell Mfg. Co. Augers 75 John S. Fray & Co. Braces 70 Enterprise Mfg. Co. Coffee and spice mills 40, 10 A. M. Hayden & Russell, Burdsall and Ward Bolt and Nut Co. Bolts, tire 80, 10 Bolts, carriage 80, 10 Bridgeport Chain Co. Chains, halter 70, 10, 7 Covert Mfg. Co. Halters, jute 50, 10, 10 Halters, sisal 40, 10 Handles, fork, rake, hoe and shovel.. 50 Beamis & Call Hardware Co. Pipe wrenches, adjustable "S" 50 Pike Mfg. Co. Scythe and oil stones 50 Henry Disston's Sons. Saws, hand 40 & 5 Saws, crosscut 60 & 10 Stanley Rule & Level Co. Rules, boxwood 50, 10, 10, 10 Home Dis- count from List. t Per Cent. Dif- ference. 50 40 50 25 20 19 50, 10, 5 72 60 33 25 to 30 30 72,10 75 28 39 60, 10 44 40, 5, 5 30 45 33 30 10 40 20 33 50 25 45 43, 53 60 to 60.10 35 The Tariff and Trusts. id: SECOND TABLE. Showing difference between export and home prices on sample specified articles. Finn or Corporation. Export Home Differ- Articles, Description and Quantity. Price. Price. ence. Russell & Erwin Mfg. Co. Auger bits, Swan's Jenning No. 3, dozen $1.60 $2.00 25% Snell Mfg. Co. Auger bits, solid cast steel car No. 7, dozen 2.70 3.60 33% A. & M. Haydon. Bolts, tire, 1-in., per hundred 27 .30 10% Bolts, carriage, 2-in., per hundred 98 1.35 34% John S. Fray & Co. Braces, Spofford No. 7, per dozen 4.80 6.40 30% Braces, Woodhead No. 117, per dozen 10.80 14.40 30% Braces, ratchet No. 141, per dozen 12.60 16.80 30% Enterprise Mfg. Co. Coffee and spice mills, wall, each .67 .88 30% Coffee and spice mills, counter, No. 4, each 4.32 5.60 30% Coffee and spice mills, counter, No. 212, each.... 16.20 21.00 30% Bridgeport Chain Co. Chains, halter Brown, No. 4-6 ft., doz 2.00 2.80 40% Beamis & Call Hdw. Co. Wrenches, "S,"adj. pipe, 8 inches, dozen 7.50 9.00 20% Wrenches, "S," adj. pipe, 8 inches, dozen .... 4.50 5.55 22% Wrenches, Combination, 10 inches, dozen 13.75 14.25 6% List from Exporters and Importers' Journal of June 18, 1904, published by Henry W. Pea-body, 17 State St., N"ew York City, N". Y. FIRST TABLE. Showing differences in discounts. Firm or Corporation. SSKfS? Articles-Description. List Henry Disston's Sons. Levels and plumbs 70, 10, 10, 10 Saws, band 60, 10, 10 Saws, hand 45, 5 Saws, compass 45, 5 Shears 50 Squares, try 70, 10, 10, 10 Andrew B. Hendrix & Co. Birdcages, brass 50 40, 10 8 Enterprise Mfg. Co. Fruit Seeders, Nos. 36 and 38 40 30 16 Collins & Co. Hinges, Japanned spring 25, 20, 10 25, 10 24 Hinges, Acme, brass 40, 10 30 30 Springs, door, Gem coil .' . . . 35 30 16 Covert Mfg. Co. Harness snaps 50 35 42 Breast chains 50, 10 40 30 Cleveland Twist Drill Co. Bit stocks and drills 65, 10 60, 10 & 5 8 Boston & Lockport Block Co. Tackle Blocks 75 70, 10 8 Charles Parker Co. Vises 25, 10, 5 25 17 Miller's Falls Co. Wrenches, Coes 40, 10, 5, 5, 7 40, 5, 5, 7 13 Home Dis- Per count from Cent. Dif- List. ference. 70 36 60 23 25 43 25 43 30 40 70 36 102 The Tariff and Trusts. SECOND TABLE. ' 4 Showing samples of differences between Export and Home Prices in specific articles. a_^. , Firm or Corporation. Export Home Differ- Articles, Description and Quantity. Price. Price. ence. Andrew B. Hendrix Co. Bird cages, No. 301, fancy, with R. mats, doz $15.00 $16.20 11% Henry Disston's Sons. Hardware, saws, band, 3 to 14, per ft 1.00 1.22 22% Hardware, saws, band, 2 to 3, per ft 75 .92 24% Hardware, saws, hand, 18 in., per dozen 6.00 8.36 43% Hardware, saws, hand, Acme, 16 in., per dozen. ... 11.51 16.50 43% Hardware, saws, hand, No. 7, 14 in., per dozen. . . . 6.37 8.40 16% Hardware, saws, compass, No. 2, 16 in., per doz. . 2.61 3.65 43% Hardware, saws, back, No. 4, 12 in., per dozen 6.00 8.36 43% Hardware, saws, butcher, No. 7, 18 in., per dozen 7.00 8.70 24% Hardware, saws, wood, No. 69, per dozen 6.00 7.80 30% Hardware, Trysquare, No. 1, 5 in., per dozen 1.06 1.43 40% Hardware, trowels, No. 12 y per dozen 10.00 12.95 29% Hardware, bunghole borers No. 2, each 1.00 1.25 25% Hardware, levels and plumbs, No. 8, per dozen. . . 4.60 6.30 37% Smith & Egge Mfg. Co. Hardware, shears, Eureka No. 2 10.00 14.00 40% Ames Mfg. Co. Hardware, shovels, spades, D. H., sq. pt., doz 4.68 5.10 9% Hardware, shovels, spades, R. D., sq. pt., doz 4.95 5.40 9% Hardware, shovels, spades, Long H., sq. pt., doz.. 4.81 5.25 9% Columbian Hardware Co. Hardware, hinges, Acme, 2 I., No. 2, dozen pairs. . .75 .98 17% Hardware, hinges, Acme, W. B., No. 2, doz. pairs. 1.08 1.40 30% Hardware, hinges, door springs, Gem coil, gross. . 7.80 8.40 7% Boston & Lockport Block Co. Hardware, tackle block, 14 in., single, each 1.75 2.00 11% Hardware, tackle block, 14 in., double, each 2.63 2.83 8% Collins & Co. Hardware, wrenches, Coes, 10 in., per dozen.... 5.46 5.86 7% L. S. Starrett Co. Hardware, hack-saw blades, 9 in., per dozen 48 .53 10% Enterprise Mfg. Co. Fruit presses, No. 3, each 1.80 2.40 33% Raisin Seeder, No. 36, per dozen 7.20 9.00 25% Covert Mfg. Co. Hardware, snaps, har. Derby, gross 3.20 4.25 30% Hardware, snaps, har. Jockey, gross 2.39 3.00 25% Hardware, snaps, har. Trojan, gross 1.84 2.63 42% Hardware, snaps, har. Yankee, gross 2.40 3.12 30% Hardware, jacks, carriage, per dozen 5.00 6.88 36% Hardware, jacks, wagon, per dozen 6.40 8.80 33% Hardware, jacks, automobile, per dozen 7.60 10.45 33% Hardware, jacks, automobile, screw, per dozen. . 18.00 23.95 33% Sampson Cordage Works. Hardware, sash cord, No. 7, per pound 24 .33 34% Hardware, sash cord, Mass., per pound 20 .28 40% M. S. Benedict Mfg. Co. Hardware, teaspoons, gross 1.00 1.10 10% Hardware, dessert spoons, gross 1.50 1.65 10% Hardware, table spoons, gross 2.00 2.20 10% Hardware, forks, gross 2.30 2.53 10% Cleveland Twist Drill Co. Hardware, twist drill, bit stock, 1 in., per dozen.. 8.86 10.13 14% Hardware, twist drill, taper sh., 1 in., each 94 1.08 12% The Tariff and Trusts. 103 Firm or Corporation. Export Home Differ- Articles, Description and Quantity. Price. Price. ence. Charles Parker Co. Hardware, vises, No. 5, X, each 16.40 19.20 25% Hardware, coffee mills, box, No. 401, per dozen. 1.44 1.80 25% Hardware, coffee mills, side, No. 90, per dozen. . . 2.88 3.60 25% Columbian Hardware Co. Hardware, vises, solid box, No. 90, each 6.40 8.00 25% Hardware, vises, parallel, 5 in., each 2.25 3.00 30% Malin & Company. Hardware, wire ann. tin, 1-lb. spools, per dozen.. .70 .80 14% Hardware, wire ann. tin, 1-lb. spools, per dozen.. .90 .98 9% Hardware, wire, barb pr. hd., lbs 2.20 2.70 23% Hardware, wire, black fencing, p. hd., lbs 1.25 2.00 60% Geo. W. Korn Razor Mfg. Co. Razors, safety, each 1.08 1.20 11% List from the Export World and Herald, of July 5, 1904, pub- lished by the American Trading Co., Broad Exchange Building, New York City, New York. FIRST TABLE. Firm or Corporation. S^™ Articles-Description. List E. C. Atkins & Co., Indian- apolis, Ind. Hardware, saw, circular 50, 10 Hardware, saw, band 50, 10, 5 Hardware, saw, crosscut 35, 5 Hardware, saw, hand 50, 10 Hardware, saw, back 50 SECOND TABLE. Firm or Corporation. Export Home Differ- Articles, Description and Quantity. Price. Price. ence. J.'S. Barron & Co. Freezers, ice cream, Alaska, 4-qt., each $1.82 $2.40 33% Washboards, single zinc, per dozen 1.50 2.40 60% Washboards, single zinc, per dozen 2.25 2.65 17% Washboards, solid zinc, per dozen 2.40i 3.00 25% Henry Chesney Hammer Co. Hammers, farriers', No. 54, per dozen 4.44 4.80 9% Hammers, machinists', No. 91, per dozen 7.00 8.51 20% Knowles Scale Works. Scales, square platform with wh., each 14.97 17.50 17% EXPORT PRICES OBTAINED BY AN EXPERT. Tfce following list of export and home prices of implements, tools, utensils, and other wares and goods, was obtained for the Democratic National Committee by a man who has been connected with exporting houses for more than twenty years. That he is a man of honor and ability is vouched for to this Committee by several prominent business men and leading citizens of New York. Having for years bought goods for export to foreign countries, he is personally acquainted with the selling agents in New York of many of the manufacturers of this country, especially with those who do a big export business. Home Dis- Per count from Cent. Dif List. ference. 50 11 50,10 6 16 33 40 33 40 20 104 The Tariff and Trusts, This man personally called upon the New York agents of these manufacturers, as he had often done before, and obtained their catalogues and price lists. In nearly all cases the agents of the manufacturers have marked the export prices or discounts on the margins of their price lists. These catalogues and price lists are in the possession of the Democratic Committee. While the ac- curacy of these export prices may be challenged by Kepublican politicians, it is not probable that they will be questioned by the manufacturers whose names are mentioned in the list. The home prices are, in every case, believed to be the lowest obtainable on quan- tities similar to those on which export prices are quoted. Nearly all of the following export prices were obtained in July, 1904, and were for goods to be exported to South Africa. In nearly all cases the discounts for exports were given. In the first part of this table the export and home prices of the different classes of goods mentioned are compared by the differences between the discounts. The second part of the table contains comparisons of the export and home prices of certain specific articles. FIRST TABLE. Showing differences in discounts between Export and Home Prices. (Note — In these tables read the sign "@" as "and." Thus: "25, 10 @ 5" should be read "25, 10 and 5.") iLro„„*o«^,««~, Export Dis- Home Dis- Per A^tr^&S,^ count from count from Cent. Dif- Articles-Descnption. List List fer ence. Collins & Co., Hartford, Conn. % % • Adzes, axes, hatchets 10 net 11 Standard Axe Co., Ridgway, Pa. Axes 10 net 1 1 Rumford Chemical Works, Providence, R. I. Baking Powder, Horsford's 10 @ 2 net 13 Miller's Falls Co., Miller's Falls, Mass. Braces, carpenters' 10 @ 5 net 17 John A. Gifford, New York, N. Y. Carriage material 10 @ 5 net 17 Ames, Plow Co., Boston, Mass. Agricultural implements. Churn thermometer 40 @ 5 30 • 23 Churn cylinder 50 30 @ 5 23 Corn shelters, Prairie & Clinton.. 50 40 20 Corn shellers, Western 40 @ 5 35 14 Corn shellers, Eagle 40 @ 10 35 20 Grain mills, horse 40 33 11 Cultivators, Universal 30 20 @ 5 9 Cultivators, Harrow 40 @ 5 30 23 Cultivators, Knox 50 40 20 Fan mills, Grant's 45 30 @ 5 21 Fan mills, Boston 40 30 17 Hand cultivators, Universal, expan.. 40 30 17 The Tariff and Trusts. ;os Manufacturers. ™£Jf™ Articles-Description. £ s t Mathews, W. E. Corn Planters, Billings & Boston Seed 35 Horseshoes, Knox 40 @ 5 Garden reels 40 Miller's Falls Co., Miller's Falls, Mass. Hardware, miscellaneous. Drill braces 25, 10 @ 5 Aug. bit stocks 50 14-in. ratchet drills 35 Breast drills, Nos. 10, 11 35 Drilling Mach., No. 3 35 Bench hooks 25 @ 5 Hacksaw blades, 10-in 30 @ 10 Hacksaw frames, No. 17 35 Butcher saw blades, No. 18 30 @ 10 Butcher saw frames, No. 18 35 Spirit levels, 26 to 30 inches 50 Tube scrapers 70 Vises 60, 10, 10 @ 5 Jack screws 60 @ 10 Collins & Company. Hardware, hammers, sledges, crow- bars and drills 10 Wrenches 60 @ 10 Ames Plow Co., Boston, Mass. Hardware, store trucks 50 Platform trucks 40 Railroad trucks 30 Wheel jacks 45 Vandegrift Mfg. Co., Shelby- ville, Indiana. Hardware, screw wrenches 60 Keystone Mfg. Co., Buffalo, N. Y. Hardware, ratchets 50 Tap wrenches 15 S. wrenches 50 Mark Mfg. Co., Evanston, III. Hardware, pipe cutters 75, 10 @ 5 Pipe cutters, 3-wheel 80, 10 @ 10 Pipe cutters, 1 -wheel 60 Oilers and clamps 70 Links 80 Rowlocks 75 J as. F. McCoy Co., New York, N. Y. Hardware, Vulcan pipe wrenches. . . 60 @ 10 Buhl Malleable Co., Detroit, Michigan. Hardware, elevator arms 65 Seaman pump 25 Sprocket wheels 50 @ 10 Jaw clutch couplings 50 Mall, iron buckets 60 Acme steel buckets 40 @ 10 Iron pulleys 50 Wells Bros. Co., Greenfield, Mass. iCardware, mach. hand taps 70 @ 5 Home Dis- Per count from Cent. Dif- List. ference. 25 17 33 21 33 11 25 @ 10 17 40 20 25 15 15 (a) 10 33 25 15 15 @ 10 7 25 20 25 15 25 20 25 15 35 @ 10 30 60 33 60 @ 10 20 50, 10 @ 10 12 • net 11 60 11 40 @ 5 15 30 17 20 15 30 @ 10 15 50 60 25 40 @ 10 8 net 15 40 20 65 @ 10, 10 30 75 @ 10 40 50 25 60 @ 10 20 75 @ 5 18 70 @ 10 8 10 55 28 15 13 40 @ 10 20 40 20 50 25 30 @ 10 16 40 20 70 11 io6 The Tariff and Trusts. Manufacturers. Ex] ^wS™ Articles-Description. List Mach. screw 80 @ 5 Pipe taps and reamers 80, 10 @ 20 Massachusetts Saw Works, Springfield, Mass. Hardware, saw blades, Nos. 1 and 2. 50, 10, 10, 2 Saw blades, concave, No. 3 30 @ 2 Hacksaw frames, No. 21 50, 10 @ 2 Butcher saws 60 @ 2 Kitchen and eoping saws 50, 10, 10, 2 Aetna Mfg. Co., New York, N. Y. Hardware, twist drills 70, 10, 10 @ 2 Bit stock drills 75, 10 @ 2 Katchet drills 50, 10 @ 2 John A. Robeling's Sons. Trenton, N. J. Hardware, Alligator wrenches 75, 10 @ 2 B. B. Noyes & Co., Greenfield, Mass. Hardware, drilling machines and drill vise 25, 10, 10 @ 2 Bindley Mfg. Co., Valley Falls. Rhode Island. Hardware, spring cutters 90 @ 40 F. W. Devoe & C. T. Reynolds Co., New York, N. Y. Paints, etc., coach and car 40 @ 5 Ready mixed 45 @ 5 Lead and zinc 40 @ 5 Varnish 25, 5 @ 5 Foster Pulley Works, Fair port, N. Y. Pulleys, woodsplit 70 Collins & Co., Bartford, Conn. Shovels and spades 10 Bowe Scale Co., Rutland, Vt. Scales 40, 10 @ 5 Indiana Shovel Co., Newcastle, Indiana. Scoops, spades and shovels 50 @ 75 Eugene Munsell & Co., New York, N. Y. Stoves, Manhattan, Nos. 8, 9, 99 30, 10 @ 5 Mosler Safe Co., New York. Safes, office, Nos. 63, 38, 32 10 @ 5 Ames Plow Co., Boston, Mass. Plows, Eagle, 1 and 2 horse 50 @ 5 Plows, side hill 40 @ 10 Plows, sod and road 50 Plows, M. E. chilled 40 Plows, contractors' grading 33 Plows, swivel road 40 Collins & Co., Bartford, Conn. Plows, steel beam and other patterns 10 Pike Mfg. Co., Pike, N. B. Hardware, scythe stones 50 Axe stones 50, 10 Washita oil stones 50, 10 Ark. oil stones 50 to 50, 10 Queer Creek oil stones 50 @ 10 to 50 @ 20 Home Dis- Per count from Cent. Dif- List. ference. 80 11 80 @ 10 25 50 @ 10 13 25 8 35, 5 @ 10 14 50 25 50 25 70 @ 10 12 70 @ 10 24 40 @ 10 23 70 @ 10 25 (a) 10 90 40 20 net 22 15 66 40 45 40 25 @ 5 5 5 5 5 60 @ 10 20 net 11 40 17 33 33 17 40 25 37 15 40 20 30 17 25 24 30 17 net 11 33 to 40 20 to 32 40 33 33 45 33 32 to 45 40 33 to 50 The Tariff and Trusts. 107 Manufacturers. Articles — Description, Export Dis- count from List. Home Dis- count from List. 40 50 net net net Per Cent. Dif- ference. 33 to 50 50 40 32 26 10 to 20 23 to 38 Sandstones 50 @ 10 to 50 @ 20 Razor hones 50 @ 33.3 Royal Lubricating Oil Co., New York City, N. Y. Oil, cylinder 25 @ 5 Oil, machine -. 20 @ 5 Metal polish 10 @ 10 Lidgerwood Mfg. Co., New York, N. Y. Engines, hoisting and miscellaneous mining and logging machinery 35 Douglas Mfg., Middletown, Conn. Pump, cistern and pitcher 70 Pumps, force and various 50 to 60 Stanley Rule & Level Co., New Britain, Conn. Hardware, boxwood rules 55, 10, 10, 10, 10 Hardware, ivory rules 35, 10, 10, 10, 10 Hardware, plumbs and levels 30, 10, 10, 10, 10 Hardware, plumbs & levels, duplex. 20, 10, 10, 10, 10 Hardware, try and mitre squares.. 40, 10, 10, 10, 10 Hardware, gauges 20, 10, 10, 10, 10 Hardware, planes, wood, Bailey's..25, 10, 10, 10, 10 Hardware, planes, iron, Bailey's. .25, 10, 10, 10, 10 Hardware, tack hammers 40, 10, 10, 10, 10 Hardware, screw drivers 70,10,10,10,10, Hardware, mitre boxes 10, 10, 10, 10, 10 J. Spencer Turner & Co., New York, N. Y. Sail cloth, cotton duck 27, 2 @ 2 Edward Miller & Co., New York, N. Y. Lamps, kerosene, lat. pattern New York Boat Oar Co., New York, N. Y. Oars and sculls . The Water Paint Co. of America, Bellows Falls, Vt. Paint, dry 45 to 59 @ 5 The Upson Nut Co., Cleveland, Ohio. Hardware, bolts, carriage 80 Hardware, bolts, machine 80 @ 5 Hardware, coach, screws 80 @ 20 Hardware, bolts, tire 80, 10 @ 5 SECOND TABLE. Showing differences between Export and Home Prices on Cer- tain Specific Articles. 60 40 to 50 60 to 60 @ 10 35 to 35,10,10 30 @ 10 20 @ 10 40 @ 10 20 @ 10 25 @ 10 25 @ 10 40, 40 @ 10 70 to 70 @ 10 10 to 10 @ 10 14 20 to 25 25 to 40 25 to 50 30 37 35 37 37 37 35 to 50 35 to 50 23 to 37 10 to 15 2 18 to 25 50 @ 20 40 @ 10 to 50 20 to 36 5@ 2 net 10 30 to 40 25 to 33 75 25 75 31 80 25 80 12 Export Price. Manufacturers. Articles, Description and Quantities. Adzes, carpenters', sq. h., 4-inch, per dozen $9.90 Adzes, ship carpenters', per dozen 10.80 Adzes, coopers', per dozen 11.70 Axes and hatchets. Yankee, unhdld, 5 to 7 lbs., per dozen 6.75 Home Price. $11.00 12.00 13.00 7.50 Differ ence. 11 11 11 11 108 The Tariff and Trusts. Manufacturers. Export Articles, Description and Quantities. Price. Turpentine han., 4 1-2 to 5 1-2 lbs., per dozen. . 8.33 Miners' han., per dozen 5.62 Hatchets, hunters', No. 3, per dozen 4.95 Carpenters', 4-inch, per dozen 5.85 Coopers', per dozen 5.85 Lathing, No. 2, per dozen 4.50 Hammers, blacksmith, per lb .22 Sledges, per lb 16 Crowbars, per lb 054 Wrenches, 10-in., per dozen 5.04 Shovels, D handle, R point, No. 3, per dozen 7.42 Spades, D handle, R points, No. 2, per dozen 6.97 Plows, steel beam, No. 52, 53, 54, 50, each 10.35 Bush hooks, No. 3, each 6.30 Standard Axe Co., Ridgway, Pa. Axes, hdld., up to 7 lbs., per dozen 6.30 Miller's Falls Co., Miller's Falls, Mass. Braces, carp., 14-in. sweep, per dozen 11.42 Drill braces, per dozen 23.09 Auger bit stocks, per dozen 12.00 Ratchet drills, 14-inch, each 3.25 Breast drills, Nos. 10, 11, per dozen, 23.40 Drilling mach., No. 3, each 26.00 Hacksaw blades, 10-inch, gross 6.43 Hacksaw frames, No. 7, per dozen 6.50 Butcher-saw blades, per dozen .75 Spirit levels, 26 to 30 inches, each 1.80 Tube scrapers, per inch .30 Jackscrews, No. 10, each 1.98 Rumford Chemical Works, Providence, R. I. Baking Powder, Horsford's, 1-lb. cans, per case. . 3.66 4.15 13 Borden & Co., New York City. Condensed milk, Eagle Brand, 100 case lots 5.50 6.25 15 Kemp, Day & Co., New York City. Canned goods, best Balto. beans, No. 2 1-2, dozen.. .85 Canned goods, best peaches, dozen 1.60 Canned goods, best peas, per dozen .85 Canned goods, best corn, G. R., per dozen 1.30 Canned goods, best lobsters, flat, per dozen 3.50 Canned goods, best 3-lb. apples, per dozen 80 Canned goods, best 3-lb. tomatoes, per dozen 75 Waterbury Clock Co., Waterbury, Conn. Clocks — 8-day Akron or Aldrich, each 1.50 Clocks— Strike, each 62 C. T. Coffin d Co., New York City. Dried Apples, selected quality, packed, lb 055 Ames Plow Co., Boston, Mass. Churns, Cylinder No. 4, each 2.00 Corn Shellers, Prairie, each 3.50 Grain Mills, horse, each 13.20 Corn Planters, Boston seed, each 13.00 Fan Mills, Grant's No. 2, each 17.60 Cultivators, hand, Mathews, each 4.20 Horse hoes, Knox No. 2, each 4.95 Reels, Garden, each 4.20 Hardware, store trucks, each 3.00 Hardware, Platform trucks No. 1, each 7.20 Hardware, railroad trucks, each 23.10 Hardware, wheel jacks, No. 3, each 1.79 Home Differ Price. en ce- 9.25 ll 6.25 11 5.50 11 6.50 11 6.50 11 5.00 11 .25 11 .18 11 .06 11 5.C0 11 8.25 11 7.75 11 11.50 11 7.00 11 7.00 11 13.37 17 24.30 17 14.40 20 3.75 15 27.54 33 30.00 15 7.65 20 7.50 15 .90 20 2.11 30 .40 33 2.23 12 1.05 23 1.75 9 1.05 23 1.50 15 4.00 14 1.00 25 .85 12 2.00 33 .80 31 .06 9 2.47 23 4.20 20 14.66 11 15.00 15 21.80 21 4.90 17 6.00 21 4.66 11 3.42 15 7.84 17 26.40 15 2.04 15 The Tariff and Trusts. 109 Export Home Differ- Price. Price. ence. 4.15 5.25 25 5.81 6.77 15 8.50 10.20 20 7.20 8.40 17 18.33 20.61 24 1.25 2.00 60 .11 .15 36 .12 .14 16 .15 .17 13 10.80 12.00 11 7.83 8.70 11 1.80 2.37 32 .81 1.44 78 .81 1.52 88 12.25 15.96 30 1.44 1.60 11 Manufacturers. Articles, Description and Quantities. Plows, 2-horse Eagle W. & C, each 4.15 Plows, 2-horse side hill, each Plows, heavy road, each Plows, N. E. Chilled 2-horse, each Plows, Contractors' heavy grading, each 18.33 Mark Mfg. Co., Evanston, Illinois. Hardware, No. 1 Pipe Vise, each Standard Oil Co., New York. Kerosene Oil, cases Naphtha, 76 deg., gallons Gasoline, 86 deg., gallons W. J. Wilcox Lard & Refining Co., New York, N. Y. Lard, Red Cross Brand, lbs .06 .065 Hartley Graham & Co., New York. Revolvers, Colt's Army, each 10.80 Cartridges, U. M. C. Co., per M 7.83 Union Metallic Cartridge Co. Cartridges, Rim Fire, 22 Short, per M Primer's Berdans, per M Caps, B. L. Sturtevant, per M Shells, Lo'ded Blk. Pow., No. 200, New Club, per M. Wads, Gun Black Edge, 4-gauge, regular, per M. Export Lumber Co., New York. Lumber, No. 2, Shelving, dressed, per M 33.00 35.00 8 Wall Rope Co., New York. Rope, Manila ex. sel., lb 11 .13 22 Indiana Shovel Co., Newcastle, Ind. Shovels and Spades, Al, No. 2, dozen 6.25 8.40 33 Scoops, Furnace No. 3, dozen 4.00 5.40 30 Howe Scale Co., Rutland, Vermont. Scales, Port platform, with wh. No. 28, each 22.06 25.80 17 Scales, Family brass scoop, No. 324, each 7.70 9.00 17 Scales, Grocers' U beam, No. 350, each 4.10 4.80 17 Eugene Munsell d- Co., New York. Stoves, Manhattan, No. 8, sq. top, each 11.97 16.00 33 Mosler Safe Co., New York. Safes, 63 by 38 by 32, each 149.62 175.00 17 Tatham Bros., New York. Shot, drop from small to B. size, lb .0325 .065 100 Robert H. Ingersoll & Bros., New York. Watches, Dollar Yankee, each 60 .75 25 Connecticut Watch Co., N. Y. Watches, Defiance, each 70 .85 21 C. H. & E. Goldberg, N. Y. Woodenware, No. 6, Brooms, dozen 2.10 2.60 25 Woodenware, Washtubs, oak gr. Woodenware, 8-in. nest., per nest 1.80 Woodenware, Pails, 2 hoop, oak gr., doz 1.35 Woodenware, Washboards, zinc, Nor. Queen, doz. 1.75 2.25 25 1.75 30 2.25 27 1 10 The Tariff and Trusts. EXPORT VALUES VERSUS HOME VALUES. The same expert who obtained the export prices for the Demo- cratic National Committee made an accurate estimate of the value of the cargo of the steamship Aros Castle, which sailed from New York April 20, 1904, for South Africa. The cargo, which was put on board by the firm of French, Edye & Co., of Nos. 9 and 11 Stone street, New York City, cost its buyers in South, Africa $212,564. The same cargo, at domestic prices, if sold to buyers in New York City, would have cost $246,045. Thus, on the cargo of this one small steamer (of only*2,870 tons register) a rebate of $33,481 was made in favor of buyers in South Africa. In other words, owing to the power which Republican high tariff taxes give the trusts to charge high home prices without fear of foreign competition, this one small cargo would cost American buyers $33,481,- or 15.7 per cent, more than the trusts are glad to sell the same goods for to buyers on the other side of the globe. When the rebate on the cargo of a single small steamer on a sin- gle trip amounts to $33,481, it is clear to any one at all familiar with the fact that hundreds of ships and steamers are engaged in carrying American goods to foreign buyers, that the sum total of rebates to foreigners must amount to an enormous sum; and per- sons experienced in the export trade know that nearly all ex- ported goods are sold at lower prices than charged in the home market. These facts are known to the customs officials, and should be known to the Secretary of the Treasury, yet Secretary Shaw repeats statements that have not only been often disproved, but are refuted by numerous official reports of his own department. On page 19 of the 1904 Republican campaign text book, Secretary Shaw is quoted thus: "Our opponents lay much stress upon the fact that some American manufactures are sold abroad cheaper than at home. Our friends some- times deny this, and they sometimes apologize for it, and a few in times past have joined our opponents in recommending a removal of the tariff from all such articles. It is useless to deny, and in my judgment unwise to apologize, and a little short of foolishness to attempt to remedy the as- sumed evil in the manner proposed by the opposition. um * » Senator Gallinger, of New Hampshire, in his speech made in the United States Senate on April 23d last, placed the value of exports sold at a lower price abroad than at home, at $4,000,000. I cannot find that the substantial correctness of this estimate was ever questioned by the opposition." So far from the correctness of this estimate not being even ques- tioned, its falsity has been absolutely proved, as was conclusively shown in the Democratic campaign book of 1902. It is not only false, but is based upon so many misstatements of facts that its repeated use after full exposure would seem to evidence an inten- tion on the part of Republicans to deceive voters, if possible. The total wholesale value of manufactured goods sold at home is not less than $6,000,000,000. The value of these same goods for The Tariff and Trusts. 1 1 1 export is only about $4,800,000,000, and the difference between these two amounts, in round numbers $1,200,000,000, affords an approximate measure of the staggering price which the American people pay for so-called protection. As a further illustration of the reckless manner in which even high Republican officials are disposed to juggle with figures, witness the following statement by Secretary Shaw, quoted on page 20 of the Republican 1904 cam- paign text book: "The United States Census reports our aggre- gate manufactures of 1900 at $13,000,000,000. * * * $4,000,- 000, the amount estimated to be sold abroad cheaper than at home, is therefore only l-30th of 1 per cent, of the aggregate." Is Secretary Shaw a novice with figures, or does he desire to deceive voters with big statistics which he knows to be untrue? It seems hardly possible that a Secretary of the Treasury should not know that we did not produce in a year $13,000,000,000 worth of manu- factured goods, ready for final consumption; the total did not reach anything like that enormous figure. A Secretary of the Treasury, of all men, ought to know that the census statistics of manufactures contain many duplications, for example, such as manufactures of cloth goods and of clothing, of iron and of steel, of foundry products and machinery, of lumber and of furniture, of leather and of boots and shoes. In merely these few industries the duplications amount to between two and three thousand mil- lions. Were it possible to eliminate the duplications, that is the products of one mill that are sold as raw materials to another mill, it is probable that the total value of finished manufactured prod- ucts would not be more than half of the $13,000,000,000 men- tioned by Secretary of the Treasury Shaw. His statement that the manufactured goods sold abroad cheaper than they are sold at home amount to only $4,000,000 is, as has already been stated, un- true. Secretary Shaw says that he got this $4,000,000 statement from "a non-partisan commission appointed by Congress." (Re- publican 1904 Campaign Text Book, page 19.) But the Secretary neglects to cite page and volume. As a matter of fact, no such statistics appear in any of the Commission's nineteen volumes. Neither are there any statements from which the Secretary could reasonably draw such a conclusion. The industrial commission summed up its conclusions as to export prices jn Vol. 19. Here are a few extracts from pages 626 and 627 of this volume : "In about 20 per cent, of the cases covered by the Commission returns, the export prices have ruled lower than those charged to home consumers. * * * The practice is quite common in all countries, and on the part of the separate establishments as well as of combinations." Here, according to even the authority cited by Secretary Shaw, 20 per cent, (not one-thirtieth of one per cent, as Mr. Shaw says) of our exports are sold abroad at cheaper prices than are charged at home to Americans. One of the recommendations of this strongly Republican com- mission was: 1 12 The Tariff and Trusts. "That in view of the extent and perfection of our manufactures, of our growing export trade and the sharp competition it encounters in foreign markets, of the practice by some exporters of making lower prices abroad than at home, and of the desirability of protecting the consumer as well as the producer, without awaiting other legislation, the Congress provide for a commission to investigate and study the subject, and to report as soon as possible what concessions in duties may be made without endangering wages or employment at home, what advantages abroad may be obtained therefor, and also to suggest measures best suited to gain the ends desired." No attention was paid to this recommendation,' by « the Kfcpib- licans in Congress. On the contrary, the Republicans decided to "stand pat" on the tariff and to leave the protected interests un- molested in this nefarious practice. One of the Commission, Honorable Thomas W. Phillips, did not sign the majority report. In a supplementary statement he said : "There are a large number of industries in which it is in evidence that the domestic price is much higher than the export price. I do not agree that the answers to inquiries addressed by the commission to exporters in- dicate that the trusts are not chargeable with this practice to any serious extent. Out of 2,000 schedules of inquiries sent out, there were received only 416 replies, and only a very few of these replies came from corpora tions known popularly as trusts. (Vol. XIII, p. 726.) The fact that about 75 answers indicated lower prices abroad than at home is significant, when it is noted that more than four-fifths of those addressed failed to answer, and that naturally those who are chargeable with such discrimina- tion would be the ones who would decline to reply. "Several witnesses before the commission on behalf of the trusts ad- mitted that their export prices were lower than their domestic prices, but they contended that this was necessary in order to work off their surplus and to keep their establishments running full time, and that the fact that their surplus products could also be worked off by lower prices at home, and that it is the tariff which encourages them to cause a domestic surplus by restricting domestic consumption through high prices." HOW THE INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION INVESTIGATED EXPORT PRICES. Secretary Shaw must know, as does every ex-member of the Com- mission, that the pretended investigation which that partisan body made of export prices was a farce and that it is absurd to draw conclusions from the data obtained in answer to the scattering letters of inquiry sent out by the Commission. The schedules of inquiry were sent to only 2,000 of the 600,000 manufacturing establishments of this country — that is to only one in every three hundred. In the next place, only 416 replies were received. Of course, as Commissioner Phillips says, the answers were mainly from those who were not guilty. The guilty ones did not volunteer information which would incriminate them before the American public. Moreover, they doubtless understood the make-up of the Commission and knew that it did not want evi- dence of the great extent of this business. Hence, nearly all of the guilty manufacturers either refrained from answering at all The Tariff and Trusts. 1 1 3 or put in such ridiculous and absurd answers as they supposed would please a majority of the members of the Commission. Un- der the circumstances it is remarkable that even 75 manufactur- ers admitted that they were discriminating in favor of foreign customers. At this rate more than one hundred thousand Amer- ican manufacturers are favoring foreigners. SECRETARY SHAW EASILY REFUTED BY EXPORT STATISTICS. At a conservative estimate 20 times $4,000,000 of manufac- tured goods can be found in the iron and steel schedules alone which are sold abroad at reduced prices. President Schwab of the Steel Trust told the Industrial Commission in 1901, that everything was sold cheaper abroad than at home. Our exports of iron and steel goods for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1904, were valued at $111,948,586. From these exports- a half dozen items, all larger than $4,000,000, can easily be picked, about which there is no doubt that all are sold cheaper to foreigners. One of these is steel rails, the exports of which were valued at $4,253,376 ; wire valued at $5,821,921; builders' hardware, valued at $11,726,191; sewing machines and parts of, valued at $5,625,423; pipes and fittings, valued at $6,310,551 ; typewriting machines, valued at $4,537,125. Many other items could be selected any one of which would re- fute Secretary Shaw's off-hand statements as to export prices. As excusing the sale of goods abroad at lower prices, Secretary Shaw said: "For my part I am willing to pay any reasonable price for the small amount of barb wire which I consume, provided the wheat from my fields, the dairy products from my herd and the meat from my stall shall feed the men who mine the coal and iron and the artisans who produce the wire to fence the farms of fciouth America." But suppose upon inquiry the Secretary should find that while he was paying two prices for his barb wire, because of protection, he was selling his wheat, and other products in a free trade mar- ket and was getting no benefit whatever from protection; would he then be willing to pay high prices for his fencing wire? If the Secretary can induce the farmers of this country to think along these lines he will certainly have accomplished a difficult feat. SPECIFIC ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE WAY REPUBLICAN HIGH TARIFF TAXES ENABLE THE TRUSTS TO EXTORT FROM AMERICANS MUCH HIGHER PRICES THAN THE PRICES OF THE SAME GOODS TO FOREIGNERS. In addition to the lists compiled from export journals, the list prepared especially for the Democratic Committee by an expert, and the admissions made by seventy-five manufacturers in reply 1 14 The Tariff and Trusts. to letters of inquiry sent out by the industrial commission, a mass of evidence is also to be found in trade journals and newspapers, as well as in official documents. INGRATITUDE OF TIN PLATE TRUST. The Tin Plate Trust has for over two years been selling plates to the Southern Cotton Oil Company and other exporting manufacturers of canned goods at about $1.00 per box below the regular prices. It offered to meet the Welsh prices (about $1.50 per box of 100 pounds below the American price, the duty being $1.50 per box) on an order for 1,500,000 boxes from the Standard Oil Company, if the working men would accept a 25% reduction in wages. The compromise was arranged and reduced wages were accepted until September, 1903, and extended to 1904 and 1905. Thus, these workers are now working at reduced wages in order tnat the manufacturers may sell tin plate for export at two-thirds of the prices charged in the home market. The tariff on tin plates has cost this country over $100,000,000 during the last twelve years. As soon as the manufacturers could produce as cheaply as foreigners they got together and formed a trust and put up the price from $2.80 per box in 1898 to $4.84 in 1900. It is now $3.64. The ingratitude of the protected trusts and manufacturers is monu- mental. They accept charity from us until they become strong, then they utilize to the fullest the power which the tariff gives them to cnarge us exorbitant prices, and to our protests they merely reply: "What are you going to do about it?" EXPORT PRICES OF FILES. In February, 1904, the literary bureau of the Democratic Congres- sional Committee received a letter from Henry Rossell & Co., limited, Sheffield, Eng., large manufacturers and dealers in files and tool steel. This letter says: ''As an illustration of the unfair manner in which home buyers of files are treated by the United States manufacturers I enclose you here- with a comparison of the prices charged to the buyers in the United States, with those offered by the same manufacturers here." Some of the prices on the list enclosed follow: COMPARATIVE PRICES OF AMERICAN FILES IN AMERICA AND ENGLAND. Price per Dozen % Articles. England. United States. Difference. Flat bastard, 4 inches .34 .92 170 6 " .50 1.07 114 10 " 1.08 1.75 62 Hand " 4 " .38 .92 142 6 " , .62 1.07 73 10 " 1.30 1.87 44 Half round bastard, 4 inches .34 1.20 253 6 " .50 1.52 204 10 " 1.08 2.27 108 Round bastard, 4 inches .34 .75 121 6 " .50 .87 74 10 " 1.08 1.40 30 Square " 4 " .34 .95 179 6 " .50 1.15 130 " 10 " 1.08 1.85 71 From these figures we see that the American File Association, which has not revised its price list to American buyers since November 1, 1899, is charging us for most kinds of its small files more than twice as much as it charges Englishmen for these same files, and for half round files we must pay them three times the price charged Englishmen. The Tariff and Trusts. 1 1 5 BABY FOOD CHEAPER TO FOREIGN BABIES. In 1903 the Casein Co., of America, the trust that controls the supply and price of milk sugar which forms the basis of baby foods, was selling it in this country at 14^, and in Germany at 9% cents per pound. The same difference in prices is maintained to-day. The Dingley duty on sugar of milk is 5 cents per pound. This is the way in which the tariff fosters and protects our real "infant" industries. EXTRACTS FROM "THE IRON AGE." As authority for some of the prices quoted in the table, and as showing the new evidence that is coming to hand nearly every day, the following extract from, or references to, recent numbers of the Iron Age are given:. On November 12, 1903, the Iron Age quoted American bars in England at 82 shillings, or less than $20.00 per ton, and in America at $1.42% cents, or $31.92 per ton. Thus the independent manufacturer of tin plate in America, who has to buy his bars of the steel trust, must pay more than 50% more for his chief raw material than is paid by his foreign competitor. This is "protection to home industries" with a vengeance. The same number of the Iron Age tells us that American steel beams, plates, angles, channels and rivet steel are being sold in Canada at from $9.00 to $11.00 per ton less than the prices charged here. The Iron Age of December 17 enumerated a great number of articles of American make which sold largely in South Africa. Nearly all are sold there at prices far below those charged here. Thus it appears that shovels, which our shovel trust sells here at 90 cents each, are sold there at 36y 2 cents. This Iron Age also contains information showing that U. S. Steel Corporation was early in January offering steel billets in Lan- arkshire, England, at 75 shillings per ton. Deducting $5.00 for freight and other transportation costs, the trust gets about $14.00 per ton for billets for export, while its price to American consumers is $23.00. STEEL PLATES MUCH CHEAPER TO FOREIGNERS. Many of the shipbuilders who testified before the Congressional Merchant Marine Commission, which has been taking testimony in various cities since last April, stated that foreign shipbuilders were purchasing steel plates, angles, etc., of American manufac- turers much cheaper than American shipbuilders could obtain these products. When the Commission was sitting in Cleveland, Ohio, Mr. James E. Wallace, of the American Ship Building Company, stated that American steel was delivered at Belfast for $24 a ton, while the same steel cost purchasers in this country $32 at Pittsburg. His authority was the assistant sales-agent of the Carnegie Steel Company. This statement brought forth from Senator Gallinger, the Chairman of the Commission, the excla- mation, "If that's so, it is an outrage and ought to be remedied." When the Commission was sitting in New York, Mr. J. J. Hill stated that Canadian Eailroads were buying steel rails of the steel trust at about $10 a ton cheaper than his road could obtain them on this side of the line. On July 30, 1904, the New York Journal of Commerce and Com- mercial Bulletin contained the following: "One of the most interesting features of the steel situation is an im- portant sale of several thousand tons of steel plates for export, the price of £5 delivered at Newcastle-on-the-Tyne, netting the mills about 90 cents per net ton, F. O. B. Pittsburg. It should be remembered that sales are made in the English market by the gross ton; allowing $3.50 freight rates and a slight allowance for insurance, this price would net the mills $20.00 c 16 The Tariff and Trusts. gross, or $1.80 per net ton, or 90 cents per hundred, against $1.60 per hun- dred for domestic business." IRON AND STEEL TRUSTS REBUKED BY REPUBLICAN OFFICIAL REPORTS. That even Republicans see the injustice of charging Americans more for American made goods than foreigners are charged for the same goods, that even Republicans know this system is a grievous burden upon American manufacturers as well as upon American buyers is evident from the following extract from the August (1900) Report of the Bureau of Statistics on commerce and finance. The Report was prepared under a Republican administration, hence must be deemed to voice the Republican view (when talking scien- tifically and not for mere election purposes) . "The progress of work on shipbuilding in the United States has likewise been retarded, because makers of steel materials required a higher price from the American consumers than they did from the foreign consumers for substantially similar products. Of course, American exporters have to get foreign contracts in competition with foreign plate makers, who are excluded from our domestic market. In addition to this, American export plate makers are interested in preventing the establishment of plate manu- facturing in their customer nations abroad, and to that end bid low enough to discourage foreign nations from entering the field for producing their own plate at home. The progress of domestic manufactures of iron and steel goods may likewise be handicapped by the sale of iron and steel in their manufactured state at so much lower a price to foreigners than to domestic consumers as to keep the American competitor out of foreign markets generally. The natural limit to such a policy of maintaining a higher level of prices for these materials at home than abroad is found in the restriction of domestic consumption and the import duty. If re- striction of consumption at home does not operate to prevent the short- sighted policy of discrimination against domestic development of manufac- turing industries, the other contingency is more or less sure to rise, namely, the demand for the reduction of the tariff on unfinished iron and steel, in order to equalize the opportunity of makers of finished products in foreign markets. To this policy the domestic consumer is usually ready to lend himself, thus making a powerful combination of interests to set limits to the rise of domestic prices of iron and steel materials. *#♦*»#*#* "Of the two policies open to iron and steel makers, the far-sighted one of keeping the domestic and foreign markets as near as possible on a par in the price of these materials of manufacture seems by far the wiser one to follow, both in the interest of a steadier course of prices, which means steadier consumption, and on account of the competition of manufacturers of finished goods with foreign manufacturers in the neutral markets of the world. "The other policy of maintaining prices to manufacturers at the highest level at home leaves little margin for experiment in seeking new markets, and restricts the application of iron and steel to additional uses at home. The depressing effects of an agitation for tariff revision to remedy this inequality are sure to cause a far greater business loss, not only to the country as a whole, but to the producers of iron and steel themselves, than is to be gained by selling at low prices abroad, which they cannot help, and at high prices at home, which they can help. Nor can the home market price be sustained beyond certain limits by export sales. Certain American manufacturers of steel materials tried this policy up to April, 1900. It resulted in a very positive shrinkage in domestic consumption at the then high rates. Farmers had ceased to purchase barbed wire for wire fences, retail hardware dealers had complained for months of diminished business in nails and wire. Jobbers had gotten in the way of doing a hand-to- The Tariff and Trusts. I iy mouth business on prices that had advanced from $1.35 to $3.20 in the course of a year. Hence the reduction of $1 in April, 1900, became a neces- sity in order to keep the mills in operation. "If steel rails, for example, sell at Pittsburg for $35 per ton for months in succession for home consumption, while the foreign consumer is purchas- ing them for $22 to $24 per ton, the domestic market is sure to order no more than it is obliged to have for the time being." SENATOR A. O. BACON, OF GEORGIA, PRODUCES EVIDENCE AS TO EXPORT PRICES OF STEEL RAILS. Senator Augustus 0. Bacon of Georgia produces some strong evidence of export prices in his speech in the Senate, April 25, 1904. He had printed in the Congressional Record a letter to him from Mr. James T. Wright, vice-president and general mana- ger of the Macon, Dublin and Savannah Eailroad Company. Sena- tor Bacon stated that Mr. Wright was an Indianian and a Repub- lican. In his letter to Senator Bacon, Mr. Wright states that his railroad was compelled to pay $29 a ton for 5,618 tons of steel rails, although the same steel company that charged him $29 of- fered to sell him rails for Honduras at $20, the rails to be loaded upon vessels chartered to a foreign port. Commenting upon these prices Mr. Wright said : "Allowing a liberal amount for cost of delivery at tide water, which in this particular case would have been very small, we American citizens paid to this American industry $33,000 in excess of what foreigners would have been compelled to pay. And $33,000 would have put up a very hand- some library filled with standard books on protection. "And this was a very small transaction — only 50 miles of railroad! Payments were cash, and we neither needed nor asked any concessions in the matter of time. Because we were Americans, interested in the develop- ment of a small section of our country, involving faith and sacrifices, we were compelled to pay out as a bonus in excess of $600 per mile." Senator Bacon also had printed in the Record a letter from Mr. W. G. Raoul, president of the National Railroad Company of Mexico. It was dated February 25, 1904. In it Mr. Raoul said : "For a long time past all our purchases have been made on the basis of export prices, even though they have occasionally stopped in Texas, the competition being keen enough to produce this cut in prices in favor of the Texas shipments, so that it has been some time past since we have had any material differences, but those differences do exist and to an iniquitous extent. I use the word 'iniquitous' because it certainly seems so to me when the citizens of the United States are required under the laws of the coun- try to pay a higher price to the manufacturers than these same manufac- turers are willing to make and sell to foreign people for. In 1902 I se- cured bids on steel rails for Mexico from United States mills at about $24 delivered at Tampico, while the price I paid at the same time for rails for our road in Texas was $28 at the mills. "I have understood that the Canadian Pacific has just bought a large lot of rails from the United States Steel Corporation at $21. It is as- serted and denied that the $21 is for delivery at Montreal. If it is, the price at the mill would be about $19, while the price for United States roads is still $28 at the mills. I do not know this of my own knowledge, and it is merely current report." The following extracts from Senator Bacon's speech further elucidate the statements in the letters: "I stop there to note that the $24 was the price, delivered at Tampico, 1 1 8 The Tariff and Trusts. for rails which were to be used for a part of the road in Mexico. Of course, from the $24 was necessarily deducted the cost of transportation, so far as the receipt of the manufacturer is concerned, and for the road, so far as it lay in Texas, at the mills the price was $28 a ton. So if you allow even $4 as the cost of transportation, there was a difference of $8 a ton between the price charged by the manufacturers for rails sold to the same party where he was to use a part of them in Texas and to use the other part in Mexico. "Twenty- four dollars was the price at Tampico, and in that case, of course, the manufacturer paid the freight to Tampico, and that was for rails to be used in Mexico ; but for rails which were to be used in Texas the price was $28 at the mills, which would have required the railroad com- pany, of course, to pay the freight. "If $4 was the cost of transportation at a difference of $8 a ton between the price charged by the maker of the steel rails to the same person where he had a railroad line partly in Texas and partly in Mexico, he paid $8 more for the rail to be laid in Texas than for the rail to be laid in Mexico. "Mr. Blackburn. At the same time? "Mr. Bacon. At the same time; not, as suggested by the learned Sena- tor from Rhode Island, when there was a difference in pig iron or the cost of labor or anything else. Here is $8 a ton, about representing the differ- ence made up by the $7.84 a ton duty. "In these two cases here are the actual prices stated by a customer. In each case it is the same rail by the same manufacturer to the same cus- tomer, at the same time, and in each case there is a discrimination of the price to this same customer of the same rail at the same time as between the rail to be used in the foreign country and the rail to be used at home." SENATOR BACON'S EVIDENCE ON EXPORT PRICES OF BARBED WIRE In the same speech Senator Bacon said : "Barbed wire has increased in price, certainly considerably over 100 per cent., if not nearly 200 per cent., not very recently, but at the time when it was taken into the trust, and very soon thereafter. "I have a letter from an exporter in New York City, voluntarily writ- ten to me, in which he states that the price to him for barbed wire to be exported to South America is $2.20 per hundred pounds, while to the man in the United States the price of barbed wire is from $2.90 to $3 per hun- dred pounds. In other words, the farmer in South America can fence his fields with barbed wire made in the United States and sold to him in the United States at a less price than that at which the farmer in the United States can buy barbed wire from the same man in the United States to fence his field with. Under the operation of the present tariff law the American farmer is compelled to pay to the barbed wire manufacturers in the United States at least 40 per cent, more than the South Ameri- can farmer is required to pay when he buys exactly the same wire from the same man in the United States." In his speech of April 26, 1904, Senator Bacon stated that Mr. William L. Lent of the Murray Hill Hotel, New York City, had a Republican friend in New York who recently bought a sewing machine of an export agent at $18, for which he was asked $55 by the New York agent. The machine was delivered aboard a ship and then sent back to this Eepublican. ENGLISH TESTIMONY THAT TRUST-MADE GOODS ARE SOLD CHEAPER ABROAD THAN IN AMERICA. The Chamberlain Tariff Commission, composed of some sixty of the leading business men of Great Britain, began taking testi- mony and securing evidence some months ago relative to the gen- The Tariff aud Trusts. 1 19 eral subject of tariff duties. The report of this commission fairly bristles with such items as these: "Firm No. 312. We have an offer this week of Siemens-Martin billets, made at Pittsburg, delivered c. i. f. British Port, of 75 shillings per ton. This week's quotation for pig iron for steel making purposes (see Iron Age, Jan. 21, 1904), is about $13 per ton at Pittsburg. The best equipped works in Pittsburg sell at present raw material, wages and prices, manufactured pig iron into Siemens-Martin open hearth billets at $6.50 per ton — that is, equal to $19.50 per ton at Pittsburg. The selling (pool) price at Pitts- burg to-day for open hearth billets is $24." (In other words, the Siemens-Martin billets which were offered to Firm No. 312 at 75 shillings per ton were costing American consumers that same week $24, or 98.36 shillings per ton — 23.36 shillings more to the American than to the foreigner. ) "Firm No. 898. Pig iron from U. S. A. is imported into this country ( England ) , below cost price here ; our consumers are buying at 5 shillings per ton less than we can produce it, and the Americans are reported to be selling for export to England at a price equivalent to 8 shillings per ton lower than the price at which they are supplied in their own country." "Firm No. 1512. German and American Bars. "The following are the prices of German and American bars for export to this country, and for their own trade: Export per ton. Home market per ton. German bars 77s. d/d works in Wales, 92s. 6d. f o. b. maker's works. American bars 76s. d/d works in Wales, 28 dollars or £5 16s. 8d. f. o. b. maker's works. Price of Welsh bars, 80s. to 85s. delivered. Tariff on steel bars into Germany, 23s. 5d. per ton. Tariff on steel bars into U. S. A., 46s. 8d. per ton." HOW AMERICAN STEEL IS SOLD IN ENGLAND TO THE COLONIES.. Firm No. 478. * "Messrs. A. B. C, of Sheffield, used to buy large quantities of steel from us for export to (colony). They now buy in the States and ship di- rect to (colony). They never see it; only invoice it and pocket the profit. How is tariff reform going to deal with that?" CANNOT COMPETE WITH AMERICA IN AUSTRALIA. Firm No. 1147. "American wire is sold to mattress makers in Sydney at 30s. per ton less than it is sold in Birmingham, and it appears useless for us to attempt to do business there." BRITISH LOSING CANADIAN MARKET FOR TIN PLATE. Firms Nos. 1510 and 1511. "Our experience is that we are fast losing the Canadian market for tin plates, and the Americans have recently sold at least 100,000 boxes there, while it is reported that they have also taken orders for Australia. "The Iron Age, of February 4, 1904, page 48, gives the price of 20 by 14 tin plate at $3.64, f. o. b. Chicago, or 15s. 9d. a box. The present price of English tin plate is about 10s. 9d net f. o. b. Swansea. Notwithstanding this difference in favor of our tin plates, the Americans have booked Canadian orders at a price delivered Canada less than f. o. b. Swansea price of English plates. The tariffs put on tin plates by the United States have completely killed our trade with that country, except as regards a small export of tin plate for re-exportation on which a rebate of 99% of the tariff is allowed." 120 The Tariff and Trusts. WIRE ROPE BUSINESS DEAD. Firm No. 1516. "German and American wire rope makers also sell finished wire rope in British colonies at lower prices than they would charge for same rope in the country of origin. Wire rope is our original and principal trade, and the manufacture of steel, wire rods and wire in our works are principally, though not entirely undertaken to supply the material for wire rope mak- ing. We find severe competition in all the British colonies from (A) for- eign wire rope makers, (B) English firms, who, at the prices at which they sell, must make their ropes, either from (1) foreign wire, or (2) wire made from foreign rods or billets. In U. S. A. we did a good trade in wire rope some years ago. This branch of our export trade is now absolutely nil." COMPETITION IN THE COLONIES. Witness No. 1. (505.) "In Canada we suffer from American competition; I lost an order for 1,000 tons of steel rails there last week. America also competes in Aus- tralia and at the Cape, but not so keenly as in Canada. I cannot give you the reason for the loss of the order for 1,000 tons of rails; the order was intended for Cape Breton, and was worked through Glasgow merchants, who assured us we would get the order. We lost it in spite of the 33% preference." SELLING PRICES OF TUBES IN PROTECTED COUNTRIES. Witness No. 12. (1820.) "It is a fact that tubes are sold at higher prices in protected countries than the same countries export and sell at in Great Britain. On February 18, 1904, I got from the British Consul at Pittsburg, America, the dis- counts from the American price lists that the tubes are being sold at in Pittsburg — that is the largest seat of manufacturing of American tubes. That was in truck loads of five tons. When I worked out this on the American price lists, less the discounts given me, and at per thousand feet — taking a thousand feet of each of the sizes for which I am able to get a price, namely 14, making a total of 14,C00 feet — I got a net sum that they Would pay in Pittsburg of £420 4s. Id., and on the same date— and it for- tunately happens that it was the same date — I got a quotation from the United Steel Products Company of America, practically the selling spot some of the large American works for tubes delivered in the Thames, Lon- don. These discounts are quoted from the English price list. I took a thou- sand feet of each of these fourteen sizes — they are the running sizes of the trade — and less the discount which they gave me, it made for the 14,000 feet £332 14s. 6d., so that the American is really dumping in the Thames at £87 9s. 7d., for this quantity of tubes, less price than he is obtaining at the point of manufacture, where he has neither to pay freight nor car- riage. In other words, he is selling at 26.25% higher price in Pittsburg than he is selling these same tubes in the Thames." STEEL TRUST CONTROLS CANADIAN MARKET FOR BARB WIRE. Witness No. 15. (904, 908.) "I am a manufacturer of wire, wire ropes, and netting, and I wish to confine my remarks to these branches. I may give one instance of the methods of foreign competitors. The United States sell in Canada up- wards of 30,000 tons of barbed wire per annum, which they distribute through the medium of the Canadian Hardware Ass'n. At the commence- ment of each season the United States Steel Corporation enters into an agreement with the Canadian Hardware Association, binding them to buy their barb from them. The U. S. Steel Corporation guarantees the Cana- dian jobbers a profit of 10%, and handles the trade with despatch, and in a thoroughly satisfactory manner. The price charged is one at which English manufacturers would be quite prepared to do business. This, however, is impossible, for any attempt to get a jobber to buy elsewhere The Tariff and Trusts. 121 than from the United States results in reprisals of a serious character in the shape of an attack on the jobbers' customers, and refusal to supply the jobbers with barb. There are very large quantities of barb consumed in Canada, and the trade having grown under the hand of the U. S. manu- facturers, they are in a position to supply the enormous requirements. The English manufacturers, as at present situated, could not supply these large quantities, and that puts another strong weapon in the hands of the United States suppliers, because if they refuse to supply the big job- bers with barb, they would have a difficulty in getting their supplies at all. "The Canadian Hardware Ass'n includes every large jobber in the coun- try — they are all members of the association — and they approach the American and Steel Wire Co., or rather it is now the U. S. Steel Cor- poration, and they settle with them at the commencement of the season the price at which they are going to buy as an association, and the whole association enters into an agreement to buy from the steel corporation, with a guaranteed profit of 10%. A distributor does not care a rap what price his commodities are going to be sold at. He would pay 50 a ton for wire if he could get a proportionately increased profit, and if the United States Steel Corporation comes to them and says: 'We have got plenty of barb; you may have it despatched as you please; everything will be made as convenient as possible; you need not handle an ounce; we will consign it direct to your customers according to your instruc- tions; and on the top of that we will guarantee you 10% profit. * * * ' I do not know whether the farmer is materially injured. The difference is very small. Four or five years ago, when the wire trade and other trades in this country were booming, the price of galvanized fencing wire was about £12 10s. a ton; everybody paid it, and they were perfectly happy, and there was no grumbling. On the contrary, there were more orders than we knew what to do with. At the present time, when the price of galvanized fencing wire is about £8 10s., nearly 30% less, it is all we can do to keep the mills going." STEEL MANUFACTURING COSTS LESS IN THE UNITED STATES THAN IN ENGLAND. Witness No. 16. (1023, 1026, 1045, 1046.) "The cost of converting pig iron into steel in the United States must, in the majority of cases, be somewhat less than the corresponding cost in this country, despite the fact that wages there are materially higher. But the cost is not in any two cases the same. The cost of labor was phenomen- ally low. In the case of a rod mill brought to my notice, it was less than 4s. per ton of rods. In the case of billets it has been under 4s. per ton. In the case of rails, it is probably, on an average, not more than 65% what it is in this country. In the more finished forms of material it is more than in the lower forms, but whatever it may be, it is always con- trolled by the fact that the output of a given plant is usually two or three times that of kindred plants in Europe, with only half to two-thirds the number of hands here employed to run it. The Industrial Commission stated the average cost of the conversion of pig iron into steel billets at 6s. 6d., and the average incidental expenses at 3s., but this is much too high for the best plants. "The combination of up-to-date plants, economies, and improvements has enabled our American rivals, paying the highest wages known in the trade, to produce plates at a cost of only about 3s. 6d. per ton for labor, averaging some 225 tons of plates per shift. One mill at Homestead works has produced 1,049 tons of sheared plates in 24 hours, which is at the rate of 315,000 tons in 300 working days. A forty-inch cogging mill at the Illinois works at Chicago produces 200,000 to 250,000 tons per year. These results are not equalled in our own mills. And yet there is no rea- son to suppose that our plate mill practice is generally much behind that of other countries. It was until lately, if it is not now, in advance of that of any other country. If it has now fallen somewhat behind the best American practice, probably not much ground has been lost. 122 The Tariff and Trusts. "In the matter of nominal wages Great Britain occupies an interme- diate place between Germany and the United States, being, however, not so much higher than the Germans as we are below the American level. "The higher American nominal wage rates do not, generally, appear to operate to the detriment of American manufacturers. On the con- trary, it is universally admitted that the real wage rate — the labor cost per unit of production — is less in the United States than in any other country. The best comparison of American and Britishers' wages that 1 know of, and one of the most recent, is that contained in the report of my colleague on the American Commission of the British Iron Trade Ass'n in 1901, Mr. Axel Sahlin, who obtained from the managers of a considerable number of representative works actual wage rates, which showed that at blast furnaces, hour for hour, there was then but little dif- ference in the rates paid as between Great Britain and America, while some of the American furnaces produced 3,500 to 4,000 tons per week, compared with 850 to 620 tons in England, with nearly the same number of hands. For unskilled labor, the British rate is materially lower than the American. "I do not hesitate to say that if the Canadian had been charged the same prices as were nominally charged on the other side of the line, hardly any American iron and steel would have found its way into Canada during the last five years in competition with the cheaper prices quoted for British material." THE TARIFF— PRICES AND WAGES. Exposure of absurd method by which Republicans, make "average" cost of living seem low, while "average" of wages is made to seem high. "Official" statistics prepared by government officials especially for use of Republican campaign committee. Wages have declined from 8 to 10 per cent., not merely 1 1-2 per cent., as falsely claimed by Republican partisan "experts." How Republican favoritism to privileged pets fosters monopolies apd high prices— 238 trusts formed since enactment of Dingley high tariff tax law Chart showing purchasing power of wages, 1895-1904— Labor's share of the product of the wealth which labor creates rapidly declining. REPUBLICAN CLAIM THAT INCREASE IN WAGES HAS KEPT PACE WITH INCREASE IN COST OF LIVING SHOWN TO BE UNTRUE, AND BASED ON "COOKED" STATISTICS. The increased cost of living, due to the [Republican policy of exorbitant tariffs, is felt in every home in the land. Housewives know that because, for example, of the beef trust, meat costs from 3 to 10 cents a pound more now than it did formerly; working- men know that their clothing costs more because of Republican high tariff taxes ; mechanics know that the tools and implements of their trades cost more than they should, or would, cost but for Re- publican policies ; business men know that the typewriter for which they must pay $100 costs only $55 when sold to a foreigner; rail- road men know that American steel rails are sold in Japan for $18 to $20 a ton, while from American railroads the steel trust extorts a ton — in short, the Republican tariff system is devised, not as The Tariff and Trusts. 123 falsely claimed to protect labor, but to enable certain huge con- solidated institutions, know as trusts, to bleed the American people. By pooling interests at home the trusts eliminate domestic compe- tition, and there is' no foreign competition because of the high tariff taxes imposed by a Eepublican Congress and enforced by a Eepubli- can administration. The result of this unjust system — increased cost of living to employees and employers alike — is too self-evident to be denied. In a speech at Wilmington, Delaware, on June 6, 1904, Secretary of the Treasury Leslie M. Shaw said: "May the good Lord deliver us from another period when living expenses are cheap ;" then Mr. Shaw endeavored to satisfy labor with the increased cost of living by asserting that wages have so vastly increased as to more than compensate for trust prices of beef and the other prime necessities of life. The Eepublicans gravely announce that while the increase in the cost of living in the ten years ending in 1903 has been 15.5 per cent, the increase in wages during the same period has been 16.6 per cent., or a net increase in wages of 1.1 per cent. Even according to these figures, the showing is a severe commentary on the Eepublican boast that high tariff taxes benefit labor. Allowing for the increase in the cost of living the net increase in wages is only 1.1 per cent., surely a not very liberal increase for the ten-year period when we consider that within the past ten years new econo- mies and new inventions have so increased the productiveness of labor that in all right and equity its wages should show a much larger gain than that of 1.1 per cent., which is all that the Eepub- licans claim has been made. But the humbug of the Eepublican boasts will appear still more striking when it is seen that even the pitiful 1.1 per cent, increase is fraudulent and exists only in the imagination of Eepublican poli- ticians. The Eepublican campaign book gives official endorsement to the absurd figures and deductions of the report on wages and cost of living which the Hon. Carroll D. Wright, United States Commissioner of Labor, has prepared, ostensibly as an official docu- ment, but in reality, it seems, for the special use of the Eepublican campaign committee. The evidence sustaining this charge seems well-nigh conclusive. In his Wilmington (Delaware) speech of June 6, 1904, Secretary of the Treasury Leslie M. Shaw, alarmed at the growing discontent of the people over the constant increase of prices demanded by the trusts for most of the necessities of life, admitted that prices were high, asserted that it is "unimportant what price we pay, so long as we pay it ourselves," and then added this, in the light of subsequent developments, most significant state- ment: "Before the campaign proceeds very far there will be fur- nished from the highest authority in the United States well au- thenticated data showing that the average of wages has increased in larger proportion than the average articles of ordinary household consumption." This meant that Commissioner Carroll D. Wright, of the United States Department of Labor, had taken the contract to supply the statistics desired. 124 The Tariff and Trusts. Promptly on schedule time Commissioner Wright furnished the figures alluded to by Mr. Shaw, and proving what the Republican campaign committee wanted; and those figures have been incor- porated in the Republican campaign text-book, and are being quoted by Republican papers all over the country as proof that, although the trusts fostered by Republican policies did raise prices, yet wages also are raised, so that the people can afford to pay the higher prices. The absurdity of Commissioner Wright's figures is almost self- evident, but that does not deter the Republican committee, which is accustomed to use "cooked" statistics and "fake" averages so as to mislead voters. ABSURDITY OF REPUBLICAN "AVERAGES." If two men make a savings bank deposit, the one of $999, and the other of $1, the average deposit is $500. Would the $1 man be worth $500 because of this "average"? By putting dried bugs and a score of similar articles on the free iist Republicans point with pride to a tariff that lets in untaxed more articles than were admitted free under the Democratic tariff ; but what absurdity this is to a nation of people that wants untaxed clothes and tools and other necessities, and cares not whether bugs are taxed or untaxed ! The Republican committee's "expert," by pursuing this plan of grouping unimportant articles with articles of prime necessity, makes it appear that the increase in the cost of living under Repub- lican trusts and high tariff taxes amounts to only 15.5 per cent. The increase in essential articles has been much greater than this, and the unduly low increase of 15.5 per cent, is obtained only by including certain articles which are not generally consumed. To illustrate how misleading Republican "averages" are, suppose, for example, that the increase in the price of eggs has been 10 per cent., while the decrease in the price of nutmegs has amounted to 14 per cent. ; this shows an "average" decline in the cost of living, but of what avail would such a "decline" be to a people with whom eggs are a prime necessity, and with whom it matters little or nothing whether nutmegs are cheap or dear? The average American con- sumes an average of about 17 dozen eggs in a year at an average price of about 20 cents per dozen; consequently his egg bill is $3.40 a year; an advance from 20 to 22 cents is an advance of 10 per cent, in the cost of living, so far as eggs are concerned. The average American consumes about l-40th of a pound of nutmegs in a year at an average price of 35 cents a pound, and his nutmeg bill therefore is less than 1 cent a year ; if the average price of nutmegs declines to 30 cents a pound that is equivalent to a 14 per cent, decline in the cost of living, so far as nutmegs are concerned. Now, supposing that eggs and nutmegs constituted the entire food stuffs of mankind, would it be fair to take the average of these prices of eggs and nutmegs and say, because eggs had increased 10 per cent, and nutmegs had decreased 14 per cent, that there had been a decrease of 2 per cent, in the cost of living? To ask this question shows its absurdity; and yet it is on "averages" based upon The Tariff and Trusts. 125 this ridiculous method that the Republican campaign committee is making the claim that wages have increased faster than the increase in the cost of living. Official statistics, which seem to be made to order for the Repub- lican campaign committee, give the prices of 52 articles in the group of foodstuffs, and in order to bring out a result agreeable to the Republican committee the group of articles comprises such irrelevant and unessential foodstuffs as nutmegs. The price of nut- megs for the year 1901 was 45.7 per cent, below the average for the 10 years ending in 1899, while the price of eggs was 6.7 per cent, above this 10 years' average. Hence, so far as these two items are concerned, the cost of living in 1901 is nearly 20 per cent, below the average for 1890 to 1899. Such are the figures compiled by Commissioner Carroll D. Wright and gravely published to the coun- try by the Republican campaign committee ! As a matter of fact the cost of living was nearly 7 per cent, higher in 1901 than dur- ing the period of 1890 to 1899. The items in Commissioner Wright's foodstuffs table of prices are "averaged" without any re- gard whatever to the yearly value of each article in consumption. For example, the price of pepper, of which the average American consumes about 4 cents' worth in a year, is included by Commis- sioner Wright, and is permitted to affect his statement of general averages as much as the price of coffee, of which the average Amer- ican consumes $1.60, or exactly 40 times more than pepper. Vinegar is given by Commissioner Wright the same weight as milk, currants as lard, bicarbonate of soda as fresh beef, salt as pork and beans^ evaporated apples as granulated sugar, dried apples as potatoes. The price of alum affects Commissioner Wright's average as much as does the price of corn; yet, as is known to every one, the value of the alum consumed by the American people is but a trifle com- pared with the value of corn. Large increases in the cost of such prime necessities as cotton, wheat, steel rails, bricks, coke, milk, steel billets and cattle, are offset, in the tables of Commissioner Wright, by slight declines in such relatively unimportant commodi- ties as quicksilver, wood screws, putty, candles, door knobs and prunes and raisins. The grouping together of articles of such un- equal importance is enough of itself to deprive Commissioner Wright's tables of any value. They are still less trustworthy because of the fact that inside of each gsoup the classes of articles are improperly balanced. Thus, Commissioner Wright's tables assume that one-tenth of the average family expenditures for cloth and clothing goes for sheetings, whereas in reality less than one-thirtieth goes for sheetings ; in spite of this, the prices of sheetings are permitted to affect Commissioner Wright's general price level as much as the price of cotton, corn, hay, hogs, wheat and eggs. The truth is that the prices of these farm products have 200 or 300 times as much influence upon the general price level as do the prices of sheetings. 126 The Tariff and Trusts. GROUPS IMPROPERLY BALANCED. Not only are the items on which prices are quoted not weighed with regard to their importance as articles of sale or consumption, but the groups are improperly balanced with each other. This is proven by Mr. Wright' s own figures of March, 1902, published in this same report. On page 208 we find the following table, showing the main groups of family expenditures and their relative propor- tions as determined by the ascertained expenditures of a large num- ber of families which were considered typical of the expenditures of the mass of the people : DISTRIBUTION OF EXPENDITURE FOR 2,561 NORMAL FAMILIES. Per cent, of Proportions Group. Expenditure for of each Purpose 10.000. Kent 15.06 1.506 Food 41.03 4.103 Fuel 5.00 .500 Clothing 15.31 1.531 Lighting 90 .90 All other purposes 22.70 2.270 100.00 10.000 This table shows that the average family spends nearly three times as much for food as for clothing. In his table of relative prices Mr. Wright quotes 53 articles of food and 70 for clothing. To be consistent he should either have quoted 188 articles of food or only 26 articles of clothing. The average family spends seven times as much for food as for fuel and lighting. Mr. Wright quotes 13 different articles of fuel and lighting and 53 of food. Either the 53 should have been 90 or the 13 only 8. Clearly Mr. Wright has condemned his own price statistics. Has he done worse? COTTON CLASSIFIED AS A "FARM PRODUCT"- WOOL AS "CLOTHING." Most people would say that if cotton is a farm product, so is wool. But most people are neither statisticians nor Republican politicians. The experts in the bureau of labor tell us that cotton is a farm product while wool is an article of clothing. It would appear that cotton was classified as a farm product be- cause in 1901 it showed an advance of 11.1 per cent, in price over the average price from 1891 to 1899, and that wool was classified as cloth or clothing because its price for 1901 showed a decline from the average price for 1891 to 1899 — and this notwithstanding the high duties on wool in 1901 and the three years of free wool from 1894 to 1897. Ohio fine fleece wool, scoured, shows a decline of over 1 per cent, for 1901 and Ohio medium fleece, scoured, shows a de- cline of over 5 per cent, for 1901. By calling these two kinds of wool cloths or clothing, the average price of cloths and clothing is reduced and the average price of farm products is left much higher The Tariff and Trusts. 127 than it should be, both desirable results from a Eepublican stand- point. Had these wools been put in with farm products the average price of farm products for 1901 would have been reduced from 116.9 to 114.6. This result would have been much less satisfactory to the farmers. Possibly for similar reasons green, salted, packers' heavy native steers' hides, which show a rise of 32 per cent., are classified as "farm products." Possibly it was largely to please the farmers that Mr. Wright, as he says, has invariably taken only the prices for the best quality of butter, eggs, etc., and the lowest quotations for drugs, chemicals, etc. Certainly an expert statistician need not be blind to the political effects of figures ! If any other proof of the utter unreliability of the Eepublican campaign committee's "expert" figures is needed, it would be found in the fact that Commissioner Wright's conclusion as to the advance in the cost of living is based on retail prices, instead of wholesale prices. Wholesale prices are, comparatively speaking, stable; they are practically the same in different cities, certainly the same in different stores in the same city on the same day. Being thus more uniform, it is easier to detect error, if mistakes or misstatements are made in tables of wholesale prices. But Commissioner Wright's tables of retail prices, however full of error, defy correction because of the well-known fact that retail prices differ widely in the same city and on the same day, especially for unimportant commodities. An agent for the United States Bureau of Labor would find one family paying 20 cents a pound for porterhouse steak, while the family next door was paying another butcher 30 cents a pound for the same thing. One family would pay 12 cents and the next fam- ily 35 cents per pound for coffee. One would pay 30 cents, another would pay $1.80 per pound for tea, etc. The "best fresh laid eggs" sell in one store for 18 cents, and in another on the same block at 30 cents per dozen. Even so staple a commodity as granulated sugar is sold in the same stores in the same city on the same day at varying prices. Kerosene oil of the same quality may sell at retail at 6 cents in one city and at 12 or 14 cents in another city twenty miles away. This lack of uniformity in retail prices furnishes an opportunity for unscrupulous politicians to select their quotations in different localities and from different families, and to juggle prices so as to get whatever results they desire. So manifestly unjust and incorrect is this system of obtaining averages, that even so staunch a Eepublican organization as the Protective Tariff League refuses to descend to the use of pretended quotations of retail prices. On page 44 of its 1904 handbook in an explanation of Dun's index number, it is stated : "Owing to the im- possibility of obtaining accurate retail prices, wholesale quotations are taken." Why does Commissioner Wright's bureau of labor seek to accomplish the impossible by giving retail prices ? Is it because errors in tables of wholesale prices are easily detected, while those in retail prices cannot in the nature of the case be exposed? Commissioner Wright admits that his report on retail prices in- 128 The Tariff and Trusts. eludes only foodstuffs ; it is known that foodstuffs form only 42.54 per cent, of a family's average expenditures for all purposes. In spite of this fact that Commissioner Wright's report includes less than half of a family's total expenses, he boldly draws the con- clusion that "the increase in the cost of living, as a whole in 1903, when compared with the year of lowest prices, was less than 15.5 per cent., the figure given above as the increase in the cost of food, as shown by this investigation." Most statisticians would hesitate to conclude a family's expenditures upon data showing the prices of articles constituting only 42 per cent, of the family's total expenses ; but such hasty inferences seem easily made by Commissioner Wright when the figures are wanted for the Republican campaign text-book. Having by these absurd and illogical methods reached results as to the increase in cost of living that are satisfactory to the Republi- can National Committee, the "experts" next proceed to evolve wage statistics that can be used as Republican campaign material. They artificially raised wages in 1900 by the simple device of dividing the total wages paid in any industry, not by the average number of employees for the year, as was done in the 1890 census, but by dividing the total of wages by an "average" number of em- ployees obtained by taking the averages for months during the time covered, and dividing the sum of these monthly averages by 12, the number of months in a year. If all industries had been operated steadily for the whole of the census year this change in arriving at an average would have amounted to little, but many impor- tant industries were in operation only 6 or 8 months during the census year ; hence the Republican "experts' " change of method pro- duced a very great effect upon the apparent amount of wages. Had they pursued the same method in 1900 as was pursued by the census of 1890 the decline in wages of the 5,314,539 wage earners in our manufactories instead of being only 1£ per cent, would have been between 8 and 10 per cent, during this period. The Republican campaign committee prefers, of course, to show that wages have de- creased only 1£ per cent., and not 8 or 10 per cent., hence the new method of arriving at a general average. RAISING THE WAGES IN MICHIGAN AND WISCONSIN. An illustration of the effect of this change in census methods is found in the statistics of Michigan and Wisconsin, the two leading States in the lumber and timber industry. Including this "short period" industry the average yearly earnings in all manufacturing industries in Michigan increased from $369.82 in 1890 to $409.39 in 1900. Omitting this industry, the average earnings showed a decrease of $11.40 a year. Thus an apparent increase of $39.57 is changed to a decrease of $11.40, making a difference of $50.97. The difference in Wisconsin amounts to $56.38 by the omission of this one industry. Apparently there was an increase in average earnings in the lumber and timber industry in Michigan from $286.30 in 1890 to $424.52 in 1900, and in Wisconsin from $235.15 to $436.85. But in the kindred industry, "planing mill products," The Tariff and Trusts. 129 which ran the entire year and was, therefore, not seriously affected by the changed census method of computation, average earnings decreased in Michigan from $415.24 to $381.13, and in Wisconsin •from $405.69 to $377.72. If the canning and other "short period" industries were omitted the reduction in average earnings from 1890 to 1900 in Michigan and Wisconsin would be much greater. Of course, this method of computing "averages" leads to numer- ous statistical absurdities in our census reports. In many indus- tries the "average" number of wage earners is given as less than the least number employed at any one time during the year. It will be seen by Census Bulletin No. 209, giving statistics of the can- ning of fruits, vegetables and fish, that while the greatest number of wage earners employed at any one time during the year was 133,106 and the least number employed at any one time was 45,106, the average number is reported as but 36,401. In the manu- facture of building glass we find the greatest number of employed given as 19,943, the least number as 16,059, and the average num- ber was 11,902. HOW THE DINGLEY BILL FOSTERS TRUSTS AND RAISES PRICES. To claim that a protective tariff does not raise prices is as absurd as 1 to say that ice is hot, or fire is cold, or that a ball is square. A tariff that does not raise prices is not "protective." The very ob- ject of so-called "protection" is to enable certain manufacturers to demand and to receive higher prices for their products than they could do were their customers free to buy in the cheapest market. The Dingley Tariff Act, which became a law on July 24, 1897, raised duties to the highest point ever reached in this if not in any other country. Not only are the Dingley duties as high as in the opinion of Eepublican leaders is necessary to protect manufactur- ing industries, but those duties were purposely made higher on cer- tain classes of articles so as to leave a trading margin; that is to say, so that there would be ample protection left after this margin had been bartered away in the reciprocity agreements which were to be negotiated under Sections 3 and 4 of the Dingley Act. But the trusts concluded that they might as well keep all of their protection, and consequently they saw to it that the ten or twelve treaties which were negotiated between the United States and certain foreign countries in 1898 and 1900, and which would have reduced many of our duties by 20 per cent, or more, were never ratified. Through the influence of the trusts these treaties were smothered in Senate pigeon-holes and never permitted to come to a vote. How fostering is the care given the trusts by the Dingley Bill is pointed out by Mr. John Moody in his book, "The Truth About Trusts." Of 318 active industrial trusts mentioned in Mr. Moody's table, only 80 were in existence prior to the Dingley BilPs becoming a law. Two hundred and thirty-eight trusts have been formed since the enactment of the Dingley Bill, and these 238 trusts represent five-sixths of the local capitalization of all the trusts in America. 130 The Tariff and Trusts. SOPHISTICAL STATISTICS MADE TO DECEIVE VOTERS. We have seen that the government statistics on wages and prices are unreliable and inaccurate ; that the methods employed in making them are the unscientific ; that many of the "averages" in the census wage statistics are mathematical absurdities, useful, however, in raising wages on paper; that the price of statistics of the Bureau of Labor, even if accurate, are absolutely unprepared for index numbers which will indicate the relative cost of living at different periods; that they give as much importance to putty, nutmegs, trowels, vises and alum, as articles of consumption, as to corn, hay and eggs; and that they make cotton a farm product and wool an article of clothing. Apparently these governmental statistics, juggled for partisan, political and protection purposes, are intended to misrepresent facts and to deceive voters, and are issued when they are expected to do most good for the Eepublican party. These facts discredit, in advance, the wage statistics and the cost of living statistics which Secretary Shaw says "will be forthcoming before the end of the present campaign. " It would hardly seem possible that the Repub- licans can this year, with the cost of living abnormally high and with wages falling and mills closing and railroads and stores laying off employees by thousands, fool voters with any kind of juggle figures or sophistical statistics. The facts are plain and palpable. The Republicans cannot, this time, shirk responsibility or shift it to the Democratic party. PRICES PROPORTIONED TO CONSUMPTION. DUN'S PRICE TABLES ARE SCIENTIFIC AND ACCURATE. Dun's index number is published monthly in Dun's Review, and also in the Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance of the De- partment of Commerce and Labor, under the title, "Prices Propor- tioned to Consumption." The following explanation of its method of preparation is taken from this Government report for April, 1904: "In the following table the course of prices of commodities is shown with due allowance for the relative importance of each. Quotations of all the necessaries of life are taken, including whiskey and tobacco, and in each case the price is multiplied by the annual per capita consumption, which precludes any one commodity having more than its proper weight in the aggregate. "For example, the price of a bushel of wheat is multiplied by 5.55, rep- resenting the annual per capita consumption of 4 2-3 bushels of food, and the remainder as allowance for seed. The price per pound for coffee is taken 9 times, of cheese 2.3, of chemicals only fractions of an ounce in some cases. Thus, wide fluctuations in the price of an article little used do not materially affect the index, but changes in the great staples have a large influence in advancing or depressing the total. For conve- nience of comparison and economy of space the prices are grouped in seven classes: Breadstuff s include many quotations of wheat, corn, oats, rye, barley, beans, and peas; meats include live hogs, beef, sheep, and many provisions, lard, tallow, etc.; dairy and garden products embrace eggs, vegetables, fruits, milk, butter, cheese, etc.; other food includes fish, liquors, condiments, sugar, rice, tobacco, etc.; clothing covers the raw material of each industry, and many quotations of woolen, cotton, silk, The Tariff and Trusts. 131 and rubber goods, as well as hides, leather, boots and shoes; metals in- clude various quotations of pig iron and partially manufactured and finished products, as well as the minor metals, tin, lead, copper, etc., and coal and petroleum; miscellaneous incluae many grades of hard and soft lumber, lath, brick, lime, glass, turpentine, hemp, linseed oil, paints, fertilizers, and drugs. The third decimal is given for accuracy of com- parison; thus $101,587 representing $101.58 and seven-tenths of a cent. This figure does not purport to show the exact average amount cost of liv- ing on January 1, 1902, because wholesale prices are taken and all luxuries omitted. Its economic value is in showing the percentage of advance or decline from month to month." To show how careful Dun's Review is to quote accurately and to weight properly, note the following further explanation from Dun's Review of September 7, 1901 : "In many cases a large number of quotations are averaged in order to secure a representative price for the commodity, thus avoiding the special effect on one particular grade of exceptional conditions. Both raw materials and manufactured products are included, preventing the excessive influence of speculative operations in the former, since markets for finished products are more stable. In these cases the per capita con- sumption is so proportioned as to avoid duplication." This explanation of the Dun price tables not only indicates what is a strictly scientific system, it also condemns the Bureau of Labor methods as unscientific and unreliable. The Dun price tables are prepared by the leading commercial authority of this country. They are not made in the interest of any political party or to bolster up any tariff theory. The accuracy of these price tables as indicating the relative changes in the cost of living has never been questioned, even by the Bureau of Labor. Why the Labor Bureau should adopt another and totally unscientific system is clear to those familiar with the exigencies of Republican politics. Following is a table showing the relative cost of living at differ- ent dates : DUN'S INDEX NUMBER FROM DUN'S REVIEW. 1890. 1897. 1900. 1902. 1903. 1904. 1904. Jan. 1. July 1. Jan. 1. May 1. Oct. 1. Mar. 1. May 1, Breadstuffs $13,765 $10,587 $13,254 $19,954 $16,696 $20,116 $18,692 Meat3 . . > 7.620 7.529 7.258 10.968 8.830 8.528 8.226 Dairy and garden. 12.675 8.714 13.702 14.737 12.609 14.547 15.401 Other food 9.935 7.887 9.200 8.742 9.171 9.469 10.268 Clothing 14.845 13.808 17.484 15.527 16.816 17.916 17.425 Metals 16.240 11.642 18.085 15.702 16.366 15.849 15.360 Miscellaneous ... 15.111 12.286 16.312 16.654 16.890 17.190 16.836 Total 99.191 75.455 95.295 102.289 97.378 103.615 102.208 The totals for June, July and August were $100,951, $97,192 and $97,227 respectively — a slight decline since May, nearly all of which decline, however, is confined to dairy and garden products. More- over, this decline is no more than usually occurs in the summer season; hence it cannot be inferred therefrom that prices are not on the whole fully mentioned. The figures of the table indicate that the cost of living was 6 per cent, greater in 1900 than in 1890; 31 per cent, greater January 1, 1900, than on July 1, 1897; 132 The Tariff and Trusts. 41 per cent, greater May 1, 1902, than July 1, 1897, and 43 per cent, greater March 1, 1904, than July 1, 1897. The cost of living was higher on March 1, 1904, than ever before in modern times. Its previous high point was on May 1, 1902. Apparently it is mounting higher and higher. It has made new records each year, except 1903, since the trust era began with the passage of the Ding- ley Bill in 1897. Misleading as are the tables of the United States Bureau of Labor, even these show that the average wholesale prices for the year 1903 were 26 per cent, higher than they were for the year 1897. WAGES OF RAILWAY EMPLOYEES. ACCURATE OFFICIAL STATISTICS OF ACTUAL PAYMENTS TO 1,312,537 WAGE-EARNERS REFUTE THE CLAIM THAT HIGH PRICES HAVE BROUGHT PROSPERITY TO LABOR. "Wages do not rise with prices. To assert that they do, or will, is either ignorance or dishonesty." — J. E. Thorold Rogers, Professor of Politi- cal Economy in the University of Oxford, author of "Six Centuries of Work and Wages," etc. Every railway corporation in the United States is compelled by law to report to the Interstate Commerce Commission at Wash- ington, the aggregate number of days worked during the year by all its employees, and all those belonging to each class and the precise sums paid in wages to all employees and to each class. From these data the Commission's statistician figures averages of daily wages which represent every workman employed during the year and every dollar paid in wages. The number of employees at the time the Commission's last report was rendered was 1,312,537. This is more than seven times the number in the 3,429 selected establishments and the 519 unrepresentative occu- pations used by the Bureau of Labor as the basis of the estimates which purport to show an advance in wages of 16.3 per cent, over the average for the ten years from 1890 to 1899. NOT TRUE THAT WAGES HAVE INCREASED PROPORTIONATELY WITH THE COST OF LIVING. Railroad labor affords the most accurate barometer of wages. A large proportion of its employees are union men, whose wages are comparatively steady. Now the wages of railroad employees, as shown by the Interstate Commerce Commission, averaged nearly the same in 1901 as they did 9 years before, in 1892. In 1902, they were 1J per cent, higher than in 1901, and 5 per cent, higher than in 1897, when they were the lowest. Here is a table from the Inter- state Commerce Commission's report, which gives in detail the num- ber of earners in each class of railway labor with their average daily wages for the years mentioned : The Tariff and Trusts. 133 COMPARATIVE SUMMARY OF AVERAGE DAILY COMPENSATION OF RAILWAY EMPLOYEES FOR THE YEAR ENDING JUNE 30. (Average daily compensation in dollars.) Class. United States. 1903. 1902. 1901. 1900. 1899. 1898. 1897. 1896. 1895. 1894. 1893. 1892. General officers ....11.27 11.17 10.97 10.45 10.03 9.73 9.54 9.19 9.01 9.71 8.10 7.83 Other officers 5.76 5.60 5.56 5.22 5.18 5.21 5.12 5.96 5.85 5.75 8.10 7. St General office clerks.. 2.21 2.18 2.19 2.19 2.20 2.25 2.18 2.21 2.19 2.34 2.25 2.23 Station agents 1.67 1.80 1.77 1.75 1.74 1.73 1.73 1.73 1.74 1.75 1.83 1.83 Other station men.... 1.64 1.61 1.59 1.60 1.60 1.61 1.62 1.62 1.62 1.63 1.65 1.6S Enginemen 4.01 3.84 3.78 3.75 3.72 3.72 3.65 3.65 3.65 3.61 3.68 3.6? Firemen 2.28 2.20 2.16 2.14 2.10 2.09 2.05 2.06 2.05 2.03 2.06 2.08 Conductors 3.38 3.21 3.17 3.17 3.13 3.13 3-07 3.05 3.04 3.04 3.10 S.08 Other trainmen .... 2.17 2.04 2.00 1.96 1.94 1.95 1.90 1.90 1.90 1.89 1.92 1.90 Machinists 2.50 2.36 2.32 2.30 2.29 2.28 2.23 2.26 2.22 2.21 2.31 2.29 Carpenters 2.19 2.08 2.06 2.04 2.03 2.02 2.01 2.03 2.03 2.02 2.10 2.08 Other shopmen 1.86 1.78 1.75 1.73 1.72 1.70 1.71 1.69 1.70 1.69 1.73 1.72 Section foremen 1.78 1.72 1.71 1.68 1.68 1.69 1.70 1.70 1.70 1.71 1.75 1.76 Other trackmen 1.31 1.25 1.23 1.22 1.18 1.16 1.16 1.17 1.17 1.18 1.22 1.23 Switchmen, flagmen, and watchmen .... 1.76 1.77 1.74 1.80 1.77 1.74 1.72 174 1.75 1.75 1.82 1.86 Telegraph operators and dispatchers 3.08 2.01 1.98 1.96 1.93 1.92 1.90 1.93 1.98 1.93 1.96 1.93 Employees — account floating equipment.. 2.17 2.00 1.97 1.92 1.89 1.S9- 1.86 1.94 1.91 1.97 1.96 2.03 All other employees and laborers 1.77 1.71 1.69 1.71 1.68 1.67 1.64 1.65 1.65 1.65 1.70 1.68 From the above table it will be seen that the greatest increase in wages, excluding general officers, from 1897 to 1903, was only 14 per cent., or less than the increased cost of living during the same period, according to Commissioner Wright's own table of retail prices ; it is only about one-half of the increase in prices according to Commissioner Wright's table of wholesale prices, and only one- third of the increased cost of living, according to the honest and scientifically constructed table of Dun. When the maximum in- crease in wages is only one-third of the increase in prices, it would be difficult to persuade any but a Eepublican politician that the Dingley high tariff law is as of much benefit to the people as it has undoubtedly proved to trusts and monopolies. The fairest way to arrive at the true change in wages is not by comparing the daily or weekly wage of one year with that of an- other, but by comparing the total yearly earnings of one year with those of another. This is done for railroad employees in the fol- lowing table : FROM STATISTICS OF RAILWAYS BY INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION. Table showing amount of compensation paid railway employees, number of employees, average yearly compensation for each employee and rate per cent, of increase and decrease for the period — 1895-1903 inclusive. Total Com- Total N-um- Average % of In- Average % of In- pensation paid ber of Em- Yearly crease Yearly crease Year. R'y Employes. ployees. (6) each year (a) each Wages. over Wages. over 1897. 1897. 1895 $455,508,261 785.034 $571.16* .022 $566.99 .003 1896 468,824.531 826,620 581.80 .033 567.16 .003 1897 465.601,581 823,476 564.33 565.41 1898 495,055,618 874,558 583.10 .033 566.06 .001 1899 522.967,896 928,924 579.95 .027 562.98 .004 1900 577,264,841 1,017,653 593.16 .041 567.25 .003 134 The Tariff and Trusts. 1901 610,713,701 1,071,169 584.75 .036 570.14 .008 1902 676,028,592 1,189,315 598.25 .06- 568.42 .005 1903 757,321,415 1,312,537 605.41 .072 576.99 .02 (a) This column of percentages was obtained by dividing total com- pensation by total number of employees for average yearly wages. (6) This column was obtained by dividing the mean between the first and last days of the year, as explained in the text. * Estimated for 1895. All but the last two columns and the last line of this table is copied from the speech of Hon. Charles H. Grosvenor in Congress, March 28, 1904. To obtain the yearly averages, General Grosvenor divided the total wages paid in any year by the mean number of employees at the end of this year and at the end of the previous year. Calculated in this way, the average wages were 7 per cent, higher in 1903 than in 1897. Dividing the total wages of each year by the number of employees on June 30, which is perhaps the fairer way to make comparisons, the average wages in 1903 were only 2 per cent, higher than in 1897^ instead of 7 per cent., as estimated by General Grosvenor. Since 1903, there has not been even a 2 per cent, increase in railway wages ; on the contrary, as is well known, there have been material cuts in the wages paid railway labor, es- pecially to such employees as are not members of labor unions. At a conservative estimate, 200,000 men have been laid off with no wages at all, and the wages of many classes of labor that were re- tained have been reduced since 1903 by an average of 10 per cent., and this, in spite of the fact that the cost of living has continued to advance, and on March 1, 1904, was 43 per cent, higher than on July 1, 1897. The table shows that the average daily wages of all classes of railway employees has increased barely eight per cent. Even the Bureau of Labor was forced to admit that the retail prices of 1903 were, on the average, 10.3 per cent, higher than those of 1890 to 1899. Bulletin No. 53 of the Bureau shows that the fol- lowing articles have advanced more than eight per cent., and, hence, more than the wages of railway employees: Advance Advance Articles. Per cent. Articles. Per cent. Beans, dry 18.1 Fish, salt 8.4 Beef, fresh, roasts and stews. 13.1 Lard 26.7 Beef, fresh, steaks 12.9 Mutton and lamb 12.6 Butter 10.8 Pork, fresh 27.0 Beef, salt 8.8 Pork, salt, bacon 39.8 Cheese 9.4 Pork, salt, dry or pickled.. . . 29.0 Chickens 18.5 Pork, salt, ham 21.3 Corn meal 20.7 Potatoes, Irish 14.8 Eggs 25.3 Veal 14.9 The earnings of a day's labor in railway employment would purchase less of every one of the articles in the foregoing list in 1903 than would the slightly lower wages of 1892 to 1899 at the very much lower prices of the last decade. Jn order to know what real wages are it is necessary to find out what the money received as wages will buy. An advance in the amount of money received The Tariff and Trusts. 135 which is accompanied by a general advance in prices which is pro- portionately greater leaves the workingman in a worse position than before. The foregoing shows the decrease in real wages as applied to the purchase of articles of food. Bulletin Xo. 51 of the Bureau of Labor, shows that, on the basis of wholesale prices, the advance in the cost of the following classes of com- modities has so far exceeded the slight rise in the wages of rail- way labor (as measured in money) that the purchasing power of a day's work has decreased. As compared with what his day's work would purchase in 1892 to 1899, the day's work of an average railway employee will now purchase : Of farm products but 90.8 per cent. " Fuel and lignting materials " 72.3 " Metals and implements " 91.8 " Lumber and building materials " 88.9 " Drugs and chemicals " 95.8 " House furnishing goods " 95.5 " Miscellaneous commodities " 95.0 The average loss in purchasing power with regard to all classes of commodities, as shown by the official statistics, is precisely five per cent. MONEY WAGES VS. REAL WAGES. . : The real wages of labor are goods, not dollars. Men cannot eat or wear money ; money can only be exchanged for goods, and until 60 exchanged the laborer cannot tell whether his wages are high or low. Money wages may be going up, while actual wages due to the higher prices of goods are going down. This is actually what occurred from 1897 to 1903. The reverse occurred from 1890 to 1897, as is clearly shown in the fol- lowing chart. In this chart the dotted line "Bailroad Money Wages" shows the course of the wages of all railroad employees; the light line "Wholesale Prices" indicates the changes in prices, according to Dun's index numbers. From 1890 to 1897 the dates selected are January 1; since and including 1897 two dates each year are selected — January 1 and July 1. The heavy line "Pur- chasing Power Wages" shows the course of actual wages, that is of wages with relation to the goods the laborer's money was able to procure at the prices which were charged in the years mentioned : *3> The Tariff and Trusts. CHART SHOWING PURCHASING POWER OF WAGES. /895 /895 /897 /898 /899 /900 /ffO/ /9Q2 /903 /9 /35 /30 /25 /20 //5 //O /05 /OO 95 90 B5 SO 75 70 /¥5 135 /30 X. f •> \ V / v / , /26 /20 //6 /to /05 fOO 95 90 66 00 75 70 °/ V V Pi w * ^ a/ -J ft k i >1 i 7 ffr ^ 4%' * vy^ /tpo? 0™ ^ \< ft V > ^ J A \ /6 *95 /896 /B97 /89Q /899 /900 /90/ /0O2 /303 /90V The Tariff and Trusts. 137 From this chart it is seen that between 1895 and 1897 many- wages suffered a slight decline, but because of a still greater decline in prices real wages enjoyed a considerable increase. Further, it is made plain that since 1897, in spite of a 7 per cent, increase in money wages, there has been nearly a 30 per cent, decrease in real wages, because of the fact that since 1897 the increase in prices has amounted to more than 40 per cent. The rise in money wages is not keeping pace with the rise in the cost of living. For this reason, in spite of occasional apparent increases in money wages, there has not been a time within the present generation when the struggle for existence is as hard as it is now, or when the "full dinner pail" is as small as it is to-day. The size of the "full dinner pail" has been steadily diminishing since the advent of Dingleyism, with its resultant trusts and monopolies. LABOR'S SHARE OF THE PRODUCT OF LABOR IS RAPIDLY DECLINING. The following table, compiled from census bulletins, shows the percentage of increase in the number of wage earners and the total wage paid in the United States, and in the five manufacturing states of Illinois, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey and Penn- sylvania. The figures are for the ten years ending in 1900 : United States Illinois Massachusetts New Jersey New York Pennsylvania It is seen from these figures that, considering the United States as a whole, while the number of laborers increased 25.2 per cent., yet the total amount of wages paid to them increased only 23.2 per cent. — equivalent to a net decrease of 2 per cent, in wages. In Illi- nois, while the number of laborers increased 41 per cent., the total wages paid them increased 34 per cent. — equivalent to a decline of 7 per cent, in wages. In New Jersey, the increase in the number of laborers was 39 per cent., but the total wages paid them increased only 32.7 per cent. In all of the great manufacturing States shown above, the amount paid in wages has signally failed to keep pace with the increased number of wage earners. Other census office figures show even more conclusively that the laborer is not obtain- ing a just or equitable share of the fruits of his toil. The follow- ing table shows the percentage of the total value of products paid to wage earners in the United States, and in the States named, in 1890 and in 1900, and also the percentage of decrease in the share of the values they created which were paid in wages to the laborer : Increase Increase of wage of total earners. wages. ■» paid. 25.2 23.2 41. 34. 11.2 10.9 39 32.7 12.9 10.4 28.7 26.1 138 The Tariff and Trusts. Percentage of total Percentage value of products of decrease in paid to wage wag^ earner* earners. share of prod- uct-valuea from 1890 1900. 1890 1900 United States 20.2 17.8 11.9 Illinois 15.7 15.3 2.5 Indiana 18.8 17.7 5.9 Massachusetts 23.2 22.5 3 New Jersey 23.4 18 23.8 New York 21.7 18.8 13.4 Ohio 20 18.6 7 Pennsylvania 19.8 18.1 8.6 Ehode Island 23.3 22.3 4.3 The above table shows that in 1890 the wage earners of the United States received in wages 20 per cent, of the value of all the manufactured products for that year while in the year 1900 they received in wages only 17.8 per cent, of the product value. Or, in other words, the wage earner's share of the wealth that he sup- plied the labor to create has been diminished year by year until now he is receiving nearly 12 per cent, less than he did ten years ago. And taking up the States shown in the table above, one by one, we find that the wage earners' share of the product value during this decade has decreased 2.5 per cent, in Illinois, 5.9 per cent, in In- diana, 3 per cent, in Massachusetts, 23.8 per cent, in New Jersey, 13.4 per cent, in New York, 7 per cent, in Ohio, 8.6 per cent, in Pennsylvania, 4.3 per cent, in Rhode Island. THE AVERAGE AMERICAN FAMILY PAYS A TRIBUTE OF $94 A YEAR TO PROTECTED TRUSTS. The tariff question is a business proposition that concerns every man, woman and child, for it taxes the average home $110 a year, or more than one-tenth of the average family's total income. There is an average of one and one-eighth tenths earners in the average home. These contribute thirty days' labor each, or fifty- four days' labor a year to the tariff-tax collectors. If this $110 went as honest taxes to our government to meet necessary expenditures, no fault would be found, though the tax would be considered ex- tremely high. But only a very small part of this $110 can be classed as legitimate taxes. By far the greater part goes to million and billion dollar tariff trusts and monopolies, which thrive now as never before in this country. These greedy trusts levy a tribute of $94 a year upon the average home, while the government collects an average of about $15 a year in tariff taxes; the collection last year amounted to $3.49 per capita, or $16.52 per The Tariff and Trusts. 139 family of 4.7 persons. Do the heads of these 17,000,000 families, the voters, knowingly and willingly donate $94 a year to the hun- dreds of trusts ? Do they love these trusts more than they love their wives and children? If not, why should they vote to give this $94 to trusts that do not need it rather than to keep the $94 for their own families, who do need it ? An extra $94 a year would mean much to the average family in the way of better food, clothing and education. EVERYTHING IS TARIFF TAXED. The price of nearly every article used in the home is higher because of the exorbitant protective tariff that the Republicans are "standing pat" on. Every suit of clothes, every hat, every piece of underwear, every pair of socks, every pair of shoes, every collar and cuff, every tie is dearer because of the tariff ; every dress, every piece of linen, silk or cotton, for the household; every ar- ticle of furniture in the house; every piece of cutlery, glassware, or pottery ware in the dining-room or kitchen; every piece of car- pet or oilcloth in the house ; every pound of sugar, rice, soda, starch, soap, borax ; nearly every article of food on the table — all of these are made dearer by the tariff and nearly all are made by tariff trusts that put prices as high as possible. Few people realize that they are paying tariff taxes when they are trading at a store. They know, or at least the women, who are the pursers or commis- saries of most families, know that prices have greatly increased during the last five or six years, and that never before was it so hard to supply the household needs with the money at their dis- posal. They know that a dollar does not go as far as it used to go, though many do not suspect the cause. If they did there would be but little peace in the ordinary family until the voters stopped voting this annual contribution of $94 a year to the protected trusts. GOVERNMENT ESTIMATES OF FAMILY EXPENSES INACCURATE. The estimate of the tariff tax paid by the average family is based largely upon the estimated expenditure of the family for different articles and classes of articles. According to estimates reached after careful study of the data of the censuses of 1880, 1890 and 1900, the consumption value of all products in the year 1903 was about $18,000,000,000, divided as follows : Processes of Production. Values. Raw Materials. Farm products, at farms, less feed to stock. . .$ 4,500,000,000 Mine products 1,000,000,000 Forest products, not included in farm products 500,000,000 Fisheries . , 1 100,000,000 $6,100,000,000 140 The Tariff and Trusts. Manufacturing. Values added to products by manufacturing. . 6,400,000,000 Transportation. Values added by railroads, water traffic, ex- press, telephones, etc 2,500,000,000 Trade. Values added by merchants, etc 3,000,000,000 Net value total product $18,000,000,000 Placing our population in 1903 at 80,000,000, Mr. Edward Atkinson, the eminent economist and statistician, estimates the value of the annual product of this country at $225 per head, or $585 per earner, about one person in every 2.6 per- sons being employed for gain. This estimate does not appear to be excessive. Mr. George B. Waldron, in his "Handbook on Cur- rency and Wealth," estimates the value of the annual production of wealth in 1890 at $13,640,931,866, or about $218 per head. Now in calculating the annual expenditures of the average fam- ily, in order to be on the safe side we will deduct for possible error $2,000,000,000. This leaves $16,000,000,000 as the amount expended, or, rather, the consumption value of the goods used by our 80,000,000 people in 1903. As there were then about 17,000,- 000 families the average annual expenditure per family was about $941. This includes the value of farm and other products con- sumed at home and which did not enter into trade. Probably about one-fourth of all farm products are consumed on the farm that produced them. The proportion of most other products con- sumed at home and without entering into exchange is much less. Based partly upon this estimate and partly upon the census of 1900 as to the number of persons in gainful pursuits, we obtain the following estimate of the VALUE OF COMMODITIES CONSUMED BY DIFFERENT CLASSES. Number of Value consumed. Kind of occupation. families. Per family. By each class. Agricultural pursuits 6,200,000 $835.00 $5,177,000,000 Professional service 800,000 1,200.00 960,000,000 Domestic and personal service... 3,200,000 550.00 1,760,000,000 Trade and transportation 2,900,000 1,180.00 3,422,000,000 Manufacturing and mechanical. 3,900,000 1,200.00 4,680,000,000 Totals 17,000,000 $941.18 $15,999,000,000 From these estimates it will be seen that the average family consumes yearly a little over $940 worth of commodities. This estimate includes the expenditures of employers as well as em- ployees. Excluding the families of employers, manufacturers, merchants, bankers, hotel keepers, mine owners, big farmers, ranch owners, etc., the average family would probably spend less than $800, and possibly less than $700. FAMILY EXPENDITURES ANALYZED INTO GROUPS. Let us now analyze the expenditures of this average family and see what it buys with its $940 and estimate the amount spent The Tariff and Trusts. 14* for the various commodities and the amount of tariff tax upon those commodities. Investigations have been made at different times to ascertain the relative expenditures of families for the main groups of commodities purchased, but unfortunately these investigations have been confined to workingmen's families. We are practically in the dark as to the relative expenditures for dif- ferent commodities made by the families of farmers, professional men and employers. The data contained in the seventh annual re- port of the Commissioner of Labor of the United States, which : was adopted by the Senate Finance Committee in its report made in^ 1891 on wages, prices and cost of living, was based upon the "dis- tribution of expenditures for two thousand five hundred and sixty- one normal families." The report indicates that 15.06 per cent, of their expenditures went for rent, 41.03 per cent, for food, 5 per cent, for fuel, 15.31 per cent, for clothing, 9 per cent, for lighting, and 22.70 per cent, for all other purposes. The July (1904) Eeport of the Bureau of Labor, based upon new estimates for 2,567 families, gives the percentage of expenditures for the principal items entering into the cost of living of those 2,567 families as follows: PERCENTAGE OF THE AVERAGE TOTAL EXPENDITURES OF 2,567 FAMILIES DISBURSED FOR THE PRINCIPAL ITEMS ENTERING INTO THE COST OF LIVING. Items. Per cent. Items. Per cent. Food 42.54 Religious purposes 99 Rent 12.95 Charity 31 Principal and interest on Furniture and utensils 3.42 mortgage on homes 1.58 Books and newspapers 1.09 Fuel 4.19 Amusement and vacation. . . . 1.60 Lighting 1.06 Intoxicating liquors 1.62 Clothing 14.04 Tobacco 1.42 Taxes 75 Sickness and death 2.67 Insurance 2.73 Other purposes 5.87 Labor and other organiza- tion fees 1.17 100.00 In 1902 the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor gave the results of an investigation of the earnings and expenditures of 152 workingmen's families; by families with incomes above $1,200 the percentage of expenditure for rent was 12.43 per cent; it di- minished from 21.96 per cent, to 6.8 per cent, for families with in- comes of less than $450. The average for food was about 49 per cent.; fuel and light averaged 6.91 per cent. (7.91 for the poorer families down to 4.49 for families with large earnings). Clothing averaged 11.69 per cent. (9.15 per cent, for the $450 family up to 14.66 per cent, for the "$750 to $1,200" family). Families with incomes less than $600 had almost nothing left for furniture, edu- cation, newspapers, amusements, etc. Based upon all these various estimates the relative expenditures for various items are as indicated below. The table shows the prob- able expenditure for each of the more important items entering into the cost of living, and the estimated tariff taxes on each and all of these items : 142 The Tariff and Trusts. TARIFF TAXES PAID BY THE AVERAGE FAMILY IN 1903. Yearly Expenditure of $940.00 Tariff-Taxes paid to Per cent. U. S. Trusts, Items. of total Amount (1903). etc. Food (37% of all). Meats (10% of all). % Beef, veal and mutton 4.5 $42.30 $ .01 $2.49 Hog and hog products 3.8 35.72 .01 1.74 Poultry 1.1 10.34 .00 .20 Other "meats 6 5.64 .00 .10 Fish, including shell fish 9 8.46 .08 .92 Eggs 1.8 16.92 .00 .30 Milk 1.4 13.16 .00 .25 Butter, cheese and condensed milk 2.3 21.62 .08 .92 Bread 6. 56.40 .06 1.94 Sugar, molasses and confectionery 3.3 31.02 3.78 4.72 Vegetables 4.2 39.48 .10 2.40 Fruits and nuts 2.3 21.62 .33 3.67 Coffee, tea and cocoa 1.3 12.22 .13 .37 All other — rice, starch, condiments, etc. 3.5 32.90 .75 2.75 Liquors — beer, whiskey, wine, etc 7.8 73.32 .66 5.34 Tobacco, all forms 2.8 26.32 1.28 3.72 Clothing (14.6% of all). Woolens 3.7 34.78 1.72 9.28 Cottons 3.9 36.66 1.63 6.37 Boots and shoes 2.3 21.62 .12 1.23 Silks, linens, laces, furs, rubber goods, gloves, etc 4.7 44.18 2.00 9.00 Fuel and light (4.9% of all). Coal,, anthracite 1.8 16.92 .01 .49 bituminous 1.3 12.22 .05 1.20 Gas, petroleum, wood, etc 1.8 16.92 .01 1.19 Rent 7. 65.80 .40 7.10 Building materials 5. 47.00 .30 5.20 Books and newspapers 1.5 14.10 .14 1.06 Furniture and utensils 4. 37.60 ,76 6.24 Implements and tools 3.8 35.72 .30 5.05 Sickness and death 2.2 20.68 .45 2.55 Taxes (on homes only) 8 7.52 .07 .63 Educations 3 2.82 .03 .27 Insurance (fire on homes) 7 6.58 .08 .52 Societies and unions 5 4.70 .10 .45 Religion and charity 1. 9.40 .15 .75 Travel 1. 15.98 .15 1.35 Amusements and recreation 2.5 23.50 .25 1.75 Other purposes 1.9 17.86 .53 .97 Totals 100.00 $940.00 $16.52 $94.48 Total tariff tax per family '. $111.00 TARIFF TAX PER FAMILY. Space will not permit detailed explanation of how the estimate of the tariff tax on each item in the table was reached, nor is such explanation necessary; the methods of comparison and of mak- ing deductions from official reports and other reliable data were the same in all the articles, and it will suffice to give one or two articles as illustrations; for example, the table contains the state- ment that the tariff tax on boots and shoes is only $1.35 per fam- ily, of which the government gets only 12 cents while the beef, leather and other trusts get $1.23. This estimate was reached The Tariff and Trusts. 143 in the following manner. According to the Hon. William B. Eice, of Eice & Hutehins, one of the largest boot and shoe manu- facturing concerns in the country, and according to other well informed experts on boot and shoe matters, the duty of 15 per cent, on hides put on by the Dingley bill in 1897, has entailed a tax upon the American people of not less than $2,000,000 annually, and has added from 5 to 8 per cent, to the cost of every American made pair of boots and shoes. Now what is "from 5 to 8 per cent, of the cost of boots and shoes"? To answer this question we must know what the Amer- ican people pay for their boots and shoes. The factory value of leather boots and shoes produced in 1900 was $261,028,580. Our exports were valued at $4,197,566. The retail value of boots and shoes sold at home was approximately $345,000,000, to which should be added $26,550,628 for custom work, making $371,000,- 000 as the total cost of leather boots and shoes. "Five to 8 per cent." of $371,000,000 is $18,500,000 to $30,000,000. Adopting a mean between these two extremes, we see that the tariff adds to the cost of boots and shoes $23,000,000, or $1.35 per family. Now the duty collected on imported boots and shoes and on materials which enter in their manufacture amounts to only about $2,000,000 a year; consequently the government receives only 12 cents per family, leaving $1.23 for the beef, leather and other trusts, as stated in the table. An additional illustration may be given in the case of woolen goods. The table states that the tariff tax paid by the American people on woolen goods amounts annually to $11 per family. This estimate is arrived at thus: The factory value of woolens manufactured in this country in 1900 was $296,990,484. According to the Statistical Abstract the raw wool retained for consumption amounted to 5.72 pounds per capita in 1900 and to 5.74 pounds in 1903. As our population increased more than 5 per cent, from 1900 to 1903, and as the values of clothing of all kinds averaged 5 per cent, higher in 1903 than in 1900 — though the prices of wool were about the same — it is fair to add 7 per cent, to the 1900 product to obtain the factory value of woolens in 1903. This would make it $318,000,000. The imports of woolen goods for consumption in 1903 amounted to $19,302,007, on which a duty of $17,564,694 was collected, averaging 91 per cent, on the foreign cost of the goods. Including transportation costs from foreign countries the imported woolens when they reached our shores were worth fully $38,000,000. Adding together the values of woolens produced and imported we get $356,000,000. Deducting $36,000,000 as used for other purposes, there remains $320,000,000 as the factory and import value of all woolens used for clothing. Adding 15 per cent, for profits, we find that the total value of woolen materials ready to make into clothing was, in 1903, about $368,000,000. The retail value of all kinds of woolen clothing and goods was probably 60 per cent, greater, or $590,000,000. This gives an average of 144 The Tariff and Trusts. $34.64 per family, which is far below Mr. Edward Atkinson's estimate. Our imports of raw wool in 1903 were valued at $21,258,031, on which a duty of $11,631,048 was collected. Hence the total duty collected on wool and woolens was $29,195,736, or $1.72 per family. As only about one-tenth of our woolen goods arc im- ported and as the tariff cost of these goods is, at retail, about $1.50 per family, it is reasonable to assume that the tariff cost of the ten times as many domestic woolens is, at retail, $10.00 per family. In the table the total tariff cost is estimated at $11.00 per family, of which $1.72 went to the government. AVERAGE FAMILY PAYS $94 A YEAR TO PROTECTED TRUSTS. According to these estimates, which under rather than over esti- mate the amount of the tariff tax, the average family spent in 1903, including the values of goods consumed at home, about $940. Of this $940, $830 went for goods, $16.52 went as legitimate taxes to the government, and $94 went to swell the profits of the trusts and monopolies. That is, $1 out of every $10 expended by an American family goes to protected monopolies. The tariff tax therefore unnecessarily increases the cost of living 10 per cent, and amounts to $1,599,000,000 for the 17,000,000 families in this country. It is this tax which is mainly responsible for the un- paralleled growth of trusts since the passage of the Dingley Act in 1897, for the dangerous concentration of wealth in the hands of a comparatively few, and for the rapid increase in the number of multimillionaires. Every man who votes to "stand pat" on Ding- ley "protection" votes to tax his family 10 per cent, a year on all its expenditures and to turn the proceeds over to the monopolists, who already own or control a majority of all the wealth of the country. TARIFF TAX PAID BY FAMILIES IN THE DIFFERENT VOCATIONS. Although the amount of expenditures for tariff taxes varies in the different classes of families, according to their incomes and general expenses, yet it is approximately correct to say that the percentage paid on account of tariff is about the same in the various vocations. The expenditures of the average family in the wage earning classes probably does not exceed $780 a year. Those of the aver- age family in the salary earning and professional classes will prob- ably average $1,200. Those of the average family in the employ- ing classes, exclusive of the farmers, will probably average $4,000 or $5,000 a year. We have then the following estimate of the TARIFF TAX PAID BY THE AVERAGE AMERICAN FAMILY. Wage earner's family $ 75 a year. Salary earner's family 120 " Professional man's family 120 " Employer's family 400 " The Tariff and Trusts. MS Grouping Employers and Employees and classifying families according to occupations, we have the following estimates of the TARIFF TAX PAID BY THE AVERAGE AMERICAN FAMILY IN THE SEVERAL PURSUITS NAMED. Number of Amount of Tariff Tax. Kind of occupation. families. Per family. Total for U. S.. Agricultural pursuits Professional service Domestic and personal service. Trade and transportation Manufacturing and mechanical. All occupations 17,000,000 $94.10 $1,599,900,000 From these estimates it will be seen that the monopoly feature of "protection" costs the 17,000,000 families of this country ap- proximately $1,600,000,000 a year. 6,200,000 $83.50 $517,700,000 800,000 120.00 96,000,000 3,200,000 55.00 176,000,000 2,900,000 118.00 342,200,000 3,900,000 120.00 468,000,000 THE DINGLEY TARIFF IMPOSES AN AVERAGE DUTY OF 48.81 PER CENT. TABLE SHOWING ARTICLES IMPORTED, AND THE AMOUNT OF TARIFF TAX LEVIED UPON THEM FOR THE YEAR ENDING JUNE 30, 1904. On every $100 worth of dutiable goods brought into the United States, a tariff tax of $48.81 is levied, thus making merchandise worth only $100 cost the American consumer $148.81. The total amount of dutiable goods imported for the year ending June S0 r 1904, was $536,940,590, upon which was levied a tariff tax of 48.81%, or $262,013,079. Following is a table showing leading articles imported in the year ending June 30, 1904, the value of those articles, and the amount of tariff duties imposed upon them by the Dingley tariff law. Imported Merchandise Entered for Consumption in the United States, Includ- ing Both Entries for Immediate Consumption and Withdrawals from Warehouse for Consumption, with Rates and Amounts of Duty Collected During the YearlEnding June 30, 1903. Average T?atP« of Value Adva- Articles. twV Quantities. Values. Duties, per lorera ^ uty ' unit of rate of quantity, duty. Agate— Manufactures of 60% $23,064 $$11,532 60. Agricultural implements 20% 21,640 4,328 29. Aluminum 8c. per lb. 686,727 196,634 54,938 .286 27,9* Animals— Cattle 54,332 833,936 236,653 .14 28,38 Horses 25% & $30 per h. 1,955 278,686 70,807 142.54 25.2 Poultry (lbs.) 3c. per lb. 603,274 40,172 15,098 .08 37.5! Total horses, cattle, sheep, 5 free 1.771,738 etc ^dutiable 2,685,994 631,290 23.50 Antimony free 4,774 852 97,917 .021 — — As regulus %c. per lb. 6,018,985 363,065 45,142 .06 12.42 Articles specially imported free 467,8^8 The growth, produce of the United States, ret'd free 7.915,828 892,013 146 The Tariff and Trusts. Articles. Rates of Duty. Art works 15 to 20% Asphaltum & bitumen (tons).. 50c. to $3.00 Automobiles 45% Beads and bead fabrics 35 to 60% Beverages, cherry juice, etc.. Bismuth free Bone and horn 30% Books 5free ? dutiable Brass 5 free I dutiable Breadstuffs, arrowroot, etc.. free Cereal food, etc free Bristles 7%c. lb. Bronze — powder 12c. per lb. Dutch metal 6c. per pkg. Broom corn, manufactures of. 45% Brushes, dusters, etc 40% Carbons, electric lighting.... 90c. per 100 Buttons, or parts of Cement, Portland, etc. (lbs ). 8c. per 100 Chalk, unmanufactured (tons) free Not medicinal lc. per lb. Chemicals, acids 5 free I dutiable Ammonia (lbs.) ■ bark (lbs.) He. per lb. borax (lbs.) 5c. per. lb. chicle gum (lbs.) 10c. per lb. coal tar colors 30% coal tar 20% cocaine 25c. per lb. gelatine (lbs.) glycerine (lbs.) lc. per lb. gums free logwood %c. per lb. mineral water 30c. doz. bot. opium crude $1.00 per lb. prep, smoke $6.00 per lb. potash 5free * dutiable root* free soda 5free { dutiable sulphur (tons) free sumac (lbs.) tartar (lbs.) 6% thirium (lbs.) 25% tonquin free vanilla beans (lbs.) free wax free alkalies 25% medicinal 25% All other chemicals free Total chemicals 5 free ? dutiable Clays, kaolin (tons) $2.50 a ton all kinds (tons) 5 free I dutiable Clocks and parts of 40% movements, cases, &c ■ Total watches and clocks Coal— Anthracite free anthracite 67c. per ton bituminous 67c. per ton slack 15c. per ton coke 20% Total coal and coke 5 free } dutiable Cocoa— total I tree I dutiable Coffee free Copper, ores, etc free Cotton, thread, yarn, etc 3 to 39*4% cloth, sq. yds other than ordinary warp. handkerchiefs plushes, etc 9 to 18c sq.y. laces, curtains, etc 1% to 7% total 5 free } dutiable — Avert Value ige Adva- Quantities. Values. Duties. 1 per unit of lorem rate of quantity. duty. 3,680,811 623,944 18. 173,500 581,044 260,908 3.34 44. 317 963,998 433,799 3041. 45. 805,347 439,385 54 366,189 126,207 34.47 188,229 244,983 1.30 230,615 63,184 30. 2,443,168 1,827,922 456,285 24,96 560,997 50,625 22,983 45,40 36,935,253 618.982 .017 1,713,613 566,357 33.05 2,927,048 2,566,859 219,528 .877 8.55 1.869,763 518,144 224,371 .277 43,31 S29.676 75,663 49,780 .091 65.79 230,192 103,586 45. — — 1,238,587 495,434 40.00 54,201 52,098 48,781 .961 93,63 1,107,803 523,074 47.22 1,088, 853, 909 3,516,274 871.083 .003 24.77 106,498 98,652 1 .927 1,374,069 26,763 13.740 .019 51. S4 766,929 155,531 74,172 47.69 40,424,913 1,206,774 158,029 23.6 11,992,419 340,539 69,962 .028 17.61 72.479 4,441 3,623 .061 81.60 S, 282, 803 779,140 328,280 .237 42.13 — — 6,252,610 1,575,783 30. 544,176 108,835 20. 224,463 66,113 25. 757,951 312,243 122,796 .40 39. $4,211,490 2,804,915 342,114 .082 12.20 — — — 9,640,606 3,480,032 237,362 30,450 .068 12.83 584,513 469,758 175,354 .804 87,33 486,613 972,587 486,613 2.00 60.83 182,629 1,133,182 2,095,774 €.21 96.70 263,262,708 4,574,223 .017 6,599,791 742,273 151,649 133 20.43 1,836,968 ■ 252,131 7,737,405 30.69 614,778 212,434 34.65 180,174 3.547,005 ■ 19.69 15,015,309 249,971 49,453 16.00 19.78 29,310,203 2,719,063 135,953 098 6. 72,990 244258 61,064 3.35 25. 219,407 ■ . 1 — _ 621,745 1,032,654 — ■ 1.98 ____ 7,439,262 733,679 .099 __ _____ 807,585 201,896 1 25. 1,219,098 304,774 — — 25. — — — 498,099 ■ 1 . 39,501,172 24,162,545 6,604,476 27.33 141,584 921,234 353,960 6.51 38.42 — — 99,560 — ____ 1,284,056 443,041 34.60 485,519 194.207 40. 691,983 949,904 489,178 1.60 61.4 2,666,853 955,425 35.8$ 210,998 967,639 4.59 . 131.377 614,973 88,022 4.68 14.31 1,118,458 3,789,550 749,373 3,39 19.77 498,559 899,348 74,784 1.80 8.33 122,553 414,017 82,803 3,38 20. 210,998 967,639 . 4,59 3,866,184 11,550,971 994,984 2,89 8.61 63,162,192 7,820,073 .124 993,179 291,252 48,232 .293 16.5$ 915,149,143 59,207,173 .066 20,844,059 118,909 45,741 14,892 .38 .32 60,693,467 8,434,591 3,970,620 .14 38.08 3,566,039 706,060 313,779 .198 44.44 434,049 249,516 57.49 2,797,280 1,737,141 62.10 ■ 25,537,825 15,312.302 69.96 — — 11,778,598 51,706,978 27.758,625 -■ 63.68 The Tariff and Trusts. 47 Articles. Rates of Duty. Earthenware, tinted, etc 60% stone and chinaw Eggs, dozen Scents. Feathers 15% Fertilizers (tons) free Fans 50% Palm leaf free Feathers, artificial, etc 50% Fibers, unm 5 free 1 dutiable yarns (lbs.) bagging (lbs.) 6/10c. a lb. bags from jute 7/8c. alb. burlaps (lbs.) 5/8 to 7/8c. all other 45% twines handkerchiefs, em 60% hem 55% Fiber*, laces, tidies, etc 60% oilcloth 8c. and 15% linoleums, etc 20c. and 20% pile fabrics 60% total $ free ? dutiable Firecrackers 8 cents. Fish, anchovies, sardines, etc.. 1% to 2%c. herrings in tins 30% cod, pickled, etc %c. a lb. herring, pickled, etc %c. a lb. mackerel 1 cent a lb. total 5 f r «e * dutiable Fruits, bananas free currants (lbs.) 2c. a lb.) dates (lbs.) %c a lb. figs (lbs.) 2c. a lb. grapes (bbls.) 20c. cu. ft. lemons lc. alb. •olives, not in bot 15c. a gall. oranges lc. a lb. pineapples in bbls 7c. cu.ft. -preserved comfits lc and 35% raisins 2%c. a lb. •total 5free ? dutiable nuts, total 5 free } dutiable Total fruits and nuts ] free ? dutiable Furs 5 free * dutiable 'Glass, cylinder, crown and common window, sq. ft., plate 'Glass total j free 2 dutiable •Glue (lbs.) 'Gold and silver manufactures Grease of wool %c a lb. Gunpowder and Expl. Sub- stances . Hair, unmanufactured free Hats, bonnets, hoods Hay (tons) $4.00 a t. Hides and skins (lbs.) 5 free ? dutiable Hoofs, horns, etc free Hops (lbs.) 12c. a lb. India rubber, unmanufact'd. . free manufactures Iron and Steel. Iron ore (tons) 40c. a ton m pigs $4.00 a ton scrap $4.00aton bars or rails $7. 84 a ton Steel ingots sheets saw plates (lbs.) tin plates (lbs.) l%c. a lb. wire rods (lbs.) -wire round (lbs.) — Average Value Adva- Quantities. Values. Duties. per lorem unit of rate of quantity. duty. 1,169,684 701,810 60. 10,323,634 6,085,760 58.95 297,395 19,152 14,869 .064 7764 2,453,992 368,548 15. 458,009 3,081,057 6.73 528,889 264,444 50. 1,129,980 60,409 .061 2,554,834 1,277,417 50. 285,440 31,605,704 110.73 12,971 2,832,896 336.201 218.33 11.80 1,405,000 373,014 139,691 .85 37.40 5,417,039 213,098 32,502 .039 15.26 43,725,204 2,024,798 686,315 • 046 33.90 254,019,460 13,044,878 3,561,052 .051 27.20 1,111,263 500,068 45. 502,668 356,901 159,069 .71 44.67 1,360,421 816,289 60. 971.065 534,085 55. 892,262 535,357 60. 2,314,356 507,138 261,219 .215 51.51 939,216 563,060 300,455 .60 53.31 209,314 125,588 60. 32,114,898 — — 41,294,963 15,811,703 38.29 4,017,560 218,020 321,404 .054 147.2 23,610,060 1,454,264 405,320 .061 27.86 1,465,904 101,437 30,431 .069 30. 19,212,797 791,699 144,096 .041 18.30 46,963,941 1,721,879 234, 669 .037 13.64 15.211,528 1,119,523 152,115 .074 13.68 — — — 997,714 ■ ., ■ 7,218,153 1,267,194 17.66 29,711,301 8,534.762 .287 35,562,520 813,228 711,250 .028 25. 20,700,800 464,487 103,504 .022 22.28 14,670,000 696,744 293,400 .047 42.11 736,514 956,822 147,302 1.30 15.40 152,775,867 3,087,244 1,527,758 .02 49.48 2,115,844 770,194 317,376 .364 41.21 57,046.866 822,878 145,109 .027 25.90 2,072,994 559,125 145,109 .027 25.00 9,929,815 605,306 311,155 .061 51.40 6,965,815 433,004 149,145 .073 34.45 8.757,408 — i 9,748,031 4,468,594 ". 46.84 1.861,931 ■ ■ 3,176,794 1,225,330 38.57 10,619,340 10,619,825 6,693,924 44 05 ■ 8,798,607 6,276,031 1,332,625 21.23 64,729,503 2,294,215 1,361,047 59.20 6,908,931 1,460,655 1,127,573 .21 77.19 229,660 .. . 6,969,958 4,303,509 61.74 6,456,175 589,218 170,364 28.90 1 734,832 343,107 46.69 12,684,195 284,004 63,421 .022 22.33 428,928 128,333 29.92 •2.708,439 3,728,834 858,990 23.04 293,203 ■2,236,664 1,172,812 7.63 62.44 186,365,478 41.885,577 .225 131,705,012 16,116,392 387,619 1,777,046 2,417,458 .122 15. 5,999,937 719,992 .296 40.65 32,525,513 782,519 242,155 30.95 1,044,728 2,334,789 417,891 2.24 17.89 949,009 16,736,388 3,796,036 17.64 22.68 139,611 2,058,629 558,446 14.75 27.13 123,258 2,815,450 966,348 22.84 34.32 840,146,050 9,776,146 2,925,803 .012 29.93 18.476.759 299,659 91,380 .016 30.50 1,583,456 123,854 34,918 .78 28.19 109,210 3,219,841 1,638,154 .029 60.88 61,150,949 1,120,606 208,847 .022 18.64 6,607,297 347,774 142,472 .053 40. 9S 148 The Tariff and Trusts. Articles, Rates of Duty. beams (lbs.) „ %c. a lb. card clothing 45c. sq. ft. cutlery . razors scissors knives Total cutlery Firearms $ free } dutiable Machinery not elsewhere specified 45% Total Iron and Steel J free * dutiable Ivory, vegetable free tusks free Jewelry J free * dutiable Lead Leather, band, etc gloves (doz. prs.) Liquors. Malt distilled whiskey champagne wines total spirits Manganese free Marble— onyx and stone free Matches Matting (sq. yd.) 8c. sq. yd. other 7c. sq. yd. Metals not elsewhere specified 45% Mica— roub'h 6c. per lb. Musical instruments 46% Nickel ore (tons) free oxide (lbs.) 6c. per lb. Oils Animal (gallons) Mineral free Vegetable 5 free } dutiable volatile $ tree I dutiable total oil Jfree * dutiable Paints and Colors Paper stock, crude free total and manufacture of.. Pearl, mother of free Pencils— paper or wood ..45c. gr. ft 25% &25% Pipes and smokers' articles.. 60% Plants, trees and snrubs iutiable Plaster, rock or gypsum Platinum free Plumbago free Provisions comprising meat and dairy products Rice, total lbs Salt Sausages and casings free Seeds J free i dutiable Shells free Bilk— unmanufactured free manufactured Soap— castile 1%c- a In- fancy 15c. per lb. Spices S free 2 dutiable Sponges , 20% Starch l%c. lb. Stearin ° • % Straw 30% Sugar and Molasses (gallons). Total molasses (gallons) sugar not above 16 lbs... above 16 lbs all kinds Pulphur ore free Tea v. Jfree ^ dutiable Quantities. Values. ,944,427 1, Average Value Adva- Duties. per lorem unit of rate of quantity, duty. 699,722 .012 41.61 The Tariff and Trusts. 149 Average ... Rates of Value Adva- Articles. Duty. Quantities. Values. Duties, per lorem unit of rate of quantity, duty. Tin and manufacture! of.... 5 free 88,016,361 23,618,857 1 dutiable 90,764 40,844 45. Tobacco and manufactures of. 28.808,536,586 18,298,780 21,892,109 .635 119.64 Type metal l%c. lb. 6,566,968 208,189 98,504 .032 47.31 Varnishes 35% 52,826 133,638 46,773 2.53 35. Vegetables 4,449,057 1,609,527 36.18 Waste, not specially pro- vided for 10% 536,441 53,644 10. Wood, manufactured $ free 8,067,338 2 dutiable 13,709,937 1,888,744 13.7S manufactured dutiable 6,333,808 1,342,092 21.19 Wool, Merino, Leicester & 3 to 33c. Donskol (Class 1, 2 and 3) per lb. 179,651,037 21,258,030 11,631,041 .118 54.71 Yarns 335,062 174,569 189,125 .521 105.47 total manufactures of 19,302,006 17,564,694 91. all classes of 40,560,037 29,195,736 71.9S Zinc, total 56,230 21,489 40.37 SUMMARY OF IMPORTS FOR 1903. Total free of duty, 1903 437,296,027 dutiable duty, 1903 570,664,082 279,779,228 49.02 Total entries for consumption, 1,007,960,110 280,762,197 27.85 1903 Entries for immediate con-, J free 484,902,683 Bumptlon, 1903 ? dutiable 454,961,335 195,273,549 42 93 Withdrawals from -warehouse 5 free 12,393,343 811,266 for consumption, 1903 $ dutiable 115,702,747 84,505,679 73.04 .penal duty 80,680 Total 128,096,091 85.397,626 66.68 SUMMARY OF IMPORTS FOR 1904. Year ending June 30. Total Imports (free $454,150,388 * dutiable 636,940,590 262,013,079 48.81 Total Import* $991,090,978 BUSINESS AND INDUSTRIAL RECORD, 1903-1904. MORE FAILURES AND LABOR DISTURBANCES UNDER ROOSEVELT THAN UNDER CLEVELAND. The Republican campaign book for 1904, on page 125, contains a list of business and industrial disturbances and failures for the years 1893-1894, and draws the inference therefrom that "a Demo- cratic administration makes hard times." It is well known even to casual students of current history that the depression of 1893 had its inception prior to the election of Mr. Cleveland. So true is it that the Federal Treasury in the latter part of President Harrison's administration was hard pressed, that a Republican Sec- retary of the Treasury, the Hon. Charles Foster, had caused plates for bonds to be engraved ; and that the bonds were issued by a Demo- cratic instead of a Republican administration was due solely to the fact that President Harrison went out of office on March 4, 1893. Had his term lasted two months longer he, and not President Cleveland, would have issued the bonds which Republican politicians are so fond of citing as proof of r it would be, if there were any- thing "singular" about the violation of Republican promises — that it is the "only great reciprocity treaty" negotiated by Re- publicans, though their promises to inaugurate a magnificent sys- tem of reciprocity treaties that would give us control of the trade of the world have been standing unfulfilled for seven years. Lfc 1896 the Republican party in its platform declared that "the repeal! of the reciprocity arrangements negotiated by the last Republican administration was a national calamity, and we demand their renewal and extension on such terms as will equalize our trade with other nations and secure enlarged markets for the products' of our farms, forests and factories. Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of Republican policy, and go hand in hand. Democratic rule has recklessly struck down both, and both must be re-established." When the Dingley- law was passed, it made an? express provision for a subsequent reduction by reciprocity treaties to the extent of 20 per cent, of the enormous rates of duties it im~ posed. In the debate upon the passage of that bill, the Republi- can members and Senators were fierce in their denuncia- tion of Democrats for having repealed the Blaine reci- procity arrangements, and loud in their promises of the great results in the way of reciprocity treaties that were to be brought about by the operation of the Dingley tariff. Representative (now Senator) Hopkins, of Illinois, one of the authors of the bill, declared that the reciprocity feature was to be its "crowning glory." The bill carried on the very face of it an admission by its authors that the duties imposed were 20 per cent, higher than necessary for purposes of protection. This 20 per cent, was to be reduced by reciprocity. President Mc- Kinley, through his commissioner, Mr. Kasson, negotiated a num- ber of treaties with foreign countries and they were submitted to the Senate and left to die there without any action being taken. So far from the Cuban reciprocity bill being a step in the direction of reciprocity, it was a final compromise between the friends and the enemies of reciprocity within the Republican party. It was agreed between them that thai should be the end of reciprocity. The authors of the Dingley Bill in the House had made sugar the chief article to be used as a basis for reciprocity treaties with other countries, just as it has been the basis for all the reciprocity arrangements perfected by Mr. Blaine. After the Cuban treaty 164 Reciprocity. had been ratified by Cuba, the Republican party inserted into the body of the treaty an amendment which Cuba had never asked for which provided that no treaty should be made with other nations which involved a reduction of sugar duties. This amendment destroyed at one blow all but one of the reciprocity treaties then pending in the Senate, and made it impossible to negotiate any advantageous treaties with the sugar growing countries of the world. Mr. Carmack, in his speech in the Senate, November 25, 1903, in discussing this question, said: "You had a treaty here entirely satisfactory to the people of Cuba, a treaty already ratified and approved by the Government of that country. You take that treaty and you write into it a miserable bargain with the protected interests of the United States — a bargain, I say, which was in gross violation of good faith to our own people, a bargain which closed the door to reciprocity with other countries — and you insist that we shall make that bargain in the name of honor and in the name of reciprocity." ******* "This is not presented, Mr. President, simply as one act in a general policy of reciprocal trade. It is presented as the end-all and the be-all of that great policy which, in the magniloquent language of the Republican platform, was to give us control of the trade of the world. It is not conceived in a spirit of friend- liness, but in a spirit of deadly hostility to a liberal trade policy." ******* "We enacted a tariff act in 1897 and we imposed duties high enough in all conscience to satisfy the greediest shark that ever called himself protector of American labor. Then we put on an extra margin to be bargained away by treaties with foreign coun- tries to extend our foreign trade. We have been waiting all these years for our Government to drive a series of bargains with other nations to reduce the burdens it had laid upon its own people, and not one solitary treaty has been ratified to this good hour. The oppressive taxes that we imposed in the name of foreign trade have been appropriated entirely and exclusively to the pur- poses of domestic monopoly. Yet there has been no reciprocity. The rates of the Dingley tariff were purposely made excessive to enable you to negotiate these treaties. The Senator from Illinois, when the bill was under discussion, expressly said so with reference to sugar, and the Senator from Iowa said so on the floor of the Senate." ******* "The bill expressly provided for a general reduction of not more than 20 per cent. Mr. Kasson, of Iowa, the commissioner selected by Mr. McKinley to negotiate these treaties, expressly declared that the general rates of the Dingley tariff had been made excessive, had been made higher than was needed for the pur- poses of protection, in order to carry out the policy of reciprocity which the Republican party had promised in every platform, and Reciprocity. 165 for the destruction of which it had denounced the Democratic party in every platform. The treaties were negotiated; they have been left to die, and no effort has been made to ratify them in this Senate." ******* "Yet, sir, you now write a bargain into this measure that there shall be no such reduction, and that you shall not use the sugar duty for the purpose for which it was intended — to reopen the markets of Germany and other European and American countries by reciprocity. Why? How came that provision in the bill or in the treaty? "It was not put there on the insistence of Cuba. Cuba had never asked for it. She had ratified the treaty without such a provision being contained in it. It was put there, Mr. President, as a bargain with the sugar growers and as a general bargain with the protected interests of the United States that reciprocity should die with this treaty." SENATOR DOLLIVER, REPUBLICAN, ON RECIPROCITY. Senator Dolliver of Iowa does not seem to agree with the President as to the extent with which he has "made the deed square with the word" as to the question of reciprocity. Mr. Dolliver was one of the Republican members of the Committee on Ways and Means in the House which framed the Dingley tariff, and no man knows better the promises made by his party when that bill was passed. Quoting from the speeches of Repub- lican colleagues in the Senate and from the reciprocity section of the bill, Mr. Dolliver said: "It seems to me to require somebody's attention when that homely, sensible, time-tested plan now in practice in nearly every country in the world of fixing the rate of duty high enough to be made the basis of subsequent reciprocal agreements is denounced here in the Senate of the United States as an infamy. * * * The Congress of the United States did solemnly authorize the President to enter into reciprocal negotiations with foreign coun- tries for the purpose of extending American commerce by the simple expedient of reducing not to exceed 20 per cent, the duties assessed by the tariff law. * * * I undertake to say here that more violence has been done to the protective system by the quiet and uncommunicative failure of the Senate to take action upon treaties which were negotiated under the authority of the Act of 1897 than by all the noise that has been made on the other side of the chamber. * * * It is a reproach to the Govern- ment of the United States to-day that there is hardly a line of the wisdom of James G. Blaine remaining upon the statute books of our country, and that not one step has been taken to give reality to the magnificent vision which illuminated the last days of poor McKinley's earthly career." The Republican party has "made the deed square with the word" by giving to protection the duties that were levied for reciprocity. 166 Reciprocity. The passage of the Cuban treaty was secured only by inserting the provision which destroyed all the reciprocity treaties McKinley had negotiated, and made it impossible to put back upon the statute books any part of the Blaine reciprocity policy. RECIPROCITY WITH CANADA. "We favor liberal trade arrangements with Canada and with peo- ples of other countries where these can be entered into with benefit to American agriculture, manufactures, mining or commerce." This square declaration of the Democratic platform is in line with the business principles which the Democratic party seeks to apply to the conditions of international commerce. It is unequi- vocal, not evasive. It proposes a general expansion of trade in place of the sham "reciprocity" with which the Republican leaders are accustomed to play for votes with no intention of accomplish- ing results. First, regarding reciprocity with Canada. This great country on our northern border, one of the largest and finest on the globe, has a land area slightly larger than that of the United States, and perhaps little inferior to it in the vast variety and value of its resources. It is surrounded and indented by seas that teem, to a degree beyond all others anywhere, with the wealth of ocean ; and they in conjunction with its mighty system of internal trans- portation afford a splendid basis for maritime and commercial en- terprise. Its population, now rapidly increasing, is practically identical in origin, customs, religion, institutions, customs' requirements with our own. Only a political boundary, an imaginary barrier, separates this imperial domain, this land of inestimable promise, from us and ours. Nothing but the most unexampled lack of foresight in political history could countenance indifference to the commercial possibil- ities between the two countries, which belong as naturally to the same economic unity as New England and the Middle West, or any other two sections of the United States. The Democratic platform specifies reciprocity with Canada for powerful reasons. The fixed policy of the Republican party in its treatment of the Dominion of Canada has been to wring from her such profits as might be gathered without giving anything in return, or so to im- poverish her that she must of necessity apply for admission to the sisterhood of states for self-preservation. This deliberately selfish policy has cost the United States the respect, almost the friend- ship of the growing nation of the North; and the people of the United States are turning hopefully toward the Democratic party for a correction of the great mistake. Reciprocity. 167 THE ELGIN RECIPROCITY TREATY. Gross misrepresentation by Republican politicians of the opera- tion of the Elgin reciprocity treaty with Canada, in force from 1855 to 1866, have given a confused idea of what already has been accomplished by reciprocity. This treaty provided chiefly for the free interchange of the natural products of both countries. It was negotiated, however, not for special advantages in trade which it was expected to bring to the United States, but to se- cure for our Atlantic fishermen privileges which were absolutely necessary to the profitable continuance of the fishing industry. Its immediate effect was to substitute good will and prosperity for continued friction, which often threatened to involve the two coun- tries in war. The year before the treaty was signed the total trade between the two countries amounted to $18,960,156. The year the treaty was abrogated the total trade amounted to $73,357,508, an increase of more than $54,000,000. The total balance in favor of the United States during the treaty period was $19,046,297. During the first ten years of the treaty the balance of trade steadily favored the United States, but during the Civil War the United States drew heavily upon Canada for all kinds of supplies and for the last three years of the treaty imports exceeded exports. In 1866, in anticipation of the abrogation of the treaty, im- ports were unduly stimulated, but the trade soon resumed normal conditions, as far as tariff considerations were concerned. It is an unavoidable inference--— although always concealed by Republican stump speakers — that we would have imported heavily from Can- ada during this destructive and reconstructive period, even had there been no treaty ; for our imports exceeded our exports not only for the last three years of the treaty period but for seven years after, or until 1874. Since that date our exports to Canada invariably have exceeded our imports; and conditions in the two countries are such that under no conceivable scheme of reciprocity, it is fair to assume, could the balance be changed. This treaty was not, as Republican orators charge, denounced because of dissatisfaction with its workings, but partly because of political considerations which had nothing to do with com- merce, and partly because of the need of greater revenue to defray the expenses of the Civil War. At the time, and repeatedly since then, Canada has made efforts to renew negotiations, and these in- variably have come to naught, because of the influence of special and highly protected interests with the United States Senate. There has been no time within the past generation when a treaty with Canada of enormous advantage to the business interests of this country might not have been negotiated, but the alleged in- terests of the very few have been allowed to prevail against the desires of the many. • • FISHERIES UNDER RECIPROCITY. A second period of reciprocity in fish with the British Prov- 168 Reciprocity. inces of North America was experienced from 1871 to 1885, un- der the Washington treaty. The operations of this period have been examined by Leonard A. Treat, president of the Boston Fish Bureau, one of the most distinguished authorities upon the At- lantic fisheries in the United States, who has written as follows : "Fortunately, during this period there was established an organiza- tion for collecting and collating statistics of the New England fisheries. I shall draw largely from the files of the Boston Fish Bureau such statis- tics as I have to present. It has been maintained by many of our ves- sel owners and curers of salted codfish that the opening of our ports to the free entry of the codfish products of the British provinces would, by the lowering of prices, be disastrous to this industry, compelling their withdrawal from the business, which would no longer be profitable to them or the fishermen. "But how was it under the 14 years of reciprocity? I shall take the last five years of reciprocity — 1880-1884 — for comparison with the five years immediately following the abrogation of reciprocity, 1885-1889. And first, prices — for if remunerative prices could not be obtained, the business could not prove profitable. Now taking the highest prices rul- ing in each of the last five reciprocity years, I find the average high- est price to be $4.63 per hundred weight, while after abrogation, the average highest price for the first five years was $3.70. Result: 25 per cent, higher prices under reciprocity. "Again, taking the lowest prices ruling in each of these five-year periods we are comparing, and the rate is as $3.72 during reciprocity to $2.46 after abrogation, fully 50 per cent, in favor of reciprocity. "Finding a fall in prices, we must expect as a natural result to find a decreasing number of vessels employed in the codfishery. In the reci- procity we find the catch increased in round numbers from 250,000 quin- tals (a quintal is 112 pounds) to over 1,000,000 quintals, and the num- ber of vessels employed from 579 to 765. "But in the five years' period following abrogation, we find the catch decreased from 1,000,000 quintals to 500,000 in 1889— a 50 per cent, de- crease in catch — and the number of vessels 'employed from 765 vessels in 1884 to 295 vessels in 1889— a loss of 60 per cent. "Under reciprocity prices ruled highest, the fleet was the largest and the catch was the greatest — plenty of work for plenty of men, with plenty of money accruing. After abrogation — declining prices, decreasing catch, fewer vessels employed. And yet some men will still claim that abrogat- ing reciprocity kept our salt codfishery from annihilation. "During reciprocity, vessels for salt codfish were sent to the banks from many ports, such as Chatham, Kingston, Plymouth, Marblehead, in Massachusetts; Wiscasset, Portland and other places in Maine. But not for years has one vessel been sent from any one of these ports on a similar voyage. If reciprocity with Canada were to bring a change to these ports, such a change could not be for the worse. Other ports show tremendous shrinkage. Provincetown in 1884 sent 85 vessels for salt cod; in 1894, seven vessels; Beverly in 1884 sent 14 vessels; in 1894, four vessels; Bucksport, Me., in 1884 sent 12 vessels; in 1894, four vessels. "Neither must it be overlooked that while our catch of 1,000,000 in each of the years of 1883 and 1884 has fallen to 384,000 in 1903, our population has increased from 56,000,000 to 80,000,000 in 1903. Or, to put it in another way, our population has increased nearly 50 per cent., while our codfish catch has decreased 60 per cent. "Not because of our free fish, but because — shall I say? — of protective fish that Provincetown fleet of 85 sail in 1884 in 10 short years shrivelled to seven. Under 10 years of reciprocity the Provincetown fleet had grown from 38 to 85 vessels, and under 10 years of tariff it decreased from 85 to seven. Reciprocity or tariff — which shall it be? "But how, I hear some one ask, can it be possible to maintain high value for fish and an increasing business here in New England under Reciprocity. 169 reciprocity? The total catch of codfish on our Atlantic coast is estimated at about 3,000,000 quintals, of which this country can consume about 400,000, the balance being consumed in the West Indies, Central and South America, and in those Catholic countries of Europe bordering on the Mediterranean. Were New England given reciprocity she would become master of the situation, and Boston or some other Atlantic sea- port would become the price market of the world. Our improved and increasing steam communication with these countries, both water and rail, would give us the command of all foreign markets with resulting fair prices for all. "The export demand for salt codfish is from countries lying under or near the equator. Codfish keep best in our cooler climate, and can better be carried in larger stocks here than there. More frequent and rapid communication tends to smaller and more frequent purchases. A cable from Italy would enable a purchaser there to lay down by steamer two weeks later such a supply of fish as his cable called for, or a qual- ity far superior than by the older yet even now largely prevailing pro- vincial manner. Steam communication with the Mediterranean ports is not possible now, nor probable in the near future from Newfoundland, while it is an established fact with us. "The opponents of reciprocity appeal to you to preserve the nursery of our navy. I appeal to you that these fishermen, who have taken their lives in their hands, who in dangers oft. in perils oft, in ship- wrecks frequent, shall, when they return with the 'harvest of the sea/ come to a market open to the world, and not to one narrowed and re- stricted by would-be monopolists." EXCESSIVE DUTIES. Our exports to Canada have increased steadily since 1873, until now the Dominion is our third largest customer, and the largest in the world for American manufactures. The value of our ex- ports aggregate'd $131,274,346 for the fiscal year of 1904 just closed. Our imports, in the meantime, harve increasesd practically not at all. They were less in 1902 than they were in 1866, and for 1904, they were only about $3,000,000 more, or $51,406,625. This trade has been maintained under conditions as unfair to the people of the United States as they are to Canada. That is to say, while Canada has maintained a moderate tariff upon our exports, thus permitting her people to avail themselves of the various products of our development at reasonable prices, the Ke- publican policy has been to withhold from our people the bene- fits which might come to them and their industries through reason- able opportunity to purchase freely the Canadian food products and raw manufacturing materials so necessary to our use. This policy has, therefore, the double disadvantage of imposing heavy taxes upon the American people upon a class of articles more and more needed in view of dwindling or monopolized domestic sup- ply, as in coal, iron, lumber, fish, etc.; while at the same time it has bred hostility among a proud and growing people, who be- lieve the United States is large, rich and powerful enough to af- ford to grant a reasonably free market to their products without menace to any domestic interest. The irritating commercial conditions affecting the trade of the two countries can be no better illustrated than by the following 170 Reciprocity. table, showing the rate of duties imposed upon imports into the United States and Canada respectively during 1903: United States Canadian Rates of duty. Rates of duty. Articles of food and animals 72.80 26.98 Crude articles for manufacture 27.85 22.48 Wholly or partly manufactured for use as materials. 25.65 19.78 Manufactured articles ready for consumption 49.22 24.30 Luxuries, etc 57.47 53.56 Average rate 49.03 27.13 The most cursory glance shows that in every class of merchan- dise the United States duty is higher than that of the Dominion, while the average duties in all classes are about double. To state the case in another way, the United States places twice the ob- stacles in the way of trade that Canada places. As far as the effect upon commerce is concerned, this is as if some arbitrary act of an imperial power made it possible to affix a penalty of fifty cents on the dollar upon the States west of the Mississippi for trading with the States lying east. Notwithstanding unequal conditions, some interchange of all the more common products of the two countries takes place. It is not generally realized that the United States sells twice as much of farm products to Canada as Canada exports here, although both countries find a large market for their farm products abroad. CANADIAN PREFERENTIAL DUTIES. One of the most important effects of the discouragement of purchases from Canada has been to cause the Canadians to develop their market in Great Britain. The natural tendency of Canadian traffic was through the United States, but an exclusive tariff has deprived American merchants and transportation companies of the profit of handling Canadian wares, while at the same time it has built up a serious competi- tion abroad for the American farmer. In 1866, Canada sent to Great Britain farm products valued at only $3,544,000, while in 1902, her export of the same classes of goods amounted to $79,545,000. Her exports of this class to the United States in 1866, or the last year of the reciprocity treaty, amounted to $25,041,000, and in 1902 they had decreased to $7,027,000. Even under the reciprocity treaty many articles, par- ticularly agricultural products, which figure in the returns as im- ports from Canada into the United States, were, as a matter of fact, re-exported to Great Britain; and while this traffic was en- couraged, the Canadians had little thought but to regard United States ports as their natural ports of export and United States railways as their natural means of transportation. The abroga- tion of the reciprocity treaty and the annihilation of the re-ex- port trade in Canadian goods (except such as came through in bond) marked the parting of the ways in the destiny of the two countries. Reciprocity. 171 A government friendly to reciprocity with the United States was elected by the Dominion of Canada in 1896. Immediately upon its assumption of power the Laurier ministry was met by the exclusive Dingley tariff. Even then the beginning of an enor- mous export trade with Great Britain had been made, and in six years this had doubled. The following table shows the exports of Canada to Great Britain by five-year periods from 1873 to 1903 : Year. Value of Exports. 1873. . $31,431,000 1878 35,861,000 1883 39,672,000 1888 33,648,000 1893 58,409,000 1898 93,065,000 1903 125,199,000 In 1873, about 41 per cent, of the total exports of Canada went to Great Britain and 48 per cent, to the United States. In 1903 Great Britain took more than 58 per cent, of Canada's surplus, an increase of 17 per cent., and the United States took only 32 per cent., a decrease of 16 per cent. The history of Canadian imports has been exactly the reverse. In 1873 Canada bought 54 per cent, of her imports of the Mother Country and 37 per cent, in the United States. In 1903, the United States supplied her with 59 per cent, of the merchandise she purchased abroad, a gain of 22 per cent, while the propor- tion supplied by Great Britain had dwindled to 25 per cent., a decrease of 19 per cent. In a generation, then, Great Britain had lost and the United States had gained a total of 41 per cent, of the import trade of Canada. Recognizing the value to her of the British market and forced to the realization that the United States cared nothing for trade with Canada except to keep it going all one way, the Dominion, in 1897, instituted her scheme of the preferential tariff. Start- ing with a concession of 12 per cent, on British goods, this was increased in 1898 to 25 per cent, and in 1900 to 33 1-3 per cent., at which figure it now remains. The situation is, therefore, that all imports into Canada from Great Britain, except wines, malt and spirituous liquors, liquid medicines, articles containing alco- hol, and tobacco, cigars and cigarettes, are favored with a reduc- tion of duty of 33 1-3 per cent. The effect of Canadian action in thus favoring a friendly and generous customer over other countries, like the United States, which demanded everything for nothing, was noteworthy in its stimulation of the British export trade. Before the adoption of the preference the purchases of Canada from the United King- dom were becoming less and less in value, as the following table shows : 172 Reciprocity. 1873 $68,522,776 1883 52,052,465 1893 43,148,413 1897 29,412,188 With the adoption of the preferential tariff of 25 per cent., im- ports from Great Britain began to increase, and with the increase in the rate of reduction (1900), the purchases of Canada from the United Kingdom increased more rapidly. This table tells the story : 1898 $32,500,917 1899 37,060,123 1900 44,789,730 1901 43,018,164 1902 49,206,062 1903 58,896,901 1904 61,770,379 From a decrease of 60 per cent from 1873 to 1897, the prefer- ential tariff has aided British merchants and manufacturers to sell more than 100 per cent, more goods in Canada in 1904 than they sold in 1897. In the three years ending in 1903 the sum of $8,464,596 in duties has been saved to British sellers by the opera- tion of the preference. Says Mr. George Johnson, the able chief statistician of the Dominion : "The conclusion I feel warranted in drawing from these figures is that the preferential tariff has saved a business which before the adoption of that tariff was rapidly dwindling, and has in fact so greatly increased it, that there is a reasonably sure prospect that the palmiest period of the trade in the past thirty years will be overshadowed in the near future." Increases like this were made, of course, at the expense chiefly of the United States; particularly since Canada has imposed a surtax of 33 1-3 per cent, upon imports from Germany (1903) in retaliation for the refusal of Germany to continue the admis- sion of Canadian products at "conventional" rates of duty — i.e., lower rates secured by a previously existing reciprocal arrangement between Germany and Great Britain. This action of our greatest customer in thus giving a prefer- ence to our greatest rival was due, on the one hand, to the un- friendly tariff policy of the United States and, on the other, to the free admission of Canadian products, chiefly agricultural, to the British market. It was only after a generation of rebuff and eva- sion by the tariff makers of the United States that the Dominion government regretfully sought to divert the course of trade from its natural channels and turn it elsewhere. The new current has now set in, and the natural impulse of the two great American peoples to fraternize and trade with each other has been checked. Reciprocity. 173 THE CHAMBERLAIN PROGRAM. The question of reciprocity with Canada is not one of a day or a year, it is one which will intimately affect the future pros- perity of coming generations. It is one of the largest, most im- portant and most delicate questions with which national admin- istrations will be called upon to deal. It must be treated broadly and with foresight, not used as a political football. It must be studied as an epoch-making problem instead of dismissed in the spirit of petty selfishness which has characterized the utterances of Republican monoplists and politicians regarding it since the abrogation of the Elgin treaty. Great Britain has not been unmindful of the change in Cana- dian sentiment with respect to the United States, and the so- called Chamberlain plan, first promulgated in February, 1903, has entered as another element threatening closer relations between the United States and the Dominion. Alarmed, apparently, by the growing strength of reciprocity sentiment in the United States, the then colonial secretary launched his plan of an "Imperial Zollverein" or commercial union of Great Britain with her colonies. The scheme proposes the abandonment, in a measure, of the historic British policy of free trade and the substitution of a tariff plan which is thus concisely stated by the commission selected by Mr. Chamberlain to suggest the most feas- ible fiscal policy to pursue: A. A general tariff, consisting of a low scale of duties for for- eign countries admitting British wares on fair terms. B. A preferential tariff, lower than the general tariff, for the colonies, giving adequate preference to British manufactures and framed to secure freer trade within the British empire. C. A maximum tariff consisting of comparatively higher duties, but subject to reduction by negotiation to the level of the general tariff. This plan proposes, in a nutshell, the restriction of the greatest market in the world, the British Empire, to the countries compos- ing that empire; to the exclusion primarily of the United States and of all other countries, except upon such terms as might be se- cured through the breaking down of tariffs. It implies that Great Britain has reached the limit of patience in permitting a free mar- ket for the wares of high protectionist countries, and is deter- mined to do a little trading for herself along lines suggested by her rivals. Should this policy of Mr. Chamberlain succeed — and it is a general opinion both here and in England that, notwithstanding temporary setbacks, eventually it will — its importance to the United States can not be overestimated. Great Britain buys of us much more than one-third of our sales to all the world, more than our sales to all the remainder of Europe, more than twice our sales to North America and more than three times our sales to South America, Asia, Oceania and Africa put together. Our sales to British possessions, exclusive 174 Reciprocity. of the United Kingdom, are some $20,000,000 more than to South America, Asia, Oceania and Africa. Great Britain takes half our surplus of wheat, more than half our export of flour and of other cereals in proportion. The Chamberlain proposition, by giving Canadian agricultural exports an advantage in the British market over those of the United States, would aim to make and recognize Canada as the granary of the empire, and thus deprive the American farmer of his largest foreign market. Through Chamberlain, Great Britain proposes reci- procity in Canada and a dose of her own tariff policy — although not so drastic a one — for the United States. Thus is presented the sorry spectacle of two of our largest cus- tomers banded in a titanic struggle to shake themselves free of depeodence of the United States; proposing retaliation instead of reciprocity; the strangulation instead of the encouragement of commerce with the United States: a businesslike and legitimate warfare, moreover, and one which the policy of the United States has deliberately invited. Canada already has given some evidence of friendliness to the Chamberlain plan, although reserving to her- self the right to legislate strictly for the benefit of her own interests ; and she has played her part in it so far also by arranging a scheme of tariff concessions with South Africa and Australasia. REPUBLICAN RECIPROCITY A SHAM. It is to be borne in mind that only of late years has American -commerce assumed relatively important proportions and many of our industries been placed upon an export basis. Until within a comparatively short time, our foreign trade was only an incident where now it occupies a fundamental position. Republican "stand- patism" is as indifferent to this structural change in the business of the country as in the early days when it was clamoring for the protection of "infant industries." As has been well said by a Re- publican of commanding ability, now ostracized by his party for attempting in good faith to carry out the pledges of his party, the Hon. John A. Kasson : "Protection abroad for our exports has be- come equally important with protection at home, and in many cases has become more important." The Republican party, by its repudiation of the principle of genuine reciprocity, has lost the confidence of the business men of the country and invited a policy of retaliation among the best foreign customers of the American producer, of whatever class. It has played with the name of reciprocity and refused anything of the substance. Its traditions and its practices are wholly opposed to fairness in trade. It refuses to apply business principles to the problems of international commerce. Until this application is made, the valuable export trade which has been developed through the tolerance of foreign customers, who have hoped against hope for better things, will rest upon a precarious and unstable basis. The Republican idea of reciprocity is and always has been to im- pose a tariff upon articles not produced in this country and then to Reciprocity. 175 trade that tariff down for the purpose of forcing the export of goods desired by foreign customers. Kepublican reciprocity has no more to show for itself than this program. This is the only reciprocity which the monopolies existing under the United States tariff will permit the Republican party to negotiate. The most representative mouthpiece of monop- oly in Congress, Mr. Dalzell, of Pennsylvania, is quoted in the Re- publican Text Book as saying: "Republican reciprocity is reci- procity in non-competing articles and in nothing else." A Republican is quoted by the Republican Text Book as having said upon the floor of Congress, February 8, 1904: "I believe in the reciprocity of Blaine and McKinley, reciprocity in non-competi- tive goods, but not in reciprocity in competitive goods, which is simply free trade." That the Republican leaders of Congress do not believe in any kind of reciprocity which reciprocates was made evident by the failure of the treaties negotiated under the Dingley bill. The most important of these treaties was that with France, of which the President declared that it would increase the exports of our manufactures to France tenfold. It was alleged by the Re- publican opponents of this reciprocity treaty that the slight re- duction made in the duties would "sacrifice" certain important industries of one section of the country. The ridiculous sophistry of this allegation is discovered in the fact that in every case, after granting all the concessions made by the treaty, a protective duty of more than 50 per cent., or actually double the total labor cost, would have remained upon the product of each industry. Republican professions of friendship for practical reciprocity have not been backed by performance. That party does not and can not stand for commercial interchange upon fair terms. A STOLEN PLANK. After a few 'timid utterances upon the important question of reciprocity and the sage conclusion that "the policy of reciprocity can be most largely extended in the direction of tropical countries," the Republican Campaign Text Book closes its original discussion of the subject with the remarkable declaration that "On this ques- tion the Republican platform of 1904 says: " 'We favor liberal trade arrangements with Canada and with peo- ples of other countries where they can be entered into with benefit to American agriculture, manufacture, mining or commerce.' " Useful as this plank might be to the party whose leading men just now are engaged in a solemn attempt to rough-ride upon both sides of the question, it must be stated, in the interest of truth and historical accuracy, that this declaration is not to be found in the platform adopted by the Republican party this year at Chicago. On the contrary, this explicit declaration in favor of reciprocity with Canada is to be found only in the platform adopted by the Democratic party at St. Louis. It can readily be understood that the approval of a policy so generally endorsed by 176 Reciprocity. the business men of the country would have strengthened the Re- publican platform greatly and have commended it to thousands who now regard it with little favor because of its omission. The ap- propriation of this Democratic plank by the compilers of the Re- publican text book gives greater evidence of good judgment than was shown by the platform builders at Chicago. The Republican platform, as a matter of fact, makes only incidental reference to the subject of reciprocity, which a majority of the voters of the country, without doubt, regard as one of the most important now before the American people. THE PHILIPPINES. THE REPUBLICAN ATTITUDE TOWARD THE LIBERTY-SEEKING INHABIT- ANTS OF THE PHILIPPINES. VIEWS OF GROVER CLEVELAND, WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN, RICHARD OLNEY, PRESIDENT SCHURMAN, GENERAL MILES AND OTHERS. The United States has no issue involving greater responsibility than the retention of the Philippine archipelago with its liberty- seeking population. In the ever-increasing casuistry the opinions expressed by fearless statesmen, great educators and soldiers can well be taken into account — they are better entitled to credence than the partisan statements of persons forced by official employment to support an Administration of which they are part. An Administration constantly eulogizing war is bound to regard conquest as the legitimate adjunct of strife. The conflict in the East between Eussia and Japan has a preg- nant bearing upon America's future in the spectacle which it has offered of a great power reduced to pitiful straits through need for defending an isolated position, removed thousands of miles from its base of supplies. Russia's home strength could not be transmitted to Port Arthur — and hence the spectacle of a giant bleeding to death at an extremity. In the event of America being forced into a foreign war, the difficulty that would attend the de- fense of a scattered archipelago in the Orient is only too obvious. BRYAN DENOUNCES REPUBLICAN PHILIPPINE POLICY. William Jennings Bryan, in his speech of acceptance of the Pres- idential nomination in 1900, arraigned imperialism in these words : "What is our title to the Philippine Islands ? Do we hold them by treaty or by conquest ? Did we buy them or did we take them ? Did we purchase the people? If not, how did we secure title to them? Were they thrown in with the land? Will the Repub- licans say that inanimate earth has value, and that when that earth is molded by the Divine Hand and stamped with the like- ness of the Creator it becomes a fixture and passes with the soil? If governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, it is impossible to secure title to people, either by force or by purchase. We could extinguish Spain's title by treaty, but if we hold title we must hold it by some method consistent with out ideas of government. When we made allies of the Fil- ipinos and armed them to fight against Spain, we disputed Spain's title. If we buy Spain's title, we are not innocent purchasers. But even if we had not disputed Spain's title, she could transfer no greater title than she had, and her title was based on force alone. We cannot defend such a title, but as Spain gave us a quit claim deed, we can honorably turn the property over to the 178 The Philippines. party in possession. Whether any American official gave the Fil- ipinos moral assurance of independence is not material. There can be no doubt that we accepted and utilized the services of the Fil- ipinos, and that when we did so, we had full knowledge that they were fighting for their own independence, and I submit that his- tory furnishes no example of turpitude baser than ours if we now substitute our yoke for the Spanish yoke. THE ARGUMENT FOR IMPERIALISM. "Let us consider briefly the reasons which have been given in support of the imperialistic policy. Some say that it is our duty to hold the Philippine Islands. But duty is not an argument. It is a conclusion. To ascertain what our duty is, in any emer- gency, we must apply well settled and generally accepted princi- ples. It is our duty to avoid stealing, no matter whether the thing to be stolen is of great or little value. It is our duty to avoid killing a human being, no matter where the human being lives or to what race or class he belongs. Every one recognizes the obligation imposed upon individuals to observe both the human and moral law, but, as some deny the application of those laws to nations, it may not be out of place to quote the opinion of others. Jefferson, than whom there is no higher political authority, said: "I know of but one code of morality for men, whether acting singly or collectively." Franklin, whose learning, wisdom and virtue are a part of the priceless legacy bequeathed us from the Revolu- tionary days, expressed the same idea in even stronger language when he said: "Justice is as strictly due between neighbor na- tions as between neighbor citizens. A highwayman is as much a robber when he plunders in a gang as when singly ; and the na- tion that makes an unjust war is only a great gang." "Men may dare to do in crowds what they would not dare to do as individuals, but the moral character of an act is not determined by the number of those who join in it. Force can defend a right, but force has never yet created a right. If it was true, as declared in the resolution of intervention, that the Cubans "are and of right ought to be free and independent" (language taken from the Declaration of Independence), it is equally true that the Filipinos "are and of right ought to be free and inde- pendent." The right of the Cubans to freedom was not based upon their proximity to the United States, nor upon the language which they spoke, nor yet upon the race or races to which they belonged. Congress by a practically unanimous vote declared that the prin- ciples enunciated at Philadelphia, in 1776, were still alive and ap- plicable to the Cubans. "Who will draw a line, between the natural rights of the Cubans and the Filipinos? Who will say that the former have a right to liberty and the latter have no rights which we are bound to respect? And, if the Filipinos "are, and of right, ought to be free and independent," what right have we to force our govern- ment upon them without their consent? Before our duty can The Philippines. 179 be ascertained, and when their rights are once determined, it is as much our duty to respect those rights as it was the duty of Spain to respect the rights of the people of Cuba, or the duty of England to respect the rights of the American colonists, Eights never conflict; duties never clash. Can it be our duty to usurp political rights which belong to others? Can it be our duty to kill those who, following the example of our forefathers, love liberty well enough to fight for it? "If it is said that we have assumed before the world obligations which make it necessary for us to permanently maintain a gov- ernment in the Philippine Islands, I reply, first, that the high- est obligation of this nation is to be true to itself. No obligation to any particular nation, or to all nations combined, can require the abandonment of our theory of government and the substitu- tion of doctrines against which our whole national life has been a protest. And, second, that our obligations to the Filipinos, who inhabit the islands, are greater than any obligation which we can owe to foreigners who have a temporary residence in the Phil- ippines or desire to trade there. THE RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT. "It is argued by some that the Filipinos are incapable of self- government and that therefore we owe it to the world to take control of them. Admiral Dewey, in an official report to the Navy Department, declared the Filipinos more capable of self- government than the Cubans, and said that he based his opinion upon a knowledge of both races. But I will not rest the case upon the relative advancement of the Filipinos. Henry Clay, in defending the rights of the people of South America to self- government, said: "It is the doctrine of thrones that man is too ignorant to govern himself. Their partisans assert his in- capacity in reference to all nations; if they cannot command uni- versal assent to the proposition, it is then remanded to particular nations; and our pride and our presumption too often make converts of us. I contend that it is to ar- raign the disposition of Providence himself, to suppose that he has created beings incapable of governing themselves, and to be trampled on by kings. Self-government is the natural government of men." Clay was right. There are degrees of proficiency in the art of self-government, but it is a reflection upon the Creator to say that he denied to any people the capacity of self-govern- ment. Once admit that some people are capable of self-govern- ment, and that others are not, and that the capable people have a right to seize upon and govern the incapable, and you make force — brute force — the only foundation of government, and in- vite the reign of the despot. I am not willing to believe that an all-wise and an all-loving God created the Filipinos, and then left them thousands of years helpless until the islands attracted the attention of European nations." 180 The Philippines. EX-PRESIDENT CLEVELAND ON THE PHILIPPINE PROBLEM. In his article published in "The Saturday Evening Post/' of Philadelphia, February 20, 1904, ex-President Grover Cleveland spoke of the Philippine problem in these words: "When our Government entered upon a war for the professed purpose of aiding to self-government and releasing from foreign rule a struggling people whose cries for liberty were heard at our very doors, it rallied to its enthusiastic support a nation of freemen, in whose hearts and minds there was deeply fixed by heredity and tradition the living belief that all just powers of government are derived from the consent of the governed. "It was the mockery of Fate that led us to an unexpected and unforeseen incident in this conflict, and placed in the path of our Government, while professing national righteousness, rep- resenting an honest and liberty-loving people, and intent on a benevolent, self-sacrificing errand, the temptation of sordid ag- grandizement and the false glitter of world power. "No sincerely thoughtful American can recall what followed without amazement, nor without sadly realizing how the apathy of our people's trustfulness and their unreflecting acceptance of alluring representations can be played upon. "No greater national fall from grace was ever known than that of the Government of the United States, when in the midst of high design, while still speaking words of sympathy with the weak who struggled against the strong, and while still professing to exemplify before the world a great Republic's love for self- government and its impulse to stay the bloody hand of oppres- sion and conquest, it embraced an opportunity offered by the ex- igencies of its beneficent undertaking, to possess itself of ter- ritory thousands of miles from our coast, and to conquer and gov- ern, without pretense of their consent, millions of resisting peo- ple — a heterogeneous population largely mixed with elements hardly within the light of civilization, and all far from the prospect of assimilation with anything American. "In one hand the party in power held aloft before our people the dazzling and misleading promise of commercial advantage and the glory of rivaling monarchical expansion, while with the other it slaughtered thousands of the abject possessors of the soil it coveted, and sent messages of death and disease to thousands of American homes. "In the wildest exhibition of partisan rancor the Democratic party cannot be accused of reactionary opposition to any move- ment within the lines fixed by our national mission and traditions that tends to increase our country's greatness. It demands, how- ever, that this mission and these traditions shall above all things be inviolably preserved as guides to our national activity and standards for the measurement of every national achievement. De- mocracy will not be cajoled into silence by the transient appear- ance of a manufactured or heedless public sentiment, but will The Philippines. 181 speak, and trust for its vindication to the sober second thought of our people. Refusing to accept the shallow and discreditable pretense that our conquest in the Philippines has gone so far as to be beyond recall or correction, we insist that a nation as well as an individual is never so magnanimous or great as when false steps are retraced and the path of honesty and virtue is regained. "The message of the Democracy to the American people should courageously enjoin that, in sincere and consistent compliance with the spirit and profession • of our interference in behalf of •Cuba's self-government, our beneficent designs toward her should -also extend to the lands which, as an incident of such interference, have come under our control; that the people of the Philippine Islands should be aided in the establishment of a government of their own; and that when this is accomplished our interference in their domestic rule should cease." HON. RICHARD OLNEY. Ex-Secretary of State Olney, addressing the Harvard Law School Association in June last, expressed these opinions of the Republican programme in the Philippines : "This is a gathering of lawyers — of lawyers from all parts of the country and among the most intelligent and influential of the pro- fession. I make no apology, therefore, for calling attention to cer- tain marked features of the times in which we are living — to fea- tures with which lawyers as a class are peculiarly concerned, as they are with everything which relates to the principles of government and the fundamental laws of the land. "What I ask you to note is that the old order is changing, chang- ing swiftly and vitally, and that whether the change be for good or for evil, is to be temporary or lasting, are matters to which the American bar can not address itself too seriously. A revolution, in- deed, is in progress, none the less real that it may not be generally recognized; only the more important that it relates to ideas and to ideals rather than to things visible and material ; only the more in- sinuating and sure in its advance that it follows legal forms, and marches silently and peacefully without beat of drum or drawing of sword. * * * A new school of thought has arisen and the American lawyer of to-day finds himself grappling with ideas for which he will search in vain any writings or utterances of the great American jurists of two generations ago. ******* "Upon the American lawyer, steeped in the doctrine and tradi- tions of the past, the inquiry at once forces itself, what place has despotism — even the most benevolent and most intelligent — in our American political system, and where by searching shall we find it out ? We may pursue the inquiry after the manner of the Sunday newspapers and their puzzle pictures. Given the Constitution — the nation?. 1 chart within whose four corners the lawyer must look for a 1 82 The Philippines. warrant for every governmental act — puzzle to find therein the despot. "But the despot in our governmental scheme is hy no means the only thing present conditions invite us to look for. There are others. The orator of the day, for example, with a laudable frank- ness which ignored any claim of benefit to the people of the United States from its present Oriental experiment, defended it a few days since on humanitarian grounds. According to him, we are rich enough and can afford it, and therefore it is our duty to sacrifice American lives and American treasure indefinitely and without stint for the education and elevation of Filipinos according to American standards. "But out of any such proposition at once issues another legal puzzle for the American lawyer — to find in the national Constitu- tion the principle of altruism; to find in a frame of government declared on its face by the people adopting it to be designed to 'secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity' any authority for purely philanthropic enterprises — any right in that government to turn itself into a missionary to the benighted tribes of islands in the South seas 7,000 miles from our shores; or any power to tax the toiling masses of this country for the benefit of motley groups of the brown people of the tropics between whom and the taxpayers there is absolutely no community either of interest or of sympathy. "Again, international law being part of American law and the equality of nations inter se without regard to size or strength, being the very basis of all international law, still another search is needed to find in American law any right in a strong nation to appropriate the sovereignty or territory of a weak nation, either in the name of 'collective civilization' or in any other name or on any pretext whatsoever. And, if the search be successful and the doctrine vindicated that there are superior peoples in whose interest inferior peoples may rightfully be subjected to a process which would be expropriation if it did not lack the element of compensation to the victims, question : Is not a rule which is good for nations good also for individuals, and why may not the lives and property of the weaker and inferior citizens in any commmunity be rightfully ex- propriated for the benefit of the stronger and superior? "Again, the first principle, as well as essential merit of a written constitution of government, being that even the most desirable end must be pursued and attained only in conformity with the funda- mental law — must not our national code be most carefully interro- gated for some symptom of the doctrine that the end sanctifies the means and that to 'get there' by short cuts or paths unprovided or forbidden is anything else than sheer lawlessness and usurpa- tion? "Again, is the great end of government what the founders of the republic conceived it to be, namely, the maintenance of social order and the affording of equal opportunity, or have times and men so changed that paternalism supersedes individualism and that we are The Philippines. 183 to look with favor on an ever widening field of public activity and an ever narrowing field of private enterprise? "Again, as consequences of the Civil War and of the commerce power and the Fourteenth Amendment as judicially interpreted, has the State become so weak and so limited in function and the general government so strong and so pervasive that the latter now counts as the chief factor in the life of the American citizen, that the State comes second in his interests and affections, and that the sphere of local self-government is seriously curtailed? "That new conceptions of law and of government like those just indicated, with others akin to them, are rife among us to-day ; that they are accompanied and accentuated by a political theory that the 'saints'* should enjoy the earth and that the conglomeration of races, miscalled the Anglo-Saxon, is the 'saints' is not to be denied. They can not be ignored because in seeming violent contradiction to what Americans have professed to love and have loudly boasted of in the past. They can not be whistled down the wind as pure specula- tions since they are the basis of novel measures and policies of the most momentous character. "It is imperative, therefore, that the lawyers of the day should give them earnest consideration. It is for them to say whether there is a break with all our past which ought to be and is to be perpetu- ated; whether American principles as embodied in American con- stitutions and State papers, once deemed models of wisdom and inspirations to humanity the world over, are now to be relegated to the limbo of antiquated superstitions; whether the flag shall symbolize the ideas and the ideals of the great Americans who are identified with all that is most glorious in our past history or shall stand for the theories of the new guides and teachers of the present hour." "OUR COUNTRY"-AN OPINION FROM GENERAL MILES. In April last, speaking before the Iroquois Club in Chicago, General Nelson A. Miles said: "We hear the boasting of what we are going to do as a 'world power/ There never was a world power that compared in phys- ical grandeur to the great moral world power which we exercised for a century as a nation of free, independent, just and humane people, a nation of millions of earnest, patriotic citizens, who not only conducted their own affairs with justice and equality, but wielded a splendid influence in behalf of the oppressed of other lands struggling for independence. That was indeed a world power which commanded the love and devotion of our own people, as well as the liberty-loving people of every quarter of the world. Should we ever lose that national character, our boast of being a world power by mere brute force would be justly held in contempt and our existence as a republic would be of short duration. The world is too familiar with the spectacle of a strong power expand- 184 The Philippines. ing by subjugation. Rome, the strongest of empires based on force, thus wrote her history and wrought her ruin. "To say nothing of the thousands of lives that have been lost or ruined in the conquest of the Philippines, we have expended enough treasure, drawn from the people of this country, to have put water on every quarter-section of our arid land, thereby ben- efiting millions of our home-builders, • or to have built a splendid system of good roads over our entire country. "We find 8,000,000 Malays crowded into these islands in an area not as large as the territory of New Mexico, a population greater than that which now occupies the western half of the United States. Our flag was raised in glory over the halls of the Montezu- mas, and lowered with honor. Again it was raised in glory over the capital of the Celestial empire, and lowered with honor. It was raised in glory over the Island of Cuba, and now with honor has given place to the last of the seventeen republics that have been established in the western hemisphere, copied after our own and embracing 50,000,000 of people. "I rejoice that the most thoughtful and humane of our fellow- countrymen are now advocating granting the people of the Phil- ippine Islands the blessings that we have given to those of Cuba, thereby establishing the first republic in the Orient. When this just and generous act is accomplished, the 8,000,000 inhabitants of those islands will hail it with unspeakable joy, and the great majority of the people of this country will indorse the benevolent act. Two hundred days would be sufficient time in which to ac- complish that glorious result. We need not cultivate an appetite for the horizon when we have the best country on earth, with un- developed resources that will occupy our people for hundreds of years." PRESIDENT SCHURMAN'S VIEWS ON PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE. At the banquet given in honor of the Filipino commissioners by the New York Chamber of Commerce, in June last, Professor Jacob Gould Schurman made an address on independence for the Philippines, in the course of which he uttered these opinions. Pro- fessor Schurman, it is remembered, was President of the first Amer- ican Commission in the Philippine islands: "Some of our people may want to retain the Philippines, as an Ameri- can colony, for reasons of commercial or military advantage, or for prestige or glory in the Orient. They are, however, a minority, influen- tial, perhaps, yet numerically not large. Practically none of our citi- zens, I am sure, want to admit the Philippine Islands as territories or states into our constitutional and federal American Union. Some de- velopment from the present status along the lines of home rule and ulti- mate independence is, I think, the more general desire and expectation. But there is no consensus of opinion as to details. Some favor inde- pendence in a few years; critics call them idealists, yet history proves that idealists in politics are generally the most practical statesmen. Others say it will take a century to fit you gentlemen to govern yourselves ; nut I suspect that the phrase 'a century' is merely an Oriental mode of speech for 'a short time.' We prepared the Panamans for independence in twenty-four hours and the Cubans in twenty-four months. Ten years The Philippines. 185: is 3,650 days. Are the Panamans 3,650 times as ripe in their capacity for political development as the Filipino — the 7,000,000 civilized and Chris- tian Filipinos? "Well, the question is for the American people and the Filipino people to settle. Our people love liberty, they have given independence to Cuba, they refuse to establish colonies in Central or South America. We be- lieve in government of the people by the people themselves. We believe in the government of the Filipinos by the Filipinos. And one day I have- no doubt the Filipinos will be masters of their own political destiny like Canada or like Cuba." CRITICISM OF SECRETARY TAFT'S PHILIPPINE POLICY. Mr. Moorfield Storey, of the New England Anti-Imperialist" League, an eminent Boston lawyer, thus assails the Philippine policy of Judge Taft, transferred a few months since from con- trol of American affairs in the Philippine Islands to the Secretary- ship of War: "How is it with the Americans at home? Does Secretary Taft really think that they can be trusted 'rightfully to solve the problem when it arises'? Is he willing to let them decide even the preliminary question whether the problem has arisen? Apparently not, for in his speech to the- Chamber of Commerce he says of the men who have signed a petition. for Filipino independence, and whom in the Outlook he describes as 'a. number of excellent and prominent gentlemen': " 'Why should the good people who signed the petition intermeddle with something the effect of which they are very little able to understand?' "Who are these men whose ability to understand the Philippine situa- tion is denied? The list includes Cardinal Gibbons and Archbishop Far- ley, more than fifty bishops, more than sixty judges, many of our most prominent men in other walks of life, a long list of college presidents and leading educators, men like ex-President Cleveland, President Eliot, of Harvard, President Schurman, of Cornell, himself not without experience in the Philippines; ex-Senator Edmunds, Charles Francis Adams, An- drew Carnegie, Wayne Mac Veagh, and thousands of others who are re- spected throughout the country. These men are the spiritual, the intel- lectual leaders of the American people. "If these men are 'little able to understand,' where in our broad land are we to look for intelligence? If such American leaders must not 'in- termeddle,' what reason have we to share Secretary Taft's 'abiding con- fidence in the power of the American people to reach a right conclusion'? When he says that 'the people of the United States have under their guidance and control these islands,' why does he tell them, when they try to guide, that they are intermeddling with what they are unable to un- derstand ? "The government of the Philippines by the American people upon this theory is to be a government not only without the consent of the gov- erned, but without the consent of the governors. Does not Secretary Taft see that he must concede to ex-Senator Edmunds, President Schur- man, and men like these the ability to understand the Philippine situa- tion, or else admit that there are no Americans who have this ability, un- less indeed he claims peculiar intellectual gifts for himself and his late associates on the commission? "If the American people lack the needed ability in this generation, is it not a violent assumption that their sons and grandsons will be more able and more intelligent? If the Americans of to-day are unfit to deal with the problem, must the Philippines remain in the hands of people unable to understand their needs, until a new and wiser American people has supplanted the present generation? This is not a comforting hypothe- sis either for Americans or Filipinos. "Surely if the Americans on the islands and the Americans at home 1 86 The Philippines. are alike not to be trusted, no one is left, unless by American people we are to understand only the President and his appointees, the Secretary of War and the Philippine commission. "If Secretary Taft is right we must have not only 'a new set ot merchants' in the islands, but a new generation of Americans at home before the American people can think of governing. Meanwhile the fate of some 8,000,000 of Asiatics hangs upon the life and health of the half- dozen Americans who alone have the ability to understand their needs, unless indeed there is a sacramental virtue in an appointment to the Philippine Commission, which gives the men who receive it an ability denied to Cardinal Gibbons, President Eliot, Andrew Carnegie and their associates. Is it not perfectly apparent that Secretary Taft does not mean that the American people should deal with the Philippine problem, but that it should be left wholly in the hands of the President and such men as he may appoint to govern the islands? ********* "Secretary Taft told the Chamber of Commerce that 'we have tran- quillity in the islands.' He is afraid that a promise of independence in the future would disturb it by raising unfounded hopes. 'Order reigns in Warsaw.' Does the secretary suppose that a people which has done and which has suffered so much since 1898 to win its independence, which has been subdued at such frightful cost by war, by torture, by reconcen- tration, has ceased to desire independence? Is there in human history an example of such instant submission to an alien conqueror? How many of England's oppressive acts have Irishmen forgotten? Are the memories of our Civil War effaced? Is it possible that the Filipinos have forgotten their husbands, their fathers, their brothers, and their sons, whose graves are yet freshly green? "The secretary deceives himself if he fancies thai; our silence will make them forget the cause which they have so much at heart. Even if they are 'tranquil' now, how long will they remain so with the American resident population abusing them and the government denying them any hope of better things? Let them understand from us that their object is our object, that we will work with them for their independence, that they shall have what Cuba has, and they will be patient, but we cannot assure tranquillity by postponing the thought of independence for gener- ations, and leaving it to be granted then by men whose capital will have been invested in these islands, and who will have a hundred reasons for holding them where we have one. " 'Generations' hence means never, and such postponement closes the door of hope to all men now living and their sons and grandsons. To suppose that because we do not say independence, the Filipinos do not think of it, pray for it, and plot for it, is to imitate the ostrich and to deny the Filipinos the ordinary attributes of men. Secretary Taft would suppress the dearest aspirations of a whole people and expect them to submit without a murmur. He really denies the American people any right to discuss the Philippine question, and insists that we must all submit to the views which are entertained by him. This is not popular government, and that it is suggested shows how readily tyranny abroad become absolutism at home. His policy is sustained by assumptions as to human nature which are at variance with all experience. They cannot bear discussion. His words are a silk glove for an iron hand, and they mean that the United States ought to govern the Philippine Islands as it likes and as long as it likes, making them daily more valuable to it and harder to part with, and that its power must be exercised by ad- ministrative officers, who will be uncontrolled by constitution or by pub- lic opinion, since the Filipinos without the ballot will have no voice that their rulers will respect, and the Americans will as now believe their own countrymen and let the government deal as it will with these un- known subjects. It is absolute government for 8,000,000 of men, now and for ever, which Secretary Taft preaches. The Philippines. 187 "Against it let us set the everlasting truths of the Declaration of Independence. ********* "He says that those who desire Philippine independence ask the United States 'to turn the government (of the Philippines) over to a small minority made up of a cabal of violent military men, maintain- ing their power by an army and terrorism and assassination.' Waiv- ing the question how our own power has been established and maintained, and saying nothing of Samar, I would emphatically deny that any such request is made by any opponent of Mr. Taft. "We ask that the people of the Philippines be given the opportunity to form a government for themselves, to frame their own constitution, and to choose their own rulers. We point to the course adopted in Cuba as a precedent, though we wish no Piatt amendment. We would have this country by agreement with foreign powers secure the inde- pendence of the new state as the independence of Switzerland and Bel- gium is secured. A nation which boasts that it has compelled 'the open door' in China can at least do this. We would remind our fel- low-countrymen of the gloomy prophecies which preceded the estab- lishment of the Cuban republic, now falsified. We would recall the examples of Mexico and Japan, which have risen to power by our as- sistance, but not under our sway. We would see the Philippines an- other Cuba, and so on the anniversary when we celebrate the Declara- tion of Independence, we shall be enabled again with heads erect to uphold it in all its original significance instead of trying to explain it away and limit its application, as Senator Douglas did in defense of domestic slavery, and as Secretary Taft did in defense of 'criminal aggression' in his recent speech. "The policy of the administration in the Philippine Islands is wrong, — morally, economically, politically wrong. — and from wrong nothing but evil can come. 'I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just,' said Jefferson, but his countrymen went on cheerfully claiming that they, as the superior race, had a right to own and use as they would their inferiors, the negroes, and that slavery was a benevolent institu- tion, promoting the real welfare of the slave, while incidentally profit- ing the master. "The argument of the slave owner then is the argument of Secretary Taft now. and it prevailed 'until every drop of blood drawn by the lash"? was 'paid by another drawn by the sword,' and Jefferson's fears were realized in the Civil War, with its long train of evil consequences. The American of to-day will do well to lay this lesson of history to heart, and to remember that God is still just, lest another generation may rean a yet more bitter harvest from the seed of evil which Secretary Taft and his associates have sown." THE POLITICAL SIDE OF THE PHILIPPINE QUESTION. VIEWS OF REPUBLICANS. Senator Spooner, of Wisconsin, (Congressional Eecord, vol. 32, p. 1386, Fifty-fifth Congress) said: "I have heard it said we must expand territorially in order to become a world power. Are we, in order to be a world power, to extend our ter- ritorial limits to the uttermost parts of the earth? * *********** "I have not been able to see that it is necessary, in order to secure a safe guarding of our national interests in our relations with the outside world, 188 The Philippines. that we should forever burden our people to cover the seas with costly ar- madas. We have had no participation in the struggles of the Old World* nations over the balance of power. We have sympathized with them in. their struggles ; we have sympathized with their peoples in the terrible bur- dens put upon them to maintain great standing armies and great navies.. But their quarrels have not been our quarrels; their policies have not been our policies. While they have fought we have fed them and manufactured products for their use. It may not be sentimental or romantic, but it is true we have grown rich by staying at home and attending to our own; business. ************ "I look with apprehension upon a policy which may place the United* States in a position where by force of environment or neighborship we cant be made a participant in the struggles of the Old World nations over the- balance of power in the Orient." Senator Spooner on another occasion said : "In the event of war the most distant outpost where our flag could be- found would be the point of first attack, and we would be obliged to main- tain a navy adequate to protect the millions of people in the Philippines- seven thousand miles away, Hawaii, and our Atlantic and Pacific coasts- If our navy were not adequate to all that, our ships being sent far away, our home coast would be unprotected. This would involve an awful in- crease of taxation." Admiral Sampson said in an address delivered in Boston (see Reed's "Modern Eloquence") : "Our new possessions will increase by one hundred per cent, the dangers, of a foreign war." "TOO HEAVY TO BE BORNE." Senator Dolliver, at the recent session of Congress, said: "The time may come when we will, in sheer exhaustion, abandon our work in the Philippine Islands. Our burdens have been grievous, and sometimes I have thought they have been almost too heavy to be borne." COLONIALISM AND TRADE. Senator Spooner again stated the enlightened view of this ques- tion when he said in the Fifty-fifth Congress : "I shrink from the notion that the interests of this country will be subserved by making permanently a part of our land territory thousands of miles away, inhabited by people aliens, not of our blood, not of our way of thinking, foreign to all our associations, living in a tropical climate, Avhere the white man cannot work, under labor conditions of necessity which we would not permit to exist in the United States. * **********# "It is insisted that we must have territorial expansion in order to ex- tend our trade. I do not think so. I have been strongly inclined to think that in the long run, with all the embarrassments and complications and dangers it will bring upon our people, it will retard rather than develop the foreign trade of the United States. We have been growing rapidly in our trade without territorial expansion. To acquire distant, non-assimilable peoples in order, through permanent dominion, to force our trade upon them seems to me to be the poorest imaginable national policy. How far will that be carried? We want the trade of the world, and we intend to have our share of it. Are we to obtain it by carrying this doctrine of ex- pansion to the uttermost parts of the earth? "Permanent dominion over the Philippines by the United States means to me an endless and vast burden upon the industries of our people. The Philippines. 189 "Our isolation, Mr. President, is one factor which has aided us in devot- ing our energies to the development of our resources only just begun. * *********** "Nor can I contemplate with equanimity the adoption of any policy which may bring into perpetual competition with our people the products >of a labor which in the very nature of things must be cheaper than ours." WHAT SHALL WE DO WITH THE PHILIPPINES? It will not do to say, as Mr. Roosevelt does, {hat it would be "unwise" for him to inform the American public what is the next thing he intends to do in the Philippine Islands. If he were deal- ing only with the Filipinos, he might contemptuously tell them that it is none of their business what he proposed to do; but as the American people are interested in this question, they are en- titled to know for what purpose and with what object and for what probable length of time this administration is spending its money 1 by the hundreds of millions. The Democratic party declares plainly and unequivocally what it intends to do. President Roosevelt simply tells the American people that it would be unwise to tell them what "his next step will be." If the Republican party will not tell us what it intends to do with the Philippines, it might, at least, tell us some things it will not do. THE PHILIPPINES AND STATEHOOD. We know that the leading Filipinos and those most friendly to and most trusted by our own representatives in the Philippines demand statehood in the American Union, and the only permanent .alternative to that is absolute independence. The Federal party in the Philippines, which has been the friend of the United States from its formation, and from whose membership nearly all the native officers are drawn, declared for statehood in its first platform, and that platform before its adoption was submitted to and revised by Governor Taft and the American members of the Commission. In the memorial of the Federal party sent to Congress a like specific demand was made for American citizenship and future Statehood, coupled with the declaration that, "we reject every thing which tends toward a colony." Thus it will be seen that the ob- ject and purpose of the Federal party has been openly proclaimed and understood from the beginning; and it was with a full knowl- edge of its platform declaration that Hon. Luke E. Wright, Act- ing Governor of the Philippines in the absence of Governor Taft, and now Governor-General, made the following statement in an address delivered before the Federal party on Washington's birth- day, 1901 : "It is because the American authorities believe in the patriotic purpose of the Federal party; because they believe the party understands and ap- preciates the intention of America, that they extend the right hand of fel- lowship to it. It is welcomed into the field because the policy it announces is in accordance with American principles." In the same address Governor Wright held out to the Filipinos :in plain words the promise of "citizenship in the great American 190 The Philippines. Republic." The policy which the Federal party distinctly "an- nounces" is the incorporation of eight or ten million Malays into the body of our citizenship and the admission of a Malay archipel- ago to Statehood in the Union. Governor Wright declares that "the policy it announces is in accordance with American princi- ples." Such utterances from such high governmental sources in response to a specific demand from the Filipino people seemed to call for some plain declaration of policy from the Congress of the United States; yet when Senator Carmack offered an amendment declar- ing the opposition of Congress to the admission of the Philippines to American statehood, it was defeated by the almost unanimous vote of the Republican party. It would not be at all surprising if a party which has freely ad- mitted States unprepared for statehood and Africanized historic commonwealths to increase its own power should in some desperate emergency admit the Philippines to statehood merely to strengthen itself in Congress and the Electoral College. However that may be, it is plain that the Government is now maintaining a precarious peace in the Philippines by holding out to the natives the hope of future statehood. The Committee of visiting Filipinos now in this country are frank and outspoken in declaring themselves for either statehood or independence. "IN THE INTEREST OF THE PHILIPPINES." President Roosevelt says that we are "governing the Philippines in the interest of the Philippine people themselves." If the Presi- dent thinks so, he is of a very different opinion from his Secretary of War and his Governor- General of the Philippines. The truth is that our government of the Philippines has been narrow and selfish in a number of respects. * When we annexed the Philippines we were overwhelmed with de- scriptions of the vast wealth and prosperity we should derive from developing the trade of that country. Then we promptly erected tariff barriers against it, lest our prosperity should be destroyed by that very trade. We have maintained this tariff against Philippine products over the vigorous protest of Governors Taft and Wright, who declare that it is both injurious to the prosperity of that country and destructive of the loyalty of its people. Yet a Republican Con- gress has insisted on dealing with the Philippines as a foreign coun- try when it comes to tariff taxation. It has cheerfully consented, however, to consider them as a part of the United States for the purpose of applying our coast-wise shipping law to trade between the Philippines and the United States. Governor Taft protested vigorously, but in vain, against the passage of this lawj warning Congress that if it should pass "most disastrous results would fol- low." He again appealed to Congress and begged that if it would insist on the passage of such a law it should first "strike down the tariff wall made by the Dingley tariff" against the Philippine Islands, as some compensation for "the necessary increase of freight The Philippines. 191 rates" that would necessarily follow from giving a few American ship owners a monopoly of the carrying trade to the Philippines. In his protest against the passage of this law, Governor Taft says : "The people of the islands may well ask, 'What advantage are we to get out of association with the United States in a business way if our trade is to be used only for the purpose of increasing the business of American ships, while the limitation of the coast-wise laws by increasing the freight rates will reduce the business that we now have with that country ?' " Yet, in spite of these protests the law was passed to take effect in 1905, without any effort made on the part of the President or the leaders of his party to secure a reduction of the tariff on Philip- pine products. Senator Carmack offered an amendment to the bill providing that the freight charges should not exceed by more than 100 per cent, the lowest bid offered for transporting such freight in foreign vessels, which on the call of the yeas and nays was de- feated by strict party vote. Governor Taft himself had said that he preferred to give the American vessels an advantage of 100 per cent, in freight charges rather than subject the commerce of the Philip- pines to such a monopoly. President Roosevelt tells us that we are governing the Philippines for their own good, but his Philippine Commissioners have been continually protesting from the very beginning against the narrow- ness and selfishness of our policy, and President Roosevelt himself has never lifted hand or voice against it. "THE OPEN DOOR." How soon we have forgotten the principles upon which we were going to act when we took possession of the Philippine Islands! Then we were to have the "open door." This was distinctly pro- claimed in annex to Protocol No. 15 in the treaty of peace — "It being the policy of the United States to maintain in the Philippines an open door to the world's commerce." Yet when certain interests demanded it, we promptly imposed an export duty on all hemp going from the Philippines to any other country except the United States. Protests are now on file in the State Department from nearly every country in Europe against this violation of our specific promise to maintain the "open door" to the commerce of the world. THE PHILIPPINES CONSIDERED COMMERCIALLY. Whatever its obligations to civilization and mankind, the first duty of a republican government is to its citizens. Oper- ating under a restrictive charter, its revenues derived entirely from taxes on its citizens, and having no surplus fairly applicable to any purpose other than the discharge of its obligations and a re- duction of coming taxes, it is not justified in entering upon a 'I9 2 The Philippines. policy or into a purchase, the object or effect of which is to enrich one class of its citizens at the expense of the mass of the people. Our Federal government is a governmental corporation, limited to the powers granted it by the Constitution and expressly pro- hibited from exercising any power not specifically conferred. Ar- ticle X. of the amendments of the Constitution says: "The pow- ers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or to the people." Both the Constitution and the amendment jus't * quoted were designed to protect the rights of the minority from the encroachments of the majority. This republic, fraternal in theory, unlike a monarchy, kingdom or despotism, which is paternal, has no fund on which to draw for objects not demonstrated to be for the good of the majority -of its people, its sole revenues being derived from the taxes paid by all. This being the character of our government we will proceed io state impartially the facts from which we can determine whether or not in justice to the rights of the whole American people we are warranted in continuing our present policy in regard to the Phil- ippines ; and whether an increased tax should be imposed upon the American people in order to provide funds with which to pay army -contractors for munitions of war and supplies, as they are prac- tically the only people commercially benefited. The Philippine question and our whole colonial policy has for its inception ' the desire to extend private enterprise at the expense of the people and affords the Republican party another opportunity, of which it has eagerly availed itself, to demonstrate its contempt •for the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. So far has it departed from the original conception of repre- sentative government and equal rights, .that it humorously main- tains the justice of imposing upon the whole people a burden in actual money of more than $690,000,000 to June 30, 1903, and a yearly increased expenditure of $50,000,000 and more, that a few favored interests, principally army contractors, may extend their J trade nominally with these islands, but actually only with the War Department. The taxpayer is entitled to know what it has cost the govern- ment to assert its sovereignty over these islands, and what it will •cost in the future to maintain the meagre and commercially un- utilizable sovereignty thus far achieved. They are entitled to know the probable return to be derived from this expenditure of their taxes and whether or not a greater trade with these islands could not have been obtained without such expenditure. We will consider first the territory purchased; second, limita- tions and restrictions upon the use of that territory; third, is sov- ereignty (ownership) essential to trade; fourth, cost to date and probable cost in future of present policy; fifth, trade for last eleven years with said territory. The Philippines. 193 PROPERTY PURCHASED. The Philippine archipelago was discovered by Magellan on the 3 1st day of March, 1521, and in 1542, a fleet of five vessels was sent out by Spain to these islands but accomplished nothing. In 1565, Spain sent Miguel Lopez de Legaspi who reached Cebu in 1565. In his company were members of the St. Augustine Broth- erhood, who introduced Christianity into the Philippines. Le- gaspi, in 1571, removed from Cebu to Luzon, and made Manila the Spanish seat of government. Spain gradually extended her dominion over the low lands and sea coast of these islands, but never obtained control of the whole territory. Such portions as she controlled remained in her possession, with but the exception of a few years, until their cession to the United States by the Treaty of Paris in 1898. The Philippines lie wholly in the torrid zone between longitude 120 and 180 and latitude 5 and 20, and so indefinite is the in- formation in regard to them, that they are variously estimated as consisting of from 1,100 to 2,000 islands, and generally con- sidered to be about 1,200. Luzon, in which is Manila the seat of government, is the largest and northernmost island of the group and lies between 11 degrees and 42 minutes and 21 degrees 12 minutes north latitude and 126 degrees 5 minutes east longitude. Its length is 480 miles and the area is 40,982 square miles. This island is very narrow and is trav- ersed from north to south by ranges of mountains, some of the peaks attaining a height of over 8,000 feet. The average width of the island does not exceed 100 miles, although its extremest width is about 150 miles. The next island in point of size is Mindanao, which is inhabited principally by Moros and is practically unexplored and undevel- oped. The Visayan group, consisting of Panay, Negros, Cebu, Masbate, Samar, Leyte and Bohol, inhabited by the Visayans, are the most densely populated islands of the archipelago. The Philippine. Islands are of volcanic formation and are in the earthquake and typhoon zones of the tropics. The population of the Philippines previous to American occu- pation was variously estimated at from 8,500,000 to 9,500,000. The first Philippine Commission concluded that 8,000,000 was a fair estimate. The climate differs according to altitude, some witnesses who appeared before the first Philippine Commission testifying that at Benguet, in the mountains, ice formed in the winter. The mountain districts, however, are sparsely settled, generally inac- cessible and need not be considered, as the : centers of population are invariably along the sea coast or in areas of low altitude. The climate generally may be described as tropical and the mean temperature the year around is in the neighborhood of about 81°. The extremes of temperature during the year do not exceed 36°. European races, accustomed to great 194 The Philippines. variations of temperature, undergo marked mental and physical deterioration in these islands, losing their virility and mental and physical energy. Their women rarely become mothers of more than one child. The permanent occupation of a territory largely de- pends upon the adaptability of that territory to the reproduction of the dominant race. Otherwise, its retention demands constant replenishment from the home of said race. The climate is par- ticularly fatal to American and European women and children, and every year during the summer, there is an exodus of these to the mountains of Japan. Nor is this baneful climatic influ- ence confined to the women and children. So generally is this fact recognized that the European or American employees of all for- eign houses are granted a leave of absence of six months out of each three years, or one year out of every five, with pay, in which to recover their health and strength in some northern country. It is true that a few especially rotoust and healthy Spaniards have spent many years consecutively in the islands without visible de- terioration of health. LIMITATIONS AND RESTRICTIONS UPON DEVELOPMENT OF ISLANDS. Our Spanish grantors did not convey to us a property free and clear but one encumbered by the restrictions of charters already granted by Spain, imposing a recognition on our part of Spanish obligations, as will be seen by Article IV. of the Treaty of Peace : "The United States will, for the term of ten years from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, admit Spanish ships and merchandise to the ports of the Philippine Islands on the same terms as ships and merchandise of the United States." From the above it is clear that the United States can exercise no exclusive trade relations with these islands until the expiration of the date named. Nor is this the only limit placed upon imperial ex- ploitation of these islands. Paragraph 2 of Article VIII. of the same treaty imposes even greater restrictions. The article is as follows : "And it is hereby declared that the relinquishment or cession, as the case may be, to which the preceding paragraph refers, cannot in any re- spect impair the property or rights which by law belong to the peaceful possession of property of all kinds, of provinces, municipalities, public or private establishments, ecclesiastical or civic bodies, or any other asso- ciations having legal capacity to acquire and possess property in the afore- said territories renounced or ceded, or of private individuals, of whatso- ever nationality such individuals may be." In other words, according to the Treaty of Peace to which the faith and honor of the United States is solemnly pledged, all char- ters .and franchises granted by Spain must be maintained by us for their full life. If, as is the case, some Spanish chartered corporation holds the exclusive banking privilege of the issue of bank notes in the Philippine Islands it prevents our char- tering or permitting any other bank of issue to issue its notes in The Philippines. 195 these islands, and cuts off a most important field for the employ- ment of capital. Prior to our occupation exclusive railroad franchises had been granted by Spain in these islands and unless we forfeit those fran- chises American railroad corporations must purchase permission of the present grantees. The artificial restraints imposed upon the development of these islands commercially by the Treaty of Peace do not leave us free to grant franchises to whom we will and consequently capital here must secure its opportunity from Spanish grantees. So well recognized is this condition that the present Philippine Commission under the guise of the development of the islands, but really for the purpose of traversing Luzon principally with roads for stragetic, and not commercial purposes, introduced and there was passed on the 14th of last April a bill by which the Philippine treasury is to guarantee to the promoters of these roads five per cent., not to exceed $1,500,000, upon the stock of such roads for a period not to exceed thirty years. A promoter under such a guaranty takes no risk for in that time the Philippine treasury will have paid 150 per cent, on the original investment. COLONIAL EXPLOITATION. THE ATTEMPTED COMPACT WITH "PROMOTERS" FOR THE PHILIPPINES. The characteristic feature of this mischievous measure was con- tained in the fourth section of it, which was as follows : "Section 4. That for the purpose of aiding in the construction, equip- ment, operation, and maintenance of railroads using steam, electricity, or other power, in the Philippine Islands, the general government thereof is authorized to guarantee an income of not exceeding 5 per cent, upon cas^ capital actually invested in the construction and equipment of such rail- roads, or any part thereof, the guaranty to be in such form and under such provisions requiring repayment of any sum paid thereunder as said government shall deem to be to the public interest, and the act making the guaranty shall declare the proper rules for ascertaining clearly the cash capital actually invested in said railroads, and the net income ac- tually received on said capital so invested, and shall set forth the limit of invested capital to which said guaranty shall apply, and shall provide for supervision by said government of the conduct of the finances of the road and its location, construction, and maintenance, as well as by the presence in the board of directors of two or more government directors, the number and manner of their selection to be determined by law, as also by such further supervision, through the auditing, engineering, and railroad bureaus of said government, as the public interest shall require. "The said guaranty may be made in the form of a guaranty of interest on bonds or other income on preferred or common stock, or in such other form as may be determined by said government, and shall be made on such other terms and conditions as said government shall approve: Provided, hoioever, That the total annual contingent liability of said government under the guaranties authorized by this section shall not at any time ex- ceed the sum of $1,500,000, and that no such guaranty shall continue for a longer period than thirty years." 196 The Philippines. This section was the chief point of attack by the opponents of the bill. The Democratic minority of the House Committee on Insular Affairs stated their position in a strong adverse report, in the course of which they said : "We aTe opposed to the theory upon which the bill is framed, op- posed to its whole scope and purpose, which is to tax the people of the Philippine Islands without their consent and to superimpose upon them the burdens of large funded indebtedness and guaranties for profits of private enterprises; all of which are repugnant to our ideas of right and fair dealing, as well as inimical to the best interests of the Philippine people, and subversive of the first and plainest principles of government." They also said : "The government which seeks this legislation at the hands of Congress is in no sense representative of the free and untram- melled thought and aspirations of the inhabitants of the islands. It is an American-imposed, force-maintained oligarchy — the blend- ing of a military despotism and a civil autocracy — exercising mili- tary and civil powers, and making and administering the laws under which are governed 7,500,000 people. Those who are to bear the additional burdens of taxation to be imposed for these proposed railroad subsidies have not been, and are not to be, con- sulted." The bill was discussed very briefly, and under the special order of the House, no amendments could be offered to it. Mr. Williams of Illinois made the principal speech on the Democratic side of the question. This speech covers the grounds of the dispute so well that it is given below almost in full. Mr. Williams said : "There is very little to encourage any discussion of a bill of this character after the House has already adopted a rule that pre- vents any amendment. I was surprised at the explanation or defense made by the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Dalzell), when this rule was under consideration.' He of- fered as an excuse that the House was now in the closing days of the session, and therefore it was necessary to limit the time for the consideration of this bill. "The Committee on Kules might have limited the time for its consideration, and still have left to this House the right to amend this bill. I know sometimes it occurs that bills containing but a single proposition, or embracing a single subject, might stand or fall as an entirety ; and there is much more reason for the Com- mittee on Eules denying the right of amendment in such cases than there is in the case now before the House. The bill under consid- eration embraces more than one subject, and yet you have got to accept it or reject it as as entire proposition. "1 insist that in justice to the people of the Philippine Islands, for whom this Congress is now legislating, this House should have had the right to consider and vote upon amendments to some of the provisions of this bill. There is one provision at least that in my judgment is indefensible. It is a provision that does not The Philippines. 197 meet the approval of all the Republicans in this House; and the distinguished chairman of the Committee on Insular Affairs was frank enough to admit in his opening speech that there were Re- publicans who were already complaining against the fourth sec- tion or railroad provision of this bill. It ought to be amended ; it ought to be stricken out entirely, or, if not, materially amended. Whether it was the intention or not, the Committee on Rules, in the interest of the great corporate concerns in this country that are to reap the benefit of this outrageous legislation against the people of the Philippine Islands, has prevented any amendment being considered." "Mr. Tawney. What amendment does the gentleman refer to ?" "Mr. Williams, of Illinois. I refer to one of the amendments of- fered in the committee, to strike out sections 4 and 5 of this bill. The bill has not been discussed. There are not two lawyers on that side of the House who will agree on the construction of that am- biguous provision. Refund what? Repay when? All in the discre- tion of the Philippine Commission, no definite provision requiring that the guaranty shall ever be refunded. What is to be the effect of this ? The effect of it is shown in the answer of Judge Taft to a ques- tion asked him by myself when he appeared before the committee. He admits that there are several railroads that might be built with- out subsidy ; but he says f ranklv that if this bill becomes law every company attempting to build a railroad is likely to contend for a subsidy. You are simply forcing the people of the Philippine Islands to pay a subsidy for every railroad that is to be built here- after in the Philippine Islands." "Mr. Tawney. In the event that this guaranty is made by the Philippine government, will it have to pay anything if the earn- ings of the railroads ever equal 5 per cent. ? "Mr. Williams, of Illinois. Let me show the gentleman how easy it will be to prevent any of the earnings from ever being credited on this guaranty. A railroad company constructs its railway, say, for $10,000,000, of an inferior character, if you please. It goes into operation. It puts its earnings into the betterment of the road, in building better bridges, better depots, and other improvements, and the earnings of the railroad go to enhancing the value of the property, while the people of the islands pay the 5 per cent, that makes up the dividends to the stockholders. "Only four months ago Governor Taft thought some of these railroads could be built without any subsidy at all and he only asked for 3 or 4 per cent, guaranty to be given to other roads. But since he came to the United States and has had an opportunity to dis- cuss this matter with railroad builders he has raised his guaranty to 5 per cent. And who pays it? The people of the Philippine Islands. What for? To educate them, they say. "It has only been lately, not much over a year, since we were com- pelled to furnish them with about $3,000,000 for the necessaries of life, and yet we are to take out of their pockets a million and a half a year instead of letting them use it in building school-houses, 198 The Philippines. employing teachers to educate themselves, and for other necessaries, and give it to the railroad syndicates in the United States in order to encourage American capital ; and that is the kind of legislation that is being enacted by this House for the people of the Philippine Islands ! "If these islands have all the valuable resources so often claimed for them in the House, railroads should go there without being subsidized. If you authorize the commission to make this guar- anty, the islands will not get a single road without it. Why not wait till those roads are constructed which foreign capital is will- ing to build without any guaranty or aid? You can't build all these roads at once. The labor there will not justify it. Then why not build them as they are being built in other countries, by building those lines first that are needed worst and building them without subsidies; and before you fasten this measure upon the people of the Philippine Islands, wait until they get a legislative body of their own people ? "Under this law the Philippine Commission can place a debt of 5 per cent, interest running for thirty years on the islands for the purpose of constructing railroads that some of their people will not see in a lifetime. They can tax the people of one island to build railroads in some other island which would be of no benefit whatever to them. Who is going to get the railroads if we put this power in the hands of this American agent of ours in the Philippine Islands? What has been the experience of our own legislative body here in this country ? Do you tell me that lobbies will have no effect." BANKING. The banking of the islands is at present controlled by the Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Company, an English corporation, with an enormous capital and surplus, having agencies in all the chief cities of the world, and the chartered Bank of India, Aus- tralia and China, another English corporation almost equally as strong and having similar agencies. These two corporations con- trol the rate of exchange not only in the Philippines, but through- out Eastern Asia and Australasia. They control, through own- ership of a majority of its stock, the Banco Espanol-Filipino, which has the exclusive power of note issue in the archipelago. The banking system of the islands is so totally different from ours as to require explanation. There is no such thing as a bank of deposit and discount as commonly known here. There is no commercial paper to discount, each merchant being to a large ex- tent his own banker. On his deposits with the banks he is al- lowed interest. Under the exclusive charter of the Filipino bank, American banks of .issue can not be established, and the Ameri- can merchant or trader would lack the bank accommodation he receives in America. The conditions of trade are entirely different. The large Eng- lish exporting houses, the great German importing houses and The Philippines. 199 the Spanish and Swiss houses as well as the Chinese merchants, have large capital and are content to turn over their capital twice a year. A Manila house with a capital of half a million dollars is well satisfied to do a business of a million dollars a year, whereas an American house in America with a capital of half a million of dollars would expect to do at least five millions of dollars a year. The slowness with which capital is turned over in the Phil- ippines as compared with the United States, the greater amount of capital required to do a given amount of business, the absence of the banking facilities to which the American merchant is ac- customed, and on which he is largely dependent, renders absolutely improbable and clearly unprofitable the diversion of American capital from the profitable field of American employment to the unprofitable field of Philippine. The investment of money in large amounts is not a matter of sentiment, and even could permanent peace be assured, the em- ployment of capital there will 'be determined solely by whether or not it can be used there "as safely and to better advantage than elsewhere. Investments do not necessarily follow the flag. Even providing that franchises could be obtained for large un- dertakings in these islands, it would be impossible in America to secure this capital, and this inability is not due to ignorance of the islands, but rather to knowledge concerning them. As early as 1899, the representatives of several large banking houses in New York went to Manila and carefully investigated the situa- tion, and the masterly inactivity of their principals is the best proof of the reports they received. Other Americans spent months studying the commercial opportunities in the islands, and only a few have remained to sell cooling and other beverages to thirsty Americans. The only American industry which has attracted American capital to the Philippine Islands is the liquor business. RAILROADS. While the dense population of Luzon and of the Visayas, the civilized portions of the Philippines, and containing more than nine-tenths of its entire population, would with an assurance of permanent peace, seem to offer a fair field for railroad enterprises this promise is dispelled the moment actual conditions are un- derstood. The freights which these roads would carry (and freights are regarded as the chief source of support of a railroad) principally the exports and imports of the islands are not of a perishable nature. They do not demand quick transportation nor could they stand a more expensive transportation charge than that which they now pay. Even the Manila and Dagupan Rail- road, which is less subject to water competition than almost any conceivable line in these islands, has never been self-supporting despite its large earnings from the passenger traffic of the native pilgrims who annually visit the Shrine of the Virgin of Anti Polo, and which earnings no new road, unless it could establish some equally famous shrine along its route, could reasonably expect. 200 The Philippines. The answer of the well-informed banker or investor to any prop- osition to invest in a Philippine enterprise would be: "These is- lands may possess enormous mineral riches, but that has not yet been demonstrated, although for three hundred years they have been open to the civilized world, and capital has been invited there. To-day and for centuries past, the country has been agricultural, producing products of a non-perishable nature, not requiring quick transit, and nature has afforded the islanders the cheapest and most natural means of transport in its innumerable rivers and water ways. No matter what the natural resources or what the rights and wrongs of the contention may be, while the present climatic, governmental and seismatic conditions prevail, I am not justified in risking my own or advising others to risk their capital in hazardous enterprises, while there are safe and profitable in- vestments at home or in other countries with staple governments supported by their own people, and the needs of which peoples I understand." The Kepublican Text Book, page 305, states: "Banks. In addition to the banks existing in Manila prior to Ameri- can occupation, branch banks have been established by the Guaranty Trust Company, of New York, and the International Banking Corporation, and one private American bank has been established. "The inauguration of these banks is a great step forward in connecting the trade and financial affairs of the Philippines with those of the United States." The Guaranty Trust Company of New York, within the last three or four months, has discontinued its agency in the Phil- ippines, although it had been the Government depository there. The International Banking Corporation, with modest offices on the upper floors of No. 1 Wall street, which is now the Government depository in Manila, still retains an agency there. No private American bank is now in existence in the Philippines, the In- ternational Banking Corporation being the only American bank in the islands. The withdrawal of the Guaranty Trust Company of New York and the absence of "the private American bank" is a step back- ward. It is a pity that American banking enterprise should emu- late the example of the crab rather than that of the horse. COMMERCE. The chief industry of the islands is agriculture; the manufacture of cigars and cigarettes, the weaving of Pina cloth, the export, principally to China, of birds' nests, give occupation to a small portion of the natives, but the country is essentially agricultural. The methods employed are primitive, because labor is cheap. Much stress has been laid by Republicans upon the enormous profit to be derived from the marketing of the valuable hard woods The Philippines. 201 of v the Philippines, in which connection it is well to state that while many valuable woods are found in both the Philippine and other Asiatic tropical countries the more accessible have been already to a large extent cut.' Nearly all of the Eastern Asian shipping ports annually import from the Pacific coast American wood suitable for spars, beams, etc., even of coasting vessels. In the Philippines the trees constituting the more valuable woods are so separated, the underbrush so dense, and the lack of roads so common as to render them inaccessible and their preparation for the market through the employment of large plants commercially unprofitable. In fact, in most of the civilized and densely popu- lated parts of the islands the valuable and accessible timbers have already been cut and only the inaccessible or inferior timbers re- main. So far as the American workman is concerned the Philippines will never offer a field for his employment owing to the cheaper wage and less wants of the natives as well as the climatic condi- tions, which prevent the Caucasian engaging in continuous manual labor in these islands. Only the European capitalists and the American bounty or tariff-fed contractor can hope to commercially utilize the islands. The Philippine Tariff is a further restriction. The present Com- mission passed an act placing different duties on the various arti- cles imported into the Philippines. In almost every instance these duties were specific and not ad valorem, and therefore their rate can only be determined by taking the price of the article imported at the time the duty is paid. This is a most serious handicap on business. The Filipinos themselves in their constitution adopted at Malo- los and in various proposed constitutions submitted to the first Philippine Commission proposed a revenue tariff with very low rates, or absolute free trade. The 25 per cent, reduction on the Dingley bill rates on Philip- pine goods exported to the United States will have but little effect in encouraging exports, especially when it is borne in mind that export duties are imposed by the Philippine Tariff on many of their chief products. While the duties collected on Philippine exports to the United States are returned to the Insular treasury and used for insular purposes, they still constitute a charge on these imports which ad- here to them and must be finally paid by the consumer. The mere fact that the duties are returned to the islands makes no difference to the producer or to the consumer, because these returned duties in no case reach either of these persons, and continue to hamper trade. ANGLO-SAXON CIVILIZATION. The United States from want of experience in dealing with tropical and Asiatic peoples has predicated its hope of remunera- tive trade with the Philippines upon educating these natives to an 202 The Philippines. Anglo-Saxon standard of civilization or needs; forgetting that there is also an Asiatic and tropical civilization, with fewer needs and better adapted to the climatic and industrial conditions which prevail and must continue to prevail in these islands, unless the Filipino people are to be exterminated by forcing upon them a standard of life utterly incompatible with their environment. The intense mental and physical life necessary to support the Anglo-Saxon standard would mean the extermination of any South Asiatic or tropical people. Their wants are few. Nature is abundant in her supply of the absolute necessities of the people and any attempt to impose upon them the commercially and industrially intense life of the ordinary citizens of this country would be fatal when their delicate constitu- tions and climatic environment are considered. Their standards and philosophy of life are so radically different from ours that the average American entirely fails to comprehend them and in his impatience accuses them of imbecility. In our labor markets, to complete a given enterprise in a limited time all the contractor has to do is to offer sufficient pecuniary re- ward. The average American workman is always willing to do more work for more money. This is not true of the Philippine laborer or servant. If a Filipino laborer were offered double the wages by a prospective employer than he was receiving from his present employer he would answer, "Why should I do more work than I now have to do? My present master treats me fairly and pays me enough for me to secure what I need. If I leave him you will expect me to do much more work. The Philippine sun is hot and I do not need to work more than I now do." Neither Americans, Europeans nor Filipinos can 1 work in the tropics as they do in the temperate zone and it is futile to attempt to make them do so. The wants of the average native are few. He consumes no malt or distilled liquors, eats but little meat, his diet consisting chiefly of rice and fish; his clothing, while sufficient for decency, is scant, consisting of pantaloons, an undershirt and a combination of shirt and coat worn outside of the pantaloons, and a hat made of native grass. The ordinary Filipino goes bare-footed. The cloth from which his garments are made is generally of the cheapest quality of German cotton goods and rarely costs more than 50 to 60 cents for a suit; woolen clothing is rarely used. Of course, the wealthy Filipinos and rich Mestizos buy expensive clothing and many jewels, the women's clothing coming principally from France and Spain, while their kerchiefs are made of the cele- brated Pina cloth of domestic manufacture ; that of the men chiefly from Spain and Germany. American clothing, shoes and household utensils are entirely unsuited to these people, and there is no likelihood of our ever find- ing any profitable market in the Philippines for any cloth stuffs other than the cheapest grades of cotton goods. The Philippines. 203 LABOR QUESTION. For the American or foreigner engaging in any enterprise in the Philippines the labor question is one of the most important which he has to meet. The native laborer is extremely independ- ent and, while industrious at times, refuses to accommodate him- self to ordinary industrial conditions. His numerous religious ob- servations and fiestas become a source of great annoyance to a con- tractor or business man, so much so that the Chinese ' are very largely employed on work which has to be completed within a given time. The native is primarily an agriculturist and his delicate physique and lack of great physical strength and endurance render him an unsuccessful competitor with the Chinese in the severer kinds of manual work. A large proportion of the artisans of Manila and the chief cities and towns in the Philippines, especially the seaports, are Chinese. There is a great racial antipathy between the Chinese and the natives, due first to the frugality, industry and patience of the Chinamen, making him one of the most desirable laborers to be had, and, second, to the frequent incursions of Chinese pirates to which the Philippine people were subjected during the earlier years of Spanish dominion. So acute was this antipathy and it led to so much discontent that the Spanish Government imposed various re- strictions upon the incoming of the Chinese, without which these industrious Mongolians would soon have dominated the labor and industrial markets, as they already had done in the lesser whole- sale and retail trade of .the islands. Much testimony was taken by the first Philippine Commission on the subject of the admission or exclusion of the Chinese. Some witnesses contended that they were essential to the development of the country, others that they were not, but all practically agreed that they should be admitted under well defined restrictions or for a limited time for the performance of specific work. OBSTACLES TO DEVELOPMENT. The natural restrictions and limitations are even greater than the artificial. As stated the Philippine Islands are of volcanic origin, tropical location, in the earthquake area, and their western shores, the populous and civilized part of the islands, are washed by the China Sea, perhaps the most dangerous and turbulent sheet of water in the world, subject to typhoons of considerable frequency and great destructiveness. The rain fall in these islands is so great at times as to wash away the best built bridges and undermine the finest roads. The road from Manila out to the City Water Works pumping station, some six miles distant, is as fine a macadam road as can be found anywhere; but, in 1899, a severe rain fall cut gullies six or eight feet in this road and rendered it impassable until repaired. "204 The Philippines. The greatest natural obstacle to permanent investment in the Philippines is the frequency of earthquakes and the necessarily fragile character of their buildings. There is not an old masonry building or cathedral in the islands that does not bear evidence of their destructiveness. Some have cracks extending from base to dome and it is a common sight to see shattered columns of broken statuary on the ground near cathedrals. To avoid the danger of injury from earthquakes the great cathedral of San Sebastian is made of steel. The mercantile buildings and houses, above a masonry or brick foundation of 12 to 14 feet in height, are entirely of wood, except that the roofs of the more expensive buildings are of corrugated iron. The buildings are no more than two stories in height and are especially designed to withstand destruction by earthquakes. There is no portion of the globe so subject to violent siesmic disturbances as the Philippines. In the earthquake of 1641 entire towns were destroyed and the surface of the country changed. The city of Manila became a mass of ruins, thousands of people were killed and the streets choked with the ruins of fallen buildings and cathe- drals. There has been since that time an average of at least one de- structive earthquake every twenty years. These conditions preclude the investment of large sums of money in permanent undertakings requiring large building or fixed struc- tures. Land transportation companies, railroads, are rendered both un- necessary and unprofitable by the numerous natural waterways which gridiron the fertile and cultivated portions of the islands and furnish a natural, cheap, and to the natives, attractive means of transportation for their non-perishable exports which alone seek the markets of the world, and which would be seriously handicapped if loaded with heavy rail transportation charges. The peculiar situation of the Philippines almost on the equator puts them entirely out of the line of travel of boats from the Pacific coast of America to Asia. Owing to the fact that the maximum circumference of the earth at the equator gradually diminishes as we approach the poles the favorite route for these vessels is up the Pacific coast by way of the Aleutian Islands, and down the east coast of Asia touching at the important ports of Yokohoma, Kobe, Nagasaki, Shanghai and Hong Kong, or else by way of the Hawaiian Islands touching at Honolulu and thence to Hong Kong and up to Nagasaki. By either of these routes ships would have to go more than a thousand miles out of their way to touch the Philippines, which do not furnish cargoes sufficient to justify the large vessels of any of the American China-Japanese trade in so doing. To reach Manila, situated as it is inland, on the Bay of Manila, on the west coast of the Island of Luzon, equi-distant of the length of said island, which is 480 miles, a boat from America must go at least, 240 miles out of her way. Manila Bay is a large gulf subject to The Philippines. 205 violent storms, and so shallow that a boat drawing 14 feet of water cannot approach the city nearer than four miles. Only boats drawing not more than 8 feet can reach the city itself. Ocean- going vessels are all loaded and unloaded by lighters, and although millions have been spent in attempts to deepen Manila harbor the severe tropical rain falls and floods have filled it up faster than men and machinery could deepen it. The city, however, does form a stopping port between South- eastern Asia, Australasia and Australia, but as Singapore, Batavia and Columbo all furnish larger cargoes than Manila, only a small percentage of the Australian steamers make this a regular stop. The trade between the last named points is entirely in other hands. No great capital can be created which is situated out of the ordinary lines of travel and fed by a very small territory and a limited popu- lation. Manila, commercially, can be little more than the port of receipt and distribution of Luzon products and imports. Iloilo, on the east coast of Panay, and Cebu, on the island of the same name, are successful rivals and handle the sugar business and a large part of the hemp of the Visayan group. The trade of the eastern Pacific Coast is already centered chiefly in Hong Kong, a free port, and Shanghai, in China, and Kobe, Nagasaki, and Yokohoma in Japan, and Dalny and Vladi- vostok in Manchuria. These cities all have vast contiguous ter- ritory and dense populations to drain and supply, save the two Russian cities last mentioned. Hong Kong, founded less than three- quarters of a century ago, is to-day the most important commercial center in Eastern Asia. This is due to a variety of causes, princi- pally its location in the southeastern part of China, its proximity to Canton and the enormous Chinese population contiguous. The same conditions apply to Shanghai and the Japanese cities named. None of these conditions prevail in regard to Manila, and in its more than 300 years of existence its commercial importance is in- significant compared to that of any of the cities named. These conditions must continue and render Manila for all time chiefly important as the center of government of the Philippine Archi- pelago. IS SOVEREIGNTY ESSENTIAL TO TRADE? That the trade of countries is not dependent in any sense upon sovereignty is shown by the fact that our exports to Cuba with a population of 1,600,000, over whom we assert no sovereignty, but only a very limited suzerainty amount to $21,769,572, and our imports from there are $62,341,942, while our exports to the Philippine Islands with a population of 8,000,000 are $4,028,- 206 The Philippines. G77, and our imports from them are $11,372,584 for the year end- ing June 30, 1903. Our trade with British South Africa with a population of less than 5,000,000 inhabitants for the year ending June 30, 1903, was $33,788,629. The chief imports of the Philippines are from Germany, Eng- land, France, Spain and China. Our trade with these islands rests entirely upon the prices at which we can supply the islands with the products which they demand. So far from our sovereignty being a means of increasing our trade with the Philippines, it has just the contrary effect : first, for a period of at least two years it rendered unproductive the most fertile and. wealthy part of the islands, millions upon millions of property were destroyed, whole provinces devasted, and an agricultural people concentrated in what we term zones of Amer- ican influence, 'but which in the case of Spain's attempt to reduce Cuba to submission were known as reconcentration camps. We emulated the despised methods of Spain in the Philippines, and even within the last two months an order has been issued by Gover- nor-General Wright, ordering the concentration of the inhabitants of one of the Visayan Islands, although we have been repeat- edly informed that peace, tranquillity and eager acceptance of American rule everywhere prevail, save in the Moro country. The three years of war, which war is not yet wholly terminated, have rendered practically the whole Filipino people hostile. Hos- tility is not a good foundation for commercial intercourse. Amer- ican enterprise is looked upon with less favor than that of any other country, save perhaps China, by the Filipino. If these islands had been justly treated and given an autonomy similar to that of Cuba, — for they are more capable of self-gov- ernment than are the Cubans, as has been attested by many com- petent observers acquainted with both peoples, — America would have been regarded as their friend. We would not then have been embarrassed with Spanish limitations upon franchises, nor com- pelled, in order to maintain protection at home, to engraft upon the government of these helpless islanders a system designed for the restraint of trade. American capital and merchandise would have been welcomed in the islands. The islanders would have regarded us as their friends not as their enemies. Commerce is not predicated upon antagonism. Self-government for the Phil- ippines would not decrease but increase the consumption of Amer- ican goods. Had these people been treated justly, they would have only too gladly extended to us most advantageous privileges. Indeed they would have allowed us to name our own terms. We have unfortunately antagonized and alienated a people out of whom we might, wifh little cost, have made to ourselves, a lasting friend. The Philippines. 207 COST TO THE UNITED STATES TO JUNE 30, 1903. Purchase Price (Quit-Claim deed from dispossessed owner).. . . $20,000,000 Purchase price, Friars' lands 7,239,000 Increased army expenditure for five years over average expendi- ture previous thereto, 1899, 1900, 1901, 1902 and 1903 500,000,000 Boats for patroling island waters and increase in naval ex- penses due solely to Philippine acquisition during said period. (Estimated) 25,000,000 Appropriation for first Philippine Commission $250,000; spent by Commission 179,000 Transport service and cost of vessels. (Estimated) 50,000,000 $602,418,000 In addition to the above known amounts must be considered claims filed against the United States for destruction of property of aliens and non-beligerents, which amounted in 1899 to over $20,- 000,000, but as they are subject to adjudication by the courts, the total awards can not be established. This is a minimum estimate of the cost to June 30, 1903, from the facts obtainable. Informa- tion in regard to the exact cost is very difficult of access. The average cost of the maintenance of the United States army under Mr. Cleveland's two administrations did not exceed $46,- 000,000 per annum; whereas for the years 1900, 1901, 1902 and 1903 (the year 1899 being omitted as not constituting any fair es- timate of the average cost owing to the fact that active operations -against the Philippines were then proceeding) averages $127,000,- 000 a year or a difference of $81,000,000 a year increased ex- pense for War Department under Eepublican administration and colonial policy as opposed to free government under constitutional restraints by a Democratic administration. But this does not measure the cost to the taxpayers of the United States. The initial $600,000,000, the probable $50,000,000 annu- ally, stupendous as these figures are, yet fail to indicate the loss to our people. Consider the average productivity of $600,000,000 employed in agriculture, manufacturing, or any activity of life, the yearly interest of which at the legal rate would be $36,000,000. In other words, a capital sufficient at six per cent, to earn $36,- 000,000 has been subtracted from the wealth of the individual citizens of this country. In addition to the foregoing is : Increased cost of Navy Depart- ment due to colonial expansion and principally chargeable against the retention of the Philippines. For the five years preceding 1898, the year of the Spanish war, which is omitted although the chief operations of the navy in the Philippines occurred during that year, the expenses of the Navy Department were: 1893, $30,136,- •084; 1894, $31,710,294; 1895, $28,797,796; 1896, $27,147,732 ; 1897, $34,561,546, making a total of $152,553,452, or an annual average of $30,470,690. For five years of occupation of Philippines and extension of 208 The Philippines. colonial policy: 1899, $63,942,104; 1900, $55,953,078; 1901, $60,506,978; 1902, $67,803,138 and 1903, $82,618,024, making a total of $330,823,322, or an annual average of $66,164,664, show- ing an average annual increase in the Navy Department of $35,- 693,974 and a total difference for the five years of $178,469,870. For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1905, the appropriations for the navy amount to $98,005,140. Under colonial expansion the cost of the Navy Department has increased more than one hundred per cent., and while it is true that we have the vessels remaining, representing a large portion of this cost, it is equally true that without foreign dependencies the greater part of this increased cost need not have been incurred. If our present colonial policy is persisted in the Navy Depart- ment in the next five years will show an annual expenditure of more than $100,000,000 a year, and in order to put the United States on anything like an equality with even second and third rate naval powers the expenditure will have to reach $150,000,000 a year. To continue the present colonial policy with its already enor- mous and, in the future greatly increasing, expenditure is to abandon deliberately our advantages of geographical isolation and a restricted coast line and to impose upon this country the burdens of militarism and an enormous navy which are absolutely indis- pensable to its continuance. While a colonial policy may be justi- fied by the densely populated and land area restricted powers of Europe it certainly is not justified by the sparsely settled, largely undeveloped and enormous land holding United States. The expenses of such a policy must go on increasing as the militarism of Europe becomes more and more marked. We must keep pace with European colony-holding countries if we are to con- tinue that policy ourselves. In addition to the initial expense cost already shown must be added that of pensions for the survivors of those killed, to the in- valided, the disabled and the destitute. An army permanently in- creased, a biennial sending of American soldiers to unhealthy tropical islands where the death rate is very high, and where in- sanity is a common result of residence in these islands, as is shown by the very large number of insane soldiers returned from the islands, must make a large number of pensioners. The exact cost to the United States is a matter absolutely beyond accurate computation. It- certainly can not have been less than $600,000,000 as a minimum, and how much beyond that can be determined relatively from a study of the above facts. COST TO THE PHILIPPINES. The cost to the Filipinos is not ascertainable in money owing to the fact that the amount of destruction directly attributable to hostilities can not be ascertained. All industrires in whole prov- inces situated in the most densely populated and fertile parts of Luzon and the Visayas ceased for months and months, and in some instances for more than two years. Villages were burned, The Philippines. 209 and the people concentrated in limited areas and fed from the government's stores. Their ability as producers was for the time being, absolutely eliminated. So great was the destruction of property and so widespread the destitution in certain sections, that the Federal Government made an appropriation of $3,000,000 for the purchase of supplies for the famine-stricken natives. The exact number of Filipinos who were killed in the differ- ent engagements and those who died from wounds or priva- tions incident to hostilities and reconcentration can not be accur- ately ascertained, but the native population in certain provinces was very seriously reduced. COST OF RETENTION. In addition to this expense already incurred should be calculated the cost of maintaining what sovereignty we have already achieved in the islands, and which sovereignty beyond the range of Amer- ican guns is ineffective for the protection of commercial, indus- trial or transportation enterprises controlled by Americans. Nor is this all. Not to speak of the army of 71,000 in the islands during the first eighteen months there is still a standing army of 15,000 soldiers, which means an annual subtraction from the pro- ducing labor of this country of an adult male population equiva- lent to that of a large city. . In considering the cost of the retention of the Philippines, the fact must be remembered that the coast line of these 1,200 to 1,400 islands constitutes more than 15,000 miles. The coast line of the Philippine Islands is more than twice as long as that of the United States. This renders them peculiarly liable to attack of any hostile power, and the ease with which we took these islands from Spain is but an illustration of how difficult it would be to defend them and how easily they could be taken from us in case of war with a strong naval power. So long as we remained a country geographically isolated with our seaboard cities well for- tified, a great navy was unnecessary, but the holding of col- onies thousands of miles distant from the home government im- poses on that government the responsibility and expense of protect- ing them. TRADE OF THE UNITED STATES WITH THESE ISLANDS PREVIOUS TO AND SINCE OUR OCCUPATION. In the fiscal year ending 1903 the exports from the United States to the Philippines were $4,028,677 and our imports from these is- lands for the same period were $11,372,584. The imports from foreign countries to these islands for the year ending June 30, 1902, were $28,105,948 and the exports were $16,- 229,768. 210 The Philippines. After four years of occupation we find that the United States sells to the Philippine Islands but one-seventh of its imports, and this at a cost of more than $647,000,000 expense to that date for our assertion of sovereignty. But even this shows no actual growth in legitimate commerce, as will appear from examination of the following table from the Treasury Department's Eeport on Commerce and Navigation (p. 833, vol. 2, year 1903). EXPORTS FROM UNITED STATES TO PHILIPPINES FROM 1893 TO 1903. Articles. 1893. 1894. 1895. 1896. 1897. 1898. Agricultural Implements $135 $9,464 $1,592 $1,096 $2,262 $1,462 Animals: Books, maps, engravings, etchings, etc 44 627 48 Breadstuffs 7,873 61 11/293 18.290 10,068 200 Cars, carriages, other vehicles and parts of.. 2,553 2,202 959 5,182 1,707 2,511 Chemicals, drugs, dyes and medicines 1,667 1,453 320 3,390 3,316 3,241 Clocks and watches and parts of 415 2,576 45 Coal 14,450 Cotton, mfg. of: Cloths 2,413 40,684 900 2,527 1,940 1,304 All other 6,031 5,077 2,455 7,187 224 Fruits and nuts 16 29 156 Instruments, etc., for scientific purposes 3,500 4,007 120 676 3,054 2,744 Iron and steel, and mfg. of 9,006 16,388 13,343 10,204 9,036 7,431 Leather, mfg. ef 102 3,611 1,491 3,503 220 1,012 Malt liquors 863 245 1,415 663 337 Oils: mineral, refined 105,936 35,495 67,837 89,958 45,908 65,995 Paper and mfg. of T. 21 20 10 544 Provisions, comprising meat and dairy products 1,700 5,671 396 1,718 544 905 Spirits, distilled , Varnish 2,442 191 2,605 1,500 2,239 3,449 Vegetables 15 571 Wood and"mfg.'of..'.'.V.'...V.V..'.V.V.V.V.V.'.V.V. 826 520 277 262 343 406 All other articles 9,758 19,748 12,782 14,151 12,869 21,826 Total domestic exports 154,378 145,466 119,255 162,341 94,597 127,787 Total foreign exports 105 17 Total exports of merchandise 154,378 145,466 119,255 162,446 94,597 127,804 Articles. 1899. 1900. 1901. 1902. 1903. Agricultural implements $60 $1,725 $3,128 $14,144 $9,203 Animals: Horses 211,550 115,160 i Mules 230,400 117,500 Books, maps, engravings, etchings, etc 4,499 18,770 44,160 140,574 64,901 Breadstuffs 12,599 168,726 570,376 435,444 278,891 Cars, carriages, other vehicles and parts of.... 1,649 54,117 180,696 101,213 77,904 Chemicals, drugs, dyes and medicines 13,748 48,955 38,147 77,224 60,366 Clocks and watches and parts of 2,615 19,014 12,659 53,557 9,459 Coal 100,978 142,633 144,995 210,374 137,617 Cotton, mfg. of: Cloths 1,895 19 457 57,407 161,863 264,947 All other 3,232 lC287 19,907 84,782 51,623 Fruits and nuts 3,869 27,217 18,410 31,249 32,626 Hay 7,820 162,199 323,994 358,816 168,046 Instruments, etc., for scientific purposes 3,040 13,112 35,839 69,400 106,718 Iron and steel, and mfg. of 19,584 383,892 503,127 957,342 657,353 Leather, mfg. of 1,167 32,909 25,449 121,003 147,723 Malt liquors 91,817 563,950 762.176 466,404 310,495 Oils: mineral, refined 46 7,921 119.424 235,397 279,648 Paper and mfg. of 3,145 52,843 66,141 284,788 111,340 Provisions, comprising meat and dairy products 33,090 60,244 47,374 156,863 127,936 Spirits, distilled 40,930 156,252 316,024 185,188 124,875 Varnish 1,617 3,529 6,557 7,611 4,864 Vegetables 1,635 54,814 187,698 58,213 92,551 Wines 10,950 8,397 22,652 24,170 8,397 Wood and mfg. of 7,862 84,127 41,560 418,994 499,563 All other articles 32,411 98,584 233,620 611,398 410,834 Total domestic exports 401,258 2,635,624 4,014.180 5,251.867 4,028,677 Total foreign exports 2,935 4,825 12,844 6,603 10,232 Total exports of merchandise 404,193 2,640,449 4,027,024 5,258,470 4,038,809 The Philippines. 21 1 From the above it will be observed that the total exports of the United States to the Philippines for the six years beginning 1893 and ending 1898, were as follows: For the years 1893 to 1898: 1893, $154,378; 1894, $154,466; 1895, $119,255; 1896, $162,341; 1897, $94,597; 1898, $127,787, a total of $812,824. Annual average, $133,470. For the years 1899 to 1903, inclusive, the expenses were as fol- lows: 1899, $401,258; 1900, $2,635,624; 1901, $4,014,180; 1902, $5,251,867 ; 1903, $4,028,677, a total of $16,331,606. Annual aver- age, $3,266,321. Under the heading "Animals" appear horses, 1900, $211,550; 1901, $115,160; mules, 1900, $230,400; 1901, $117,500. That these horses and mules were sent exclusively for the use of the American troops is shown by the fact that from 1893 to 1899 none were exported, nor were any exported in 1902 and 1903; in these years the American army in the Philippines was being reduced. Under the heading "Books, maps, engravings, etchings, etc.," the aggregate shipments to the Philippine Islands from the United States previous to 1899 did not exceed $719. In 1895, the first year of any shipment, $44, in 1896, $627; in 1897, $48, whereas in the five years of American occupation the shipments were as follows: 1899, $4,499; 1900, $18,770; 1901, $44,160; 1902, $140,- 574, and 1903, $64,901; total for the five years, $272,904. The export of this item fell from $140,574 in 1902 to $64,901 in 1903. This falling off is due first to the fact that many of the English text-books for the American schools in the Philippines were pur- chased in 1902, and also to the fact that the American reading pub- lic in the Philippines was greatly reduced by the return to the United States of a large proportion of the army. "Breadstuffs." In 1896 $18,290 of breadstuffs were exported. This is the largest amount sent previous to 1899. For the year 1899, $12,599; 1900, $168,726; 1901, $570,376; 1902, $435,- 444; 1903, $278,891. In 1900 of the $168,726 for this item $126,- 563 represents 327,741 bushels of oats. Oats are not used as bread- stuffs by the Filipinos, nor even by the Filipino horses, which are fed on native grasses, but are the chief food of American horses and mules. In other words, three-fourths of the so-called breadstuffs shipped in 1900 consisted of oats for the use of the American army. It will be observed that as the army was withdrawn the export of breadstuffs to the Philippines decreased. "Cars, carriages, other vehicles and parts of." The same observa- tion applies, they declined from $180,696 in 1901 to $77,901 in 1903. Even chemicals, drugs, dyes, etc., show a decline from $77,224 in 1902, to $60,366 in 1903. "Cotton, manufactures of" show an increase. "Fruits, nuts, etc." (presumably preserves or canned goods) show a decline of 1902, $358,816 to $168,046 in 1903. 212 The Philippines. "Iron and steel, manufactures of," show a decline from $957,34$ in 1902, to $657,353 in 1903. At this rate of decline we would soon be selling the Philippines even less than the insignificant amount we sold previous to our occupation. Doubtless this last item is ac- counted for by the purchases of the Philippine government for in- ternal improvements, and in no sense represents bona fide purchaser by the producing classes of the Philippines. Malt liquor, including beer, ale, etc., present one of the most in- teresting items in the whole table and demonstrate, by their very small consumption for the years 1893 to 1898, inclusive, during which time only $3,523 worth were exported, that the Filipinos are not large consumers of malt liquors, while the exports for 1899 to 1903, successively, $91,817, $563,950, $762,176, $466,404 and $310,495, make a total for five years of $2,194,842 or 623 times as much as in the previous six years. These figures if scrutinized will show that as the American army was withdrawn the sale of malt liquors decreased. "Oils, mineral and refined." This is accounted for principally by the exports of the Standard Oil Company which have increased throughout the East generally in very much greater ratio than in the Philippines. "Paper, manufacture of," has fallen from $284,788 in 1902 to $111,340 in 1903. Provisions, comprising meat and dairy products, show a decline of $30,000 from 1902 to 1903. Spirits, distilled. No exports previous to 1899. For the years 1899 to 1903, inclusive, the successive years are as follows: 1899, $40,930; 1900, $156,252; 1901, $316,024; 1902, $185,188; 1903, $124,875, making a total of $823,269, showing conclusively that this item was entirely for American use. As the American troops were withdrawn the exports of distilled spirits declined. The next two items, "Woods, manufactures of" and "All other articles" are too indefinite to permit of analysis. While the first item shows an increase of about $71,000 from 1902 to 1903, the next item shows a decline of $200,000. The total exports' from the United States in 1902 were $5,251,- 876. The total exports from the United States in 1903 were $4,- 028,677, showing a decline of $1,223,190. Beyond all question the increased exports have been almost wholly due to the presence of the American army. The withdrawal of that army has in nearly every instance been followed by decrease of expo^s. As a commercial proposition it is not good business to maintain a large army in the Philippines in order to make a foreign market. These Americans if at home would probably have the same tastes, and while perhaps in our temperate climate their consumption of malt liquors and distilled spirits might be less than in the tropics, they would be able to earn more money with which to indulge those tastes. The Philippines. 213 DEDUCTION. Candler, Gillespie, Johnson, McNary, Clark, Glass, Jones, Va. Maddox, Clayton, Gooch, Kehoe, Maynard, Cochran, Mo. Goulden, Keliher, Moon, Tenn-. 282 Resolution to Investigate Post-Office Department. Padgett, Rixey, Smith, Tex. Thompson, Page, Robb, Snook, Trimble, Patterson, N. C. Robertson, La. Southall, Underwood, Patterson, Tenn. Robinson, Ark. Spight, Van Duzer, Pierce, Robinson, Ind. Stanley, Wade, Pinckney, Russell, Stephens, Tex. Webb, Pou, Ryan, Sullivan. Mass. Wiley, Ala. Pujo, Sheppard, Swanson, Williams, 111. Rainey, Shober, Talbott, Willams, Miss. Randell, Tex. Sims, Tate, Wynn. Ransdell, La. Slayden, Taylor, Richardson, Ala. Small, Thayer, Richardson, Tenn . Smith, Ky. Thomas, N. C. ANSWERED "PRESENT"- -8. Deemer, Houston, Rhea, ' Stevens, Minn. Flood, Lester, Smith, Iowa Van Voorhis. NOT VOTIJSTGk-96. Acheson, Dresser, Kyle, Ruckner, Aiken, Evans, Lafean, Ruppert, Ames, Fitzpatrick, Landis, Frederick Scarborough, Bankhead, Flack, Lever. Scott, Bartholdt, Fordney. Lewis. Scudder, Beidler, Foster, 111. Littauer, Shackleford, Bell, Cal. Fowler, Lorimer, Sherley, Bowersock, French, Loud, Sherman, Bowie, Garber, McDermott, Shull. Bradley, Gardner, Mass. McLiiin, Smith, N. Y. Breazeale, Goldfogle, McMorran, Sparkman, Brick, Granger, Macon, Sullivan, N. Y. Broussard, Grosvenor, Mahon, Sulzer, Burnett, Gudger, Mahoney, Thomas, Iowa Butler, Mo. Hardwick, Martin, Vandiver, Capron, Hildebrant, Meyer, La. Wadsworth, Cassingham, Hitchcock, Miers, Ind. Wallace, Castor, Hitt, Mondell, Warner, Davidson, Huff, Moon, Pa. Weems, Davis, Fla. Hull, Nevin, Weisse, Dick. Hunter, Patterson, Pa. Wiley, N. J. Dickerman, Jackson, Md. Powers, Me. Wilson, N. Y. Dinsmore, Kitchin, Claude Reid, Wright, Douglas, Knopf, Rider, Zenor. So the motion to lay the appeal on the table was agreed to. The Clerk announced the following pairs: For the session : Mr. Deemer with Mr. Shull. Mr. Hunter with Mr. Rhea. Mr. Patterson of Pennsylvania with Mr. Sherman with Mr. Ruppert. Mr. Dickerman. Until further notice : Mr. Hitt with Mr. Dinsmore. Mr. Lorimer with Mr. Mahoney. Mr. Mahon with Mr. Houston. Mr. Weems with Mr. Rider. Mr. Lafean with Mr. Aiken. Mr. Bartholdt with Mr. Bowie. Mr. Beidler with Mr. Foster of Til. Mr. Hildebrant with Mr. Bell of Cal. Mr. Warner with Mr. Davis of Fla. Mr. French with Mr. Lever. Mr. Martin with Mr. Butler, of Mo. Resolution to Investigate Post-Office Department. 283 Mr. Van Voorhis with Mr. Cassing-Mr. Scott with Mr. Sullivan of N. Y. ham. Mr. Dick with Mr. Meyer of La. Mr. Fordney with Mr. Claude Kitchin.Mr. Powers of Me. with Mr. Sherley. Mr. Knopf with Mr. Weisse. Mr. Kyle with Mr. Barber. Mr. Davidson with Mr. Sparkman. Mr. Thomas of Iowa with Mr. Lewis. Mr. Stevens of Minnesota with Mr.Mr. Brick with Mr. Miers of Ind. Vandiver. For one week : Mr. Wright with Mr. Flood. Mr. Smith of la. with Mr. Hardwick. For this day : Mr. Hull with Mr. Macon. Mr. Bradley with Mr. Bankhead. Mr. Bowersock with Mr. Broussard. Mr. Douglas with Mr. Goldfogle. Mr. Grosvenor with Mr. Lester. Mr. Dresser with Mr. Breazeale. Mr. Capron with Mr. Burnett. Mr. Evans with Mr. Fitzpatrick. Mr. Acheson with Mr. Granger. Mr. Fowler with Mr. McDermott. Mr. McMorran with Mr. Scudder. Mr. Gardner of Massachusetts with Mr. Smith of N. Y. with Mr. Sulzer. Mr. Hitchcock. Mr. Littauer with Mr. Wilson ofMr. Wadsworth with Mr. Zenor. New York. Mr. Mondell with Mr. Gudger. Mr. Huff with Mr. Reid. Mr. Flack with Mr. Scarborough. Mr. Loud with Mr. Shackleford. Mr. Castor with Mr. McLain. Mr. Frederick Landis with Mr. Wal- lace. Mr. VAN VOORHIS. Mr. Speaker, I am paired with my col- league, Mr. Cassingham, and I desire to withdraw my vote. The Clerk called the name of Mr. Van Voorhis, and he an- swered "present." The result of the vote was announced as above recorded. POST-OFFICE INVESTIGATION IN THE SENATE. April 12, Mr. Gorman's amendment to the Post- Office appro- priation bill, adding the following section, was taken up: "Sec. 1(5. That a commission, consisting of three members of the Sen- ate, to be appointed by the President pro tempore of the Senate, and five Members of the House of Representatives, to be appointed by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, is hereby created to investigate the status of the postal laws of the United States, with a view of determin- ing whether changes therein or additions thereto are necessary, and to make inquiry into the conduct and expenditures of the Post-Office De- partment, and especially inquire whether there has been extravagance, violations of law, or corruption in the administration of the affairs of the Post-Office Department. "The Postmaster-General shall detail from time to time such officers and employees of the Post-Office Department as may be requested by said commission in its investigation. "For the purposes of the investigation said commission is authorized to sit during the recess of Congress, to send for persons and papers, and. through the chairman of the commission or the chairman of any subcommittee thereof, to administer oaths and to examine witnesses and papers respecting all matters pertaining to the duties of said commission. Said commission shall, on or before December 5, 1904, make report to 284 Resolution to Investigate Post-Office Department. Congress, which report shall embrace the testimony and evidence taken in the course of investigation, and conclusions reached by said commission on the several subjects examined, and any recommendation said commis- sion may see proper to make, by bill or otherwise, with a view of cor- recting any deficiencies in the law, or abuses, or violations of law, or corruption, in the administration of said Department. "That any vacancy occurring in the membership of said commission, by resignation or otherwise, shall be filled by the presiding officer of the Senate or House of Representatives, respectively, according as the va- cancy occurs in the Senate or House of Representatives on said Com- mission." Mr. Lodge moved to lay this amendment on the table, and on this motion there was a yea and nay vote (p. 4872, Congressional Rec- ord, April 12, 1904) ; yeas 40, all Kepublicans; nays 19, all Demo- crats; not voting 31. YEAS— 40. Aldrich, Cullom, Gamble, Nelson, Alger, Dick, Hansbrough, Penrose, Allee, Dietrich, Heyburn, Perkins, Ankeny, Dolliver, Hepburn, Piatt, Conn. Ball, Fairbanks, Hopkins, Proctor, Bard, Foraker, Kean, Smoot, Beveridge, Foster, Wash. Kittredge, Spooner, Burnham, Frye, Lodge, Stewart, Burrows, Fulton, Long, Warren, Clark, Wyo. Gallinger, McComas, Mitchell, Wetmore. NAYS— 19. Bacon, Gorman, Martin, Simmons, Berry, Latimer, Money, Stone, Blackburn, McCreary, Morgan, Teller, Daniel, McLaurin, Newlands, Tillman. Dubois, Mallory, Overman, NOT VOTING— 31. Allison, Clay, Gibson, Patterson, Bailey, Cockrell, Hale, Pettus, Bate, Culberson, Hawley, Piatt, N. Y. Burton, Depew, Hoar, Quarlies, Carmack, Dillingham, Kearns, Quay, Clapp, Dryden, McCumber, Scott, Clark, Mont. Elkins, McEnery, Taliaferro. Clarke, Ark. Foster, La. Millard, CONSTITUTIONALISM. EDWARD M. SHEPARD, REPLYING TO MESSRS. HAY AND ROOT, PLEADS FOR A "RETURN TO RESPECT FOR LAW" AS THE FIRST REFORM NEEDED IN THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. A Summing Up of the Real Issues of the Campaign and a Plain Statement of the Democratic Position. Republican Pretensions Dissected, and the Real Sources of our National Prosperity Set Forth. SPEECH OF EDWARD M. SHEPARD AT BENNINGTON, VERMONT, AUGUST 31, 1904. It is natural enough to talk for Parker and Davis at Benning- ton. For their campaign is only a later chapter in that long struggle for liberty and law and order and equal rights, an ear- lier battle in which ennobled these fields of yours. In this cam- paign of 1904, the Democratic party demands public as well as private obedience to law, public as well as private practice of peace, a scrupulous assertion and defense by all in authority under the United States of the sacred and fundamental American right of self-government, the abolition of the monopolies created by that system of corrupting special privilege miscalled "protection," a return to public economy and simplicity of life in official station and a resolute investigation of the federal department. It is with these timely and living questions that we ask the country to deal at this election. If the Democratic program represent, on the one hand, genuine and courageous progress along the only true path for a free and industrial people, on the other hand, it represents nothing new, but only a return to original American doctrine. The soundness of that doctrine has been demonstrated by the splendid and benefi- cent results of our general trend of obedience to it during a cen- tury and more. It has been demonstrated hardly less by the cor- ruptions and calamities which have followed departures or excep- tions from it whenever made by our people or by our national ad- ministration. The departures and exceptions are serious indeed which the present Eepublican administration proposes, and some of which it has carried out, from this body of doctrine. The Democratic party, on the other hand, finds its necessity, if not its duty, in a vindication of the original ideals upon which the prosperity of our republic and the glory of its citizenship have been built up. The campaign is truly concerned with underlying tendencies even more than with the instant decision of concrete and practical prob- lems. We are asked to say by our votes what kind of an office 286 Constitutionalism. we would have the American presidency be, — to what kind of moral and material end we would have the American people direct their marvellous energies. The speech of Mr. Hay, the Secretary of State, on the fiftieth anniversary of the organization of the Republican party, at Jack- son, Michigan, on July 6th, and the speech of Mr. Root, lately Secretary of War, as chairman of the Republican convention at Chicago, on June 21st, were evidently prepared in concert, and long before their delivery, to be read together as the chief authorized appeal of the Republican party. Two million copies are said to have been distributed, — all handsomely and, if the title page be credible, "privately" printed. They have, and with skill and elo- quence, said the best that can be said for Mr. Roosevelt's election. And in their speeches I find an all-sufficient Democratic text. For their fundamental note is one of fear lest the American people shall believe that the Republican effort during its last seven years of renewed power has been to tear the republic from its long and splendid progress in democratic freedom and humanity. Their claim is that, after all, there does not rest upon them any burden of proof that the new departure is wise. For their audacious affirmation is that there has been no new departure, — that we have all misunderstood the President's speeches about our new "world power" and the rest of his strident and boastful talk. The chief Republican orators now say that recent Republican achievement and policy have been soberly and patiently kept within old and tried traditions. REPUBLICANS ON THE DEFENSIVE. Notwithstanding their manner of jubilant assertion, they are, in substance, speeches of conscious defense and even anxious excuse. They rest the case for Mr. Roosevelt's election upon four propositions. They say, first, that our increase in pop- ulation, wealth and power since their party came in power in 1861 is an all-sufficient demonstration that Republican power means prosperity, and that Demorfatic power means ad- versity. They say, secondly, that the Republican party of our day is a faithful and scrupulous follower of Abraham Lincoln; that they who would have the Republic continue upon the humanitarian impulse which dominated our politics from and after the Chicago platform of 1860, must remain in the Republican party, for its policy since 1897 has been the flower and fruit of that very impulse. Thirdly, they say that the present tariff has created and now preserves the industrial welfare of the United States and its high rates of wages and profits; that its main- tenance is the first and most sacred of political causes; and that it ought not to be readjusted or revised. And their fourth propo- sition is that President Roosevelt's three years of genuine power, since he escaped from the immediate shadow of his predecessor's death, prove him to be a statesman of "far-sighted wisdom," of "endless patience," of "serious reflection," one who "takes infinite Constitutionalism. 287 pains to get at the facts before he acts/' whose maxim is that "the laws in this country are made to be obeyed whether it is safe or not," and the thought oftenest in whose heart "in times of doubt and difficulty * * * is 'What in such a case would Lincoln have done?'" Such is the Republican case deliberately presented by the most skillful of Republican advocates. Does it fit the common sense and common knowledge of the American people? INCREASE IN WEALTH IS DUE TO REPUBLICANS? Take the first proposition. Is it true that our increase in wealth and prosperity since the rise of the Republican party has been its work, its glory? Was it an appeal to truth for Mr. Hay to treat as the result of "Fifty Years of the Republican Party" our increase in population between 1850 and 1900, our fourfold in- crease in farming acreage, our five-fold increase in corn crop and six-fold increase in wheat crop, our increase in manufacturing capital from $500,000,000 to $10,000,000,000? Does any argu- ment deserve less respect from one who has mastered that first rule of reasoning which bids him not infer that event A is the effective and sole cause of event B merely because in order of time event B comes with or after event A? Were there not in the United States fertile soil and moderate suns and rains, the brains and hands and inventive genius of American men and women, liberty, law and order, — all these before there was a Re- publican party; and were not they the prime cause of our pros- perity? The growth of American population and wealth between the peace of 1783 and the inauguration of John Adams in 1797 was but a small fraction of the like growth under McKinley and Roosevelt. And in those fourteen years, — the years when Franklin and Jefferson and Hamilton and Madison, under the auspices of the noble, unboastful character of the Father of his Country, estab- lished our republic, — our material growth in absolute figures was small indeed, — our railroad mileage nought. Were those earlier statesmen dwarfs, therefore, in comparison with the latter-day Titans, who have dwelt in the White House since March, 1897?' What years, O American men and women, have done more, mate- rial and moral, than those early ones for their own generation, what years more for this very Twentieth Century prosperity of ours ? Is it the Lincoln doctrine, — or was it ever, — that the merit of moral and political causes is measurable by the wealth and lux- ury accumulated at the very time of their operation? Is it not the doctrine of prophets and apostles and the lesson of all prac- tical history, that self-denial, simplicity, economy, righteousness, sobriety, lead on, — not instantly but after patient years, — to power and wealth? Would not Republican orators give better promise for future fruits of present day Republican administration, — if they could rather and truly claim for their party under President 288 Constitutionalism. Roosevelt an enforcement of equal rights, a rigorous economy, a punctilious regard for law? "PRESENT WEALTH, PRESENT VIRTUE," A SHALLOW SOPHISTRY. But if this doctrine of Present wealth, therefore present virtue in present ruling politics, be not a shallow sophistry, still see with what absurd unfairness it is applied. Do Republican apologists say, — dare they say, — what alone would be relevant to the polit- ical problem, that during the forty-four years since their party came into power, the progress of our country has been as great, from year to year, as during the sixty years of general Demo- cratic supremacy before the Civil War? If the Republican party may justly ask another lease of power because from 1860 to 1900 our population increased from 31,000,000 to 76,000,000 or 36 per cent, per decade, why may not the Democrats with greater jus- tice ask their return to power because from 1800 to 1860, the in- crease was from 5,300,000 to 31,443,000 or 82 per cent, in each decade.* Was not the increase in the decade, 1850-1860, — and in spite of slavery,— from 23,000,000 to 31,000,000, or at the same rate as in the decades, 1860-1900? If the increase in total wealth between 1860 and 1900 was from $16,000,000,00.0 to $90,000,000,- 000, or 116 per cent, per decade, and in wealth per capita of pop- ulation from $513.92 to $1,235.86 or 35 per cent, per decade, — was not the Democratic increase in total wealth between 1850 and 1860 from $7,000,000,000 to $16,000,000,000 or 128 per cent, for the decade, being still larger than the Republican, and in wealth per capita from $307.69 to $513.93, or at the rate of 67 per cent, for the decade, — nearly double the Republican rate? Although the value of farms and farm property increased from $7,980,000,000 in 1860 to $20,514,000,000 in 1900 or at the rate of 39 per cent, in each decade, was not the increase from $3,967,- 000,000 in 1850 to $7,980,000,000 in 1860, or at the rate of 100 per cent, per decade ; and were not, therefore, Democratic aus- pices far more favorable to prosperity than Republican? Al- though the corn crop increased from 838 million bushels in 1860 to 2,105 millions in 1900 or at the rate of 37 per cent, in each decade, was not the increase from 377 millions in 1840 to 838 millions in 1860, or at the rate of 61 per cent, in each decade; and if, therefore, we wish large increase in the next four years, ought we not to prefer a Democratic president? Even if the wheat crop increased from 173 millions of bushels in 1860 to 552 millions in 1900, or at the rate of 50 per cent, in each de- cade, did it not increase from 84,000,000 in 1840 to 173,000,000 in 1860, or at the larger rate of 53 per cent, per decade ? * All my statistics are taken from the Summary of Commerce and Finance for May, 1904, issued by the Bureau of Statistics, Department of Commerce and Labor. For totaf wealth and other data before 1850, there are no official figures. In each case the percentages are computed upon the earlier figure given. Constitutionalism. 289 HOW ABOUT INCREASES OF WEALTH UNDER DEMOCRATIC RULE? If this kind of argument be fit, what shall he said of the in- crease in wealth under Democratic auspices from $7,000,000,000 to $16,000,000,000, in 1850-1860, or at the decade rate of 128 per cent., as against the increase under Republican auspices dur- ing the decade 1890-1900 from $65,000,000,000 to $94,000,000,- 000 or at the rate of only 44.6 per cent? Or what shall be said of the increases in wealth per person throughout the United States in the decade 1850-1860 from $307.69 to $519.93, or at the dec- ade rate of 67 per cent, as against the corresponding increase un- der Republican auspices in 1890-1900 from $1,038.57 to $1,235.86 or at the decade rate of only 19 per cent. ? Or what shall be said of the increase in export of American manufactures of iron and steel from $52,144 in 1800 to $5,870,114 in 1860, or an average rate of 1859 per cent, per decade, as against the Republican in- crease from $5,870,114 in 1850 to $121,913,548 (at the abnor- mally high figures of 1900), or an average increase per decade of only 494 per cent. ? Or what shall be said, and perhaps more reasonably, of the increase under Democratic rule in our export of agricultural products from $25,000,000 in 1800 to $256,000,000 in 1860, an average of 150 per cent, per decade, as against the increase under Republican rule from $256,000,000 in 1860 to $835,000,000 in 1900, an average of only 56 per cent, per decade? What shall be said of the Democratic increase in our total do- mestic merchandise exported from $31,000,000 in 1800 to $316,- 000,000 in 1860, or an average Democratic increase of 153 per cent, per decade, as against the Republican increase from $316,- 000,000 in 1860 to $1,370,000,000 in 1900, an increase of only 83.5 per cent, per decade? Or what shall be said of the Demo- cratic increase in American tonnage engaged in foreign trade from 669,921 in 1800 to 2,546,237 in 1860, a Democratic increase per decade of 46 per cent., as against the decrease from 2,546,237 in 1860 to 826,694 in 1900, a Republican decrease of 16 per cent, per decade? Or what shall be said of the Democratic increase of tonnage engaged in domestic trade from 301,919 in 1800, to 2,807,631 in 1860, a Democratic increase of 138 per cent, per decade, as against the Republican increase from 2,807,631 in 1860 to 4,338,145 in 1900, or only 13 per cent, per decade? If the increase in railroad mileage be so significant a Republican glory, is it not fit to point out that under Democratic auspices the mile- age increased from 23 miles in 1830 to 30,626 in 1860; or, if this be a crowding of the argument, then that the increase under Democratic auspices in 1850-1860 was from 9,021 to 30,626, a decade increase of 239 per cent., as against the increase from 161,276 in 1890 to 194,334 in 1900, or at the decade rate of only 20.5 per cent. MORE DEMOCRATIC BENEFITS. Or shall we take the increase in total manufactures, which is the glory of the protectionists? We have not the official figures 290 Constitutionalism. before 1850 which would, no doubt, show enormous proportional increases. Let us, as we must, begin with 1850. The Democratic increase for 1850-1860 was from $1,019,000 to $1,885,000,000, or at the decade rate of 84 per cent. But in 1890-1900 the Re- publican and "protected" increase (allowing the abnormally high prices of 1900) was from $9,372,000,000 to $13,039,000,000, or at the decade rate of only 39.2 per cent. Is it not significant that, while the total manufacturing product increased in 1890- 1900 bv 39 per cent., the increase in wages and salaries paid em- ployees was from only $2,283,000,000 to $2,735,000,000 or at the decade rate of 19.8 per cent., being only one-half the ratable in- crease in the manufacturing output. So it is to be noticed that, while population increased in 1850-1860 by 35 per cent., the in- crease in manufacturing output was 84 per cent., or 2.5 times the rate of population increase ; but that the population increase from 1890-1900 was 21.8 per cent., while the increase in wealth was 39.2 per cent., or only 1.81 times the population increase. In- deed, in whatever just way the figures of even manufacturing growth are treated, they tell for the period of Democratic rule and greater economic liberty. The Republican orators and campaign book refer to the recent great increase in exports of domestic products as a crushing proof that, even if foreign trade be considered, Republican administra- tion and a high protective tariff are best. Did not, — so they say, —exports increase from $316,000,000 in 1860 to $1,370,000,000 in 1900, a per decade increase of 83 per cent, upon the amount in 1860? But here again it is easy to explode their argument. For the increase in 1850-1860 was from $134,000,000 to $316,- 000,000, or at the decade rate of 134 per cent., — a Democratic rate of increase under a revenue tariff half as large again as the Republican and "protected" rate of increase. From 1890 to 1905 the increase was from $845,000,000 to $1,392,000,000, or at an annual rate of 4.9 per cent., being less than half the Democratic rate of 13.4 per cent, in 1850-1860. THE YEARS OF OUR GREATER GROWTH. Mr. Hay ventured to include the decade 1850-1860 in his fig- ures of Republican glory. Yet those were years of Democratic power; and the Walker tariff, enacted by Democrats in 1846 for revenue only, was in effect. Is there anything so truth telling in the vast masses of figures in the Republican campaign book as the fact it would conceal, that those were years of greater ratable growth in material things than any our country has since known? I cannot leave this mass of figures, made necessary by the al- most overwhelming dependence of the Republicans upon the "pros- perity" argument, without asking you to think of another point. Does it not illustrate the debasing effect upon the latter-day morale of the Republican party produced by its change of dominant purpose from the restraint of human slavery to the maintenance and tightening of the shackles of a "protective" tariff, that Messrs. Constitutionalism. 291 Hay and Root and the authors of the Eepublican campaign book have made no allowance for the regenerative and stimulating effect of the abolition of slave labor? If other things were equal, the rates of industrial increase from I860, when in nearly half the country the labor was chiefly crude, wasteful, hopeless labor of slavery, to 1900, when all labor was free, ought to have exceeded those of the preceding decade, instead of to have fallen so far below them. WERE THE REPUBLICANS RESPONSIBLE FOR THESE PANICS? Do you still, Messrs. Root and Hay, stand to this kind of argu- ment? If you do, let me further ask how sound is the reason- ing, — how sincere it is, — that accords a sudden and complete oper- ation to governmental methods or economic policies more than to the habits of a man or the customs of a people. Do they pro- duce their full effect at the very moment? Or, in the field to be ploughed by statesmen, does effect follow cause as it does else- where? Was the profound commercial depression in 1873-1879 the result of mistakes of Gen. Grant in his second term and of Mr. Hayes in his first two or three years? Or did it follow deep, widespread influences operative for many years preceding 1873, including not only the necessary waste of the war to save the Union and abolish slavery, but not less seriously the Republican issues of paper money, the indirect injury wrought by the demor- alization of an even just and necessary war, and the private ex- travagance and speculation incident to large governmental ex- penditure? If, as every sensible man knows, such an industrial and business condition must follow long-time causes, then so far as they are due to what government does or om^ts to do, was not such commercial depression chiefly due to policies of the Repub- lican party? Was the cause of the crisis of 1893-1897 the mere fact of an election in November, 1892? Is it a fit thing for the Republican advocates to ignore the potent influence of the Mc- Kinley tariff bill, of the vast increase in pensions under the bill signed by President Harrison, — even more the undermining and disastrous effect upon business confidence of the operation of the Sherman silver law and the financial disturbances at the same time throughout the world ? WILSON-GORMAN BILL NOT CAUSE OF DEPRESSION. And how much honest intelligence is there in the Republican affirmation that the Wilson tariff law, enacted on August 25, 1894, produced a crisis which, gathering during President Har- rison's last year, openly broke upon the country in May, 1893, seventeen months before any tariff change? So far as the ap- parent prosperity which, returning before President Cleveland last left the White House, as it had departed before his Repub- lican predecessor, President Harrison, left it, continued for sev- eral years, is to be ascribed to any president, it must be ascribed to him, if effect follow cause. The white sails of commercial venture and industrial enterprise which, since then, have been 292 Constitutionalism. blown out and rounded, are now coming more and more to an ominous shiver; and more cautious Republican statesmen already point out that their party is not to be condemned merely because hard times come when it is in power. But if the Eepublican party ought not to be thus condemned, it is simply because the chief argument made by its orators and its official campaign book is grossly unsound. But reject this insolent claim of credit to Republican administration for what during the first century and more of our freedom, splendidly resulted from our long and per- sistent rejection of the devices of imperialism with its great ar- mies and navies and extravagant administration and foreign med- dling, — from our vast area of interior free trade, from our soil and climate and mines and rivers and forests and, most of all, from our free men, jealous of their own rights and respectful of others, and of their industrial genius, which is truly an item and result of their love of liberty, — reject this preposterous claim, — and the Republican case is naked indeed. Although the chief Republican dependence is thus laid upon the argument that we made money, or seemed to make it, and that prices were high under McKinley and Roosevelt, and that the money-making and the high prices were due to Republican ad- ministration and legislation, the Republicans still reluctantly per- ceive that moral feeling plays a real part with American voters. So, as a second argument, Messrs. Hay and Root, and even the sordid pages of the Republican campaign book, affirm a moral kinship between Abraham Lincoln and the statesmen who con- trol their politics in 1904, between the men and women who gave the all necessary religious and humanitarian uplift to the anti- slavery struggle and the war for the Union, and, on the other hand, the vast corporate and business influences which, by and for their own profit, dominate the Republican party. To these influences even its gallant and strenuous candidate has, — after his much protesting eloquence to the contrary in 1902 and 1903, — been compelled to completely submit with promises not again to "run amuck/' and not again to treat the tariff question as open, even to the extent to which President McKinley at the last held that the welfare of the country required it to be open. Surely the claim to this kinship needs only to be stated to refute itself. PROTECTION NOT MENTIONED IN 1861. What part, indeed, did a protective tariff play in the national uprising of 1861? How much was it discussed in the Lincoln- Douglas debates of 1858, or Lincoln's Cooper Union speech of 1859, or the important speeches, Republican or Democratic, of 1860 or 1864? It was not mentioned. The Republican platform of 1856 said not one word in behalf of protection nor did it men- tion the tariff, although the Walker tariff — a tariff for revenue, and not for protection — had been in operation' ten years. The Republican platform of 1860 did not refer to protection or a pro- tective tariff. In one of the later and subordinate clauses of the Constitutionalism. 293 platform it did declare that, "while providing revenue * * * by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjust- ment of these impositions as to encourage the development of the industrial interest of the whole country/' But even this vague suggestion, which might mean high or low protective du- ties, or no protective duties whatever, made no part of the cam- paign. Lincoln did not refer to it in his letter of acceptance or in his inaugural. In 1864 the Republican platform made not a single reference to protection or the tariff; nor did Lincoln in his acceptance or inaugural. Something from Abraham Lincoln in behalf of a high pro- tective tariff would be precious, indeed, to the Republicans of to- day. But they can find nothing. For even their campaign book the best they can do is to pick out a few sentences from speeches of Mr. Lincoln in 1843 and 1847, a dozen and more years before he was President, and even before he was in Congress, in which he declared that the justification of a protective duty would be its result in establishing some new industry in our country, so as to secure the goods to the consumer at a cheaper rate than he could bring them from abroad. The modern Republican idea that the use of a protective tariff is to keep prices high to the American consumer in order that the profits of other Americans engaged in gigantic and long established industries shall be increased, would have been as abhorrent to Abraham Lincoln as it is to Judge Parker. Even in 1868 when, the war being three years ended, business questions began to be thought of, the Republican party said not a word in behalf of a protective tariff, but, rather to the contrary, declared that "it is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should be equalized and reduced as rapidly as the national faith will permit;" and General Grant in his letter of acceptance was equally silent on this question. Could there have been Repub- lican success in 1860 or 1864 or even 1868 unless Walker tariff men and even free traders whose economic views remained un- changed, had not left the Democratic party for the Anti-Slavery party? Would not that success have been defeat if Chase, Sum- ner, Blair, Bates, John M. Palmer, Trumbull and a host of other former Democrats and believers in low duties had not, — and be- cause the tariff was not in question, — joined the Republican party? Are you not, Mr. Hay, forgetful, very forgetful, when you say that "only those who believe in human rights and * * * who believe in the American system of protection * * * have any title to name themselves by the name of Lincoln, or to claim a moral kinship with that august and venerated spirit?"* And what part did colonial exploitation of inferior races or weaker countries, or the policy of "big stick" suzerainty over the * Mr. Hay, in "Fifty Years of the Republican Party." 294 Constitutionalism. republics to the south of us, or the policy of the "strong man armed" in the trade and territorial disputes of foreign countries, play in the politics conceived or directed by Lincoln or his party? If, in 1854, the Democratic party boasted the Ostend manifesto in behalf of a conquest of Cuba, did it not result in Democratic shame and disaster? If Seward, at the head of a Republican cabinet, a month after Lincoln's inauguration, secretly urged his chief to avoid domestic difficulties by plunging us into an Euro- pean war, did not Mr. Hay's own disclosure in his Lincoln biog- raphy of the secret well nigh blast Seward's reputation for states- manship? Quote, Mr. Root and Mr. Hay, if you can, any re- membered and honored utterances of honored Republican states- men before McKinley's presidency, in behalf of your foreign and colonial policy. Quote, if you dare, the Republican platform as- sertion in 1856, that "the maintenance of the principles pro- mulgated in the Declaration of Independence is essential to the preservation of our Republican institutions," that the "highway- man's appeal" that "might makes right" would "hring shame and dishonor upon any government or people." Or quote the Republican declaration of 1860 that the doctrine that govern- ments derive "their just powers from the consent of the governed," is "essential to the preservation of our republican institutions." Or quote the platform declaration by the Republican party in 1868 of its "sympathy with all oppressed peoples struggling for their rights," and of its solemn recognition of "the great prin- ciples laid down in the immortal Declaration of Independence as the true foundation of democratic government." If to these challenges you must remain dumb, are you not, truly in Mr. Hay's eloquent words, guilty of "sacrilege to try to trade upon that benignant renown" of the humanitarian Lincoln "whose light 'folds in this orb o' the earth' ?" REPUBLICANS FIGHT TARIFF REVISION. The Republican note is, I admit, more sincere in the third of the four chief propositions of their campaign. The mass of the Republican party, — some of its leaders, and all of the practically monopolistic interests which control its economic policies, — do believe, really and earnestly, that American prosperity and the high standard of American industry depend upon very large "pro- tective" duties. If many of their chief leaders or statesmen, like Secretary Blaine in 1889 or President McKinley in 1901 (or like even President Roosevelt in 1902), have at last become skep- tical and suggest their doubts, — or if the Iowa idea of some tariff revision and reduction be held in the northwest or by Republican managers of various hampered industries in Massachusetts and elsewhere in the East, — such doubts or liberalities do not, and will not, practically affect Republican legislation. The limits of even this long speech prohibit discussion of the great issue which Dem- ocrats wisely and courageously raise by their assertion that the system called "protection," — that is to say, the support of specially Constitutionalism. 295 favored interests by duties, payment of which is enforced upon the whole people, — is a "robbery/ 7 and by the Republican vin- dication of it as a "cardinal policy" to be followed. I point out, however, that, notwithstanding the former urgency of both Mr. McKinley and Mr. Roosevelt for revision of tariff schedules in the interest of larger export trade, the Republican party is now pledged, not only against revision, but against dis- cussion whatever of the question. The citizens who would undo any injustice in the tariff or let down any of its obstructions by partial repeals or reciprocity treaties, or who would have light shed upon the operation in detail of its multifariously complicated system constructed by "give and take" between the attorneys of special interests before Ways and Means and Finance Committees, is peremptorily refused any relief if Mr. Roosevelt be elected. The policy of "stand pat" means that, under Republican auspices, no committee shall investigate, nor House of Congress consider, the working of the tariff. On this subject there must be mute •obedience as before a deity. If the manufacture of steel and iron be no longer an "infant industry" to be cherished, but a practical monopoly within the American republic, out of whose profits the vastest fortunes in the world have been built up, — if it sell its products to foreign- ers more cheaply than to Americans, — nevertheless there must be silence. If its charter of monopoly in the Dingley tariff or any other schedule of that law is found to be unjust or corrupt or oppressive, — still they are never to be revised until those who have made them thus vicious shall choose to revise them. Judge Parker has pointed out that, since the Senate must be Republican during the next four years, no tariff reform can be enacted with- out Republican support; but he promises, if elected, an effort to obtain that support, and, in any event, a presentation of the cause to public opinion from the vantage ground of the presidency of the United States. WHAT A VOTE FOR ROOSEVELT MEANS AS TO THE TARIFF. A vote for Mr. Roosevelt, on the other hand, is a vote that not even an effort at tariff reform, — even the slightest measure of it, — shall be made, and that every iniquity of the Dingley schedules shall be borne in silence. The Republican platform declares that, when England "agitates a return to protection, the chief protective country should not falter in maintaining it." This praise of Mr. Chamlberlain for his policy of defensively economical warfare against the United States finds a fit place in the Republican creed. They applaud the retaliatory blow aimed at ourselves, so much are they in love with any blow given by any nation to another. THE "THEODORE ROOSEVELT HIMSELF" PLEA. The fourth and last important Republican argument is Pres- ident Roosevelt himself. To many, whether for or against him, it is the first argument, although prudent Republican advocates dare not, or at least do not, give it that rank. If Americans re- 296 Constitutionalism. fuse to ascribe the fruits of their soil and sun and rain and in- dustry and skill and invention to Eepublican presidents, or to credit the assertion that the cause of the prosperity of a nation at a given time is in its present politics rather than in the long time past operation of deep dynamic causes; if they refuse to find "moral kinship" between those who struggled to free the slaves and save the Union, and those who now refuse self-govern- ment to the Philippines and by law saddle the vast profits of mo- nopolistic interests upon the people at large; if they do not deem the system of excluding foreign goods offered in exchange for theirs to be the chief support of American prosperity, — if these reasons will not secure their support, nevertheless will they not vote for Theodore Eoosevelt? Is he not the "type of noble man- hood," of "gentle birth and breeding," with the "sensibility of a poet," and the "steel nerve of a rough rider," — a man of "honor, truth, courage, purity of life, domestic virtue, love of country, loyalty to high ideals"? For these qualities, it is as easy, — Mr. Hay delightfully says, — to talk of him as "to sing the glory of the Graeme." But, however gladly we accord all this to Mr. Eoosevelt, we may still thank God that such praise is not sound argument. For, unless by "gentle birth and breeding" there be meant the President's inheritance of wealth and superior opportunities in education and social life, Alton B. Parker is, in all these things, his equal, as are tens of thousands, and more, of Americans who will never be named for any office. The argument for Theodore Eoosevelt, distinct from his party and his political program, can- not, as Mr. Hay and Mr. Eoot well knew, be rested upon these virtues. Not only are they common in our country, but men having all of them have, as rulers, done their countries infinite harm. For their purposes, therefore, these adroit Eepublican apol- ogists wisely ascribe to him certain far rarer, — even if. not purer, — virtues of the really great ruler. His "far sighted wisdom," his habits of "long meditation and well reasoned conviction," of "se- rious reflection," of taking "infinite pains to get at the facts be- fore he acts," of "endless patience," of living up to the maxim that "The laws of the country are made to be obeyed," — these are the faculties which the Eepublican orators deem it fit and far more relevant to ascribe to him. They know what the American people require. These faculties are, indeed, those of true states- manship. ROOSEVELT'S NEWLY DISCOVERED QUALITIES. But, honor bright, Messrs. Hay and Eoot, can you sincerely af- firm them of Theodore Eoosevelt? And, oh, Secretary Hay, what are we to say of your supreme tribute to the "ardent and able young statesman," who is your chief, that "in times of doubt and dif- ficulty the thought oftenest in his heart is, 'What in such a case would Lincoln have done?'" If, after the new fashion of which we are advised, your manuscript were not submitted to the Pres- Constitutionalism. 297" ident, — still doubtless you were right that in that amazing asser- tion you were "violating neither the confidence of a friend nor the proprieties." But would it have violated either if you had let us know what act or utterance of Lincoln was in the Presi- dent's heart on his three days' recognition of Panama, or on his- executive extension of the pension law, or on his threat against the South American republics, or during his long continued and truly "ardent" advocacy of a great navy, or in his long and sys- tematic preaching of the "strong man armed" and the "big stick," or when he sent to his somewhat dull convention at Chicago that true rough rider's telegram that we must have "Perdicaris alive or Eaissuli dead." The President's three years' occupancy of the centre of the stage have made the American people understand this part of his character and political habit. His personal charm will, I believe, earn him many votes; the false argument that Eepublican supremacy and a high protective tariff mean national welfare will bring him many votes; but I venture to say that not a score of votes will go to him for his imaginary faculties of "long meditation'" and "endless patience," of sober devotion to law, or for his imaginary devotion to the ideals of one so patient, so long- suffering, so humane and even gentle, so wise and steadfast, as Lincoln. GOV. BLACK'S STRANGE EULOGY. Hear rather the eulogy by Gov. Black which we are told, and without contradiction, was submitted before its delivery to the President himself: "Fortune soars with high and rapid wing, and whoever brings it "down must shoot with accuracy and speed. Only the man with "steady eye and nerve and the courage to puil the trigger brings the "largest opportunities to the ground. * * * He spends little "time in review for that he knows can be done by the schools. A "statesman grappling with the living problems of the hour, he gropes "but little in the past. He believes in going ahead. * * * The "fate of nations is still decided by their wars. You may talk of or- "derly tribunals and learned referees; you may sing in your schools "the gentle praises of the quiet life; you may strike from your books "the last note of every martial anthem; and yet out in the smoke "and thunder will always be the tramp of the horses and the silent, "rigid, upturned face. Men may prophesy and women pray, but "peace will come to abide forever on this earth only when the dreams "of childhood are the accepted charts to guide the destinies of men." This was part of the vindication of the President officially made by the distinguished and practised speaker chosen to present his name, and give the reasons for his nomination. Will not its very praise suggest to any wise American the real Theodore Roose- velt of great public station ? Does it not suggest the "ardent young statesman" who, in so many ways, and so often, and until his advisers bade him beware of heroics while the American people were soberly considering their verdict, exhibited a reckless and war-loving temper? Was not Governor Black right? For did lie not speak of a president who has declared his contempt for 298 Constitutionalism. "that mock humanitarism" which would prevent the great liberty- loving nations of the world from going to war, who despises, as he himself has told us, the "cloistered virtue" which dare not go down into "the hurly-burly where the men of might contend" ? Was he not speaking of a president who, in a hundred speeches, has talked of the "craven" and the "weakling" and the "coward who babbles of peace," who has preached the "just man armed" as his dearest gospel, who would have a great army, although, as lie has said, "we do not need it in the least for police purposes at home," but because we need to use it abroad, — who, three years before our marauding venture at Panama, declared that "we must build the Isthmian canal," and must grasp the points "of van- tage," meaning that we must violate the territory of another na- tion, — who has talked in season and out of season of the "cant about liberty" and "the consent of the governed," — who, speak- ing as the chief magistrate of a republic of law and order and peace, which in its men and resources is the most powerful of nations, declared that its maxim should be, "Speak softly and carry a big stick," and who has of late in plain terms threat- ened our neighbors at the South that unless, — in their relations, not with the United States but with others, for whom we are in no way called upon to act, — they acted "with decency in indus- trial and political matters," unless they "kept order and paid their obligations," unless they "governed themselves well" and were "prosperous and orderly" they might expect our forcible inter- vention ? WHERE A PARALLEL FOR SUCH WARLIKE UTTERANCES? Where is the parallel for utterances like these by the ruler of a, great country since Moscow and Waterloo brought to an end the insolent addresses of the first Napoleon to the monarchs of Europe and the terrified envoys at his court? Some of the Pres- ident's admirers draw a comparison between him and Andrew Jack- son. Jackson indeed was not lacking in courage, virility, energy ■or genius ; and, besides, he was a frontiersman of very rough early years, utterly lacking the elaborate and gentle education and long literary practice of the President. Jackson also asserted his coun- try's rights, but, like a later Democratic president in 1895, against powerful nations of Europe. But in no speech or paper of Jack- son's after he came to the presidency can utterances like those of Mr. Eoosevelt be found. Nor can like utterances be found in the record of any one of our Presidents, — especially not of Washington and Jackson and Grant, who had been great gen- erals. In Gov. Black's speech, — in the President's own exhibition of his political temper and ideals, before the enforced sobriety of critical candidacy was upon him, — in these and not in the cau- tious and diplomatic utterances of Secretary Hay and Mr. Eoot, is the true Roosevelt, — as we have seen his behavior in great pub- lic station. It is to the credit of Messrs. Hay and Root that they, Constitutionalism. 299 far better than Gov. Black or the President himself, knew the abid- ing instinct of the American people, and offer their own states- man-like and ideal Roosevelt, so very, very far removed from the real Eoosevelt of the chief magistracy. Such, then, fellow-citizens, is the strength of the Republican case. And is its strength, not weakness, shattered the moment a sober-minded citizen really thinks out its argument? But even so, it will be asked, what have the Democrats to offer? WHAT DEMOCRACY OFFERS. Before we Democrats propose any specific measure we ask the American people to remember their own history. We also begin with the marvellous statistics of national growth from the first census in 1790 to the last in 1900, with the increase in popula- tion, in the produce of farm and manufactures and forests and mines, in the achievements of American invention and organized industry. We do not say that these material results have been achieved by laws, however good. We recognize their source in the natural bounties of God, and the hearts and brains and muscle of American freemen. We do add, however, that, here between the Atlantic and Pacific, between Canada and the Gulf, was first tried on a great scale the new experiment of human and industrial freedom, of equal rights and no special privilege. If the pres- ence of negro slavery, until the Civil War, created dismal ex- ceptions, — and if the presence together in the South of a great or equal or even outnumbering mass of a colored race with pro- foundly different characteristics, and as yet vastly behind the white race in the faculties of disciplined industry and high-class gov- ernment, gave, and even now gives, rise to anomalies and incon- sistencies, — they have made only clearer the wisdom and benefi- cence of our fundamental policy. We Democrats point out that, during this period of splendid growth, there was systematic hos- tility to a large military or naval expenditure, there was system- atic preference for simple and inexpensive administration, there was systematic dislike of personal and sumptuary restraints. Democrats do not, like Republicans, forget how vast during our wonderful economic progress has been the American area of free trade between our forty-five states, an extent of free trade far beyond anything ever before or now elsewhere known. For that area has included the widest difference of climate and soil and human labor, and also far differing conditions in organized society, ranging from settlements nearly three centuries old to frontiers occupied but a few years. They remember that the in- ternal trade of this truly imperial domain which is free of all tariff is in volume and amount vastly, very many times, more impor- tant than its foreign trade which is subject to tariff.* They point out that for more than a century the American nation scru- * Senator Hoar, in his speech on Trust Legislation in the Senate on January 6, 1903, states that "our domestic commerce is * * * more than twenty times as great as that with foreign nations." 300 ' Constitutionalism. pulously refrained from foreign entanglements and made no forci- ble conquest except as it took from Mexico as a war indemnity the practically uninhabited country on the Pacific slope and the Rio Grande. They point out that, although the conditions of American life have, to a large extent, been those of a new and frontier country, the public men and the official life of our coun- try have been so dominated by love of law as to command the just tribute of every intelligent foreign visitor, and that the very "lynch law" which has now and then in thinly-settled parts of this vast domain disgraced portions of our population, has often been mere reaction against misdirected respect for law on the part of those in authority. FUNDAMENTAL SOURCES OF PROSPERITY. From all these conditions and from these institutions, — and in spite of their faults, — has come, — so the Democrats say, — the industrial productivity and triumph of the American citizen. After praise to God for His gifts to us of land and water and climate, it is to these deep lying and truly dynamic causes, and above all to the American devotion to liberty and law, that the Democratic party assigns our splendid results in agriculture and mining, our vast treasure houses, our enormous increase in rail- road and manufacturing plants, and all other material as well as political glory of our land. Democrats know, nor would they have any American forget, that the most stupendous force the world has known, is the free, self-governing, law-abiding, self-respect- ing citizen, regardful of the rights of other men and therefore justly insistent upon his own. From the marvellous success of our country summed up in the census of 1900 and its tables of comparisons with the results of other censuses, the Democrats draw the conclusion, not that the general and broad principles of the American people should be reversed, or their sacred traditions un- done, — but that they should be continued; that only faults and exceptions and inconsistencies should be eliminated. They would not have less respect for law but more respect; not less freedom of trade but more freedom ; not less respect for the rights of other countries and races, however inferior to us, but more respect; not more foreign entanglements but fewer; not increase, but de- crease in the proportion of military and naval and general gov- ernment expenditure to the ability of the people. REFORMS DEMOCRACY DEMANDS. Such is the general creed of the Democratic party; and such must and will be its practice when it returns to power. But the candidacy of Judge Parker represents something besides this table of principles. If he be elected, he will undertake specific reforms ; if the Republican Senate prevent the enactment of any of the necessary laws, the Democratic president will lead on, surely if conservatively, to the accomplishment of those reforms as soon as the American people shall be able, under our Constitution, to Constitutionalism. 301 choose United States Senators to do their will. And these re- reforms are plain: RETURN TO RESPECT FOR LAW. First. — A return by the executive of the country to respect for law, national and international; a refusal by executive order and without warrant of law to open the treasury for pension or other largesses whether just before an election, as President Eoosevelt has done, or at any other time; a steadfast remembrance that the price lately paid in the practical connivance of the Eepublican administration with conspirators, — and in other precedents dan- gerous for the peace and welfare of the civilized world, — for the beginning of the Panama Canal, — or the price paid in lawless despotism for the suppression of disorder in Colorado — or for the Accomplishment of any other good, or to "do things," a little ear- lier than they would otherwise and inevitably have come, is far too great a price to be paid by a free, honest and law-abiding people. NO MEDDLING WITH OTHER NATIONS. Second. — A refusal to meddle with the affairs of other nations except as it is necessary to protect our own rights; a withdrawal from the program of menace and overlordship to be exercised in behalf of European nations against the republics to the south of us, — which was condescendingly and even contemptuously held out by the President in his letter written to the Cuban dinner only a few weeks before his nomination; a return to the ancient doctrine of friendship with all nations; a refusal to convert such a friendship for England into the unworthy sympathy shown by those in high authority under President Roosevelt for its Jingo warfare upon the South African Republic. Capt. M]ahan, the President's own special spokesman in the Navy, has indeed earned the admiring recognition of the aristocratic and military classes of England by his eulogy of warfare as a chief agent of civiliza- tion and by his sympathy for her in her wars, even the worst of them. Mr. Choate, our Ambassador at St. James, instead of en- forcing, so far as the proprieties of his place permitted, and as his predecessors, Mr. Lowell and Mr. Bayard, did, the ideals of democracy, has invited the favor of the same classes by his un- qualified tribute to Lord Roberts for his military victories over weaker nations resisting conquest by England. If, under Pres- ident Roosevelt, we are gaining the sympathy and approval of English Tories who have been hostile to our democracy and who during our Civil War, wished us to perish, we are losing the sym- pathy and approval of that noble body of Englishmen, the true bulwark of English civilization, who stand for peace, trade liber- ality, humane and democratic progress, men who are the successors of Gladstone and Cobden and Bright, those who have wished us well and have struggled to make the world better by making it more free. 302 Constitutionalism. TARIFF REDUCTION. Third. — A sincere and persistent effort to reform the tariff, and especially to abolish or, to the uttermost practicable, reduce those duties the plain effect of which is to create monopolies, and is not, as pretended, to extend or diversify American industry, but rather to stifle its freedom. . If, because public sentiment is not yet ready, we cannot at once and completely sweep away the robbery practised under the alluring name of "protection," or even now go back to the low tariff schedules advocated by the early protection leaders, Hamilton and Clay, we can at least undo the monstrous excesses of the present system, and then let the Amer- ican people, in the light of that measure of reform and of its prac- tical results, decide whether the lowering of duties does not tend to promote our industrial progress. If for four years we must face a Eepublican Senate, none the less we can systematically pre- sent this great and pressing question to the American people for discussion, and, perhaps, through enlightened public sentiment, as Judge Parker hopefully suggests, even compel our adversaries in the Senate to yield. RETURN TO PUBLIC ECONOMY. Fourth. — A return to public economy. The total expenditure in President Koosevelt's last fiscal year, ending July 1, 1904, was $562,000,000, or, if the $50,000,000 paid on account of the Panama Canal, and the $4,000,000 paid to the St. Louis Exposition, be deducted, the total expense was $528,000,000, or at a per capita rate, in time of profound peace, of $6.57,* the greatest ever known in the history of our government, except only the expenditure as measured in depreciated paper currency during the Civil War in 1863, 1864 and 1865, and the expenditure in 1899 during the worst of the Philippine War. Without the Panama and St. Louis Exposi- tion payments, the expenditure during Mr. Eoosevelt's first three years has been $1,505,692,185.99, as against $778,340,119.60 for the first three years of Mr. Cleveland's first term, and $1,075,900,- 024.29 for the first three years of Mr. Cleveland's second term, when he had to bear the enormous increase by permanent legisla- tion enacted hy the Eepublicans under President Harrison. The danger of this is not only that the increase is in a proportion far exceeding the proportional growth of the population, but that it is in a proportion exceeding the proportion of increase in the wealth and earning capacity of the country and its wages. Although since 1900 industrial conditions have grown less favorable and wages have been reduced, the expenditure, omitting interest on the public debt, in the gross and per capita has very greatly increased. ROOSEVELT'S ENORMOUS EXPENDITURES. In Mr. Eoosevelt's last year our expenditure upon the War De- partment, not including pensions, was $115,000,000, and without * On the basis of the population estimate for 1903, given in the official Summary at 80,372,000. Constitutionalism. 303 the excuse of war, as against $44,000,000 in the last year of Presi- dent Cleveland's first term, or $49,000,000 in the last year of Presi- dent Harrison, or $48,000,000 in the last year of President Cleve- land's second term. President Roosevelt's expenditure for the Navy Department last year was $102,000,000, as against $21,000,- 000 in the last year of Cleveland's first term, or $30,000,000 in the last year of President Harrison or $31,000,000 in the first year of President Cleveland's second term. In war and naval expendi- ture combined, excluding pensions, we now rank with England and outrank France and Germany ; and we are without their excuse of powerful and jealous neighbors. The freedom from this wasteful barbarism was until lately a glory of our Republic. Unless the Democratic party succeed we shall continue in the barbarism.. And all this goes with the imperialistic temper of disregard for law and public right which belongs to the President. OTHER IMPORTANT REFORMS. Fifth. — A resolute investigation of the executive departments. The public has already had some glimpses of the conditions of in- competence and corruption in the Post-Office Department. The Republicans have refused any independent investigation.- The time is well for it ; but it will not be had unless Judge Parker is elected. Sixth. — The grant of independence to the Philippine people. Since there has, for years, been no recognized government there ex- cept the American, no doubt the manner of the restoration to the Philippine people of their right of self-government must accord with existing conditions. But the thing to be accomplished and to be accomplished at the first practicable moment is to put in opera- tion in the Philippines the fundamental rule of the American democracy, the rule affirmed, as I have already shown, by at least three Republican national conventions, that government under the American flag shall depend upon the consent of the governed. Seventh. — A dissolution of the partnership between the great corporations of the country and the United States Government, a partnership most unworthily illustrated by the transfer of Mr. Cor- telyou from the head of the department in supervision of the cor- porations to the chairmanship of a national committee which is in large part dependent upon those very corporations for its pecuniary support. Eighth. — A refusal of a subsidy to the shipping interest or to any other interest. Ninth. — A refusal to reopen the negro question, and thus to in- terrupt and well nigh frustrate the high-minded and skillful work being done by educational and industrial leaders and the encour- aging progress they are making toward a solution of the unique and tremendous difficulty incident to the presence together at the South of two widely differing races. • LET US RETURN TO SIMPLER AND NOBLER IDEALS. Such are some of the measures which the Democratic party may be justly expected to undertake if power shall be accorded them in 304 Constitutionalism — Electoral College. November. They may all be summed up in this, that the govern- ment of this democratic republic should be made democratic; that its powers should not be used to promote special interests ; that the rule of democratic self-government should be sacredly observed; that the money of the people should remain in the pockets of the people through rigorous economy in the administration of govern- ment; that the people should support their government rather than that the government should be used to support special and limited classes of its citizens ; that there should be sacred regard to law and ■order ; and finally, and above all, that, in place of the ideal held up by the Republican party and promoted by President Roosevelt, — the ideal of force and lawlessness and war, — we should return, as Judge Parker and Senator Davis would have us return, to the simpler and nobler ideal which, in spite of some exceptions and in- inconsistencies, our Republic followed for its first century and longer, and under which, and by reason of which, the American people have come to a splendid wealth and prosperity, and their .nation to a just and honorable power. ELECTORAL VOTES OF STATES IN 1904. AS APPORTIONED BY ACT APPROVED JANUARY 16, 1901. Alabama -----'- ---11 Nebraska ---------- 8 Arkansas 9 Nevada ----------- 3 California ---------10 New Hampshire ------ 4 Colorado --------- 5 New Jersey --------13 Connecticnt -------- 7 New York 39 Delaware ---------- 3 North Carolina -------13 Florida ---------- 5 North Dakota -------- 4 Georgia ----------13 Ohio 33 Idaho 3 Oregon _-_____---- 4 Illinois ----------27 Pennsylvania --------34 Indiana ----------15 Rhode Island -------- 4 Iowa ------------13 Sonth Carolina ------- 9 Kansas ----------10 Sonth Dakota -------- 4 Kentucky ---------13 Tennessee ---------13 Louisiana ---------- 9 Texas ------------18 Maine ----------- 6 Utah ------------ 3 Maryland --------- 8 Vermont --------- 4 Massachusetts -------16 Virginia ----------13 Michigan ---------14 "Washington -------- 5 Minnesota 11 West Virginia ------- 7 Mississippi --------10 Wisconsin ---------13 Missouri 18 Wyoming 3 Montana ---------- 3 Total electoral vote ---------------- 476 Necessary to a choice, 239. DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE AND ITS OFFICERS MEMBERS OF NATIONAL COMMITTEE ALABAMA Henry D. Clayton Eufaula ARKANSAS William H. Martin Hot Springs CALIFOKNIA M. F. Tarpey San Francisco COLORADO John I. Mullins Denver CONNECTICUT Homer S. Cummings Stamford DELAWARE Richard R. Kenney Dover FLORIDA Jefferson B. Browne Key West GEORGIA Clark Howell Atlanta ID AIIO Simon P. Donnelly ........ Lake View ILLINOIS Roger C. Sullivan Chicago INDIANA Thomas Taggart . . Indianapolis IOWA Charles A. Walsh Ottumwa KANSAS John H. Atwood Leavenworth KENTUCKY Urey Woodson Owensboro LOUISIANA N. C. Blanchard Shreveport MAINE George E. Hughes Bath MARYLAND L. Victor Baughman Frederick MASSACHUSETTS William A. Gaston Boston MICHIGAN Daniel J. Campau Detroit MINNESOTA T. T. Hudson Duluth MISSISSIPPI C. H. Williams Yazoo City MISSOURI W. A. Rothwell Moberly MONTANA Chas. W. Hoffman Bozeman NEBRASKA James C. Dahlman Omaha NEVADA John H. Dennis Reno NEW HAMPSHIRE True L. Norris Portsmouth NEW JERSEY William B. Gourley Paterson NEW YORK Norman E. Mack Buffalo NORTH CAROLINA Josephus Daniels Raleigh NORTH DAKOTA H. D. Allert Langdon OHIO John R. McLean Cincinnati OREGON Frederick V. Holman Portland PENNSYLVANIA J. M. Guffey Pittsburg RHODE ISLAND George W. Greene Woonsocket SOUTH CAROLINA B. R. Tillman Trenton SOUTH DAKOTA E. S. Johnson Armour TENNESSEE R. E. L. Mountcastle Knoxville TEXAS R. M. Johnston Houston, UTAH D. H. Peery Salt Lake VERMONT Bradley B. Smalley Burlington VIRGINIA J. Taylor Ellyson Richmond WASHINGTON John Y. Terry Seattle WEST VIRGINIA John T. McGraw Grafton WISCONSIN Timothy E. Ryan Waukesha WYOMING John E. Osborne Rawlings ALASKA Arthur K. Dalany Juneau ARIZONA Ben M. Crawford .Clifton DIST. OF COLUMBIA James L. Norris Washington HAWAII Palmer P. Woods Mahukoma INDIAN TERRITORY R. L. Williams Durant NEW MEXICO H. B. Fergusson Albuquerque OKLAHOMA Richard A. Billups Cordell PORTO RICO D. M. Field Guayama OFFICERS OF NATIONAL COMMITTEE Thomas Taggabt, De Lancey Nicole, Viee-Chairman Geoege Fosteb Peabody, Treasurer Chairman Ueey Woodson, Secretary Edwin Sefton, Asst. Secretary August Belmont James Smith, Je. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Wm. F. Sheehan, Chairman James M. Guffey Jno. R. McLean Thomas S. Maetin Timothy E. Ryan DEMOCRATIC CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE Headquarters, Riggs House, Washington, D. C. W. S. Cowheed, Chairman J. R. Thayee and Rice A. Pieece, Vice-Chairmen Chaeles A. Edwaeds, Secretary J. L. Peaecy, Asst. Secretary Alabama John L. B. Buenett Arkansas Hugh A. Dinsmoee California E. J. Liveenash Colorado John F. Shafeoth Connecticut. . . . Wm. S. Paedee Delaware Henby A. Houston Florida .S. M. Spaekman Georgia James M. Geiggs Idaho Heney Heitfeldt Illinois Joseph B. Cbowley Indiana W. T. Zenoe Iowa Maetin J. Wade Kansas A. M. Jackson Kentucky James N. Kehoe Louisiana R. F. Beoussaed Maine F. W. Plaisted Maryland James W. Denny Massachusetts John R. Thayee Michigan Alfbed Luching Minnesota John Lind Mississippi . . . .E. J. Bo webs Missouri W. S. Cowheed Montana John S. McNeil Nebraska G. M. Hitchcock Nevada C. D. Van Duseb James L. Noeeis, Treasurer J. J. Sinnott, Sergeant-at-Arms New Mexico E. V. Chavez New Hampshire. . Henby F. Hollis New Jersey Allan Benny New York W. H. Ryan North Carolina, . . W. W. Kitchin North Dakota J. B. Eaton Ohio John S. Snook Oregon Feed. V. Holman Pennsylvania Mabcus C. L. Kline Rhode Island . . . . D. L. D. Gbangee South Carolina. . . D. E. Finley South Dakota C. Boyd Babeett Tennessee Rice A. Pieece Texas C. B. Randell Utah W. K. King Vermont T. W. Maloey Virginia H. L. Maynaed West Virginia David E. Johnson Washington Geoege Tueneb Wisconsin C. H. Weisse Wyoming John E. Osboene Arizona John F. Wilson Dist. of Columbia. James L. Noeeis Oklahoma S. P. Feeedling Ind. Territory . . . R. L. Owens SENATE MEMBERS Arkansas James H. Beeey Florida Jas. P. Taliafeebo Idaho Feed. T. DuBois Missouri W. J. Stone Nevada Virginia Thomas S. Maetin Montana William A. Clabk Tennessee E. W. Cabmack Texas Chas. A. Culbeeson ', C. Newlands CHAIRMEN OF DEMOCRATIC STATE COMMITTEES 1904 STATES CHAIRMEN RESIDENCE ALABAMA H. S. D. Mallory Selma ARKANSAS CALIFORNIA Timothy Spellacy California Hotel, Brush St., San Francisco COLORADO Milton Smith Equitable Building, Denver CONNECTICUT John J. Walsh Norwalk DELAWARE Willard Saulsbury . . . Wilmington FLORIDA D. M. Fletcher Jacksonville GEORGIA M.J. Yeomans Dawson IDAHO ILLINOIS Chas. Boeschenstein. . . State Headquarters, 300-1 Sherman House, Chicago INDIANA W. H. O'Brien Indianapolis IOWA S. B. Morrisey Harlan KANSAS , William F. Sapp Galena KENTUCKY Louis McQuown Bowling Green LOUISIANA E. B. Kruttschnitt New Orleans MAINE E. L. Jones Waterville MARYLAND Murray Vandiver Baltimore MASSACHUSETTS W. S. McNary Boston MICHIGAN D. J. Campau Detroit MINNESOTA H. L. Buck Winona MISSISSIPPI MISSOURI W. N. Evans St. Louis MONTANA NEBRASKA T. S. Allen Lincoln NEVADA NEW HAMPSHIRE . . . .Nathaniel E. Martin. .Concord NEW JERSEY W. B. Gourley Paterson NEW YORK Cord Myer New York City NORTH CAROLINA. . . .F. M. Simmons Raleigh NORTH DAKOTA B. S. Brynjolfson Grand Forks OHIO Benjamin McKinney . . . Marietta OREGON Alex. Sweet Portland PENNSYLVANIA J. K. P. Hall Ridgway RHODE ISLAND P. H. Quinn 19 College St., Providence SOUTH CAROLINA. . . .Wilie Jones Columbia SOUTH DAKOTA John W. Martin Watertown TENNESSEE Frank M. Thompson . . .Nashville TEXAS Frank Andrews Houston UTAH Frank J. Cannon Ogden VERMONT Emory S. Harris Bennington VIRGINIA J. Taylor Ellyson Richmond WASHINGTON J. W. Godwin Seattle WEST VIRGINIA O. S. McKinney Fairmount WISCONSIN A. F. Warden Waukesha DIST. OF COLUMBIA. .J. Fred Kelley Washington, D. C. INDIAN TERRITORY. .Fred'k A. Parkinson. . .Wagoner NEW MEXICO W. S. Hopewell Santa Fe OKLAHOMA Jesse Dunn Oklahoma City CONTENTS. PAGE Constitution of the United States 3 Platform of the Democratic Party 16 Platform of the Republican Party 24 Notification Address of Hon. Champ Clark at Esopus, Aug. 10, 1904.. 30 Address of Acceptance of Alton Brooks Parker 33 Notification Address of Hon. John Sharp Williams at White Sulphur Springs, Aug. 17, 1904 41 Mr. Davis's Speech of Acceptance 4ft Comment on Judge Parker's Speech of Acceptance, from New York Nation, Aug. 18, 1904 50 Biographical Sketches of the Candidates: Alton Brooks Parker 53 Henry Gassaway Davis 61 "Theodore Roosevelt." A New York World Editorial 66 A "War Lord" for President 71 Roosevelt on former Presidents 72 "On What Does the Republican Party Stand Pat?" (Editorial from New York American ) 73 The Silver Record of 'the Republican Party 76 President McKinley a Free Silver Advocate 77 Republican Platforms on Silver 78 President Roosevelt on the Question of "Definite Committals" 79 President Roosevelt a Bimetallist 80 Republican Extravagance 81 Speech of Hon. Leonidas F. Livingston, of Georgia, in House of Rep- resentatives, April 28, 1904 85 Edward Atkinson, on Cost of War and Warfare 88 Speech of Hon. Gilbert M. Hitchcock, of Nebraska, in House of Repre- sentatives, February 20, 1904 91 Speech of Hon. Theodore E. Burton, of Ohio, in the House of Repre- sentatives, March 15, 1904 96 The Tariff and Trusts 98 The Trusts Conceal Export Prices 99 Comparison of Export and Home Alices 100 Export Values versus Home Value? 110 How the Industrial Commission investigated Prices 112 Specific Illustrations of the Way High Tariff Taxes Enable the Trusts to Extort from Americans much Higher Prices than from Foreigners 113 Ingratitude of the Tin Plate Trust 114 Steel Plates much Cheaper to Foreigners 115 Iron and Steel Trusts Rebuked by Republican Official Reports... 116 Senator A. O. Bacon, of Georgia, Produces Evidence as to Ex- port Prices of Steel Rails 117 English Testimony that Trust-Made Goods Are Sold Cheaper Abroad than in America 118 Steel Manufacturing Costs Less in the United States than in England 121 The Tariff: Prices and Wages; Republican Claim that Increase in Wages Has Kept Pace with Increase in Cost of Living Shown to be Untrue 122 Absurdity of Republican "Averages" 124 "Raising" Wages in Michigan and Wisconsin 128 How the Dingley Bill Fosters Trusts and Raises Prices 129 11 CONTENTS. PAGE Wages of Railway Employees 132 Money Wages versus Real Wages 135 Chart Showing Reduced Purchasing Power of Wages 136 Labor's Share of the Product of Labor Rapidly Declining 137 The Average American Family Pays a Tribute of $94 a Year to Pro- tected Trusts 138 Tariff Taxes Paid by the Average Family in 1903 . 142 The Dingley Tariff Imposes Average Duty of 48.81% 145 Table of Duties Imposed by the Dingley Tariff Law 145 Business and Industrial Record of 1903-1904 149 Table Showing Wage Reductions, 1903 150 Closed Mills and Reduced Output, 1903 151 Table of Wage Reductions, 1904 153 Anti-Trust Legislation, Not Enforced by the Administration 158 Republican Record on Reciprocity 163 Reciprocity with Canada „ 166 Canadian Preferential Duties 170 Republican Reciprocity a Sham 174 A Stolen Plank 175 The Philippines: Republican Attitude Toward 177 Bryan on the Republican Philippine Policy 177 Ex- President Cleveland on Philippine Problem 180 Hon. Richard Olney on Philippine Problem 181 Gen. Miles on Philippine Problem 1»3 President Jacob G. Schurman's Views 184 Criticism of Secretary Taft's Philippine Policy* 185 Political Side of the Philippine Question, Views of Republicans.. 187 The Philippines and Statehood 189 The Philippines Considered Commercially 191 Colonial Exploitation ; Compact with Promoters 195 Railroads in the Philippines 199 Commerce of the Philippines 200 Obstacles to Development of the Philippines 205 Is Sovereignty Essential to Trade ? 205 Cost to the United States, ending June 30, 1903 207 Cost to the Philippines 208 Exports to Philippines from 1893 to 1903 210 The Panama Affair ..: 214 The Postal Frauds 221 Asst. Postmaster-General J. L. Bristow on Postal Investigation 228 Minority Committee on Post-Office and Post Roads, Views of 246 Civil Service Abuses 248 Interior Department Scandals 254 Timber Land Frauds 256 Indian Territory Scandals 258 The Executive Pension Order 259 Financial Legislation by Executive Decree 262 National Irrigation a Democratic Policy 265 The American Merchant Marine 270 Equal Protection of American Citizens Abroad 273 Establishment of Department of Agriculture and Rural Free Delivery. 275 Election of U. S. Senators by Direct Vote of the People 277 Vote on Resolution to Investigate the Post-Office Department 279 Constitutionalism, Speech by Hon. Edward M. Shepard 285 Electoral Vote of States in 1904 304 Democratic National Committee 305 Democratic Congressional Committee 306 Chairmen of Democratic State Committees 307 INDEX. A PAGE Abuses, Civil Service 248 Address of Notification to Henry G. Davis, by Hon. John Sharp Wil- liams 41 Address of Acceptance by Alton B. Parker . . . . 33 Address of Notification to Alton B. Parker, by Hon. Champ Clark.. 30 Agriculture, Department of, Originated under Democratic Rule 275 American Merchant Marine 270 American Citizens Abroad, Protection of 273 American, the New York, on Republican Party's "Stand Pat" Policy. 73 Anti-Trust Legislation, Not Enforced by the Republican Administra- tion 158 Appropriations, Speech of Hon. G. M. Hitchcock on 91 Appropriations for U. S. Government Expenses 84, 87 Arbitration, Republican Platform on 27 Arid Lands, Republican Platform on 25 Arid Lands, Reclamation of, Democratic Platform on 20 Atkinson, Edward, on Cost of War 88 Army and Navy, Increase in Expense of 97 Army, Democratic Platform on 21 Army, Republican Platform on 25 "Averages," Republican, Absurdity of 122, 124 B Bacon, Senator A. O., on Export Prices of Steel Rails 117 Barbed Wire, Cheaper to Foreigners 118 "Benevolent Assimilation," Hon. John Sharp Williams on 41 Bimetallist, President Roosevelt as a 81 Black, Governor, on "War Lord" for President 71 Bryan, Wm. J., on Philippines 172 Business Disturbances, TJable of 151 Business, Record of Failures in 149 Burton, Hon. Theodore E., Speech of 96 c Canada, Trade with 169 Canada's Exports to Great Britain, 1873-1903 171 Canadian Preferential Duties . . . . '. 170 Canal, Isthmian, Democratic Platform on 10 Capital and Labor, Democratic Platform on 19 Capital and Labor, Republican Platform on 28 Carmack, Senator, on Reciprocity 164 Civil Service Abuses 248 Civil Service, Democratic Platform on 22 Civil Service, Republican Platform on 27 Civil Service under Charles Emory Smith 250 Chamberlain Plan, for Canada 173 Chart, Showing Purchasing Power of Wages 136 Chinese Labor, Republican Platform on *. Clark, Hon. Champ, Address of Notification to Alton B. Parker ...... 30 Cleveland, ex-President, on Philippines 180 Colonial Exploitation 195 Committee, Democratic National 305 Committees, Democratic State, Chairmen of 307 Congressional Democratic Committee 306 Constitution, Government by, Alton B. Parker 34 Constitution of the United States 3 Constitutional Guarantees, Democratic Platform on 19 Constitutionalism, Speech on, by Hon. Edward M. Shepard 285 iv INDEX. PAGE Consumer Pays Tariff Taxes 89 Corporations and Trusts, Republican Platform on 26 Cost of Living, Increase in, Greater than Increase in Wages .... 122 Cost of the Philippines to the United States 207 Cuba, Republican Platform on 25 Culberson, Senator, Remarks of, on Republican Extravagance 81 D Davis, Henry Gassaway, Attitude on Labor 65 Biographical Sketch 61 On Financial Conditions 47 Philanthropy and Public Spirit of 64 Speech of Acceptance of 46 Stands with Judge Parker on Gold 46 Democratic Congressional Committee 300 Democratic National Committee 305 Democratic State Committees, Chairmen of 307 Democratic Party, 1904 Platform Cl 10 Democratic Platforms on National Irrigation 26a Democratic Platform on Protecting Citizens Abroad 274 Dingley Tariff, the 145 Dingley Tariff, Duties Collected under 145 Dolliver, Senator, on the Philippines 188 Duties, Preferential, in Canada 170 E Economy of Administration, Democratic Platform on 16 Electoral Vote of States in 1904 304 Election of U. S. Senators by Direct Vote of the People 277 Election of U. S. Senators by the People, Democratic Platform of 1904 on 20 Executive Decree, Financial Legislation by 262 Executive Pension Order 259 Executive Usurpation, Democratic Platform on 17 Extravagance, Republican Party's 81 Expenditures of 2,561 Families 126 Expenditures, Military, Increase of 97 Expenditures, National, Increase of 97 Expenditures of Great Britain, France and Germany 83 Expenditures of U. S. Government 96 Expenditures per capita, 1860-1904 48 Expenditures, U. S. Government, for Past Twelve Years 81 Experiment Stations, Agricultural 275 Export Prices 98 Export Prices, Position of Republican Party on 110 Export Prices, Table of, Compared with Home Prices 100 Exports to the Philippines, Table of 210 F Family, Average American, Pays $94 a Year to Tariff Protected Trusts 138 Financial Legislation by Executive Decree 262 Fisheries, Under Reciprocity 167 Foreign Markets, Republican Platform on 26 France, Gross Revenue ot 93 France, Navy of 96 Frauds, Land • 254 Frauds, the Postal 221 Free Delivery, Rural 275, 276 G Germany, Navy of 96 Germany, Revenue of 94 INDEX. V PAGE Gold Standard, Republican Platform on 27 Government by Constitution, Alton B. Parker on 34 Government, Cost of, in the U. S. Per Capita, 1860-1904 48 Government Revenues and Expenditures for Past Twelve Years.... 81 Great Britain, Navy of 96 H Hitchcock, Hon. Gilbert M., Speech of 91 Honesty in Public Service, Democratic Platform on 17 Imperialism, Democratic Platform on 17 Imperialism, Republican Argument for 178 Increase of Wealth Under Democratic Rule 289 Indian Territory, Scandals in 258 Increase in Cost of Living, Due to Republican Policies 122 Increase in Prices of Specified Articles 134 Increase in Wages Not Equal to Increase in Cost of Living 122 Industrial Commission on Export Prices 112 Irrigation, National, a Democratic Policy 265 Irrigation Opposed by Republican Leaders 266, 269 Isthmian Canal, Democratic Platform on 20 Isthmian Canal, Republican Platform on 25 Interior Department, Scandals in 254 Investigation of Post-Office Frauds, Assistant Postmaster-General J. L. Bristow on 228 J Jewish Citizens Abroad, Democratic Platform on Rights of 274 Jewish Citizens Abroad, Passport Regulations Concerning 273 L Labor, Democratic Platform on 19 Labor Disturbances 149 Labor's Share of Wealth Produced, Declining 137 Land Frauds 254 Legislation, Financial, by Executive Decree 262 Livingston, Hon. L. F., Speech of*. 85 M McKinley, President, a Free Silver Advocate 77 Manila, Description of 204 Merchant Marine, Democratic Platform on 21 Merchant Marine, The American 270 Miles, Gen. Nelson A., on the Philippines 183 Monroe Doctrine, Democratic Platform on 21 Money Wages vs. Real Wages 135 N "Nation, The," Comment of, on Alton B. Parker's Speech of Accept- ance 50 National Democratic Committee 305 National Irrigation, a Democratic Policy 265 Navies, Strength of 96 Notification Address, to Henry G. Davis 41 Notification Address, to Alton B. Parker 30 o Olney, Hon. Richard, on the Philippines 18 J "Open Door, The" 191 P Panama Affair, the 214 I vi tNt)EX. fAGfi Parker, Alton B.: Address of Acceptance 33 Biographical Sketch of 53 Declines Nomination for Secretary of State 56 Gold Telegram to the St. Louis Convention 23 First Election to the Bench 56 On No Second Term as President 40 On Constitutionality of Eight-Hour Law 58 Opinion of, by a Republican Associate on Bench of Court of Ap- peals 59 On Our True Foundation as a World Power 38 On Militarism 38 On Trusts 36 On the Philippines 37 On Right of Labor to Refuse to Work with Non-Union Men 58 On Principles of Thomas Jefferson 33 On the Tariff 35 Pensions, Democratic Platform on 21 Pension Order, Executive '. 259 Polygamy, Condemnation of, in Democratic Platform 21 Postal Frauds, the 221 Postal Frauds, Details of 229 Postal Fraud Investigation, Demanded by Democrats 223 Postal Frauds, Investigation of, Suppressed by Republicans 222 Postal Frauds, Minority Committee on 246 Postal Frauds, Postmaster-General Took no Action on 225 Postal Frauds, Report on 224 Postal Frauds, President Roosevelt's Position on 223 Post-Office Deparment, Vote on Resolution to Investigate 279 Preferential Duties, of Canada 170 Philippines, The, and Statehood 189 Philippines, The: Banking in 1 98 Burden of too Heavy to be Borne, Says a Republican Senator. . . . 188 Commerce of 200 Considered Commercially 191 Coast Line of 15,000 Miles 209 Cost of to the Filipinos - 208 Cost to the United States ._ 207, 213 Earthquakes in *. 204 Exports to, for Use of American Army 212 Ex-President Cleveland on 180 Gen. Nelson A. Miles on 184 Obstacles to Development of 203 Plan to Subsidize Railroads in 195 Population of 193 Prof. Jacob G. Schurman on 184 Railroads in 199 Republican Platform on 25 Democratic Platform on 22 Restrictions in Treaty of Paris upon Development of 194 Senator Dolliver on 188 Hon. Richard Olney on 181 Senator Spooner on 187 To be Exploited by Promoters 195 Wm. J. Bryan on '. 177 Philippine Policy of Secretary Taft 185 Philippine Question. Political Side of 187 Platform, 1904, of Republican Party 24 Platform, 1904, of Democratic Party 16 Platform, Democratic, on Protection to American Citizens Abroad . . . 274 Platform, Democratic, on National Irrigation 265 Plows, American, Sold Cheaper Abroad than in United States 99 Postal Investigation, Asst. Postmaster-General Bristow on 228 Post-office Investigation, in the U. S. Senate 283 PAGE Prices and Wages . . 122 Prices, of American Goods, Cheaper to Foreigners than to Americans. Ill Prices, Dun's Index List 131 Prices, Export 98 Profits of Steel Trust 98 Protection of American Citizens Abroad 273 Protection of American Citizens Abroad. Republican Platform on.... 27 "Protection" Taxes Average American Family $94 a Year 138 Protection to American Industries, Republican Platform on 26 R Railroad Employees, Wages of 132 Reciprocity, Democratic Platform on 21 Reciprocity Platform, Stolen by Republicans 175 Reciprocity, Republican, a Sham 174 Reciprocity, Republican Record on 163 Reciprocity, Senator Carmack on 164 Reciprocity, Senator Dolliver on 165 Reciprocity Treaty, The Elgin 167 Reciprocity with Canada 166 Reductions in Wages, Table of 150—153 Revenue of France, Not the Product of Taxation ". 92 Revenue of Germany and United States Compared 94 Revenue, U. S. Government, Past Twelve Years 81 Rural Free Delivery, Originated Under Democratic Rule 275 Republican Administration, Democratic Platform on 22 Republican "Averages," Absurdity of 122, 124 Republicans on Export Compared with Home Prices 110 Republican Party, 1904, Platform of 24 Republican Party's Silver Record 76 Republican Record on Panama Affair 215 Roosevelt, President: As a Bimetallist 80 Deserts His Early Convictions in Favor of Free Trade 67 New York World on 66 On the "Big Stick" 69 On Former Presidents 72 On His Panama Policy 218 On the Postal Frauds 223 Republican Platform on 28 His Usurpation, Criticised by Senator McLaurin 219 Violates the Constitution in the Panama Affair 217 s Schurman, Prof. Jacob G., on the Philippines 184 Sectional Agitation, Democratic Platform on 22 Self-Government, Right of 179 Senators, Election of Direct by the People, Democratic Platform on . . 20 Senators, Election of Direct by the People 277 Silver, President McKinley in Favor of 79 Silver, President McKinley on, in 1896 78 Silver, President Roosevelt on : 79, 80 Silver, Republican Party's Platform on 78 Silver, Republican Party's Record on 76 Shaw, Secretary of the Treasury, on Export Priees 110, 111 Shepard, Hon. Edward M., Speech of on Constitutionalism 285 Shipping, American, Republican Platform on 27 Shipping, American, Decline of, Due to High Tariffs 271 Ship Subsidy Bill 272 Soldiers and Sailors, Republican Platform on 27 Spooner, Senator, on the Philippines 187 Stand Pat Policy, New York American on 73 State Committees, Chairmen of 307 viii index. PAGE Statehood and Territories, Democratic Platform on 21 Statistics, Republican, Made to Deceive Voters 130 Steel Manufacturing Costs Less in the United States than in England. 121 Steel Plates, American, Cheaper to Foreigners 115 Steel Rails, American, Cheaper to Foreigners 117 Steel Trust's Profits 08 Steel Trust, Rebuked by Republican Official Reports 110 Storey, Moorfield, on Secretary Taft's Philippine Policy 185 Tables: Of Appropriations by Last Democratic Congress, Compared with Present Republican Congress : 87 Showing Appropriations by Democratic Congress Compared with Republican Congress 87 Of Closed Mills 151 Of Dun's List of Prices • 131 Of Duties Imposed by the Dingley Tariff 145 Of Export and Home Prices Compared 100 Of Exports to the Philippines 210 Of Increase in Prices of Specified Articles 134 Of Reductions in Wages 150 Of Railroad Wages, 1892-1903 133 Of Tariff Taxes, Paid by the Average American Family 142 Tariff and Trusts 98 Tariff is Cause of Decline in American Shipping 271 Tariff, Democratic Platform on 18 Tariff, the Dingley 145 Tariff Law, Republican Platform on 24 Taft's, Secretary, Philippine; Policy, Criticised 185 Taxation, Per Capita Greater in the United States than in Germany. 95 Telegram, Alton B. Parker's, to St. Louis Convention 23 Territories, Democratic Platform on 21 Timber Land Frauds 256 Trusts 98 Trusts, Democratic Platform on 18 Trusts Tax Average American Family $94 a Year 138 Trusts, Tin Plate, Ingratitude of 114 u United States Government's Expenditures for 1905 84 United States, Constitution of 3 Unlawful Combinations, Democratic Platform on 18 V Vote, Electoral, in 1904 304 w Wages, Chart Showing Purchasing Power of 136 Wages, Increase of Not Equal to Increase in Cost of Living 122, 132 Wages, Money vs. Real 135 Wages of Railroad Employees 132 Wage Reductions, in 1903 150 Wage Reductions in 1904 153 War, Cost of 88 "War Lord" for President 71 Water Ways, Democratic Platform on 19 Wealth, Increase of, Under Democratic Rule 289 William^ Hon. John Sharp, Notification Address to Henry G. Davis. 41 Wire, American barbed, Cheaper to Foreigners than to Americans... 118 Wright, Carroll D., "Cooked" Statistics of 123 RETURN CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT TO— ► 202 Main Library LOAN PERIOD 1 r~ HOME USE 2 : 3 4 5 ( 5 ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS Renewals and Recharges may be made 4 days prior to the due date. Books may be Renewed by calling 642-3405. DUE AS STAMPED BELOW SFP 1 1 -inn.* 1 ocru |99| , H hi i -.ciR.JWl3 l 9f JIM**** . » AUTO DISC DEC 1 S *91 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY FORM NO. DD6 BERKELEY, CA 94720 ®$ c In U.C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES C031E0MLM3 - ■ '- rL »i M41604 Wo* THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY