U N 1VERSITY OF CALIFOR G-IFT OF OF i c.' ^p ^^ THE SONNETS, TRIUMPHS, AND OTHER POEMS OP PETRARCH. NOW FIRST COMPLETELY TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH VERSE BY VAKIOUS HANDS. WITH A LIFE OF THE POET BY THOMAS CAMPBELL ILLUSTRATED WITH SIXTEEN ENGRAVINGS ON STEEL. LONDON : GEORGE BELL AND SONS, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. 1879. LONDON : PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS. PREFACE. THE present translation of Petrarch completes the Illus- trated Library series of the Italian Poets emphatically dis- tinguished as " I Quattro Poeti Italiani." It is rather a singular fact that, while the other three Poets of this world-famed series Dante, Ariosto, and Tasso have each found several translators, no complete version of the fourth, and in Italy the most popular, has hitherto been presented to the English reader. This lacune becomes the more remarkable when we consider the great influence which Petrarch has undoubtedly exercised on our poetry from the time of Chaucer downwards. The plan of the present volume has been to select from all the known versions those most distinguished for fidelity and rhythm. Of the more favourite poems, as many as three or four are occasionally given ; while of others, and those by no means few, it has been difficult to find even one. Indeed, many must have remained entirely un- represented but for the spirited efforts of Major Mac- gregor, who has recently translated nearly the whole, and that with great closeness both as to matter and form. To this gentleman we have to return our especial thanks for his liberal permission to make free use of his labours. Among the translators will be found Chaucer, Spenser, Sir Thomas Wyatt, Anna Hume, Sir John Harington : IV PREFACE. Basil Kennett, Anne Bannerman, Drummond of Hawthorn- den, R. Molesworth, Hugh Boyd, Lord Woodhouselee. the Rev. Francis Wrangham, the Rev. Dr. Nott, Dr- Morehead, Lady Dacre, Lord Charlemont, Capel Lofft, John Penn, Charlotte Smith, Mrs. Wrottesley, Miss Wol- laston, J. H. Merivale, the Rev. W. Shepherd, and Leigh Hunt, besides many anonymous. The order of arrangement is that adopted by Marsand and other recent editors; but to prevent any difficulty in identification, the Italian first lines have been given throughout, and repeated hi an alphabetical index. The Life of Petrarch prefixed is a condensation of the poet Campbell's two octavo volumes, and includes all the material part of that work. York Street, Covent Garden, June 2$, I65& LIST OF PLATES. TA3W 1. PORTRAIT OF PETRARCH to face title. 2. VIEW OF NAPLES xliv 3. VIEW OF NICE 4. COAST OF GENOA 5. BRIDGE OF SIGHS, VENICE 6. VICENZA 7. MILAN CATHEDRAL 8. LIBRARY OF ST. MARK'S, VENICE .... cxv 9. FERRARA. THE OLD DUCAL PALACE . cxxiii 10. PORTRAIT OF LAURA 11. VIEW OF ROME ST. PETER'S IN THE DISTANCE 12. SOLITUDES OF VAUCLUSE (where Petrarch wrote most of his Sonnets) 105 13. GENOA AND THE APENNINES . 14. AVIGNON (where Laura resided) 15. SELVA PIANA (where Petrarch received the news of Laura's death) 16. PETRARCH'S HOUSE AT ARQUA (where he wrote his Triumphs) CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY OF PETRARCH'S LIFE. A.n. PAOB 1304. Born at Arezzo, the 20th of July ix 1305. Is taken to Incisa at the age of seven months, where he remains seven years x 1312. Is removed to Pisa, where he remains seven months . x 1313. Accompanies his parents to Avignon xi 1315. Goes to live at Garpentras xi 1319. Is sent to Montpelier xi 1323. Is removed to Bologna xii 1326. Returns to Avignon loses his parents contracts a friendship with James Colonna .... xiii 1327. Falls in love with Laura ...... xvii 1330. Goes to Lombes with James Colonna forms ac- quaintance with Socrates and Lselius and returns to Avignon to live in the house of Cardinal Co- lonna xviii 1331. Travels to Paris travels through Flanders and Bra- baiit, and visits a part of Germany . . . xxiv 1333. His first journey to Rome his long navigation as far as the coast of England his return to Avignon xxxiii 1337. Birth of his son John he retires to Vaucluse . . xxxv 1339. Commences writing his epic poem, "Africa" . xxxviii 1340. Receives an invitation from Rome to come and be crowned as Laureate and another invitation, to the same effect, from Paris ..... xlU 1341. Goes to Naples, and thence to Rome, where he is crowned in the Capitol repairs to Parma death of Tommaso da Messina and James Colonna . xliii 1342. Goes as orator of the Roman people to Clement VI. at Avignon Studies the Greek language under Barlaamo xlviii 1343. Birth of his daughter Francesca he writes his dia- logues " De secreto conflictu curarum suarum " is sent to Naples by Clement VI. and Cardinal Colonna goes to Rome for a third and a fourth time returns from Naples to Parma li 1344. Continues to reside in Parma Iviii 1345. Leaves Parma, goes to Bologna, and thence to Ve- rona returns to Avignon Iviii 1346. Continues to live at Avignon is elected canon of Parma lix 1347. Revolution at Rome Petrarch's connection with the Tribune takes his fifth journey to Italy repairs to Parma Ixiv 1348. Goes to Verona death of Laura he returns again to Parma his autograph memorandum in the Vlll LIFE OF PETRARCH A.D. PAOH Milan copy of Virgil visits Manfredi, Lord of Carpi, and James Carrara at Padua . . . Ixvii 1349. Goes from Parma to Mantua and Ferrara returns to Padua, and receives, probably in this year, a canonicate in Padua Ixxiii 1350. Is raised to the Archdeaconry of Parma writes to the Emperor Charles IV. goes to Home, and, in going and returning, stops at Florence . . . Ixxiii 1351. Writes to Andrea Dandolo with a view to reconcile the Venetians and Florentines the Florentines decree tlie restoration of his paternal property, and send John Boccaccio to recall him to his country he returns, for the sixth time, to Avignon is consulted by the four Cardinals, who had been deputed to reform the government of Rome . . Ixxx 1352. Writes to Clement VI. the letter which excites against him the enmity of the medical tribe begins writing his treatise " De Vita Solitaria " . Ixxxvii 1353. Visits his brother in the Carthusian monastery of Monte Rivo writes his treatise "De Otio Reli- giosorum" returns to Italy takes up his abode with the Visconti is sent by the Archbishop Vis- conti to Venice, to negotiate a peace between the Venetians and Genoese .... xo 1354. Visits the Emperor at Mantua .... xcix 1355. His embassy to the Emperor publishes his " In vective against a Physician " . . . xcix 1360. His embassy to John, King of France . . cxii 1361. Leaves Milan and settles at Venice gives his librarj to the Venetians cxiii 1364. Writes for Lucchino del Verme his treatise " De Officio et Virtutibus Iniperatoris " . . . . . cxvii 1366. Writes to Urban V. imploring him to remove the Papal residence to Rome finishes his treatise " De Remediis utriusque Fortunae "... cxviii 1368. Quits Venice four young Venetians, either in this year or the preceding, promulgate a critical judg- ment against Petrarch repairs to Pavia to nego- tiate peace between the Pope's Legate and the Visconti cxix 1370. Sets out to visit the Pontiff is taken ill at Ferrara retires to Arqua among the Euganean liills . . cxxii 1371. Writes his " Invectiva contra Galluni," and his "Epistle to Posterity" cxxiii 1372. Writes for Francesco da Carrara his essay "De Re- publica optime adininistranda " * . . cxxx .373. Is sent to Venice by Francesco da Carrara . . cxxx 1374. Translates the Griseldis of Boccaccio dies on the 18th of July in ilie same year . . . cxxxi THE LIFE OF PETRARCH, THE family of Petrarch was originally of Florence, where his ancestors held employments of trust and honour. Garzo, his great- sen- timents. Tommaso wrote a volume of Latin poems, ^veial of which were published after the invention of printing. Petiaich, in his Triumphs of Love, reckons him an excelled jpoet This loss was followed by another which affected Petiaich ^ stil more strongly. Having received frequent invitations to Combes from the Bishop, who had resided some time in Ins diocese Pe- trarch looked forward with pleasure to the tune when he should revisit hmf SShe received accounts that the Bishop was taken dangerously ill- Whilst his mind was agitated by this news he I the Mowing dream, which he has himself related. Me- ^ou'htl saw the Bishop crossing the rivulet of my garden alone. I was astonished at this meeting, and asked him whence he came whither he was going in such haste and why he ~ *"*J smiled upon me with his usual complacency, and said, Remembc ' ate was sme l?at when you were in Gascony the te, npesta ons insupportable to you. I also am tired ol ^. Gascony, never to return, and I am going to Rome. At the con elusion of these words, he had reached the end of .he ga to and as I endeavoured to accompany him, he in the kmde gentlest manner waved his hand; but, upon my ^P^^ cried out in a more peremptory manner, Stay ! you I""** * attend me.' Whilst he spoke these words, 1 faxed my I took notice of the time. I told the circumstance to all my s*- ^ * -us- 'j&ss natural. That Petrarch, oppressed as he was with anxiety about Xlviii LIFE OF PETRARCH. his friend, should fall into fanciful reveries during his sleep, and imagine that he saw him in the paleness of death, was nothing wonderful nay, that he should frame this allegory in his dream is equally conceivable. The sleeper's imagination is often a great improvisatore. It forms scenes and stories ; its puts questions, and answers them itself, all the time believing that the responses come from those whom it interrogates. Petrarch, deeply attached to Azzo da Correggio, now began to consider himself as settled at Parma, where he enjoyed literary retirement in the bosom of his beloved Italy. But he had not resided there a year, when he was summoned to Avignon by orders he considered that he could not disobey. Tiraboschi, and after him Baldelli, ascribe his return to Avignon to the com- mission which he received in 134-2, to go as advocate of the Roman people to the new Pope, Clement VI., who had succeeded to the tiara on the death of Benedict XII., and Petrarch's own words coincide with what they say. The feelings of joy with which Petrarch revisited Avignon, though to appearance he had weaned himself from Laura, may be imagined. He had friend- ship, however, if he had not love, to welcome Mm. Here he met, with reciprocal gladness, his friends Socrates and Laelius. who had established themselves at the court of the Cardinal Colonna. " Socrates," says De Sade, " devoted himself entirely to Petrarch, and even went with him to Vaucluse." It thus appears that Petrarch had not given up his peculitini on the Sorgue, nor had any one rented the field and cottage in his absence. Benedict's successor, Clement VI. , was conversant with the world, and accustomed to the splendour of courts. Quite a con- trast to the plain rigidity of Benedict, he was courteous and munificent, but withal a voluptuary ; and his luxury and pro- fusion gave rise to extortions, to rapine, and to boundless simony. His artful and arrogant mistress, the Countess of Turenne, ruled him so absolutely, that all places in his gift, which had escaped the grasp of his relations, were disposed of through her interest ; and she amassed great wealth by the sale of benefices. The Romans applied to Clement VI., as they had applied to Benedict XII., imploring him to bring back the sacred seat to their capital ; and they selected Petrarch to be among those who should present their supplication. Our poet appealed to his Holiness on this subject, both in prose and verse. The Pope received him with smiles, complimented him on his eloquence, bestowed on him the priory of Migliorino, but, for the present, consigned his remonstrance to oblivion. In this mission to Clement at Avignon there was joined with Petrarch the famous Nicola Gabrino, better known by the name Cola di Rienzo, who. very soon afterwards, attached the history of Rome to his biography. He was for the present comparatively COLA DI R1ENZO. Kttle known ; but Petrarch, thus coming into connection with this extraordinary person, was captivated with his eloquence, whilst Clement complimented Rienzo, admitted him daily to his presence, and conversed with him on the wretched state of Home, the tyranny of the nobles, and the sufferings of the people. Cola and Petrarch were the two chiefs of this Roman embassy to the Pope ; and it appears that the poet gave precedency to the future tribune on this occasion. . They both elaborately exposed the three demands of the Roman people, namely, that the Pope, already the acknowledged patron of Rome, should assume the title and functions of its senator, in order to extinguish the civil wars kindled by the Roman barons ; .that he should return to his pontifical chair on the banks of the Tiber ; and that he should grant permission for the jubilee, instituted by Boniface VIII., to be held every fifty years, and not at the end of a century, as its extension to the latter period went far beyond the ordinary dura- tion of human life, and cut off the greater part of the faithful from enjoying the institution. Clement praised both orators, and conceded that the Romans should have a jubilee every fifty years ; but he excused himself from going to Rome, alleging that he was prevented by the disputes between France and England. " Holy Father," said Petrarch, "how much it were to be wished that you had known Italy before you knew France." " I wish I had," said the Pontiff, very coldly. Petrarch gave vent to his indignation at the papal court in a writing, entitled, " A Book of Letters without a Title," and in several severe sonnets. The " Liber Epistolamm sine Titulo " contains, as it is printed in his works (Basle edit., 1581), eighteen letters, fulminating as freely against papal luxury and corruption as if they had been penned by Luther or John Knox. From their contents, we might set down Petrarch as the earliest preacher of the Reformation, if there were not, in the writings of Dante, some passages of the same stamp. If these epistles were really circulated at the time when they were written, it is matter of astonishment that Petrarch never suffered from any other flames than those of love ; for many honest reformers, who have been roasted alive, have uttered less anti-papal vituperation than our poet ; nor, although Petrarch would have been startled at a revolution in the hierarchy, can it be doubted that his writings contributed to the Reformation. It must be remembered, at the same time, that he wrote against the church government of Avignon, and not that of Rome. He compares Avignon with the Assyrian Babylon, with Egypt under the mad tyranny of Cambyses ; or rather, denies that the latter empires can be held as parallels of guilt to the western Babylon ; nay, he tells us that neither Avernus nor Tartarus can be con- fronted with this infernal place. d 1 LIFE OF PETRARCH. " The successors of a troop of fishermen," he says, " have forgotten their origin. They are not contented, like the first followers of Christ, who gained their livelihood by the Lake of Gennesareth, with modest habitations, but they must build them- selves splendid palaces, and go about covered with gold and purple. They are fishers of men, who catch a credulous multi- tude, and devour them for their prey." This " Liber Episto- larum" includes some descriptions of the debaucheries of the churchmen, which are too scandalous for translation. They are nevertheless curious relics of history. In this year, Gherardo, the brother of our poet, retired, by his advice, to the Carthusian monastery of Montrieux, which they had both visited in the pilgrimage to Baume three years before. Gherardo had been struck down with affliction by the death of a beautiful woman at Avignon, to whom he was devoted. Her name and history are quite unknown, but it may be hoped, if not conjectured, that she was not married, and could be more liberal in her affections than the poet's Laura. Amidst all the incidents of this period of his life, the attach- ment of Petrarch to Laura continued unabated. It appears, too, that, since his return from Parma, she treated him with more than wonted complacency. He passed the greater part of the year 1342 at Avignon, and went to Vaucluse but seldom and for short intervals. In the meantime, love, that makes other people idle, interfered not with Petrarch's fondness for study. He found an opportunity of commencing the study of Greek, and seized it with avidity. That language had never been totally extinct in Italy ; but at the time on which we are touching, there were not probably six persons in the whole country acquainted with it. Dante had quoted Greek authors, but without having known the Greek alphabet. The person who favoured Petrarch with this coveted instruction was Bernardo Barlaamo, a Calabrian monk, who had been three years before at Avignon, having come as envoy from Andronicus, the eastern Emperor, on pretext of proposing a union between the Greek and Roman churches, but, in reality for the purpose of trying to borrow money from the Pope for the Emperor. Some of Petrarch's biographers date his commence- ment of the study of Greek from the period of Barlaamo's first visit to Avignon ; but I am inclined to postpone it to 1342, when Barlaamo returned to the west and settled at Avignon. Petrarch began studying Greek by the reading of Plato. He never obtained instruction sufficient to make him a good Grecian, but he imbibed much of the spirit of Plato from the labour which he bestowed on Ms works. He was very anxious to continue his Greek readings with Barlaanio ; but his stay in Avignon was very short ; and, though it was his interest to detain Mm as his preceptor, Petrarch, finding that he was anxious for a settlement EMBASSY TO NAPLES. 11 in Italy, helped him to obtain the bishopric of Geraci, in Calabria. The next year was memorable in our poet's life for the birth of his daughter Francesca. That the mother of this daughter was the same who presented him with his son John there can be no doubt. Baldelli discovers, in one of Petrarch's letters, an obscure allusion to her, which seems to indicate that she died suddenly after the birth of Francesca, who proved a comfort to her father in his old age. The opening of the year 1343 brought a new loss to Petrarch in the death of Robert, King of Naples. Petrarch, as we have seen, had occasion to be grateful to this monarch ; and we need not doubt that he was much affected by the news of his death ; but, when we are told that he repaired to Vaucluse to bewail his irreparable loss, we may suppose, without uncharitableness, that he retired also with a view to study the expression of his grief no less than to cherish it. He wrote, however, an interesting letter on the occasion to Barbato di Sulmona, in which he very sensibly exhibits his fears of the calamities which were likely to result from the death of Robert, adding that his mind was seldom true in prophecy, unless when it foreboded misfortunes ; and his predictions on this occasion were but too well verified. Robert was succeeded by his granddaughter Giovanna, a girl of sixteen, already married to Andrew of Hungary, her cousin, who was but a few months older. Robert by his will had esta- blished a council of regency, which was to continue until Gio- vanna arrived at the age of twenty-five. The Pope, however, made objections to this arrangement, alleging that tjie admini- stration of affairs during the Queen's minority devolved upon him immediately as lord superior. But, as he did not choose to assert his right till he should receive more accurate information re- specting the state of the kingdom, he gave Petrarch a commission for that purpose ; and entrusted him with a negotiation of much importance and delicacy. Petrarch received an additional commission from the Cardinal Colonna. Several friends of the Colonna family were, at that time, confined in prison at Naples, and the Cardinal flattered himself that Petrarch's eloquence and intercession would obtain their enlargement. Our poet accepted the embassy. He went to Nice, where he embarked ; but had nearly been lost in his passage. He wrote to Cardinal Colonna the following account of his voyage. "I embarked at Nice, the first maritime town in Italy (he means the nearest to France). At night I got to Monaco, and the bad weather obliged me to pass a whole day there, which by no means put me into good-humour. The next morning we re- embarked, and, after being tossed all day by the tempest, we arrived very late at Port Maurice. The night was dreadful ; it d 2 Hi LIFE OF PETRARCH. was impossible to get to the castle, and I was obliged to put up at a little village, where my bed and supper appeared tolerable from extreme weariness. I determined to proceed by land ; the perils of the road appeared less dreadful to me than those by sea. I left my servants and baggage in the ship, which set sail, and I remained with only one domestic on shore. By accident, upon the coast of Genoa, I found some German horses which were for sale ; they were strong and serviceable. I bought them ; but I was soon afterwards obliged to take ship again ; for war was re- newed between the Pisans and the Milanese. Nature has placed limits to these States, the Po on one side, and the Apennines on the other. I must have passed between their two armies if I had gone by land ; this obliged me to re-embark at Lerici. I passed by Corvo, that famous rock, the ruins of the city of Luna, and landed at Murrona. Thence I went the next day on horse- back to Pisa, Siena, and Rome. My eagerness to execute your orders has made me a night-traveller, contrary to my character and disposition. I would not sleep till I had paid my duty to your illustrious father, who is always my hero. I found him the same as I left him seven 3 r ears ago, nay, even as hale and sprightly as when I saw him at Avignon, which is now twelve years. What a surprising man ! What strength of mind and body ! How firm his voice ! How beautiful his face ! Had he been a few years younger, I should have taken him for Julius Caesar, or Scipio Africanus. Rome grows old ; but not its hero. He was half undressed, and going to bed ; so I stayed only a moment, but I passed the whole of the next day with him. He asked me a thousand questions about you, and was much pleased that I was going to Naples. When I set out from Rome, he insisted on ac- companying me beyond the walls. " I reached Palestrina that night, and was kindly received by your nephew John. He is a young man of great hopes, and fol- lows the steps of his ancestors. " I arrived at Naples the llth of October. Heavens, what a change has the death of one man produced in that place ! No one would know it now. Religion, Justice, and Truth are ban- ished. I think I am at Memphis, Babylon, or Mecca. In the stead of a king so just and so pious, a little monk, fat, rosy, bare- footed, with a shorn head, and half covered with a dirty mantle, bent by hypocrisy more than by age, lost in debauchery whilst proud of "his affected poverty, and still more of the real wealth he has amassed this man holds the reins of this staggering empire. In vice and cruelty he rivals a Dionysius, an Agathocles, or a Phalaris. This monk, named Roberto, was an Hungarian cordelier, and preceptor of Prince Andrew, whom he entirely sways. He oppresses the weak, despises the great, tramples justice under foot, and treats both the dowager and the reigning Queen with the greatest insolence. The court and city tremble G10VANNA OF NAPLES. \U\ before him ; a mournful silence reigns in the public assemblies, and in private they converse by whispers. The least gesture is punished, and to think is denounced as a crime. To this man I have presented the orders of the Sovereign Pontiff, and your just demands. He behaved with incredible insolence. Susa, or Da- mascus, the capital of the Saracens, would have received with more respect an envoy from the Holy See. The great lords imi- tate his pride and tyranny. The Bishop of Cavaillon is the only one who opposes this torrent ; but what can one lamb do in the midst of so many wolves ? It is the request of a dying king alone that makes him endure so wretched a situation. How small are the hopes of my negotiation ! but I shall wait with patience ; though I know beforehand the answer they will give me." It is plain from Petrarch's letter that the kingdom of Naples was now under a miserable subjection to the Hungarian faction, and that the young Queen's situation was anything but enviable. Few characters in modern history have been drawn in such con- trasted colours as that of Giovanna, Queen of Naples. She has been charged with every vice, and extolled for every virtue. Petrarch represents her as a woman of weak understanding, disposed to gallantry, but incapable of greater crimes. Her history reminds us much of that of Mary Queen of Scots. Her youth and her character, gentle and interesting in several re- spects, entitle her to the benefit of our doubts as to her assent to the death of Andrew. Many circumstances seem to me to favour those doubts, and the opinion of Petrarch is on the side of her acquittal. On his arrival in Naples, Petrarch had an audience with the Queen Dowager ; but her grief and tears for the loss of her hus- band made this interview brief and fruitless with regard to business. When he spoke to her about the prisoners, for whose release the Colonnas had desired him to intercede, her Majesty referred him to the council. She was now, in reality, only a state jypher. The principal prisoners for whom Petrarch was commissioned to plead, were the Counts Minervino, di Lucera, and Pontenza. Petrarch applied to the council of state in their behalf, but he was put off with perpetual excuses. While the affair was in agitation he went to Capua, where the prisoners were confined. "There," he writes to the Cardinal Colonna, "I saw your friends ; and, such is the instability of Fortune, that I found them in chains. They support their situation with fortitude. Their innocence is no plea in their behalf to those who have shared in the spoils of their fortune. Their only expectations rest upon you. I have no hopes, except from the intervention of some superior power, as any dependence on the clemency of the council is out of the question. The Queen Dowager, now the V LIFE OF PETRARCH. most desolate of widows, compassionates their case, but cannot assist them." Petrarch, wearied with the delays of business, sought relief in excursions to the neighbourhood. Of these he writes an account to Cardinal Colonna. " I went to Baiae," he says, " with my friends, Barbate and Barrilli. Everything concurred to render this jaunt agreeable good company, the beauty of the scenes, and my extreme weariness of the city I had quitted. This climate, which, as far as I can judge, must be insupportable in summer, is delightful in winter. I was rejoiced to behold places described by Virgil, and, what is more surprising, by Homer before him. I have seen the Lucrine lake, famous for its fine oysters ; the lake Avernus, with water as black as pitch, and fishes of the same colour swimming in it; marshes formed by the standing waters of Acheron, and the mountain whose roots go down to hell. The terrible aspect of this place, the thick shades with wliich it is covered by a sur- rounding wood, and the pestilent odour wliich this water exhales, characterize it very justly as the Tartarus of the poets. There wants only the boat of Charon, which, however, would be unnecessary, as there is only a shallow ford to pass over. The Styx and the kingdom of Pluto are now hid from our sight. Awed by what I had heard and read of these mournful ap- proaches to the dead, I was contented to view them at my feet from the top of a high mountain. -The labourer, the shepherd, and the sailor, dare not approach them nearer. There are deep caverns, where some pretend that a great deal of gold is con- cealed ; covetous men, they say, have been to seek it, but they never return ; whether they lost their way in the dark valleys, or had a fancy to visit the dead, being so near their habitations. " I have seen the ruins of the grotto of the famous Cumaean sybil ; it is a hideous rock, suspended in the Avernian lake. Its situation strikes the mind with horror. There still remain the hundred mouths by wliich the gods conveyed their oracles ; these are now dumb, and there is only one God who speaks in heaven and on earth. These uninhabited ruins serve as the resort of birds of unlucky omen. Not far off is that dreadful cavern which leads, they say, to the infernal regions. Who would believe that, close to the mansions of the dead, Nature should have placed powerful remedies for the preservation of life? Near Avernus and Acheron are situated that barren land whence rises continually a salutary vapour, which is a cure for several diseases, and those hot-springs that vomit hot and sulphureous cinders. I have seen the baths wliich Nature has prepared ; but the avarice of physicians has rendered them of doubtful use. This does not, however, prevent them from being visited by the invalids of all the neighbouring towns. These hollowed moun- APPOINTMENTS AT NAPLES. IV tains dazzle us with the lustre of their marble circles, on which are engraved figures that point out, by the position of their hands, the part of the body which each fountain is proper to cure. " I saw the foundations of that admirable reservoir of Nero, which was to go from Mount Misenus to the Avernian lake, and to enclose all the hot waters of Baias. " At Pozzuoli I saw the mountain of Falernus, celebrated for its grapes, whence the famous Falernian wine. I saw likewise those enraged waves of which Virgil speaks in his Georgics, on which Caesar put a bridle by the mole which he raised there, and which Augustus finished. It is now called the Dead Sea. I am surprised at the prodigious expense the Romans were at to build houses in the most exposed situations, in order to shelter them from the severities of the weather ; for in the heats of summer the valleys of the Apennines, the mountains of Viterbo, and the woods of Umbria, furnished them with charming shades ; . and even the ruins of the houses which they built in those places are superb." Our poet's residence at Naples was evidently disagreeable to him, in spite of the company of his friends, Barrilli and Barbato. His friendship with the latter was for a moment overcast by an act of indiscretion on the part of Barbato, who, by dint of impor- tunity, obtained from Petrarch thirty-four lines of his poem of Africa, under a promise that he would show them to nobody. On entering the library of another friend, the first tiling that struck our poet's eyes was a copy of the same verses, transcribed with a good many blunders. Petrarch's vanity on this occasion, however, was touched more than his anger he forgave his friend's treachery, believing it to have arisen from excessive admiration. Barbato, as some atonement, gave him a little MS. of Cicero, which Petrarch found to contain two books of the orator's Treatise on the Academics, " a work," as he observes, " more subtle than useful." Queen Giovanna was fond of literature. She had several con- versations with Petrarch, which increased her admiration of him. After the example of her grandfather, she made him her chaplain and household clerk, both of which offices must be supposed to have been sinecures. Her letters appointing him to them are dated the 25th of November, 1343, the very day before that nocturnal storm of which I shall speedily quote the poet's descrip- tion. Voltaire has asserted that the young Queen of Naples was the pupil of Petrarch ; " but of this," as De Sade remarks, " there is no proof." It only appears that the two greatest geniuses of Italy, Boccaccio and Petrarch, were both attached to Giovanna, and had a more charitable opinion of her than most of their contemporaries. Ivi LIFE OF PETRARCH. Soon after his return from the tour to Baiae, Petrarch was witness to a violent tempest at Naples, which most historians have mentioned, as it was memorable for having threatened the entire destruction of the city. The night of the 25th of November, 1343. set in with uncom- monly still weather ; but suddenly a tempest rose violently, in the direction of the sea, which made the buildings of the city shake to their very foundations. " At the first onset of the tem- pest," Petrarch writes to the Cardinal Colonna, " the windows of the house were burst open. The lamp of my chamber " he was lodged at a monastery " was blown out I was shaken from my bed with violence, and I apprehended immediate death. The friars and prior of the convent, who had risen to pay their customary devotions, rushed into my room with crucifixes and relics in their hands, imploring the mercy of the Deity. I took courage, and accompanied them to the church, where we all passed the night, expecting every moment to be our last. I cannot describe the horrors of that dreadful night ; the bursts of light- ning and the roaring of thunder were blended with the shrieks of the people. The night itself appeared protracted to an unnatural length ; and. when the morning arrived, which we discovered rather by conjecture than by any dawning of light, the priests prepared to celebrate the service ; but the rest of us, not having yet dared to lift up our eyes towards the heavens, threw our- selves prostrate on the ground. At length the day appeared a day how like to night ! The cries of the people began to cease in the upper part of the city, but were redoubled from the sea-shore. Despair inspired us with courage. We mounted our horses and arrived at the port. What a scene was there ! the vessels had suffered shipwreck in the very harbour ; the shore was covered with dead bodies, which were tossed about and dashed against the rocks, whilst many appeared struggling in the agonies of death. Meanwhile, the raging ocean overturned many houses from their very foundations. Above a thousand Neapoli- tan horsemen were assembled near the shore to assist, as it were, at the obsequies of their countrymen. I caught from them a spirit of resolution, and was less afraid of death from the con- sideration that we should all perish together. On a sudden a cry of horror was heard ; the sea had sapped the foundations of the ground on which we stood, and it was already beginning to give way. We immediately hastened to a higher place, where the scene was equally impressive. The young Queen, with naked feet and dishevelled hair, attended by a number of women, was rushing to the church of the Virgin, crying out for mercy in this imminent peril. At sea, no ship escaped the fury of the tempest : all the vessels in the harbour one only excepted sunk before our eyes, and every soul on board perished." By the assiduity and solicitations of Petrarch, the council of QUITS NAPLES. Ivii Naples were at last engaged in debating about the liberation of Colonna's imprisoned friends ; and the affair was nearly brought to a conclusion, when the approach of night obliged the members to separate before they came to a final decision. The cause of this separation is a sad proof of Neapolitan barbarism at that period. It will hardly, at this day, seem credible that, in the capital of so flourishing a kingdom, and the residence of a brilliant court, such savage licentiousness could have prevailed. At night, all the streets of the city were beset by the young nobility, who were armed, and who attacked all passengers with- out distinction, so that even the members of the council could not venture to appear after a certain hour. Neither the severity of parents, nor the authority of the magistrates, nor of Majesty itself, could prevent continual combats and assassinations. " But can it be astonishing," Petrarch remarks, " that such dis- graceful scenes should pass in the night, when the Neapolitans celebrate, even in the face of day, games similar to those of the gladiators, and with more than barbarian cruelty ? Human blood is shed here with as little remorse as that of brute animals ; and, while the people join madly in applause, sons expire in the very sight of their parents ; and it is considered the utmost disgrace not to die with becoming fortitude, as if they were dying in the defence of their religion and country. I myself, ignorant of these customs, was once carried to the Carbonara, the destined place of butchery. The Queen and her husband, Andrew, were present; the soldiery of Naples were present, and the people flocked thither in crowds. I was kept in suspense by the appearance of so large and brilliant an assembly, and expected some spectacle worthy of my attention, when I suddenly heard a loud shout of applause, as for some joyous incident. What was my surprise when I beheld a beautiful young man pierced through with a sword, and ready to expire at my feet ! Struck with horror, I put spurs to my horse, and fled from the barbarous sight, uttering execrations on the cruel spectators. " This inhuman custom has been derived from their ancestors, and is now so sanctioned by inveterate habit, that their very licentiousness is dignified with the name of liberty. " You will cease to wonder at the imprisonment of your friends in this city, where the death of a young man is considered as an innocent pastime. As to myself, I will quit this inhuman country before three days are past, and hasten to you who can make all things agreeable to me except a sea-voyage." Petrarch at length brought his negotiations respecting the prisoners to a successful issue ; and they were released by the express authority of Andrew. Our poet's presence being no longer necessary, he left Naples, in spite of the strong solicitations of his friends Barrilli and Barbato. In answer to their request that he Ivili LIFE OF PE1RARCH. would remain, he said, " I am but a satellite, and follow the directions of a superior planet ; quiet and repose are denied to me." From Naples he went to Parma, where Azzo Correggio, with his wonted affection, pressed him to delay ; and Petrarch accepted the invitation, though he remarked with sorrow that harmony no longer reigned among the brothers of the family. He stopped there, however, for some time, and enjoyed such tranquillity that he could revise and polish his compositions. But, in the follow- ing year, 1345, his Mend Azzo, having failed to keep his promise to Luchino Visconti, as to restoring to him the lordship of Parma Azzo had obtained it by the assistance of the Visconti, who avenged himself by making war on the Correggios he invested Parma, and afflicted it with a tedious siege. Petrarch, fore- seeing little prospect of pursuing his studies quietly in a beleaguered city, left the place with a small number of his companions ; but. about midnight, near Rheggio, a troop of robbers rushed from an ambuscade, with cries of " Kill ! kill ! " and our handful of travellers, being no match for a host of brigands, fled and sought to save themselves under favour of night. Petrarch, during this flight, was thrown from his horse. The shock was so violent that he swooned ; but he recovered, and was remounted by his com- panions. They had not got far, however, when a violent storm of rain and lightning rendered their situation almost as bad as that from which they had escaped, and threatened them with death in another shape. They passed a dreadful night without finding a tree or the hollow of a rock to shelter them, and had no ex- pedient for mitigating their exposure to the storm but to turn their horses' backs to the tempest. When the dawn permitted them to discern a path amidst the brushwood, they pushed on to Scandiano, a castle occupied by the Gonzaghi, friends of the lords of Parma, which they happily reached, and where they were kindly received. Here they learned that a troop of horse and foot had been waiting for them in ambush near Scandiano, but had been forced by the bad weather to withdraw before their arrival ; thus " the pelting of the pitiless storm " had been to them a merciful occurrence. Petrarch made no delay here, for he was smarting under the bruises from his fall, but caused himself to be tied upon his horse, and went to repose at Modena. The next day he repaired to Bologna, where he stopped a short time for surgical assistance, and whence he sent a letter to his friend Barbate, describing his misadventure ; but, unable to hold a pen himself, he was obliged to employ the hand of a stranger. He was so impatient, however, to get back to Avignon, that he took the road to it as soon as he could sit hig horse. On approaching that city he says he felt a greater soft- ness in the air, and saw with delight the flowers that adorn tha QUASi'-POSTHUMOUS HONOURS. llX neighbouring woods. Everything seemed to announce the vicinity of Laura. It was seldom that Petrarch spoke so complacently of Avignon. Clement VI. received Petrarch with the highest respect, offered him his choice among several vacant bishoprics, and pressed him to receive the office of pontifical secretary. He declined the prot- fered secretary ship. Prizing his independence above all things, excepting Laura, he remarked to his friends that the yoke of office would not sit lighter on him for being gilded. In consequence of the dangers he had encountered, a rumour of his death had spread over a great part of Italy. The age was romantic, with a good deal of the fantastical in its romance. If the news had been true, and if he had been really dead and buried, it would be difficult to restrain a smile at the sort of honours that were paid to his memory by the less brain-gifted portion of his admirers. One of these, Antonio di Beccaria, a physician of Ferrara, when he ought to have been mourning for his own deceased patients, wrote a poetical lamentation for Petrarch's death. The poem, if it deserve such a name, is alle- gorical ; it represents a funeral, in which the following personages parade in procession and grief for the Laureate's death. Gram- mar, Rhetoric, and Philosophy are introduced with their several attendants. Under the banners of Rhetoric are ranged Cicero, Geoffrey de Vinesauf, and Alain de Lisle. It would require all Cicero's eloquence to persuade us that his comrades in the pro- cession were quite worthy of his company. The Nine Muses follow Petrarch's body ; eleven poets, crowned with laurel, sup- port the bier, and Minerva, holding the crown of Petrarch, closes the procession. We have seen that Petrarch left Naples foreboding disastrous events to that kingdom. Among these, the assassination of Andrew, on the 18th of September, 1345, was one that fulfilled his augury. The particulars of this murder reached Petrarch on his arrival at Avignon, in a letter from his friend Barbato. From the sonnets which Petrarch wrote, to all appearance, in 1345 and 1346, at Avignon or Vaucluse, he seems to have suffered from those fluctuations of Laura's favour that naturally arose from his own imprudence. When she treated him with affability, he grew bolder in his assiduities, and she was again obliged to be more severe. See Sonnets cviii., cix., and cxiv. During this sojourn, though he dates some of his pleasantest letters from Vaucluse, he was projecting to return to Italy,- and to establish himself there, after bidding a final adieu to Provence. When he acquainted his nominal patron, John Colonna, with his intention, the Cardinal rudely taxed him with madness and in- gratitude. Petrarch frankly told the prelate that he was con- scious of no ingratitude, since, after fourteen years passed in his service, he had received no provision for his future livelihood. X LIFE OF PETRARCH. Tliis quarrel with the proud churchman is, with fantastic pastoral imagery, made the subject of our poet's eighth Bucolic, entitled Divortram. I suspect that Petrarch's free language in favour of the Tribune Rienzo was not unconnected with their alienation. Notwithstanding Petrarch's declared dislike of Avignon, there is every reason to suppose that he passed the greater part of the winter of 1346 in his western Babylon ; and we find that he wit- nessed many interesting scenes between the conflicting cardinals, as well as the brilliant fetes that were given to two foreign princes, whom an important affair now brought to Avignon. These were the King of Bohemia, and his son Charles, Prince of Moravia, otherwise called Charles of Luxemburg. The Emperor Lewis of Bavaria, who had previously made several but fruitless attempts to reconcile himself with the Church, on learning the election of Clement VI.. sent ambassadors with unlimited powers to effect a reconcilement; but the Pope proposed conditions so hard and humbling that the States of the German Empire peremptorily rejected them. On this, his Holiness con- firmed the condemnations which he had already passed on Lewis of Bavaria, and enjoined the Electors of the empire to proceed to a new choice of the King of the Romans. " John of Luxem- burg," says Yillani, ' would have been emperor if he had not been blind." A wish to secure the empire for his son and to further his election, brought him to the Pope at Avignon. Prince Charles had to thank the Pontiff for being elected, but first his Holiness made him sign, on the 22nd of April, 1346, in presence of twelve cardinals and his brother William Roger, a declaration of which the following is the substance : " If, by the grace of God, I am elected King of the Romans, I will fulfil all the promises and confirm all the concessions of my grandfather Heniy VII. and of his predecessors. I will re- voke the acts made by Lewis of Bavaria. I will occupy no place, either in or out of Italy, belonging to the Church. I will not enter Rome before the day appointed for iny coronation. I will depart from thence the same day with all my attendants, and I will never return without the permission of the Holy See." He might as well have declared that he would give the Pope all his power, as King of the Romans, provided he was allowed the pro- fits ; for, in reality, Charles had no other view with regard to Italy than to make money. This concession, which contrasts so poorly with the conduct of Charles on many other occasions, excited universal indignation in Germany, and a good deal even in Italy. Petrarch exclaimed against it as mean and atrocious ; for, Catholic as he was, he was not so much a churchman as to see without indignation the papal tiara exalted above the imperial crown. In July, 1346, Charles was elected, and. in derision, was called " the Emperor of the Priests." The death of his rival, Lewis of LAURA HOPES AND FP^ARS. Ixl Bavaria, however, which happened in the next year, prevented a tivil war, and Charles IV. remained peaceable possessor of the empire. Among the fetes that were given to Charles, a ball was held at Avignon, in a grand saloon brightly illuminated. Thither came all the beauties of the city and of Provence. The Prince, who had heard much of Laura, through her poetical fame, sought her out and saluted her in the French manner. Petrarch went, according to his custom, to pass the term of Lent at Vaucluse. The Bishop of Cavaillon, eager to see the poet, persuaded him to visit his recluse residence, and remained with Petrarch as his guest for fifteen days, in his own castle, on the summit of rocks, that seemed more adapted for the perch of birds than the habitation of men. There is now scarcely a wreck of it remaining. It would seem, however, that the Bishop's conversation made this retirement very agreeable to Petrarch ; for it inspired him with the idea of writing a " Treatise on a Solitary Life." Of this work he made a sketch in a short time, but did not finish it till twenty years afterwards, when he dedicated and presented it to the Bishop of Cavaillon. It is agreeable to meet, in Petrarch's life at the shut-up valley, with any circumstance, however trifling, that indicates a cheerful state of mind; for, independently of his loneliness, the inex- tinguishable passion for Laura never ceased to haunt him ; and his love, strange to say. had mad, momentary hopes, which only deepened at their departure the returning gloom of despair. Petrarch never wrote more sonnets on his beloved than during the course of this year. Laura had a fair and discreet female friend at Avignon, who was also the friend of Petrarch, and interested in his attachment. The ideas which this amiable confidante enter- tained of harmonizing success in misplaced attachment with honour and virtue must have been Platonic, even beyond the feel- ings which Petrarch, in reality, cherished ; for, occasionally, the poet's sonnets are too honest for pure Platonism. This lady, however, whose name is unknown, strove to convince Laura that she ought to treat her lover with less severity. " She pushed Laura forward," says De Sade, " and kept back Petrarch." One day she recounted to the poet all the proofs of affection, and after these proofs she said, " You infidel, can you doubt that she loves you? " It is to this fair friend that he is supposed to have addressed his nineteenth sonnet. This year, his Laura was seized with a defluxion in her eyes, which made her suffer much, and even threatened her with blind- ness. This was enough to bring a sonnet from Petrarch (his 94th), in which he laments that those eyes which were the sun of his life should be for ever eclipsed. He went to see her during her illness, having now the privilege of visiting her at her own house, li LIFE OF PETRARCH. and one day he found her perfectly recovered. Whether the oph- thalmia was infectious, or only endemic, I know not ; but so it was, that, whilst Laura's eyes got well, those of her lover became affected with the same defluxion, It struck his imagination, or, at least, he feigned to believe poetically, that the malady of her eyes had passed into his ; and, in one of his sonnets, he exults at this welcome circumstance.* "I fixed my eyes," he said, "on Laura ; and that moment a something inexpressible, like a shoot- ing star, darted from them to mine. This is a present from love, in which I rejoice. How delightful it is thus to cure the darling object of one's soul!" Petrarch received some show of complacency from Laura, which his imagination magnified ; and it was some sort of consolation, at least, that his idol was courteous to him ; but even this scanty solace was interrupted. Some malicious person communicated to Laura that Petrarch was imposing upon her, and that he was secretly addressing his love and his poetry to another lady under a borrowed name. Laura gave ear to the calumny, and, for a time, debarred him from her presence. If she had been wholly indifferent to him, this misunderstanding would have never ex- isted ; for jealousy and indifference are a contradiction in terms. I mean true jealousy. There is a pseudo species of it, with which many wives are troubled who care nothing about their husbands' affection ; a plant of ill nature that is reared merely to be a rod of conjugal castigation. Laura, however, discovered at last, that her admirer was playing no double part. She was too reasonable to protract so unjust a quarrel, and received him again as usual. I have already mentioned that Clement VI. had made Petrarch Canon of Modena, which benefice he resigned in favour of his friend, Luca Christino, and that this year his Holiness had also conferred upon him the prebend of Parma. This preferment ex- cited the envy of some persons, who endeavoured to prejudice Ugolino de' Rossi, the bishop of the diocese, against him. Ugolino was of that family which had disputed for the sovereignty of Parma with the Correggios, and against whom Petrarch had pleaded in favour of their rivals. From this circumstance it was feared that Ugolino might be inclined to listen to those maligners who accused Petrarch of having gone to Avignon for the purpose of undermining the Bishop in the Pope's favour. Petrarch, upon his promotion, wrote a letter to Ugolino, strongly repelling this accusation. This is one of the manliest epistles that ever issued from his pen. " Allow me to assure you." he says, " that I would not exchange my tranquillity for your troubles, nor my poverty for your riches. Do not imagine, however, that I despise your par- ticular situation. I only mean that there is no person of your rank whose preferment I desire ; nor would I accept such prefer- * Sonnet cxcvi. VISITS HIS BROTHER. ment if it were offered to me. I should not say thus much, if my familiar intercourse with the Pope and the Cardinals -had not con- vinced me that happiness in that rank is more a shadow than a substance. It was a memorable saying of Pope Adrian IV., 'that he knew no one more unhappy than the Sovereign Pontiff ; his throne is a seat of thorns ; his mantle is an oppressive weight ; his tiara shines splendidly indeed, but it is not without a devour- ing fire.' If I had been ambitious," continues Petrarch, " I might have been preferred to a benefice of more value than yours ;" and he refers to the fact of the Pope having given him his choice of several high preferments. Petrarch passed the winter of 1346-47 chiefly at Avignon, and made but few and short excursions to Vaucluse. In one of these, at the beginning of 1347, when he had Socrates to keep him company at Vaucluse, the Bishop of Cavaillon invited them to his castle. Petrarch returned th,e following answer : " Yesterday we quitted the city of storms to take refuge in this harbour, and taste the sweets of repose. We have nothing but coarse clothes, suitable -to the season and the place we live in; but in this rustic dress we will repair to see you, since you com- mand us ; we fear not to present ourselves in this rustic dress ; our desire to see you puts down every other consideration. What matters it to us how we appear before one who possesses the depth of our hearts? If you wish to see us often you will treat us without ceremony." His visits to Vaucluse were rather infrequent; business, he says, detained him often at Avignon, in spite of hims-elf ; but still at intervals he passed a day or two to look after his gardens and trees. On one of these occasions, he wrote a pleasing letter to William of Pastrengo, dilating on the pleasures of his garden, which displays liveliness and warmth of heart. Petrarch had not seen his brother since the latter had taken the cowl in the Carthusian monastery, some five years before. To that convent he paid a visit in February, 1347, and he was re- ceived like an angel from heaven. He was delighted to see a brother whom he loved so much, and to find him contented with the life which he had embraced. The Carthusians, who had heard of Petrarch, renowned as the finest spirit of the age, were flattered by his showing a strong interest in their condition ; and though he passed but a day and a night with them, they parted so mutually well pleased, that he promised, on taking leave, to send them a treatise on the happiness of the life which they led. And he kept his word ; for, immediately upon his return to Vau- cluse, he commenced his essay " De Otio Religioso On the Leisure of the Religious," and he finished it in a few weeks. The object of this work is to show the sweets and advantages of their retired state, compared with the agitations of life in the world. From these monkish reveries Petrarch was awakened by an LIFE OF PETRARCH. astounding public event, namely, the elevation of Cola di Rienzo to the tribuneship of Rome. At the news of this revolution, Petrarch was animated with as much enthusiasm as if he had been himself engaged in the enterprise. Under the first impulse of his feelings, he sent an epistolary congratulation and advice to Rienzo and the Roman people. This letter breathes a strongly republi- can spirit. In later times, we perceive that Petrarch would have been glad to witness the accomplishment of his darling object Rome restored to her ancient power and magnificence, even under an imperial government. Our poet received from the Tribune an answer to his epistolary oration, telling him that it had been read to the Roman people, and received with applause. A considerable number of letters passed between Petrarch and Cola. When we look back on the long connection of Petrarch with the Colonna family, his acknowledged obligations, and the attach- ment to them which he expresses, it may seem, at first sight, sur- prising that he should have so loudly applauded a revolution which struck at the roots of their power. But, if we view the matter with a more considerate eye, we shall hold the poet in nobler and dearer estimation for his public zeal than if he had cringed to the Colonnas. His personal attachment to them, who were quite as much honoured by his friendship as he was by theirs, was a consideration subservient to that of the honour of Ms country and the freedom of his fellow-citizens ; " for," as he says in his own defence, " we owe much to our friends, still more to our parents, but everything to our country." Retiring during this year for some time to Vaucluse, Petrarch composed an eclogue in honour of the Roman revolution, the fifth in his Bucolics. It is entitled ' La Pieta Pastorale," and has three speakers, who converse about their venerable mother Rome, but in so dull a manner, that, if Petrarch had never written better poetry, we should not, probably, at this moment, have heard of his existence. In the midst of all this political fervour, the poet's devotion to Laura continued unabated ; Petrarch never composed so many sonnets in one year as during 1347, but, for the most part, still indicative of sadness and despair. In his 116th sonnet, he says : " Solco onde, e *n rena fondo, e scrivo in vento." I plough in water, build on sand, and write on air. If anything were wanting to convince us that Laura had treated him, during his twenty years' courtship, with sufficient rigour, this and other such expressions would suffice to prove it. A lover, at the end of so long a period, is not apt to speak thus despondingly of a mistress who has been kind to him. It seenis, "however, that there were exceptions to her extreme reseive. On one occasion, this year, when they met, and when LEGITIMATION OF HIS SON. xV Petrarch's eyes were fixed on her in silent reverie, she stretched out her hand to him, and allowed him to detain it in his for some time. This incident is alluded to in his 218th sonnet. If public events, however, were not enough to make him forget his passion for Laura, they were sufficiently stirring to keep his interest in them alive. The head of Rienzo was not strong enough to stand the elevation which he had attained. Petrarch had hitherto regarded the reports of Rienzo's errors as highly exaggerated by his enemies ; but the truth of them, at last, became too palpable ; though our poet's charitable opinion of the Tribune considerably outlasted that of the public at large. When the papal court heard of the multiplied extravagances of Rienzo, they recovered a little from the panic which had seized them. They saw that they had to deal with a man whose head was turned. His summonses had enraged them ; and they resolved to keep no measures with him. Towards the end of August, 1347, one of his couriers arrived without arms, and with only the symbol of his office, the silver rod, in his hand. He was arrested near Avignon ; his letters were taken from him and torn to pieces ; and, without being permitted to enter Avignon, he was sent back to Rome with threats and ignominy. This proceeding appeared atrocious in the eyes of Petrarch, and he wrote a letter to Rienzo on the subject, expressing his strongest indignation at the act of outrage. Petrarch passed almost the whole of the month of September, 1347, at Avignon. On the 9th of this month he obtained let- ters of legitimation for his son John, who might now be about ten years old. John is entitled, in these letters, " a scholar of Florence." The Pope empowers him to possess any kind of benefice without being obliged, in future, to make mention of his illegitimate birth, or of the obtained dispensation. It appears from these letters that the mother of John was not married. He left his son at Verona under the tuition of Rinaldo di Villa Franca. Before he had left Provence in this year, for the purpose of visiting Italy, he had announced his intention to the Pope, who wished to retain him as an honour to his court, and offered him his choice of several church preferments. But our poet, whose only wish was to obtain some moderate benefice that would leave him independent and at liberty, declined his Holiness's vague offers. If we consider that Petrarch made no secret of his good wishes for Rienzo, it may seem surprisingly creditable to the Pontiff's liberality that he should have even professed any interest in the poet's fortune ; but in a letter to his friend Socrates, Petrarch gives us to understand that he thought the Pope's professions were merely verbal. He says : " To hold out treasures to a man who demands a small sum is but a polite mode of refusal." In fact, the Pope offered him some bishopric, 6 Ixv LIFE OF PETRARCH. knowing that he wanted only some benefice that should be a sine- cure. If it be asked what determined him now to leave Avignon, the counter-question may be put, what detained him so long from Italy ? It appears that he had never parted with his house and garden at Parma ; he hated everything in Avignon excepting Laura ; and of the solitude of Vaucluse he was, in all probability, already weary. Before he left Avignon, he went to take leave of Laura. He found her at an assembly which she often frequented. " She was seated," he says, " among those ladies who are generally her companions, and appeared like a beautiful rose surrounded with flowers smaller and less blooming." Her air was more touching than usual. She was dressed perfectly plain, and without pearls or garlands, or any gay colour. Though she was not melancholy, she did not appear to have her wonted cheerfulness, but was serious and thoughtful. She did not sing, as usual, nor speak with that voice which used to charm every one. She had the air of a person who fears an evil not yet arrived. " In taking leave of her," says Petrarch, " I sought in her looks for a consolation of my own sufferings. Her eyes had an expression which I had never seen in them before. What I saw in her face seemed to predict the sorrows that threatened me." This was the last meeting that Petrarch and Laura ever had. Petrarch set out for Italy, towards the close of 1347, having de- termined to make that country his residence for the rest of his life. Upon his arrival at Genoa he wrote to Rienzo, reproaching him for his follies, and exhorting him to return to Ms former manly conduct. Tins advice, it is scarcely necessary to say, was like dew and sunshine bestowed upon barren sands. From Genoa he proceeded to Parma, where he received the first information of the catastrophe of the Colonna family, six of whom had fallen in battle with Rienzo's forces. He showed liimseK deeply affected by it, and, probably, was so sincerely. But the Colonnas, though" his former patrons, were still the ene- mies of a cause which he considered sacred, much as it was mis- managed and disgraced by the Tribune ; and his grief cannot be supposed to have been immoderate. Accordingly, the letter which he wrote to Cardinal Colonna on this occasion is quite in the style of Seneca, and more like an ethical treatise than an epistle of condolence. It is obvious that Petrarch slowly and reluctantly parted with his good opinion of Rienzo. But, whatever sentiments he might have cherished respecting him, he was now doomed to hear of tis tragic fall. The revolution which overthrew the Tribune was accom- piished on the 15th of December, 1347. That his fall was, in a FIFTH VISIT TO ITALY. considerable degree, owing to his faults, is undeniable ; and to the most contemptible of all faults personal vanity. How hard it is on the great mass of mankind, that this meanness is so seldom disjoined from the zeal of popular championship ! New power, like new wine, seems to intoxicate the strongest heads. How disgusting it is to see the restorer of Roman liberty dazzled like a child by a scarlet robe and its golden trimming ! Never- theless, with all his vanity, Rienzo was a better friend to the re- public than those who dethroned him. The Romans would have been wise to have supported Rienzo, taking even his foibles into the account. They re-admitted their oligarchs ; and, if they re- pented of it, as they did, they are scarcely entitled to our com- miseration. Petrarch had set out late in 1347 to visit Italy for the fifth time. He arrived at Genoa towards the end of November, 1347, on his way to Florence, where he was eagerly expected by his Mends. They had obtained from the Government permission for his return ; and he was absolved from the sentence of banishment in which he had been included with his father. But, whether Petrarch was offended with the Florentines for refusing to restore his paternal estate, or whether he was detained by accident in Lombardy, he put off his expedition to Florence and repaired to Parma. It was there that he learned the certainty of the Tri- bune's fall. From Parma he went to Verona, where he arrived on the even- ing of the 25th of January, 1348. His son, we have already mentioned, was placed at Verona, under the tuition of Rinaldo di Villa Franca. Here, soon after his arrival, as he was sitting among his books, Petrarch felt the shock of a tremendous earth- quake. It seemed as if the whole city was to be overturned from its foundations. He rushed immediately into the streets, where the inhabitants were gathered together in consternation; and, whilst terror was depicted in every countenance, there was a general cry that the end of the world was come. All contem- porary historians mention this earthquake, and agree that it originated at the foot of the Alps. It made sad ravages at Pisa, Bologna, Padua, and Venice, and still more in the Frioul and Bavaria. If we may trust the narrators of this event, sixty vil- lages in one canton were buried under two mountains that fell and filled up a valley five leagues in length. A whole castle, it is added, was exploded out of the earth from its foundation, and its ruins scattered many miles from the spot. The latter anecdote has undoubtedly an air of the marvellous ; and yet the convulsions of nature have produced equally strange effects. Stones have been thrown out of Mount .ZEtna to the distance of eighteen miles. The earthquake was the forerunner of awful calamities ; and it is possible that it might be physically connected with that memo- e 2 IXYIII LIFE OF PETRARCH. rable plague in 1348, which reached, in succession, all parts of the known world, and thinned the population of every country which it visited. Historians generally agree that this great plague began in China and Tartary, whence, in the space of a year, it spread its desolation over the whole of Asia. It extended itself over Italy early in 1348 ; but its severest ravages had not yet been made, when Petrarch returned from Verona to Parma in the month of March, 1348. He brought with him his son John, whom he had withdrawn from the school of Rinaldo di Villa Franca, and placed under Gilberto di Parnia, a good grammarian. His motive for this change of tutorship probably was, that he reckoned on Parma being henceforward his own principal place of residence, and his wish to have his son beside him. Petrarch had scarcely arrived at Panna when he received a letter from Luchino Visconti, who had lately received the lord- ship of that city. Hearing of Petrarch's arrival there, the Prince, being at Milan, wrote to the poet, requesting some orange plants from his garden, together with a copy of verses. Petrarch sent him both, accompanied with a letter, in which he praises Luchino for his encouragement of learning and his cultivation of the Muses. The plague was now increasing in Italy ; and, after it had de- E rived Petrarch of many dear friends, it struck at the root of all is affections by attacking Laura. He describes his apprehensions on this occasion in several of his sonnets. The event confirmed his melancholy presages ; for a letter from his Mend Socrates informed him* that Laura had died of the plague on the 1st of April, 1348. His biographers may well be believed, when they tell us that his grief was extreme. Laura's husband took the event more quietly, and consoled himself by marrying again, when only seven months a widower. Petrarch, when informed of her death, wrote that marginal note upon his copy of Virgil, the authenticity of which has been so often, though unjustly, called in question. His words were the following : " Laura, illustrious for her virtues, and for a long time cele- brated in my verses, for the first time appeared to my eyes on the 6th of April, 1327, in the church of St. Clara, at the first hour of the day. I was then in my youth. In the same city, and at the same 'hour, in the year 1348, this luminary disappeared from our world. I was then at Verona, ignorant of my wretched situ- ation. Her chaste and beautiful body was buried the same day, after vespers, in the church of the Cordeliers. Her soul returned to its native mansion in heaven. I have written this with a pleasure mixed with bitterness, to retrace the melancholy re- membrance of ' MY GREAT LOSS.' This loss convuices me that I have nothing now left worth living for, since the strongest cord of my life is broken. By the grace of God, I shall easily renounce AUTOGEAPH NOTE IN HIS VIRGIL. a world where my hopes have been vain and perishing. It is time for me to fly from Babylon when the knot that bound me to it is untied." This copy of Virgil is famous, also, for a miniature picture expressing the subject of the JEneid; which, by the common consent of connoisseurs in painting, is the work of Simone Meiumi. Mention has already been made of the friendly terms that subsisted between that painter and our poet ; whence it may be concluded that Petrarch, who received this precious MS. in 1338, requested of Simone this mark of his friendship, to render it more valuable. When the library of Pavia, together with the city, was plun- dered by the French in 1499, and when many MSS. were carried away to the library of Paris, a certain inhabitant of Pavia had the address to snatch this copy of Virgil from the general rapine. This individual was, probably, Antonio di Pirro, in whose hands or house the Virgil continued till the beginning of the sixteenth century, as Vellutello attests in his article on the origin of Laura. From him it passed to Antonio Agostino ; afterwards to Fulvio Orsino, who prized it very dearly. At Orsino's death it was bought at a high price by Cardinal Federigo Borromeo, and placed in the Ambrosian library, which had been founded by him with much care and at vast expense. Until the year 1795, this copy of Virgil was celebrated only on account of the memorandum already quoted, and a few short marginal notes, written for illustrations of the text; but, a part of the same leaf having been torn and detached from the cover, the librarians, by chance, perceived some written characters. Curiosity urged them to unglue it with the greatest care ; but the parchment was so conglutinated with the board that the letters left their impression on the latter so palely and weakly, that the librarians had great difficulty in making out the following notice, written by Petrarch himself : " Liber hio furto mini subreptus fuerat, anno domini mcccxxvt, in Kalend. Novembr., ac deinde restitutus, anno mcccxxxvii., die xvii. Aprilis. apud Aivin ." Then follows a note by the poet himself, regarding his son; " Johannes noster, natus ad laborem et dolorem meum, et vivens gravibus atque perpetuis me curis exercuit, et acri dolore moriens vulneravit, qui cum paucos et Igetos dies vidisset in vita sua, decessit in anno domini 1361, setatis sue xxv., die Julii x. sen ix. medio noctis inter diem veneris et sabbati. Rumor ad me pervenerat xiii mensis ad vesperam, obiit autem Mini illo publico excidio pestis insolito, quoe urbem illam, hactenus immunem, talibus malis iiunc reperit atque invasit. Rumor autem primus ambiguus 8 VO - Augusti, eodem anno, per fainulum meum Mlno redeuntem, mox certus, per famulum Dom ni Theatini Roma venientem 18"' mensis ejusdem Mercurii, sero ad me pervenit 1XX LIFE OF PETRARCH. cle obitu Socratis mei amici, socii fratrisque optimi, qui obiisse dicitur Babilone seu Avenione, die mense Mail proximo. Amisi comitem ac solatium vitas meae. Recipe Xte Ihu, hos duos et reliquos quinque in eterna tabemacula tua." * He alludes to the death of other friends; but the entire note is too long to be quoted, and, in many places, is obscured by contractions which make its meaning doubtful. The perfect accordance of these memoranda with the other writings of the poet, conjoined with histoiical facts, show them incontestably to have come from the hand of Petrarch. The precious MS. of Virgil, containing the autograph of Pe- trarch, is no longer in Italy. Like many other relics held sacred by the Italians, it was removed by the French during the last conquest of Italy. Among the incidents of Petrarch's life, in 1348, we ought to notice his visits to Giacomo da Carrara, whose family had sup- planted the Delia Scalas at Padua, and to Manfredi Pio, the Padrone of Carpi, a beautiful little city, of the Modenese tern- ton,', situated on a fine plain, on the banks of the Secchio, about four miles from Correggio. Manfredi ruled it with reputation for twenty years. Petrarch was magnificently received by the Car- raras ; and, within two years afterwards, they bestowed upon him the canonicate of Padua, a promotion which was followed in the same year by his appointment to the archdeaconry of Parma, of which he had been hitherto only canon. Not long after the death of Laura, on the 3rd of July of the same year, Petrarch lost Cardinal Colonna, who had been for so many years his friend and patron. By some historians it is said that this prelate died of the plague ; but Petrarch thought that he sank under grief brought on by the disasters of his family. In the space of five years the Cardinal had lost his mother and six brothers. Petrarch still maintained an interest in the Colonna family, though that interest was against his own political principles, during the good behaviour of the Tribune. After the folly and fall of Rienzo, it is probable that our poet's attachment to his old friends of the Roman aristocracy revived. At least, he * Translation In the twenty-fifth year of his age, after a short though happy exist- ence, our John departed this ife in the year of Christ 1361, on the loth of July, or rather on the 9th, at the midh ur between Friday and Saturday. Sent into the world, to my mortification and suffering, he was to me in life the cause of deep and un- ceasing solicitude, and in death of poignant grief. The news reached me on the evening of the 13th of the same month that he had fallen at Milan, in the general mortality caused by that unwonted scourge which at last discovered and visited so fearfully this hithe'rto- exempted city. On the bth of August, the same year, a servant of mine returning from Milan brought me a rumour (which on the 18th or the same fatal month was confirmed by a servant of Dominus Theatinusi of the death of my Socrates, my companion, my best of brothers, at Babylon (Avignon, I mean) in the month of "May. I have lost my comrade and the solace of my lifel Reofive, Christ Jesus, these two, and the five that remain, into thy eternal ' OMUl MURDER OF TWO OF HIS FRIENDS. thought it decent to write, on the death of Cardinal Colonna, a letter of condolence to his father, the aged Stefano, who was now verging towards his hundredth year. Soon after this letter reached him, old Stefano fell into the grave. The death of Cardinal Colonna was extremely felt at Avignon, where it left a great void, his house having been the rendezvous of men of letters and genius. Those who composed his court could not endure Avignon after they had lost their Maecenas. Three of them were the particular friends of Petrarch, namely, Socrates, Luca Christine, and Mainardo Accursio. Socrates, though not an Italian, was extremely embarrassed by the death of the Cardinal. He felt it difficult to live separated from Petrarch, and yet he could not determine to quit France for Italy. He wrote incessantly the most pressing letters to induce our poet to return and settle in Provence. Luca and Mainardo resolved to go and seek out Petrarch in Italy, in order to settle with him the place on which they should fix for their common residence, and where they should spend the rest of their lives in his society. They set out from Avignon in the month of March, 1349, and arrived at Parma, but did not find the poet, as he was gone on an excursion to Padua and Verona. They passed a day in his house to rest themselves, and, when they went away, left a letter in his library, telling him they had crossed the Alps to come and see him, but that, having missed him, as soon as they had finished an excur- sion which they meant to make, they would return and settle with him the means of their living together. Petrarch, on his return to Parma, wrote several interesting letters to Mainardo. In one of them he says, " I was much grieved that I had lost the plea- sure of your company, and that of our worthy friend, Luca Chris- tine. However, I am not without the consoling hope that my absence may be the means of hastening your return. As to your apprehensions about my returning to Vaucluse, I cannot deny that, at the entreaties of Socrates, I should return, provided I could procure an establishment in Provence, which would afford me an honourable pretence for residing there, and, at the same time, enable me to receive my friends with hospitality ; but at present circumstances are changed. The Cardinal Colonna is dead, and my friends are all dispersed, excepting Socrates, who continues inviolably attached to Avignon. " As to Vaucluse, I well know the beauties of that charming valley, and ten years' residence is a proof of my affection for the place. I have shown my love of it by the house which I built there. There I began my Africa, there I wrote the greater part of my epistles in prose and verse, and there I nearly finished all my eclogues. I never had so much leisure, nor felt so much en- thusiasm, in any other spot. At Vaucluse I conceived the first idea of giving an epitome of the Lives of Illustrious Men, and there I wrote my Treatise on a Solitary Life, as well as that on LIFE OF PETRARCH. religious retirement. It was there, also, that I sought to mode- rate my passion for Laura, which, alas, solitude only cherished. In short, tliis lonely valley will for ever be pleasing to my recol- lections. There is, nevertheless, a sad change, produced by time. Both the Cardinal and even-tiling that is dear to me have ferished. The veil which covered my eyes is at length removed, can now perceive the difference between Vaucluse and the rich mountains and vales and nourishing cities of Italy. And yet, forgive me, so strong are the prepossessions of youth, that I must confess I pine for Vaucluse, even whilst I acknowledge its infe- riority to Italy." Whilst Petrarch was thus flattering his imagination with hopes that were never to be realized, his two friends, who had proceeded to cross the Apennines, came to an untimely fate. On the 5th of June, 1'349, a servant, whom Petrarch had "sent to inquire about some alarming accounts of the travellers that had gone abroad, returned sooner than he was expected, and showed by his face that he brought no pleasant tidings. Petrarch was writing the pen fell from his hand. "What news do you bring?" "Very bad news ! Your two friends, in crossing the Apennines, were attacked by robbers." "O God! what has happened to them?" The messenger replied, " Mainardo, who was behind his com- panions, was surrounded and murdered. Luca, hearing of his fate, came back sword in hand. He fought alone against ten, and he wounded some of the assailants, but at last he received many wounds, of which he lies almost dead. The robbers fled with their booty. The peasants assembled, and pursued, and would have captured them, if some gentlemen, unworthy of being called so, had not stopped the pursuit, and received the villains into their castles. Luca was seen among the rocks, but no one knows what is become of him." Petrarch, in the deepest agitation, de- spatched fleet couriers to Placenza, to Florence, and to Rome, to obtain intelligence about Luca. These ruffians, who came from Florence, were protected by the Ubaldini, one of the most powerful and ancient families in Tus- cany. As the murder was perpetrated within the territory of Florence. Petrarch wrote indignantly to the magistrates and people of that State, intreating them to avenge an outrage on their fellow citizens. Luca, it appears, expired of his wounds. Petrarch's letter had its full effect. The Florentine common- wealth despatched soldiers, both horse and foot, against the Ubal- dini and their banditti, and decreed that every year an expedition should be sent out against them till they should be routed out of their Alpine caverns. The Florentine troops directed their march to Monte Gemmoli, an almost impregnable rock, which they blockaded and besieged. The banditti issued forth from their strongholds, and skirmished with overmuch confidence in their vantage ground. At this crisis, the Florentine cavalry, having EPISTLE TO THE EMPEROR. ascended the hill, dismounted from their horses, pushed forward on the banditti before they could retreat into their fortress, and drove them, sword in hand, within its inmost circle. The Floren- tines thus possessed themselves of Monte Gemmoli, and, in like manner, of several other strongholds. There were others which they could not take by storm, but they laid waste the plains and cities which supplied the robbers with provisions ; and, after having done great damage to the Ubaldini, they returned safe and sound to Florence. While Petrarch was at Mantua, in February, 1350, the Cardi- nal Guy of Boulogne, legate of the holy see, arrived there after a papal mission to Hungary. Petrarch was much attached to him. The Cardinal and several eminent persons who attended him had frequent conversations with our poet, in which they described to him the state of Germany and the situation of the Emperor. Clement VI., who had reason to be satisfied with the submis- siveness of this Prince, wished to attract him into Italy, where he hoped to oppose him to the Visconti, who Jiad pu' themselves at the head of the Ghibeline party, and gave much annoyance to the Guelphs. His Holiness strongly solicited him to come ; but Charles's situation would not permit him for the present to undertake such an expedition. There were still some troubles in Germany that remained to be appeased ; besides, the Prince's purse was exhausted by the largesses which he had paid for his election, and his poverty was extreme. It must be owned that a prince in such circumstances could hardly be expected to set out for the subjugation of Italy. Pe- trarch, however, took a romantic view of the Emperor's duties, and thought that the restoration of the Roman empire was within Charles's grasp. Our poet never lost sight of his favourite chimera, the re-establishment of Rome in her ancient domi- nion. It was what he called one of his principles, that Rome had a right to govern the world. Wild as this vision was, he had seen Rienzo attempt its realization ; and, if the Tribune had been more prudent, there is no saying how nearly he might have ap- proached to the achievement of so marvellous an issue. But Rienzo was fallen irrecoverably, and Petrarch now desired as ardently to see the Emperor in Italy, as ever he had sighed for the success of the Tribune. He wrote to the Emperor a long letter from Padua, a few days after the departure of the Cardinal. " I am agitated," he says, " in sending this epistle, when I think from whom it conies, and to whom it is addressed. Placed as I am, in obscurity, I am dazzled by the splendour of your name ; but love has banished fear : this letter will at least make known to you my fidelity, and my zeal. Read it, I conjure you ! You will not find in it the insipid adulation which is the plague of monarchs. Flattery is an art unknown to me. I have to offer Ixx'lV LTFE OF PETRARCH. you only complaints and regrets. You have forgotten us. I say more you have forgotten yourself in neglecting Italv. We had high hopes that Heaven had sent you to restore us our liberty ; but it seems that you refuse this mission, and, whilst the time should be spent in acting, you lose it in deliberating. " You see, Caesar, with what confidence an obscure man ad- dresses you, a man who has not even the advantage of being known to you. But, far from being offended with the liberty I take, you ought rather to thank your own character, which in- spires me with such confidence. To return to my subject wherefore do you lose time in consultation ? To all appearance, you are sure of the future, if you will avail yourself of the present. You cannot be ignorant that the success of great affairs often hangs upon an instant, and that a day has been fre- quentiy sufficient to consummate what it required ages to undo Believe me. your glory and the safety of the commonwealth, your own interests, as well as ours, require that there be no delay. You are still young, but time is flying ; and old age will come and take you by surprise when you are at least expecting it. Are you afraid of too soon commencing an enterprise for which a long life would scarcely suffice ? " The Roman empire, shaken by a thousand storms, and as often deceived by fallacious calms, places at last its whole hopes in you. It recovers a little breath even under the shelter of your name ; but hope alone will not support it. In proportion as you know the grandeur of the undertaking, consummate it the sooner. Let not the love of your Transalpine dominions detain you longer. In beholding Germany, think of Italy. If the one has given you birth, the other has given you greatness. If you are king of the one, you are king and emperor of the other. Let me say. without meaning offence to other nations, that here is the head of your monarchy. Everywhere else you will find only its members. What a glorious project to unite those members to their head ! " I am aware that you dislike all innovation ; but what I pro- pose would be no innovation on your part. Italy is as well known to you as Germany. Brought hither in your youth by vour illustrious sire, he made you acquainted with our cities and our manners, and taught you here the first lessons of war. In the bloom of your youth, you have obtained great victories. Can you fear at present to enter a country where you have triumphed since your childhood? " By the singular favour of Heaven we have regained the ancient right of being governed by a prince of our own nation.* Let Germany say what she will, Italy is veritably your country * * * * * Come with haste to restore peace to Italy. Behold * Petrarch's words are: " civi servare suo;" but he takes the liberty of consider ing Charles as adoptively Italian, though that Prince was born at Prague. THE CAKDINAL OF BOULOGNE. Rome, once the empress of the world, now pale, with scattered locks and torn garments, at your feet, imploring your presence and support ! " Then follows a dissertation on the history and heroes of Rome, which might he wearisome if transcribed to a modern reader. But the epistle, upon the whole, is manly and eloquent. A few days after despatching his letter to the Emperor, Pe- trarch made a journey to Verona to see his friends. "There he wrote to Socrates. In this letter, after enumerating the few friends whom the plague had spared, he confesses that he could not flatter himself with the hope of being able to join them in Provence. He therefore invokes them to come to Italy, and to settle either at Parma or at Padua, or any other place that would (Suit them. His remaining friends, here enumerated, were only Barbato of Sulmona, Francesco Rinucci, John Boccaccio, Laelius, Guido Settimo, and Socrates. Petrarch had returned to Padua, there to rejoin the Cardinal of Boulogne. The Cardinal came back thither at the end of April, 1350, and, after dispensing his blessings, spiritual and tem- poral, set out for Avignon, travelling by way of Milan and Genoa. Petrarch accompanied the prelate out of personal attachment on a part of his journey. The Cardinal was fond of his com ersa- tion, but sometimes rallied the poet on his enthusiasm for his native Italy. When they reached the territory of Verona, near the lake of Guarda, they were struck by the beauty of the pros- pect, and stopped to contemplate it. In the distance were the Alps, topped with snow even in summer. Beneath was the lake of Guarda, with its flux and reflux, like the sea, and around them were the rich hills and fertile valleys. " It must be con- fessed," said the Legate to Petrarch, " that your country is more beautiful than ours." The face of Petrarch brightened up. " But you must agree," continued the Cardinal, perhaps to moderate the poet's exultation, "that ours is more tranquil." " That is true," replied Petrarch, "but we can obtain tranquillity whenever we choose to come to our senses, and desire peace, whereas you cannot procure those beauties which nature has lavished on us." Petrarch here took leave of the Cardinal, and set out for Parma. Taking Mantua in his way, he set out from thence in the eve- ning, in order to sleep at Luzora, five leagues from the Po. The lords of that city had sent a courier to Mantua, desiring that he would honour them with his presence at supper. The melting snows and the overflowing river had made the roads nearly impassable ; but he reached the place in time to avail himself of the invita- tion. His hosts gave him a magnificent reception. The supper was exquisite, the dishes rare, the wines delicious, and the company full of gaiety. But a small matter, however, will spoil the finest feast. The supper was served up in a damp, low hall, and all sorts of insects annoyed the convivials. To crown their misfor- LIFE OF PETRARCH. tune an army of frogs, attracted, no doubt, by the odour of the meats, crowded and croaked about them, till they were obliged to leave their unfinished supper. Petrarch returned next day for Parma. We find, from the ori- ginal fragments of his poems, brought to light by Ubaldini, that he was occupied in retouching them during the summer which he passed at Parma, waiting for the termination of the excessive heats, to go to Rome and attend the jubilee. With a view to make the journey pleasanter, he invited Guglielmo di Pastrengo to accompany him, in a letter written in Latin verse. Nothing would have delighted Guglielnio more than a journey to Rome with Petrarch ; but he was settled at Verona, and could not ab- sent himself from his family. In lieu of Pastrengo, Petrarch found a respectable old abbot, and several others who were capable of being agreeable, and from their experience, useful companions to him on the road. In the middle of October, 1350, they departed from Florence for Rome, to attend the jubilee. On his way between Bolsena and Viterbo, he met with an accident which threatened dangerous consequences, and which he relates in a letter to Boccaccio. " On the 15th of October," he says, " we left Bolsena, a little town scarcely known at present; but interesting from having been anciently one of the principal places in Etruria. Occupied with the hopes of seeing Rome in five days, I reflected on the changes in our modes of thinking which are made by the course of years. Fourteen years ago I repaired to the great city from sheer curiosity to see its wonders. The second time I came was to receive the laurel. My third and fourth journey had no object but to render services to my persecuted friends. My present visit ought to be more happy, since its only object is my eternal sal- vation." It appears, however, that the horses of the travellers had no such devotional feelings ; " for,' he continues, " whilst my mind was full of these thoughts, the horse of the old abbot, which was walking upon my left, kicking at my horse, struck me upon the leg, just below the knee. The blow was so violent that it sounded as if a bone was broken. My attendants came up. I felt an acute pain, which made me, at first, desirous of stopping ; but, fearing the dangerousness of the place, I made a virtue of necessity, and went on to Viterbo, where we arrived very late on the 16th of October. Three days afterwards they dragged me to Rome with much trouble. As soon as I arrived at Rome, I called for doctors, who found the bone laid bare. It was not, however, thought to be broken ; though the shoe of the horse had left its impression." However impatient Petrarch might be to look once more on the beauties of Rome, and to join in the jubilee, he was obliged to keep his bed for many clays. The concourse of pilgrims to this jubilee was immense. One THE ROMAN JUBILEE. IxXVll can scarcely credit the common account that there were about a million pilgrims at one time assembled in the great city. " We do not perceive," says Petrarch, " that the plague has depopulated the world." And, indeed, if this computation of the congregated pilgrims approaches the truth, we cannot but suspect that the alleged depopulation of Europe, already mentioned, must have been exaggerated. " The crowds," he continues, " diminished a little during summer and the gathering-in of the harvest ; but re- commenced towards tjie end of the year. The great nobles and ladies from beyond the Alps came the last." Many of the female pilgrims arrived by way of the marshes of Ancona, where Bernardino di Roberto, Lord of Ravenna, waited for them, and scandal whispered that his assiduities and those of his suite were but too successful in seducing them. A contempo- rary author, in allusion to the circumstance, remarks that journeys and indulgences are not good for young persons, and that the fair ones had better have remained at home, since the vessel that stays in port is never shipwrecked. The strangers, who came from all countries, were for the most part unacquainted with the Italian language, and were obliged to employ interpreters in making their confession, for the sake of obtaining absolution. It was found that many of the pretended interpreters were either imperfectly acquainted with the language of the foreigners, or were knaves in collusion with the priestly confessors, who made the poor pilgrims confess whatever they chose, and pay for their sins accordingly. A better subject for a scene in comedy could scarcely be imagined. But, to remedy this abuse, penitentiaries were established at Rome, in which the confessors understood foreign languages. The number of days fixed for the Roman pilgrims to visit the churches was thirty ; and fifteen or ten for the Italians and other strangers, according to the distance of the places from which they came. Petrarch says that it is inconceivable how the city of Rome, whose adjacent fields were untilled, and whose vineyards had been frozen the year before, could for twelve months support such a confluence of people. He extols the hospitality of the citizens, and the abundance of food which prevailed; but Villani and others give us more disagreeable accounts namely, that the Roman citizens became hotel-keepers, and charged exorbitantly for lodgings, and for whatever they sold. Numbers of pilgrims were thus necessitated to live poorly; and this, added to their fatigue and the heats of summer, produced a great mortality. As soon as Petrarch, relieved by surgical skill from the wound in his leg, was allowed to go out, he visited all the churches. After having performed his duties at the jubilee, Petrarch re- turned to Padua, taking the road by Arezzo, the town which had the honour of his birth. Leonardo Aretino says that his fellow- LIFE OF PETRAECH. townsmen crowded around him with delight, and received him with such honours as could have been paid only to a king. In the same month of December, 1350, he discovered a treasure which made him happier than a king. Perhaps a royal head might not have equally valued it. It was a copy of Quintilian's work " De Institutione Oratoria," which, till then, had escaped all his researches. On the very day of the discovery he wrote a letter to Quintilian, according to his fantastic custom of episto- lizing the ancients. Some days afterwarcjs, he left Arezzo to pursue his journey. The principal persons of the town took leave of him publicly at his departure, after pointing out to him the house in which he was born. " It was a small house," says Petrarch, " befitting an exile, as my father was." They told him that the proprietors would have made some alterations in it ; but the town had interposed and prevented them, determined that the place should remain the same as when it was first consecrated by his birth. The poet related what had been mentioned to a young man who wrote to him expressly to ask whether Arezzo could really boast of being his birthplace. Petrarch added, that Arezzo had done more for him as a stranger than Florence as a citizen. In truth, his family was of Florence ; and it was only by accident that he was born at Arezzo. He then went to Flo- rence, where he made but a short stay. There he found his friends still alarmed about the accident which had befallen him in his journey to Rome, the news of which he had communicated to Boccaccio. Petrarch went on to Padua. On approaching it, he perceived a universal mourning. He soon learned the foul catastrophe which had deprived the city of one of its best masters. Jacopo di Carrara had received into his house his cousin Gug- lielnio. Though the latter was known to be an evil-disposed per- son, he was treated with kindness by Jacopo, and ate at his table. On the 21st of December, whilst Jacopo was sitting at supper, in the midst of his Mends, his people and his guards, the monster Guglielmo plunged a dagger into his breast with such celerity, that even those who were nearest could not ward off the blow. Horror-struck, they lifted him up, whilst others put the assassin to instant death. The fate of Jacopo Carrara gave Petrarch a dislike for Padua, and his recollections of Yaucluse bent his unsettled mind to re- turn to its solitude ; but he tarried at Padua during the winter. Here he spent a great deal of his time with Ildebrando Conti, bishop of that city, a man of rank and merit. One day, as he was dining at the Bishop's palace, two Carthusian monks were announced : they were well received by the Bishop, as he was partial to their order. He asked them what brought them to Padua. " We are going," they said, " to Treviso, by the direction of our general, there to remain and establish a monastery." Ilde- HIS BROTHER. DOGE ANDREA DANDOLO. brando asked if they knew Father Gherardo, Petrarch's brother. The two monks, who did not know the poet, gave the most pleasing accounts of his brother. The plague, they said, having got into the convent of Mon- trieux, the prior, a pious but timorous man, told his monks that flight was the only course which they could take : Gherardo an- swered with courage, " Go whither you please ! As for myself I will remain in the situation in which Heaven has placed me." The prior fled to his own country, where death soon overtook him. Gherardo remained in the convent, where the plague spared him, and left him alone, after having destroyed, within a few days, thirty-four of the brethren who had continued with him. He paid them every service, received their last sighs, and buried them when death had taken off those to whom that office be- longed. With only a dog left for his companion, Gherardo watched at night to guard the house, and took his repose by day. When the summer was over, he went to a neighbouring monas- tery of the Carthusians, who enabled him to restore his con- vent. While the Carthusians were making this honourable mention of Father Gherardo, the prelate cast his eyes from time to time upon Petrarch. " I know not," says the poet, " whether my eyes were filled with tears, but my heart was tenderly touched." The Carthusians, at last discovering who Petrarch was, saluted him with congratulations. Petrarch gives an account of this interview in a letter to his brother himself. Padua was too near to Venice for Petrarch not to visit now and then that city which he called the wonder of the world. He there made acquaintance with Andrea Dandolo, who was made Doge in 1343, though he was only thirty-six years of age, an ex- traordinary elevation for so young a man ; but he possessed extra- ordinary merit. His mind was cultivated; he loved literature, and easily became, as far as mutual demonstrations went, the personal friend of Petrarch ; though the Doge, as we shall see, excluded this personal friendship from all influence on his politi- cal conduct. The commerce of the Venetians made great progress under the Dogeship of Andrea Dandolo. It was then that they began to trade with Egypt and Syria, whence they brought silk, pearls, the spices, and other products of the East. This prosperity excited the jealousy of the Genoese, as it interfered with a commerce which they had hitherto monopolized. When the Venetians had been chased from Constantinople by the Emperor Michael Paleo- logus, they retained several fortresses in the Black Sea, which enabled them to continue their trade with the Tartars in that sea, and to frequent the fair of Tana. The Genoese, who were masters of Pera, a suburb of Constantinople, would willingly have joined the Greeks in expelling their Italian rivals altogether from the LIFE OF PETRARCH. Black Sea ; and privateering hostilities actually commenced be tween the two republics, which, in 1350, extended to the serious aspect of a national war. The winter of that year was passed on both sides in prepara- tions. The Venetians sent ambassadors to the King of Arragon, who had some differences with the Genoese about the Island of Sardinia, and to the Emperor of Constantinople, who saw with any sensation in the world but delight the flag of Genoa flying over the walls of Pera. A league between those three powers was quickly concluded, and their grand, common object was to destroy the* city of Genoa. It was impossible that these great movements of Venice should be unknown at Padua. Petrarch, ever zealous for the common good of Italy, saw with pain the kindling of a war which could not but be fatal to her, and thought it his duty to open his heart to the Doge of Venice, who had shown him so much friendship. He addressed to him, therefore, the following letter from Padua, on the 14th of March, 1351: My love for my country forces me to break silence ; the good- ness of your character encourages me. Can I hold my peace whilst I hear the symptoms of a coming storm that menaces my beloved country ? Two puissant people are flying to arms ; two flourishing cities are agitated by the approach of war. These cities are placed by nature like the two eyes of Italy ; the one in the south and west, and the other in the east and north, to domi- nate over the two seas that surround them ; so that, even after the destruction of the Roman empire, this beautiful country was still regarded as the queen of the world. I know that proud nations denied her the empire of the land, but who dared ever to dispute with her the empire of the sea ? " I shudder to think of our prospects. If Venice and Genoa turn their victorious arms against each other, it is all over with us ; we lose our glory anct the command of the sea. In this calamity we shall have a consolation which we have ever had, namely, that if our enemies rejoice in our calamities, they cannot at least derive any glory from them. " In great affairs I have always dreaded the counsels of the young. Youthful ignorance and inexperience have been the ruin of many empires. I, therefore, learn with pleasure that you have named'a council of elders, to whom you have confided this affair. I expected no less than this from your wisdom, which is far be- yond your years. " The state of your republic distresses me. I know the dif- ference that there is between the tumult of amis and the tran- quillity of Parnassus. I know that the sounds of Apollo's lyre accord but ill with the trumpets of Mars ; but if you have aban- doned Parnassus, it has been only to fulfil the duties of a good citizen and of a vigilant chief. I am persuaded, at the same time, LETTER TO THE DOGE OF VENICE. that in the midst of arms you think of peace ; that you would re- gard it as a triumph for yourself, and the greatest blessing you could procure for your country. Did not Hannibal himself say that a sure peace was more valuable than a hoped-for victory ! If truth has extorted this confession from the most warlike man that ever lived, is it not plain that a pacific man ought to prefer peace even to a certain victory ? Who does not know that peace is the greatest of blessings, and that war is the source of all evils ? " Do not deceive yourself; you have to deal with a keen people who know not what it is to be conquered. Would it not be better to transfer the war to Damascus, to Susa, or to Memphis? Think besides, that those whom you are going to attack are your brothers. At Thebes, of old, two brothers fought to their mutual destruction. Must Italy renew, in our days, so atrocious a spectacle ? " Let us examine what may be the results of this war. Whether you are conqueror or are conquered, one of the eyes of Italy will necessarily be blinded, and the other much weakened ; for it would be folly to flatter yourself with the hopes of conquering so strong an enemy without much effusion of blood. " Brave men, powerful people ! (I speak here to both of you) what is your object to what do you aspire ? What will be the end oi your dissensions? It is not the blood of the Carthaginians or the Numantians that you are about to spill, but it is Italian blood ; the blood of a people who would be the first to start up and offer to expend their blood, if any barbarous nation were to attempt a new irruption among us. In that event, their bodies would be the bucklers and ramparts of our common country; they would live, or they would die with us. Ought the pleasure of avenging a slight offence to carry more weight with you than the public good and your own safety ? Let revenge be the delight of women. Is it not more glorious for men to forget an injury than to avenge it? to pardon an enemy than to destroy him? " If my feeble voice could make itself heard among those grave men who compose your council, I am persuaded that you would not only not reject the peace which is offered to you, but go to meet and embrace it closely, so that it might not escape you. Consult your wise old men who love the republic ; they will speak the same language to you that I do. " You, my lord, who are at the head of the council, and who govern your republic, ought to recollect that the glory or the shame of these events will fall principally on you. Raise your- self above yourself; look into, examine everything with attention. Compare the success of the war with the evils which it brings in its train. Weigh in a balance the good effects arid the evil, and you will say with Hannibal, that an hour is sufficient to de- stroy the work of many years. LIFE OF PETRARCH. '* The renown of your country is more ancient than is generally believed. Several ages before the city of Venice was buSt, I find not only the name of the Venetians famous, but also that of one of their dukes. Would you submit to the caprices of fortune a glory acquired for so long a time, and at so great a cost ? You will render a great service to your republic, if, preferring her safety to her glory, you give her incensed and insane populace prudent and useful counsels, instead of offering them brilliant and specious projects. The wise say that we cannot purchase a virtue more precious than what is bought at the expense of glory. If you adopt this axiom, your character will be handed down to posterity, like that of the Duke of the Venetians, to whom I have alluded. All the world will admire and love you. " To conceal nothing from J T OU, I confess that I have heard with grief of your league with the King of Arragon. What ! shall Italians go and implore succour of barbarous kings to de- stroy Italians ? You will say, perhaps, that your enemies have set you the example. My answer is, that they are equally cul- pable. According to report, Venice, in order to satiate her rage, calls to her aid tyrants of the west ; whilst Genoa brings in those of the east. This is the source of our calamities. Carried away by the admiration of strange things, despising, I know not why. the good things which we find in our own climate, we sacrifice sound Italian faith to barbarian perfidy. Madmen that we are, we seek among venal souls that which we could find among our own brethren, " Nature has given us for barriers the Alps and the two seas. Avarice, envy, and pride, have opened these natural defences to the Cimbri. the Huns, the Goths, the Gauls, and the Spaniards. How often have we recited the words of Virgil : " ' Impius haec tarn culta novalia miles habebit, Barbarus has segetes.' " Athens and Lacedernon had between them a species of rival- ship similar to yours : but their forces were not by any means so nearly balanced. Lacedemon had an advantage over Athens, which put it in the power of the former to destroy her rival, if she had wished it ; but she replied, ' God forbid that I should pull out one of the eyes of Greece ! ' If this beautiful sentiment came froni a people whom Plato reproaches with their avidity for conquest and dominion, what still softer reply ought we not to expect from the most modest of nations i " Amidst the movements which agitate you, it is impossible for me to be tranquil. When I see one party cutting down trees to construct vessels, and others sharpening their swords and darts, I should think myself guilty if I did not seize my pen, which is my only weapon, to counsel peace. I am aware with what cir- cumspection we ought to speak to our superiors ; but the love of f^-'R-C > o-- r^^^S ^ BOCCACCIO'S MISSION TO HIM FROM FLORENCE. IxXXlil our country has no superior. If it should carry me beyond bounds, it will serve as my excuse before you, and oblige you to pardon ine. " Throwing myself at the feet of the chiefs of two nations who are going to war, I say to them, with tears in my eyes, ' Throw away your arms ; give one another the embrace of peace ! unite your hearts and your colours. By this means the ocean and the Euxine shall be open to you. Your ships will arrive in safety at Taprobane, at the Fortunate Isles, at Thule, and even at the poles. The kings and their people will meet you with respect ; the Indian, the Englishman, the ^Ethiopian, will dread you. May peace reign among you, and may you have nothing to fear ! ' Adieu ! greatest of dukes, and best of men ! " This letter produced no effect. Andrea Dandolo, in his answer to it, alleges the thousand and one affronts and outrages which Venice had suffered from Genoa. At the same time he pays a high compliment to the eloquence of Petrarch's epistle, and says that it is a production wliich could emanate only from a mind in- spired by the divine Spirit. During the spring of this year, 1351, Petrarch put his last finish to a canzone, on the subject still nearest to his heart, the death of his Laura, and to a sonnet on the same subject. In April, his attention was recalled from visionary things by the arrival of Boccaccio, who was sent by the republic of Florence to announce to him the recall of his family to their native land, and the restoration of his family fortune, as well as to invite him to the home of his ancestors, in the name of the Florentine republic. The invitation was conveyed in a long and flattering letter ; but it appeared, from the very contents of this epistle, that the Flo- rentines wished our poet's acceptance of their offer to be as ad- vantageous to themselves as to him. They were establishing a University, and they wished to put Petrarch at the head of it Petrarch replied in a letter apparently full of gratitude and satis- faction, but in which he by no means pledged himself to be the gymnasiarch of their new college ; and, agreeably to his original intention, he set out from Padua on the 3rd of May, 1351, for Provence. Petrarch took the road to Vicenza, where he arrived at sun- set. He hesitated whether he should stop there, or take advan- tage of the remainder of the day and go farther. But, meeting with some interesting persons whose conversation beguiled him, night came on before he was aware how late it was. Their con- versation, in the course of the evening, ran upon Cicero. Many were the eulogies passed on the great old Roman ; but Petrarch, after having lauded his divine genius and eloquence, said some- thing about his inconsistency. Every one was astonished at our poet's boldness, but particularly a man, venerable for his age and knowledge, who was an idolater of Cicero. Petrarch argued f 2 LIFE OF PETRARCH. pretty freely against the political character of the ancient orator. The same opinion as to Cicero's weakness seems rather to have gained ground in later ages. At least, it is now agreed that Cicero's political life will not hear throughout an uncharitable investigation, though the political difficulties of his time demand abundant allowance. Petrarch departed next morning for Verona, where he reckoned on remaining only for a few days ; but it M 7 as impossible for him to resist the importunities of Azzo Correggio, Guglielmo di Pas- trengo, and his other Mends. By them he was detained during the remainder of the month. " The requests of a friend," he said, on this occasion, " are always chains upon me." Petrarch arrived, for the sixth time, at Vaucluse on the 27th of June, 1351. He first announced himself to Philip of Cabassoles, Bishop of Cavaillon, to whom he had already sent, during his journey, some Latin verses, in which he speaks of Vaucluse as the most charming place in the universe. " When a child," he says, " I visited it, and it nourished my youth in its sunny bosom. When grown to manhood, I passed some of the pleasantest years of my Hfe in the shut-up valley. Grown old, I wish to pass in it my last years." The sight of his romantic hermitage, of the capacious grotto which had listened to his sighs for Laura, of his garden, and of his library, was, undoubtedly, sweet to Petrarch ; and, though he had promised Boccaccio to come back to Italy, he had not the fortitude to determine on a sudden return. He writes to one of his Italian Mends, " When I left my native country, I promised to return to it in the autumn ; but time, place, and circumstances, often oblige us to change our resolutions. As far as I can judge, it will be necessary for me to remain here for two years. My friends in Italy, I trust, will pardon me if I do not keep my promise to them. " The inconstancy of the human mind must serve as my excuse. I have now experienced that change of place is the only thing which can long keep from us the ennui that is inseparable from a sedentary Hfe." At the same time, whilst Vaucluse threw recollections tender, though melancholy, over Petrarch's mind, it does not appear that Avignon had assumed any new charm in his absence : on the contrary, he found it plunged more than ever in luxury, wanton- ness, and gluttony. Clement VI. had replenished the church, at the request of the French king, with numbers of cardinals, many of whom were so young and licentious, that the most scandalous abominations prevailed amongst them. " At this time," says Matthew Villani, " no regard was paid either to learning or virtue ; and a man needed not to blush for anything, if he could cover his head with a red hat. Pietro Ruggiero, one of those exemplary new cardinals, was only eighteen years of age." Pe- trarch vented his indignation on this occasion in his seventh HIS SON. 1XXXV eclogue, which is a satire upon the Pontiff and his cardinals, the interlocutors being Micione, or Clement himself, and Epi, or the city of Avignon. The poem, if it can be so called, is clouded with allegory, and denaturalized with pastoral conceits ; yet it is worth being explored by any one anxious to trace the first fountains of reform among Catholics, as a proof of church abuses having been exposed, two centuries before the Reformation, by a Catholic and a churchman. At this crisis, the Court of Avignon, which, in fact, had not known very well what to do about the affairs of Rome, were now anxious to inquire what sort of government would be the most advisable, after the fall of Rienzo. Since that event, the Cardinal Legate had re-established the ancient government, having created two senators, the one from the house of Colonna, the other from that of the Orsini. But, very soon, those houses were divided by discord, and the city was plunged into all the evils which it had suffered before the existence of the Tribuneship. " The com- munity at large," says Matthew Villani, "returned to such con- dition, that strangers and travellers found themselves like sheep among wolves." Clement VI. was weary of seeing the metropolis of Christianity a prey to anarchy. He therefore chose four cardi- nals, whose united deliberations might appease these troubles, and he imagined that he could' establish in Rome a form of government that should be durable. The cardinals requested Petrarch to give liis opinion on this important affair. Petrarch wrote to them a most eloquent epistle, full of enthusiastic ideas of the grandeur of Rome. It is not exactly known what effect he produced by his writing on this subject ; but on that account we are not to conclude that he wrote in vain. Petrarch had brought to Avignon his son John, who was still very young. He had obtained for him a canonicate at Verona. Thither he immediately despatched him, with letters to Guglielmo di Pastrengo and Rinaldo di Villa Franca, charging the former of these friends to superintend his son's general character and man- ners, and the other to cultivate his understanding. Petrarch, in his letter to' Rinaldo, gives a description of John, which is neither very flattering to the youth, nor calculated to give us a favourable opinion of his father's mode of managing his education. By his own account, it appears that he had never brought the boy to confide in him. This was a capital fault, for the young are naturally ingenuous ; so that the acquisition of their confidence is the very first step towards their docility; and, for maintaining parental authority, there is no need to overawe them. " As far as I can judge of my son," says Petrarch, " he has a tolerable under- standing ; but I am not certain of this, for I do not sufficiently know him. When he is with me he always keeps silence ; whether my presence is irksome and confusing to him, or whether shame for his ignorance closes his lips. I suspect it is the latter, LIFE OF PETRARCH. for I perceive too clearly his antipathy to letters. I never saw it stronger in any one ; he dreads and detests nothing so much as a book ; yet he was brought up at Parma, Verona, and Padua. I sometimes direct a few sharp pleasantries at this disposition. * Take care,' I say, ' lest you should eclipse your neighbour, Virgil.' When I talk in this manner, he looks down and blushes. On this behaviour alone I build my hope. He is modest, and has a docility which renders him susceptible of every impression." This is a melancholy confession, on the part of Petrarch, of his own incompetence to make the most of his son's mind, and a confession the more convincing that it is made unconsciously. In the summer of 1352, the people of Avignon witnessed the impressive spectacle of the far-famed Tribune Rienzo entering their city, but in a style very different from the pomp of his late processions in Rome. He had now for his attendants only two archers, between whom he walked as a prisoner. It is necessary to say a few words about the circumstances which befell Rienzo after his fall, and which brought him now to the Pope's tribunal at Avignon. Petrarch says of him at this period, " The Tribune, formerly so powerful and dreaded, but now the most unhappy of men, has been brought hither as a prisoner. I praised and I adored him. I loved his virtue, and I admired his courage. I thought that Rome was about to resume, under him, the empire she formerly held. Ah ! had he continued as he began, he would have been praised and admired by the world and by posterity. On entering the city," Petrarch continues, " he inquired if I was there. I knew not whether he hoped for succour from me, or what I could do to serve him. In the process against him they accuse him of nothing criminal. They cannot impute to him having joined with bad men. All that they charge him with is an attempt to give freedom to the republic, and to make Rome the centre of its government. And is this a crime worthy of the wheel or the gibbet ? A Roman citizen afflicted to see his country, which is by right the mistress of the world, the slave of the vilest of men ! " Clement was glad to have Rienzo in his power, and ordered him into his presence. Thither the Tribune came, not in the least disconcerted. He denied the accusation of heresy, and in- sisted that his cause should be re-examined with more equity, The Pope made him no reply, but imprisoned him in a high tower, in which he was chained by the leg to the floor of has apartment In other respects he was treated mildly, allowed b joks to read, and supplied with dishes from the Pope's kitchen. Rienzo begged to be allowed an advocate to defend him ; his request was refused. This refusal enraged Petrarch, who wrote, according to De Sade and others, on this occasion, that mysterious letter, which is. found in his " Epistles without a title." " It is an HIS " INVECTIVES AGAINST PHYSICIANS. Appeal to the Romans in behalf of their Tribune. I must confess that even the authority of De Sade does not entirely eradicate from my mind a suspicion as to the spuriousness of this inflam- matory letter, from the consequences of which Petrarch could hardly have escaped with impunity. One of the circumstances that detained Petrarch at Avignon was the illness ol the Pope, which retarded his decision on several important affairs. Clement VI. was fast approaching to his end, and Petrarch had little hope of his convalescence, at least in the hands of doctors. A message from the Pope produced an impru- dent letter from the poet, in which he says, " Holy father ! I shudder at the account of your fever ; but, believe me, I am not a flatterer. I tremble to see your bed always surrounded with phy- sicians, who are never agreed, because it would be a reproach to the second to think like the first. ' It is not to be doubted,' as Pliny says, ' that physicians, desiring to raise a name by their discoveries, make experiments upon us, and thus barter away our lives. There is no law for punishing their extreme ignorance. They learn their trade at our expense, they make some progress in the art of curing ; and they alone are permitted to murder with impunity.' Holy father ! consider as your enemies the crowd of physicians who beset you. It is in our age that we behold verified the prediction of the elder Cato, who declared that corruption would be general when the Greeks should have transmitted the sciences to Rome, and, above all, the science of healing. Whole nations have done without this art. The Roman republic, accord- ing to Pliny, was without physicians for six hundred years, and was never in a more flourishing condition." The Pope, a poor dying old man, communicated Petrarch's letter immediately to his physicians, and it kindled in the whole faculty a flame of indignation, worthy of being described by Moliere. Petrarch made a general enemy of the physicians, though, of course, the weakest and the worst of them were the first to attack him. One of them told him, " You are a foolhardy man, who, contemning the physicians, have no fear either of the fever or of the malaria." Petrarch replied, " I certainly have no assurance of being free from the attacks of either ; but, if I were attacked by either, I should not think of calling in physicians." His first assailant was one of Clement's own physicians, who loaded him with scurrility in a formal letter. These circumstances brought forth our poet's " Four Books of Invectives against Physicians," a work in which he undoubtedly exposes a great deal of contemporary quackery, but which, at the same time, scarcely leaves the physician-hunter on higher ground than his antagonists. In the last year of his life, Clement VI. wished to attach our poet permanently to his court by making him his secretary, and Petrarch, after inuch coj refusal, was at last induced, by the LIFE OF PETRARCH. solicitations of his Mends, to accept the office. But before he could enter upon it, an objection to his filling it was unexpectedly started. It was discovered that his style was too lofty to suit the humility of the Roman Church. The elevation of Petrarch's style might be obvious, but certainly the humility of the Church was a bright discovery. Petrarch, according to Ms own account, so far from promising to bring down his magniloquence to a level with church humility, seized the objection as an excuse for declining the secretaryship. He compares his joy on this occasion to that of a prisoner finding the gates of his prison thrown open. He returned to Vaucluse, where he waited impatiently for the autumn, when he meant to return to Italy. He thus describes, in a letter to his dear Simonides, the manner of life which he there led : " I make war upon my body, which I regard as my enemy. My eyes, that have made me commit so many follies, are well fixed on a safe object. They look only on a woman who is withered, dark, and sunbKmt. Her soul, however, is as white as her complexion is black, and she has the air of being so little con- scious of her own appearance, that her homeliness may be said to become her. She passes whole days in the open fields, when the grasshoppers can scarcely endure the sun. Her tanned hide braves the heats of the dog-star, and, in the evening, she arrives as fresh as if she had just risen from bed. She does all the work of my house, besides taking care of her husband and children and attending my guests. She seems occupied with everybody but herself. At night she sleeps on vine -branches ; she eats only black bread and roots, and drinks water and vinegar. If you were to give her anything more delicate, she would be the worse for it : such is the force of habit. " Though I have still two fine suits of clothes, I never wear them. If you saw me, you would take me for a labourer or a shepherd, though I was once so tasteful in my dress. The times are changed ; the eyes which I wished to please are now shut ; and, perhaps, even if they were opened, they would not now have the same empire over me." In another letter from Vaucluse, he says : " I rise at midnight ; I go out at break of day ; I study in the fields as in my library ; I read, I write, I dream; I struggle against indolence, luxury, and pleasure. I wander all day among the arid mountains, the fresh valleys, and the deep caverns. I walk much on the banks of the Sorgue, where I meet no one to distract me. I recall the past, I deliberate on the future ; and, in this contemplation, I find a resource against my solitude." In the same letter he avows that he could accustom himself to any habitation in the world, except Avignon. At this time he was meditating to recross the Alps. Early in September, 1352, the Cardinal of Boulogne departed for Paris, in order to negotiate a peace between the Kings of DEATH OF CLEMENT VI. IxXXlX France and England. Petrarch went to take his leave of him, and asked if he had any orders for Italy, for which he expected soon to set out. The Cardinal told him that he should be only a month upon his journey, and that he hoped to see him at Avignon on his return. He had, in fact, kind views with regard to Petrarch. He wished to procure for him some good establish- ment in France, and wrote to him upon his route, " Pray do not depart yet. Wait until I return, or, at least, until I write to you on an important affair that concerns yourself." This letter, which, by the way, evinces that our poet's circumstances were not independent of church promotion, changed the plans of Petrarch, who remained at Avignon nearly the whole of the months of September and October. During this delay, he heard constant reports of the war that was going on between the Genoese and the Venetians. In the spring of the year 1352, their fleets met in the Propontis, and had a conflict almost unexampled, which lasted during two days and a tempestuous night. The Genoese, upon the whole, had the advantage, and, in revenge for the Greeks having aided the Vene- tians, they made a league with the Turks. The Pope, who had it earnestly at heart to put a stop to this fatal war, engaged the belligerents to send their ambassadors to Avignon, and there to treat for peace. The ambassadors came ; but a whole month was spent in negotiations which ended in nothing. Petrarch in vain employed his eloquence, and the Pope his conciliating talents. In these circumstances, Petrarch wrote a letter to the Genoese government, which does infinite credit to his head and his heart. He used every argument that common sense or humanity could suggest to show the folly of the war, but his arguments were thrown away on spirits too fierce for reasoning. A few days after writing this letter, as the Cardinal of Boulogne had not kept his word about returning to Avignon, and as he heard no news of him, Petrarch determined to set out for Italy. He accordingly started on the 16th of November, 1352; but scarcely had he left his own house, with all his papers, when he was overtaken by heavy falls of rain. At first he thought of going back immediately; but he changed his purpose, and pro- ceeded as far as Cavaillon, which is two leagues from Vaucluse, in order to take leave of his friend, the Bishop of Cabassole. His good friend was very unwell, but received him with joy, and pressed him to pass the night under his roof. That night and all the next day it rained so heavily that Petrarch, more from fear of his books and papers being damaged than from anxiety about his own health, gave up his Italian journey for the present, and, returning to Vaucluse, spent there the rest of November and the whole of December, 1352. Early in December, Petrarch heard of the death of Clement VI., and this event gave Mm occasion for more epistles, both against ICC LIFE OF PETRARCH. the Roman court and his enemies, the physicians. Clement's death was ascribed to different causes. Petrarch, of course, im- puted it to his doctors. Villani's opinion is the most probable, that he died of a protracted fever. He was buried with great pomp hi the church of Notre Dame at Avignon ; but his remains, after some time, were removed to the abbey of Chaise Dieu, in Auvergne, where his tomb was violated by the Huguenots in 1502. Scandal says that they made a football of his head, and that the Marquis de Courton afterwards converted his skull into a drinking- cup. It need not surprise us that his Holiness never stood high in the good graces of Petrarch. He was a Limousin, who never loved Italy so much as Gascony, and, in place of re-establishing the holy seat at Rome, he completed the building of the papal palace at Avignon, which his predecessor had begun. These were faults that eclipsed all the good qualities of Clement VI. in the eyes of Petrarch, and, in the sixth of his eclogues, the poet has drawn the character of Clement in odious colours, and, with equal freedom, has described most of the cardinals of his court. Whether there was perfect consistency between this hatred to the Pope and his thinking, as he certainly did for a time, of becoming his secretary, may admit of a doubt. I am not, however, disposed to deny some allowance to Petrarch for his dislike of Clement, who was a voluptuary in private life, and a corrupted ruler of the Church. Early in May, 1853, Petrarch departed for Italy, and we find him very soon afterwards at the palace of John Visconti of Milan, whom he used to call the greatest man in Italy. This prince, uniting the sacerdotal with the civil power, reigned absolute in [Milan. He was master of Lombardy, and made all Italy tremble at Ms hostility. Yet, in spite of his despotism, John Visconti was a lover of letters, and fond of having literary men at his court. He exercised a cunning influence over our poet, and detained him. Petrarch, knowing that Milan was a troubled city and a stormy court, told the Prince that, being a priest, his vocation did not permit him to live in a princely court, and in the midst of arms. "For that matter," replied the Archbishop, "I am myself an ecclesiastic ; I wish to press no employment upon you, but only to request you to remain as an ornament of my court" Petrarch, taken by surprise, had not fortitude to resist his importunities. All that he bargained for was, that he should have a habitation sufficiently distant from the city, and that he should not be obliged to make any change in his ordinary mode of living. The Archbishop was too happy to possess him on these terms. Petrarch, accordingly, took up his habitation in the western part of the city, near the VerceUina gate, and the church of St. Ambrosio. His house was flanked with two towers, stood behind the city wall, and looked out upon a rich and beautiful country, as BOCCACCIO S LETTER OF REMONSTRANCE. XC1 far as the Alps, the tops of which, although it was summer, were still covered with snow. Great was the joy of Petrarch when he found himself in a house near the church of that Saint Ambrosio, for whom he had always cherished a peculiar reverence. He himself tells us that he never entered that temple without ex- periencing rekindled devotion. He visited the statue of the saint, which was niched in one of the walls, and the stone figure seemed to him to breathe, such was the majesty and tranquillity of the sculpture. Near the church arose the chapel, where St. Augustin, after his victory over his refractory passions, was bathed in the sacred fountain of St. Ambrosio, and absolved from penance for his past life. All this time, whilst Petrarch was so well pleased with his new abode, his friends were astonished, and even grieved, at his fixing himself at Milan. At Avignon, Socrates, Guido Settimo, and the Bishop of Cavaillon, said among themselves, "What! this proud republican, who breathed nothing but independence, who scorned an office in the papal court as a gilded yoke, has gone and thrown himself into the chains of the tyrant of Italy; this misanthrope, who delighted only in the silence of fields, and perpetually praised a secluded life, now inhabits the most bustling of cities ! " At Florence, his friends entertained the same sentiments, and wrote to him reproachfully on the subject. "I would wish to be silent," says Boccaccio, " but I cannot hold my peace. My reverence for you would incline me to hold silence, but my indignation obliges me to speak out. How has Silvanus acted?" (Under the name of Silvanus he couches that of Petrarch, in allusion to his love of rural retirement.) " He has forgotten his dignity; he has forgotten all the language he used to hold respecting the state of Italy, his hatred of the Archbishop, and his love of liberty ; and he would imprison the Muses in that court. To whom can we now give our faith, when Silvanus, who formerly pronounced the Visconti a cruel tyrant, has now bowed himself to the yoke which he once so boldly condemned? How has the Visconti obtained this truckling, which neither King Robert, nor the Pope, nor the Emperor, could ever obtain? You will say, perhaps, that you have been ill-used by your fellow-citizens, who have withheld from you your paternal property. I disapprove not your just indignation ; but Heaven forbid I should believe that, righteously and honestly, any injury, from whomsoever we may receive it, can justify our taking part against our country. It is in vain for you to allege that you have not incited him to war against our country, nor lent him either your arm or advice. How can you be happy with him, whilst you are hearing of the ruins, the conflagrations, the imprisonments, the deaths, and the rapines, that he spreads around him?" Petrarch's answers to these and other reproaches which his friends sent to him were cold, vngue, and unsatisfactory. He denied that he had sacrificed his liberty; and told Boccaccio that, XC11 LIFE OF PKTRARCH. after all, it was less humiliating to be subservient to a single tyrant than to be, as he, Boccaccio, was, subservient to a whole tyrannical people. This was an unwise, implied confession on the part of Petrarch that he was the slave of Visconti. Sismondi may be rather harsh in pronouncing Petrarch to have been all his Hie a Troubadour ; but there is something in his friendship with the Lord of Milan that palliates the accusation. In spite of tin's severe letter from Boccaccio, it is strange, and yet, niethinks, honourable to both, that their friendship was never broken. Levati, in Ms " Viaggi di Petrarca," ascribes the poet's settle- ment at Milan to his desire of accumulating a little money, not for himself, but for his natural children ; and in some of Petrarch's letters, subsequent to this period, there are allusions to his own circumstances which give countenance to this suspicion. However this may be, Petrarch deceived himself if he expected to have long tranquillity in such a court as that of Milan. He was perpetually obliged to visit the Viscontis, and to be present at every feast that they gave to honour the arrival of any illustrious stranger. A more than usually important visitant soon caine to Milan, in the person of Cardinal Egidio Albomoz, who arrived at the head of an army, with a view to restore to the Church large portions of its territory which had been seized by some powerful families. The Cardinal entered Milan on the 14th of September, 1353. John Visconti, though far from being delighted at his arrival, gave him an honourable reception, defrayed all the ex- penses of his numerous retinue, and treated him magnificently. He went out himself to meet him, two miles from the city, accom- panied by his nephews and his courtiers, including Petrarch. Our poet joined the suite of Galeazzo Visconti, and rode near him. The Legate and his retinue rode also on horseback. When the two parties met, the dust, that rose in clouds from the feet of the horses, prevented them from discerning each other. Petrarch, who had advanced beyond the rest, found himself, he knew not how, in the midst of the Legate's train, and very near to him. Salutations passed on either side, but with very little speaking, for the dust had dried their throats. Petrarch made a backward movement, to regain his place among his company. His horse, in backing, slipped with his hind-legs into a ditch on the side of the road, but, by a sort of miracle, the animal kept his fore-feet for some time on the top of the ditch. If he had fallen back, he must have crushed his rider. Petrarch was not afraid, for he was not aware of his danger; but Galeazzo Visconti and his people dismounted to rescue the poet, who escaped without injury. The Legate treated Petrarch, who little expected it, with the utmost kindness and distinction, and, granting all that he asked lor his friends, pressed him to mention something worthy of his own acceptance. Petrarch replied : "When I ask for my friends. GENOA DEFEATED BY VENICE. XC1U is it not the same as for myself? Have I not the highest satisfac- tion in receiving favours for them ? I have long put a rein on my own desires. Of what, then, can I stand in need ? " After the departure of the Legate, Petrarch retired to his rus in urbe. In a letter dated thence to his friend the Prior of the Holy Apostles, we find him acknowledging feelings that were far distant from settled contentment. " You have heard," he says, " how much my peace has been disturbed, and my leisure broken in upon, by an importunate crowd and by unforeseen occupations. The Legate has left Milan. He was received at Florence with unbounded applause : as for poor me, I am again in my retreat. I have been long free, happy, and master of my time ; but I feel, at present, that liberty and leisure are only for souls of con- summate virtue. When we are not of that class of beings, nothing is more dangerous for a heart subject to the passions than to be free, idle, and alone. The snares of voluptuousness are then more dangerous, and corrupt thoughts gain an easier entrance above all, love, that seducing tormentor, from whom I thought that I had now nothing more to fear." From these expressions we might almost conclude that he had again fallen in love ; but if it was so, we have no evidence as to the object of his new passion. During his half-retirement. Petrarch learned news which dis- turbed his repose. A courier arrived, one night, bringing an account of the entire destruction of the Genoese fleet, in a naval combat with that of the Venetians, which took place on the 19th of August, 1353, near the island of Sardinia. The letters which the poet had written, in order to conciliate those two republics, had proved as useless as the pacificatory efforts of Clement VI. and his successor, Innocent. Petrarch, who had constantly pre- dicted the eventual success of Genoa, could hardly believe his senses, when he heard of the Genoese being defeated at sea. He wrote a letter of lamentation and astonishment on the subject to his friend Guido Settini(?. He saw, as it were, one of the eyes of his country destroying the other. The courier, who brought these tidings to Milan, gave a distressing account of the state of Genoa. There was not a family which had not lost one of its members. Petrarch passed a whole night in composing a letter to the Genoese, in which he exhorted them, after the example of the Romans, never to despair of the republic. His lecture never reached them. On awakening in the morning, Petrarch learned that the Genoese had lost every spark of their courage, and that the day before they had subscribed the most humiliating con- cessions in despair. It has been alleged by some of his biographers that Petrarch suppressed his letter to the Genoese from his fear of the Viscoriti family. John Visconti had views on Genoa, which was a port so XC1V LIFE OF PETRARCH. conveniently situated that he naturally coveted the possession of it. He invested it on all sides by land, whilst its other enemies blockaded it by sea ; so that the city was reduced to famine. The partizans of John Visconti insinuated to the Genoese that they had no other remedy than to place themselves under the protection of the Prince of Milan. Petrarch was not ignorant of the Visconti's views ; and it has been, therefore, suspected that he kept back his exhortatory epistle from his apprehension, that if he had despatched it, John Visconti would have made it the last epistle of his life. The morning after writing it, he found that Genoa had signed a treaty of almost abject submission; after which his exhortation would have been only an insult to the vanquished. The Genoese were not long in deliberating on the measures which they were to take. In a few days their deputies arrived at Milan, imploring the aid and protection of John Visconti, as well as offering him the republic of Genoa and all that belonged to it. After some conferences, the articles of the treaty were signed; and the Lord of Milan accepted with pleasure the possession that was offered to him. Petrarch, as a counsellor of Milan, attended these conferences, and condoled with the deputies from Genoa; though we cannot suppose that he approved, in his heart, of the desperate sub- mission of the Genoese in thus throwing themselves into the arms of the tyrant of Italy, who had been so long anxious either to invade them in open quarrel, or to enter their States upon a more amicable pretext. John Visconti immediately took possession of the city of Genoa ; and, after having deposed the doge and senate, took into his own hands the reins of government. Weary of Milan, Petrarch betook himself to the country, and made a temporary residence at the castle of St. Columba, which was now a monastery. This mansion was built in 1164, by the celebrated Frederick Barbarossa. It now belonged to the Car- thusian monks of Pavia. Petrarch has given a beautiful descrip- tion of this edifice, and of the magnificent view which it com- mands. Whilst he was enjoying this glorious scenery, he received a letter from Socrates, informing him that he had gone to Vaucluse in company with Guido Settimo, whose intention to accompany Petrarch in his journey to Italy had been prevented by a fit of illness. Petrarch, when he heard of this visit, wrote to express his happiness at their thus honouring his habitation, at the same time lamenting that he was not one of their party. "Repair," he said, "often to the same retreat. Make use of my books, which deplore the absence of their owner, and the death of their keeper" (he alluded to his old servant). " My country- house is the temple of peace, and the home of repose." From the contents of his letter, on this occasion, it is obvious that he had not yet found any spot in Italy where he could de- CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE EMPEROR. XCV termine on fixing himself permanently; otherwise he would not have left his books behind him. When he wrote about his books, he was little aware of the danger that was impending over them. On Christmas day a troop of robbers, who had for some time infested the neighbourhood of Vaucluse, set fire to the poet's house, after having taken away everything that they could carry off. An ancient vault stopped the conflagration, and saved the mansion from being entirely consumed by the flames. Luckily, the person to whose care he had left his house the son of the worthy rustic, lately deceased having a presentiment of the robbery, had conveyed to the castle a great many books which Petrarch left behind him ; and the robbers, believing that there were persons in the castle to defend it, had not the courage to make an attack. As Petrarch grew old, we do not .find him improve in con- sistency. In Ms letter, dated the 21st of October, 1353, it is evident that he had a return of his hankering after Vaucluse. He accordingly wrote to his friends, requesting that they would procure him an establishment in the Comtat. Socrates, upon this, immediately communicated with the Bishop of Cavaillon, who did all that he could to obtain for the poet the object of his wish. It appears that the Bishop endeavoured to get for him a good benefice in his own diocese. The thing was never accom- plished. Without doubt, the enemies, whom he had excited by writing freely about the Church, and who were very numerous at Avignon, frustrated his wishes. After some time Petrarch received a letter from the Emperor Charles IV. in answer to one which the poet had expedited to him about three years before. Our poet, of course, did not fail to acknowledge his Imperial Majesty's late-coming letter. He com- mences his reply with a piece of pleasantry : " I see very well," he says, " that it is as difficult for your Imperial Majesty's de- spatches and couriers to cross the Alps, as it is for your person and legions." He wonders that the Emperor had not followed his advice, and hastened into Italy, to take possession of the empire. " What consoles me," he adds, "is, that if you do not adopt my sentiments, you at least approve of my zeal ; and that is the greatest recompense I could receive." He argues the question with the Emperor with great force and eloquence ; and, to be sure, there never was a fairer opportunity for Charles IV. to enter Italy. The reasons which his Imperial Majesty alleges, for waiting a little time to watch the course of events, display a timid and wavering mind. A curious part of Ms letter is that in which he mentions Rienzo. " Lately," he says, " we have seen at Rome, suddenly elevated to supreme power, a man who was neither king, nor consul, nor patrician, and who was hardly known as a Roman citizen. Although he was not distinguished by Ms ancestiy, yet he dared XCV1 LIFE OF PETRARCH. to declare himself the restorer of public liberty. What title more brilliant for an obscsre man ! Tuscany immediately sub>nitted to him. All Italy followed her example ; and Europe and the whole world were in one movement. We have seen the event ; it is not a doubtful tale of history. Already, under the reign of the Tribune, justice, peace, good faith, and security, were restored, and we saw vestiges of the golden age appearing once more. In the moment of his most brilliant success, he chose to submit to others. I blame nobody. I wish neither to acquit nor to condemn ; but I know what I ought to think. That man had only the title of Tribune. Now, if the name of Tribune could produce such an effect, what might not the title of Caesar produce ! " Charles did not enter Italy until a year after the date of our poet's epistle ; and it is likely that the increasing power of John Visconti made a far deeper impression on his irresolute mind than all the rhetoric of Petrarch. Undoubtedly, the petty lords of Italy were fearful of the vipers of Milan. It was thus that they denominated the Visconti family, in allusion to their coat of arms, which represented an immense serpent swallowing a child, though the device was not their own, but borrowed from a standard which they had taken from the Saracens. The submis- sion of Genoa alarmed the whole of Italy. The Venetians took measures to form a league against the Visconti ; and the Princes of Padua, Modena, Mantua, and Verona joined it, and the con- federated lords sent a deputation to the Emperor, to beg that he would support them ; and they proposed that he should enter Italy at their expense. The opportunity was too good to be lost ; and the Emperor promised to do all that they wished. This league gave great trouble to John Visconti. In order to appease the threatening storm, he immediately proposed to the Emperor that he should come to Milan and receive the iron crown ; while he himself, by an embassy from Milan, would endeavour to restore peace between the Venetians and the Genoese. Petrarch appeared to John Visconti the person most likely to succeed in this negotiation, by his eloquence, and by his intimacy with Andrea Dandolo, who governed the republic of Venice. The poet now wished for repose, and journeys began to fatigue him ; but the Visconti knew so well how to flatter and manage him, that he could not resist the proposal. At the commencement of the year 1354, before he departed for Venice, Petrarch received a present, which gave him no small delight. It was a Greek Homer, sent to him by Nichola Sigeros, Praetor of Romagna. Petrarch wrote a long letter of thanks to Sigeros, in which there is a remarkable confession of the small progress which he had made in the Greek language, though at the same time he begs his friend Sigeros to send him copies of Hesiod and Euripides. A few days afterwards he set out to Venice. He was the chief EMBASSY TO VENICE. XCVH of the embassy. He went with confidence, flattering himself that he should find the Venetians more tractable and disposed to peace both from their fear of John Visconti, and from some checks which their fleet had experienced, since their victory off Sardinia. But he was unpleasantly astonished to find the Venetians more exasperated than humbled by their recent losses, and by the union of the Lord of Milan with the Genoese. All his eloquence could not bring them to accept the proposals he had to offer. Petrarch completely failed in his negotiation, and, after passing a month at Venice, he returned to Milan full of chagrin. Two circumstances seem to have contributed to render the Venetians intractable. The princes with whom they were leagued had taken into their pay the mercenary troops of Count Lando, which composed a very formidable force ; and further, the -Em- peror promised to appear very soon in Italy at the head of an army. Some months afterwards, Petrarch wrote to the Doge of Venice, saying, that he saw with grief that the hearts of the Venetians were shut against wise counsels, and he then praises John Visconti as a lover of peace and humanity. After a considerable interval, Andrea Dandolo answered our poet's letter, and was very sarcastic upon him for his eulogy on John Visconti. At this moment, Visconti was arming the Genoese fleet, the command of which he gave to Paganino Doria, the admiral who had beaten the Venetians in the Propontis. Doria set sail with thirty-three vessels, entered the Adriatic, sacked and pillaged some towns, and did much damage on the Venetian coast. The news of this descent spread consternation in Venice. It was believed that the Genoese fleet were in the roads ; and the Doge took all possible precautions to secure the safety of the State. But Dandolo's health gave way at this crisis, vex^d as he was to see the maiden city so humbled in her pride. His constitution rapidly declined, and he died the 8th of September, 1354. He was extremely popular among the Venetians. Petrarch, in a letter written shortly after his death, says of him : " He was a virtuous man, upright, full of love and zeal for his republic ; learned, eloquent, wise, and affable. He had only one fault, to wit, that he loved war too much. From this error he judged of a cause by its event. The luckiest cause always appeared to him the most just, which made him often repeat what Scipio Africanus said, and what Lucan makes Caesar repeat : ' Hsec acies victum factura nocentem.' " If Dandolo had lived a little longer, and continued his ethical theory of judging a cause by its success, he would have had a hint, from the disasters of Venice, that his own cause was not the most righteous. The Genoese, Laving surprised the Venetians off the island of Sapienza, obtained one of the completest victories on record. All the Venetian vessels, with the exception of one that I XCVlll LIFE OF PETRARCIf. escaped, were taken, together with their admiral. It is believed that, if the victors had gone immediately to Venice, they might have taken the city, which was defenceless, and in a state of con- sternation : but the Genoese preferred returning home to announce their triumph, and to partake in the public joy. About the time of the Doge's death, another important public event took place in the death of John Visconti. He had a carbuncle upon his fore- head, just above the eyebrows, which he imprudently caused to be cut ; and, on the very day of the operation, October 4th, 1354, he expired so suddenly as not to have time to receive the sacrament. John Visconti had three nephews, Matteo, Galeazzo. and Bar- nabo. They were his heirs, and took possession of his dominions in common/a few days after his death, without any dispute among themselves. The day for their inauguration was fixed, such was the superstition of the tunes, by an astrologer ; and on that day Petrarch was commissioned to make to the assembled people an address suited to the ceremony. He was still in the midst of his harangue, when the astrologer declared with a loud voice that the moment for the ceremony was come, and that it would be danger- ous to let it pass. Petrarch, heartily as he despised the false science, immediately stopped his discourse. The astrologer, some- what disconcerted, replied that there was still a little time, and that the orator might continue to speak. Petrarch answered that he had nothing more to say. Whilst some laughed, and others were indignant at the interruption, the astrologer exclaimed " that the happy moment was come ;" on which an old officer carried three white stakes, like the palisades of a town, and gave one to each of the brothers ; and the ceremony was thus concluded. The countries which the three brothers shared amongst them comprehended not only what was commonly called the Duchy, before the King of Sardinia acquired a great part of it, but the territories of Parma, Piacenza, Bologna, Lodi, Bobbio, Pontremoli, and many other places. There was an entire dissimilarity among the brothers. Matteo hated business, and was addicted to the grossest debaucheries. Baruabo was a monster of tyranny and cruelty. Petrarch, never- theless, condescended to be godfather to one of Barnabo's sons, and presented the child with a gilt cup. He also composed a Latin poem, on the occasion of Ms godson being christened by the name of Marco, in wliich he passes in review all the great men who had borne that name. Galeazzo was very different from his brothers. He had much kindliness of disposition. One of his greatest pleasures was his intercourse with men of letters. He almost worsliipped Petrarch, and it was his influence that induced the poet to settle at Milan. Unlike as they were in dispositions, the brothers, neverth* felt how important it was that they should be united, in order tc INVITED TO VISIT THE EMPEROR. XCl'x protect themselves against the league which threatened them; and, at first, they lived in the greatest harmony. Barnabo, the* most warlike, was charged with whatever concerned the military. Business of every other kind devolved on Galeazzo. Matteo, as the eldest, presided over all ; but, conscious of his incapacity, he took little share in the deliberations of his brothers. Nothing important was done without consulting Petrarch ; and this flatter- ing confidence rendered Milan as agreeable to him as any resi- dence could be, consistently with his love of change. The deaths of the Doge of Venice and of the Lord of Milan were soon followed by another, which, if it had happened some years earlier, would have strongly aifected Petrarch. This was the tragic end of Kienzo. Our poet's opinion of this extraordinary man had been changed by his later conduct, and he now took but a comparatively feeble interest in him. Under the pontificate of Clement VI., the ex-Tribune, after his fall, had been consigned to a prison at Avignon. Innocent, the succeeding Pope, thought differently of him from his predecessor, and sent the Cardinal Albornoz into Italy, with an order to establish him at Rome, and to confide the government of the city to him under the title of senator. The Cardinal obeyed the injunction ; but after a brief and inglorious struggle with the faction of the Colonnas, Rienzo perished in a popular sedition on the 8th of October, 1354. War was now raging between the States of the Venetian League and Milan, united with Genoa, when a new actor was brought upon the scene. The Emperor, who had been solicited by one half of Italy to enter the kingdom, but who hesitated from dread of the Lord of Milan, was evidently induced by the intelligence of John Visconti's death to accept this invitation. In October, 1354, his Imperial Majesty entered Italy, with no show of martial preparation, being attended by only three hundred horsemen. On the 10th of November he arrived at Mantua, where he was received as sovereign. There he stopped for some time, before he pursued his route to Rome. The moment Petrarch heard of his arrival, he wrote to his Im- perial Majesty in transports of joy. " You are no longer," he said, " king of Bohemia. I behold in you the king of the world, the Roman emperor, the true C^sar." The Emperor received this letter at Mantua, and in a few days sent Sacromore de Po- mieres, one of his squires, to invite Petrarch to come and meet him, expressing the utmost eagerness to see him. Petrarch could not resist so flattering an invitation ; he was not to be deterred even by the unprecedented severity of the frost, and departed from Milan on the 9th of December ; but, with all the speed that he could make, was not able to reach Mantua till the lath. The Emperor thanked him for having come to him in such dreadful weather, the like of which he had scarcely ever felt, even in Germany. "The Emperor," says Petrarch, "received me in LIFE OF PETRARCH. a manner that partook neither of imperial haughtiness nor of German etiquette. We passed sometimes whole davs together, from morning to night, in conversation, as if his Majesty had had nothing else to do. He spoke to me about my works, and ex- pressed a great desire to see them, particularly my ' Treatise on Illustrious Men.' I told him that I had not yet put my last hand to it, and that, before I could do so, I required to have leisure and repose. He gave me to understand that he should be very glad to see it appear under his own. patronage, that is to say, dedicated to himself. I said to him, with that freedom of speech which Nature has given me, and which years have fortified, ' Great prince, for this purpose, notliing more is necessary than virtue on your part, and leisure on mine.' He asked me* to ex- plain myself. I said, ' I must have time for a work of this nature, in which I propose to include great things in a small space. On your part, labour to deserve that your name should appear at the head of my book. For this end, it is not enough that you wear a crown ; your virtues and great actions must place you "among the great men whose portraits I have delineated. Live in such a manner, that, after reading the lives of your illustrious prede- cessors, you may feel assured that your own life shall deserve to be read by posterity.' "The Emperor showed by a smile that my liberty had not displeased him. I seized this opportunity of presenting him with some imperial medals, in gold and in silver, and gave him a short sketch of the lives of those worthies whose images they bore. He seemed to listen to me with pleasure, and, graciously accepting the medals, declared that he never had received a more agreeable present. " I should never end if I were to relate to you all the conver- sations which I held with this prince. He desired me one d&y to relate the history of my life to him. I declined to do so at first ; but he would take no refusal, and I obeyed him. He heard me with attention, and, if I omitted any circumstances from for- getfulness or the fear of being wearisome, he brought them back to my memory. He then asked me what were my projects for the future, and my plans for the rest of my life. ' My intentions are good,' I replied to him, ' but a bad habit, which I cannot conquer, masters my better will, and I resemble a sea beaten by two oppo- site winds.' ' I can understand that,' he said ; ' but I wish to know what is the kind of life that would most decidedly please you? ' ' A secluded life,' I replied to him, without hesitation. ' If 1 could, I should go and seek for such a life at its fountain-head ; that is, among the woods and mountains, as I have already done. If I could not go so far to find it, I should seek to enjoy it in the midst of cities.' " The Emperor differed from me totally as to the benefits of a solitary life. I told him that I had composed a treatise on the THE EMPEROR IN ITALY. Cl subject. 'I know that,' said the Emperor; 'and if I ever find your book, I shall throw it into the fire.' 'And,' I replied, 'I shall take care that it never falls into your hands.' On this sub- ject we had long and frequent disputes, always seasoned with pleasantry. I must confess that the'Emperor combated my system on a solitary life with surprising energy." Petrarch remained eight days with the King of Bohemia, at Mantua, where he was witness to all his negotiations with the Lords of the league of Lombardy, who came to confer with his Imperial Majesty, in that city, or sent thither their ambassadors. The Emperor, above all things, wished to ascertain the strength of tin's confederation ; how much each principality would contribute, and how much might be the sum total of the whole contribution. The result of this inquiry was, that the forces of the united con- federates were not sufficient to make head against the Visconti, who had thirty thousand well- disciplined men. The Emperor, therefore, decided that it was absolutely necessary to conclude a peace. This prince, pacific and without ambition, had, indeed, come into Italy with this intention ; and was only anxious to obtain two crowns without drawing a sword. He saw, therefore, with satisfaction that there was no power in Italy to protract hostilities by strengthening the coalition. He found difficulties, however, in the settlement of a general peace. The Viscontis felt their superiority; and the Genoese, proud of a victory which they had obtained over the Venetians, insisted on hard terms. The Emperor, more intent upon his per- sonal interests than the good of Italy, merely negotiated a truce between the belligerents. He prevailed upon the confederates to disband the company of Count Lando, which cost much and effected little. It cannot be doubted that Petrarch had consider- able influence in producing this dismissal, as he always held those troops of mercenaries in abhorrence. The truce being signed, his Imperial Majesty had no further occupation than to negotiate a particular agreement with the Viscontis, who had sent the chief men of Milan, with presents, to conclude a treaty with him. No one appeared more fit than Petrarch to manage this negotiation , and it was universally expected that it should be entrusted to him; but particular reasons, which Petrarch has not thought proper to record, opposed the desires of the Lords of Milan and the public wishes. The negotiation, nevertheless, was in itself a very easy one. The Emperor, on the one hand, had no wish to make war for the sake of being crowned at Monza. On the other hand, the Viscontis were afraid of seeing the league of their enemies fortified by imperial power. They took advantage of the desire which they observed in Charles to receive this crown without a struggle. They promised not to oppose his coronation, and even to give 50,000 florins for the expense of the ceremony; but they required C LIFE OF PETRARCH. he should not enter the city of Milan, and that the troops in his suite should be disarmed. To these humiliating terms Charles subscribed. The affair was completed during the few days that Petrarch spent at Mantua. The Emperor strongly wished that he should be present at the ture of the treaty: and. in fact, though he was not one of the envoys from Milan, the success of the negotiation was generally attributed to liim. A rumour to this effect reached even Avignon, where L;vlius then was. He wrote to Petrarch to compliment him on the subject. The poet, in his answer, declines an honour that was not due to him. After the signature of the treaty, Petrarch departed for Milan, where he arrived on Christmas eve, 1354. He there found four letters from Zanobi di Strata, from whom he had not had news for two years. Curious persons had intercepted their letters to each other. Petrarch often complains of this nuisance, which niunon at the time. The Emperor set out from Mantua after the festivities of Christ- mas. On arriving at the gates of Milan, he was invited to enter by the Viscontis ; Imt Charles declined their invitation, saying, t-tat he would keep the promise which he had pledged. 'Tlie ntis told him politely that they asked his entrance as a favour, and that the precaution respecting liis troops by no means .ded to his personal presence, which" they should always con- sider an honour. The Emperor entered Milan on the 4th of January. 1355. He was received with the sound of drums, trumpets, and other instruments, that made such a din as to re- semble thunder. " His entry." says Villani. " had the air of a tem- pest rather than of a festivity." Meanwhile the gates of Milan were shut and strictly guarded. Shortly after his arrival, the tliree Vothers came to tender their homage, declaring that they held of A\e Holy Empire all that they possessed, and that they would never employ their possessions but for his sen-ice. Next day the three brothers, wishing to give the Emperor a high idea of their power and forces, held a grand review of their ;>. horse and foot: to which, in order to swell the number, they added companies of the burgesses, well mounted, and mag- nificently dressed ; and they detained his poor Majesty at a window, by way of amusing him. all the time they were making this display of their power. AVliilst the troops were defiling, they bade him look upon the six thousand cavalry and ten thousand infantry, which they kept in their pay for his sendee, adding that their fortresses and castles were well furnished and garrisoned. This spectacle was anything but amusing to the Emperor ; but he put a good countenance on the matter, and appeared cheerful and serene. Petrarch scarcely ever quitted his side ; and the Prince conversed with him whenever he could snatch time from business, und from the rigid ceremonials that were imposed on him. THE EMPEROR'S DEPARTURE. ciii On the 6th of January, the festival of Epiphany, Charles re- ceived at Milan the iron crown, in the church of St. Ambrosio, from the hands of Robert Visconti, Archbishop of Milan. They gave the Emperor fifty thousand florins in gold, two hundred beautiful horses, covered with cloth bordered with ermine, and six hundred horsemen to escort him to Rome. The Emperor, who regarded Milan only as a fine large prison, got out of it as soon as he could. Petrarch accompanied him as far as five miles beyond Piacenza, but refused to comply with the Emperor's solicitations to continue with him as far as Rome. The Emperor departed from Sienna the 28th of March, with the Empress and all his suite. On the 2nd of April he arrived at Rome. During the next two days he visited the churches in pilgrim's attire. On Sunday, which was Easter day, he was crowned, along with his Empress ; and, on this occasion, he con- firmed all the privileges of the Roman Church, and all the promises that he had made to the Popes Clement VI. and Innocent VI. One of those promises was, that he should not enter Rome except upon the day of his coronation, and that he should not sleep in the city. He kept his word most scrupulously. After leaving the church of St. Peter, he went with a grand retinue to St. John's di Latrana, where he dined, and, in the evening, under pretext of a hunting-party, he went and slept at St. Lorenzo, beyond the walls. The Emperor arrived at Sienna on the 29th of April. He had there many conferences with the Cardinal Albornoz, to whom he promised troops for the purpose of reducing the tyrants with whom the Legate was at war. His Majesty then went to Pisa, where, on the 21st of May, 1355, a sedition broke out against him, which nearly cost him his life. He left Tuscany without delay, with his Empress and his whole suite, to return to Ger- many, where he arrived early in June. Many were the affronts he met with on his route, and he recrossed the Alps, as Villani says, " with his dignity humbled, though with his purse well filled." Laelius, who had accompanied the Emperor as far as Cremona, quitted him at that place, and went to Milan, where he delivered to Petrarch the Prince's valedictory compliments. Petrarch's in- dignation at his dastardly flight vented itself in a letter to his Imperial Majesty himself," so full of unmeasured rebuke, that it is believed it was never sent. Shortly after the departure of the Emperor, Petrarch had the satisfaction of hearing, in his own church of St. Ambrosio, the publication of a peace between the Venetians and Genoese. It was concluded at Milan by the mediation of the Visconti, entirely to the advantage of the Genoese, to whom their victory gained in the gulf of Sapienza had given an irresistible superiority. It cost the Venetians two hundred thousand florins. Whilst the Civ LIFE OF PETRARCH. treaty of peace was proceeding, Venice witnessed the sad and strange spectacle of Marino Faliero, her venerable Doge, four- score years old, being dragged to a public execution. Some obscurity still hangs over the true history of this affair. Petrarch himself seems to have understood it but imperfectly, though, from his personal acquaintance with Faliero, and his humane indigna- tion at seeing an old man whom he believed to be innocent, hurled from his seat of power, stripped of his ducal robes, and beheaded like the meanest felon, he inveighs against his execution as a public murder, in his letter on the subject to Guido Settimo. Petrarch, since his establishment at Milan, had thought it his duty to bring thither his son John, that he might w r atch over his education. John was at this time eighteen years of age, and was studying at Verona. The September of 1355 was a critical month for our poet. It was then that the tertian ague commonly attacked him, and this year it obliged him to pass a whole month in bed. He was just beginning to be convalescent, when, on the 9th of September, 1355, a friar, from the kingdom of Naples, entered his chamber, and gave him a letter from Barbato di Sahnone. This was a great joy to him, and tended to promote the recovery of his health. Their correspondence had been for a long time interrupted by the wars, and the unsafe state of the public roads. This letter was full of enthusiasm and affection, and was addressed to Francis J'tttrircli, the king of poets. The friar had told Barbato that this title was given to Petrarch over all Italy. Our poet in his answer affected to refuse it with displeasure as far. beyond his deserts. '' There are only two king-poets," he says, " the one in Greece, the other in Italy. The old bard of Masonia occupies the former kingdom, the shepherd of Mantua is in possession of the latter. As for me, I can only reign in my transalpine solitude and on the banks of the Sorgue/' Petrarch continued rather languid during autumn, but his health was re-established before the winter. Early in the year 1356, whilst war was raging between Milan and the Lombard and Ligurian league, a report was spread that the King of Hungary had formed a league with the Emperor and the Duke of Austria, to invade Italy. The Italians in alarm sent ambassadors to the King of Hungary, who declared that he had no hostile intentions, except against the Venetians, as they had robbed bim of part of Sclavonia. This declaration calmed the other princes, but not the Viscontis, who knew that the Emperor would never forget the manner in which they had treated him. They thought that it would be politic to send an ambassador to Charles, in order to justify themselves before him, or rather to penetrate into his designs, and no person seemed to be more fit for this commission than Petrarch. Our poet had no great desire to journey into the north, but a charge so agreeable and nattering VISITS GERMANY. CV made him overlook the fatigue of travelling. He wrote thus to Simonides on the day before his departure : " They are sending me to the north, at the time when I am sighing for solitude and repose. But man was made for toil : the charge imposed on me does not displease me, and I shall be recompensed for my fatigue if I succeed in the object of my mission. The Lord of Liguria sends me to treat with the Emperor. After having conferred with him on public affairs, I reckon on being able to treat with him respecting my own, and be my own ambassador. I have reproached this prince by letter with his shameful flight from our country. I shall make him the same reproaches, face to face, and viva voce. In thus using my own liberty and his patience, I shall avenge at once Italy, the empire, and my own person. At my return I shall bury myself in a solitude so profound that toil and envy will not be able to find me out. Yet what folly ! Can I natter myself to find any place where envy cannot penetrate ? " Next day he departed with Sacromoro di Pomieres, whose com- pany was a great solace to him. They arrived at Basle, where the Emperor was expected ; but they waited in vain for him a whole month. " This prince," says Petrarch, " finishes nothing ; one must go and seek him in the depths of barbarism." It was fortunate for him that he stayed no longer, for, a few days after he took leave of Basle, the city was almost wholly destroyed by an earthquake. Petrarch arrived at Prague in Bohemia towards the end of July, 1350. He found the Emperor wholly occupied with that famous Golden Bull, the provisions of which he settled with the States, at the diet of Nuremberg, and which he solemnly promul- gated at another grand diet held at Christmas, in the same year. This Magna Charta of the Germanic constitution continued to be the fundamental law of the empire till its dissolution. Petrarch made but a short stay at Prague, notwithstanding his Majesty's wish to detain him. The Emperor, though sorely ex- asperated against the Visconti, had no thoughts of carrying war into Italy. His affairs in Germany employed him sufficiently, besides the embellishment of the city of Prague. At the Bohe- mian court our poet renewed a very amicable acquaintance with two accomplished prelates, Ernest, Archbishop of Pardowitz, and John Oczkow, Bishop of Olmiitz. Of these churchmen he speaks in the warmest terms, and he afterwards corresponded with them. We find him returned to Milan, and writing to Simonides on the 20th of September. Some days after Petrarch's return from Germany, a courier arrived at Milan with news of the battle of Poitiers, in which eighty thousand French were defeated by thirty thousand English- men, and in which King John of France was made prisoner.* * Most historians relate that the English, at Poitiers, amounted to no more than eight or ten thousand men ; but, whether they consisted of eight thousand or thirty thousand, the result was sufficiently glorious for them, and for their brave leader, the Black Prince. CV1 LIFE OF PETRARCH. Petrarch was requested by Galeazzo Visconti on this occasion to write for him two condoling letters, one to Charles the Dauphin, and another to the Cardinal of Boulogne. Petrarch was thunder- struck at the calamity of King John, of whom he had an exalted idea. " It is a thing," he says, " incredible, unheard-of, and un- exampled in history, that an invincible hero, the greatest king that ever lived, should have been conquered and made captive by an enemy so inferior." On this great event, our poet composed an allegorical eclogue, in which the King of France, under the name of Pan, and the King of England, under that of Articus, heartily abuse each other. The city of Avignon is brought in with the designation of Faustula. England reproaches the Pope with his partiality for the King of France, to whom he had granted the tithes of his kingdom, by which means he was enabled to levy an army. Articus thus apostrophizes Faustula : Ah meretrix obliqua tuens, ait Articus illi Jmmemorem sponsae cupidus quam rnungit adult er ! Hsec tua tota tides, sic sic aliena ministras ! Erubuit nihil ausa palam, nisi motlia pacis Verba, setl assuetis noctem eomplexibus egit Ah, harlot ! squinting with lascivious brows Upon a hapless wife's adulterous spouse, Is this thy Liith, to waste another's wealth, The guilty fruit of perfidy and stealth ! She durst not be ray foe in open light, But in my foe's embraces spent the night. Meanwhile, Marquard, Bishop of Augsburg, vicar of the Em- peror in Italy, having put himself at the head of the Lombard league against the Viscontis, entered their territories with the German troops, and was committing great devastations. But the brothers of Milan turned out, beat the Bishop, and took him prisoner. It is evident, from these hostilities of the Emperor's vicar against the Viscontis, that Petrarch's embassy to Prague had not had the desired success. The Emperor, it is true, plainly told him that he had no thoughts of invading Italy in person. " And this was true ; but there is no doubt that he abetted and secretly supported the enemies of the Milan chiefs. Powerful as the Visconti were, their numerous enemies pressed them hard ; and, with war on all sides, Milan was in a critical situation. But Petrarch, whilst war was at the very gates, continued retouching his Italian poetry. At the commencement of this year, 1356, he received a letter from Avignon, which Socrates, Ltelius, and Guido Settimo had jointly written to him. They dwelt all three in the same house, and lived in the most social union. Petrarch made them a short reply, in which he said, " Little did I think that I should ever envy those who inhabit Babylon. Nevertheless, I wish that I were with you in that house of yours, inaccessible to the pestilent air of the infamous city. I regard it as an elysium in the midst of Avernus." CREATED A COUNT PALATINE. CVll At this time, Petrarch received a diploma that was sent to him by John, Bishop of Ohniitz, Chancellor of the Empire, in which diploma the Emperor created him a count palatine, and conferred upon him the rights and privileges attached to this dignity. These, according to the French abridger of the History of Ger- many, consisted in creating doctors and notaries, in legitimatizing the bastards of citizens, in crowning poets, in giving dispensations with respect to age, and in other things. To this diploma sent to Petrarch was attached a bull, or capsule of gold. On one side was the impression of the Emperor, seated on his throne, with an eagle and lion beside him ; on the other was the city of Rome, with its temples and walls. The Emperor had added to this dignity privileges which he granted to veiy few, and the Chan- cellor, in his communication, used very flattering terms. Petrarch says, in his letter of thanks, " I am exceedingly grateful for the signal distinction which the Emperor has graciously vouchsafed to me, and for the obliging terms with which you have seasoned the communication. I have never sought in vain for anything from his Imperial Majesty and yourself. But I wish not for your gold." In the summer of 1357, Petrarch, wishing to screen himself from the excessive heat, took up his abode for a time on the banks of the Adda at Garignano, a village three miles distant from Milan, of which he gives a charming description. " The village," he says, " stands on a slight elevation in the midst of a plain, surrounded on all sides by springs and streams, not rapid and noisy like those of Vaucluse, but clear and modest. They wind in such a manner, that you know not either whither they are going, or whence they have come. As if to imitate the dances of the nymphs, they approach, they retire, they unite, and they separate alternately. At last, after having formed a kind of labyrinth, they all meet, and pour themselves into the same re- servoir." John Visconti had chosen this situation whereon to build a Carthusian monastery. This was what tempted Petrarch to found here a little establishment. He wished at first to live within the walls of the monastery, and the Carthusians made him welcome to do so ; but he could not dispense with servants and horses, and he feared that the drunkenness of the former might trouble the silence of the sacred retreat. He therefore hired a house in the neighbourhood of the holy brothers, to whom he re- paired at all hours of the day. He called this house Ms Linterno, in memory of Scipio Africanus, whose country-house bore that name. The peasants, hearing him call the domicile Linterno, corrupted the word into Inferno, and, from this mispronunciation, the place was often jocularly called by that name. Petrarch was scarcely settled in this agreeable solitude, when he received a letter from his friend Settimo, asking him for an exact and circumstantial detail of his circumstances and mode of living, of his plans and occupations, of his son John, &c. His CV111 LIFE OF PETKARCH. answer was prompt, and is not uninteresting. " The course of my life," he says. M has always been uniform ever since the frost of age has quenched the ardour of my youth, and particularly that fatal flame which so long tormented me. But what do I say? " he continues ; " it is a celestial dew which has produced this ex- tinction. Though I have often changed my place of abode, I have always led nearly the same kind of life. What it is, none knows better than yourself. I once lived beside you for two years. Call to mind how I was then occupied, and you will know my present occupations. You understand me so well that you ought to be able to guess, not only what I am doing, but what I am dreaming. '' Like a traveller, I am quickening my steps in proportion as I approach the term of my course. I read and write night and day; the one occupation refreshes me from the fatigue of the other. These are my employments these are my pleasures. My tasks increase upon my hands ; one begets another ; and I am dismayed when I look at what I have undertaken to accomplish in so short a space as the remainder of my life. * * * My health is good ; my body is so robust that neither ripe years, nor grave occupa- tions, nor abstinence, nor penance, can totally subdue that kicking ass on whom I am constantly making war. I count upon the grace of Heaven, without which I should infallibly fall, as I fell in other tunes. All my reliance is on Christ. With regard to my fortune, I am exactly in a just mediocrity, equally distant from the two extremes * ' -' -' " I inhabit a retired corner of the city towards the west. Their ancient devotion attracts the people every Sunday to the church of St. Ambrosio, near which I dwell. During the rest of the week, this quarter is a desert. " Fortune has changed nothing in my nourishment, or my hours of sleep, except that I retrench as much as possible from indul- gence in either. I lie in bed for no other purpose than to sleep, unless I am ill. I hasten from bed as soon as I am awake, and pass into my library. This takes place about the middle of the night, save when the nights are shortest. I grant to Nature nothing but what she imperatively demands, and which it is im- possible to refuse her. " Though I have always loved solitude and silence, I am a great gossip with my friends, which arises, perhaps, from my seeing them but rarely. I atone for this loquacity by a year of taciturnity. I mutely recall my parted Mends by correspondence. I resemble that class of people of whom Seneca speaks, who seize life in detail, and not by the gross. The moment I feel the approach of summer, I take a country-house a league distant from town, where the air is extremely pure. In such a place I am at present, and here I lead my wonted life, more free than ever from the wearisomeness of the city. I have abundance of everything; the peasants vie with each other in bringing me fruit, fish,' ducks, LETTER RESPECTING HIS WAT OF LIFE, ETC. C1X and all sorts of game. There is a beautiful Carthusian monastery in my neighbourhood, where, at all hours of the day, I find the innocent pleasures which religion offers. In this sweet retreat I feel no want but that of my ancient friends. In these I was once rich ; but death has taken away some of them, and absence robs me of the remainder. Though my imagination represents them, still I am not the less desirous of their real presence. There would remain but few things for me to desire, if fortune would re- store to me but two friends, such as you and Socrates. I confess that I flattered im'-self a long time to have had you both with me. But, if you persist in your rigour, I must console myself with the company of my religionists. Their conversation, it is true, is neither witty nor profound, but it is simple and pious. Those good priests will be of great service to me both in life and death. I think I have now said enough about myself, and, perhaps, more than enough. You ask me about the state of my fortune, and you wish to know whether you may believe the rumours that are abroad about my riches. It is true that my income is increased ; but so, also, proportionably, is my outlay. I am, as I have always been, neither rich nor poor. Riches, they say, make men poor by multiplying their wants and desires ; for my part, I feel the con- trary; the more I have the less I desire. Yet, I suppose, if I possessed great riches, they would have the same effect upon me as upon other people. " You ask news about my son. I know not very well what to say concerning him. His manners are gentle, and the flower of his youth holds out a promise, though what fruit it may produce I know not. I think I may flatter myself that he will be an honest man. He has talent ; but what avails talent without study ! He flies from a book as he would from a serpent. Per- suasions, caresses, and threats are all thrown away upon him as incitements to study. I have nothing wherewith to reproach my- self ; and I shall be satisfied if he turns out an honest man, as I hope he will. Themistocles used to say that he liked a man without letters better than letters without a man." In the month of August, 1357, Petrarch received a letter from Benintendi, the Chancellor of Venice, requesting him to send a dozen elegiac verses to be engraved on the tomb of Andrea Dan- dolo. The children of the Doge had an ardent wish that our poet should grant them this testimony of his friendship for their father. Petrarch could not refuse the request, and composed fourteen verses, which contain a sketch of the great actions of Dandolo. But they were verses of command, which the poet made in despite of the Muses and of himself. In the following year, 1358, Petrarch was almost entirely occu- pied with his treatise, entitled, " Do Ilemediis utriusque Fortunes," (A Remedy against either extreme of Fortune.) This made a great noise when it appeared. Charles V. of France had it tran- CX LIFE OF PETKARCH. scribed for his library, and translated ; and it was afterwards translated into Italian and Spanish. Petrarch returned to Milan, and passed the autumn at his house, the Linterno, where he met with an accident, that for some tune threatened dangerous consequences. He thus relates it, in a letter to his friend, Neri Morandi : " I have a great volume of the epistles of Cicero, which I have taken the pains to transcribe myself, for the copyists understand nothing. One day, when I was entering my library, my gown got entangled with this large book, so that the volume fell heavily on my left leg, a little abo\;e the heel. By some fatality, I treated the accident too lightly. I walked, I rode on horseback, according to my usual custom ; but my leg became inflamed, the skin changed colour, and mortifica- tion began to appear. The pain took away my cheerfulness and sleep. I then perceived that it was foolish courage to trifle with so serious an accident. Doctors were called in. They feared at first that it would be necessary to amputate the limb ; but, at last, by means of regimen and fomentation, the afflicted member was put into the way of healing. It is singular that, ever since my infancy, my misfortunes have always fallen on this same left leg. In truth, I have always been tempted to believe in destiny ; and why not, if, by the word destiny, we understand Providence?" As soon as his leg was recovered, he made a trip to Bergamo. There was in that city a jeweller named Enrico Capri, a man of great natural talents, who cherished a passionate admiration for the learned, and above all for Petrarch, whose likeness was pic- tured or statued in every room of his house. He had copies made at a great expense of everything that came from his pen. He implored Petrarch to come and see Mm at Bergamo. " If he honours my household gods," he said, " but for a single day with his presence, I shall be happy all niy life, and famous through all futurity." Petrarch consented, and on the 13th of October, 1358, the poet was received at Bergamo with transports of joy. The governor of the country and the chief men of the city wished to lodge him in some palace ; but Petrarch adhered to his jeweller, and would not take any other lodging but with his friend. A short time after Ms return to Milan, Petrarch had the plea- sure of welcoming to Ms house John Boccaccio, who passed some days with Mm. The author of the Decamerone regarded Petrarch as 'Ms literary master. He owed him a still Mgher obligation, according to Ms own statement ; namely, that of converting Ms heart, which, he says, had been frivolous and inclined to gallantly, and even to licentiousness, until he received our poet's advice. He was about forty-five years old when he went to Milan. Pe- trarch made him sensible that it was improper, at Ms age, to lose Ms time in courting women; that he ought to employ it more seriously, and turn towards heaven the devotion which he mis- placed on earthly beauties. This conversation is the subject ROBBED BY HTS SON. CXI of one of Boccaccio's eclogues, entitled, " Pliilostropos." His eclogues are in the style of Petrarch, obscure and enigmatical, and the subjects are muffled up under emblems and Greek names. After spending some days with Petrarch, that appeared short to them both, Boccaccio, pressed by business, departed about the beginning of April, 1359. The great novelist soon afterwards sent to Petrarch from Florence a beautiful copy of Dante's poem, written in his own hand, together with some indifferent Latin verses, in which he bestows the highest praises on the author of the Inferno. At that time, half the world believed that Petrarch was jealous of Dante's fame; and the rumour was rendered plausible by the circumstance for which^he has accounted very rationally that he had not a copy of Dante in his library. In the month of May in this year, 1359, a courier from Bohemia brought Petrarch a letter from the Empress Anne, who had the condescension to write to him with her own hand to inform him that she had given birth to a daughter. Great was the joy on this occasion, for the Empress had been married five years, but, until now, had been childless. Petrarch, in his answer, dated the 23rd of the same month, after expressing his sense of the honour which her Imperial Majesty had done him, adds some common- places, and seasons them with his accustomed pedantry. He pronounces a grand eulogy on the numbers of the fair sex who had distinguished themselves by their virtues and their courage. Among these he instances Isis, Carmenta, the mother of Evander, Sappho, the Sybils, the Amazons, Semiramis, Tomiris, Cleopatra, Zenobia, the Countess Matilda, Lucretia, Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, Martia, Portia, and Livia. The Empress Anne was 110 doubt highly ediiied by this muster-roll of illustrious women ; though some of the heroines, such as Lucretia, might have bridled up at their chaste names being classed with that of Cleopatra. Petrarch repaired to Linterno, on the 1st of October, 1359 ; but his stay there was very short. The winter set in sooner than usual. The constant rains made his rural retreat disagreeable, and induced liim to return to the city about the end of the month. On rising, one morning, soon after his return to Milan, he found that he had been robbed of everything valuable in his house, excepting his books. As it was a domestic robbery, ho could accuse nobody of it but his son John and his servants, the former of whom had returned from Avignon. On this, he deter- mined to quit his house at St. Ambro-sio, and to take a small lodging in the city; here, however, he could not live in peace. His son and servants quarrelled every day, in his very presence, so violently that they exchanged blows. Petrarch then lost all patience, and turned the whole of his pugnacious inmates out of doors. His son John had now become an arrant debauchee ; and CXU LIFE OF PETRARCH. it was undoubtedly to supply his debaucheries that he pillaged his own father. He pleaded strongly to be readmitted to liia home ; but Petrarch persevered for some time in excluding him, though he ultimately took him back. It appeal's from one of Petrarch's letters, that many people at ftlilan doubted his veracity about the story of the robbery, alleging that it was merely a pretext to excuse his inconstancy in quitting his house at St. Ambrosio ; but that he was capable of accusing his own son on false grounds is a suspicion which the whole character of Petrarch easily repels. He went and settled himself in the monastery of St. Simplician, an abbey of the Benedictines of Monte Cassino, pleasantly situated without the walls of the city. He was scarcely established in his new home at St. Simpli- cian's, when Galeazzo Visconti arrived in triumph at Milan, after having taken possession of Pavia. The capture of this city much augmented the power of the Lords of Milan ; and nothing was wanting to their satisfaction but the secure addition to their dominions of Bologna, to which Barnabo Visconti was laying siege, although John of Olegea had given it up to the Church, in consideration of a pension and the possession of the city of Fermo. This affair had thrown the court of Avignon into much embarrassment, and the Pope requested Nicholas Acciajuoli, Grand Seneschal of Naples, who had been sent to the Papal city by his Neapolitan Majesty, to return by way of Milan, and there negotiate a peace between the Church and Barnabo Yisconti. Acciajuoli reached Milan at the end of May. very eager to see Petrarch, of whom he had heard much, without having yet made his acquaintance. Petrarch describes their first interview in a letter to Zanobi da Strada, and seems to have been captivated by the gracious manners of the Grand Seneschal. With all his popularity, the Seneschal was not successful in his mission. "When the Seneschal's proposals were read to the impetuous Barnabo, he said, at the end of every sentence, " lo voglio Bologna." It is said that Petrarch detached Galeazzo Yisconti from the ambitious projects of his brother ; and that it was by our poet's advice that Galeazzo made a separate peace with the Pope ; though, perhaps, the true cause of his accommo- dation with the Church was his being in treaty with France, and soliciting the French monarch's daughter, Isabella, in marriage for his son Giovanni. After this marriage had been celebrated \vith magnificent festivities, Petrarch was requested by Galeazzo t i go to Paris, and to congratulate the unfortunate King John upon his return to his country. Our poet had a transalpine pre- judice against France ; but he undertook this mission to its capital, and was deeply touched by its unfortunate condition. If the aspect of the country in general was miserable, that o' IMPERIAL ATTENTIONS. CXlil the capital was still worse. " Where is Paris," exclaims Petrarch, "that metropolis, which, though inferior to its reputation, was, nevertheless, a great city?" He tells us that its streets were covered with briars and grass, and that it looked like a vast desert. Here, however, in spite of its desolate condition, Petrarch wit- nessed the joy with which the Parisians received their King John and the Dauphin Charles. The King had not been well educated, yet he respected literature and learned men. The Dauphin was an accomplished prince ; and our poet says that he was captivated by his modesty, sense, and information. Petrarch arrived at Milan early in March, 1361, bringing letters from King John and his son the Dauphin, in which those princes entreat the two Lords of Milan to persuade Petrarch by every means to come and establish himself at their court. No sooner had he refused their pressing invitations, than he received an equally earnest request from the Emperor to accept his hospitality at Prague. At this period, it had given great joy in Bohemia that the Empress had produced a son, and that the kingdom now possessed an heir apparent. His Imperial Majesty's satisfaction made him, for once, generous, and he distributed rich presents among his friends. Nor was our poet forgotten on this occasion. The Em- peror sent him a gold embossed cup of admirable workmanship, accompanied by a letter, expressing his high regard, and repeating his request that he would pay him a visit in Germany. Petrarch returned him a letter of grateful thanks, saying : " Who would not be astonished at seeing transferred to my use a vase con- secrated by the mouth of Caesar ? But I will not profane the sacred gift by the common use of it. It shall adorn my table only on days of solemn festivity." With regard to the Imperial invitation, he concludes a long apology for not accepting it imme- diately, but promising that, as soon as the summer was over, if he could find a companion for the journey, he would go to the court of Prague, and remain as long as it pleased his Majesty, since the presence of Csesar would console him for the absence of his books, his friends, and his country. This epistle is dated July 17th, 1361. Petrarch quitted Milan during this year, a removal for which various reasons are alleged by his biographers, though none of them appear to me quite satisfactory. He had now a new subject of grief to descant upon. The Marquis of Montferrat, unable to contend against the Visconti, applied to the Pope for assistance. He had already made a treaty with the court of London, by which it was agreed that a body of English troops were to be sent to assist the Marquis against the Visconti. They entered Italy by Nice. It was the first time that our countrymen had ever entered the -Saturnian land. They did h CXIV LIFE OF PETRARCH. no credit to the English character for humanity, but ravaged lands and villages, killing men and violating women. Their general appellation was the bulldogs of England. What must have been Petrarch's horror at these unkennelled hounds ! In one of his letters he vents his indignation at their atrocities : but, by-and-by, in the same epistle, he glides into his bookworm, habit of apostrophizing the ancient heroes of Rome, Brutus, Camillus, and God knows how many more ! The plague now again broke out in Italy; and the English and other predaton r troops contributed much to spread its ravages. It extended to many places ; but most of all it afflicted Milan. It is probable that these disasters were among the causes of Petrarch's leaving Milan. He settled at Padua, when the plague had not reached it. At this tune, Petrarch lost his son John. Whether he died at Milan or at Padua is not certain, but. wherever he died, it was most probably of the plague. John had not quite attained liis twenty-fourth year. In the same year. 13(51. he married his daughter Francesca, now near the age of twenty, to Francesco di Brossano, a gentle- man of Milan. Petrarch speaks highly of Ms son-in-law's talents, and of the mildness of his character. Boccaccio has drawn his portrait in the most pleasing colours. Of the poet's daughter, also, lie tells us, " that without being handsome, she had a very agreeable face, and much resembled her father." It does not seem that she inherited his genius ; but she was an excellent wife, a tender mother, and a dutiful daughter. Petrarch was cer- tainly pleased both with her and with his son-in-law ; and, if he did not live with the married pair, he was, at least, near them, and much in their society. When our poet arrived at Padua. Francesco di Carrara, the son of his friend Jacopo, reigned there in peace and alone. He had inherited his father's affection for Petrarch. Here. too. was his friend Pandolfo Malatesta, one of the bravest condottieri of the fourteenth century, who had been driven away from Milan by the rage and jealousy of Barnabo. The plague, which still continued to infest Southern Europe in lo(V2, had even in the preceding year deprived our poet <. beloved friend Socrates, who died* at Avignon. " He was," says Petrarch, t; of all men the dearest to my heart. His sentiments towards me never varied during an acquaintance of thirty- one years." The plague and war rendered Italy at this time so disagreeable fco Petrarch, that he resolved on returning to Vaucluse. He, therefore, set out from Padua for Milan, on the 10th of January, 13f.i'2. reckoning that when the cold weather was over he might depart from the latter place on his route to Avignon. But when he reached Milan, he found that the state of the country would not permit him to proceed to the Alps. GIFT OF HIS LIBRARY TO VENICE. CXV The Emperor of Germany now sent Petrarch a third letter of invitation to come and see him, which our poet promised to accept ; but alleged that he was prevented by the impossibility of getting a safe passage. Boccaccio, hearing that Petrarch medi- tated a journey to the far North, was much alarmed, and re- proached hun ibr his intention of dragging the Muses into Sar- matia, when Italy was the true Parnassus. In June, 1362, the plague, which had begun its ravages at Padua, chased Petrarch from that place, and he took the resolu- tion of establishing himself at Venice, which it had not reached. The course of the pestilence, like that of the cholera, was not general, but unaccountably capricious. Villani says that it acted like hail, which will desolate fields to the right and left, whilst it spares those in the middle. The war had not permitted our poet to travel either to Avignon or into Germany. The plague had driven him out of Milan and Padua. "I am not flying from death," he said, " but seeking repose." Having resolved to repair to Venice, Petrarch as usual took his books along with him. From one of his letters to Boccaccio, it appears that it was his intention to bestow his library on some religious community, but, soon after his arrival at Venice, he con- ceived the idea of offering this treasure to the Venetian Republic. He wrote to the Government thafc he wished the blessed Evan- gelist, St. Mark, to be the heir of those books, on condition that they should all be placed in safety, that they should neither be sold nor separated, and that they should be sheltered from fire and water, and carefully preserved for the use and amusement of the learned and noble in Venice. He expressed his hopes, at the same time, that the illustrious city would acquire other trusts of the same kind for the good of the public, and that the citizens who loved their country, the nobles above all, and even strangers, would follow his example in bequeathing books to the church of St. Mark, which might one day contain a great collection similar to those of the ancients. The procurators of the church of St. Mark having offered to defray the expense of lodging and preserving his library, the re- public decreed that our poet's offer did honour to the Venetian state. They assigned to Petrarch for his own residence a large palace, called the Two Towers, formerly belonging to the family of Molina. The mansion was very lofty, and commanded a prospect of the harbour. Our poet took great pleasure in this view, and describes it with vivid interest. " From this port," he says, " I see vessels departing, which are as large as the house I inhabit, and which have masts taller than its towers. These ships resemble a mountain floating on the sea ; they go to all parts of the world amidst a thousand dangers ; they carry our wines to the English, our honey to the Scythians, our saffron, our oils, and our linen to the Syrians, Armenians, Persians, and h 2 LIFE OF PKTEARCH. Arabians ; and, wonderful to say, convey our wood to the Greeks and Egyptians. From all these countries the}' bring back in return articles of merchandize, which they diffuse over all Europe. They go even as far as the Tanais. The navigation of our seas does not extend farther north ; but, when they have arrived there, they quit their vessels, and travel on to trade with India and China; and. after passing the Caucasus and the Ganges, they proceed as far as the Eastern Ocean." It is natural to suppose that Petrarch took all proper pre- cautions for the preservation of his books ; nevertheless, they are not now to be seen at Venice. Tomasini tells us that they had been placed at the top of the church of St. Mark, that lie de- manded a sight of them, but that he found them almost entirely spoiled, and some of them even petrified. Wliilst Petrarch was forming Ms new establishment at Venice, the news arrived that Pope Innocent VI. had died on the 12th of September. " He was a good, just, and simple man," says the continuator of Nangis. A simple man he certainly was, for he believed Petrarch to be a sorcerer on account of Ms reading Virgil. Innocent was succeeded in the pontificate, to the surprise of all the world, by William Grimoard. abbot of St. Victor at Marseilles, who took the title of Urban V. The Cardinals chose him, though he was not of their Sacred College, from their jealousy lest a pope should be elected from the opposite party of their own body. Petrarch rejoiced at Ms election, and ascribed it to the direct interference of Heaven. De Sade says that the new Pope desired Petrarch to be the apostolic secretary, but that he was not to be tempted by a gilded chain. About this time Petrarch received news of the death of Azzo Correggio, one of his dearest friends, whose widow and children wrote to him on tMs occasion, the latter telling Mm that they regarded him as a father. Boccaccio came to Venice to see Petrarch in 1363, and theii meeting was joyous. They spent delightfully together the months of June, July, and August. 1303. Boccaccio had not long left him, when, in the following year, our poet heard of the death of his Mend La?lius, and his tears were still fresh for his loss, when he received another shock in being bereft of Simonides. It requires a certain age and degree of experience to appreciate tliis kind of calamity, when we feel the desolation of losing our ac- customed friends, and almost wish ourselves out of life that we may escape from its solitude. Boccaccio returned to Florence early in September, 1363. In 1304, peace was concluded between Barnabo Visconti and Urban V. Barnabo having refused to treat with the Cardinal Albornoz, whom he personally hated, his Holiness sent the Car- dinal An drome de la Roche to Italy as Ms legate. Petrarch repaired to Bologna to pay his respects to the new representative DESCRIPTION OF THE JONGLEUES OF ITALY. CXV11 of the Pope. He was touched by the sad condition in which he found that city, which had been so flourishing when he studied at its university. " I seem," he says, "to be in a dream when I see the once fair city desolated by war, by slavery, and by famine. Instead of the joy that once reigned here, sadness is everywhere spread, and you hear only sighs and wailings in place of songs. Where you formerly saw troops of girls dancing, there are now only bands of robbers and assassins." Lucchino del Verme, one of the most famous condottieri of his time, had commanded troops in the service of the Visconti, at whose court he made the acquaintance of Petrarch. Our poet invited him to serve the Venetians in the war in which they were engaged with the people of Candia. Lucchino went to Venice whilst Petrarch was absent, reviewed the troops, and embarked for Candia on board the fleet, which consisted of thirty galleys and eight large vessels. Petrarch did not return to Venice till the expedition had sailed. He passed the summer in the country, having at his house one of his friends, Barthelemi di Pappazuori, Bishop of Christi, whom he had known at Avignon, and who had come purposely to see him. One day, when they were both at a window which overlooked the sea, they beheld one of the long vessels which the Italians call a galeazza entering the harbour. The green branches with which it was decked, the air of joy that appeared among the mariners, the young men crowned with laurel, who, from the prow, saluted the standard of their country every- thing betokened that the galeazza brought good news. When the vessel came a little nearer, they could perceive the captured colours of their enemies suspended from the poop, and no douht could be entertained that a great victory had been won. The moment that the sentinel on the tower had made the signal of a vessel entering the harbour, the people flocked thither in crowds, and their joy was even beyond expectation when they learned that the rebellion had been totally crushed, and the island reduced to obedience. The most magnificent festivals were given at Venice on this occasion. Shortly after these Venetian fetes, we find our poet writing a long letter to Boccaccio, in which he gives a curious and interest- ing description of the Jongleurs of Italy. He speaks of them in a very different manner from those pictures that have come down to us of the Proveii9al Troubadours. The latter were at once poets and musicians, who frequented the courts and castles of great lords, and sang their praises. Their strains, too, were sometimes satirical. They amused themselves with different subjects, and wedded their verses to the sound of the harp and other instruments. They were called Troubadours from the word trobar, " to invent." They were original poets, of the true min- strel breed, similar to those whom Bishop Percy ascribes to England in the olden time, but about the reality of whom, as a LIFE OF PETRARCH. professional body, Ritson has shown some cause to doubt. Of the Italian Jongleurs, Petrarch gives us a humble notion. " They are a class," he says, "who have little wit. but a great deal of memory, and still more impudence. Having nothing of their own to recite, they snatch at what they can get from others, and po about to the courts of princes to declaim verses, in the vulgar tongue, which they have got by heart. At those courts they insinuate themselves into the favour of the great, and get subsist- ence and presents. They seek their means of livelihood, that i>. the verses they recite, among the best authors, from whom I obtain, by dint ftf solicitation, and even by bribes of money, com- positions for their rehearsal. I have often repelled their impor- tunities, but sometimes, toucked by their entreaties. I have spent hours in composing productions for them. I have seen them leave me in rags and poverty, and return, some time afterwards, clothed in silks, and with purses well furnished, to thank me for having relieved them." In the course of the same amusing correspondence with Boc- caccio, which our poet maintained at this period, he gives an account of an atheist and blasphemer at Venice, with whom he had a long conversation. It ended hi our poet seizing the infidel by the mantle, and ejecting bim from his house with unceremonious celerity. This conclusion of their dialogue gives us a higher notion of Petrarch's piety than of his powers of argument. Petrarch went to spend the autumn of 1365 at Pavia. which city Galeazzo Yisconti made his principal abode. To pass the winter till Easter, our poet returned first to Venice, and then to Padua, according to his custom, to do the duties of his canonry. It was then that" his native Florence, wishing to recall a man who did her so much honour, thought of asking for him from the Pope the canonry of either Florence or Fiesole. Petrarch fully appre- ciated the shabby kindness of his countrymen. A republic that could afford to be lavish in all other 'expenses, limited their bounty towards him to the begging of a canonic ate for him from his Holiness, though Florence had confiscated his father's property. But the Pope had other views for him, and had actually appointed him to the canonry of Carpentras, when a false rumour of his death unhappily induced the Pontiff to dispose not only of that living, but of Parma and others which he had resigned to' indigent friends. During the February of 1366 there was great joy in the house of Petrarch, for his daughter, Francesca. the wife of Francesco di Brossano, gave birth to a boy, whom Donato degli Albanzani, a peculiarly-favoured friend of the poet's, held over the baptismal font, whilst he was christened by the name of Francesco. Meanwhile, our poet was delighted to hear of reformations in the Church, which signalized the commencement of Urban V.'s pontificate. After some hesitation, Petrarch ventured to write a INVITED TO THE COOBT OF GALEAZZO VISCONTI. CX1X strong advice to the Pope to remove the holy seat from Avignon to Home. His letter is long, zealous, superstitious, and, as usual, a little pedantic. The Pope did not need this epistle to spur his intentions as to replacing the holy seat at Rome ; but it so hap- pened that he did make the removal no very long time after Petrarch had written to him. On the 20th or' July, 1366, our poet rose, as was his custom, to his matin devotions, and reflected that he was precisely then entering on his sixty-third year. He wrote to Boccaccio on the subject. He repeats the belief, at that time generally entertained, that the sixty-third year of a man's life is its most dangerous crisis. It was a belief connected with astrology, and a super- stitious idea of the influence of numbers ; of course, if it retains any attention at present, it must subsist on practical observation : and I have heard sensible physicians, who had no faith in the influence of the stars, confess that they thought that time of life, commonly called the grand climacteric, a critical period for the human constitution. In May, 1367, Pope Urban accomplished his determination to remove his court from Avignon in spite of the obstinacy of his Cardinals ; but ke did not arrive at Rome till the month of October. He was joyously received by the Romans; and, in addition to other compliments, had a long letter from Petrarch, who was then at Venice. Some days after the date of this letter, our poet received one from Galeazzo Visconti. The Pope, it seems, wished, at whatever price, to exterminate the Visconti. He thundered this year against Barnabo with a terrible bull, in which he pub- lished a crusade against him. Barnabo, to whom, with all his faults, the praise of courage cannot be denied, brought down his troops from the Po, in order to ravage Mantua, and to make him- self master of that city. Galeazzo, his brother, less warlike, thought of employing negotiation for appeasing the storm ; and he invited Petrarch to Pavia, whither our poet arrived in 1368. He attempted to procure a peace for the Visconti, but was not successful. It was not, however, solely to treat for a peace with his enemies that Galeazzo drew our poet to his court. He was glad that he should be present at the marriage of his daughter Viola nte with Lionel, Duke of Clarence, son of Edward III. of England. The young English prince, followed by many nobles of our land, passed through France, and arrived at Milan on the 14th of May. His nuptials took place about a month later. At the marriage- dinner Petrarch was seated at the table where there were only princes, or nobles of the first rank. It is a curious circumstance that Froissart, so well known as an historian of England, came at this time to Milan, in the suite of the Duke of Clarence, and yet formed no acquaintance with our poet. Froissart was then only ar out thirty years old. It might have been hoped that the two CXX LIFE OF PETRARCH. geniuses would have become intimate friends ; but there is no trace ol their having even spoken to each other. Petrarch's neglect of Froissart may not have been so wonderful ; but it is strange that the latter should not have been ambitious to pay his court to the greatest poet then alive. It is imaginable, however, that Petrarch, with all his natural gentleness, was proud in his demeanour to strangers; and if so, Froissart was excusable for an equally- proud reserve. In the midst of the fetes that were given for the nuptials of the English prince. Petrarch received news of the death oi his grand- child. This little boy had died at Pavia, on the very day of the marriage of Lionel and Violante, when only two years and four months old. Petrarch caused a marble mausoleum to be erected over him, and twelve Latin lines of his own composition to be engraved upon it. He was deeply touched by the loss of his little grandson. '' This child," he says. iv had a singular resemblance to me, insomuch that any one who had not seen its mother would have taken me for its father." A most interesting letter from Boccaccio to our poet found Petrarch at Pavia, whither he had retired from Milan, wearied with the marriage fetes. The summer season was now approach- ing, when he was accustomed to be ill ; and he had, besides, got by the accident of a fall a bad contusion on his leg. He was anxious to return to Padua, and wished to embark on the Po. But war was abroad ; the river banks were crowded with troops of the belligerent parties ; and no boatmen could be found for some time who would go with him for love or money. At last, he found the master of a vessel bold enough to take him aboard. Any other vessel would have been attacked and pillaged ; but Petrarch had no fear ; and, indeed, he was stopped in his river :tge only to be loaded with presents. He arrived in safety at Padua, on the 9th of June, 13(58. . The Pope wished much to see our poet at Rome ; but Petrarch excused himself on account of his health and the summer season, wliich was always trying to him. But he promised to repair to his Holiness as soon as his health should permit, not to ask benefices of the holy father, but only his blessing. During the same year, we find Petrarch complaining often and painfully of his bodily infirmities. In a letter to Coluccio Salutati, he says: " Age, wliich makes others garrulous, only makes me silent. When" young, I used to write many and long letters. At present, I write only to my particular friends, and even to them very short letters." Petrarch was now sixty-four years old. He had never seen Pope Urban V., as he tells us himself; but he was very desirous of seeing him, and of seeing Rome adorned by the two great luminaries of the world, the Pope and the Emperor. Pope Urban, fearing the heats of Laly, to which he was not accustomed, had gone to pass the dog-days at Moute-Fiascone. When he MAKES HIS WILL. CXX1 returned to Rome, in October, on his arrival at the Colline gate, near the church of St. Angelo, lie found the Emperor, who was waiting for him. The Emperor, the moment he saw his Holiness, dismounted from his horse, took the reins of that of the Pope, and conducted him on foot to the church of St. Peter. As to this submission of civil to ecclesiastical dignity, different opinions were entertained, even at Rome ; and the wiser class of men disapproved of it. Petrarch's opinion on the subject is not re- corded ; but, during this year, there is no proof that he had any connection with the p]mperor ; and my own opinion is that he did not approve of his conduct. It is 'certain that Petrarch con- demned the Pope's entering Rome at the head of '^000 soldiery. " The Roman Pontiff," he remarks, 4< should trust to his dignity and to his sanctity, when coming into our capital, and not to an army with their swords and cuirasses. The cross of Jesus is the only standard which he ought to rear. Trumpets and drums were out of place. It would have been enough to have sung hallelujahs." Petrarch, in his letter to Boccaccio, in the month of September, sa} r s that he had got the fever ; and he was still so feeble that he was obliged to employ the hand of a stranger in writing to him. He indites as follows : ' I have had the fever for forty days. It weakened me so much that I could not go to my church, though it is near my house, without being carried. I feel as if my health would never be restored. My constitution seems to be entirely worn out." In another letter to the Cardinal Cabassole, who in- formed him of the Pope's wish to see him, he says : " His Holiness does me more honour than I deserve. It is to you that I owe this obligation. Return a thousand thanks to the holy father in your own name and in mine." The Pope was so anxious to see Petrarch that he wrote to him with his own hand, reproaching him for refusing his invitation. Our poet, after re- turning a second apology, passed the muter in making preparations for this journey ; but before setting out he thought proper to make his will. It was written with his own hand at Padua. In his testament he forbids weeping for his death, justly re- riarking that tears do no good to the dead, and may do harm to the living. He asks only prayers and alms to the poor who will pray for him. " As for my burial," he says, " let it be made as my friends think fit. What signifies it to me where my body is laid ? " He then makes some bequests in favour of the religious orders ; and he founds an anniversary in his own church of Padua, which is still celebrated every year on the 9th of July. Then come his legacies to his friends. He bequeathes to the Lord of Padua his picture of the Virgin, painted by Giotto ; " the beauty of which," he says, " is little known to the ignorant, though the masters of art will never look upon it without admiration." CXX11 LIFE OF PETIIARCH. To Donate di Prato Veccliio. master of grammar at Venice, he leaves all the money that he had lent him. He bequeatlies the horses he may have at his death to Bonzanello di Yigoncia and Lombardo da Serigo, two Mends of his, citizens of Padua, wishing them to draw lots for the choice of the horses. He avows being indebted to Lombardo da Serigo 134 golden ducats, advanced for the expenses of his house. He also bequeatlies to the same person a goblet of silver gilt (undoubtedly the same which the Emperor Charles had sent him in 1362). He leaves to John Abucheta, warden of his church, his great breviary, which he bought at Venice for 100 francs, on condition that, after his death, this breviary shall remain in the sacristy for the use of the future priests of the church. To John Boccaccio he bequeatlies 50 gold florins of Florence, to buy him a winter-habit for his studies at night. " I am ashamed," he adds, " to leave so small a sum to so great a man ;" but he entreats his Mends in general to impute the sniallness of their legacies to that of his fortune. To Toniaso Bambasi, of Ferrara, he makes a present of his good lute, that lie may make use of it in singing the praises of God. To Giovanni Dandi, physician of Padua, he leaves 50 ducats of gold, to buy a gold ring, which he may wear in remembrance of him. He appoints Francesco da Brossano, citizen of Milan, his heir, and desires him, not only as his heir, but as Ms dear son, to divide into two parts the money he should find the one for himself, the other for the person to whom it was assigned. " It would seem by this," says De Sade, " that Petrarch would not mention his daughter by name in a public will, because she was not born in marriage." Yet his shyness to name her makes it singular that he should style Brossano his son. In case Brossano should die before him, he appoints Lombardo da Serigo his eventual heir. De Sade considers the appointment as a deed of trust. With respect to his little property at Vaucluse, he leaves it to the hospital in that diocese. His last bequest is to his brother Gherardo, a Carthusian of Montrieux. He desires his heir to write to liim immediately after his decease, and to give him the option of a hundred florins of gold, payable at once, or by five or ten florins every year. A few days after he had made this will, he set out for Rome. The pleasure with which he undertook the journey made him suppose that he could support it. But when he reached Ferrara he fell down in a fit, in which he continued thirty hours, without sense or motion ; and it was supposed that he was dead. The most violent remedies were used to restore him to consciousness, but he says that he felt them no more than a statue. Nicholas d' Este II., the son of Obizzo, was at that time Lord of Ferrara, a Mend and admirer of Petrarch. The physicians thought him dead, and the whole city was in grief. The news spread to Padua, Venice, Milan, and Pavia. Crowds came from FT.BT. RESIDENCE AT ARQUA. CXXlil all parts to his burial Ugo d' Este, the brother of Nicholas a vountf man of much merit, who had an enthusiastic regard lor Petrarch paid Mm unremitting attention during his illness. Me came three or four times a day to see him, and sent messengers incessantly to inquire how he was. Our poet acknowledged that he owed his life to the kindness of those two noblemen. When Petrarch was recovering, he was impatient to pursue his route though the physicians assured him that he could not get to Rome alive He would have attempted the journey in spite of their warnings, if Ms strength had seconded Ms desires, but lie was unable to sit Ms horse. They brought him back to Padua, laid on a soft seat on a boat. His unhoped-for return caused as much surprise as joy in that city, where he was received by its lords and citizens with as much joy as if he had come back from the other world. To re-establish his health, he went to a village called Arqua, situated on the slope of a hill famous for the salubrity of its air, the goodness of its wines, and the beauty of its vineyards. An everlasting spring reigns there, and the place commands a view of pleasingly-scattered villas. Petrarch built himself a house on the high ground of the village, and he added to the vines of the country a great number of other fruit-trees. He had scarcely fixed himself at Arqua, when he put Ms last hand to a work which he had begun in the year 13G7. To explain the subject of this work, and the circumstances which gave rise to it, I think it necessary to state what was the real cause ot our poet's disgust at VeMce. He appeared there, no doubt to lead an agreeable life among many Mends, whose society was dehghth; to him But there reigned in this city what Petrarch thought licentiousness in conversation. The most ignorant persons were in the habit of undervaluing the finest geniuses, it fills one with reoret to find Petrarch impatient of a liberty of speech which whatever its abuses maybe, cannot be suppressed, witl crushing the liberty of human thought. At Venice moreover the philosophy of Aristotle was much in vogue, if doctnnes could be called Aristotelian, which had been disfigured by commentators, and still worse garbled by Averroes. The disciples of Averroes at Venice insisted on the world having been co-eternal with God and made a joke of Moses and Ms book of Genesis. " Would the eternal arcMtect," they said, " remain from all eternity doing nothing? Certainly not! The world's youthful appearance is owing to its revolutions, and the changes it has undergone by deludes and conflagrations." " Those free -thinkers, Petrarch tells us, "had a great contempt for Christ and Ms Apostles as well as for all those who did not bow the knee to the ktagirite They called the doctrines of Christianity fables and hell and heaven the tales of asses. Finally, they believed that Providence takes no care of anything under tha jregion of the moon. youn<* Venetians of this sect had attached themselves to Petrarch, CXX1V LIFE OF PETBARCH. who endured their society, but opposed their opinions. His opposition offended them, and *hey resolved to humble him in the public estimation. They constituted themselves a tribunal to try his merits : they appointed an advocate to plead for him, and they concluded by determining that he was a good man, but illiterate*! This affair made a great stir at Venice. Petrarch seems at first to have smiled with sensible contempt at so impertinent a farce ; but will it be believed that his friends, and among them Donato and Boccaccio, advised and persuaded him to treat it seriously, and to write a book about it ? Petrarch accordingly put his pen to the subject. He wrote a treatise, which he entitled " De sui ipsius et alionun Ignorantia " (On his own Ignorance, and on that of others). Petrarch had himself formed the design of confuting the doc- trines of Averroes ; but he engaged Ludovico Marsili, an Augustine monk of Florence, to perform the task. This monk, in Petrarch's opinion, possessed great natural powers, and our poet exhorts him to write against that rabid animal (Averroes) who barks with so much fury against Christ and Ms Apostles. Unfortunately, the rabid animals who write against the truths we are most willing to believe are difficult to be lolled. The good air of the Euganean mountains failed to re-establish the health of Petrarch. He continued ill during the summer of 1370. John di Dondi, his physician, or rather his friend, for he would have no physician, would not quit Padua without going to see him. He wrote to him afterwards that he had discovered the true cause of his disease, and that it arose from his eating fruits, drinking water, and frequent fastings. His medical adviser, also, besought him to abstain from all salted meats, and raw fruits, or herbs. Petrarch easily renounced salted provisions, " but, as to fruits," he says, "Nature must have been a very unnatural mother to give us such agreeable food, with such delightful hues and fragrance, only to seduce her children with poison covered over with honey." Whilst Petrarch was thus ill, he received news very unlikely to forward his recovery. The Pope took a sudden resolution to return to Avignon. That city, in concert with the Queen of Naples and the Kings of France and Arragon, sent him vessels to convey him to Avignon. Urban gave as a reason for his conduct the necessity of making peace between the crowns of France and England, but no one doubted that the love of his own country, the difficulty of inuring himself to the climate of Rome, the enmity and rebellious character of the Italians, and the importu- nities of his Cardinals, were the true cause of his return. He was received with great demonstrations of joy ; but St. Bridget had told him that if he went to Avignon he should die soon after- wards, and it so happened that her prophecy was fulfilled, for the Pope not long after his arrival in Provence was seized with a HE TACKS PKEFERMENT. CXXV mortal illness, and died on the 19th of December, 1370. In the course of his pontificate, he had received two singular honours. The Emperor of the West had performed the office of his equerry, and the Emperor of the East abjured schism, acknowledging him as primate of the whole Christian Church. The Cardinals chose as Urban's successor a man who did honour to their election, namely, Pietro Rogero, nephew of Clement VI., who took the name of Gregory XI. Petrarch knew him, he had seen him at Padua in 1367, when the Cardinal was on his way to Rome, and rejoiced at his accession. The new Pontiff caused a letter to be written to our poet, expressing his wish to see him, and to be of service to him. In a letter written about this time to his friend Francesco Bruni, we perceive that Petrarch is not quite so indifferent to the good things of the world as tke general tenor of his letters would lead us to imagine. He writes : " Were I to say that I want means to lead the life of a canon, I should be wrong, but when I say that my single self have more acquaintances than all the chapter put together, and, consequently, that I am put to more expenses in the way of hospitality, then I am right. This em- barrassment increases every day, and my resources diminish. I have made vain efforts to free myself from my difficulties. My prebend, it is true, yields me more bread and wine than I need for my own consumption. I can even sell some of it. But my expenses are very considerable. I have never less than two horses, usually five or six amanuenses. I have only three at this moment. It is because I could find no more. Here it is easier to find a painter than an amanuensis. I have a venerable priest, who never quits me when I am at church. Sometimes when I count upon dining with him alone, behold, a crowd of guests will come in. I must give them something to eat, and I must tell them amusing stories, or else pass for being proud or avaricious. " I am desirous to found a little oratory for the Virgin Mary ; and shall do so, though I should sell or pawn my books. After that I shall go to Avignon, if my strength permits. If it does not, I shall send one of my people to the Cardinal Cabassole, and to you, that you may attempt to accomplish what I have often wished, but uselessly, as both you and he well know. If the holy father wishes to stay my old age, and put me into somewhat better circumstances, as he appears to me to wish, and as his pre- decessor prom ised me, the thing would be very easy. Let him do as it may please him, much, little, or nothing ; I shall be always content. Only let him not say to me as Clement VI. used to do, ' ask what you wish for.' I cannot do so, for several reasons. In the first place, I do not myself know exactly what would suit me. Secondly, if I were to demand some vacant place, it might be given away before my demand reached the feet of his Holiness. Thirdly, I might make a request that n^ht displease him. Hia CXXV1 IJFE OF PETRARCH. extreme kindness might pledge him to grant it ; and I should be made miserable by obtaining it. " Let him give me, then, whatever he pleases, without waiting for my petitioning for it. Would it become me, at my years, to be a solicitor for benefices, having never been so in my youth ? I trust, in this matter, to what you may do with the Cardinal Sabina. You are the only friends who remain to me in that country. These thirty years the Cardinal has given me marks of his affection and good-will. I am about to write to him a few words on the subject; and I shall refer him to this letter, to save my repeating to him those miserable little details with wliich I should not detain you, unless it seemed to be necessary." A short time afterwards, Petrarch heard, with no small satisfac- tion, of the conduct of Cardinal Cabassole. at Perugia. When the Cardinal came to take leave of the Pope the evening before his departure for that city, he said, " Holy father, permit me to recom- mend Petrarch to you, on account of my love for him. He is, indeed, a man unique upon earth a true phoenix." Scarcely was he gone, when the Cardinal of Boulogne, making pleasantries on the word phoenix, turned into ridicule both the praises of Cabassole and him who was their object. Francesco Bruni, in writing to Petrarch about the kindness of the one Cardinal, thought it unnecessary to report the pleasantries of the other. But Petrarch, who had heard of them from another quarter, relates them himself to Bruni, and says : " I am not astonished. This man loved me formerly, and I was equally attached to him. At present he hates me, and I return his hatred. Would you know the reason of this double change ? It is because he is tlie enemy of truth, and I am the enemy of falsehood ; he dreads the liberty wliich inspires me, and I detest the pride with which he is swollen. If our fortunes were equal, and if we were together in a free place, I should not call myself a phoenix ; for that title ill becomes me ; but he would be an owl. Such people as he imagine, on account of riches ill-acquired, and worse employed, that they are at liberty to say what they please." In the letter which Bvuni wrote to Petrarch, to apprize him of Cabassole's departure, and of what he had said to the Pope in his favour, he gave him notice of the promotion of twelve new cardi- nals, whom Gregory had just installed, with a view to balance the domineering authority of the others. " And I fear," he adds, "that the Pope's obligations to satiate those new and hungry comers may retard the effects of his good-will towards you." " Let his Holiness satiate them," replied Petrarch ; " let him appease their thirst, which is more than the Tagus, the Pactolus, and the ocean itself could do I agree to it; and let him not think of me. I am neither famished nor thirsty. I shall content myself with their leavings, and with what the holy father may think meet to give, if he deigns to think of me." HIS COMPLAINTS AGAINST CARDINALS. CXXVH Bruni was right. The Pope, beset by applications on all handu, had no time to think of Petrarch. Bruni for a year discontinued Jus correspondence. His silence vexed our poet. He wrote to Francesco, saying, " You do not write to me, because you cannot communicate what you would wish. You understand me ill, and you do me injustice. I desire nothing, and I hope for nothing, but an easy death. Nothing is more ridiculous than an old man's avarice ; though nothing is more common. It is like a voyager wishing to heap up provisions for his voyage when he sees himself approaching the end of it. The holy father has written me a most obliging letter : is not that sufficient for me ? I have not a doubt of his good-will towards me, but he is encompassed by people who thwart his intentions. Would that those persons could know how much I despise them, and how much I prefer my mediocrity to the vain grandeur which renders them so proud ! " After a tirade against his enemies in purple, evidently some of the Cardinals, he reproaches Bruni for having dwelt so long for lucre in the ill-smelling Avignon ; he exhorts him to leave it, and to come and end his days at Florence. He says that he does not write to the Pope for fear of appearing to remind him of his pro- mises. " I have received," he adds, " his letter and Apostolic blessing ; I beg you to communicate to his Holiness, in the clearest manner, that I wish for no more." From this period Petrarch's health was never re-established. He was languishing with wishes to repair to Perugia, and to see his dear friend the Cardinal Cabassole. At the commencement of spring he mounted a horse, in order to see if he could support the journey; but his weakness was such that he could only ride a few steps. He wrote to the Cardinal expressing his regrets, but seems to console himself by recalling to his old friend the days they had spent together at Vaucluse, and their long walks, in which they often strayed so far, that the servant who came to seek for them and to announce that dinner was ready could not find them till the evening. It appears from this epistle that our poet had a general dislike to cardinals. " You are not," he tells Cabassole, " like most of your brethren, whose heads are turned by a bit of red cloth so far as to forget that they are mortal men. It seems, 011 the contrary, as if honours rendered you more humble, and I do not believe that you would change your mode of thinking if they were to put a crown on your head." The good Cardinal, whom Petrarch paints in such pleasing colours, could not accustom himself to the climate of Italy. He had scarcely arrived there when he fell ill, and died on the 26th of August in the same year. Of all the friends whom Petrarch had had at Avignon, he had now none left but Mattheus le Long, Archdeacon of Liege, with whom his ties of friendship had subsisted ever since they had studied together at Bologna. From him he received a letter on CXXV111 LIFE OF PETRARCH. the 5th of January, 1372, and in his answer, dated the same day at Padua, he gives this picture of his condition, and of the Hie which he led: " You ask about my condition it is this. I am, thanks to God, sufficiently tranquil, and free, unless I deceive myself, from all the passions of my youth. I enjoyed good health 'for a long time, but for two years past I have become infirm. Frequently, those around me* have believed me dead, but I live still, and pretty much the same as you have known me. I could have mounted higher ; but I wished not to do so, since every elevation is suspicious. I have acquired many friends and a good many books : I have lost my health and many Mends ; I have spent some time at Venice. At present I am at Padua, where I perform the functions of canon. I esteem myself happy to have quitted Venice, on account of that war which has been declared between that Republic and the Lord of Padua. At Venice I should have been suspected : here I am caressed. I pass the greater part of the year in the country, which I always prefer to the town. I repose, I write, I think ; so you see that my way of life and my pleasures are the same as in my youth. Having studied so long, it is astonishing that I have learnt so little. I hate nobody. I envy nobody. In that first season of life which is full of error and presumption, I despised all the world except myself. In middle life, I despised only myself. In my aged years, I despise all the world, and myself most of all. I fear only those whom I love. I desire only a good end. I dread a company of valets like a troop of robbers. I should have none at all, if my age and weakness permitted me. I am fain to shut myself up in conceal- ment, for I cannot endure visits ; it is an honour which displeases and wears me out. Amidst the Euganean hills I have built a small but neat mansion, where I reckon on passing quietly the rest of my days, having always before my eyes my dead or absent friends. To conceal nothing' from you. I have been sought after by the Pope, the Emperor, and the King of France, who have given me pressing invitations, but I have constantly declined them, preferring my liberty to everything." In this letter, Petrarch speaks of a sharp war that had aiisen between Venice and Padua. A Gascon, named Rainier, who commanded the troops of Venice, having thrown bridges over the Brenta, established his camp at Abano, whence he sent de- tachments to ravage the lands of Padua. Petrarch was in great alarm ; for Arqua is only two leagues from Abano. He set out on the 15th of November for Padua, to put himself and his books under protection. A friend at Verona wrote to him, saying, " Only write your name over the door of your house, and fear nothing ; it "will be your safeguard." The advice, it is hardly necessaiy to say, was absurd. Among the pillaging soldiery there were thousands who could not have read the CORRESPONDENCE WITH J>ANDOLPHO MALATESTA. CXXDC poet's name if they had seen it written, and of those who were accomplished enough to read, probably many who would have thought Petrarch as fit to be plundered as another man. Petrarch, therefore, sensibly replied, " I should be sorry to trust them. Mars respects not the favourites of the Muses ; I have no such idea of my name, as that it would shelter me from the furies of war." He was even in pain about his domestics, whom he left at Arqua, and who joined him some days afterwards. Pandolfo Malatesta, learning what was passing in the Paduan territory, and the danger to which Petrarch was exposed, sent to offer him his horses, and an escort to conduct him to Pesaro, which was at that time his residence. He was Lord of Pesaro and Fossombrone. The envoy of Pandolfo found our poet at Padua, and used every argument to second his Lord's invitation; but Petrarch excused himself on account of the state of his health, the insecurity of the highways, and the severity of the weather. Besides, he said that it would be disgraceful to him to leave Padua in the present circumstances, and that it would expose him to the suspicion of cowardice, which he never deserved. Pandolfo earnestly solicited from Petrarch a copy of his Italian works. Our poet in answer says to him, " I have sent to you by your messenger these trifles which were the amusement of my youth. They have need of all your indulgence. It is shameful for an old man to send you things of this nature ; but you have earnestly asked for them, and can I refuse you anything ? With what grace could I deny you verses which are current in the streets, and are in the mouth of all the world, who prefer them to the more solid compositions that I have produced in my riper years ? " This letter is dated at Padua, on the 4th of January, 1373. Pandolfo Malatesta died a short time after receiving it. Several Powers interfered to mediate peace between Venice and Padua, but their negotiations ended in nothing, the spirits of both belligerents were so embittered. The Pope had sent as his nuncio for this purpose a young professor of law, named Uguzzone da Thiene-, who was acquainted with Petrarch. He lodged with our poet when he came to Padua, and he communi- cated to him some critical remarks which had been written at Avignon on Petrarch's letter to Pope Urban V., congratulating him on his return to Rome. A French monk of the order of St. Bernard passed for the author of this work. As it spoke irre- vently of Italy, it stirred up the bile of Petrarch, and made him resume the pen with his sickly hand. His answer to the offensive production glows with anger, and is harsh even to abusiveness. He declaims, as usual, in favour of Italy, which he adored, and against France, which he disliked. After a suspension the war was again conducted with fury, till at last a peace was signed at Venice on the llth of September, CXXX L1FK OF PETRARCH. 1373. The conditions were hard and humiliating to the chief of Padua. The third article ordained that he should come in persou, or send his son, to ask pardon of the Venetian Republic for the insults he had offered her, and swear inviolable fidelity to her. The Carrara sent his son Francesco Novello, and requested Petrarch to accompany him. Our poet had no great wish to do so, and had too good an excuse in the state of his health, which was still very fluctuating, but the Prince importuned him, and he thought that he could not refuse a favour to such a friend. Francesco Novello, accompanied by Petrarch, and by a great suite of Paduan gentlemen, arrived at Venice on the 27th of September, where they were well received, especially the poet. On the following day the chiefs of the maiden city gave him a public audience. But, whether the majesty of the Venetian Senate affected Petrarch, or his illness returned by accident, so it was that he could not deliver the speech which he had prepared, for his memory failed him. But the universal desire to hear him induced the Senators to postpone their sitting to the following day. He then spoke with energy, and was extremely applauded. Franceso Novello begged pardon, and took the oath of fidelity. Francesco da Carrara loved and revered Petrarch, and used to go frequently to see him without ceremony in his small mansion at Arqua. The Prince one day complained to him that he had written for all the world excepting himself. Petrarch thought long and seriously about what he should compose that might please the Carrara ; but the task was embarrassing. To praise him directly might seem sycophantish and fulsome to the Prince himself. To censure him would be still more indelicate. To escape the difficulty, he projected a treatise on the best mode of governing a State, and on the qualities required in the person who has such a charge. This subject furnished occasion for giving indirect praises, and, at the same time, for pointing out some defects which he had remarked in his patron's government. It cannot be denied that there are some excellent maxims re- specting government in this treatise, and that it was a laudable work for the fourteenth century. But since that period the subject has been so often discussed by minds of the first order, that we should look in vain into Petrarch's Essay for any truths that have escaped then" observation. Nature offers herself in virgin beauty to the primitive poet. But abstract truth comes not to the philosopher, till she has been tried by the test of time. After his return from Venice, Petrarch only languished. A low fever, that undermined his constitution, left him but short intervals of health, but made no change in his mode of life ; he passed the greater part of the day in reading or writing. It does not appear, however, that he composed any work in the course of the year 1-374. A few letters to Boccaccio are all that can be THE DECAMERON. CXXX1 traced to his pen during that period. Their date is not marked in them, but they were certainly written shortly before his death. None of them possess any particular interest, excepting that always in which he mentions the Decameron. It seems at first sight not a little astonishing that Petrarch, who had been on terms of the strictest friendship with Boccaccio for twenty-four years, should never till now have read his best work. Why did not Boccaccio send him his Decameron long before ? The solution of this question must be made by ascribing the circumstance to the author's sensitive respect for the austerely moral character of our poet. It is not known by what accident the Decameron fell into Petrarch's hands, during the heat of the war between Venice and Padua. Even then his occupations did not permit him to peruse it thoroughly ; he only slightly ran through it, after which he says in his letter to Boccaccio, " I have not read your book with suffi- cient attention to pronounce an opinion upon it ; but it has given me great pleasure. That which is too free in the work is suffi- ciently excusable for the age at which you wrote it, for its elegant language, for the levity of the subject, for the class of readers to whom it is suited. Besides, in the midst of much gay and playful matter, several grave and pious thoughts are to be found. Like the rest of the world, I have been particularly struck by the beginning and the end. The description which you give of the state of our country during the plague, appeared to me most true and most pathetic. The story which forms the conclusion made so vivid an impression on me, that I wished to get it by heart, in order to repeat it to some of my friends." Petrarch, perceiving that this touching story of Griseldis made an impression on all the world, had an idea of translating it into Lathi, for those who knew not the vulgar tongue. The following anecdote respecting it is told by Petrarch himself: " One of his friends, a man of knowledge and intellect, undertook to read it to a company; but he had hardly got into the midst of it, when his tears would not permit him to continue. Again he tried to resume the reading, but with no better success." Another friend from Verona having heard what had befallen the Paduan, wished to try the same experiment ; he took up the composition, and read it aloud from beginning to end without the smallest change of voice or countenance, and said, in returning the book, " It must be owned that this is a touching story, and I should have wept, also, if I believed it to be true ; but it is clearly a fable. There never was and there never will be such a woman as Griseldis."* This letter, which Petrarch sent to Boccaccio, accompanied by * This is the story of the patient Griscl, which is familiar in almost every Ian. guage. i 2 CXXX11 LIFE OF PETRARCH. a Latin translation of his story, is dated, in a MS. of the French King's library, the 8th of June, 1374. It is perhaps, the last letter which he ever -wrote. He complains in it of " mischievous people, who opened packets to read the letters contained in them, and copied what they pleased. Proceeding in their licence, they even spared themselves the trouble of transcription, and kept the packets 'themselves." Petrarch, indignant at those violators of the rights and confidence of society, took the resolution of writing no more, and bade adieu to his Mends and epistolary correspond- ence, "Yalete amici, valete epistola}." Petrarch died a very short time after despatching this letter. His biographers and contemporary authors are not agreed as to the day of his demise, but the probability seems to be that it was the 18th of July. Many writers of his life tell us that he ex- pired in the arms of Lombardo da Serigo, whom Philip Villani and Gianozzo Manetti make their authority for an absurd tra- dition connected with his death. They pretend that when he breathed his last several persons saw a white cloud, like the smoke of incense, rise to the roof of his chamber, where it stopped for some time and then vanished, a miracle, they add, clearly proving that his soul was acceptable to God, and ascended to heaven. Giovanni Manzini gives a different account. He says that Petrarch's people found him in his library, sitting with his head reclining on a book. Having often seen him in tins at- titude, they were not alarmed at first ; but, soon finding that he exhibited no signs of life, they gave way to their sorrow. Ac- cording to Domenico Aretino, who was much attached to Petrarch, and was at that time at Padua, so that he may be regarded as good authority, Ms death was occasioned by apoplexy. The news of his decease made a deep impression throughout Italy ; and, in the first instance, at Arqua and Padua, and in the cities of the Euganean hills. Their people hastened in crowds to p^y their last duties to the man who had honoured their country by Ms residence. Francesco da Carrara repaired to Arqua with all Ms nobility to assist at Ms obsequies. The Bishop went tMther with Ms chapter and with all Ms clergy, and the common people flocked together to share in the general mourning. The body of Petrarch, clad in red satin, which was the dress of the canons of Padua, supported by sixteen doctors on a bier covered with cloth of gold bordered with ermine, was carried to the parish church of Arqua, which was fitted up in a manner suitable to the ceremony. After the funeral oration had been pronounced by Bonaventura da Praga, of the order of the hermits of St. Augustin, the corpse was interred in a chapel wliich Pe- trarch Mniselt had erected in the parish church in honour of the Virgin. A short time afterwards, Francesco Brossano, having caused a tomb of marble to be raised on four pillars opposite HIS MONUMENT PLUNDERED. THE AFRICA. CXXX111 to the same church, transferred the body to that spot, and en- graved over it an epitaph in some bad Latin lines, the rhyming of which is their greatest merit. In the year 1637, Paul Valde- zucchi, proprietor of the house and grounds of Petrarch at Arqua, caused a bust of bronze to be placed above his mausoleum. In the year 1630, his monument was violated by some sacri- legious thieves, who carried off some of his bones for the sake of selling them. The Senate of Venice severely punished the de- linquents, and by their decree upon the subject testified their deep respect for the remains of this great man. The moment the poet s will was opened, Brossano, his heir, hastened to forward to his friends the little legacies which had been left them ; among the rest his fifty florins to Boccaccio. The answer of that most interesting man is characteristic of his sensi- bility, whilst it unhappily shows him to be approaching the close of his life (for he survived Petrarch but a year), in pain and extreme debility. " My first impulse," he says to Brossano, " on hearing of the decease of' my master," so he always denominated our poet, " was to have hastened to his tomb to bid him my last adieu, and to mix my tears with yours. But ever since I lectured in pub- lic on the Divina Commedia of Dante, which is now ten months, I have suffered under a malady which has so weakened and changed me, that you would not recognise me. I have totally lost the stoutness and complexion which I had when you saw me at Venice. My leanness is extreme, my sight is dim, my hands shake, and my knees totter, so that I can hardly drag myself to my country-house at Certaldo, where I only languish. After read- ing your letter, I wept a whole night for my dear master, not on his own account, for his piety permits us not to doubt that he is now happy, but for myself and for his friends whom he has left in this world, like a vessel in a stormy sea without a pilot. By my own grief I judge of yours, and of that of Tullia, my beloved sister, your worthy spouse. I envy Arqua the happiness of hold- ing deposited in her soil him whose heart was the abode of the Muses, and the sanctuary of philosophy and eloquence. That village, scarcely known to Padua, will henceforth be famed throughout the world. Men will respect it like Mount Pausilippo for containing the ashes of Virgil, the shore of the Euxine for possessing the tomb of Ovid, and Smyrna for its being believed to be the burial-place of Homer." Among other things, Boccaccio inquires what has become of his divine poem entitled Africa, and whether it had been committed to the flames, a fate with which Petrarch, from excess of delicacy, often threatened his compo- sitions. From this letter it appears that this epic, to which he owed the laurel and no small part of his living reputation, had not yet been published, with the exception of thirty-four verses, which had appeared at Naples through the indiscretion of Barbatus. Boccaccio said that Petrarch kes>t it continually locked up, and CXXX1V LIFE OF PETRARCH. had been several times inclined to burn it. The author of the Decameron himself did not long survive his master ; he died the 21st of December, 1375. Petrarch so far succeeded in clearing the road to the study of antiquities, as to deserve the title which he justly retains of the restorer of classical learning ; nor did his enthusiasm for ancient monuments prevent him from describing them with critical taste. He gave an impulse to the study of geography by his Itinerarium Syriacum. That science had been partially revived in the pre- ceding century, by the publication of Marco Polo's travels, and journeys to distant countries had been accomplished more fre- quently than before, not only by religious missionaries, but bv pilgrims who travelled from purely rational curiosity : but both of these classes of travellers, especially the religionists, dealt pro- fusely in the marvellous ; and their falsehoods were further ex- aggerated by copyists, who wished to profit by the sale of MSS. describing their adventures. As an instance of the doubtful wonders related by wayfaring men, may be noticed what is told of Octorico da Pordenone, who met, at Trebizond, with a man who had trained four thousand partridges to follow him on journeys for three days together, who gathered around like chickens when he slept, and who returned home after he had sold to the Emperor as many of them as his imperial majesty chose to select. His treatise. " De Remediis utriusque Fortunse " (On the Remedies for both Extremes of Fortune) was one of his great undertakings in the solitude of Vaucluse, though it was not finished till many years afterwards, when it was dedicated to Azzo Correggio. Here he borrows, of course, largely from the ancients ; at the same tune he treats us to some observations on human nature sufficiently original to keep his work from the dryness of plagiarism. His treatise on " A Solitary Life " was written as an apology for his own love of retirement retirement, not solitude, for Petrarch had the social feeling too strongly in his nature to desire a perfect hermitage. He loved to have a friend now and then beside him, to whom he might say how sweet is solitude. Even his deepest retirement in the " shut-up valley " was occasionally visited by dear friends, with whom his discourse was so interesting that they wandered in the woods so long and so far, that the servant could not find them to announce that their dinner was ready. In his rapturous praise of living alone, our poet, there- fore, says more than he sincerely meant ; he liked retirement, to be sure, but then it was with somebody within reach of him, like the young lady in Miss Porter's novel, who was fond of solitude, and walked much in Hyde Park by herself, with her footman be- hind her. His treatise, " De Otio Religiosorum," was written in -1353, after an agreeable visit to his brother, who was a monk. It is a commendation of the monastic life. He may be found, I dare CHAEACTEB OF HIS POETRY. CXXXV say, to exaggerate the blessing of that mode of life which, in pro- portion to our increasing activity and intelligence, has sunk in the estimation of Protestant society, so that we compare the whole monkish fraternity with the drones in a hive, an ignavum pecus, whom the other bees are right in expelling. Though I shall never pretend to be the translator of Petrarch, I recoil not, after writing his Life, from giving a sincere account of the impression which his poetry produces on my mind. I have studied the Italian language with assiduity, though perhaps at a later period of my life than enables the ear to be perfectly sensitive to its harmony, for it is in youth, nay, almost in child- hood alone, that the melody and felicitous expressions of any tongue can touch our deepest sensibility ; but still I have studied it with pains I believe I can thoroughly appreciate Dante ; I can perceive much in Petrarch that is elevated and tender; and I approach the subject unconscious of the slightest splenetic prejudice. I demur to calling him the first of modern poets who refined and dignified the language of love. Dante had certainly set him the example. It is true that, compared with his brothers of clas- sical antiquity in love-poetry, he appears like an Abel of purity offering innocent incense at the side of so many Cains making their carnal sacrifices. Tibullus alone anticipates his tenderness. At the same time, while Petrarch is purer than those classical lovers, he is never so natural as they sometimes are when their passages are least objectionable, and the sun-bursts of his real, manly, and natural human love seem to me often to come to us struggling through the clouds of Platonism. I will not expatiate on the concetti that may be objected to in many of his sonnets, for they are so often in such close con- nection with exquisitely fine thoughts, that, in tearing away the weed, we might be in danger of snapping the flower. I feel little inclined, besides, to dwell on Petrarch's faults with that feline dilation of vision which sees in the dark what would escape other eyes in daylight, for, if I could make out the strongest critical case against him, I should still have to answer this ques- tion, " How comes it that Petrarch's poetry, in spite of all these faults, has been the favourite of the world for nearly five hundred years ? " So strong a regard for Petrarch is rooted in the mind of Italy, that his renown has grown up like an oak which has reached maturity amidst the storms of ages, and fears not decay from revolving centuries. One of the high charms of his poetical lan- guage is its pure and melting melody, a charm untransferable to any more northern tongue. No conformation of words will charm the ear unless they bring silent thoughts of corresponding sweetness to the mind ; nor *ould the most sonorous, vapid verses be changed into poetry if CXXXVi LIFE OF PETRABCH. they were set to the music of the Spheres. It is scarcely neceg- sary to say that Petrarch has intellectual graces of thought and spiritual felicities of diction, without which his tactics in the mere march of words would be a worthless skill. The love of Petrarch was misplaced, but its utterance was at once BO fervid and delicate, and its enthusiasm so enduring, that the purest minds feel justified in abstracting from their conside- ration the unhappiness of the attachment, and attending only to its devout fidelity. Among his deepest admirers we shall find women of virtue above suspicion, who are willing to forget his Laura being married, or to forgive the circumstance for the elo- quence of his courtship and the unwavering faith of his affection. Nor is this predilection for Petrarch the result of female vanity and the mere love of homage. No ; it is a wise instinctive con- sciousness in women that the offer of love to them, without enthu- siasm, refinement, and constancy, is of no value at all. Without these qualities in their wooers, they are the slaves of the stronger sex. It is no wonder, therefore, that they are grateful to Petrarch for holding up the perfect image of a lover, and that they regard him as a friend to that passion, on the delicacy and constancy of which the happiness, the most hallowed ties, and the very con- tinuance of the species depend. In modern Italian criticism there are two schools of taste, whose respective partisans may be called the Petrarchists and the Dante- ists. The latter allege that Petrarch's amatory poetry, from its platonic and mystic character, was best suited to the age of cloisters, of dreaming voluptuaries, and of men living under tyrannical Governments, whose thoughts and feelings were op- pressed and disguised. The genius of Dante, on the other hand, they say, appeals to all that is bold and natural in the human breast, and they trace the grand revival of his popularity in our own times to the re-awakened spirit of liberty. On this side of the question the most eminent Italian scholars and poets are certainly ranged. The most gifted man of that country with whom I was ever personally acquainted, Ugo Foscolo, was a vehement Dante- ist. Yet his copious memory was well stored with many a sonnet of Petrarch, which he could repeat by heart; and with all his Danteism, he infused the deepest tones of admiration into his recitation of the Petrarchan sonnets. And altogether, Foscolo, though a cautious, is a candid admirer of our poet. He says, " The harmony, elegance, and perfection of his poetry are the result of long labour ; but its original con- ceptions and pathos always sprang from the sudden inspiration of a deep and powerful passion. By an attentive perusal of all the writings of Petrarch, it may be reduced almost to a certainty that, by dwelling perpetually on the same ideas, aud by allowing his mind to prey incessantly on itself, the whole train of his feelings and reflections acquired one strong character and tone, and, if HIS POETRY NOT TEANSLATABLE. CXXXV11 he was ever able to suppress them for a time, they returned to him with increased violence ; that, to tranquillize this agitated state of Ms mind, he, in the first instance, communicated in a free and loose manner all that he thought and felt, in his correspond- ence with Ms intimate friends ; that he afterwards reduced these narratives, with more order and description, into Latin verse ; and that he, lastly, perfected them with a greater profusion of imagery and more art in Ms Italian poetry, the composition of which at first served only, as he frequently says, to divert and mitigate all his afflictions. We may thus understand the perfect concord which prevails in Petrarch's poetry between Nature and Art ; between the accuracy of fact and the magic of invention ; between depth and perspicuity ; between devouring passion and calm meditation. It is precisely because the poetry of Petrarch originally sprang from the heart that Ms passion never seems fic- titious or cold, notwithstanding the profuse ornament of Ms style, or the metaphysical elevation of his thoughts." I quote Ugo Foscolo, because he is not only a writer of strong poetic feeling as well as philosopliic judgment, but he is pre- eminent in that Italian critical school who see the merits of Petrarch in no exaggerated light, but, on the whole, prefer Dante to him as a poet. Petrarch's love-poetry, Foscolo remarks, may be considered as the intermediate link between that of the clas- sics and the moderns. * * * * Petrarch both feels like the ancient and philosopMzes like the modern poets. When he paints after the manner of the classics, he is equal to them. I despair of ever seeing in English verse a translation of Pe- trarch's Italian poetry that shah 1 be adequate and popular. The term adequate, of course, always applies to the translation of genuine poetry in a subdued sense. It means the best that can be expected, after making allowance for that escape of etherial spirit which is inevitable in the transfer of poetic thoughts from one language to another. The word popular is also to be taken in a limited meaning regarding all translations. Cowper's ballad of John Gilpin is twenty times more popular than Ms Homer ; yet the latter work is deservedly popular in comparison with the bulk of translations from antiquity. The same thing may be said of Gary's Dante ; it is, like Cowper's Homer, as adequate and popular as translated poetry can be expected to be. Yet I doubt if either of those poets could have succeeded so well with Pe- trarch. Lady Dacre has shown much grace and ingenuity in the passages of our poet wMch she has versified ; but she could not transfer into English those graces of Petrarchan diction, which are mostly intransferable. She could not bring the Italian language along with her. Is not tMs, it may be asked, a proof that Petrarch is not so genuine a poet as Homer and Dante, since his charm depends upon the delicacies of diction that evaporate in the transfer from CXXXV111 LIFE OF PETRARCH. tongue to tongue, more than on hardy thoughts that will take root in any language to which they are transplanted ? In a gene- ral view, I agree with this proposition ; yet. what we call felici- tous diction can never have a potent charm without refined thoughts, which, like essential odours, may be too impalpable to bear transfusion. Burns has the happiest imaginable Scottish diction ; yet, what true Scotsman would bear to see him done into French? And, with the exception of German, what language! has done justice to Shakespeare ? The reader must be a true Petrarchist who is unconscious of a general similarity in the character of his sonnets, which, in the long perusal of them, amounts to monotony. At the same time, it must be said that this monotonous similarity impresses the mind of Petrarch's reader exactly in proportion to the slenderness of his acquaintance with the poet. Does he approach Petrarch's sonnets for the first trine, they will probably appear to him all as like to each other as the sheep of a flock : but, when he becomes more familiar with them, he will perceive an interesting indivi- duality in every sonnet, and will discriminate their individual cha- racter as precisely as the shepherd can distinguish eveiy single sheep of his flock by its voice and face. It would be rather tedious to pull out, one by one, all the sheep and lambs of our poet's flock of sonnets, and to enumerate the varieties of their bleat; and though, by studying the subject half his lifetime, a man might classify them by their main characteristics, he would find them defy a perfect classification, as they often blend different qualities. Some of them have a uniform expression of calm and beautiful feeling. Others breathe ardent and almost hopeful passion. Others again show him jealous, despondent, or despair- ing : sometimes gloomily, and sometimes with touching resig- nation. But a great many of them have a mixed character, where, in the space of a line, he passes from one mood of mind to another. As an example of pleasing and calm reflection, I would cite the first of his- sonnets, according to the order in which they are usually printed. It is singular to find it confessing the poet's shame' at the retrospect of so many years spent. Voi ch' ascoltate in rime sparse il suono* Ye who shall hear amidst ray scatter'd lays The siuhs with which I fann'd and fed my heart, When, young and glowing, I was but in part The man 1 am become in later days; Ye who have mark'd the changes of my style From vain de>pondency to hope as vain, Fr-m him among you, who has felt love's pain, I hope for pardon.'ay, and pity's smile, Though conscious, now, my passion was a therns, Long, idly dwelt on by the public tongue, I blush for all the vanities I've sun;,', Ami find the world's applause a fleeting dream. SONNETS TRANSLATED BY CAMPBELL. CXXX1X The following sonnet (cxxvi.) is such a gem of Petrarchan and Platonic homage to beauty that I subjoin my translation of it with the most sincere avowal of my conscious inability to do it justice. In what ideal world or part of heaven Did Nature find the model of that face And form, so fraught with loveliness and grace, In which, to our creation, she has given Her prime proof of creative power above ? What fountain nymph or goddess ever let Such lovely tresses float of gold refined Upon the breeze, or in a single mind, Where have so many virtues ever met, E'en though those charms have slain my bosom's weal? He knows not love who has not seen her eyes Turn when she sweetly speaks, or smiles, or sighs, Or how the power of love can hurt or heal. Sonnet Ixix. is remarkable for the fineness of its closing thought. Time %vas her tresses by the breathing air Were wreathed to many a ringlet golden bright, Time was her eyes diffused unmeasured light, Though now their lovely beams are waxing rare, Her face methought that in its blushes show'd Compassion, her angelic shape and walk, Her voice that seeni'd with Heaven's own speech to talk ; At these, what wonder that my bosom glow'd! A living sun she seem'd a spirit of heaven. Those charms decline : bul does my passion ? No ! I love not less the slackening of the bow Assuages not the wound its shaft has given. The following sonnet is remarkable for its last four lines having puzzled all the poet's commentators to explain what he meant by the words " Al man ond' io scrivo e fatta arnica, a questo volta." I agree with De Sade in conjecturing that Laura in receiving some of his verses had touched the hand that presented them, in token of her gratitude.* In solitudes I've ever loved to abide By woods and streams, and shunn'd the evil-hearted, Who from the path of heaven are foully parted ; Sweet Tuscany has been to me denied, Whose sunny realms I would have gladly haunted, Yet still the Sorgue his beauteous hills among Has lent auxiliar murmurs to my song, And echoed to the plaints my love has chanted. Here triumph 'd, too, the poet's hand that wrote These lines the power of love has witness'd this. Delicious victory ! I know my bliss, She knows it too the saint on whom I dote. Of Petrarch's poetry that is not amatory, Ugo Foscolo says with justice, that his three political canzoni, exquisite as they are in versification and style, do not breathe that enthusiasm which opened to Pindar's grasp all the wealth of imagination, all the treasures of historic lore and moral truth, to illustrate and dignify his strain. Yet the vigour, the arrangement, and the perspicuity of the ideas in these canzoni of Petrarch, the tone of conviction and melancholy in which the patriot upbraids and mourns over * Cercato ho sempre solitaria vita. Sonnet 221, De Sade, vol. ii. p. 8. CXI LIFE OF PETRARCH. his country, strike the heart with such force, as to atone for the absence of grand and exuberant imagery, and of the irresistible impetus which peculiarly belongs to the ode. Petrarch's principal Italian poem that is not thrown into the shape of the sonnet is his Trionfi, or Triumphs, in five parts. Though not consisting of sonnets, however, it has the same amatory and constant allusions to Laura as the greater part of his poetry. Here, as elsewhere, he recurs from time to time to the history of his passion, its rise, its progress, and its end. For this pur- pose, he describes human hfe in its successive stages, omitting no opportunity of introducing his mistress and himself. 1. Man in his youthful state is the slave of love. 2. As he advances in age, he feels the inconveniences of his amatory pro- pensities, endeavours to conquer them by chastity. 3. Amidst the vi * aich he obtains over himself, Death steps in, and levels iL._ , the victor and the vanquished. 4. But Fame arrives after death, and makes man as it were live again after death, and survive it for ages by his fame. 5. But man even by fame can- not live for ever, if God has not granted him a happy existence throughout eternity. Thus Love triumphs over Man ; Chastity triumphs over Love ; Death triumphs over both ; Fame triumphs over Death ; Time triumphs over Fame ; and Eternity triumphs over Time. The subordinate parts and imagery of the Trionfi have a beauty rather arabesque than classical, and resembling the florid tracery of the later oriental Gothic architecture. But the whole effect of the poem is pleasing, from the general grandeur of its design. In summing up Petrarch's character, moral, political, and rtical, I should not stint myself to the equivocal phrase used Tacitus respecting Agricola : Bonum virum facile dixeris, mag- num libenter, but should at once claim for his memory the title both of great and good. A restorer of ancient learning, a rescuer of its treasures from oblivion, a despiser of many contemporary superstitions, a man, who, though rio reformer himself, certainly contributed to the Reformation, an Italian patriot who was above provincial partialities, a poet who still lives in the hearts of his country, and who is shielded from oblivion by rnore generations than there were hides in the sevenfold shield of Ajax. if tliis vas not a great man, many who are so called ^ must bear the title un- worthily. He was a faithful friend, and a devoted lover, and ap- pears to have been one of the most fascinating beings that ever existed. Even when his failings were admitted, it must still be said that even his failings leaned to virtues side, and, altogether we may pronounce that His life was gentle, and the elements So mix'd in him that Nature might stand up And say to all the world, " This was a man !" PETRARCH'S SONNETS, ETC. TO LAUEA IN SONNET I. Voi, cK ascoltate in rime sparse il suono. HE CONFESSES THE VANITY OP HIS PASSICK YE who in rhymes dispersed the echoes hear u Of those sad sighs with which my heart I fed *- When early youth my mazy wanderings led, ^ Fondly diverse from what I now appear, Fluttering 'twixt frantic hope and frantic fear, . From those by whom my various style is read, <. I hope, if e'er their hearts for love have bled, ' Not only pardon, but perhaps a tear. But now I clearly see that of mankind Long time I was the tale : whence bitter thought- And self-reproach with frequent blushes teem ; While of my frenzy, shame the fruit I find, And sad repentance, and the proof, dear-bought, That the world's joy is but a flitting dream. CHARLEMONT. O YE, who list in scatter'd verse the sound Of all those sighs with which my heart I fed, When I, by youthful error first misled, Unlike my present self in heart was found ; Who list the plaints, the reasonings that abound Throughout my song, by hopes, and vain griefs bred ; If e'er true love its influence o'er ye shed, Oh ! let your pity be with pardon crown 'd. r~ L 2 PETRARCH. But now full well I see how to the crowd For length of time I proved a public jest: E'en by myself my folly is allow'd : And of my vanity the fruit is shame, Repentance, and a knowledge strong imprest, That worldly pleasure is a passing dream. NOTT. YE, who may listen to each idle strain Bearing those sighs, on which my heart was fed In life's first morn, by youthful error led, (Far other then from what I now remain !) That thus in varying numbers I complain, Numbers of sorrow vain and vain hope bred, If any in love's lore be practised, His pardon. e'en his pity I may obtain : But now aware that to mankind my name Too long has been a bye- word and a scorn, I blush before my own severer thought ; Of my past wanderings the sole fruit is shame, And deep repentance, of the knowledge bom That all we value in this world is naught. DACEE. SONNET II. Per far una leggiadra sua, vendetta. HOW HE BECAME THE VICTIM OF LOVE. FOR many a crime at once to make me smart, And a delicious vengeance to obtain, Love secretly took up his bow again, As one who acts the cunning coward's part; My courage had retired within my heart, There to defend the pass bright eyes might gain; When his dread archer}' was pour'd amain Where blunted erst had fallen every dart. Scared at the sudden brisk attack, I found Nor time, nor vigour to repel the foe With weapons suited to the direful need; No kind protection of rough rising ground, Where from defeat I might securely speed, Which fain I would e'en now, but ah, no method know : NOTT. TO LAURA IN LIFE 6 ONE sweet and signal vengeance to obtain To punish in a day my life's long crime, As one who, bent on harm, waits place and time, Love craftily took up his bow again. My virtue had retired to watch my heart, Thence of weak eyes the danger to repell, When momently a mortal blow there fell Where blunted hitherto dropt every dart. And thus, o'erpower'd in that first attack, She had nor vigour left enough, nor room Even to arm her for my pressing need, Nor to the steep arid painful mountain back To draw me, safe and scathless from that doom, Whence, though alas ! too weak, she fain had freed MACGKEGOR SONNET III. Era, ' giorno cK al sol si scoloraro. HE BLAMES LOVE FOR WOUNDING HIM ON A HOLY DAY (GOOD FRIDAY). 'TWAS on the morn, when heaven its blessed ray In pity to its suffering master veil'd, First did I, Lady, to your beauty yield, Of your victorious eyes th' unguarded prey. Ah ! little reck'd I that, on such a day, Needed against Love's arrows any shield ; And trod, securely trod, the fatal field : Whence, with the world's, began my heart's dismay. On every side Love found his victim bare. And through mine eyes transfix'd my throbbing heart ; Those eyes, which now with constant sorrows flow. : But poor the triumph of his boasted art, Who thus could pierce a naked youth, nor dare . To you in armour mail'd even to display his bowl WHAN GUAM 'TWAS on the blessed morning when the sun In pity to our Maker hid his light, That, unawares, the captive I was won. Lady, of your bright eyes which chain'd me quite; That seern'd to me no time against the blows Of love to make defence, to frame relief : Secure and unsuspecting, thus my woes B 3 4 PETRARCH. Date their commencement from the common grief. Love found me feeble then and fenceless all, Open the way and easy to my heart Through eyes, where since my sorrows ebb and flow : But therein was, methinks, his triumph small, On me, in that weak state, to strike his dart, Yet hide from you so strong his very bow. MACGREGOR SONNET IV. Qud cK infinita providenza ed arte. HE CELEBRATES THE BIRTHPLACE OF LAURA. HE that with wisdom, goodness, power divine, Did ample Nature's perfect book design. Adorn 'd this beauteous world, and those above, Kindled fierce Mars, and soften 'd milder Jove : When seen on earth the shadows to fulfill Of the less volume which conceal'd his will, Took John and Peter from their homely care, And made them pillars of his temple fair. Nor in imperial Rome would He be born, "Whom servile Judah yet received with scorn : E'en Bethlehem could her infant King disown, And the rude manger was his early throne. Victorious sufferings did his pomp display, Nor other chariot or triumphal way. At once by Heaven's example and decree, Such honour waits on such humility. BASIL KENNET. THE High Eternal, in whose works supreme The Master's vast creative power hath spoke: At whose command each circling sphere awoke, Jove mildly rose, and Mars with fiercer beam : To earth He came, to ratify the scheme Reveal'd to us through prophecy's dark cloak, To sound redemption, speak man's fallen yoke ; He chose the humblest for that heavenly theme. But He conferr'd not on imperial Rome His birth's renown ; He chose a lowlier sky, To stand, through Him, the proudest spot on earth ! And now doth shine within its humble home A star, that doth each other so outvie, That grateful nature hails its lovely birth. WOLLASTON. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 5 WHO show'd such infinite providence and skill In his eternal government divine, Who launch'd the spheres, gave sun and moon to shine And brightest wonders the dark void to fill ; On earth who came the Scriptures to maintain, Which for long years the truth had buried yet, Took John and Peter from the fisher's net And gave to each his part in the heavenly reign. He for his birth fair Rome preferr'd not then, But lowly Bethlehem ; thus o'er proudest state He ever loves humility to raise. Now rises from small spot like sun again, Whom Nature hails, the place grows bright and great Which birth so heavenly to our earth displays. MACGREGOR SONNET V. QwanoT io movo i sospiri a chiamar voi. HB PLAYS UPON THE NAME LAURETA OR LAURA. IN sighs when I outbreathe your cherish'd name, That name which love has writ upon my heart, LAUd instantly upon my doting tongue, At the first thought of its sweet sound, is heard ; Your REgal state, which I encounter next, Doubles my valour in that high emprize : But TAcit ends the word ; your praise to tell Is fitting load for better backs than mine. Thus all who call you, by the name itself, Are taught at once to LAUd and to REvere, O worthy of all reverence and esteem ! * Save that perchance Apollo may disdain That mortal tongue of his immortal boughs Should ever so presume as e'en to speak. ANON. SONNET VI. SI traviato e 'Z folle mio desio. Or HIS FOOLISH PASSION TOR LAURA, So wayward now my will, and so unwise, To follow her who turns from me in flight, And, from love's fetters free herself and light, Before my slow and shackled motion flies, 6 PETRARCH. That less it lists, the more my sighs and cries Would point where passes the safe path and right, Nor aught avails to check or to excite, For Love's own nature curb and spur defies. Thus, when perforce the bridle he has won, And helpless at his mercy I remain, Against my will he speeds me to mine end 'Neath yon cold laurel, whose false boughs upon Hangs the harsh fruit, which, tasted, spreads the pain I sought to stay, and mars where it should mend. MACGREGOR MY tameless will doth recklessly pursue Her, who, unshackled by love's heavy chain, Flies swiftly from its chase, whilst I in vain My fetter 'd journey pantingly renew ; The safer track I offer to its view, But hopeless is my power to restrain, It rides regardless of the spur or rein ; Love makes it scorn the hand that would subdue. The triumph won, the bridle all its own, Without one curb I stand within its power, And my destruction helplessly presage : It guides me to that laurel, ever known, To all who seek the healing of its flower, To aggravate the wound it should assuage. WOLLASTON SONNET VII. La, gda e 'I sonno e I oziose piume. TO A FRIEND, ENCOURAGING HIM TO PURSUE POETRY. TORN is each virtue from its earthly throne By sloth, intemperance, and voluptuous ease ; E'en nature deviates from her wonted ways, Too much the slave of vicious custom grown. Far hence is every light celestial gone, That guides mankind through life's perplexing maza; And those, whom Helicon's sweet waters please, From mocking crowds receive contempt alone. Who now would laurel, myrtle-wreaths obtain? Let want, let shame, Philosophy attend ! Cries the base world, intent on sordid gain. TO LAURA IN LIFE. ' What though thy favourite path he trod by few ; Let it but urge thee more, dear gentle friend ! Thy great design of glory to pursue. ANON. 1777. INTEMPERANCE, slumber, and the slothful down Have chased each virtue from this world away; Hence is our nature nearly led astray From its due course, by habitude o'erthrown ; Those kindly lights of heaven so dim are grown, Which shed o'er human life instruction's ray ; That him with scornful wonder they survey, Who would draw forth the stream of Helicon. " Whom doth the laurel please, or myrtle now ? Faked and poor, Philosophy, art thou ! " The worthless crowd, intent on lucre, cries. Few on thy chosen road will thee attend; Yet let it more incite thee, gentle friend, To prosecute thy high-conceived emprize. NOTT. SONNET VIII. A pi dd colli ove la bella vesta. HE FEIGNS AN ADDRESS FROM SOME BIRDS WHICH HE HAD PRESENTED. BENEATH the verdant hills where the fair vest Of earthly mould first took the Lady dear, Who him that sends us, feather 'd captives, here Awakens often from his tearful rest Lived we in freedom and in quiet, blest With everything which life below might che^, No foe suspecting, harass'd by no fear That aught our wanderings ever could molest ; But snatch'd from that serener life, and thrown To the low wretched state we here endure, One comfort, short of death, survives alone : Vengeance upon our captor full and sure ! Who, slave himself at others' power, remains Pent in worse prison, bound by sterner chains. MACGREGOR. BENEATH those very hills, where beauty threw Her mantle first o'er that earth-moulded fair, Who oft from sleep, while shedding many a tear, Awakens him that sends us unto you, Our lives in peacefumess and freedom flew, E'en as all creatures wish who hold life dear; 8 PETRARCH. Nor deem'd we aught could in its course come near, Whence to our wanderings danger might accrue. But from the wretched state to which we 're brought, Leaving another with sereneness fraught, Nay, e'en from death, one comfort we obtain ; That vengeance follows him who sent us here ; Another's utmost thraldom doomed to bear, Bound he now lies with a still stronger chain. Norr. SONNET IX. Quando 'Ipianeta che distingue F we. WITH A PRESENT OF FRUIT IN SPRING. WHEN the great planet which directs the hours To dwell with Taurus from the North is borne, Such virtue rays from each enkindled horn, V Rare beauty instantly all nature dowers ; Nor this alone, which meets our sight, that flowers Richly the upland and the vale adorn, But Earth's cold womb, else lustreless and lorn,V Is quick and warm with vivifying powers, K Till herbs and fruits, like these I send, are rife. So she, a sun amid her fellow fair, A Shedding the rays of her bright eyes on me. Thoughts, acts, and words of love wakes into life But, ah ! for me is no new Spring, nor e'er,cf Smile they on whom she will, again can be. JL, MACGREGOB. WHEN Taurus in his house doth Pho3bus keep, There pours so bright a virtue from his crest That Nature wakes, and stands in beauty drest, The flow'ring meadows start with joy from sleep : Nor they alone rejoice earth's bosom deep (Though not one beam illumes her night of rest) Responsive smiles, and from her fruitful breast Gives forth her treasures for her sons to reap. Thus she, who dwells amid her sex a sun, Shedding upon my soul her eyes' full light, Each thought creates, each deed, each word of love But though my heart's proud mastery she hath wos Alas ! within me dwells eternal night : My spirit ne'er Spring's genial breath doth prove. WOLLASTON. TO LAURA IN LIFE. SONNET X. Gloriosa Colonna, in cui $' appoggia* TO STEFANO COLONNA THE ELDER, INVITING HIM TO THE COUNTBT. GLORIOUS Colonna ! still the strength and stay Of our best hopes, and the great Latin name. Whom power could never from the true right way Seduce by flattery or by terror tame : No palace, theatres, nor arches here, But, in their stead, the fir, the beech, and pine On the green sward, with the fair mountain near Paced to and fro by poet friend of thine ; Thus unto heaven the soul from earth is caught ; While Philomel, who sweetly to the shade The livelong night her desolate lot complains, Fills the soft heart with many an amorous thought: Ah ! why is so rare good imperfect made While severed from us still my lord remains. MACGKEGOR, GLORIOUS Colonna! thou, the Latins' hope, The proud supporter of our lofty name, Thou hold'st thy path of virtue still the same, Amid the thunderings of Rome's Jove the Pope. Not here do human structures interlope The fir to rival, or the pine-tree's claim, The soul may revel in poetic flame Upon yon mountain's green and gentle slope. And thus from earth to heaven the spirit soars, WTiilst Philomel her tale of woe repeats Amid the sympathising shades of night, Thus through man's breast love's current sweetly pours : Yet still thine absence half the joy defeats, Alas ! my friend, why dim such radiant light ? WOLLASTON. BALLATA I. Lassare il veto o per sole o per ombra. PERCEIVING HIS PASSION, LAURA'S SEVERITY INCREASES. NEVER thy veil, in sun or in the shade, Lady, a moment I have seen Quitted, since of my heart the queen Mine eyes confessing thee my heart betray'd. 10 PETRARCH. While my enamour'd thoughts I kept conceal'd. Those fond vain hopes by which I die, In thy sweet features kindness beam'd : Changed was the gentle language of thine eye Soon as my foolish heart itself reveal'd ; And all that mildness which I changeless deem'd All, all withdrawn which most my soul esteem 'd. Yet still the veil I must obey. Which, whatsoe'er the aspect of the day, '*. Thine eyes' fair radiance hides, my life to overshade. CAPEL LOFFT. WHEREFORE, my unkind fair one, say, Whether the sun fierce darts his ray, Or whether gloom o'erspreads the sky, That envious veil is ne'er thrown by ; Though well you read my heart, and knew How much I long'd your charms to view? While I conceal'd each tender thought, That my fond mind's destruction wrought, Your face with pity sweetly shone ; But, when love made my passion known, Your sunny locks were seen no more, Nor smiled your eyes as heretofore ; Behind a jealous cloud retired Those beauties which I most admired. And shall a veil thus rule my fate ? O cruel veil, that whether heat Or cold be felt, art doom'd to prove Fatal to me, shadowing the lights I love ! NOTT. SONNET XL Se la mia vita dalP aspro tormento. HE HOPES THAT TIME WILL RENDER HER MORE MERCIFUL. IF o'er each bitter pang, each hidden throe Sadly triumphant I my years drag on, Till even the radiance of those eyes is gone, Lady, which star-like now illume thy brow ; And silver'd are those locks of golden glow, And wreaths and robes of green aside are thrown, And from thy cheek those hues of beauty flown, Which check'd so long the utterance of my woe ; TO LAURA IN LIFE. 11 Haply my bolder tongue may then reveal The bosom'd annals of my heart's fierce fire, The martyr- throbs that now in night I veil : And should the chill Time frown on young Desire, Still, still some late remorse that breast may feel, And heave a tardy sigh ere love with life expire WRANGHAM LADY, if grace to me so long be lent From love's sharp tyranny and trials keen, Ere my last days, in life's far vale, are seen, To know of thy bright eyes the lustre spent, The fine gold of thy hair with silver sprent, Neglected the gay wreaths and robes of green, Pale, too, and thin the face which made me, e'en 'Gainst injury, slow and timid to lament : Then will I, for such boldness love would give, Lay bare my secret heart, in martyr's fire Years, days, and hours that yet has known to live ; And, though the time then suit not fair desire, At least there may arrive to my long grief, Too late of tender sighs the poor relief. MACGREGOR. SONNET XII. Quando fra I ' altre donne ad ora ad ora. THE BEAUTY OF LAURA LEADS HIM TO THE CONTEMPLATION OF THE SUPREME GOOD. THRONED on her angel brow, when Love displays His radiant form among all other fair, Far as eclipsed their choicest charms appear, I feel beyond its wont my passion blaze. And still I bless the day, the hour, the place, When first so high mine eyes I dared to rear ; And say, " Fond heart, thy gratitude declare, That then thou had'st the privilege to gaze. 'T was she inspired the tender thought of love, Which points to heaven, and teaches to despise The earthly vanities that others prize : She gave the soul's light grace, which to the skies Bids thee straight onward in the right path move ; Whence buoy'd by hope e'en now I soar to worlds above." WRANGHAM 12 PETRARCH. WHEN Love, whose proper throne is that sweet face, At times escorts her 'mid the sisters fair, As their each beauty is than hers less rare, So swells in me the fond desire apace. I bless the hour, the season and the place, So high and heavenward when my eyes could dare ; And say : " My heart ! in grateful memory bear This lofty honour and surpassing grace : From her descends the tender truthful thought, Which follow'd. bliss supreme shall thee repay, Who spurn'st the vanities that win the crowd : From her that gentle graceful love is caught, To heaven which leads thee by the right-hand way, And crowns e'en here with hopes both pure and p\*oud." MACGREGOB. BALLATA II. Occhi miei lassi, mentre cli io vi giro. HE INVITES HIS EYES TO FEAST THEMSELVES OH LAURA. MY wearied eyes ! while looking thus On that fair fatal face to us, Be wise, be brief, for hence my sighs Already Love our bliss denies. Death only can the amorous track Shut from my thoughts which leads them back To the sweet port of all their weal ; But lesser objects may conceal Our light from you r that meaner far In virtue and perfection are. Wherefore, poor eyes ! ere yet appears, Already nigh, the time of tears, Now, after long privation past, Look, and some comfort take at last. MACGREGOB. SONNET XIII. Io mi rivolgo indietro a ciascun passo. OK QUITTING LAURA. WITH weary frame which painfully I bear, I look behind me at each onward pace, And then take comfort from your native air, Which following fans my melancholy face; TO LAURA IN LIFE. 13 The far way, my frail life, the cherish 'd fair Whom thus I leave, as then my thoughts retrace, I fix my feet in silent pale despair, And on the earth my tearful eyes abase. At times a doubt, too, rises on my woes, " How ever can this weak and wasted frame Live from life's spirit and one source afar?" Love's answer soon the truth forgotten shows " This high pure privilege true lovers claim, Who from mere human feelings franchised are ! " MACGEEGOB. I LOOK behind each step I onward trace, Scarce able to support my wearied frame, Ah, wretched me ! I pantingly exclaim, And from her atmosphere new strength embrace ; I think on her I leave my heart's best grace My lengthen 'd journey life's capricious flame I pause in withering fear, with purpose tame, Whilst down my cheek tears quick each other chase. My doubting heart thus questions in my grief : " Whence comes it that existence thou canst know When from thy spirit thou dost dwell entire ? " Love, holy Love, my heart then answers brief : " Such privilege I do on all bestow Who feed my flame with nought of earthly fire ! " WOLLASTON. r SONNET XIV. Movesi 'I vecchierel canuto e bianco. HE COMPARES HIMSELF TO A PILGRIM. THE palmer bent, with locks of silver gray, Quits the sweet spot where he has pass'd his years, Quits his poor family, whose anxious fears Paint the loved father fainting on his way ; And trembling, on his aged limbs slow borne, In these last days that close his earthly course, He, in his soul's strong purpose, finds new force, Though weak with age, though by long travel worn Thus reaching Home, led on by pious love, He seeks the image of that Saviour Lord Whom soon he hopes to meet in bliss above : 14 PETRARCH So, oft in other forms I seek to trace Some charm, that to my heart may yet afford A faint resemblance of thy matchless grace. DACRE As parts the aged pilgrim, worn and gray, From the dear spot his life where he had spent, From his poor family by sorrow rent, Whose love still fears him fainting in decay : Thence dragging heavily, in life's last day, His suffering frame, on pious journey bent, Pricking with earnest prayers his good intent, Though bow'd with years, and weary with the way, He reaches Rome, still following his desire The likeness of his Lord on earth to see, Whom yet he hopes in heaven above to meet ; So I, too, seek, nor in the fond quest tire, Lady, in other fair if aught there be That faintly may recall thy beauties sweet MACGREGOR SONNET XV. Piovonyii amare la grime dal viso. HIS STATE WHEN LAURA IS PRESENT, AND WHEN SHE DEPARTS. DOWN my cheeks bitter tears incessant rain, And my heart struggles with convulsive sighs, WTien, Laura, upon you I turn my eyes, For whom the world's allurements I disdain. But when I see that gentle smile again, That modest, sweet, and tender smile, arise, It pours on every sense a blest surprise ; Lost in delight is all my torturing pain. Too soon this heavenly transport sinks and dies : When all thy soothing charms my fate removes At thy departure from my ravish'd view. To that sole refuge its firm faith approves My spirit from my ravish 'd bosom flies, And wing'd with fond remembrance follows you. GAVEL LOFFT TEARS, bitter tears adown my pale cheek rain, Bursts from mine anguished breast a storm of sighs, Whene'er on you I turn my passionate eyes, For whom alone this bright world I disdain. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 1 5 True ! to my ardent wishes and old pain That mild sweet smile a peaceful balm supplies, Kescues me from the martyr fire that tries, Eapt and intent on you whilst I remain ; Thus in your presence but my spirits freeze When, ushering with fond acts a warm adieu, My fatal stars from life's quench'd heaven decay. My soul released at last with Love's apt keys But issues from my heart to follow you, Nor tears itself without much thought away. MA.CGREGOB SONNET XVI. Quand? io son tutto volto in quella pavie. HE FLIES, BUT PASSION PURSUES HIM. WHEN I reflect and turn me to that part Whence my sweet lady beam'd in purest light, And in my inmost thought remains that light Which burns me and consumes in every part, I, who yet dread lest from my heart it part And see at hand the end of this my light, Go lonely, like a man deprived of light, Ignorant where to go ; whence to depart. Thus flee I from the stroke which lays me dead, Yet flee not with such speed but that desire Follows, companion of my flight alone. Silent I go : but these my words, though dead, Others would cause to weep this I desire, That I may weep and waste myself alone. CAPEL LOFFT WHEN all my mind I turn to the one part Where sheds my lady's face its beauteous light, And lingers in my loving thought the light That burns and racks within me ev'ry part, I from my heart who fear that it may part, And see the near end of my single light, Go, as a blind man, groping without light, Who knows not where yet presses to depart. Thus from the blows which ever wish me dead I flee, but not so swiftly that desire Ceases to come, as is its wont, with me. 1 6 PETRARCH. Silent I move : for accents of the dead Would melt the general age : and I desire That sighs and tears should only fall from me MACGREOOB SONNET XVII. Son animali al mondo di si dUera. HE COMPARES HIMSELF TO A MOTH. CREATURES there are in life of such keen sight That no defence they need from noonday sun, And others dazzled by excess of light Who issue not abroad till day is done, And, with weak fondness, some because 'tis bright, Who in the death- flame for enjoyment run, Thus proving theirs a different virtue quite Alas ! of this last kind myself am one ; For, of this fair the splendour to regard, I am but weak and ill against late hours And darkness gath'ring round myself to ward. Wherefore, with tearful eyes of failing powers, My destiny condemns me still to turn Where following faster I but fiercer burn. MACGREOOB. SONNET XVIII. Vergognando talor ch' ancor si taccia. THE PRAISES OP LAITRA TRAKSCEND HIS POETIC POWERS. ASHAMED sometimes thy beauties should remain As yet unsung, sweet lady, in my rhyme ; When first I saw thee I recall the time, Pleasing as none shall ever please again. But no fit polish can my verse attain, Not mine is strength to try the task sublime : My genius, measuring its power to climb, From such attempt doth prudently refrain. Full oft I oped my lips to chant thy name ; Then in mid utterance the lay was lost : But say what muse can dare so bold a flight? Full oft I strove in measure to indite ; But ah, the pen, the hand, the vein I boast, At once were vanquish'd by the mighty theme.' None. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 17 ASHAMED at times that I am silent, yet, Lady, though your rare beauties prompt my rhyme, When first I saw thee I recall the time Such as again no other can be met. But, with such burthen on my shoulders set. My mind, its frailty feeling, cannot climb, And shrinks alike from polish 'd and sublime, While my vain utterance frozen terrors let. Often already have I sought to sing, But midway in my breast the voice was stay'd, For ah ! so high what praise may ever spring ? And oft have I the tender verse essay 'd, But still in vain ; pen, hand, and intellect In the first effort conquer 'd are and check'd. MACGREGOR. SONNET XIX. Mille fiate, o dolce mia guerrera. HIS HEART, REJECTED BY LAURA, WILL PERISH, UNLESS SHE RELENT. A THOUSAND times, sweet warrior, have I tried, Proffering my heart to thee, some peace to gain From those bright eyes, but still, alas ! in vain, To such low level stoops not thy chaste pride. If others seek the love thus thrown aside, Vain were their hopes and labours to obtain ; The heart thou spurnest I alike disdain, To thee displeasing, 'tis by me denied. But if, discarded thus, it find not thee Its joyless exile willing to befriend, Alone, untaught at others' will to wend, Soon from life's weary burden will it flee. How heavy then the guilt to both, but more To thee, for thee it did the most adore. MACGBEGOK. A THOUSAND times, sweet warrior, to obtain Peace with those beauteous eyes I've vainly tried, Proffering my heart ; but with that lofty pride To bend your looks so lowly you refrain : Expects a stranger fair that heart to gain, In frail, fallacious hopes will she confide : It never more to rne can be allied ; Since what you scorn, dear lady, I disdain. G 18 PETRARCH. In its sad exile if no aid you lend, Banish'd by me ; and it can neither stay Alone, nor yet another's call obey ; Its vital course must hasten to its end : Ah me, how guilty then we both should prove, But guilty you the most, for you it most doth love * NOTT SESTINA I. A qualunque animate alberga in terra. SIGHT BRIXGS HIM KO REST. HE IS THE PREY OF DESPAIR. To every animal that dwells on earth, Except to those which have in hate the sun, Their time of labour is while lasts the day ; But when high heaven relumes its thousand stars, This seeks his hut, and that its native wood, Each finds repose, at least until the dawn. But I, when fresh and fair begins the dawn To chase the lingering shades that cloak'd the earth, Wakening the animals in every wood, No truce to sorrow find while rolls the sun ; And, when again I see the glistening stars, Still wander, weeping, wishing for the day. When sober evening chases the bright day, And this our darkness makes for others dawn, Pensive I look upon the cruel stars Which framed me of such pliant passionate earth, And curse the day that e'er I saw the sun, W r hich makes me native seem of wildest wood. And yet methinks was ne'er in any wood, So wild a denizen, by night or day. As she whom thus I blame in shade and sun : Me night's first sleep o'ercomes not, nor the dawn, For though in mortal coil I tread the earth, My firm and fond desire is from the stars. Ere up to you I turn, O lustrous stars, Or downwards in love's labyrinthine wood, Leaving my fleshly frame in mouldering earth, Could I but pity find in her, one day TO LAURA IN LIFE. 19 Would many years redeem, and to the dawn With bliss enrich me from the setting sun ! Oh ! might I be with her where sinks the sun, No other eyes upon us but the stars, Alone, one sweet night, ended by no dawn, Nor she again transfigured in green wood, To cheat my clasping arms, as on the day, When Phoebus vainly follow'd her on earth. I shall lie low in earth, in crumbling wood, And clustering stars "shall gem the noon of day, Ere on so sweet a dawn shall rise that sun. MACGREGOR EACH creature on whose wakeful eyes The bright sun pours his golden fire, By day a destined toil pursues ; And, when heaven's lamps illume the skies, All to some haunt for rest retire, Till a fresh dawn that toil renews. But I, when a new morn doth rise, Chasing from earth its murky shades, While ring the forests with delight, Find no remission of my sighs ; And, soon as night her mantle spreads, I weep, and wish returning light Again when eve bids day retreat, O'er other climes to dart its rays ; Pensive those cruel stars I view, Which influence thus my amorous fate ; And imprecate that beauty's blaze, Which o'er my form such wildness threw. No forest surely in its glooms Nurtures a savage so unkind As she who bids these sorrows flow : Me, nor the dawn nor sleep o'ercomes ; For, though of mortal mould, my mind Feels more than passion's mortal glow. Ere up to you, bright orbs, I fly, Or to Love's bower speed down my way, While here my mouldering limbs remain ; Let me her pity once espy : Thus, rich in bliss, one little day Shall recompense whole years of pain. c 2 20 PETEAKCH. Be Laura mine at set of sun ; Let heaven's fires only mark our loves, And the day ne'er its light renew ; My fond embrace may she not shun ; Nor Phcebus-like, through laurel groves, May I a nymph transform 'd pursue ! But I shall cast this mortal veil on earth, And stars shall gild the noon, ere such bright scenes have birth. NOTT. CANZONE I. Nel dolce tempo ddla prima etade. HIS SUFFERINGS SINCE HE BECAME THE SLAVE OP LOVE. IN the sweet season when my life was new, Which saw the birth, and still the being sees Of the fierce passion for my ill that grew, Fain would I sing my sorrow to appease How then I lived, in liberty, at ease, While o'er my heart held slighted Love no sway ; And how, at length, by too high scorn, for aye, I sank his slave, and what befell me then, Whereby to all a warning I remain ; Although my sharpest pain Be elsewhere written, so that many a pen Is tired already, and, in every vale, The echo of my heavy sighs is rife. Some credence forcing of my anguish 'd life ; And, as her wont, if here my memory fail, Be my long martyrdom its saving plea, And the one thought which so its torment made, A.S every feeling else to throw in shade, And make me of myself forgetful be Ruling life's inmost core, its bare rind left for me. Long years and many had pass'd o'er my head, Since, in Love's first assault, was dealt my wound, And from my brow its youthful air had fled, While cold and cautious thoughts my heart around Had made it almost adamantine ground, To loosen which hard passion gave no rest ; No sorrow yet with tears had bathed my breast, TO LAUEA IN LIFE. Nor broke my sleep : and what was not in mine A miracle to me in others seem'd. Life's sure test death is deem'd, As cloudless eve best proves the past day fine ; Ah me ! the tyrant whom I sing, descried Ere long his error, that, till then, his dart Not yet beneath the gown had pierced my heart, And brought a puissant lady as his guide, 'Gainst whom of small or no avail has been Genius, or force, to strive or supplicate. These two transform 'd me to my present state, Making of breathing man a laurel green, Which loses not its leaves though wintry blasts be keen. What my amaze, when first I fully leam'd The wondrous change upon my person done, And saw my thin hairs to those green leaves turn'd (Whence yet for them a crown I might have won) ; My feet wherewith 1 stood, and moved, and run- Thus to the soul the subject members bow Become two roots upon the shore, not now Of fabled Peneus, but a stream as proud, And stiffen 'd to a branch my either arm ! Nor less was my alarm, When next my frame white down was seen to shroud, While, 'neath the deadly leven, shatter'd lay My first green hope that soar'd, too proud, in air, Because, in sooth, I knew not when nor where I left my latter state ; but, night and day, Where it was struck, alone, in tears, I went, Still seeking it alwhere, and in the wave; And, for its fatal fall, while able, gave My tongue no respite from its one lament, For the sad snowy swan both form and language lent. Thus that loved wave my mortal speech put by For birdlike song I track'd with constant feet, Still asking mercy with a stranger cry ; But ne'er in tones so tender, nor so sweet, Knew I my amorous sorrow to repeat, As might her hard and cruel bosom melt : Judge, still if memory sting, what then I felt ! PETRARCH. But ah ! not now the past, it rather needs Of her my lovely and inveterate foe The present power to show, Though such she be all language as exceeds. She with a glance who rules us as her own, Opening my breast my heart in hand to take, Thus said to me: " Of this no mention make." I saw her then, in alter 'd air, alone, So that I recognised her not shame Be on my truant mind and faithless sight ! And when the truth I told her in sore fright, She soon resumed her old accustom 'd frame, While, desperate and half dead, a hard rock mine became, As spoke she, o'er her mien such feeling stirr'd, That from the solid rock, with lively fear, " Haply I am not what you deem," I heard ; And then methought, " If she but help me here, No life can ever weary be, or drear ; To make me weep, return, my banish'd Lord ! " I know not how, but thence, the power restored, Blaming no other than myself, I went, And, nor alive, nor dead, the long day past. But, because time flies fast, And the pen answers ill my good intent, Full many a thing long written in my mind I here omit ; and only mention such Whereat who hears them now will man-el much. Death so his hand around my vitals twined, Not silence from its grasp my heart could save, Or succour to its outraged virtue bring: As speech to me was a forbidden thing, To paper and to ink my griefs I gave Life, not my own, is lost through you who dig my grave. I fondly thought before her eyes, at length, Though low and lost, some mercy to obtain ; And this the hope which lent my spirit strength. Sometimes humility o'ercomes disdain, Sometimes inflames it to worse spite again ; This knew I, who so long was left in night, That from such prayers had disappear'd my light ; TO LAURA IN LIFE. 23 Till I, who sought her still, nor found, alas ! Even her shade, nor of her feet a sign, Outwearied and supine, As one who midway sleeps, upon the grass Threw me, and there, accusing the brief ray, Of bitter tears I loosed the prison'd flood, To flow and fall, to them as seem'd it good. Ne'er vanish'd snow before the sun away, As then to melt apace it me befell, Till, 'neath a spreading beech a fountain swell'd ; Long in that change my humid course I held, Who ever saw from Man a true fount well ? [tell. And yet, though strange it sound, things known and sure I The soul from God its nobler nature gains (For none save He such favour could bestow) And like our Maker its high state retains, To pardon who is never tired, nor slow, If but with humble heart and suppliant show, For mercy for past sins to Him we bend ; And if, against his wont, He seem to lend, Awhile, a cold ear to our earnest prayers, Tis that right fear the sinner more may fill ; For he repents but ill His old crime for another who prepares. Thus, when my lady, while her bosom yearn 'd With pity, deign 'd to look on me, and knew That equal with my fault its penance grew, To my old state and shape I soon return'd. But nought there is on earth in which the wise May trust, for, wearying braving her afresh, To rugged stone she changed my quivering flesh, So that, in their old strain, my broken cries In vain ask'd death, or told her one name to deaf skies. A sad and wandering shade, I next recall, Through many a distant and deserted glen, That long I mourn'd my indissoluble thrall. At length my malady seem'd ended, when I to my earthly frame return'd again, Haply but greater grief therein to feel ; Still following my desire with such fond zeal 24 PETRARCH. That once (beneath the proud sun's fiercest blaze, Returning from the chase, as was my wont) Naked, where gush'd a font, My fair and fatal tyrant met my gaze ; I whom nought else could pleasure, paused to look, While, touch'd with shame as natural as intense, Herself to hide or punish my offence, She o'er my face the crystal waters shook . I still speak true, though truth may seem a lie ">/ Instantly from my proper person torn, A solitary stag, I felt me borne In winged terrors the dark forest through, As still of my own dogs the rushing storm I flew. My song ! I never was that cloud of gold Which once descended in such precious rain, Easing awhile with bliss Jove's amorous pain ; I was a flame, kindled by one bright eye, I was the bird which gladly soar'd on high, Exalting her whose praise in song I wake ; Nor, for new fancies, knew I to forsake My first fond laurel, neath whose welcome shade Ever from my firm heart ail meaner pleasures fade. MACGREGOB, SONNET XX. Se F onorata fronde, che prescrire. TO STRAMAZZO OP PERUGIA, WHO INVITED HIM TO WRITE POETEY. IF the world-honour % d leaf, whose green defies The wrath of Heaven when thunders mighty Jove, Had not to me prohibited the crown Whi<-h wreathes of wont the gifted poet's brow, I were a friend of these your idols too, Whom our vile age so shamelessly ignores : But that sore insult keeps me now aloof From the first patron of the olive bough : For Ethiop earth beneath its tropic sun Ne'er bum'd with such fierce heat, as I with rage At losing thing so comely and beloved. Resort then to some calmer fuller fount, For of all moisture mine is drain'd and dry, Save that which falleth from mine eyes in tears. MACGREGOB. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 25 SONNET XXI. Amor piangeva, ed io con lui talvolta. HE CONGRATULATES BOCCACCIO ON HIS RETURN TO THE RIGHT PATH. LOVE grieved, and I with him at times, to see By what strange practices and cunning art, You still continued from his fetters free, From whom my feet were never far apart. Since to the right way brought by God's decree, Lifting my hands to heaven with pious heart, I thank Him for his love and grace, for He The soul-prayer of the just will never thwart : And if, returning to the amorous strife, Its fair desire to teach us to deny, Hollows and hillocks in thy path abound, 'Tis but to prove to us with thorns how rife The narrow way, the ascent how hard and high, Where with true virtue man at last is crown 'd. MACGREGOR. SONNET XXII. Piib di me lieta non si vede a terra. ON THE SAME SUBJECT. THAN me more joyful never reach'd the shore A vessel, by the winds long tost and tried, Whose crew, late hopeless on the waters wide, To a good God their thanks, now prostrate, pour ; Nor captive from his dungeon ever tore, Around whose neck the noose of death was tied, More glad than me, that weapon laid aside Which to my lord hostility long bore. All ye who honour love in poet strain, To the good minstrel of the amorous lay Keturn due praise, though once he went astray ; For greater glory is, in Heaven's blest reign, Over one sinner saved, and higher praise, Than e'en for ninety-nine of perfect ways. MACGREGOB. 26 PETRARCH. SONNET XXIII. II successor di Carlo, eke la chioma. ON THE MOVEMENT OP THE EMPEROR AGAINST THE INFIDELS, ASP THE RETURN OP THE POPE TO ROME. THE high successor of our Charles,* whose hair The crown of his great ancestor adorns, Already has ta'en arms, to bruise the horns Of Babylon, and all her name who bear ; Christ's holy vicar with the honour 'd load Of keys and cloak, returning to his home, Shall see Bologna and our noble Rome, If no ill fortune bar his further road. Best to your meek and high-born lamb belongs To beat the fierce wolf down : so may it be With all who loyalty and love deny. Console at length your waiting country's wrongs, And Rome's, who longs once more her spouse to see, And gird for Christ the good sword on thy thigh. MACGREGOB CANZONE II. aspettata in del, beata e bella. IN SUPPORT OP THE PROPOSED CRUSADE AGAINST THE INFIDELS. SPIRIT wish'd and waited for in heaven, ^ That wearest gracefully our human clay, Not as with loading sin and earthly stain, Who lov'st our Lord's high bidding to obey, Henceforth to thee the way is plain and even By which from hence to bliss we may attain. To waft o'er yonder mam Thy bark, that bids the world adieu for aye To seek a better strand, The western winds their ready wings expand ; Which, through the dangers of that dusky way, Where all deplore the first infringed command, Will guide her safe, from primal bondage free, Reckless to stop or stay, To that true East, where she desires to be. * Charlemagne. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 27 Haply the faithful vows, and zealous prayers, '** And pious tears by holy mortals shed, "V Have come before the mercy-seat above :> Yet vows of ours but little can bestead, *. Nor human orison such merit bears y As heavenly justice from its course can move, fi^ But He, the King whom angels serve and love, To work the vengeance that on high was plann'd, - If Christ himself lead on the adverse side ! ^ And turn thy thoughts to Xerxes' rash emprize, Who dared, in haste to tread our Europe's shore, Insult the sea with bridge, and strange caprice ; And thou shalt see for husbands then no more The Persian matrons robed hi mournful guise, TO LAURA IN LIFE. 29 And dyed with blood the seas of Salamis. Nor sole example this : (The ruin of that Eastern king's design), That tells of victory nigh : See Marathon, and stem Thermopylae, Closed by those few, and chieftain leonine, And thousand deeds that blaze in history. Then bow in thankfulness both heart and knee Before his holy shrine, Who such bright guerdon hath reserved for thee. Thou shalt see Italy and that honour'd shore, O song ! a land debarr'd and hid from me By neither flood nor hill ! But love alone, whose power hath virtue still To witch, though all his wiles be vanity, Nor Nature to avoid the snare hath skill. Go, bid thy sisters hush their jealous fears, For other loves there be Than that blind boy, who causeth smiles and tears. Miss * * * (FOSCOLO'S ESSAY), O THOU, in heaven expected, bright and blest, Spirit ! who, from the common frailty free Of human kind, in human form art drest, God's handmaid, dutiful and dear to thee Henceforth the pathway easy lies and plain, By which, from earth, we bless eternal gain: Lo ! at the wish, to waft thy venturous prore From the blind world it fain would leave behind And seek that better shore, Springs the sweet comfort of the western wind, Which safe amid this dark and dangerous vale, Where we our own, the primal sin deplore, Eight on shall guide her, from her old chains freed, And, without let or fail, Where havens her best hope, to the true East shall lead. Haply the suppliant tears of pious men, Their earnest vows and loving prayers at last Unto the throne of heavenly grace have past ; Yet, breathed by human helplessness, ah ! when 30 PETRARCH. Had purest orison the skill and force To bend eternal justice from its course ? But He, heaven's bounteous ruler from on high/ On the sad sacred spot, where erst He bled, Will turn his pitying eye, And through the spirit of our new Charles spread Thirst of that vengeance, whose too long delay From general Europe wakes the bitter sigh ; To- his loved spouse such aid will He convey, That, his dread voice to hear, Proud Babylon shall shrink assail'd with secret fear. All, by the gay Garonne, the kingly Rhine, Between the blue Rhone and salt sea who dwell, All in whose bosoms worth and honour swell, Eagerly haste the Christian cross to join ; Spain of her warlike sous, from the far west Unto the Pyrenee, pours forth her best : Britannia and the Islands, which are found Northward from Calpe, studding Ocean's breast, E'en to that land renown 'd In the rich lore of sacred Helicon, Various in arms and language, garb and guise, With pious fury urge the bold emprize. What love was e'er so just, so worthy, known? Or when did holier flame Kindle the mind of man to a more noble aim ? Far in the hardy north a land there lies, Buried in thick-ribb'd ice arid constant snows, Where scant the days and clouded are the skies, And seldom the bright sun his glad warmth throws ; There, enemy of peace by nature, springs A people to whom death no terror brings ; If these, with new devotedness, we see In Gothic fury baring the keen glaive, Turk, Arab, and Chaldee ! All, who, between us and the Red Sea wave, To heathen gods bow the idolatrous knee, Arm and advance ! we heed not your blind rage ; A naked race, timid in act, and slow, Unskill'd the war to wage, Whose far aim on the wind contrives a coward blow. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 81 Now is the hour to free from the old yoke Our galled necks, to rend the veil away Too long permitted our dull sight to cloak : Now too, should all whose breasts the heavenly ray Of genius lights, exert its powers sublime, And or in bold harangue, or burning rhyme, Point the proud prize and fan the generous flame. If Orpheus and Amphion credit claim, Legends of distant time, Less marvel 'twere, if, at thy earnest call, Italia, with her children, should awake, And wield the willing lance for Christ's dear sake. Our ancient mother, read she right, in all Her fortune's history ne'er A cause of combat knew so glorious and so fair ! Thou, whose keen mind has every theme explored, And truest ore from Time's rich treasury won, On earthly pinion who hast heavenward soar'd, Well knowest, from her founder, Mars' bold son, To great Augustus, he, whose brow around Thrice was the laurel green in triumph bound, How Rome was ever lavish of her blood, The right to vindicate, the weak redress ; And now, when gratitude, When piety appeal, shall she do less To avenge the injury and end the scorn By blessed Mary's glorious offspring borne ? What fear we, while the heathen for success Confide in human powers, If, on the adverse side, be Christ, and his side ours ? Turn, too, when Xerxes our free shores to tread Kush'd in hot haste, and dream 'd the perilous main With scourge and fetter to chastise and chain, What see'st ? Wild wailing o'er their husbands dead, Persia's pale matrons wrapt in weeds of woe, And red with gore the gulf of Salamis ! To prove our triumph certain, to foreshow The utter ruin of our Eastern foe, No single instance this ; Miltiades and Marathon recall, 82 PETRARCH. See, with his patriot few, Leonidas Closing, Thermopylae, thy bloody pass ! Like them to dare and do, to God let all With heart and knee bow down, Who for our arms and age has kept this great renown. Thou shalt see Italy, that honour'd land, Which from my eyes, O Song ! nor seas, streams, heights, So long have barr'd and bann'd, But love alone, who with his haughty lights The more allures me as he worse excites, Till nature fails against his constant wiles. Go then, and join thy comrades ; not alone Beneath fair female zone Dwells Love, who, at his will, moves us to tears or smiles. MACGREGOR. CANZONE III. Verdi panni, sanguigni, oscuri o persi. WHETHER OR NOT HE SHOULD CEASE TO LOVE LAURA. GREEN robes and red, purple, or brown, or gray No lady ever wore, Nor hair of gold in sunny tresses twined, So beautiful as she, who spoils my mind Of judgment, and from freedom's lofty path So draws me with her that I may not bear Any less heavy yoke. And if indeed at times for wisdom fails Where martyrdom breeds doubt The soul should ever arm it to complain Suddenly from each reinless rude desire Her smile recalls, and razes from my heart Every rash enterprise, while all disdain Is soften 'd hi her sight. For all that I have ever borne for love, And still am doom'd to bear, Till she who wounded it shall heal my heart, Rejecting homage e'en while she invites, Be vengeance done ! but let not pride nor ire 'Gainst my humility the lovely pass By which I enter'd bar. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 38 The hour and day wherein I oped my eyes On the bright black and white, Which drive me thence where eager love impell'd Where of that life which now my sorrow makes New roots, and she in whom our age is proud, Whom to behold without a tender awe Needs heart of lead or wood. The tear then from these eyes that frequent falls HE thus my pale cheek bathes Who planted first within my fenceless flank Love's shaft diverts me not from my desire; And in just part the proper sentence falls ; For her my spirit sighs, and worthy she To staunch its secret wounds. Spring from within me these conflicting thoughts, To weary, wound myself, Each a sure sword against its master turn'd : Nor do I pray her to be therefore freed, For less direct to heaven all other paths, And to that glorious kingdom none can soar Certes in sounder bark. Benignant stars their bright companionship Gave to the fortunate side When came that fair birth on our nether world, Its sole star since, who, as the laurel leaf, The worth of honour fresh and fragrant keeps, Where lightnings play not, nor ungrateful winds Ever o'ersway its head. Well know I that the hope to paint in verse ,Her praises would but tire The worthiest hand that e'er put forth its pen : Who, in all Memory's richest cells, e'er saw Such angel virtue so rare beauty shrined, As in those eyes, twin symbols of all worth, Sweet keys of my gone heart ? Lady, wherever shines the sun, than you Love has no dearer pledge. MAOGREGOR 84 PETRARCH. SESTINA II Giorane donna sotf un verde lauro. THOUGH DESPAIRING OP PITY, HE VOWS TO LOVE HER TJXTO Dl'ATB. A YOUTHFUL lady 'neath a laurel green Was seated, fairer, colder than the snow On which no sun has shone for many years: Her sweet speech, her bright face, and flowing hair So pleased, she yet is present to my eyes, And aye must be, whatever fate prevail. These my fond thoughts of her shall fade and fail When foliage ceases on the laurel green ; Nor calm can be my heart, nor check'd these eyes Until the fire shall freeze, or burns the snow : Easier upon my head to count each hair Than, ere that day shall dawn, the parting years. But, since time flies, and roll the rapid years, And death may, in the midst of life, assail, With full brown locks, or scant and silver hair, I still the shade of that sweet laurel green Follow, through fiercest sun and deepest snow, Till the last day shall close my weary eyes. Oh ! never sure were seen such brilliant eyes, In this our age or in the older years, Which mould and melt me, as the sun melts snow, Into a stream of tears adown the vale, Watering the hard roots of that laurel green, Whose boughs are diamonds and gold whose hair. I fear that Time my mien may change and hair, Ere, with true pity touch'd, shall greet my eyes My idol imaged in that laurel green : For, unless memory err, through seven long years Till now, full many a shore has heard my wail, By night, at noon, in summer and in snow. Thus fire within, without the cold, cold snow, Alone, with these my thoughts and her bright hair, Alway and everywhere I bear my ail, Haply to find some mercy hi the eyes Of unborn nations and far future years, If so long flourishes our laurel green. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 35 The gold and topaz of the sun on snow Are shamed by the bright hair above those eyes, Searing the short green of my life's vain years. MACGREGOR. SONNET XXIV. Quest* anima gentil che si dipwrte. ON LAURA DANGEROUSLY ILL. THAT graceful soul, in mercy call'd away Before her time to bid the world farewell, If welcomed as she ought in the realms of day, In heaven's most blessed regions sure shall dwell. There between Mars and Venus if she stay, Her sight the brightness of the sun will quell, Because, her infinite beauty to survey, The spirits of the blest will round her swell. If she decide upon the fourth fair nest Each of the three to dwindle will begin, And she alone the fame of beauty win, Nor e'en in the fifth circle may she rest; Thence higher if she soar, I surely trust Jove with all other stars in darkness will be thrust. MACUREGOB SONNET XXV. Quanta piu m' amicino al giorno estremo. HE CONSOLES HIMSELF THAT HIS LIFE IS ADVANCING TO ITS CLOSE. NEAR arid more near as life's last period draws, Which oft is hurried on by human woe, I see the passing hours more swiftly flow, And all my hopes in disappointment close. And to my heart I say, amidst its throes, *' Not long shall we discourse of love below; For this my earthly load, like new-fall'n snow Fast melting, soon shall leave us to repose. With it will sink in dust each towering hope, Cherish 'd so long within my faithful breast ; No more shall we resent, fear, smile, complain : Then shall we clearly trace why some are blest, Through deepest misery raised to Fortune's top, And why so many sighs so oft are heaved in vain.** WRANGHAM. 36 PETRARCH. THE nearer I approach my life's last day. The certain day that limits human woe, I better mark, in Time's swift silent flow. How the fond hopes he brought all pass'd away. Of love no longer to myself J say We now may commune, for, as virgin snow, The hard and heavy load we dra<* below Dissolves and dies, ere rest in heaven repay. And prostrate with it must each fair hope lie Which here beguiled us and betray 'd so long, And joy, grief, fear and pride alike shall cease : And then too shall we see with clearer eye How oft we trod in weary ways and wrong, And why so long in vain we sigh'd for peace. MACGREGOR, SONNET XXVI. Gia fiammeggiava T amoroso, stdla. LAURA, WHO IS ILL, APPEARS TO HIM IN A DREAM, AKD ASSURES EIJI THAT SHE STILL LIVES. THROUGHOUT the orient now began to flame The star of love ; while o'er the northern sky That, which has oft raised Juno's jealousy, Pour'd forth its beauteous scintillating beam : Beside her kindled hearth the housewife dame, Half-dress'd, and slipshod, 'gan her distaff ply : And now the wonted hour of woe drew nigh, That wakes to tears the lover from his dream : When my sweet hope unto my mind appear 'd, Not in the custom 'd way unto my sight ; For grief had bathed my lids, and sleep had weigh'd ; Ah me, how changed that form by love endear 'd ! " Why lose thy fortitude?" methought she said, " These eyes not yet from thee withdraw their light." NOTT. ALREADY in the east the amorous star Illumined heaven, while from her northern height Great Juno's rival through the dusky night Her beamy radiance shot. Returning care Had roused th' industrious hag, with footstep bare, And loins ungirt, the sleeping fire to light; And lovers thrill d that season of despight, Which wont renew their tears, and wake despair. TO LAURA IN LJFE. 37 When my soul's hope, now on the verge of fate, (Not by th' accustomed way ; for that in sleep Was closed, and moist with griefs,) attain 'd my heart. Alas, how changed! " Servant, no longer weep," She seem'd to say ; " resume thy wonted state : Not yet thine eyes from mine are doom'd to part. " CHARLEMOXT. ALREADY, in the east, the star of love Was naming, and that other in the north, Which Juno's jealousy is wont to move, Its beautiful and lustrous rays shot forth ; Barefooted and half clad, the housewife old Had stirr'd her fire, arid set herself to weave ; Each tender heart the thoughtful time controll'd Which evermore the lover wakes to grieve, When my fond hope, already at life's last, Came to my heart, not by the wonted way, Where sleep its seal, its dew where sorrow cast Alas ! how changed and said, or seem'd to say, " Sight of these eyes not yet does Heaven refuse, Then wherefore should thy tost heart courage lose ? " MACGREGOB. SONNET XXVII. Apollo, s' ancor vive il bel desio. HE COMPARES HER TO A LAUREL, WHICH HE SUPPLICATES APOLLO TC DEFEND. PHOEBUS, if that fond desire remains, Which fired thy breast near the Thessalian wave ; If those bright tresses, which such pleasure gave, Through lapse of years thy memory not disdains ; From sluggish frosts, from rude inclement rains, Which last the while thy beams our region leave, That honour'd sacred tree from peril save, Whose name of dear accordance waked our pains ! And, by that amorous hope which soothed thy care, What time expectant thou wert doom'd to sigh Dispel those vapours which disturb our sky! So shall we both behold our favorite fair With wonder, seated on the grassy mead, And forming with her arms herself a shade. NOTT r L 38 PETRARCH. IF live the fair desire, Apollo, yet Which fired thy spirit once on Peneus' shore, And if the bright hair loved so well of yore In lapse of years thou dost not now forget, From the long frost, from seasons rude and keen. Which last while hides itself thy kindling brow, Defend this consecrate and honoured bough, Which snared thee erst, whose slave I since have been, And, by the virtue of the love so dear Which soothed, sustain'd thee in that early strife, Our air from raw and lowering vapours clear: So shall we see our lady, to new life Restored, her seat upon the greensward take, Where her own graceful arms a sweet shade o'er her make. MACGREGOB. SONNET XXVIII. Solo e pensoso i piu deserti campi. HE SEEKS SOLITUDE, BUT LOVE' FOLLOWS HIM EVERYWHERE. ALONE, and lost in thought, the desert glade Measuring I roam with ling'ring steps and slow ; And still a watchful glance around me throw, Anxious to shun the print of human tread : No other means I find, no surer aid From the world's prying eye to hide my woe : So well my wild disorder 'd gestures show, And love lorn looks, the fire within nre bred, That well I deem each mountain, wood and plain, And river knows, what 1 from man conceal, What dreary hues my life's fond prospects dim. Yet whate'er wild or savage paths I've ta'en, Where'er I wander, love attends me still, Soft whisp'ring to my soul, and I to him. ANON. Ox. 1795 ALONE, and pensive, near some desert shore, Far from the haunts of men I love to stray, And, cautiously, my distant path explore Where never human footsteps mark'd the way. Thus from the public gaze I strive to fly, And to the winds alone my griefs impart; While in my hollow cheek and haggard eye Appears the fire that burns my inmost heart. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 39 But ah, in vain to distant scenes I go ; No solitude my troubled thoughts allays. Methinks e'en things inanimate must know The flame that on my soul in secret preys ; Whilst Love, unconquer'd, with resistless sway Still hovers round my path, still meets me on my way. J. B. TAYLOR ALONE and pensive, the deserted plain, With tardy pace and sad, I wander by ; And mine eyes o'er it rove, intent to fly Where distant shores no trace of man retain ; No help save this I find, some cave to gain Where never may intrude man's curious eye, Lest on my brow, a stranger long to joy, He read the secret tire which makes my pain For here, methinks, the mountain and the flood, Valley and forest the strange temper know Of my sad life conceal'd from others' sight Yet where, where shall I find so wild a wood, A way so rough that there Love cannot go Communing with me the long day and night ? MACGREGOR. SONNET XXIX. S* io credessi per morte essere scarco. HE PRAYS FOE DEATH, BUT IN VAIN. HAD I believed that Death could set me free From the anxious amorous thoughts my peace that mar, With these my own hands which yet stainless are, Life had I loosed, long hateful grown to me. Yet, for I fear 'twould but a passage be From grief to grief, from old to other war, Hither the dark shades my escape that bar, I still remain, nor hope relief to see. High time it surely is that he had sped The fatal arrow from his pitiless bow, In others' blood so often bathed and red ; And I of Love and Death have pray VI it so He listens not, but leaves me here half dead, Nor cares to call me to himself below. MACGKEGOR 40 PETRARCH. OH ! had I deem'd that Death had freed my soul From Love's tormenting, overwhelming thought, To crush its aching burthen I had sought, My wearied life had has ten 'd to its goal ; My shivering bark yet fear'd another shoal, To find one tempest with another bought, Thus poised 'twixt earth and heaven I dwell as naught, Not daring to assume my life's control. But sure 'tis time that Death's relentless bow Had wing'd that fatal arrow to my heart, So often bathed in life's dark crimson tide : But though I crave he would this boon bestow, He to my cheek his impress doth impart, And yet o'erlooks me hi his fearful stride. WOLLASTON. CANZONE IV. Si e dcbile il Jilo a cui s' attenc. HE GRIEVES IN ABSENCE FROM LAURA. THE thread on which my weary life depends So fragile is and weak, If none kind succour lends. Soon 'neath the painful burden will it break ; Since doorn'd to take my sad farewell of her, In whom begins and ends My bliss, one hope, to stir My sinking spirit from its black despair, Whispers, "Though 1 lost awhile That form so dear and fair, Sad soul ! the trial bear, For thee e'en yet the sun may brightly shine, And days more happy smile, Once more the lost loved treasure may be thine." This thought awhile sustains me, but again To fail me and forsake ha worse excess of pain. Time flies apace : the silent hours and swift So urge his journey on, Short span to me is left Even to think how quick to death I run ; Scarce, in the orient heaven, yon mountain crest Smiles in the sun's first ray, "When, in the adverse west, His long round run, we see his light decay. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 41 So small of life the space, So frail and clogg'd with woe, To mortal man below, That, when I find me from that beauteous face Thus torn by fate's decree, Unable at a wish with her to be, So poor the profit that old comforts give, I know not how I brook in such a state to live. Each place offends, save where alone I see Those eyes so sweet and bright, Which still shall bear the key Of the soft thoughts I hide from other sight ; And, though hard exile harder weighs on me, Whatever mood betide, I ask no theme beside, For all is hateful that I since have seen. What rivers and what heights, What shores and seas between Me rise and those twin lights, Which made the storm and blackness of my days One beautiful serene, To which tormented Memory still strays : Free as my life then pass'd from every care, So hard and heavy seems my present lot to bear. Alas ! self-parleying thus, I but renew The warm wish in my mind, Which first within it grew The day I left my better half behind : If by long absence love is quench'd, then who Guides me to the old bait, Whence all my sorrows date ? Why rather not my lips in silence seal'd ? By finest crystal ne'er Were hidden tints reveaVd So faithfully and fair, As my sad spirit naked lays and bare Its every secret part, And the wild sweetness thrilling in my heart, Through eyes which, restlessly, o'erfraught with tears, Seek her whose sight alone with instant gladness cheers. 42 PETRARCH. Strange pleasure ! yet so often that within The human heart to reign Is found to woo and win Each new brief toy that men most sigh to gain : And I am one from sadness who relief So draw, as if it still My study were to fill These eyes with softness, and this heart with grief : As weighs with me in chief Nay rather with sole force, The language and the light Of those dear eyes to urge me on that course, So where its fullest source Long sorrow finds, I fix my often sight, And thus my heart and eyes like sufferers be, Which in love's path have been twin pioneers to me. The golden tresses which should make, I ween, The sun with envy pine ; And the sweet look serene, Where love's own rays so bright and burning shine, That, ere its time, they make my strength decline, Each wise and truthful word, Bare in the world, which late She smiling gave, no more are seen or heard. But this of all my fate Is hardest to endure, That here I am denied The gentle greeting, angel-like and pure, Which still to virtue's side Inclined my heart w r ith modest magic lure ; So that, in sooth, I nothing hope again Of comfort more than this, how best to bear my pain. And with fit ecstacy my loss to mourn The soft hand's snowy charm, The finely-rounded arm, The winning ways, by turns, that quiet scorn, Chaste anger, proud humility adorn, The fair young breast that shrined Intellect pure and high, Are now all hid the rugged Alp behind. My trust were vain to try And see her ere I die, TO LAUKA IN LIFE. 43 FOIL, though awhile he dare Such dreams indulge, Hope ne'er can constant be, But falls back in despair Her, whom Heaven honours, there again to see, Where virtue, courtesy in her best mix, And where so oft I pray my future home to fix. My Song! if thou shalt see, Our common lady in that dear retreat, We both may hope that she Will stretch to thee her fair and fav'ring hand, Whence I so far am bann'd ; Touch, touch it not, but, reverent at her feet, Tell her I will be there with earliest speed, A man of flesh and blood, or else a spirit freed. MACGREGOR. SONNET XXX. Orso, e' non furon mai fiumi n& stagni. HE COMPLAINS OF THE VEIL AND HAND OP LAURA, THAT THEY DEPRIVE HIM OP THE SIGHT OP HER EYES. ORSO, my friend, was never stream, nor lake, Nor sea in whose broad lap all rivers fall. Nor shadow of high hill, or wood, or wall, Nor heaven-obscuring clouds which torrents make, Nor other obstacles my grief so wake, Whatever most that lovely face may pall, As hiding the bright eyes which me enthrall, That veil which bids my heart " Now burn or break/' And, whether by humility or pride, Their glance, extinguishing mine every joy, Conducts me prematurely to my tomb : Also my soul by one fair hand is tried, Cunning and careful ever to annoy, 'Gainst my poor eyes a rock that has become. MACGKEGOR SONNET XXXI. Io temo si de' begli occhi V assalto. HE EXCUSES HIMSELF FOR HAVING SO LONG DELAYED TO VISIT HER. So much I fear to encounter her bright eye, Alway in which my death and Love reside, That, as a child the rod, its glance I fly, Though long the time has been since first I tried ; 44 PETRARCH. And ever since, so wearisome or high, No place has been where strong will has not hied, Her shunning, at whose sight my senses die, And, cold as marble, I am laid aside : Wherefore if I return to see you late, Sure 'tis no fault, unworthy of excuse. That from my death awhile I held aloof: At all to turn to what men shun, their fate, And from such fear my harassed heart to loose, Of its true faith are ample pledge and proof. MACGREGOB. SONNET XXXII. 5" amort o morte *on da qttalcke stroppio. HE ASKS FBOX A FRIEND THE LOA5 OF THE WORKS OF SI. AUGU3TIW. IF Love or Death no obstacle entwine With the new web which here my fingers fold, And if I 'scape from beauty's tyrant hold While natural truth with truth reveal'd I join, Perchance a work so double will be mine Between our modern style and language old, That (timidly I speak, with hope though bold) Even to Rome its growing fame may shine : But since, our labour to perfect at last Some of the blessed threads are absent yet Which oui' dear father plentifully met, Wherefore to me thy hands so close and fast Against their use? Be prompt of aid and free, And rich our harvest of fair things shall be. MACGBEGOB SONNET XXXIII. Quando dalproprio tito si rtmoce. WHKS LAURA DEPARTS, THE HEAVEIfS GROW DARK WITH STORMS. WHEN from its proper soil the tree is moved Which Phoebus loved erewhile in human form, Grim Vulcan at his labour sighs and sweats, Renewing ever the dread bolts of Jove, WTio thunders now, now speaks in snow and rain, Nor Julius honoureth than Janus more : Earth moans, and far from us the sun retires Since his dear mistress here no more is seen. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 45 Then Mars and Saturn, cruel stars, resume Their hostile rage : Orion arm'd with clouds The helm and sails of storm-tost seamen breaks. To Neptune and to Juno and to us Vext ^Eolus proves his power, and makes us feel How parts the fair face angels long expect. MACGREGCR. SONNET XXXIV. Ma poi che 'I dolce riso umile e piano. HER RETURN GLADDENS THE EARTH AND CALMS THE SKY. BUT when her sweet smile, modest and benign, No longer hides from us its beauties rare, At the spent forge his stout and sinewy arms Plieth that old Sicilian smith in vain, For from the hands of Jove his bolts are taken Temper'd in .^Etna to extremest proof; And his cold sister by degrees grows calm And genial in Apollo's kindling beams. Moves from the rosy west a summer breath, Which safe and easy wafts the seaward bark, And wakes the sweet flowers in each grassy mead. Malignant stars on every side depart, Dispersed before that bright enchanting face, For which already many tears are shed. MACGBEGOB. SONNET XXXV. II figliuol di Latona avea gia nove. THE GRIEF OF PHffiBUS AT THE LOSS OF HIS LOVE. NINE times already had Latona's son Look'd from the highest balcony of heaven For her, who whilom waked his sighs in vain, And sighs as vain now wakes in other breasts ; Then seeking wearily, nor knowing where She dwelt, or far or near, and why delay 'd, He show'd himself to us as one, insane For grief, who cannot find some loved lost thing: And thus, for clouds of sorrow held aloof, Saw not the fair face turn, which, if I live, In many a page shall praised and honour'd be ; 46 PETRARCH. The misery of her loss so changed her mien That her bright eyes were dimm'd, for once, with tears. Thereon its former gloom the air resumed. MACGREGOR. SONNET XXXVI. Qud che 'n Tessaglia ebbe le man si pronte. SOME HAVE WEPT FOR THEIR WORST EMMIES, BUT LAURA DEIGNS HIM NOT A SINGLE TEAR. HE who for empire at Pharsalia threw, Reddening its beauteous plain with civil gore, As Pompey's corse his conquering soldiers bore, Wept when the well-known features met his view : The shepherd youth, who fierce Goliath slew, Had long rebellious children to deplore, And bent, in generous grief, the brave Saul o'er His shame and fall when proud Gilboa knew : But you, whose cheek with pity never paled, Who still have shields at hand to guard you well Against Love's bow, which shoots its darts in vain, Behold me by a thousand deaths assail'd, And yet no tears of thine compassion tell, But hi those bright eyes anger and disdain. MACGEEGOB. SONNET XXXVII. II mio avversario, in cui veder soiete. LAURA AT HER LOOKING-GLASS. MY foe, in whom you see your own bright eyes, Adored by Love and Heaven with honour due, With beauties not its own enamours you, Sweeter and happier than in mortal guise. Me, by its counsel, lady, from your breast, My chosen cherish 'd home, your scorn expell'd In wretched banishment, perchance not held Worthy to dwell where you alone should rest. But were I fasten'd there with strongest keys, That mirror should not make you, at my cost, Severe and proud yourself alone to please. Remember how Narcissus erst was lost ! His course and thine to one conclusion lead, Of flower so fair though worthless here the mead. MACGREGOR TO LAURA IN LIFE. 47 MY mirror 'd foe reflects, alas ! so fair Those eyes which Heaven and Love have honour 'd too ! Yet not his charms thou dost enamour 'd view, But all thine own, and they beyond compare : lady ! thou hast chased me at its prayer From thy heart's throne, where I so fondly grew ; wretched exile ! though too well I knew A reign with thee I were unfit to share. But were I ever fix'd thy bosom's mate, A nattering mirror should not me supplant, And make thee scorn me in thy self-delight ; Thou surely must recall Narcissus' fate, But if like him thy doom should thee enchant, What mead were worthy of a flower so bright ? WOLLASTON. SONNET XXXVIII. I! oro e le perle, e i fior vermigli e i bianchi. HE INVEIGHS AGAINST LAURA'S MIRROR, BECAUSE IT MAKES HER FORGET HIM. THOSE golden tresses, teeth of pearly white, Those cheeks' fair roses blooming to decay, Do in their beauty to my soul convey The poison'd arrows from my aching sight. Thus sad and briefly must my days take flight, For life with woe not long on earth will stay; But more I blame that mirror's flattering sway, Which thou hast wearied with thy self-delight. Its power my bosom's sovereign too hath still'd, Who pray'd thee in my suit now he is mute, Since thou art captured by thyself alone : Death's seeds it hath within my heart instill'd, For Lethe's stream its form doth constitute, And makes thee lose each image but thine own. WOLLASTOX. THE gold and pearls, the lily and the rose Which weak and dry in winter wont to be, Are rank and poisonous arrow-shafts to me, As my sore-stricken bosom aptly shows : Tims all my days now sadly shortly close, For seldom with great grief long years agree ; But in that fatal glass most blame I see, That, weary with your oft self-liking grows. 48 PETRARCH. It on my lord placed silence, when my suit He would have urged, but, seeing your desire End in yourself alone, he soon was mute. T was fashion 'd in hell's wave and o'er its fire, And tinted in eternal Lethe : thence The spring and secret of my death commence. MACGREooa SONNET XXXIX. Io sentia dentr' al cor gift venir meno. HE DESIRES AGAIN TO GAZE ON THE EYES OP LAURA. I NOW perceived that from within me fled Those spirits to which you their being lend ; And since by nature's dictates to defend Themselves from death all animals are made, The reins I loosed, with which Desire I stay'd, And sent him on his way without a friend ; There whither day and night my course he'd bend, Though still from thence by me reluctant led. And me ashamed and slow along he drew To see your eyes their matchless influence shower, Which much I shun, afraid to give you pain. Yet for myself this once I'll live ; such power Has o'er this wayward life one look from you : Then die, unless" Desire prevails again. ANON. Ox. 1795. BECAUSE the powers that take their life f;om you Already had I felt within decay, And because Nature, death to shield or slay, Arms every animal with instinct true, To my long-curb'd desire the rein I threw, And turn'd it in the old forgotten way, Where fondly it invites me night and day, Though 'gainst its will, another I pursue. And thus it led me back, ashamed and slow, To see those eyes with love's own lustre rife Which I am watchful never to offend : Thus may I live perchance awhile below ; One glance of yours such power has o'er my life Which sure, if I oppose desire, shall end. MACGREGOR, TO LAURA IN LIFE. 49 SONNET XL. Se mai foco per joco non si spense. HIS HBART IS ALL IN FLAMES, BUT HIS TONGUE IS MUTE, IN HEB PRESENCE. IF fire was never yet by fire subdued, If never flood fell dry by frequent rain, But, like to like, if each by other gain, And contraries are often mutual food ; Love, who our thoughts controllest in each mood, Through whom two bodies thus one soul sustain, How, why in her, with such unusual strain Make the want less by wishes long renewed ? Perchance, as falleth the broad Nile from high, Deafening with his great voice all nature round, And as the sun still dazzles the fix'd eye, So with itself desire in discord found Loses in its impetuous object force, As the too frequent spur oft checks the course. MACGREGOR, SONNET XLI. Perch* io t' abbia guardato di menzogna. IN HER PRESENCE HE CAN NEITHER SPEAK, WEEP, NOR SIGH. ALTHOUGH from falsehood I did thee restrain With all my power, and paid thee honour due, Ungrateful tongue ; yet never did accrue Honour from thee, but shame, and fierce disdain : Most art thou cold, when most I want the strain Thy aid should lend while I for pity sue ; And all thy utterance is imperfect too, When thou dost speak, and as the dreamer's vain. Ye too, sad tears, throughout each lingering night Upon me wait, when I alone would stay ; But, needed by my peace, you take your flight : And, all so prompt anguish and grief t' impart, Ye sighs, then slow, and broken breathe your way : My looks alone truly reveal my heart. NOTT. WITH all my power, lest falsehood should invade, I guarded thee and still thy honour sought, Ungrateful tongue ! who honour ne'er hast brought, But still my care with rage and shame repaid : 50 PETRARCH. For, though to me most requisite, thine aid, When mercy I would ask, avail eth nought, Still cold and mute, and e'en to words if wrought They seem as sounds in sleep hy dreamers made. And ye, sad tears, o' nights, when I would fain Be left alone, my sure companions, flow, But, summoned for my peace, ye soon depart : Te too, mine anguish 'd sighs, so prompt to pain, Then breathe before her brokenly and slow, And my face only speaks my suffering heart. MACGREGOB CANZONE V. Nella stagion che 'I del rapido inchina. NIGHT BRINGS KEPOSE 10 OTHERS, BI7T NOT TO HTM. IN that still season, when the rapid sun Drives down the west, and daylight flies to greet Nations that haply wait his kindling flame ; In some strange land, alone, her weary feet The time-worn pilgrim finds, with toil fordone, Yet but the more speeds on her languid frame ; Her solitude the same, When night has closed around ; Yet has the wanderer found A deep though short forgetfulness at last Of every woe, and every labour past. But ah ! my grief, that with each moment grows, As fast, and yet more fast, Day urges on, is heaviest at its close. When Phoebus rolls his everlasting wheels To give night room ; and from encircling wood, Broader and broader yet descends the shade ; The labourer arms him for his evening trade, And all the weight his burthen'd heart conceals Lightens with glad discourse or descant rude ; Then spreads his board with food, Such as the forest hoar To our first fathers bore, By us disdain 'd, yet praised in hall and bower. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 51 But, let who will the cup of joyance pour, I never knew, I will not say of mirth, But of repose, an hour, When Phoebus leaves, and stars salute the earth. Yon shepherd, when the mighty star of day He sees descending to its western bed, And the wide Orient all with shade embrown 'd, Takes his old crook, and from the fountain head, Green mead, and beechen bower, pursues his way, Calling, with welcome voice, his flocks around; Then far from human sound, Some desert cave he strows With leaves and verdant boughs, And lays him down, without a thought, to sleep. Ah, cruel Love ! then dost thou bid me keep My idle chase, the airy steps pursuing Of her I ever weep, Who flies me still, my endless toil renewing. E'en the rude seaman, in some cave confined, Pillows his head, as daylight quits the scene, On the hard deck, with vilest mat o'erspread; And when the Sun in orient wave serene Bathes his resplendent front, and leaves behind Those antique pillars of his. boundless bed; Forgetfulness has shed O'er man, and beast, and flower, Her mild restoring power : But my determined grief finds no repose ; And every day but aggravates the woes Of that remorseless flood, that, ten long years, Flowing, yet ever flows, Nor know I what can check its ceaseless tears. MERIVALE WHAT time towards the western skies The sun with parting radiance flies, And other climes gilds with expected light. Some aged pilgrim dame who strays Alone, fatigued, through pathless ways, Hastens her step, and dreads the approach of night Then, the day's journey o'er, she'll steep Her sense awhile in grateful sleep ; E 2 52 PETR AltUll. Forgetting all the pain, and peril past: But I, alas ! find no repose, Each sun to me brings added woes, While light's eternal orb rolls from us fast When the sun's wheels no longer glow, And hills their lengthen 'd shadows throw, The hind collects his tools, and carols gay; Then spreads his board with frugal fare, Such as those homely acorns were, Which all revere, yet casting them away. Let those, who pleasure can enjoy, In cheerfulness their hours employ ; While I, of all earth's wretches most unblest, Whether the sun fierce darts his beams, W T hether the moon more mildly gleams, Taste no delight, no momentary rest ! "When the swain views the star of day Quench in the pillowing waves its ray, And scatter darkness o'er the eastern skies ; Kising, his custom 'd crook he takes, The beech-wood, fountain, plain forsakes, As calmly homeward with his flock he hies Remote from man, then on his bed In cot, or cave, with fresh leaves spread, He courts soft slumber, and suspense from care ; While thou, fell Love, bidst me pursue That voice, those footsteps which subdue My soul ; yet movest not th' obdurate fair ! Lock'd in some bay, to taste repose On the hard deck, the sailor throws His coarse garb o'er him, when the car of light Granada, with Marocco leaves, The Pillars famed, Ibeila's waves, And the world's hush'd, and all its race, in night. But never will my sorrows cease, Successive days their sum increase, Though just ten annual suns have mark'd my pain Say, to this bosom's poignant grief Who shall administer relief? Say, who at length shall free me from my chain ? TO LAURA IN LIFE. 53 And, since there's comfort in the strain, I see at eve along each piain, And furrow'd hill, the unyoked team return : Why at that hour will no one stay My sighs, or bear my yoke away ? Why bathed in tears must I unceasing mourn? Wretch that I was, to fix my sight First on that face with such delight, Till on my thought its charms were strong imprest, Which force shall not efface, nor art, Ere from this frame my soul dispart ! Nor know I then if passion's votaries rest. O hasty strain, devoid of worth, Sad as the bard who brought thee forth, Show not thyself, be with the world at strife, From nook to nook indulge thy grief ; While thy lorn parent seeks relief, Nursing that amorous flame which feeds his life ! NOTT. SONNET XLII. Poco era ad appressarsi agli occki mid. SUCH ARE HIS SUFFERINGS THAT HE ENVIES THE INSENSIBILITY OF MARBLE. HAD but the light which dazzled them afar Drawn but a little nearer to mine eyes, Methinks I would have wholly changed my form, Even as in Thessaly her form she changed : But if I cannot lose myself in her More than I have small mercy though it won I would to-day in aspect thoughtful be, Of harder stone than chisel ever wrought, Of adamant, or marble cold and white, Perchance through terror, or of jasper rare And therefore prized by the blind greedy crowd. Then were I free from this hard heavy yoke Which makes me envy Atlas, old and worn, Who with his shoulders brings Morocco night. ANON 54 PETRARCH. MADRIGALE I. Non al suo amante piu Diana piacque. ANYTHING THAT REMINDS HIM OP LAURA RENEWS HIS TORMENTS. NOT Dian to her lover was more dear, When fortune 'mid the waters cold and clear, Gave him her naked beauties all to see, Than seem'd the rustic ruddy nymph to me, Who, in yon flashing stream, the light veil laved, Whence Laura's lovely tresses lately waved ; I saw, and through me felt an amorous chill, Though summer burn, to tremble and to thrill. MACGREGOB. CANZONE VL Spirto gentil che quelle membra rcggi. TO RIENZI, BESEECHING HIM TO RESTORE TO ROME HER ANCIENT LIBERTY. SPIRIT heroic ! who with fire divine Kindlest those limbs, awhile which pilgrim hold On earth a Chieftain, gracious, wise, and bold ; Since, rightly, now the rod of state is thine Rome and her wandering children to confine, And yet reclaim her to the old good way : To thee I speak, for elsewhere not a ray Of virtue can I find, extinct below, Nor one who feels of evil deeds the shame. Why Italy still waits, and what her aim I know not, callous to her proper woe, Indolent, aged, slow, Still will she sleep? Is none to rouse her found? Oh ! that my wakening hands were through her tresses wound. So grievous is the spell, the trance so deep, Loud though we call, my hope is faint that e'er She yet will waken from her heavy sleep : But not, methinks, without some better end Was this our Rome entrusted to thy care, Who surest may revive and best defend. Fearlessly then upon that reverend head, 'Mid her dishevell'd locks, thy fingers spread, And lift at length the sluggard from the dust ; T, day and night, who her prostration mourn, For this, in thee, have fix'd my certain trust. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 65 That, if her sons yet turn, And their eyes ever to true honour raise, The glory is reserved for thy illustrious days ! Her ancient walls, which still with fear and love The world admires, whene'er it calls to mind The days of Eld, and turns to look behind ; Her hoar and cavern'd monuments above The dust of men, whose fame, until the world In dissolution sink, can never fail ; Her all, that in one ruin now lies hurl'd, pes to have heal'd by thee its every ail. faithful Brutus ! noble Scipios dead ! To you what triumph, where ye now are blest, If of our worthy choice the fame have spread : And how his laurell'd crest, Will old Fabricius rear, with joy elate, That his own Borne again shall beauteous be and great I And, if for things of earth its care Heaven show, The souls who dwell above in joy and peace, And their mere mortal frames have left below, Implore thee this long civil strife may cease, Which kills all confidence, nips every good, Which bars the way to many a roof, where men Once holy, hospitable lived, the den Of fearless rapine now and frequent blood, Whose doors to virtue only are denied. While beneath plunder'd Saints, in outraged fanes Plots Faction, and Kevenge the altar stains ; And, contrast sad and wide, The very bells which sweetly wont to fling Summons to prayer and praise now Battle's tocsin ring ! Pale weeping women, and a friendless crowd Of tender years, infirm and desolate Age, Which hates itself and its superfluous days, With each blest order to religion vow'd, Whom works of love through lives of want engage, To thee for help their hands and voices raise ; While our poor panic-stricken land displays The thousand wounds which now so mar her frame, That e'en from foes compassion they command ; Or more if Christendom thy care may claim, Lo ! God's own house on fire, while not a hand 56 PETRARCH. Moves to subdue the flame : Heal thou these wounds, this feverish tumult end, And on the holy work Heaven's blessing shall descend! Often against our marble Column high Wolf, Lion, Bear, proud Eagle, and base Snake Even to their own injury insult shower ; Lifts against thee and theirs her mournful cry, The noble Dame who calls thee here to break Away the evil weeds which will not flower. A thousand years and more! and gallant men There fix'd her seat in beauty and in power ; The breed of patriot hearts has fail'd since then f And, in their stead, upstart and haughty now, A race, which ne'er to her in reverence bends, Her husband, father thou ! Like care from thee and counsel she attends, As o'er his other works the Sire of all extends. 'Tis seldom e'en that with our fairest scheme Some adverse fortune will not mix, and mar With instant ill ambition's noblest dreams ; But thou, once ta'en thy path, so walk that I May pardon her past faults, great as they are, w at least she give herself the lie. For never, in all memory, as to thee, To mortal man so sure and straight the way Of everlasting honour open lay, For thine the power and will, if right I see, To lift our empire to its old proud state. Let this thy glory be ! They succour'd her when young, and strong, and great, He, in her weak old age, warded the stroke of Fate. Forth on thy way ! my Song, and, where the bold Tarpeian lifts his brow, shouldst thou behold, Of others' weal more thoughtful than his own, The chief, by general Italy revered. Tell him from me, to whom he is but known As one to Virtue and by Fame endear'd, Till stamped upon his heart the sad truth be, That, day by day to thee, With suppliant attitude and streaming eyes, For justice and relief our seven-hili'd city cries. MACGREGOR TO LAURA IN LIFE. 67 MADRIGALE II. Perchd al visa cCAmor portava insegna. A LOVE JOURNEY DANGER IN THE PATH HE TURNS BACK, BBIGHT in whose face Love's conquering ensign stream 'd, A foreign fair so won me, young and vain, That of her sex all others worthless seem'd : Her as I follow'd o'er the verdant plain, 1 heard a loud voice speaking from afar, " How lost in these lone woods his footsteps are ! " Then paused I, and, beneath the tall beech shade, All wrapt in thought, around me well survey 'd, Till, seeing how much danger block'd my way, Homeward I turn'd me though at noon of day. MACGREGOR. BALLATA III. Quelfoco, cK io pensai che fosse spento. HE THOUGHT HIMSELF FREE, BUT FINDS THAT HE IS MORE THAN EVER ENTHRALLED BY LOVE. THAT fire for ever which I thought at rest, Quench'd in the chill blood of my ripen'd years, Awakes new flames and torment in my breast. Its sparks were never all, from what 1 see, Extinct, but merely slumbering, smoulder'd o'er ; Haply this second error worse may be, For, by the tears, which I, in torrents, pour, Grief, through these eyes, distill'd from my heart's core, Which holds within itself the spark and bait, Remains not as it was, but grows more great. What fire, save mine, had not been quench'd and kill'd Beneath the flood these sad eyes ceaseless shed? Struggling 'mid opposites so Love has will'd Nci ?v here, now there, my vain life must be led, For in so many ways his snares are spread, When most I hope him from my heart expell'd Then most of her fair face its slave I'm held. MACGREQOR SONNET XLIII. Se col cieco desir che 'I cor distrugge. BLIGHTED HOPE. EITHER that blind desire, which life destroys. Counting the hours, deceives my misery, 58 PETRARCH. Or, even -while yet I speak, the moment flies, Promised at once to pity and to me. Alas ! what baneful shade o'erhangs and dries The seed so near its full maturity ? 'Twixt me and hope what brazen walls arise ? From murderous wolves not even my fold is free. Ah, woe is me ! Too clearly now I find That felon Love, to aggravate my pain, Mine easy heart hath thus to hope inclined ; And now the maxim sage I call to mind, That mortal bliss must doubtful still remain Till death from earthly bonds the soul unbind. CHARLEMONT. COUNTING the hours, lest I myself mislead By blind desire wherewith my heart is torn, E'en while I speak away the moments speed, To me and pity which alike were sworn. What shade so cruel as to blight the seed Whence the wish'd fruitage should so soon be born ? What beast within my fold has leap'd to feed? What wall is built between the hand and corn ? Alas ! I know not, but, if right I guess, Love to such joyful hope has only led To plunge my weary life in worse distress ; And I remember now what once I read, Until the moment of his full release Man's bliss begins not, nor his troubles cease. MACGREGOR SONNET XLIV. M ie venture al rcnir son tarde e pigre. FEW ARK THE SWEETS, BUT MANY THE BITTERS OP LOVE. EVER my hap is slack and slow in coming, Desire increasing, ay my hope uncertain With doubtful love, that but increaseth pain ; For, tiger-like, so swift it is in parting. Alas ! the snow black shall it be and scalding, The sea waterless, and fish upon the mountain, The Thames shall back return into his fountain, And where he rose the sun shall take [his] lodging, Ere I in this find peace or quietness ; Or that Love, or my Lady, right wisely, Leave to conspire a'gainst me wrongfully. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 59 And if I have, after such bitterness, One drop of sweet, my mouth is out of taste, That all my trust and travail is but waste. WYATT. LATE to arrive my fortunes are and slow Hopes are unsure, desires ascend and swell, Suspense, expectancy in me rebel But swifter to depart than tigers go. Tepid and dark shall be the cold pure snow, The ocean dry, its f.sh on mountains dwell, The sun set in the East, by that old w.ell Alike whence Tigris .and Euphrates flow, Ere in this strife I peace or truce shall find, Ere Love or Laura practise kinder ways, Sworn friends, against me wrongfully combined. After such bitters, if some sweet allays, Balk'd by long fasts my palate spurns the fare, Sole grace from them that falleth to my share. MACGHEGOR. SONNET XLV. La guancia chefu gid, piangendo stanca. TO HIS FKIEND AGAPITO, WITH A PRESENT. THY weary cheek that channell'd sorrow shows, My much-loved lord, upon the one repose ; More careful of thyself against Love be, Tyrant who smiles his votaries wan to see ; And with the other close the left-hand path Too easy entrance where his message hath; In sun and storm thyself the same display, Because time faileth for the lengthen 'd way. And, with the third, drink of the precious herb Which purges every thought that would disturb, Sweet in the end though sour at first in taste : But me enshrine where your best joys are placed, So that I fear not the grim bark of Styx, If with such prayer of mine pride do not mix. MACGREGOB. 60 PETRARCH. BALLATA IV. PerchZ qud cht; mi trasse ad amar prima. HE WILL ALWAYS LOVE HER, THOUGH DENIED THE SIGHT OF H-ER. THOUGH cruelty denies my view Those charms which led me first to love ; To passion yet will I be true, Nor shall my will rebellious prove. Amid the curls of golden hair That wave those beauteous temples round, Cupid spread craftily the snare With which my captive heart he bound : And from those eyes he caught the ray Which thaw'd the ice that fenced my breast, Chasing all other thoughts away, With brightness suddenly imprest. But now that hair of sunny gleam, Ah me ! is ravish'd from my sight ; Those beauteous eyes withdraw their beam, And change to sadness past delight. A glorious death by all is prized ; 'Tis death alone shall break my chain: Oh ! be Love's timid wail despised . Lovers should nobly suffer pain. NOTT. THOUGH barr'd from all which led me first to love By coldness or caprice, Not yet from its firm bent can passion cease ! The snare was set amid those threads of gold, To which Love bound me fast ; And from those bright eyes melted the long cold Within my heart that pass'd ; So sweet the spell their sudden splendour cast, Its single memory still Deprives my soul of every other will. But now, alas ! from me of that fine hair Is ravish'd the dear sight ; The lost light of those twin stars, chaste as fair, Saddens me in her flight ; But, since a glorious death wins honour bright, By death, and not through grief, Love from such chain shall give at last relief. MACGREGOR. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 61 SONNET XLVI. Z' arbor gentil die forte amai molt' anni. IMPRECATION AGAINST THE LAUREL. THE graceful tree I loved so long and well, Ere its fair boughs in scorn my flame declined, Beneath its shade encouraged my poor mind To bud and bloom, and 'mid its sorrow swell. But now, my heart secure from such a spell, Alas, from friendly it has grown unkind ! My thoughts entirely to one end confined, Their painful sufferings how I still may tell. What should he say, the sighing slave of love, To whom my later rhymes gave hope of bliss, Who for that laurel has lost all but this ? May poet never pluck thee more, nor Jove Exempt ; but may the sun still hold in hate On each green leaf till blight and blackness wait. MACGREGOR. SONNET XLVII. Benedetto sia 'I giorno e 'I mese e V anno. HE BLESSES ALL THE CIRCUMSTANCES OP HIS PASSION. BLEST be the day, and blest the month, the year, The spring, the hour, the very moment blest, The lovely scene, the spot, where first oppress'd I sunk, of two bright eyes the prisoner : And blest the first soft pang, to me most dear, Which thrill'd my heart, when Love became its guest ; And blest the bow, the shafts which pierced my breast, And even the wounds, which bosom 'd thence I bear. Blest too the strains which, pour'd through glade and grove, Have made the woodlands echo with her name ; The sighs, the tears, the languishrnent, the love : And blest those sonnets, sources of my fame , And blest that thought Oh ! never to remove ! Which turns to her alone, from her alone which came. WRANGHAM BLEST be the year, the month, the hour, the day, The season and the time, and point of space, And blest the beauteous country and the place Where first of two bright eyes I felt the sway : 68 PETRARCH. Blest the sweet pain of which I was the prey, When newly doom'd Love's sovereign law to embrace And blest the bow and shaft to which I trace, The wound that to my inmost heart found way : Blest be the ceaseless accents of my tongue, Unwearied breathing my loved lady's name : Blest my fond wishes, sighs, and tears, and pains : Blest be the lays in which her praise I sung, That on all sides acquired to her fair fame, And blest my thoughts ! for o'er them all she reigns DACRE SONNET XLVIII. Padre del ciel, dopo i perduti giorni. CONSCIOUS OF HIS FOLLY, HE 1'RAYS GOD TO TURN HIM TO A BETTER LIFE. FATHER of heaven ! after the days misspent, - After the nights of wild tumultuous thought, In that fierce passion's strong entanglement, One, for my peace too lovely fair, had wrought ; Vouchsafe that, by thy grace, my spirit bent On nobler aims, to holier ways be brought; That so my foe, spreading with dark intent His mortal snares, be foil'd, and held at nought. E'en now th' eleventh year its course fulfils, That I have bow'd me to the tyranny Relentless most to fealty most tried. Have mercy, Lord ! on my unworthy ills : Fix all my "thoughts in contemplation high; How on the cross this day a Saviour died. DAC? E. FATHER of heaven ! despite my days all lost, Despite my nights in doting folly spent With that fierce passion which my bosom rent At sight of her, too lovely for my cost ; Vouchsafe at length that, by thy grace, I turn To wiser life, and enterprise more fan*, So that my cruel foe, in vain his snare Set for my soul, may his defeat discern. Already, Lord, the eleventh year circling wanes Since first beneath his tyrant yoke I fell Who still is fiercest where we least rebel : Pity my undeserved and lingering pains, TO LAURA IN LIFE. To holier thoughts my wandering sense restore, How on this day his cross thy Son our Saviour bore. MAGGEEGOR. BALLATA V. Volgendo gli occhi al mio novo colorc. HER KIND SALUTE SAVED HIM FROM DEATH. LATE as those eyes on my sunk cheek inclined, Whose paleness to the world seems of the grave, Compassion moved you to that greeting kind, Whose soft smile to my worn heart spirit gave. The poor frail life which yet to me is left W T as of your beauteous eyes the liberal gift, And of that voice angelical and mild ; My present state derived from them I see ; As the rod quickens the slow sullen child, So waken 'd they the sleeping soul in me. Thus, Lady, of my true heart both the keys You hold in hand, and yet your captive please : Ready to sail wherever winds may blow, By me most prized whate'er to you I owe. MACGREGOR. SONNET XLIX. Se voi poteste per turbali segni. HE ENTREATS LAURA NOT TO HATE THE HEART FROM WHICH SHE OAN NEVER BE ABSENT. IF, but by angry and disdainful sign, By the averted head arid downcast sight, By readiness beyond thy sex for flight, Deaf to all pure and worthy prayers of mine, Thou canst, by these or other arts of thine, 'Scape from my breast where Love on slip so slight Grafts every day new boughs of such despite A fitting cause I then might well divine : For gentle plant in arid soil to be Seems little suited : so it better were, And this e'en nature dictates, thence to stir. But since thy destiny prohibits thee Elsewhere to dwell, be this at least thy care Not always to sojourn in hatred there. MACGREGOR. 64 PE1RAHCH. SONNET L. Lasso, die mal accortofui daprima. HE PEATS LOVE TO KINDLE ALSO IN HER THE FLAME BY WHICH HE T3 UNCEASINGLY TORMENTED. ALAS ! this heart by me was little known In those first days when Love its depths explored, Where by degrees he made himself the lord Of my whole life, and claim 'd it as his own : I did not think that, through his power alone, A heart time-steel'd, and so with valour stored, Such proof of failing firmness could afford, And fell by wrong self-confidence o'erthrown. Henceforward all defence too late will come, Save this, to prove, enough or little, here If to these mortal prayers Love lend his ear. Not now my prayer nor can such e'er have room That with more mercy he consume my heart, But in the fire that she may bear her part. MACGKEGOB. SESTINA III. L'aere gravato, e r importuna nebbia. HE COMPARES LAURA TO WINTER, AND FORESEES THAT SHE WILL ALWAY1 BE THE SAME. THE overcharged air, the impending cloud, Compress 'd together by impetuous winds, Must presently discharge themselves in rain ; Already as of crystal are the streams, And, for the fine grass late that clothed the vales, Is nothing now but the hoar frost and ice. And I, within my heart, more cold than ice, Of heavy thoughts have such a hovering cloud, As sometimes rears itself in these our vales, Lowly, and landlock'd against amorous winds, Environ 'd everywhere with stagnant streams, When falls from soft'ning heaven the smaller rain Lasts but a brief while every heavy rain ; And summer melts away the suows and ice, When proudly roll th' -accumulated streams : TO LAURA IN LIFE. 65 Nor ever hid the heavens so thick a cloud, Which, overtaken by the furious winds, Fled not from the first hills and quiet vales But ah ! what profit me the flowering vales ? Alike I mourn in sunshine and in rain, Suffering the same in warm and wintry winds ; For only then my lady shall want ice At heart, and on her brow th' accustom'd cloud, When dry shall be the seas, the lakes, and streams. While to the sea descend the mountain streams, As long as wild beasts love umbrageous vales. O'er those bright eyes shall hang th' unfriendly cloud My own that moistens with continual rain ; And in that lovely breast be harden'd ice Which forces still from mine so dolorous winds. Yet well ought I to pardon all the winds But for the love of one, that 'mid two streams Shut me among bright verdure and pure ice ; So that I pictured then in thousand vales The shade wherein I was, which heat or rain Esteemeth not, nor sound of broken cloud. But fled not ever cloud before the winds, As I that day : nor ever streams with rain ; Nor ice, when April's sun opens the vales. ' MACGREGOR. SONNET LI. Del mar Tirreno alia, sinistra riva. THE FALL. UPON the left shore of the Tyrrhene sea, Where, broken by the winds, the waves complain, Sudden I saw that honour'd green again, Written for whom so many a page must be : Love, ever in my soul his flame who fed, Drew me with memories of those tresses fair ; Whence, in a rivulet, which silent there Through long grass stole, I fell, as one struck dead, Lone as I was, 'mid hills of oak and fir, I felt ashamed; to heart of gentle mould Blushes suffice : nor needs it other spur. v 06 PETRARCH. Tis well at least, breaking bad customs old, To change from eyes to feet : from these so wet By those if milder April should be met. MACGREGOH SONNET LII. L' aspetto sacro dclla terra rostra. THE VIEW OP ROME PROMPTS HIM TO TEAR HIMSELF FROM LAUBA, BUT LOVE WILL NOT ALLOW HIM. THE solemn aspect of this sacred shore Wakes for the misspent past my bitter sighs ; ' Pause, wretched man ! and turn,' as conscience cries, Pointing the heavenward way where I should soar. But soon another thought gets mastery o'er The first, that so to palter were unwise ; E'en now the time, if memory err not, flies, When we should wait our lady-love before. I, for his aim then well I apprehend, Within me freeze, as one who, sudden, hears News unexpected which his soul offend. Returns my first thought then, that disappears ; Nor know I which shall conquer, but till now Within me they contend, nor hope of rest allow ! MACGREGOK SONNET Lin. Ben sapev* io eke natural consiglio. FLEEING FROM LOVE, HE FALLS INTO THE HANDS OF HIS MINISTERS. FULL well I know that natural wisdom nought, Love, 'gainst thy power, in any age prevail'd, For snares oft set, fond oaths that ever fail'd, Sore proofs of thy sharp talons long had taught ; But lately, and in me it wonder wrought With care this new experience be detail'd 'Tween Tuscany and Elba as I sail'd On the salt sea, it first my notice caught. I fled from thy broad hands, and, by the way, An unknown wanderer, 'neath the violence Of winds, and waves, and skies, I helpless lay, When, lo ! thy ministers, I knew not whence, Who quickly made me by fresh stings to feel 111 who resists his fate, or would conceal. MACGREGOB TO LAUKA IN LIFE. 67 CANZONE VII. Lasso me, cti i' non so in qual parte piegJii. HE WOULD CONSOLE HIMSELF WITH SONG, BUT IS CONSTRAINED TO WEEP. ME wretched ! for I know not whither tend The hopes which have so long my heart betray 'd : If none there be who will compassion lend, Wherefore to Heaven these often prayers for aid ? But if, belike, not yet denied to me That, ere my own life end, These sad notes mute shall be, Let not my Lord conceive the wish too free, Yet once, amid sweet flowers, to touch the string, " Eeason and right it is that love I sing." Reason indeed there were at last that I Should sing, since I have sigh'd so long and late, But that for me 'tis vain such art to try, Brief pleasures balancing with sorrows great ; Could I, by some sweet verse, but cause to shine Glad wonder and new joy Within those eyes divine, Bliss o'er all other lovers then were mine ! But more, if frankly fondly I could say, " My lady asks, I therefore wake the lay." Delicious, dangerous thoughts ! that, to begin A theme so high, have gently led me thus, You know I ne'er can hope to pass within Our lady's heart, so strongly steel'd from us ; She will not deign to look on thing so low, Nor may our language win Aught of her care : since Heaven ordains it so, And vainly to oppose must irksome grow, Even as I my heart to stone would turn, " So in my verse would I be. rude and stern." What do I say ? where am I ? My own heart And its misplaced desires alone deceive ! Though my view travel utmost heaven athwart No planet there condemns me thus to grieve : Why, if the body's veil obscure my sight, Blame to the stars impart, 68 PETRARCH. Or other things as bright ? Within me reigns my tyrant, day and night, Since, for his triumph, me a captive took " Her lovely face, and lustrous eyes' dear look.'' While all things else in Nature's boundless reign Came good from the Eternal Master's mould, I look for such desert in me in vain : Me the light wounds that I around behold ; To the true splendour if I turn at last, My eye would shrink in pain, Whose own fault o'er it cast Such film, and not the fatal day long past, When first her angel beauty met my view, " In the sweet season when my life was new." MACGREGOR, CANZONE VIII. Perche la vita e breve. IN PRAISE OP LATTRA'S EYES : THE DIFFICULTY OF HIS THEiiE. SINCE human life is frail, And genius trembles at the lofty theme, I little confidence in either place ; But let my tender wail There, where it ought, deserved attention claim, That wail which e'en in silence we may trace. O beauteous eyes, where Love doth nestling stay ! To you I turn my insufficient lay, Unapt to flow ; but passion's goad I feel : And he of you who sings Such courteous habit by the strain is taught, That, borne on amorous wings, He soars above the reach of vulgar thought : Exalted thus, I venture to reveal What long my cautious heart has labour' d to conceal. Yes, well do I perceive To you how wrongful is my scanty praise ; Yet the strong impulse cannot be withstood, That urges, since I view'd What fancy to the sight before ne'er gave, What ne'er before graced mine, or higher lays. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 69 Bright authors of my sadly-pleasing state, That you alcne conceive me well I know, When to your fierce beams I become as snow ! Your elegant disdain Haply then kindles at my worthless strain. Did not this dread create Some mitigation of my bosom's heat, Death would be bliss : for greater joy 'twould give With them to suffer death, without them than to live. If not consumed quite, I the weak object of a flame so strong : 'Tis not that safety springs from native might, But that some fear restrains, Which chills the current circling through my veins ; Strengthening this heart, that it may suffer long. O hills, vales, forests, floods, and fields, Ye who have witness'd how my sad life flows, Oft have ye heard me call on death for aid. Ah, state surcharged with woes ! To stay destroys, and flight no succour yields. But had not higher dread Withheld, some sudden effort I had made To end my sorrows and protracted pains, Of which the beauteous cause insensible remains. J Why lead me, grief, astray From my first theme to chant a different lay ? Let me proceed where pleasure may invite. 'Tis not of you I 'plain, O eyes, beyond compare serenely bright ; Nor yet of "him who binds me in his chain. Ye clearly can behold the hues that Love Scatters ofttime on my dejected face; And fancy may his inward workings trace There where, whole nights and days, He rules with power derived from your bright rays : What rapture would ye prove, If you, dear lights, upon yourselves could gaze ! But, frequent as you bend your beams on me, What influence you possess you in another see. 70 PETRARCH. Oh ! if to you were known That beauty which I sing, immense, divine, As unto him on whom its glories shine ! The heart had then o'erflown With joy unbounded, such as is denied Unto that nature which its acts doth guide. How happy is the soul for you that sighs, Celestial lights ! which lend a charm to life, And make me bless what else I should not prize ! Ah ! why, so seldom why Afford what ne'er can cause satiety ? More often to your sight Why not bring Love, who hcMs me constant strife ? And why so soon of joys despoil me quite, Which ever and anon my tranced soul delight? Yes, 'debted to your grace, Frequent I feel throughout my inmost soul Unwonted floods of sweetest rapture roll ; Relieving so the mind, That all oppressive thoughts are left behind, And of a thousand only one has place ; For which alone this life is dear to me. Oh ! might the blessing of duration prove, Not equalTd then could my condition be ! But this would, haply, move In others envy, in myself vain pride. That pain should be allied To pleasure is, alas ! decreed above ; Then, stifling all the ardour of desire, Homeward I turn my thoughts, and in myself retire. So sweetly shines reveal'd The amorous thought within your soul which dwells, That other joys it from my heart expels : Hence I aspire to frame Lays whereon Hope may build a deathless name, When in the tomb my dust shall lie conceal'd. At your approach anguish and sorrow fly ; These, as your beams retire, again draw nigh : Yet outward acts their influence ne'er betray, TO LAUEA IN LIFE. 7l Fur doting memory Dwells on the past, and chases them away. Whatever, then, of worth My genius ripens owes to you its birth.) To you all honour and all praise is due Myself a barren soil, and cultured but by you. Thy strains, O song ! appease me not, but fire, Chanting a theme that wings my wild desire : Trust me, thou shalt ere long a sister-song acquire. NOTT. SINCE mortal life is frail, And my mind shrinks from lofty themes deterr'd, But small the trust which I in either feel : Yet hope I that my wail, Which vainly I in silence would conceal, Shall, where I wish, where most it ought, be heard. Beautiful eyes ! wherein Love makes his nest, To you my song its feeble descant turns, Slow of itself, but now by passion spurr'd ; Who sings of you is blest, And from his theme such courteous habit learns That, borne on wings of love, Proudly he soars each viler thought above ; Encouraged thus, what long my harass'd heart Has kept conceal'd, I venture to impart. Yet do I know full well How much my praise must wrongful prove to you, But how the great desire can I oppose, Which ever in me grows, Since what surpasses thought 'twas mine to viow, Though that nor others' wit nor mine can tell f Eyes ! guilty authors of my cherish'd pain, That you alone can judge me, well I know, When from your burning beams I melt like snow, Haply your sweet disdain Offence in my unworthiness may see ; Ah ! were there not such fear, To calm the heat with which I kindle near, 'Twere bliss to die : for better far to me Were death with them than life without could be. 72 PETRARCH. If yet not wasted quite So frail a thing before so fierce a flame Tis not from my own strength that safety came, But that some fear gives might, Freezing the warm blood coursing through its veins, To my poor heart better to bear the strife. O valleys, hills, O forests, floods, and plains, Witnesses of my melancholy life ! For death how often have ye heard me pray ! Ah, miserable fate ! Where flight avails not, though 'tis death to stay ; But, if a dread more great Restrain 'd me not, despair would find a way, Speedy and short, my lingering pains to close, Hers then the crime who still no mercy shows. Why thus astray, grief, Lead me to speak what I would leave unsaid ? Leave me, where pleasure me impels, to tread : Not now my song complains Of you, sweet eyes, serene beyond belief, Nor yet of him who binds me in such chains : Eight well may you observe the varying hues W 7 hich o'er my visage oft the tyrant strews, And thence may guess what war within he makes, Where night and day he reigns, Strong in the power which from your light he takes : Blessed ye were as bright, Save that from you is barr'd your own dear sight : Yet often as to me those orbs you turn, What they to others are you well may learn. If, as to us who gaze, Were known to you the charms incredible And heavenly, of which 1 sing the praise, No measured joy would swell Your heart, and haply, therefore, 'tis denied Unto the power which doth their motions guide. Happy the soul for you which breathes the sigh, Best lights of heaven ! for whom I grateful bless This life, which has for me no other joy. Alas ! so seldom why Give me what I can*ne'er too much possess ? TO LAUBA IN LIFE. 73- Why not more often see The ceaseless havoc which love makes of me V And why that bliss so quickly from me steal, From time to time which my rapt senses feel ? Yes, thanks, great thanks to you ! From time to time I feel through all my soul A sweetness so unusual and new, That every marring care And gloomy vision thence begins to roll, So that, from all, one only thought is there. That >that alone consoles me life to bear : And could but this my joy endure awhile, Nought earthly could, methinks, then match my state. Yet such great honour might Envy in others, pride in me excite : Thus still it seems the fate Of man, that tears should chase his transient smile : And, checking thus my burning wishes, I Back to myself return, to muse and sigh. The amorous anxious thought, Which reigns within you, flashes so on me, That from my heart it draws all other joy; Whence works and words so wrought Find scope and issue, that I hope to be Immortal made, although all flesh must die. At your approach ennui and anguish fly ; With your departure they return again : But memory, on the past which doting dwells, Denies them entrance then, So that no outward act their influence tells ; Thus, if in me is nurst Any good fruit, from you the seed came first : To you, if such appear, the praise is due, Barren myself till fertilized by you. Thy strains appease me not, song ! But rather fire me still that theme to sing Where centre all my thoughts therefore, ere long, A sister ode to join thee will I bring. MACGREGOR. .74 PETKARCH. CANZONE IX. Genlil mia donna, i veggio. IN PRAISE OF LAURA'S EYES : THEY LEAD HIM TO OOKTEMPLATE THB PATH OP LIFE. LADY, in your bright eyes Soft glancing round, I mark a holy light, Pointing the arduous way that heavenward lies ; And to my practised sight, From thence, where Love enthroned, asserts his might, Visibly, palpably, the soul beams forth. This is the beacon guides to deeds of worth, And urges me to seek the glorious goal ; This bids me leave behind the vulgar throng. Nor can the human tongue Tell how those orbs divine o'er all my soul Exert their sweet control, Both when hoar winter's frosts around are flung, And when the year puts on his youth again, Jocund, as when this bosom first knew pain. Oh ! if in that high sphere, From whence the Eternal Kuler of the stars In this excelling work declared his might, All be as fair and bright, Loose me from forth my darksome prison here, That to so glorious life the passage bars ; Then, in the wonted tumult of my breast, I hail boon Nature, and the genial day That gave me being, and a fate so blest, And her who bade hope beam Upon my soul ; for till then burthensome Was life* itself become : But now, elate with touch of self-esteem, High thoughts and sweet within that heart arise, Of which the warders are those beauteous eye? No joy so exquisite Did Love or fickle Fortune ere devise, In partial mood, for favour 'd votaries, But I would barter it For one dear glance of those angelic eyes, Whence springs my peace as from its living root. O vivid lustre ! of power absolute TO LAURA IN LIFE. 7ft O'er all my being source of that delight, By which consumed I sink, a willing prey. As fades each lesser ray Before your splendour more intense and bright, So to my raptured heart, When your surpassing sweetness you impart, No other thought of feeling may remain Where you, with Love himself, despotic reign. All sweet emotions e'er By happy lovers felt in every clime, Together all, may not with mine compare, When, as from time to time, I catch from that dark radiance rich and deep A ray in which, disporting, Love is seen ; And I believe that from rny cradled sleep, By Heaven provided this resource hath been, 'Gainst adverse fortune, and my nature frail. Wrong'd am I by that veil, And the fair hand which oft the light eclipse, That all my bliss hath wrought ; And whence the passion straggling on my lips, Both day and night, to vent the breast o'erfraught, Still vaiying as I read her varying thought. For that (with pain I find) Not Nature's poor endowments may alone Render me worthy of a look so kind, I strive to raise my mind To match with the exalted hopes I own, And fires, though all engrossing, pure as mine If prone to good, averse to all things base, Contemner of what worldlings covet most, I may become by long self-discipline. Haply this humble boast May win me in her fair esteem a place ; For sure the end and aim Of all my tears, my sorrowing heart's sole claim, Were the soft trembling of relenting eyes, The generous lover's last, best, dearest prize. My lay, thy sister-song is gone before, And now another in my teeming brain Prepares itself : whence I resume the strain. DACRE, 76 PETRARCH. CANZONE X. Poiche per mio destino. IN PRAISE OP LAURA'S EYES : IN THEM HE FINDS EVERY GOOD, AND CAN NEVER CEASE TO PRAISE THEM. SINCE then by destiny I am compell'd to sing the strong desire, Which here condemns me ceaselessly to sigh, May Love, whose quenchless fire Excites me, be my guide and point the way, And in the sweet task modulate my lay : But gently be it, lest th' o'erpowering theme Inflame and sting me, lest my fond heart may Dissolve in too much softness, which I deem, From its sad state, may be : For in me hence my terror and distress ! Not now as erst I see Judgment to keep my mind's great passion less : fcay, rather from mine own thoughts melt I so, As melts before the summer sun the snowi / At first I fondly thought Communing with mine ardent flame to win Some brief repose, some time of truce wiihin : This was the hope which brought Me courage what I suffer'd to explain, Now, now it leaves me martyr to my pain : But still, continuing mine amorous song, Must I the lofty enterprise maintain ; So powerful is the wish that in me glows, That Reason, which so long Restrained it, now no longer can oppose. Then teach me, Love, to sing Jn such frank guise, that ever if the ear Of my sweet oe should chance the notes to hear, Pity, I ask no more, may in her spring. If, as in other times, When kindled to true virtue was mankind, The genius, energy of man could find Entrance in divers climes, Mountains and seas overpassing, seeking there Honour, and culling oft its garland fair, TO LAURA TN LIFE. 77 Mine were such wish, not mine such need would be. From shore to shore my wear}- course to trace, Since God, and Love, and Nature deign for me Each virtue and each grace In those dear eyes where I rejoice to place. In life to them must I Turn as to founts whence peace and safety swell : And e'en were death, which else I fear not, nigh, Their sight alone would teach me to be well. As, vex'd by the fierce wind, The weary sailor lifts at night his gaze To the twin lights which still our pole displays, So, in the storms unkind Of Love which I sustain, in those bright eyes My guiding light and only solace lies : But e'en in this far more is due to theft, Which, taught by Love, from time to time, I make Of secret glances than their gracious gift : Yet that, though rare and slight, Makes me from them perpetual model take; Since first they blest my sight Nothing of good without them have I tried, Placing them over me to guard and guide, ^Because mine own worth held itself but light. *Never the full effect Can I imagine, and describe it less Which o'er my heart those soft eyes still possess ! As worthless I reject And mean all other joys that life confers, E'en as all other beauties yield to hers. A tranquil peace, alloy 'd by no distress, Such as in heaven eternally abides, * Moves from their lovely and bewitching smile. ^C So could I gaze, the while Love, at his sweet will, governs them and guides. E'en though the sun were nigh, Resting above us on his onward wheel On her, intensely with undazzled eye, Nor of myself nor others think or feel. Ah ! that I should desire Things that can never in this world be won. 78 PETRARCH. Living on wishes hopeless to acquire. Yet, were the knot undone, Wherewith my weak tongue Love is wont to bind, Checking its speech, when her sweet face puts on All its great charms, then would I courage find, Words on that point so apt and new to use, As should make weep whoe'er might hear the tale. But the old wounds I bear, Stamp'd on my tortured heart, such power refuse ; Then grow 1 weak and pale, And my blood hides itself I know not where ; Nor as I was remain I : hence I know Love dooms my death and this the fatal blow, Farewell, my song ! already do I see Heavily in my hand the tired pen move From its long dear discourse with her I love ; Not so my thoughts from communing with me. MACGREGOR SONNET LIV. Io son gia stanco di pensar siccome. HE WONDERS AT HIS LONG ENDURANCE OP SUCH TOIL AND SUFFERING. I WEARY me alway with questions keen How, why my thoughts ne'er turn from you away, Wherefore in life they still prefer to stay, When they might nee this sad and painful scene, And how of the fine hair, the lovely mien, Of the bright eyes which all my feelings sway, Calling on your dear name by night and day, My tongue ne'er silent in their praise has been, And how my feet not tender are, nor tired, Pursuing still with many a useless pace Of your fair footsteps the elastic trace ; And whence the ink, the paper whence acquired, Fill'd with your memories : if in this I err, Not art's defect but Love's own fault it were. MACGREGOR. SONNET LV. 7 begli occki, ond? i' fui percosso in guise,. HE IS NEVER WEARY OP PRAISING THE EYES OP LAURA. THE bright eyes which so struck my fenceless side That they alone which harm'd can heal the sma.t TO LAURA IN LIFE. 79 Beyond or power of herbs or magic art, Or stone which oceans from our shores divide, The chance of other love have so denied That one sweet thought alone contents my heart, From following which if ne'er my tongue depart, Pity the guided though you blame the guide. These are the bright eyes which, in every land But most in its own shrine, my heart, adored, Have spread the triumphs of my conquering lord; These are the same bright eyes which ever stand Burning within me, e'en as vestal fires, In singing which my fancy never tires. MACGRKGOR. NOT all the spells of the magician's art, Not potent herbs, nor travel o'er the main, But those sweet eyes alone can soothe my pain, And they which struck the blow must heal the smart ; Those eyes from meaner love have kept my heart, Content one single image to retain. And censure but the medium wild and vain, If ill my words their honey 'd sense impart; These are those beauteous eyes which never fail To prove Love's conquest, wheresoe'er they shine, Although my breast h^h oftenest felt their fire ; These are those beauteous eyes which still assail And penetrate my soul with sparks divine, So that of singing them I cannot tire. WEOTTESLET, SONNET LVI. Amor con suepromesse lusingando. LOVE'S CHAINS ARE STILL DEAR TO HIM. BY promise fair and artful flattery Me Love contrived in prison old to snare, And gave the keys to her my foe in care, Who in self-exile dooms me still to lie. Alas ! his wiles I knew not until I Was in their power, so sharp yet sweet to bear, (Man scarce will credit it although I swear) That I regain my freedom with a sigh, 80 PETRARCH. Ana, as true suffering captives ever do, Carry of my sore chains the greater part, And on my brow and eyes so writ my heart That when she witnesseth my cheek's wan hue A sigh shall own : if right I read his face, Between him and his tomb but small the space ! MACGREGOR SONNET LVIL Per mirar Polideto a prova, fiso. ON THE PORTRAIT OF LAURA PAINTED BY SIMON MEMMI. HAD Policletus seen her, or the rest Who, in past time, won honour in this art, A thousand years had but the meaner part Shown of the beauty which o'ercame my breast. But Simon sure, in Paradise the blest, Whence came this noble lady of my heart, Saw her, and took this wondrous counterpart Which should on earth her lovely face attest. The work, indeed, was one. in heaven alone To be conceived, not wrought by fellow-men, Over whose souls the body's veil is thrown : 'Twas done of grace : and fail'd his pencil when To earth he turn'd our cold and heat to bear, And felt that his own eyes but mortal were. MACGREGOR. HAD Polycletus in proud rivalry On her his model gazed a thousand years, Not half the beauty to my soul appears, In fatal conquest, e'er could he descry. But, Simon, thou wast then in heaven's blest sky, Ere she, my fair one, left her native spheres, To trace a loveliness this world reveres Was thus thy task, from heaven's reality. Yes thine the portrait heaven alone could wake, This clime, nor earth, such beauty could conceive, , Where droops the spirit 'neath its earthly shrine : The soul's reflected grace was thine to take, Which not on earth thy painting could achieve, Where mortal limits all the powers confine. WOLLASTON TO LAURA IN LIFE. 81 SONNET LVIII. Quando giunse a Simon V alto concetto. HE DESIRES ONLY THAT MEMMI HAD BEEN ABLE TO IMPART SPEECH TO HIS PORTRAIT OF LAURA. WHEN, at my word, the high thought fired his mind, Within that master-hand which placed the pen, Had but the painter, in his fair work, then Language and intellect to beauty join'd, Less 'neath its care my spirit since had pined, Which worthless held what still pleased other men ; And yet so mild she seems that my fond ken Of peace sees promise in that aspect kind. When further communing 1 hold with her Benignantly she smiles, as if she heard And well could answer to mine every word : But far o'er mine thy pride and pleasure were, Bright, warm and young, Pygmalion, to have press'd Thine image long and oft, while mine not once has blest. MACGREGOR, WHEN Simon at my wish the proud design Conceived, which in his hand the pencil placed, Had he, while loveliness his picture graced, But added speech and mind to charms divine ; What sighs he then had spared this breast of mine : That bliss had given to higher bliss distaste : For, when such meekness in her look was traced, 'Twould seem she soon to kindness might incline. But, urging converse with the portray'd fair, Methinks she deigns attention to my prayer, Though wanting to reply the power of voice. What praise thyself, Pygmalion, hast thou gain'd ; Forming that image, whence thou hast obtain'd A thousand times what, once obtain'd, would me rejoice. NOTT, SONNET LIX. Se alprincipio nsponde ilfine e 7 mezzo. IP HIS PASSION STILL INCREASE, HE MUST SOON DIB. IF, of this fourteenth year wherein I sigh, The end and middle with its opening vie, 82 PETRARCH. Nor air nor shade can gis'e me now release, I feel mine ardent passion so increase : For Love, with whom ray thought no medium knows, Beneath whose yoke 1 never find repose, So rules me through these eyes, on mine own ill Too often turn'd, but half remains to kill. Thus, day by day, I feel me sink apace, And yet so secretly none else may trace, Save she whose glances iny fond bosom tear. Scarcely till now this load of life 1 bear : Nor know how long with me will be her stay, For death draws near, and hastens life away. MACGREGOB. SESTINA IV. Chi efermato di menar sua vita. HE PRAYS QOD TO GUIDE HIS FRAIL BARK TO A SAFE PORT. WHO is resolved to venture his vain life On the deceitful wave and 'mid the rocks, Alone, un fearing death, in little bark. Can never be far distant from his end : Therefore betimes he should return to port While to the helm yet answers his true sail. The gentle breezes to which helm aud sail I trusted, entering on this amorous life, And hoping soon to make some better port, Have led me since amid a thousand rocks, And the sure causes of my mournful end Are not alone without, but in my bark. Long cabin'd and confined in this blind bark, I wander'd, looking never at the sail. Which, prematurely, bore me to my end ; Till He was pleased who brought me into life So far to call me back from those sharp rocks, That, distantly, at last was seen my port. As lights at midnight seen in any port, Sometimes from the main sea by passing bark, Save when their ray is lost mid storms or rocks ; So I too from above the swollen sail Sa\v the sure colours of that other life, And could not help but sigh to reach my end. TO LAURA IN LIFE. 83 Not that I yet am certain of that end, For wishing with the dawn to be in port, Is a long voyage for so short a life : And then I fear to find me in frail bark, Beyond my wishes full its every sail With the strong wind which drove me on those rocks. Escape I living from these doubtful rocks, Or if my exile have but a fair end. How happy shall I be to furl my sail, And my last anchor cast in some sure port; But, ah ! I burn, and, as some blazing bark, So hard to me to leave my wonted life. Lord of my end and master of my life, Before I lose my bark amid the rocks, Direct to a good port its harass'd sail ! MACGREGOR. SONNET LX. Io son si stanco sotto 'I fascia antico. HE CONFESSES HIS ERRORS, AND THROWS HIMSELF ON THE MERCY OF GOD. EVIL by custom, as by nature frail, I am so wearied with the long disgrace, That much I dread my fainting in the race Should let th' original enemy prevail. Once an Eternal Friend, that heard my cries, Came to my rescue, glorious in his might, Arm'd with all-conquering love, then took his flight, That I in vain pursued Him with my eyes. But his dear words, yet sounding, sweetly say, " O ye that faint with travel, see the way ! Hopeless of other refuge, come to me." What grace, what kindness, or what destiny Will give me wings, as the fair-feather d dove, To raise me hence and seek my rest above ? BASIL KENNET. So weary am I 'neath the constant thrall Of mine own vile heart, and the false world's taint, That much I fear while on the way to faint, Arid in the hands of my worst foe to fall. Well came, ineffably, supremely kind, A friend to free me from the guilty bond, 84 PETRAECH. But too soon upward flew my sight beyond, So that in vain I strive his track to find ; But still his words stamp'd on my heart remain, All ye who labour, lo ! the way in ine ; Come unto me, nor let the world detain ! Oh ! that to me, by grace divine, were given Wings like a dove, then I away would flee, And be at rest, up, up from earth to heaven ! MACGREGOR. SONNET LXI. lo nonfu' (f ainar voi lassato unquanco. UNLESS LAURA RELENT, HE IS RESOLVED TO ABANDON HER. YET was I never of your love aggrieved, Nor never shall while that my life doth last : But of hating myself, that date is past ; And tears continual sore have me wearied : I will not yet in my grave be buried ; Nor on my tomb your name have fixed fast, As cruel cause, that did the spirit soon haste From the unhappy bones, by great sighs stirr'd. Then if a heart of amorous* faith and will Content y