llijilf-;:
 
 THE OTHER 
 MAN'S COUNTRY 
 
 AN APPEAL TO CONSCIENCE 
 
 BY 
 
 HERBERT WELSH 
 
 " Let us meet and question this most bloody piece of work, 
 to know it further" 
 
 Macbeth, Act II. Scene III. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA 
 
 J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY 
 
 1900
 
 Copyright, igoo 
 By J. B. Lippincott Company 
 
 Electrotyped and Printed by 
 J. B. Lippincoit Company, Philadelphia, U. S. A.
 
 G7^ 
 
 t>. P REFACE 
 
 "^ The events which have taken place 
 ^ within the last few years, bringing the 
 United States rapidly and with dra- 
 ^ matic effect into the closest relation-" 
 § ship with outlying tropical lands, have 
 of necessity profoundly impressed the 
 minds and the hearts of Americans, 
 g Questions intellectual and moral, re- 
 quiring for their full comprehension 
 and just solution not only the unaided 
 ^ operation of the mind but the enlight- 
 ^ ened guidance of an acute and disci- 
 g plined moral sense, have been j^re- 
 m sented to us with a suddenness and an 
 ^ insistence most bewildering. We were 
 Q= startled with a commanding assurance, 
 spoken from the seats of highest au- 
 thority, that Destiny called us into 
 wholly new and unexpected paths, 
 and that it was our duty to follow the
 
 4 PREFACE. 
 
 summons with prompt, unhesitating 
 obedience. The circumstances under 
 which that call was uttered precluded 
 the possibility of careful examination 
 into all the reasons and facts that had 
 promj)ted it, before responsive action 
 of some sort must be taken. Whether 
 the voice that so spoke to us was that 
 of a true prophet, divinely chosen, or 
 of a false prophet trying to lead us out 
 into the famine and the thirst of the 
 wilderness, whence we might never re- 
 turn, it was hard for any man at once 
 to determine. Some said one thing 
 and some another. Thousands assured 
 us that it was the voice of God which 
 we heard, and that to question or hesi- 
 tate was disobedience to His manifest 
 providence, disloyalty to our chosen 
 rulers, if not treason to our country. 
 But caution in things spiritual and 
 moral, as well as in those purely ma- 
 terial (if, indeed, these latter can ever 
 be wholly disassociated from the
 
 PEEFACE. 5 
 
 former), is a good quality at all times, 
 and especially during days of excite- 
 ment and confusion, when currents 
 run swift and strong towards the sea of 
 an untried policy. An apostle him- 
 self tells us to try the spirits whether 
 or not they be of God. Some of us 
 began to reflect that God is Himself 
 subject to His own laws of righteous- 
 ness in the moral world as He is to 
 those of order, harmony, and beauty 
 in the intellectual and physical ; that 
 He has expressed His wishes for His 
 children's guidance in the different 
 spheres of life, through one form of 
 revelation or another, with sufficient 
 precision and clearness to silence the 
 excuse, should any one offer it, that 
 ignorance of the truth prevented obe- 
 dience. We begin to understand the 
 laws by which He governs the outside 
 world of field and forest, flood and 
 sky, when as children we learn to 
 avoid its most primitive pitfalls and to
 
 6 PREFACE. 
 
 enjoy its mof" '^bvious blessings. Then 
 our own dawning exj)erience, or the 
 maturer knowledge of parents, begins 
 a tuition which may progress and 
 broaden until in later years the search- 
 ing hand of our intellect reaches out 
 to grasp the secrets of nature's most 
 occult forces, or discloses the mysteries 
 of the most distant stars. All these 
 things, according to God's plan, were 
 ready for our use so soon as we had 
 searched for them and found them by 
 following faithfully those paths which 
 God had opened for their discovery. 
 It was the same path of experience 
 which we began to tread in childhood. 
 There were some who called to mind 
 at this national crisis a great truth 
 which, amid eddying currents, kept 
 their rudder true, — that God has not 
 left man to guess His purposes in the 
 moral world any more than in the 
 physical. Man is not to gather from 
 the conjunction of stars or from the
 
 PREFACE. 7 
 
 entrails of slaughtered animals what 
 his duty is ; nor is he free to excuse a 
 failure in doing that duty on the alle- 
 gation that Destiny compelled his dis- 
 obedience. 
 
 The words of an eminent British 
 writer and man of affairs, Mr. James 
 Bryce, although not intended to apply 
 to American matters, are peculiarly 
 appropriate in this connection : 
 
 " Nations whose conscience is clear, 
 statesmen who have foresight and in- 
 sight, do not throw the blame for their 
 failures upon Destiny. The chieftain 
 in Homer, whose folly has brought 
 disaster, says, ' It is not I who am the 
 cause of this : it is Zeus, and Fate, and 
 the Fury that walketh in darkness.' 
 'It could not have been helped, any- 
 how,' 'It was bound to come,' — 
 phrases such as these are the last 
 refuge of despairing incompetence." 
 
 For God has given to man a moral 
 law so simple yet so comprehensive
 
 8 PREFACE. 
 
 that, while it is a safe guide in deter- 
 mining his humblest individual acts, 
 and regulating duties involved in the 
 most obvious j)ersonal relationships, 
 there is no duty so complex as not to 
 fall easily within its scope. 
 
 The Hebrew ethical law, given thou- 
 sands of years ago, and at first de- 
 signed for the regulation of a primi- 
 tive nomadic people, never more clearly 
 demonstrated its serviceability than it 
 does to-day when applied to those 
 problems into the consideration of 
 which a people of highly complex civ- 
 ilization are just entering. The ten 
 commandments, with their few funda- 
 mental injunctions and prohibitions, 
 as summarized by the greatest of moral 
 teachers, require of us only love to- 
 wards God and love towards man. The 
 wine of wisdom, distilled through ages 
 of humanity's struggles and sufferings 
 to attain knowledge and light, offers us 
 nothing finer than this. No Destiny
 
 PREFACE. 9 
 
 can fall upon us from sudden clouds 
 above our heads, or rise to confront 
 us from the earth beneath, which can 
 rightly compel us to abate one jot or 
 one tittle of this eternal law. If we 
 trust it, we are safe ; if we despise it, 
 we are undone. By our obedience or 
 disobedience to it each succeeding age 
 with an increasing rigor will judge us, 
 and the verdict finally passed upon our 
 actions, and upon those of all men, we 
 believe, will be pronounced according 
 to the same high standard. 
 
 Considerations of constitutional 
 right, of international law, of commer- 
 cial expediency, all have a relative 
 value, and in the discussion of the 
 Philippine question each one of these 
 has its place in the grave inquiry as to 
 what national policy should be adopted 
 towards these islands ; but there is one 
 sheaf of fine wheat outranking them 
 all, to which all must make obeisance, 
 — it is the law of our duty towards our
 
 10 PKEFACE. 
 
 neighbor. In the Christian sense the 
 Filipino is now our neighbor ; and it is 
 our duty to treat him not as one from 
 whom we seek to realize a selfish profit, 
 but as a man whose rights of every 
 kind we are bound to respect, and 
 whose welfare in due subordination to 
 the law of our own being we must first 
 consider. Many and strong have been 
 those voices raised among us in con- 
 tradiction of this idea. We have been 
 told that we shall keep or cast off these 
 islands, according as we may decide 
 that they will or will not be profitable 
 to us, and that we shall make as much 
 gain out of them as possible. But this 
 is the cry of the speculator, not of the 
 American people. The final verdict 
 of the people, it may confidently be 
 believed, will be in favor of justice 
 and right. When they know the full 
 truth, then they will act, and their 
 judgment will be substantially just. 
 These pages have been written, and
 
 PREFACE. 11 
 
 now are presented to the public, in tlie 
 earnest hope that they may, in some 
 small measure, contribute towards that 
 end, and at least help some readers to 
 an understanding of what are the real 
 facts of this case, and what are the 
 great fundamental principles by which 
 the facts, when known, should be in- 
 terpreted. 
 
 A word at the conclusion of this 
 preface may be pardoned the author in 
 explanation of his past training and 
 place in life which have led him to 
 attempt even this light task. Many 
 years have been passed by him in close 
 study of the American Indian, and of 
 the relations of the government towards 
 its wards. This work has not been 
 theoretical only, but concerned with 
 the highly practical phases of Indian 
 protection and education. It is work 
 which would naturally lead to an un- 
 derstanding of those sound principles 
 which must form the enduring basis
 
 12 PREFACE. 
 
 of practical policy, and wliicli would 
 tend to create in the minds of those 
 engaged in it some comprehension of 
 the ideas and temper of mind of an 
 alien race. If the writer has learned 
 one lesson from such an experience, it 
 is that such problems will not yield to 
 the arbitrary commands of force. That 
 sympathy which enables the stronger 
 to put himself in the place of the 
 weaker man, and so to appreciate his 
 feelings and his difficulties, — to see 
 things for the moment from his point of 
 view, — is necessary to solve them. The 
 spirit of the American people will 
 surely feel eventually the breath of 
 this sympathy. When it does, war in 
 Luzon will give way to peace, and the 
 unjust claims of a right on our part to 
 subjugate will be replaced by a recog- 
 nition of Filipino independence, and 
 our willingness to aid the islanders 
 in establishing their own government. 
 
 Geemantown, Philadelphia, 
 July, 1900.
 
 THE OTHER 
 MAN'S COUNTRY 
 
 $ 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The author's purpose is to present 
 in this chapter, as briefly as would 
 seem to be consistent with a clear un- 
 derstanding of the subject, an histori- 
 cal sketch of the last insurrection of 
 the Filipinos against Spanish rule, and 
 of the subsequent relations of the 
 United States with the islands. 
 
 In order to understand the wrong 
 done by the United States to the peo- 
 ple of the Philippines, it is necessary 
 to sketch briefly the facts relating to 
 our war with Cuba, and the recent past 
 
 13
 
 14 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 history of the Filipino insurrection 
 against the inconceivably tyrannous 
 and corrupt government of Spain. 
 
 Various currents of influence run- 
 ning swiftly, finally uniting into an 
 irresistible torrent, precipitated our 
 war with Spain. Some of those cur- 
 rents were pure, others turbid. It is 
 unnecessary now to distinguish between 
 them further than to say that one 
 strong popular current was pure. The 
 nation demanded that Cuba should be 
 free, and that the hopeless rule of the 
 mother country no longer should con- 
 tinue fostering a dry rot of corruption 
 that had eaten Spain's political fabric 
 for centuries, and which she was pow- 
 erless to cure. Those under her bad 
 colonial dominion were suffering not 
 from her cruel sword alone, but 
 from an arrested moral and intellectual 
 growth which her rule entailed. 
 
 The author fully believes we might 
 have freed Cuba by continued moral
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 15 
 
 pressure, for attempting wliicli Presi- 
 dent McKinley is to be commended, 
 and so have won for ourselves, and for 
 her, a far greater good than we ob- 
 tained by war. Had we been more 
 advanced in true civilization, so as to 
 have exercised greater self-restraint 
 when tempted to revenge by the loss of 
 the " Maine," it is fair to assume that 
 we could have obtained Cuba's freedom 
 without war. Such a crown of national 
 glory for our brow may come out of 
 the mist of the future. Nevertheless, 
 we freed the island, bringing to her 
 the blessing and to ourselves the inev- 
 itable curse of war. But we did one 
 thing, however, distinctly good. We 
 planted ourselves nobly before the 
 world in the righteous purpose of that 
 act : *' Cuba is, and of right ought to 
 be, free and independent," we said. 
 And in so speaking we used the very 
 words of our own Declaration of In- 
 dependence. We gave a noble prom-
 
 16 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 ise through which the voice of Adams, 
 Washington, Lincoln, and many other 
 of our patriots spoke, whatever we 
 may do later to mar it or to break it. 
 And surely the President spoke at the 
 bidding of his good angel when he 
 said, " I speak not of forcible annex- 
 ation, for that, according to our code 
 of morals, would be criminal aggres- 
 sion." That truly American word, 
 coming from the lips of the country's 
 Chief Magistrate, like the shots of Lex- 
 ington fired for liberty on an April 
 morning of the last century, echoed 
 round the world. In the far East 
 some Malay patriots struggling for the 
 freedom of their own land heard it, 
 and took heart again. 
 
 Just at this time, when Spain's co- 
 lonial clutch tightened in death agony 
 in Cuba, a similar state of affairs ex- 
 isted in the Philippines. Spain had 
 held these islands, like those of the 
 West Indies, more or less securely for
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 17 
 
 tliree centuries.* Their inhabitants 
 number approximately eight million 
 souls. These peoj^le may, for practical 
 purposes, be roughly divided into two 
 groups, — Mohammedans and Chris- 
 tians. The Mohammedans, under 
 Spanish policy, fierce, savage, intract- 
 able, need not for present purposes be 
 much considered. Spain never had 
 much hold upon them, and never 
 really subdued them. Until very re- 
 cently, when modern repeating arms 
 gave the Spaniards an advantage, they 
 indulged with but little restraint in 
 their piratical incursions. But the 
 Tagalogs and Visayos inhabiting Lu- 
 zon, Panay, Negros, Leyte, Cebu, and 
 other northern islands, they had fairly 
 
 * ''Maghallanes, or Magellan, discovered 
 and assumed possession of the Philippine 
 Islands in the name of Charles I. of Spain, 
 landing at Cebu, April 7, 1521."— "The 
 Philippine Islands," by John Foreman, 
 F.E.G.S. 
 
 2
 
 18 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 well assimilated. They have absorbed 
 Christianity in the Roman Catholic 
 form, and in many cases are well ad- 
 vanced in the arts of civilization. 
 These mixed Malays are a mild, well- 
 disposed people for the most part, 
 though characterized by various weak- 
 nesses and peculiarities. They culti- 
 vate the fields patiently, raising sugar, 
 tobacco, and hemp, with their slow- 
 moving buffaloes, whom they well un- 
 derstand. They have many well-built 
 towns, with well-kept streets and good 
 houses, some of the latter being ele- 
 gantly finished with finely carved na- 
 tive woods. The better classes have 
 absorbed much of Spanish civilization 
 in their three-century-old apprentice- 
 ship. They show extraordinary talent 
 for music. The church of the mother 
 land of Spain is much in evidence 
 among them. It brought to them its 
 blessings, but also incidentally a terri- 
 ble curse. The mendicant orders — the
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 19 
 
 Franciscans, the Dominicans, tlie Au- 
 gustinians, no longer poor preachers, 
 thinking only of serving, blessing, 
 loving men, but grown rich, domineer- 
 ing, and, in many cases, sadly corrupt 
 in morals — ate up the land. They 
 added field to field, house to house, till 
 there was but little space left for the peo- 
 ple. They charged enormous rents to 
 those who to put bread in their mouths 
 must till their fields. Just such cause 
 for revolt existed as that which in 
 France aroused the storm of the great 
 revolution ; the people taxed without 
 mercy, the clergy untaxed, reaping the 
 benefit. Had the Christ-like St. Fran- 
 cis of Assisi been endowed with the gift 
 of prophetic vision to see this gross de- 
 generacy of his followers, more than 
 ever would he have felt the soundness 
 of his intuition which made him set his 
 face like flint against the acquisition 
 of any property by his order. His 
 beloved fair Lady of Poverty would
 
 20 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 have seemed to him more beautiful 
 than ever. He would have been hor- 
 rified with the knowledge of the cruel 
 rapacity of monks bearing his name, 
 who, nevertheless, grossly oppressed 
 the Philippine peasantry in rents and 
 taxes, — the very poor whom St. Fran- 
 cis founded his order to serve.* 
 
 * The cardinal idea embodied in the rule 
 first promulgated by St. Francis for his fol- 
 lowers is described in Paul Sabatier's '' Life 
 of St. Francis d'Assisi" as follows : 
 
 ''One day, it was probably the 24th of 
 February, 1209, the feast of S. Matthias, 
 mass was celebrated at Portionculo. When 
 the priest turned towards him to read the 
 words of Jesus, Francis felt himself seized by 
 a profound disquiet. He saw the priest no 
 longer ; it was Jesus himself, the Crucified 
 of St. Damien, who said to him, 'Every- 
 where upon your way preach and say, The 
 kingdom of heaven is nigh. Heal the sick, 
 cleanse the lepers, cast out demons. Freely 
 you have received, freely give. Take 
 neither gold, nor silver, nor money in your 
 girdle ; neither bag, nor two cloaks, nor
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 21 
 
 Perhaps tlie most deep-seated cause 
 of Filipino insurrection against Span- 
 ish authority was this unchecked 
 growth of ignorant, cruel, and oppres- 
 sive ecclesiasticism. It was this which 
 weighed most heavily upon the people. 
 It made the mere question of gaining 
 a livelihood difficult, but esj^ecially 
 did it strangle intellectual and moral 
 growth. It not only oppressed the 
 Filipinos, but it overawed and domi- 
 nated the Sj)anish authorities. It was 
 the power of the mendicant orders 
 which drove out the just Conde de 
 Caspe, and later the well-disposed and 
 
 sandals, nor staif,for the workman is worthy 
 of his food.' 
 
 ''These words fell upon him as a revela- 
 tion ; as a reply from heaven to all his 
 sighs and preoccupation of spirit. 'This 
 is what I want,' he exclaimed. 'This it is 
 I seek, and from this day I will apply my- 
 self with all my strength to put this into 
 practice.' "
 
 22 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 clement Blanco, which stimulated and 
 supported the frightful atrocities of 
 the cruel Polavieja during the revolu- 
 tion of 1896. Archbishop Nozaleda, a 
 Spanish monk of the Dominican or- 
 der, was a leader in urging wholesale 
 and often wholly unjustifiable arrests, 
 which were succeeded by the torture 
 and execution of hundreds of persons.* 
 It is difficult for a mind reared in 
 the freedom and culture of modern 
 Europe, or still freer America, to re- 
 alize the horrible excesses and actual 
 mediaeval cruelties which were com- 
 mitted in the prisons of Manila and 
 elsewhere in the islands upon Filipino 
 insurgents, or those accused of being 
 in league with them, during the revo- 
 lution of 1896. The actual story of 
 these things as it is unfolded, not only 
 from Filipino sources, but from the 
 Spanish archives of Manila, is like a 
 
 * See Appendix, Note I.
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COTJNTEY. 23 
 
 scene evoked from the long-buried 
 and forgotten past in the middle ages. 
 Indeed, the only intelligible interpre- 
 tation of events which cast shame on 
 the name of Spanish authority and 
 Spanish Christianity is found by re- 
 flecting that affairs in the Philippines, 
 just previous to the battle of Manila, 
 were controlled by ideas and forces 
 which existed generally in Europe 
 previous to the reformation, — ideas 
 which slowly retreated before the 
 dawn of the new learning and the 
 liberation of the individual conscience. 
 But not until the fierce storm of the 
 French Revolution shook Europe did 
 many of these mediaeval ideas and 
 abuses perish, leaving the soil free to 
 bring forth better growth. 
 
 An instance of the barbarous and 
 inhuman methods practised by Spain 
 against the Filipinos is given in an 
 excellent article by Lieutenant-Com- 
 mander C. G. Calkins, U.S.N., which
 
 24 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 appeared in Harper's Montlily for Au- 
 gust, 1899. It is as follows : 
 
 ''In Blanco's time only two batches of 
 unimportant rebels were shot in Manila. 
 Other prisoners perished, however. Span- 
 ish chronicles relate that some fifty odd died 
 over night in the ' asphyxiating dungeons' of 
 Fort Santiago at this season. The details 
 of this Black Hole of Manila may be merci- 
 fully omitted. The inquisitorial system of 
 military justice requires strict incommunica- 
 cion for the 'necessary diligences' in the 
 manufacture of evidence. This was secured 
 in the thronged prison of Bilibid by attach- 
 ing five prisoners by the foot, star-wise 
 around each pillar, with the sentry ready 
 to shoot the first man attempting to speak. 
 The jail-bird historian seems to rejoice in 
 enumerating men of position and educa- 
 tion confined in this position." 
 
 The Philippine Islands, where Span- 
 ish rule was complete and undisputed, 
 furnished an asylum for ecclesiastical 
 despotism and rapacity, and for a 
 slightly less baneful civil power which
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 25 
 
 elsewhere had long vanished from the 
 modern world. As the glacier of re- 
 mote mountain fastnesses is a survival 
 of the ice age, — the last record of con- 
 ditions which once existed over vast 
 areas, — so what lived on in Luzon, 
 and other northern Philippine Islands, 
 of brutal absolutism, of unbridled 
 tyranny, and terribly cruel punish- 
 ments, was a unique survival of those 
 distorted ideas which once found their 
 greatest power to afflict humanity in 
 Spain, and were more or less general 
 over Europe. But, bad as things were, 
 they were not quite hopeless. Spain 
 brought the comforts and adornments 
 of her civilization to the islands, and 
 Latin Christianity had its brighter and 
 better side. Many of the people cer- 
 tainly gained much benefit from both 
 sources. It was growth up to a certain 
 point, — intellectual, moral, spiritual, — 
 and then the stoppage of further 
 growth. The native plant, under the
 
 26 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 opportunities offered it, the meagre 
 nourishment, grudgingly bestowed, 
 craved further development, but was 
 denied it, while all the time the cruel 
 parasite preyed upon its slight vitality. 
 It should also be remembered that the 
 severe condemnation, justly made upon 
 the cruel bigotry and rapacity of that 
 j)Ower which the mendicant orders ex- 
 ercised, does not at all apply to the 
 order of Jesuits, who did much for the 
 education, enlightenment, and general 
 improvement of the peojDle. 
 
 But into these anomalous conditions 
 were gradually introduced fresh ele- 
 ments that acted as powerful stimu- 
 lants to the quick growth of new life. 
 The results were of necessity tragic. 
 To escape a cataclysm was im|)Ossible. 
 Many of the more intelligent young 
 Filij^inos, sprung from families wealthy 
 enough to grant their children such 
 advantages, found their way into the 
 fresh, pure air of the outer world, —
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 27 
 
 the world of modern ambitions, of 
 activity, of healthful intellectual fric- 
 tion, of learning, science, and art. 
 Some studied in the University of 
 Madrid or graduated from other uni- 
 versities of Europe. Among this class 
 was Jose Rizal, a man of marked 
 talent, ambitious for his own advance- 
 ment, but still further moved by high, 
 pure aspirations for the enfranchise- 
 ment of his opi^ressed countrymen, 
 and for the prosecution of reforms, so 
 greatly demanded in the islands. 
 Rizal, upon his return to Manila, and 
 after having concluded his medical 
 studies abroad, was the object of the 
 malignant hatred of the friars. They 
 instinctively felt that he represented a 
 force hostile to their interests. He 
 was arrested, and ultimately sentenced 
 to a four years' term of banishment in 
 the island of Mindanao. There was 
 however, nothing against him which 
 would have had the slightest weight
 
 28 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 in a free country. His efforts were 
 confined to moderate and reasonable 
 23ropositions of reform, such as relief 
 for his countrymen from the ruinous 
 taxation of the friars, and an inquiry 
 into the title-deeds of their establish- 
 ments. But his attitude, moderate 
 though it was, sufficed to make the 
 friars feel that he was a dangerous 
 enemy. During his banishment Eizal 
 was the object of constant visits from 
 persons needing his professional ser- 
 vices. Among these jnlgrims came an 
 American gentleman from Hong Kong, 
 accompanied by his daughter, on whose 
 care the father was dependent. His 
 eyesight was too far gone to render a 
 cure possible. Eizal and this young 
 American girl fell in love with one 
 another, and were subsequently mar- 
 ried. The union, so far as this world 
 is concerned, was brief and its ending 
 tragic. Eizal, finding that the hos- 
 tility of the friars towards him was
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 29 
 
 SO great that his life would not be safe 
 in the islands, obtained permission 
 from General Blanco to enter the 
 medical force of the Spanish army, 
 for service in Cuba. He had already 
 started for his destination when the 
 vessel on which he had embarked 
 stoj^ped en route at Manila. There 
 Rizal, who was the idol of the Fili- 
 pino populace, was made the object of 
 a great demonstration. This, coming, 
 as it did, at the same time with various 
 outrages that had been committed by 
 the peojDle, but for which Kizal was in no 
 way responsible, led to his arrest, trial, 
 condemnation on false charges, and 
 finally to his execution. He was shot 
 on the Lunetta, in Manila, at dawn, 
 December 30, 1896. He died a true 
 martyr to liberty, if any such are to 
 be found in the world's history.* His 
 widow entered the insurgent ranks and 
 
 * See Appendix, Note II.
 
 30 THE OTHEE MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 fought bravely as any soldier could 
 have done against the Spaniards. It 
 was from such tragic events that the 
 spirit of nationality and independence 
 was born among the Filipinos. 
 
 Alongside of the martyred Rizal, as 
 a hero in the jDopular mind, stands 
 Emilio Aguinaldo. Aguinaldo was the 
 son of a captain in the Spanish army. 
 All reliable testimony points to him as 
 a man of honest and sincere charac- 
 ter, deeply patriotic, indifferent to the 
 temptations of wealth. Although not 
 highly educated, as Kizal, his ability 
 and force of character were generally 
 conceded. Like Rizal, he seems to 
 have been at all times earnestly op- 
 posed to cruel treatment of prisoners 
 and non-combatants. This is the more 
 remarkable considering the frightful 
 atrocities — some of them too horrible 
 in their nature to be written down — 
 which were perpetrated by the Span- 
 iards. The struggles of the Filipino
 
 THE OTHER MAN S COUNTRY. 61 
 
 insurgents in the field during the up- 
 rising of 1896 need not be given here 
 in detail. They occasioned much 
 slaughter of the natives by the Span- 
 iards, and witnessed some successes 
 gained by the natives. 
 
 Aguinaldo became the principal fig- 
 ure of the revolution. His name, as 
 one of our war correspondents has 
 since said, was one " to conjure with." 
 But the revolution finally exhausted 
 itself, and was ended for a time by the 
 promise of certain reforms by General 
 Kivera on the part of Spain, and the 
 withdrawal from the islands of Agui- 
 naldo and seventeen of his associates. 
 Kivera promised to the banished in- 
 surgent chiefs eight hundred thousand 
 dollars in silver, the full amount of 
 which, he stated in his report to the 
 Spanish Government, he did not find 
 it convenient to pay. Nor were the 
 reforms that had been guaranteed ever 
 carried out. This transaction has been
 
 32 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 alluded to as involving a "bribe for 
 peace ;" but tlie jDlirase is misleading, 
 and does an injustice to Aguinaldo and 
 liis associates. The money so received 
 cannot be justly considered a bribe. 
 It was not used personally by the lead- 
 ers who received it, nor did it involve 
 the betrayal of a cause.* These funds 
 
 * Lieutenant- Commander Calkins speaks 
 of tliis transaction as follows : 
 
 "The treaty of Biaknabato was a secret 
 compact, and no attested copy thereof is 
 available for discussion, but its general pro- 
 visions are well known. Aguinaldo was to 
 disband Ms forces and to give up his arms ; 
 he and other leaders were to go into exile, 
 pledged to refrain from rebellion against 
 Spain. . . . The Governor- General prom- 
 ised complete amnesty and a programme 
 of reforms, including most of those de- 
 manded by the rebels, the expulsion of the 
 friars among them. Three successive Gov- 
 ernors-General were thus committed to this 
 measure, but tJie rehelUous orders were stiU 
 unconquered. [Editor's italics.] Other stip- 
 ulations provided for representative councils
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 33 
 
 were deposited in bank in Hong Kong, 
 and only released and used for the 
 purchase of arms when the Spanish 
 authorities had failed to carry out the 
 reforms promised, and when Admiral 
 Dewey and Consul - General Pratt, 
 acting apparently under instructions 
 from, or a tacit understanding with, 
 the United States Government in 
 Washington, entered upon an agree- 
 ment with Aguinaldo and his associates 
 to lift again the standard of revolt in 
 the archijDelago and drive out the fee- 
 ble Spanish rule still existing. 
 
 In support of this assertion, it is 
 
 and for the payment of a sum of money, — 
 $1,600,000 seems the figure promised, — for 
 distribution among the troops and officers 
 of the insurrection. 
 
 ''Under the provision of this treaty, 
 Aguinaldo and thirty-six other leaders were 
 transported to Hong Kong, and there an 
 instalment of the i)romised fund was placed 
 to their account." 
 
 3
 
 34 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTEY. 
 
 interesting to read a message from 
 
 Consul Williams to Secretary Day, 
 
 dated Manila, May 24, 1898. It is 
 as follows : 
 
 '^To-day I executed a power of attorney 
 whereby General Aguinaldo releases to liis 
 attorneys in fact four liundred thousand 
 dollars, now in bank in Hong Kong, so that 
 money therefrom can pay for three thou- 
 sand stands of arms bought there and 
 expected here to-morrow." 
 
 Consul Williams wrote Mr. Moore, 
 of the State Department, July 18, 
 1898, from Hong Kong : 
 
 ''There has been a systematic attempt to 
 blacken the name of Aguinaldo and his 
 cabinet, on account of the questionable 
 terms of their surrender to Spanish forces 
 a year ago this mouth. It has been said that 
 they sold their country for gold; but this has 
 been conclusively disproved [Editor's italics] 
 not only by their own statements, but by 
 the speech of the late Governor- General 
 Eivera in the Spanish Senate, June 11, 1898. 
 He said that Aguinaldo undertook to sub-
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 35 
 
 mit if the Spanisli Government would give 
 a certain sum to tlie widows and orplians 
 of the insurgents. He then admits that 
 only a tenth jDart of this sum was ever 
 given to Aguinaldo, and that other promises 
 made he did not find it convenient to keep. 
 . . . Only four hundred thousand dollars, 
 Mexican, was ever placed to their credit in 
 the banks." 
 
 Consul Wildman gives this furtlier 
 testimony as to the behavior of Agui- 
 naldo after he had returned to Luzon 
 under Admiral Dewey's orders to carry 
 on war against the Spaniards : 
 
 "He, of course, organized a govern- 
 ment of which he was dictator, an abso- 
 lutely necessary step if he hoped to 
 maintain control over the natives, and from 
 that date until the present time he has been 
 uninterruptedly successful in the field, and 
 dignified and just as the head of his gov- 
 ernment. . . . He has been watched very 
 closely by Admiral Dewey, Consul Wil- 
 liams, and his own Junta here in Hong 
 Kong, and nothing of any moment has oc- 
 curred which would lead any one to believe
 
 36 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTEY. 
 
 that lie was not carrying out to tlie letter 
 tlie promises made to me in this consulate." 
 " The insurgents are fighting for freedom, for 
 freedom from the Spanish rule, and rely upon 
 the well-hiown sense of justice that controls 
 all the actions of our government as to their 
 future.'''' (Editor's italics.) 
 
 After the deportation of the insur- 
 gent chiefs, and before the destruction 
 of the Spanish fleet by Admiral 
 Dewey, which occurred May 1, 1898, 
 spasmodic rebellion again broke out 
 in Luzon and other islands. This 
 brief j)eriod was not one of unbroken 
 peace. But for this continuance of 
 trouble, Spanish chronic incapacity, 
 and inability to adopt any settled 
 methods of conciliation and reform, 
 were to blame. Some seventy Filipino 
 sailors, in a resort in Manila, discuss- 
 ing politics too boisterously, were shot 
 down indiscriminately by the j)olice. 
 This outrage is described by Mr. John 
 Foreman as follows : '
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTEY. 37 
 
 '^On the 25tli of March, the tragedy of 
 the Calle de Camba took place. This street 
 lies just off the Calle de San Fernando, in Bi- 
 nondo, a few hundred yards from the river. 
 In a house frequented by seafaring men a 
 large number of Visayan sailors had assem- 
 bled, and were, naturally, discussing the 
 topics of the day with the warmth of ex- 
 pression and phraseology peculiar to their 
 race, when a passer-by, who overheard their 
 talk, informed the police. The Civil Guard 
 at once raided the premises, accused these 
 sailors of conspiracy, and, without waiting 
 for proof or refutation, shot down all who 
 could not escape. The victims of this out- 
 rage numbered over seventy ; the news dis- 
 mayed the native population ; the fact could 
 no longer be doubted that a reign of terror- 
 ism and revenge had been initiated with 
 impunity, under the assumption that the re- 
 bellion was broken for many a year to come. 
 How the particulars of this crime were 
 related by the survivors to their fellow-isl- 
 anders we cannot know ; but it is a coinci- 
 dental fact that only now the flame of rebel- 
 lion spread to the southern island of Cebu." 
 
 It is not necessary even to sketch 
 tlie cruelties and excesses which were 
 
 f^trOv Cfiflt
 
 38 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 committed on both sides, except to 
 note that, while some frightful atroci- 
 ties were undoubtedly indulged in by 
 the Filipino rebels, there is no evi- 
 dence from any source which does not 
 show Aguinaldo conducting the war 
 humanely, and exerting his influence 
 for the just treatment of Spanish 
 prisoners.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 And now the United States enters 
 U230U this troubled scene. The Presi- 
 dent has availed himself of many 
 oj^portunities afforded in messages to 
 Congress, public speeches, and the 
 press, firmly to implant the conviction 
 in the mind of the country that the 
 Philippine Islands " fell into our lap" 
 unexpectedly, and by a direct act of 
 Providence. The sudden and start- 
 ling nature of the events through 
 which we were passing, the reverent 
 spirit of the mass of our people, and 
 the authoritative source of this state- 
 ment, caused it to be generally ac- 
 cepted without question. But the dis- 
 covery of hidden testimony, and the 
 grouping of isolated facts which at 
 first seemed to be without special sig- 
 
 39
 
 40 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTKY. 
 
 nificance, has greatly modified this 
 view. Evidence has since come to 
 lic^ht showino; that the administration 
 must have known in advance that 
 the Philippine archipelago would fall 
 into our lap upon the capture of Ma- 
 nila. It [is now clear that an event 
 which the President has ascribed to a 
 mysterious dispensation of Providence 
 — an event quite unexpected by us — 
 was brought about through the ma- 
 turing of plans that had been set on 
 foot and approved by the two leading 
 representatives of the United States in 
 the Orient, Admiral Dewey and Con- 
 sul-General Pratt. This is a startling 
 discovery for trusting minds to make. 
 The administration's ways, truly, are 
 more mysterious than those which the 
 administration has ascribed to Provi- 
 dence ! 
 
 President McKinley in a speech 
 delivered in Boston, February 16, 
 1899, said :
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 41 
 
 " The Philippines were intrusted to 
 our hands by the Providence of God. 
 It is a trust we have not sought." 
 
 Admiral Dewey cabled to the Navy 
 Department from Hong Kong, March 
 31, 1898,— 
 
 "There is every reason to believe 
 that with Manila taken, or even block- 
 aded, the rest of the islands would fall 
 either to the insurgents or to our- 
 selves." 
 
 This despatch was published for the 
 first time January 14, 1900, having 
 been sent to the Senate by special re- 
 quest. Since the authorities had this 
 despatch in their possession, they must 
 have known that by the fall of Manila 
 the islands would become our property, 
 especially if we prevented the insur- 
 gents from holding them. This dis- 
 poses of the President's assertion that 
 they came to us unexpectedly, since 
 Dewey's despatch was sent one month 
 before the battle of Manila.
 
 42 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 The arrangement made with Agui- 
 naldo by Consul-General Pratt at a 
 series of secret meetings in Singapore 
 on and near AjDril 24, 1898, whereby 
 the Filipinos, under Aguinaldo's lead, 
 were to make war against the Spanish 
 rule in the islands, was formulated 
 with sufficient precision and clearness 
 to leave no doubt as to its meaning. We 
 are left in no doubt as to what advan- 
 tage Aguinaldo and his joeople expected 
 in return for their service, and for the 
 great risks they ran. The statement 
 of this understanding now forms a 
 part of the record of the State De- 
 partment. Aguinaldo said he would 
 be contented with the same terms that 
 had been offered Cuba, The terms 
 offered Cuba were defined and com- 
 prised in a declaration setting forth 
 the right of the Cubans to liberty. 
 This involved, of course, a temporary 
 intervention on our joart, which was 
 necessary for the pacification of the
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 43 
 
 island, before the fulfilment of our 
 promise. Aguinaldo clearly stated 
 during this meeting that he expected 
 " indej)endence."* 
 
 Mr. John Barrett, in an article on 
 "The Truth of the Philippine Situa- 
 tion," j^ublished in the Revieiv of Re- 
 views for July, 1899, gives an interest- 
 ing account of how well Aguinaldo 
 kept his pledge to organize a pro- 
 visional government for the Philipj^ine 
 Islands, maintain order, discipline, etc. 
 He says : 
 
 "After Ms arrival at Cavite lie organized 
 witli wonderful rapidity a provisional gov- 
 ernment, and in a short time had an army 
 which -vvas capturing Si^anish outposts with 
 the frequency of trained regulars. "Within 
 thirty days after his arrival he had taken 
 over 2000 Spanish prisoners, and had prac- 
 tically gained control of all the country of 
 Luzon outside of Manila, leaving that city 
 
 f ' * For detailed statement, see Appendix, 
 Note ni.
 
 44 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTEY. 
 
 to our mercy. During the latter part of 
 May and all of June, before the arrival of 
 our troops, his relations with our forces were 
 most agreeable. There seemed to be no 
 friction. There was perfect understand- 
 ing between Admiral Dewey and himself, 
 although the former was careful to avoid 
 formal recognition. No matter what esti- 
 mate may be made of Aguinaldo's personal 
 character, there is no reason why truthful 
 credit should not be given for what he act- 
 ually did. Coming to Manila at nearly the 
 same time, I witnessed the beginning as well 
 as the development of his authority. Such 
 able newspaper men as Mr. Stickney, Mr. 
 Harden, Mr. McCutcheon, and Mr. Egan, 
 who also saw what happened then, will con- 
 firm my simple statement of factSj as will 
 also Consul Williams. 
 
 ''The impression went abroad among the 
 masses of people that Aguinaldo had ar- 
 rived to establish an independent govern- 
 ment, and that the Americans would assist 
 him. The actual working of his govern- 
 ment under the guns of our ships was suffi- 
 cient evidence to them of our approval. 
 From one end of Luzon to the other spread 
 the report that Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo, the 
 exiled leader of the former revolution, had
 
 THE OTHEK MAIf's COUNTKY. 45 
 
 returned to his home under the protection 
 of the ships of a nation called America, 
 which had gone to yfur "with Spain and 
 would give them freedom and iudeiDendence 
 at once. These influences had a tremendous 
 effect. Before Aguinaldo had been in Ca- 
 vite a month he not only had more soldiers 
 than he could arm, but contributions of 
 large sums of money, with unlimited 
 amounts of rice and other raw food supplies 
 brought in by the people for the support of 
 his army. 
 
 ''The government which was organized 
 by Aguinaldo at Cavite and continued first 
 at Bakoor and later at Malolos developed 
 into a much more elaborate affair than its 
 most ^ardent supporters had originally ex- 
 pected. By the middle of October, 1898, 
 he had assembled at Malolos a congress 
 of 100 men who would compare in behavior, 
 manner, dress, and education with the aver- 
 age men of the better classes of other Asiatic 
 nations, possibly including the Japanese. 
 These men, whose sessions I repeatedly at- 
 tended, conducted themselves with great 
 decorum, and showed a knowledge of debate 
 and parliamentary law that would not com- 
 pare unfavorably with the Japanese Parlia-
 
 46 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 ment. The executive portion of the govern- 
 ment was made np of a ministry of bright 
 men who seemed to understand their respec- 
 tive positions. Each general division was 
 subdivided with reference to practical work. 
 There was a large force of under secretaries 
 and clerks, who appeared to be kept very- 
 busy with routine work. 
 
 ''The army, however, of Aguinaldo was 
 the marvel of his achievements. He had 
 over 20 regiments of comparatively well- 
 organized, well- drilled, and well-dressed 
 soldiers, carrying modern rifles and ammu- 
 nition. I saw many of these regiments 
 executing not only regimental but battalion 
 and company drill with a precision that 
 astonished me. Certainly as far as dress 
 was concerned the comparison with the 
 uniform of our soldiers was favorable to 
 the Filipinos. They were ofiicered largely, 
 except in the higher positions, with young 
 men who were ambitious to win honors, and 
 were not merely show fighters. The people 
 in all the different towns took great pride 
 in this army. Nearly every family had a 
 father, son, or cousin in it. Wherever they 
 went they aroused enthusiasm for the Fili- 
 pino cause. The impression made upon 
 the inhabitants of the interior by such dis-
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 47 
 
 plays can be readily appreciated. Agui- 
 naldo and his principal lieutenants also 
 made frequent visits to the principal towns, 
 and were received with the same earnest- 
 ness that we show in greeting a successful 
 President. 
 
 ''Along with the army there was a Eed 
 Cross association, at the head of which 
 were Aguinaldo's mother and wife. There 
 were quartermaster and commissariat de- 
 partments which were well equipped, in 
 view of the lack of experience of the men 
 in charge. The American who thinks for 
 a moment that we were or have been fight- 
 ing a disorganized force labors under great 
 error. It would be difiicult to imagine the 
 army of any European country being in 
 better shape to fight us than that of Agui- 
 naldo at the time of the outbreak on Febru- 
 ary 4, with the conditions of climate and 
 country favoring them." 
 
 A word further regarding the Singa- 
 pore conference. 
 
 It seems almost incredible that so 
 important a fact should not have come 
 to the knowledge of Admiral Dewey, 
 Messrs. Denby, Worcester, and Schur-
 
 48 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 maD, the members of the Philippine 
 Commission. But it would seem that 
 these gentlemen were ignorant of what 
 had happened, for they state in their 
 preliminary report, issued on the eve 
 of the Ohio election, that the idea of 
 Philippine independence " first arose" 
 when Admiral Dewey ordered Agui- 
 naldo to remove his camp from Cavite 
 to Bacoor. This occurred towards the 
 close of June, 1898, about two months 
 after the time when Aguinaldo had 
 presented that idea definitely to the 
 world. Nor is this the only mislead- 
 ing statement which appears in the 
 Peace Commissioners' report, or which 
 contradicts what the Commissioners, as 
 individuals, have said on other occa- 
 sions, or what we know to be true 
 from other reliable testimony. For 
 example, the report says, " Deplorable 
 as war is, the one in which we are 
 now engaged was unavoidable by us," 
 while Admiral Dewey states, in an
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 49 
 
 interview with the "Washington Star 
 (a j^aper which supports the adminis- 
 tration), that tlie war could have been 
 avoided had General Leonard Wood, 
 or a man like him, been in command. 
 There are other discrepancies which 
 will at once be apparent to every one 
 who carefully compares this document 
 with the actual facts of the case that 
 have been established by valid evi- 
 dence. The impartial mind is forced 
 to the conclusion that the signers must 
 have attached their signatures without 
 reading carefully what the report con- 
 tained, and that whoever may have 
 been charged with the preparation of 
 the report must have felt himself 
 obliged to stretch facts beyond the 
 limits of strict accuracy in order to 
 meet the exigencies of an exacting 
 political situation. 
 
 Some important statements of fact 
 made in the report of the Peace Com- 
 mission — statements which are evi- 
 
 4
 
 50 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 dently intended to impress the mind 
 of the reader with a view favorable to 
 the President's policy — are sharply 
 contradicted by the official evidence 
 contained in Senate Document No. 62. 
 These, when read in the light of that 
 testimony, convey a totally different 
 impression from that given by the 
 report. Let us cite examples. The 
 report states : 
 
 "It was decided to allow Aguinaldo to 
 come to Cavite on board tlie ' McCulloch.' 
 He was allowed to land at Cavite and 
 organize an army. . . . N'o alliance of any 
 kind was entered into with Aguinaldo." 
 
 Would the uninformed reader gather 
 from such statements that our consul, 
 E. Spencer Pratt, had sought Agui- 
 naldo out at Singapore and had urged 
 him strongly to do the very things 
 the report is careful to inform us he 
 was "allowed" to do, — suggestions 
 promptly and gladly accepted by Ad-
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 51 
 
 miral Dewey? We are told that no 
 " alliance of any kind was entered 
 into" by our forces with Aguinaldo. 
 "What is an alliance? Among other 
 things, it is a union of interests be- 
 tween States or j)ersons for the accom- 
 plishment of a definite purpose. It is 
 not claimed that this was an alliance 
 in which there was a formal and written 
 compact. It was not that. But that 
 it was an alliance morally, which 
 brought both parties to it under moral 
 obligations, would seem quite clear 
 from the evidence. There was a real 
 union and co-operation between our 
 forces and those of Aguinaldo for the 
 overthrow of Spanish power. The 
 Filipinos rendered valuable services 
 to that end. Is there not evidence of 
 a very real alliance in the following 
 despatch from Admiral Dewey to 
 Secretary Long, June 27, 1898 ? 
 
 ''I have given Aguinaldo to understand 
 that I consider insurgents as friends, being
 
 52 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 opposed to a common enemy. [Italics oiirs.] 
 He has gone to attend a meeting of insur- 
 gent leaders for the purpose of forming a 
 civil government. [Italics ours,] Aguinaldo 
 has acted independently of the squadron, 
 but has kept me advised of his progress, 
 which has been wonderful. I have allowed 
 to pass by water, recruits, arms, and am- 
 munition, and to take such Spanish arms 
 and ammunition from the arsenal as he 
 needed. Have frequently advised to con- 
 duct the war humanely, which he has done 
 invariably." 
 
 What sort of a relationship does 
 General Greene's memorandum on 
 the Philippines, September 30, 1898, 
 show, if not an alliance ? 
 
 ''The United States Government, through 
 its naval commander, has to some extent 
 made use of them [the Filipinos] for a dis- 
 tinct military purx)0se — viz., to harass and 
 annoy the Spanish troops, to wear them 
 out in the trenches, to blockade Manila on 
 the land side, and to do as much damage as 
 possible to the Spanish Government prior 
 to the arrival of our troops."
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 53 
 
 And so successful was this alliance 
 in accomplishing its purpose that the 
 Commissioners themselves admit that 
 "the Filipino forces made themselves 
 masters of the entire island except 
 that city (Manila)." It was natural 
 and fair that Aguinaldo should at 
 least infer as the result of the secret 
 conference with Consul- General Pratt 
 at Singapore that the overthrow of 
 Spanish power in Luzon would result 
 in promises to the Filipinos similar to 
 those made the Cubans. What in- 
 ducement to him could there have 
 been to make the venture had he 
 known that we would demand a sub- 
 jugation of the island without giving 
 definite political status to its people? 
 The report further states : 
 
 ^^ Now for the first time arose the idea of 
 independence P [Italics ours.] 
 
 After Aguinaldo had been brought 
 to Cavite and ordered to move his
 
 54 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 head-quarters thence to Bacoor, the im- 
 plication would seem to be that pique 
 at being pushed back made him grasp 
 at independence from the Americans, 
 when otherwise he would have ac- 
 cepted our absolute sovereignty. But 
 whatever may be the purpose of the 
 Commission, the statement is grossly 
 erroneous. Senate Document 62, pages 
 343 and 344, gives a detailed account 
 of what took place at the secret inter- 
 view held in Singapore between " Gen. 
 Emilio Aguinaldo y Fami" and Con- 
 sul E. Spencer Pratt. The account is 
 contained in the Singapore Free Press, 
 Wednesday, May 4, and this is vouched 
 for as " substantially correct" in a des- 
 patch to the State Department from 
 E. Spencer Pratt. At this "confer- 
 ence," at which Mr. Bray acted as inter- 
 preter, General Aguinaldo explained 
 to the American Consul-General 
 
 "the nature of the co-operation he could 
 give, in which he, in the event of the
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 55 
 
 American forces from the squadron landing 
 and taking possession of Manila, icould guar- 
 antee to maintain order and discipline among 
 the native troops and inhabitants in the 
 same humane way in which he had hitherto 
 conducted the war. . . . He further de- 
 clared his ability to establish a proper and 
 responsible government on liberal princi- 
 ples, and would he willing to accept the same 
 terms for the country as the United States intend 
 giving Cuba. The Consul-General of the 
 United States, coinciding with the general views 
 expressed during the discussion [italics ours], 
 placed himself at once in telegraphic com- 
 munication with Admiral Dewey at Hong 
 Kong, between whom and Mr. Pratt a con- 
 stant interchange of telegrams took place." 
 
 The article concludes with a definite 
 statement of Aguinaldo's policy. Let 
 it be remembered that this statement 
 was published to the world May 4, 
 1898, or nearly two months before the 
 time when the Commission states that 
 " then for the first time arose the idea 
 of national independence." The state- 
 ment of policy is as follows :
 
 66 THE OTHEE MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 "General Aguinaldo's policy embraces 
 the indepejideiice [italics ours] of tlie Philip- 
 pines, whose internal affairs would be con- 
 trolled under European advisers. Ameri- 
 can protection would be desirable tempo- 
 rarily, on the same lines as that which 
 might be instituted hereafter in Cuba. The 
 ports of the Philippines would be free to 
 the trade of the world, safeguards being 
 enacted against an influx of Chinese aliens 
 who would compete with the industrial 
 population of the country. There would 
 be a complete reform of the present corrupt 
 judicature of the country under experienced 
 European law officers," etc. 
 
 The above is a clear, unequivocal 
 Btatement of an independent govern- 
 ment, contemplated and published to 
 the ivorld. It neatly punctures the 
 Commission's statement that such an 
 idea did not arise until long afterwards, 
 and under circumstances which would 
 seem to throw discredit on the purpose 
 of the insurgent leader in announcing 
 it. We are told later :
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 57 
 
 " Nor was there any co-operation of any 
 kind between the contending respective 
 forces, and the relations between the two 
 forces were strained from the beginning." 
 
 Then why did General Anderson 
 write from Cavite Arsenal, July 4, 
 1898, to "Don Emilio Aguinaldo, 
 commanding Philippine forces," that 
 the United States, being at war with 
 the kingdom of Spain, 
 
 '^has the most friendly sentiments for the 
 peoijle of the PhilipxDine Islands, and for 
 these reasons I desire to have the most 
 amicable relations with you, and to have 
 you and your ]3eople co-operate [italics ours] 
 with us in military operations against the Spanish 
 forces'^ ? 
 
 This proves conclusively that co- 
 operation was desired by us. To this 
 letter Aguinaldo replied in the most 
 friendly spirit. Now, what is the tes- 
 timony as to the actual existence and 
 value of this Filipino co-operation,
 
 58 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTEY. 
 
 which was so eagerly desired ? Gen- 
 eral Charles A. Whittier testified to 
 some important facts before the Paris 
 Peace Commission, which the Commis- 
 sion have not thought fit to lay before 
 the country — at least in their "pre- 
 liminary" report. 
 
 General Whittier testified : 
 
 " Our consul offered that cMef [Agui- 
 ualdo] money for his expenses ; the offer was 
 declined." 
 
 General "Whittier further states that 
 on the first day after Aguinaldo's ar- 
 rival at Cavite, as followers did not 
 flock to his standard, he was discour- 
 aged, and would have returned to 
 Hong Kong. "I think Dewey ad- 
 vised him to make another effort." 
 After furnishing the insurgents with 
 arms and ammunition, he adds : 
 
 ''From that time the military operations 
 and the conduct of the insurgents have been
 
 THE OTHEE MAN S COUNTRY. 59 
 
 most creditable. Positions taken and tlie 
 movements of troops sliow great ability on 
 tlie part of some leaders. . . . His forces 
 [Aguiualdo's] went around the city, taking 
 the water- works and the north point of the 
 city, and running up the railroad. ... At 
 that time they occupied a portion of Manila. 
 We soon demanded that they should give 
 that up,t which Aguinaldo's representa- 
 tives agreed." 
 
 The Peace Commission asked Gen- 
 eral Whittier the direct question : 
 
 ^'Were they of material assistance to 
 
 us?" 
 
 The answer was : 
 
 '^ Very great. ... I think if they [the 
 Spaniards] had not had this experience of 
 having been driven back into the city [by 
 the natives] and the water cut off, so that 
 even Jaudenes said he could not remove 
 his non-combatants, the government would 
 have insisted on his making a fight, and he 
 would have made a very good one, for his 
 position was strong, if they had any fight
 
 60 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 in tlieiii at all. But every place liad been 
 taken from them by the Filipinos, who man- 
 aged their advances and occui3ation of the 
 country in an able manner." 
 
 Anotlier illustration of the unju- 
 dicial nature of the report, and so of 
 its unreliability in certain important 
 respects, is found in its treatment of 
 the causes of the war between the 
 United States and the Filipinos. The 
 report treats elaborately the insolence 
 of the natives and the provocations 
 put u23on our men by them, but fails 
 to treat or to explain the vital cause 
 of these irritations, and finally of a 
 tension which provoked the outbreak. 
 This was the proclamation of President 
 McKinley ordering the extension of 
 our military control over the island of 
 Luzon seven weeks in advance of the 
 ratification of the treaty. .This act, 
 unconstitutional as it was, virtually 
 declared war on the Filipinos, unless 
 they were willing to abandon the ex-
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 61 
 
 periment in self-government they liad 
 already begun, and wliicli for six 
 months held peaceful control of almost 
 the entire island. 
 
 Another illustration of unfair deal- 
 ing with a grave matter is found in 
 the emphasis laid by the Commission 
 on the " obduracy" of Aguinaldo in 
 continuing forcible resistance, and in 
 refusing even to outline terms which 
 might be compared with the terms 
 offered, or with the concessions which 
 the superior power might be willing 
 to make. The Commission might have 
 found the satisfactory explanation of 
 this obduracy in an article recently 
 published in the Outlook by one of 
 its own members. Dr. Schurman, who 
 says that when the Commissioners 
 stated to the Filipinos the terms the 
 President was willing to offer (and 
 these fell far short of what they de- 
 sired), " the shrewd Filipinos imme- 
 diately made the point that under the
 
 62 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 Constitution of the United States only 
 Congress could determine their political 
 status ; that whatever -powers the Presi- 
 dent exercised were the ivar poivers of 
 the Constitution, ivhich ceased with the 
 establishment of peace'' [Italics ours.] 
 A reply showing considerable appre- 
 ciation of constitutional government, 
 wliich Dr. Schurman was evidently 
 forced to admire, and which exposed 
 cleverly the weakness of the President 
 in failing to convene Congress, so that 
 a stable basis for the negotiations of 
 the contending forces might be effected. 
 Let us glance at one or two more 
 propositions of the report which are 
 equally vulnerable. 
 
 ' ' Never in the worst days of Spanish rule 
 had the people been so badly taxed or worse 
 governed." 
 
 This refers to the Filipino provi- 
 sional government. Let the sincere
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 63 
 
 student of the question turn from this 
 astonishing statement first to the record 
 of "the worst days of Spanish rule," 
 and then to the report of Admiral 
 Dewey's representatives in a journey 
 of six hundred miles through Luzon, 
 October and November, 1898, when 
 the provisional Filipino government 
 held the island under its control for 
 six months. 
 
 The former period shows horrible 
 barbarities. Consul Williams reports, 
 March 31, 1898 : 
 
 *^On Friday, March 25, a churcli and 
 legal holiday, unarmed natives were hold- 
 ing a meeting near my consulate. The meet- 
 ing was surrounded by the police and 
 suspicious military, the meeting broken 
 up, twelve natives shot to death, several 
 wounded, and sixty-two prisoners taken, 
 certain of whom were passers-by, not having 
 attended the meeting. The next morning 
 these sixty-two prisoners, without form of 
 trial, were marched in a body to the ceme- 
 tery and all shot to death. Hardly a day
 
 64 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 passes without such scenes of Middle Age 
 treachery and barbarity." 
 
 Now, for contrast, turn again to tlie 
 testimony of General Whittier : 
 
 ' '■ Their conduct to their Spanish prison- 
 ers has been deserving of the praise of all 
 the world. "With hatred of priests and 
 Spaniards, fairly held on account of the 
 conditions before narrated, and with every 
 justification to a savage mind of the most 
 brutal revenge, I have heard of no instance 
 of torture, murder, or brutality since we 
 have been in the country." 
 
 But stronger still is the testimony 
 of Wilcox and Sargent. They trav- 
 elled unprotected, through an immense 
 extent of insurgent country, among a 
 contented people, who treated them 
 with every kindness. The one thing 
 of which they had to complain was 
 dinners too rich and elaborate. They 
 mention as an exception a single in- 
 stance of complaint of taxes, and that 
 proceeded from a single family. Span-
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 65 
 
 ish prisoners in good condition were 
 paraded for their inspection. Peace 
 everywhere prevailed. A military of- 
 ficer resigned his position in the town 
 of Aparri upon information supposed 
 to be authentic that the Paris Peace 
 Commission would grant the Filipinos 
 independence under an American pro- 
 tectorate. A civil officer elected by 
 the people takes his oath of office, de- 
 claring to his fellow-countrymen and 
 hearers that, sooner than abandon their 
 dearly bought independence to any in- 
 truding power, men, women, and chil- 
 dren will shed the last drop of blood 
 in resistance. 
 
 What is the meaning of such tragic, 
 pathetic facts as these — authentic facts, 
 which the report of the Commission 
 has so studiously kept back from the 
 public, while others, tending to the 
 discredit of this unhappy people, have 
 been given, some of which, as has been 
 shown, seriously misrepresent the
 
 66 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 truth? There is, indeed, a strange 
 absence of the judicial spirit in this 
 report — a strange failure to present, 
 along with the weaknesses and short- 
 comings of this race, emerging from 
 terrible oppression, the many admira- 
 ble qualities and the large services 
 rendered us with which the Filipinos 
 should be credited. But, what is 
 worse, there is a comjDlete suppression 
 of our own blunders and our sad fail- 
 ure to be true to the disinterested mo- 
 tives and lofty purposes which pre- 
 scribed the limits of our attitude 
 towards Cuba. 
 
 The report lays strong emphasis 
 upon the irritations put upon the Fili- 
 pinos by our soldiers previous to the 
 outbreak of actual hostilities upon the 
 4th of February, 18^8", but no allusion 
 is made to the fact tha b we had violated 
 our understanding w.th our allies, or 
 that the chiefs had leen treated with 
 the least possible show of respect by 

 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 67 
 
 US after we had reaped the fruit of 
 their service, or that the President 
 had issued an unconstitutional procla- 
 mation, December 21, 1898, declaring 
 United States sovereignty over the 
 islands before the ratification of the 
 Treaty of Paris gave to him even a 
 technical right to do so. Truly, acts 
 such as these, — the violations of a 
 clearly expressed understanding, the 
 betrayal of the confidence of allies 
 who have rested their hopes upon our 
 honor, — the great truths enunciated 
 in our own Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence, and before all the significant 
 events of our past history, were suffi- 
 cient to account for the resentment 
 and violent acts of the Filipinos. 
 They felt that our treatment of them 
 involved perfidy to our own standards 
 and to the dictates of honor. Our 
 action was virtually a declaration of 
 war against the newly-formed Filipino 
 government.
 
 68 THE OTHER MAN'S COUNTRY. 
 
 Even a superficial examination of 
 the consular and other reports issued 
 by the State and Navy Departments 
 makes this important fact clear : in 
 the early stages of our relationship 
 with the Filipinos our representatives 
 in the East, Admiral Dewey, Consul- 
 General Pratt, Consuls Wildman and 
 Williams, evidently supposed, judging 
 from the tone of their despatches and 
 reports, that our treatment of the 
 Filipinos was to be the same as that 
 which we had guaranteed the Cubans. 
 While probably no precise promises 
 were made to Aguinaldo further than 
 the assurance given him by Consul- 
 General Pratt that he might rely on 
 the honor of the United States, our 
 acceptance of his services after the 
 clear statement on his joart of what 
 requital he exj)ected, constitutes, in 
 the sphere of moral obligation, a 
 promise of the most binding nature. 
 Our failure to meet that obligation,
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 69 
 
 or even to give the slightest indication 
 of a desire to meet it, at once rendered 
 us guilty of a most serious breach of 
 faith. A further observation of official 
 despatches reveals this significant fact : 
 the inquiries of the authorities in 
 "Washington made of their representa- 
 tives in the Philippines are at no time 
 concerned with the question of the 
 fitness of the natives for self-govern- 
 ment, nor of means best suited to 
 minister to the welfare of the Fili- 
 pinos, as would naturally have been 
 the case had our object been that 
 which we professed on entering the 
 Spanish war. They relate wholly to 
 the material riches and advantages of 
 the islands, with an evident view to 
 the benefit the United States will de- 
 rive from them. The confusion and 
 discrej)ancies existing between many 
 of Admiral Dewey's statements, as 
 well as of the other Peace Commis- 
 sioners in the earlier stages of our
 
 70 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 operations and tliose later on, are ap- 
 parently to be accounted for by tbis 
 fact : it was necessary to trim tbe sails 
 afresh to suit a new breeze. Admiral 
 Dewey informs tbe world tbat be 
 never treated Aguinaldo " as an ally 
 except to make use of bim to drive 
 out tbe Spaniards." One migbt in- 
 quire, Wbat otber use is usually made 
 of allies in war ? 
 
 Brigadier-General T. M. Anderson, 
 U.S.Y., in an article published by tbe 
 North American Revieto for February, 
 1900, waiving tbe question as to wbat 
 precise verbal promises were made to 
 Aguinaldo, says : 
 
 ''Wlietlier Admiral Dewey and Consuls 
 Pratt, Wildman, and "Williams did, or did 
 not, give Aguinaldo assurances that a Fili- 
 pino government would be recognized, the 
 Filipinos certainly thought so, probably 
 inferring this from their acts ' rather than 
 their statements. If an incipient rebellion 
 was already in progress, what could be in-
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 71 
 
 ferred from the fact that Aguinaldo and 
 thirteen other banished Tagals werelbrought 
 do-vni on a naval vessel and landed in Ca- 
 vite!" . . . '^I believe we came to the 
 parting of the ^^ays when we refused their 
 request to leave their military force in good 
 strategic position on the contingency of our 
 making peace with SiJain without a guar- 
 antee of independence." . . . 
 
 '' There were other causes of antagonism, 
 our soldiers to get what they called troi^hies, 
 did a good deal of what the Filipinos called 
 looting. A number made debts which they 
 did not find it convenient to pay. They 
 called the natives 'niggers,' and often 
 treated them with a good-natured conde- 
 scension which exasperated the natives all 
 the more because they feared to resent 
 it." . . . 
 
 ''One of Aguinaldo' s Commission, who 
 was subsequently a member of his cabinet, 
 said to me : ' Either we have a de facto gov- 
 ernment, or we have not. If we have, why 
 not recognize the fact? If not, why have 
 you recognized us at all V This last remark 
 referred to General Merritt's conceding them 
 the control of the Manila "Water- Works, 
 and to General Otis' s attempts to negotiate 
 with them without committing himself."
 
 72 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 General Anderson refers to Agui- 
 naldo's inquiry as to wlietlier we in- 
 tended to hold the Philippines as 
 dependencies : " I said I could not 
 answer that, but in twenty years we 
 had established no colonies. He then 
 made this remarkable statement : * I 
 have studied attentively the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States, and I find 
 in it no authority for colonies, and I 
 have no fear.' " General Anderson 
 adds : " It may seem that my answer 
 was somewhat evasive, but at that time 
 I was trying to contract with the Fili- 
 pinos for horses, carts, fuel, and for- 
 age." 
 
 General Anderson also states that 
 Admiral Dewey did not realize, until 
 he told him of it, that a current of 
 sentiment was running in the United 
 States towards the retention of the 
 islands. Doubtless the administration, 
 seated in Washington, or taking a 
 palace-car journey in the West, felt
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 73 
 
 the force of that current also. Thig 
 would seem to furnish one rational 
 ex^Dlanation of why a war begun for 
 the purpose of giving peace, order, 
 and liberty to Cuba changed into a 
 war which has given to the Philip- 
 pines up to this moment arbitrary 
 rule, war, and anarchy. It is this, 
 in default of some better explanation, 
 which must account for the shameful 
 sacrifice of American principles, of 
 faith, honor, and justice which this 
 year of carnage has witnessed. 
 
 Errors of fact are not confined 
 alone to the Philippine Commission's 
 report. President McKinley, in his 
 third annual message to Congress, re- 
 peated a charge against the Filipinos 
 that had frequently been exploded. 
 He said : 
 
 ''An order of the insurgent government 
 was issued to its adherents who had re- 
 mained in Manila, of which General Otis 
 justly observes that ^for barbarous intent
 
 74 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 it is unequalled in modern times. ' It directs 
 that at eight o'clock on the night of the 15th 
 of February the 'territorial militia' shall 
 come together in the streets of San Pedro, 
 armed wdth their bolos, with guns and 
 ammunition, where convenient ; that Fili- 
 pino families only shall be respected, but 
 that all other individuals, of whatever race 
 they may be, shall be exterminated without 
 any compassion, after the extermination of 
 the army of occupation, and adds : ' Broth- 
 ers, we must avenge ourselves on the Ameri- 
 cans and exterminate them, that we may 
 take our revenge for the infamies and 
 treacheries which they have committed 
 upon us. Have no compassion upon them ; 
 attack with vigor.' A copy of this fell, by 
 good fortune, into the hands of our ofQ.cers, 
 and they were able to take measures to 
 control the rising, which was actually at- 
 tempted on the night of February 22, a 
 week later than was originally contem- 
 plated. Considerable numbers of armed 
 insurgents entered the city by water-ways 
 and swamps, and in concert with confeder- 
 ates inside attempted to destroy Manila by 
 fire. They were kept in check during the 
 night, and the next day driven out of the 
 ci^ with heavy loss."
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 75 
 
 The evidence so far produced seems 
 insufficient to prove that the alleged 
 plot to massacre is more than one of 
 rumors, subsequently shown to be false, 
 that circulated periodically in Manila, 
 and which probably originated with 
 the friars. Aguinaldo's course has 
 invariably been a humane one, unsul- 
 lied by massacres. It is, therefore, 
 highly improbable that he would sanc- 
 tion the folly of a diabolical plot to 
 slaughter all foreigners located at Ma- 
 nila. Nor could anything be gained 
 thereby. Aguinaldo knew perfectly 
 well that it would give his govern- 
 ment such a reputation for barbarism 
 that he could not expect it to be sus- 
 tained. 
 
 The Filipinos were in full possession 
 of Iloilo at the t*me for which this 
 massacre was alleged to have been ar- 
 ranged, and yet not one of the many 
 foreigners there — among them Ameri- 
 cans — ^was molested; nor did there
 
 76 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 seem to be the slightest danger. If 
 wholesale slaughter had been the pol- 
 icy of the insurgents, it is not likely 
 that a city over which they had ab- 
 solute control would have been spared 
 from the sword. 
 
 Lieutenant-Commander C. G. Cal- 
 kins, U.S.N., an officer of Dewey's 
 fleet, in an article on "The Filipino 
 Leaders," published in Ainslee^s Mag- 
 azine for May, 1900, says in regard to 
 these rumors : 
 
 ''The legend of the Katipiinan includes 
 a series of documents directing 'the assas- 
 sination of all Spaniards' or other foreign- 
 ers. Efforts have been made to associate 
 schemes of plunder and murder with every 
 political movement among the natives. It 
 is useless to attempt the destruction of 
 ancient myths while the original shop is 
 still open for the supply of new ones, but it 
 is plain that the artist's name is generally 
 uncertain. The attribution of a futile i^roc- 
 lamation of savage instinct to men dis- 
 tinguished for intelligence and practical
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 77 
 
 liumauity is an unworthy device charac- 
 teristic of Spanish tyranny in the Philip- 
 pines." 
 
 In the same article Lieutenant-Com- 
 mander Calkins says of Aguinaldo in 
 this connection : 
 
 *' He has never been convicted of corrup- 
 tion or cruelty. His treatment of Spanish 
 prisoners was humane and even generous 
 compared with that which Spain has given 
 her rebels in any civil contest of the nine- 
 teenth century. In July, 1898, many pris- 
 oners cajDtured by the American forces were 
 placed in his custody." 
 
 Some light is thrown on the source 
 of these incendiary rumors and docu- 
 ments charged against the Filipinos in 
 a statement made before the United 
 States Peace Commission at Paris, 
 France, October 8, 1898, by John 
 Foreman. The friars demanded that 
 Dr. Rizal be executed on the ground 
 that he carried incendiary leaflets for 
 the purpose of raising a rebellion ; but
 
 78 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 the Governor-General refused to ac- 
 cede to their request, holding that the 
 charge was unfounded. To quote Mr. 
 Foreman's statement from Senate 
 Document 62 : 
 
 " That displeased the priests very much. 
 They had strife and questions between them 
 and the governor-general, and the latter 
 said, ^ I am going to see how you are work- 
 ing,' and, all of a sudden, he had a raid 
 made upon the residences of the Augus- 
 tinian monks in a place north of Manila, 
 and had the place suddenly seized and 
 raided, and it is very well known that he 
 found a press printing these same incen- 
 diary leaflets, and the priest who was em- 
 ployed in doing so was perfectly well known 
 to every one in Malabon, to Americans and 
 English, where there is a big sugar- refining 
 establishment owned by Americans and 
 English, the English resident in Manila and 
 the Americans in Hong Kong, and known 
 personally to them. The man disappeared, 
 and was never seen again. I can hardly 
 say where he went. These leaflets were 
 seized, and from that moment the governor- 
 general was a condemned man, and he left."
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 79 
 
 Mr. Howard W. Bray states in his 
 English translation of Dr. Ferdinand 
 Blumentritt's "Biography of Dr. 
 Kizal" regarding this point : 
 
 *'It "was an open secret at the time, that 
 these pamphlets had been clandestinely in- 
 troduced into his luggage by ecclesiastical 
 intrigues. Eizal, on landing, naturally 
 hastened to greet his family, leaving his 
 luggage in the Custom House for subsequent 
 examination. During his absence some 
 officials, suborned by the Augustine Friars, 
 introduced the pamphlets, and the Machia- 
 velian plot succeeded. Eizal was banished 
 to Dapitan, notwithstanding his indignantly 
 protesting his innocence. 
 
 ''Subsequent inquiries instituted by the 
 then Governor- General, Despujols, revealed 
 the fact that these very same pamphlets had 
 been printed in a private printing-press 
 owned by the Augustine Friars in the town 
 of Malabon, near Manila, where not only 
 were numerous numbers of them found, 
 hut also the type still set ! ! 
 
 ''Such, however, is the omnipotent jDower 
 of the friars in the Philippines, that Des- 
 pujols had not the courage to revoke his
 
 80 THE OTHEK MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 order of banishment, and from that time 
 until the commencement of the rebellion 
 poor Eizal remained a prisoner in the Span- 
 iards' hands in the far-off colony of Dapitan, 
 and the unpleasant affair was hushed up in 
 the usual diplomatic way." 
 
 Mr. A. L. Mumper, of Greeley, 
 Colorado, who served with an Idaho 
 regiment in the Philippines, makes an 
 interesting statement on this subject, 
 based on personal observation. He 
 says : 
 
 ''It has been stated that Aguinaldo -was 
 party to a plan to massacre the inhabitants 
 of Manila about the 13th of February. It 
 is very probable that there is not more truth 
 in this rumor than in a thousand similar 
 rumors. Every soldier stationed in Manila 
 knows that Manila is, and is far famed as 
 being, a city of 'rumors' ; knows that 
 scarcely a week passed during the entire 
 waiting that intervened between the fall of 
 Manila, on the 13th of August, and the 
 battle of February 5th, without similar 
 rumors of plots of assassination and up- 
 rising among the Filipinos in the city.
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 81 
 
 Efforts to trace these rumors to tlieir original 
 source liave often been made, and tliougli 
 tliey generally availed nothing some were 
 traced to the friars as the originators. It 
 is known that time and again the friars 
 issued circulars for the purpose of preju- 
 dicing Americans and Spaniards against the 
 Filipinos, as they understood the success of 
 the Filipinos meant their downfall. Many 
 of these circulars, all properly signed, were 
 proved upon investigation to be spurious. 
 And when this relation between the friars 
 and Filipinos is understood, the motive M-ill 
 be easily understood. 
 
 '' Another class at work was the discon- 
 tented Spaniards, who, after the fall of the 
 city of Manila, played into the hands of 
 the Americans and were desirous of re- 
 ceiving their support and friendship as 
 against the Filipinos. This class did every- 
 thing they could to prejudice the Ameri- 
 cans against the Filipinos ; and between the 
 friars and this class of Spaniards there 
 were few things that could be said, that 
 could hurt the Filipino cause, that were left 
 unsaid. In the light of these facts we wiU 
 be forced to conclude — until the most posi- 
 tive proof shall be brought forward — that 
 this repeated plot of assassination and mur- 
 6
 
 82 THE OTHEK MAn's COUNTEY. 
 
 der is but another of those hundreds of 
 former plots which never materialized." 
 
 Perhaps one of the saddest incidents 
 in this history is the part that Admiral 
 Dewey has played in it. The Ameri- 
 can people long for a worthy object on 
 which to lavish their affection. They 
 dearly love a hero, and they believed 
 they had found one in Admiral Dewey. 
 They did indeed find a naval hero ; 
 courage and skill united in him. The 
 precise moment and occasion for the 
 display of these qualities came, and 
 the chance was not lost. How truly 
 dramatic was the occasion ! The 
 crumbling castle walls of tyranny 
 and greed fall to pieces as the bugle 
 blast of this knight-errant blows. 
 Could he have died in the moment of 
 victory his name would have been im- 
 mortal. What was it which set the 
 American people wild with enthusiasm 
 over his exploit, and prompted a
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 83 
 
 demonstration upon his return to his 
 native land, spontaneous and irre- 
 pressible, such as has been offered 
 none of our conquering soldiers or 
 sailors? It could not have been the 
 mere completeness of his victory, be- 
 cause Dewey slew a thousand Spaniards 
 and lost not a man ; because he scuttled 
 or burned all of the enemies' ships, pre- 
 serving his own intact. The American 
 mind is not so grossly material as to 
 give the laurel wreath for an exploit 
 which meant no more than this. Ad- 
 miral Dewey was in the eyes of the 
 people a great hero, not so much be- 
 cause he had conquered a force in 
 every way inferior to his own, but 
 because he was the living embodiment 
 of American ideals of liberty and 
 justice ; because he was freeing a sub- 
 ject people from the grinding tyranny 
 of Spain. It was right overcoming 
 wrong, not the demonstration only of 
 a superior force vanquishing an in-
 
 84 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 ferior one, wliicli America discerned 
 in that event. 
 
 Deprive the battle of Manila of this 
 ethical element, subtle, imponderable as 
 it is, and the hero is transferred at once 
 into the vulgar conqueror. He is no 
 better than hundreds of others who 
 have fought and slain their foes. It 
 was for this reason that discerning 
 Americans felt grieved and humiliated 
 upon finding that the man who hon- 
 estly believed he was the representative 
 of his country in the performance of a 
 great deed, through whom America 
 had given liberty and independence 
 to the Philippines, should be content 
 to see the peculiar lustre of his victory 
 fade into the vulgar light of conquest. 
 It seemed impossible that the nation's 
 hero should be ready to accept, with- 
 out protest, spurious honors at the 
 hands of those who were responsible 
 for the base and treacherous deed, 
 which could only be had at the cost of
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 85 
 
 the true honors with which the nation 
 sought to crown him for having effected 
 a great deliverance for an outraged 
 people. No man's fame as that of a 
 hero can long endure, in this stage of 
 the world's moral progress, in whose 
 warlike achievement does not flow the 
 life-blood of a great moral purpose. 
 Imagine these words inscribed over 
 the Dewey arch, "I never treated 
 Aguinaldo as an ally, except to make 
 use of him !" 
 
 A very striking confirmation is given 
 to the view expressed in these pages as 
 to the original opinion of Admiral 
 Dewey concerning the true policy 
 which the United States should have 
 adopted in the Philippines. This is 
 more remarkable in view of Admiral 
 Dewey's apjoarent complete acceptance, 
 during the interim, of the administra- 
 tion's policy of conquest. Major Car- 
 son, the reliable correspondent of the 
 Philadelphia Ledger, reports in his
 
 86 THE OTHEK MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 Washington despatch, April 16, 1900, 
 "As to the Philippines, he (Admiral 
 Dewey) urges the withdraival of the 
 United States, and if we do anything 
 we should aid the Filipinos to set up 
 their own government." (Author's 
 italics.) 
 
 The causes of the war between the 
 United States and the Filipino de facto 
 government are now perfectly obvious. 
 These causes may be treated under two 
 heads, 1st, the President's proclama- 
 tion of December 21, 1898, declaring 
 sovereignty over the islands ; * 2d, our 
 announcement to the Filipinos after 
 the fall of Manila that their aspirations 
 for self-government were to be ignored, 
 and that their army was to have no 
 share in the fruits of its victory. This 
 announcement was virtually made by 
 the steady pressing back of the Fili- 
 pino lines, which began with the fall 
 
 * See Appendix, Note IV.
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 87 
 
 of Manila and culminated in open 
 conflict at Santa Mesa, outside the 
 limits of the city, on the night of 
 February 4, 1899. Of the first 
 cause it need only be said that Presi- 
 dent McKinley had neither legal nor 
 moral right to issue such a proclama- 
 tion. General Otis was so alarmed 
 at the probable effect of this upon 
 the Filipinos that he took the lib- 
 erty of censoring it so as to cut out 
 the words " sovereignty," " immediate 
 extension of authority," etc., hoping 
 that in this way he would deprive it, 
 of its principal power for mischief.* ^'^ 
 Unfortunately, the proclamation got 
 out in its unamended form. The mis- 
 chief which General Otis feared was 
 accomplished. President McKinley's 
 act in issuing this proclamation was 
 inexcusable. It involved not only a 
 gross violation of constitutional re- 
 
 * See Ax^pendis, Xote Y.
 
 88 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 straints, coming as it did seven weeks 
 before the Treaty of Paris was rati- 
 fied, but it was equally reprehensible 
 from the point of view of morals and 
 common sense. In other words, when 
 the treaty was constitutionally in em- 
 bryo, General Otis was ordered to en- 
 force by arms, if need be, its sov- 
 ereignty provisions. No wonder he 
 undertook to censor it ! What were 
 the actual conditions in Luzon at this 
 time? The provisional government 
 of Aguinaldo, while necessarily for 
 the time dictatorial in its nature, was 
 pledged to give way to a popular and 
 elective form of government so soon 
 as the troubled state of the country 
 subsided into more peaceful and settled 
 conditions. This government extended 
 over the entire island of Luzon, with 
 the exception of Manila, which was 
 held by us, and some few ports iu 
 which the Spaniards were besieged. 
 There was no state of anarchy existing
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 89 
 
 which would have justified us in seiz- 
 ing the islands for the preservation of 
 peace and order. The report of Wil- 
 cox and Sargent, two naval officers who 
 were sent by Admiral Dewey on a tour 
 of inspection six hundred miles in ex- 
 tent through Luzon, in October and 
 November, 1898, presents strong testi- 
 mony of the peaceful conditions exist- 
 ing, and of the general content felt by 
 the native people in the new gov- 
 ernment. Not a word appears in this 
 report to indicate factional disputes or 
 jealousies, or conflicts existing between 
 the different native tribes or races, con- 
 cerning which the Peace Commission- 
 ers have said so much.* 
 
 Rev. Peter MacQueen, pastor of a 
 Congregational church in Somerville, 
 Massachusetts, who spent some time 
 in the Philippines, writes concerning 
 the natives : 
 
 * See Appendix, Note VI.
 
 90 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 "Two elements in the Filipino character 
 are admitted by all, viz., — bravery and 
 brightness. The soldiers die and agonize 
 without ever a contortion. The school- 
 children can be taught anything. They 
 learn to read and write as quickly as they 
 learn to swim. There is far more general 
 information among the Filipinos than we 
 usually think. Nozaleda, Archbishop of 
 Manila, told me that the common people in 
 the Philippines are more intelligent than 
 those of Spain. I tried a great many of the 
 boys and of the working-men, and found 
 that almost every one could write a good 
 hand. . . . The young Malay mind readily 
 acquires language, and already numbers of 
 the children greet you in English on the 
 street. On the boat to Nagasaki we had 
 three boys from Negros coming with Chap- 
 lain McKennon to be educated in Califor- 
 nia. I took an 800-mile trip across Japan 
 with the chaplain and his charges, and it 
 was interesting to watch the boys studying 
 each jphase of Japanese life. They showed 
 just as intelligent an appreciation of the 
 country as American boys would. The 
 Japanese thought our •proteges were their 
 own countrymen, and addressed them in 
 the Japanese tongue. Eamon Lacson, son
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 91 
 
 of the president of N'egros, aged fifteen and 
 a B.A., took carefal notes, and in six days 
 liad learned enough of Japanese words to 
 act as an interpreter for us all." 
 
 Whether or not the Filipinos are 
 capable of self-government may be a 
 legitimate topic for debate, but it 
 manifestly behooved the administra- 
 tion to show that the attempts of the 
 natives to that end were a failure be- 
 fore it asked moral justification in its 
 armed assault upon the existing Fili- 
 pino de facto government. 
 
 This native government had held 
 peaceful sway over the great island of 
 Luzon for six months, and, indeed, un- 
 til its military and civil officers were 
 obliged to fight for their lives against 
 the fierce onslaught of the soldiers of 
 the Eepublic of Freedom ! The bur- 
 den of proof, showing that the Fili- 
 pinos were incapable of governing 
 themselves, rests upon the shoulders
 
 92 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 of President McKinley, not upon 
 tliose of his fellow-citizens who claim 
 that the Filipinos were thus capable. 
 The President in doing as he did was 
 guilty of that very act of "criminal 
 aggression" which he said was the 
 proper term with which to stigmatize 
 "forcible annexation." In view of 
 testimony subsequently brought to 
 light, the claims persistently put forth 
 by the administration that the in- 
 surgent Filipinos began the war, and 
 that our troops were only fighting on 
 the defensive, become untenable. One 
 is at a loss to understand how the ad- 
 ministration and its apologists, aided 
 by the press, can make such an asser- 
 tion while facts showing that precisely 
 the contrary was the case were within 
 their own keeping, and therefore per- 
 fectly accessible to them. 
 
 It is not claimed that the Filipinos 
 would have been capable of maintain- 
 ing a government wholly without our
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 93 
 
 aid. They evidently looked for some 
 sort of American jDrotectorate, and 
 would no doubt soon have fallen a 
 prey to the cupidity of some foreign 
 nation without such fostering care on 
 our part. They would gladly have 
 welcomed advice, suggestions, help 
 from us in various ways. We could 
 have exerted that moral influence over 
 them, and have continued to receive 
 in return that gratitude which our wise 
 and friendly course towards Japan has 
 through so many years produced. Our 
 true policy was evidently similar to that 
 adopted by Sir Andrew Clark, and 
 which he, with so much wisdom and 
 success, as a representative of Great 
 Britain, carried out in the Straits 
 Settlements. Such a policy provides 
 an experienced friend and counsellor 
 who points out to local rulers the best 
 course for them to pursue in dealing 
 with their own people. It disturbs 
 local customs and conditions no more
 
 94 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 than is necessary to avert conflicts with 
 other tribes or races, and to prevent 
 acts of cruelty or injustice. The out- 
 line of Sir Andrew Clark's policy, with 
 its clear common sense and extraor- 
 dinary success, was brought to Presi- 
 dent McKinley's attention through a 
 letter remarkable for its practical 
 wisdom, written by G. S. Clark, Esq., 
 to Captain Mahan, U.S.N. After 
 reading it, one is the more astonished 
 that none of its excellent suggestions, 
 based as they were on a rich experience, 
 should have been adopted. 
 
 Mr. Clark's letter is as follows : 
 
 ''As an earnest ■well-grislier of yonr coun- 
 try, I am following events very carefully 
 now. ... If you take a waiting station 
 and leave tlie islands to stew in tlieir own 
 juice, there will be anarchy first and con- 
 siderable annexation afterwards. ... It is 
 most natural that Americans should feel 
 chary about accepting responsibilities over 
 the destinies of eight million people of
 
 THE OTHEE MAX's COryiEY. 95 
 
 somewhat mixed nationalities, — ^people wko 
 can fight. 
 
 ''Xet I Tentnre to think that in our em- 
 pire there is a close parallel to the conditions 
 in the Philippines and that we solved the 
 problem, as it is certain in my mind that 
 yon can solre it. If yon -vrill look np the 
 past of the native statts of the 3falay 
 Peninsula, yon ■will find conditions closely 
 approximating to those of the Philippines. 
 Fighting was incessant ; trade and develoi>- 
 ment were at a stand-stilL There is no 
 comer of the world in which the develop- 
 ment has been so swift and so perfectly 
 snccessfol. These native states are now 
 prosperous and contented. The trade has 
 increased by leaps and bounds. This is an 
 advantage to us and to the rest of the world. 
 Piracy, the joy of the Zlilalay population, 
 has disappeared, civilization is making 
 rapid way. 
 
 '■ How has this been accomplished ? Xot 
 by troops. Xot by force in any form. But 
 wholly by a policy which I suggest is open 
 to you. My namesake Sir Andrew Clarke 
 inaugurated the policy which has led to the 
 most astounding results. In the main it 
 consisted by permitting only native role 
 and placing by the side of each native
 
 96 THE OTHEE MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 ruler a strong and upright Englishman who 
 guides and restrains. . . . There is a small 
 Sikh police, whose superior officers only are 
 Englishmen. That is the only force applied, 
 and in late years there has been absolutely 
 uninterrujited and yearly increasing pros- 
 perity. As this is a small corner of the 
 earth, the facts are little known even here, 
 and Americans cannot know them. 
 
 ^'Well here I am convinced lies your 
 solution, and in some respects you have the 
 ad van tago» because the Philippines break up 
 easily into geographical groups as the Malay 
 states do not. Aguinaldo is a present diffi- 
 culty, is he not ? I know nothing of him? 
 but he is evidently capable. Make him 
 ruler of a portion of Luzon, with a fixed 
 salary, and put by his side an honorable 
 and strong man. . . . You can find in 
 your navy and army the few men of the 
 right stamp who are needed. Our trained 
 officials are by no means the greatest of our 
 successes. A soldier initiated the present 
 system in the Malay Peninsula. Two sailors 
 proved his most capable subordinates. 
 
 ^'Do turn this over in your mind, and if 
 you can get the President to look into our 
 administration of the Malay states and its 
 extraordinary success. Here is a protec-
 
 THE OTHEK MAN's COUNTEY. 97 
 
 torate in its best sense, and it does not cost 
 us a farthing." 
 
 President McKinley miglit have 
 pursued such a policy in the Philip- 
 pines, but he did not do so. We had 
 a young, fresh, most hopeful growth 
 ready to hand for such work had we 
 desired to pursue that course. We 
 found in Aguinaldo and his officers a 
 body of young men, many of them 
 well educated, most of them sincerely 
 patriotic and enthusiastically devoted 
 to their country. Had we treated 
 these men with courtesy and consider- 
 ation, aj)proving their patriotic pur- 
 pose, we could at once have firmly 
 established a peaceful government, and 
 have obtained full popular support for 
 it. That this is not an extreme claim 
 is evident from the fact that such a 
 government, without our aid, lasted, 
 even in the absence of such favoring 
 conditions, for six months, from the 
 
 7
 
 98 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 fall of Spanish power until our own 
 claims of sovereignty were asserted. 
 The favorable nature of the oppor- 
 tunity offered us was extraordinary, 
 and is only equal in extent to the 
 folly which first neglected it and then 
 trampled U]3on it. 
 
 Had a man of capacity and tact, 
 possessing the confidence of the people, 
 been charged with the duty of effect- 
 ing friendly and confidential relations 
 with the representative leaders, and 
 of adjusting their asj^irations for lib- 
 erty and self-government to the prac- 
 tical needs of the situation, the task, 
 though not without its difficulties, 
 could readily have been accomplished. 
 Admiral Dewey was just such a man. 
 He was on the spot ; he had the con- 
 fidence of the insurgents ; he had a 
 high opinion of the Filipinos. This 
 opinion he expressed more than once in 
 his despatches to Washington, and he 
 evidently expected, from what he said
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 99 
 
 in tliem, that some such policy was to 
 be adopted. He has expressed the 
 opinion that the war might have been 
 prevented by a competent and tactful 
 officer in command. Brigadier-Gen- 
 eral Charles A. Whittier has openly 
 testified to his belief that a little tact 
 and courtesy in dealing with Agui- 
 naldo would have averted the war. 
 He is reported in the New York 
 Evening Post of February 5, 1900, as 
 saying : 
 
 ''The final outbreak, in my opinion, was 
 accidental and not as has been represented, 
 a deliberate attempt at hostilities. The 
 trouble could all have been avoided as I 
 say, if we had been quietly working on 
 Aguinaldo during these months of waiting. 
 Very likely it might not have been easy, 
 for Aguinaldo had a good many impracti- 
 cable ideas at first ; but with the reason- 
 able temper which he always showed to me 
 I can't think there could have been much 
 trouble. As it was, we not only took no 
 trouble to quiet and conciliate him, but we
 
 100 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY, 
 
 passed liiin by. He told me I was the first 
 American officer to meet liim voluntarily, 
 and his apparent pleasure in the fact showed 
 what might have been done in the way of 
 leading him where we wanted by giving 
 him some outward importance in the eyes 
 of the people." 
 
 Why this policy was not adopted, 
 and "why tact and friendliness were 
 conspicuously absent in the treatment 
 accorded the Filipinos by General 
 Merritt and General Otis, is a ques- 
 tion not difficult, in part at least, to 
 answer. Sufficient tact and courtesy 
 were shown towards Aguinaldo and 
 his people until we had obtained what 
 we sought by making use of them, — 
 yiz., the defeat of Spain. Until this 
 end was attained the insurgent chief 
 was known as Don Emilio Aguinaldo y 
 Fami, or General Aguinaldo ; but later 
 he became Aguinaldo, and later still 
 the " boy in the street." The admin- 
 istration permitted Aguinaldo to be
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 101 
 
 used for the accomplishment of a pur- 
 jDOse most important to its designs. It 
 had either given orders to this effect, 
 which orders had not been published to 
 the world, or it had at least granted dis- 
 cretion to Admiral Dewey to act as he 
 did. But from the moment Manila 
 fell, and the S23aniards were driven 
 out of the islands, Aguinaldo became 
 as fatal an embarrassment to the ad- 
 ministration's ambitions as was Dun- 
 can to those of Macbeth. The least 
 that could be done was to elbow him 
 out of the way. It would never do to 
 flatter his hopes that the original 
 understanding effected with him was 
 to be carried out. That meant the 
 establishment of a native government. 
 The administration evidently felt that 
 a native government would obstruct 
 the splendid vision of the " illimitable 
 China trade" to which its eloquent 
 apologist. Senator Beveridge, has re- 
 ferred. This elbowing process is
 
 102 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 vividly described by an American 
 volunteer who enlisted with the under- 
 standing that he was going to fight 
 for freedom, the purpose originally 
 announced, — not for the subjection of 
 a peoj)le to our rule who had just 
 escaped from the thraldom of Spain. 
 He, with many others, went through 
 a process of disillusion during the 
 months of service in the Philippines. 
 The extreme friendliness of the Fili- 
 pinos at the time when our troops first 
 landed at Manila was gradually turned 
 into suspicion, irritation, and finally 
 bitter hatred, by the treatment they 
 received. 
 
 When Manila fell, the Filipinos 
 were ordered not to enter the city. 
 But some of their officers lodged in 
 the better houses decently, as did ours, 
 while some of their troops camped 
 within the city limits. They were 
 required by General Otis to march 
 out, and to remain within prescribed
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 103 
 
 lines outside the city. This they did, 
 though obedience to this order inflicted 
 great humiliation upon them. Still, 
 they took it with sufficient good nature 
 to enable them to shout a friendly 
 word as they j)assed some of our troops 
 who watched them go by. 
 
 The Filipino soldiers asked as a 
 favor, in marching out of Manila, per- 
 mission to form on the Lunetta and to 
 salute the spot where Jose Rizal and 
 others of their martyred heroes had 
 been executed by the Spaniards. We 
 may imagine the emotions of these 
 humble, dark-skinned soldiers as they 
 stood where the blood of at least one 
 true man and patriot had been cruelly 
 shed. The heavy yoke of Spain was 
 broken ; a great deliverance had come 
 through the new, strong race from 
 beyond the sea; and yet the soldiers 
 of that new power were already show- 
 ing a spirit of arrogance, of contempt 
 for the "little brown people," which
 
 104 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 deeply wounded their pride and seemed 
 to cast a dark shadow over the path 
 leading into the future, which up to 
 that time had seemed so bright with 
 the sunshine of freedom. 
 
 Whatever were the faults and vices 
 of the Filipinos, they were a temperate 
 people, and however much they hated 
 and had cause to hate the monastic 
 orders, they were devout Eoman Cath- 
 olics ; their lives were generally moral, 
 and they loathed drunkenness. But 
 with the new-comers came active, en- 
 ergetic agents of American brewers. 
 Saloons sprang up as in a night, — a 
 poisonous, fungous growth. The walls 
 of the city were disfigured by their 
 signs. Their bad influence upon the 
 troops was quickly evident. Drunken 
 soldiers were not only repulsive and 
 unusual objects for Malay eyes to rest 
 upon, but were unpleasant and some- 
 times dangerous to encounter in the 
 streets. Assaults of greater or less
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 105 
 
 gravity frequently occurred. On one 
 occasion a Filipino fruit girl, a mere 
 cliilcl, liad her basket violently kicked 
 by a drunken soldier and her wares 
 sent flying in every direction. It was 
 not an uncommon occurrence for a 
 soldier under the influence of liquor 
 to strike an inoffensive Filipino civil- 
 ian on the head with a beer-bottle. It 
 was a common thing for the rougher 
 characters among the soldiers to 
 "Kangaroo" a Filipino fruit-vender, 
 — to jostle him until his attention was 
 attracted, and then to take his fruit 
 without paying for it. The testimony 
 of Rev. Peter MacQueen shows that 
 assaults on Filipinos, not on Spaniards, 
 were scandalously frequent. He men- 
 tions a number quite unprovoked 
 which he personally witnessed. Had 
 the influence of their officers generally 
 been against such outrages, they could 
 not have happened so frequently. It 
 was contempt that filtered from above
 
 106 THE OTHEE MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 to the ranks towards tlie " niggers," as 
 tlie Filipinos came too frequently to be 
 called, that made such outrages of 
 frequent occurrence. The Filipino 
 officers, when coming into Manila, were 
 not allowed to wear their side-arms, — a 
 privilege accorded to Spanish officers, 
 — nor the Filipino j)rivate soldiers to 
 retain their knives. It was understood 
 that the Filipino soldiers could get 
 their knives back again upon returning 
 to their camps, but it was usually the 
 case that by that time the knife had 
 become a " souvenir," and the soldier 
 who had possession of it could not be 
 found, or at least could not be identi- 
 fied.* These things burned deeply 
 into the hearts of the people, but the 
 Peace Commission do not seem to 
 have heard of them, for they do not 
 mention them in their report. 
 
 * Statement of Abram L. Mumper, 
 Greeley, Colorado.
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 107 
 
 What judicial mind could afford to 
 neglect such incidents in reaching a 
 just estimate of the situation? Or 
 what people, whether barbarous or 
 highly civilized, could have avoided 
 the conflict which ultimately came 
 between the Filipinos and our troops ? 
 And yet for that conflict, which finally 
 broke out on the night of February 4, 
 1899, the Filipinos cannot be justly 
 blamed, as the American people have 
 very generally supposed. 
 
 The immediate cause of the break- 
 ing out of the conflict is to be found 
 in General Otis's order requiring the 
 Nebraska regiment to advance its lines 
 within territory that the Filipinos 
 could fairly consider theirs. The pro- 
 tocol gave us the right to occupy the 
 bay, harbor, and city of Manila, — 
 nothing beyond, — and the protocol 
 remained in force until the Peace 
 Treaty was passed by the Senate, 
 signed by the President, and its ratifi-
 
 108 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 cation had been exclianged by tlie 
 Spanish Government, which occurred 
 April 11. The Senate passed the 
 treaty February 6, and the President 
 signed it February 10. The war 
 broke out February 4. General Otis 
 clearly was not justified in advancing 
 his military lines beyond the actual 
 limits of Manila until after the treaty 
 was ratified and the exchange of that 
 ratification with S|)ain had taken place. 
 To do so showed a complete disregard 
 for the rights of the Filipinos, and 
 seems to establish the fact that we 
 were quite willing, if not anxious, to 
 provoke a conflict with them. 
 
 We learn from General Otis's re- 
 port that he wished General Miller's 
 forces to attack Iloilo on the 7th of 
 February for certain " overmastering 
 political reasons." He says (page 
 103): 
 
 ''The territory was no longer Spain's, 
 but we still hesitated to take decisive action,
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 109 
 
 for fear of provoking tlie insurgents, or 
 really giving tliem the excuse to attack us 
 which they desired. Kow this last obstacle 
 had been removed by their determined on- 
 slaughts on Manila, and it was very impor- 
 tant, for overmastering ])olitical reasons, to 
 take possession of these southern ports, through 
 force or otherwise, as circumstances might de- 
 mand. . . . We . . . concluded that exigen- 
 cies compelled us to clear up the field which 
 we were confronting at Iloilo." [Author's 
 italics.] 
 
 These " overmastering political 
 reasons" doubtless existed previously, 
 and they may have prompted throw- 
 ing the Nebraska troops within Fili- 
 pino boundaries, which, in view of the 
 irritation and tension already existing, 
 would be almost certain to provoke a 
 conflict. In the absence of any ex- 
 plicit information upon the nature of 
 these " political reasons," we can only 
 surmise that they are to be found in 
 the President's wish to get the Peace 
 Treaty ratified. If so, a ruthless
 
 110 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 massacre of Filipinos was the means 
 deliberately chosen for effecting politi- 
 cal ends in Washington. General 
 Otis was well aware of how positively 
 the Filipinos objected to this advance 
 of the American lines, for it had been 
 made the subject of correspondence 
 between Aguinaldo and himself 
 
 In reference to the question whether 
 Santa Mesa is located within or be- 
 yond the limits of Manila, the fol- 
 lowing extracts from correspondence 
 between Aguinaldo and General Otis 
 are interesting. A valuable editorial 
 appeared in the Springfield Republican 
 of January 31, 1900, on this subject. 
 The following is a quotation from it : 
 
 "When General Otis succeeded General 
 Merritt as commander of the United States 
 forces in the PhilipiDines in August, 1898, 
 a correspondence between General Merritt 
 and Aguinaldo, concerning the proper loca- 
 tion of the American military lines around 
 Manila, was well advanced, but still pend-
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. Ill 
 
 ing ; and the final negotiations thereupon 
 devolved upon General Otis. After parley- 
 ing, the Filipinos retired beyond the lines 
 insisted upon by General Otis, with an ex- 
 ception or two, including Pandacan. Gen- 
 eral Otis, desiring to hold Pandacan because 
 of its obvious military value, threatened 
 on October 14, 1898, to use military force to 
 drive the Filipino army out of the town, 
 writing an ultimatum to Aguinaldo as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 '"I must request such withdrawal on 
 or before the 20th instant, else I shall be 
 forced into some action looking to that end.^ 
 
 ''Aguinaldo on October 22 thus replied 
 to General Otis : 
 
 '' 'General, — In view of your favor of 
 the 14th instant, I consulted the opinions 
 of my generals and advisory council, and I 
 have appointed Dr. Pardo de Tavera, in 
 order that he might place before you the 
 wishes of all, as he did on the 18th. Said 
 commissioners, upon giving me an account 
 of your wishes, told me that you had con- 
 sented to postpone the ultimatum for the 
 withdrawal of our troops until the 25th, 
 and the retention by our forces of the block- 
 house situated on the line shown on the 
 blue map, which you sent me with said
 
 112 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 letter, but had not acceded to tlie desires of 
 the Philippine people that my forces con- 
 tinue to occuj)y Pandacan. Relative to the 
 latter point, I take the liberty of telling 
 you that your predecessor, General Merritt, 
 understood that the American forces only 
 ought to occupy, according to the terms of 
 the capitulation of Manila, the city and 
 its environs, — i.e., Binondo, Tondo, Santa 
 Cruz, Quiapo, Sampaloc, San Miguel, Con- 
 cepcion, Ermita, Malate, and Paco, or San 
 Fernando de Dilao, and thus he clearly puts 
 it in his letter of August 20 last. The town 
 of Pandacan has always been considered 
 outside of the old municipal limits of 
 Manila, which the general himself mentions 
 in said letter, and I hope your high sense 
 of judgment will see it thus. Nevertheless, 
 I understand that your forces are already 
 occupying Uli-Uli, Nactahan, and Santa 
 Mesa districts, which, although belonging 
 to the jurisdiction of Pandacan, they can 
 continue to do, in order to prevent the con- 
 tinual encounters with mine which cause 
 disagreeable incidents.' 
 
 '^ On the 25th, in resxDonse to General 
 Otis' s ultimatum, which was a threat of 
 war, the Filipino trooi)S were withdrawn 
 from Pandacan. That they withdrew, how-
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 113 
 
 ever, ^ith a feeling of wrath and outraged 
 justice cannot be doubted, for General 
 Otis liimself, tAvo days after their ^ritli- 
 drawal, in a letter to Aguinaldo, admitted 
 that Aguinaldo' s statements as to Pandacan 
 were well founded. Otis wrote him (pages 
 20, 21) : 
 
 '^'I have referred to General Merritt's 
 letter of August 20, which you mention, 
 and find that it is as you state. ... I have 
 been led to believe that it (Pandacan) has, 
 of late, been considered out of the city's 
 suburbs, although we have been unable to 
 find any Spanish decree which fixes its 
 status with definiteness.' 
 
 ^'Here is Otis admitting to Aguinaldo 
 that General Merritt has considered Panda- 
 can as beyond the limits of the city of 
 Manila, or its suburbs, or its defences. And 
 here he is, also, admitting that he could 
 find no Spanish authority for considering 
 the town as one of the city suburbs. With 
 Merritt agreeing with Aguinaldo and Otis 
 unable to sustain his course by any Spanish 
 authority, what is the reasonable conclusion 
 regarding Pandacan I 
 
 "It was in that region, which the Fili- 
 pinos never could have regarded as justly 
 or legally held by the United States, that a 
 8
 
 114 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 Stray insurgent, lieedless of the challenge 
 of a I^ebraska sentry, was shot on February 
 4, 1899. And thus the war began. In this 
 same report by General Otis there is fresh 
 evidence, to be referred to later on, that no 
 assault on the American lines was premedi- 
 tated by the Filipinos that fateful night, 
 but in this article the Bepuhlican confines its 
 analysis of the report to this contention 
 alone : That the troops commanded by Gen- 
 eral Otis had no right, under the peace 
 protocol, to be in occupation of the region 
 where the clash between the two armies 
 finally came. The unpremeditated encoun- 
 ter came on territory which Otis had seized 
 by force, without lawful warrant, and which 
 Merritt himself had conceded was not 
 within American jurisdiction. These are 
 facts to remember, for they have a bearing 
 upon the historical phases of the imperial- 
 istic controversy." 
 
 General C. McC. Eeeve, promoted 
 from colonel of the Minnesota regi- 
 ment for bravery, and who was provost- 
 marshal of Manila at the time of the 
 outbreak in February, 1899, said in an
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 115 
 
 interview in Minneapolis about April 
 24, 1899 : 
 
 "I can tell you one piece of news that is 
 not generally known in the United States. 
 On Sunday, February 5, the day after the 
 fighting began, General Torres, of the in- 
 surgents, came through our lines under a 
 flag of truce, and had a personal interview 
 with General Otis, in which, speaking for 
 Aguinaldo, he declared that the fighting had 
 been begun accidentally and was not author- 
 ized by Aguinaldo ; that Aguinaldo wished 
 to have it stopped, and that to bring about 
 a conclusion of hostilities he proposed the 
 establishment of a neutral zone between the 
 two armies of any width that would be 
 agreeable to General Otis, so that during 
 the peace negotiations there might be no 
 ^-further danger of conflicts between the two 
 armies. To these representations of Gen- 
 eral Torres General Otis sternly replied 
 that the fighting having once begun must 
 go on to the grim end. And it has been 
 going on ever since." 
 
 General Otis, in response to an in- 
 quiry, made through a resolution of
 
 116 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 the United States Senate, cabled May 
 1, 1900, a reply in explanation of his 
 alleged refusal of Aguiualdo's over- 
 tures for peace made immediately after 
 the outbreak of hostilities on February 
 4, 1899. The despatch from Adjutant- 
 General Corbin making the inquiry 
 and General Otis's reply answering it 
 are given herewith. In the estimation 
 of the author. General Otis's reply is 
 unsatisfactory, and it is contradictory 
 of a former important despatch sent 
 by him immediately after the event 
 in dis23ute occurred. For his present 
 despatch to be strictly true and there- 
 fore to have weight, his earlier one 
 must have been essentially untrue and, 
 therefore, valueless. In his despatch 
 of February 8, 1899, General Otis 
 reported, without qualification, that 
 Aguinaldo *' now applies for cessation 
 of hostilities and conference. Have 
 declined to answer." Herein General 
 Otis himself corroborated the essential
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTEY. 117 
 
 part of General C. McC. Reeve's state- 
 ment showing that Aguinaldo's over- 
 tures for peace immediately upon the 
 outbreak of hostilities had been re- 
 jected. That is the essential point, 
 which, being established, places so ter- 
 rible a load of responsibility on the 
 shoulders of General Otis and the 
 administration. But in his despatch 
 of May 1, 1900, General Otis says of 
 his earlier one that it was " hasty" and 
 "misleading." Does he wish us to infer 
 from this that its important statement 
 of fact, concerning Aguinaldo's appli- 
 cation for a cessation of hostilities and 
 his refusal to grant it, is false ? If he 
 does not wish us to draw this inference, 
 what are we to infer ? The least that 
 we can do is to discredit him as a wit- 
 ness. He certainly discredits himself. 
 "We are the more led to this conclusion 
 when we recall the fact that General 
 Otis is the author of despatches run- 
 ning through the period of at least a
 
 118 THE OTHER MAN S COUNTRY. 
 
 year assuring the public that the Phil- 
 ippine insurrection was on the eve of 
 collapse, or actually over, when in 
 reality it has continued up to this 
 moment (August, 1900). 
 
 Adjutant-General's Office, 
 Washington, D. C, April 30, 1900. 
 To Otis, Manila: 
 
 Cable wlietlier General Torres came to 
 you under flag of truce, February 5, 1899, 
 and stated Aguinaldo declared fighting had 
 begun accidentally and not authorized by 
 him ; that Aguinaldo wished it stopped, 
 and to end hostilities proposed establish- 
 ment of neutral zone between the two 
 armies of width agreeable to you, so during 
 peace negotiations there might be no further 
 danger of conflict. Whether you replied 
 fighting having begun, must go on to grim 
 end. 
 
 CORBIN. 
 
 The following is General Otis's 
 reply : 
 
 Manila, May 1, 1900. 
 Adjutant- General War, Washington: 
 
 Judge Torres, citizen resident of Manila, 
 who had served as member insurgent com-
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 119 
 
 mission, reported evening February 5, ask- 
 ing if sometliing could not be done to stop 
 the fighting and establishment of neutral 
 zone. I replied Aguinaldo had commenced 
 the fighting and must apply for cessation. 
 I had nothing to request from insurgent 
 government. He asked permission to send 
 Colonel Arguellez to Malolos, and Arguellez 
 was passed through lines near Caloocan 
 next morning. He went direct to Malolos, 
 told General Aguinaldo and Mabini that 
 General Otis would permit suspension of 
 hostilities upon their request. They re- 
 plied declaration of war had been made, a 
 copy of which they furnished him. They 
 said they had no objection to suspension of 
 hostilities, but beyond this general remark 
 made no response, but directed him to 
 return with that message. Arguellez re- 
 ported that he conveyed my statement ; 
 that they had commenced the war, and it 
 must go on, since they had chosen that 
 course of action, but did not attempt to in- 
 duce them to make any proposition, as he 
 feared accusation of cowardice. The insur- 
 gent chief authorities made no proposition 
 and did not intend to make any, nor did 
 they attempt to do so until driven out of 
 Malolos. My hasty despatch of about that
 
 120 THE OTHEK MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 date misleading. Look in writing state- 
 ment of Arguellez several days ago in 
 order to fully understand temper of insur- 
 gents at early period of war. 
 
 Lieutenant Martin E. Tew, of the 
 Minnesota regiment of volunteers, who 
 was since a member of General Otis's 
 staff, published a letter in the Minne- 
 apolis Times, in which he quotes Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Zialcita, major of cav- 
 alry in the Filipino army, as follows : 
 
 ''The Filipinos never had the slightest 
 intention of attacking the Americans, be- 
 cause we had been assured by them that 
 they were our friends and allies. As a 
 proof of the statement that it was not a 
 premeditated attack, I cite the facts that 
 on the same evening many of Aguinaldo's 
 adjutants and officers were in Manila. 
 Some had returned to Malolos on the last 
 evening train, and others, as you know, 
 remained in the city and were held by you 
 as prisoners of war." 
 
 President McKinley could not have 
 read General C. McC. Eeeve's state-
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 121 
 
 ment, nor General Otis's report touch- 
 ing this point. General Otis admits 
 that he " does not think the insurgents 
 intended to attack at this time," for he 
 says in his message : " The aggressions 
 of the Filipinos continually increased, 
 until finally, just before the time set by 
 the Senate of the United States for a 
 vote upon the treaty, ^^ — (Author's ital- 
 ics.) (The reader should here note that 
 General Otis reported thai there were 
 " overmastering 'political reasons''^ why 
 we should attack Iloilo at precisely this 
 time) — " a7i attack evidently prepared 
 in advance was made all along the 
 American lines,"^ etc. 
 
 Aguinaldo had protested against the 
 forward movement, arguing that it was 
 unwarranted. He pointed out the fact 
 that Santa Mesa, where the Nebraska 
 regiment was stationed, lay beyond the 
 limits prescribed by the protocol. Gen- 
 eral Otis at first disputed this claim, 
 but finally virtually admitted its jus-
 
 122 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 tice. Why, then, did he not withdraw 
 his troops, supposing that he did not 
 desire to begin war ? We find no sat- 
 isfactory answer to this question. The 
 conclusion is irresistible that the ad- 
 ministration had determined to obtain 
 full possession of the islands in ad- 
 vance of the ratification of the treaty, 
 and even at the cost of war provoked 
 by it. To advance our lines and then 
 hold them at a point which Aguinaldo 
 showed we had no right to occupy was 
 a clear indication that it was the Presi- 
 dent's policy to provoke a conflict. 
 Otherwise, why were constitutional 
 rights and moral rights not considered 
 in dealing with the Filipino leaders 
 whom we had called into the islands to 
 aid us in driving out the Spaniards? 
 The official acts of the President, while 
 expressed in the smoothest and most 
 benevolent phraseology, in their sub- 
 stance and intent meant war ; while in 
 the neglect of the Filipino leaders by
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 123 
 
 our military leaders, and in the con- 
 tempt shown the Filipino people by 
 our troops, as well as in the constant 
 pressing back of the Filipino lines, are 
 to be found all the necessary addi- 
 tional causes which conspired to bring 
 war. 
 
 The fight which opened the war, and 
 which occurred on the night of Feb- 
 ruary 4, came about in this way : It 
 was claimed by the Filipinos that our 
 line which Grayson patrolled at Santa 
 Mesa extended into their territory. 
 On the morning of February 4, when 
 Private Grayson, of the Nebraska 
 regiment, went on duty, a Filipino 
 officer had words with him about the 
 position of our line, objecting to it, and 
 threatening that if the Americans did 
 not move back many of them might 
 be killed. The Filipino officer spoke 
 in Spanish, and Grayson thought he 
 had been drinking. It was a wrangle. 
 
 Later in the day Colonel Stotsen-
 
 124 THE OTHER MAn'S COUNTRY. 
 
 Surg, of tlie Nebraska regiment, who 
 was killed in battle later in the war, 
 passed by. On being appealed to con- 
 cerning the line, he advised its exten- 
 sion still farther in the direction of 
 the Filipino position. This was done' 
 notwithstanding the fact that those 
 Filipinos who saw our advance waved 
 their arms and guns in protest. All 
 this occurred near Block-House No. 7. 
 The Nebraska regiment, posted on the 
 high ground at Santa Mesa, was about 
 one mile in advance of the lines held 
 by the rest of our troops. And it now 
 appears this point was beyond the 
 limits assigned the United States under 
 the terms of the protocol, which only 
 gave us the right to occupy the bay, 
 harbor, and city of Manila. At eight 
 o'clock in the evening Grayson was 
 again on guard, when near him the 
 same Filipino officer, who had disputed 
 with him in the morning, endeavored 
 to cross the American lines. Grayson
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 125 
 
 stated to A. L. Mumper* that he 
 challenged the Filipino twice, calling, 
 "Halt! Halt!" The man answered, 
 "Alto, alto," presumably in con- 
 tempt. Grayson then fired, killing 
 him. He then retired to Block-House 
 No. 7, and reported to the sergeant on 
 duty there what he had done. He 
 was sent back to the line with a squad 
 
 * Mr. Abram L. Mumper was a member 
 of Company H, First Idalio Eegiment. 
 He took part in the assault on Manila, 
 August 13, 1898; also in the battle of 
 Manila, February 4 and 5, 1899. In this 
 latter action he served under General Kinsr. 
 who led the charge upon the insurgent 
 stronghold. He was also in the fight at 
 Caloocan, February 9, upon this occasion 
 serving with the Twentieth Kansas. Later 
 he took part in the first battle before 
 Malabon, February 10, and in several skir- 
 mishes on the south line between San Pedro 
 Macati and Passay. The author has re- 
 ceived the strongest testimonials as to Mr. 
 Mumper's high character, reliability, and 
 accuracy as a witness.
 
 126 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 of men. Two or three more Filipinos 
 were found crossing tlie line. Our 
 soldiers fired upon them, either killing 
 or wounding some. This occurred, ac- 
 cording to Grayson's statement, about 
 fifteen minutes after the first shot had 
 been fired. This encounter was fol- 
 lowed by general firing from the Fili- 
 pino lines. Bat it is evident that no 
 attack had been anticipated by them, 
 and that their assault on us was nat- 
 urally provoked by the shooting of 
 their men. Private Grayson was, of 
 course, simply acting under orders. 
 Grayson also told Abram L. Mumper 
 on board the transport " Hancock," as 
 the former's regiment was about to sail 
 for the United States, that it was '' the 
 damned bull-headedness" of the ofiicers 
 in invading insurgent territory that 
 was responsible for the firing of his 
 shot. The circumstances seem to favor 
 the belief that our authorities intended 
 to provoke a conflict if they found it
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 127 
 
 impossible otherwise to disembarrass 
 themselves of the native de facto 
 government. It was, no doubt, sup- 
 posed that the struggle would be of 
 very short duration. By making the 
 war "hell" for the insurgents, — that 
 was the current term, — it was expected 
 that they would submit to American 
 rule in the course of a few weeks, when 
 the process of "benevolent assimila- 
 tion" would begin.* There was a 
 
 * The version which is here given of the 
 outbreak of the war is that which was 
 given the author by Abram L. Mumper, of 
 Greeley, Colorado, an honorably discharged 
 volunteer, who served in the Philippines. 
 The author has fully satisfied himself of 
 Mr. Mumper's good character and reliabil- 
 ity of statement. Eeaders who wish to 
 assure themselves further on this point can 
 do so by addressing Abram L. Mumper, 
 Greeley, Colorado. Mr. Mumper can give 
 the most satisfactory reference from promi- 
 nent citizens in his locality as to his stand- 
 ing and character. During some two
 
 128 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 general feeling of contempt for the 
 natives, expressed in the term "nig- 
 gers," which was used by our officers, 
 in some instances at least, as well as 
 by the privates. It was doubtless this 
 feeling of contempt, so natural to the 
 Anglo-Saxon in his relations with a 
 dark-skinned and weaker race, and the 
 hope that fighting might be soon ended 
 by making it fierce for the time, which 
 led to so much looting and to some 
 atrocities that in the beginning of the 
 war were indulged in by our troops. 
 Looting to any great extent would not 
 have occurred if the officers had set 
 their faces against it. Our troops did 
 
 months of tlie i)ast winter the author was 
 in almost daily contact with Mr. Mumper. 
 He takes this occasion to express gratitude 
 for the large amount of valuable informa- 
 tion received from him, and to record his 
 conviction of Mr. Mumper's entire sin- 
 cerity, deep, unselfish patriotism, and prac- 
 tical common sense.
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 129 
 
 not loot from the Spaniards, although 
 they had the chance to do so. They 
 fully respected private property in 
 Manila. Why, then, did they not 
 show equal restraint in those fights 
 which took place immediately after 
 the 4th of February ? 
 
 Mr. John F. Bass, the Philippine 
 correspondent of Harpe/s Weekly, re- 
 fers to this matter in a letter pub- 
 lished during the summer of 1899. 
 He says : 
 
 "The plan for crushing the insurrection 
 has varied in policy from time to time. 
 Pasig, the second largest town in Luzon, 
 was looted and burned ; the villages for 
 miles along the southern shore of Laguna 
 de Bay were laid waste. The barbarous 
 native should be taught how terrible war 
 waged by American soldiers was. Then 
 came a x)eriod when sometimes a town was 
 burned and sometimes it was not, no plan 
 being apparently followed. The insurgents 
 are a good deal like children, and they imitated 
 us; instead of leaving their towns for us to 
 9
 
 130 THE OTHER MAN S COUNTRY. 
 
 hum, they iurned them themselves, [Author's 
 italics.] 
 
 The town of Guiguinto I saw set on fire 
 by our men and burn up, no steps being 
 taken to ijunisli the offenders. The height 
 of the ridiculous was reached when Malolos, 
 the next town, five miles up the railroad, 
 was captured. Here the utmost care was 
 taken by our officers to protect property ; a 
 brigadier-general rode into town and ex- 
 claimed dramatically that the honor of the 
 United States required that our conduct 
 should contrast with that of the insurgents. 
 The latter burned and pillaged, while we 
 protected property and the rights of the 
 people." 
 
 p^ ^ *I* •!> 'I^ 'i^ ^^ ^ 
 
 ''There has been a great hue and cry 
 raised because the insurgents mutilated two 
 of our dead by cutting off their ears, and 
 yet one or two of our scouts made a practice 
 of cutting off the ears of the iusui-gents they 
 killed and preserving them as trophies. 
 Needless to say, this custom, when dis- 
 covered, was stopped by the officers. Out- 
 rages on either side I believe to be isolated 
 cases, with the honors fairly divided. There 
 are bad men in every army."
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 131 
 
 Mr. Eobert M. Collins, the Philip- 
 pine corresjoondent of the Associated 
 Press, wrote Mr. Melville E. Stone, Gen- 
 eral Manager, under date of July 30, 
 1899, describing the circumstances 
 which led to the protest of the news- 
 paper representatives against the cen- 
 soring of news by General Otis. Ex- 
 tracts from this letter are given as 
 follows : 
 
 ''But when General Otis came down in the 
 frank admission that it was not intended so 
 much to prevent the newspapers from giving 
 information and assistance to the enemy (the 
 legitimate function, and according to our 
 view, the only legitimate one of a censor- 
 ship), but to keep the knowledge of condi- 
 tions here from the public at home, and 
 when the censor had repeatedly told us, in 
 ruling out plain statements of undisputed 
 facts, 'My instructions are to let nothing 
 go that can hurt the administration,' we 
 concluded that protest was justifiable. 
 
 "Three hours of exceedingly plain talk 
 followed. The general did not contradict
 
 132 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 our statements that tlie purpose of tlie cen- 
 sorship was to keep the facts from the pub- 
 lic, but said that what we wanted was to 
 have the people stirred up and to make 
 sensations for the papers. We told him 
 that there had never been any subject fur- 
 nishing more good material for sensations 
 than this war, and that he should be exceed- 
 ingly grateful to the papers handling it so 
 temperately. 
 
 '^In that connection we reminded him 
 that the stories of looting in soldiers' letters 
 home had been little, if any, exaggerated. 
 Davis and Bass told him that they had per- 
 sonally seen our soldiers bayoneting the 
 wounded ; and I reminded him that the cut- 
 ting off of the ears of two American soldiers 
 at Dasmarinas had been merely retaliation 
 for similar mutilations of dead Filipinos by 
 the Americans. (No one could possibly tell 
 stronger stories of the looting and black- 
 mailing of our soldiers than Otis has told, 
 although he charges it all to the volunteers.) 
 
 "We told him that we had refrained from 
 sending these things and others of similar 
 nature because we did not wish to make 
 sensations. We told him that the censor- 
 ship was purely for the purpose of giving 
 the impression at home that everything
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 133 
 
 was lovely here, otherwise he would sup- 
 press the local papers which print all sorts 
 of clippings from American papers, de- 
 nouncing the administration, and which 
 kept the enemy posted on the position of 
 every company in our army, and even give 
 advance notice of intended movements. 
 
 ''Eecently I filed what I thought a most 
 inoffensive statement that the business men 
 who had appeared before the Commission 
 had advocated the retention of the existing 
 silver system of currency. The censor said, 
 ' I ought not to let that go. That would be 
 a lift for Bryan. My instructions are to 
 shut off everything that could hurt McKin- 
 ley's administration. That is free silver.' 
 I explained that the silver system here was 
 not 16 to 1, and with seeming reluctance he 
 O.K.'d the item." 
 
 Keaders wlio desire to make critical 
 examination of the alleged shooting 
 of Filipino prisoners at the battle of 
 Caloocan are referred to an interesting 
 statement on this subject which ap- 
 pears in a letter to the Springfield
 
 134 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 Republican, December 12, 1899, from 
 Edmund Boltwood, late captain Twen- 
 tietli Kansas Infantry, U.S.V. This 
 was written from Ottawa, Kansas, and 
 bears date December 6, 1899. 
 
 A. L. Mumper testifies on tbis point 
 as follows : 
 
 *'It kept leaking down from sources 
 above that tlie Filipinos were ' niggers ;' 
 no better than Indians, and were to be 
 treated as such. Whether this policy came 
 from Washington or was born in the minds 
 of the ambitious officers who had not yet 
 gained enough glory, I cannot say. But I 
 can say that on more than one battle-field 
 they were treated like Indians. At Caloo- 
 can I saw natives shot down that could 
 have been taken prisoners, and the whole 
 country around Manila set ablaze with ap- 
 parently no other object than to teach the 
 natives submission by showing them that 
 with the Americans war was hell." 
 
 The original correspondent of the 
 New York Evening Post, Mr. H. L. 
 Wells (a volunteer), while he denies
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 135 
 
 that the killing of prisoners occurred, 
 treats at great length the question of 
 looting and the appropriation of private 
 property. This was indulged in to a 
 shameful extent not only by the rank 
 and file, but by many volunteer officers. 
 Mr. Wells says in a letter to the 
 Evening Post, published July 20, 
 1899: 
 
 "As I said before, every house was 
 entered, and if anytliing had been left by 
 the former occupants it was thoroughly 
 overhauled. Clothing was snatched out 
 of bureaus and scattered over the floor in 
 search of valuables. Boxes were broken 
 open. Suspicious mounds in back yards 
 were dug into. Cisterns were probed and 
 bamboo thickets were inspected. Often 
 caches of clothing, crockery, books, etc., 
 were discovered, and their contents scat- 
 tered in the search for valuables, very few 
 of which were found. Probably the two 
 richest places, because the most hastily 
 abandoned, were the cities of Pasig and 
 Malabon. I was in Pasig the day after its 
 capture, and at that time there was not a
 
 136 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 house that had not been ransacked. It was 
 current rumor that several sums of money 
 had been found, one soldier having dis- 
 covered about $1500. I was told by a 
 saloon-keeper in Manila a few days later 
 that several soldiers had exhibited con- 
 siderable rolls of Filipino paper money. 
 However, such things must be chiefly con- 
 jecture, since a soldier finding money 
 would keep very quiet about it for his own 
 protection. Only a few cases of such finds 
 have come under my personal observation, 
 and in those the amounts were small. 
 There were a number of houses in Pasig 
 belonging to wealthy j^ersons, and it may 
 well be that articles worth carrying off 
 were found. I know that the floors were 
 covered with clothing, much of it expen- 
 sive goods, that had been thrown from 
 wardrobes. In one house I waded knee- 
 deep in elegant gowns of silk, satin, and 
 piiia cloth. The condition of affairs in 
 Malabon was much the same, and in every 
 town entered by our troops until the past 
 month, when the appointment of a provost- 
 marshal and guard has been the first act of 
 the commanding general. I have seen fine 
 libraries scattered about and trampled 
 under foot, many valuable books being
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 137 
 
 carried away. I have seen books nearly 
 two centuries old in the possession of 
 soldiers. 
 
 " There has been no personal violence at 
 any time that I have seen or heard of. 
 Only vacant houses have been searched. 
 Whenever the occupants have remained 
 instead of fleeing, they have been unmo- 
 lested in either i^erson or property. Actu- 
 ally there has been but little property 
 taken. More has been damaged or de- 
 stroyed than carried away. The bump of 
 destruction seems to be abnormally de- 
 veloped in the average soldier. He seems 
 to delight in breaking furniture and smash- 
 ing looking-glasses and crockery. Even 
 pianos are not sacred from his violence. 
 Why this is so I cannot say. I do not 
 understand it to be a condition of mind 
 peculiar to the soldier in the Philippines 
 or to this generation. If I remember 
 aright, the same tendencies existed during 
 our civil war. I only tell it as a fact that 
 the average soldier who picks up a fine 
 piece of crockery to look at throws it down 
 again, instead of placing it down gently ; 
 sticks his heel through the panels of side- 
 boards, and carves the legs of pianos with 
 his bolo. At the same time the average
 
 138 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 officer possesses himself of the best horse 
 and caromato he can find, and the average 
 general blossoms out with a fine span and 
 elegant carriage, for which he is unable to 
 present a bill of sale. 
 
 ^'The richest troi^hy-hunting was in 
 Manila after its capture in August last. 
 Private property was not taken, but there 
 was plenty of public property to supply 
 souvenirs galore, among other things a 
 splendid collection of ancient and modern 
 arms, which melted away under the covet- 
 ous gaze of those high enough in authority 
 to reach it. I call to mind the case of a 
 certain army chaplain who undertook to 
 possess himself of a small cannon of ancient 
 make to present to the university of his 
 State, and was severely criticised by officers 
 of much higher rank, who at the time held 
 in their possession and for their own use 
 articles of much greater intrinsic value. 
 And this reminds me of a significant re- 
 mark made by an officer who had accumu- 
 lated a few such trophies as a Mauser, kris, 
 bolo, sword, etc. A civilian who was look- 
 ing at his collection asked him if he was 
 not afraid of a court-martial. He replied 
 no, because there was no officer competent 
 to order a court-martial, from the governor-
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 139 
 
 general down, who would be willing to 
 trade collections with him. But that was 
 long ago, and now the orders are so strict 
 that the poor soldier who seeks curios, or 
 even endeavors to add chicken to his bill- 
 of-fare, does so with the guard-house and 
 military prison at Bilibid staring him in 
 the face." 
 
 That some of the army officers not 
 only winked at this practice, but 
 encouraged it, is evident from a state- 
 ment made in the book written by 
 Karl Irving Faust and Kev. Peter 
 MacQueen, " Campaigning in the Phil- 
 ippines," to this effect (page 203) : 
 
 ''The Idahos, under Major Figgins, 
 camped in the church at Lumban. The 
 orders were very strict about looting. But 
 the old major said he thought he could con- 
 strue them so as to let his men catch chick- 
 ens and take mats from the houses to cover 
 them from the dew. One brawny miner 
 was hauling away a piece of carpet, and 
 was thus found by General Lawton. Law- 
 ton took him up to Major Figgins. ' What
 
 140 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 is the charge, General?' said Figgins. 'I 
 found this man looting/ answered the Gen- 
 eral. 'All right, General,' said Figgins; 
 'leave him to me; I'll deal with him.' 
 When Lawton went away the major turned 
 to his man, who was an Irishman, 'You 
 big galoot ; why did you let the General 
 catch you? Now off with you, and get 
 your carpet, and don't let me see you get 
 caught again.' " 
 
 The testimony of other volunteers is 
 to the same effect. Mahogany or cam- 
 phor chests are common in many Fili- 
 pino houses. They are used by the 
 people for preserving clothing from 
 the ravages of destructive insects. 
 After the capture of a village, and 
 when the inhabitants had fled, soldiers 
 would break open the lids of these 
 chests with the butts of their guns, 
 rifle the contents, take what they fan- 
 cied, and then leave the rest scattered 
 about in wanton confusion, until the 
 flames, afterwards applied to the
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 141 
 
 houses, destroyed all trace of wliat had 
 occurred. 
 
 It is evident tliat this looting was 
 not necessary, and therefore not ex- 
 cusable, while the burning of the 
 villages was a wanton destruction of 
 property. Such acts of license could 
 have been restrained by proper disci- 
 pline. If it was successfully avoided 
 in dealing with the Spanish enemy, 
 what was to prevent equal success in 
 dealing with the Filipinos ? 
 
 While this question is treated rather 
 as an incident and apart from the main 
 issue, it has its relative value in a con- 
 sideration of the whole subject. It 
 shows the bad spirit which existed. 
 Such lawless and disgraceful acts are 
 condoned by some with the excuse, 
 "Such things always occur in war." 
 If so, let them be patiently chronicled, 
 that an advancing civilization, in ab- 
 horrence of them, may render war 
 more difficult and less frequent.
 
 xi 
 
 142 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 It has now been made clear that the 
 war was virtually forced upon the 
 Filipinos by the general policy which 
 we pursued in the islands and by our 
 incidental actions. To summarize, it 
 has been shown : First, that a procla- 
 mation of sovereignty was issued at a 
 time when it was not within the Presi- 
 dent's constitutional power to take this 
 grave step, and when a de facto native 
 government was preserving peace and 
 fulfilling its functions in all territory 
 over which its authority extended ; 
 second, that the first shot in the conflict 
 was fired by us in territory outside Ma- 
 nila, and hence beyond the limits of 
 our jurisdiction. But the most im- 
 portant fact in this history, and one 
 deserving the greatest emphasis, is 
 that when the Filipinos wished to stop 
 fighting, — and this they certainly did 
 not intend at that time to begin, — their 
 request was refused by the American 
 general in command at Manila.
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 143 
 
 On February 5 Aguinaldo sent Gen- 
 eral Torres through the lines with a 
 flag of truce to make an offer which 
 bore on the face of it a sincere desire 
 to restore peace. He declared that 
 the fighting had begun without his 
 intention, and this was sufficiently 
 evident, since General Otis admits as 
 much on pages 20, 21 of his report. 
 Aguinaldo offered to place a neutral 
 zone between the territories occupied 
 by the two armies, so that friction 
 incident to closer contact might be 
 avoided. But this reasonable proposi- 
 tion General Otis refused to consider, 
 declaring that the war, having begun, 
 must go on to the grim end. What 
 warrant was there for assuming so ex- 
 treme and arbitrary a position ? The 
 war was no "war" in any just sense 
 of that term. There was only a mur- 
 derous conflict existing, which had no 
 declared object, and which should at 
 once have been stopped, since it was
 
 144 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 an unmeaning and unnecessary sacri- 
 fice of human life. This occurrence 
 took place February 5, 1899. Con- 
 gress had declared no war. The Peace 
 Treaty was not ratified. As already 
 stated, it was adopted by the Senate 
 February 5, the following day, and was 
 signed by the President, February 10, 
 but was not formally concluded until 
 the Spanish Government had ex- 
 changed the ratification with us which 
 took place April 11. Therefore Gen- 
 eral Otis, when he said " the war must 
 go on," whether he spoke only on his 
 own authority or under orders from 
 Washington, decreed a brutal slaugh- 
 ter, unjustified by the Constitution of 
 the United States and warranted by 
 no practical exigency of the situation. 
 There was no moral reason, or one 
 that could be stated, for continuing 
 the fighting. What was the real 
 reason ? We can only conjecture, but 
 this much we can do. To continue
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTEY. 145 
 
 fighting may have been determined 
 upon in order that the Peace Treaty- 
 might be forced through the Senate 
 by the popular belief existing at home 
 that violence and bloodshed were car- 
 ried on in the Philippines, and that 
 there existed no responsible native 
 government to restore order. This 
 conjecture, discreditable as it must 
 be to the administration, is much 
 strengthened by a statement which 
 appears in General Otis's report. He 
 states that on February 7, 1899, he was 
 anxious to secure permission for Gen- 
 eral Miller to make an armed attack on 
 Iloilo, a town lying on the seacoast in 
 the island of Cebu, because there were 
 " overmastering political reasons" 
 which made this desirable. It would 
 be interesting to know definitely just 
 what those political reasons were. They 
 could not certainly have been political 
 reasons, from the Filipino point of 
 view, existing in the Philippines. 
 
 10
 
 146 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 The politics of these islands called, 
 above all things, for peace, not war; 
 for an amicable adjustment of misun- 
 derstandings between ourselves and 
 the natives after their terrible struggle 
 with Spanish tyranny. We are led 
 to infer that it was a j^olitical exigency 
 in the United States of which General 
 Otis had probably been informed by 
 cable despatch from Washington. Pol- 
 itics of some sort, we are warranted in 
 declaring, on General Otis's authority, 
 required that a town resting peacefully 
 in the hands of the insurgent govern- 
 ment should be attacked. Such action 
 on our part, of course, involved the 
 destruction of human life and prop- 
 erty. Could anything be more cyni- 
 cally merciless than this proposition, 
 which sought to promote party welfare 
 or personal ambition, at the expense 
 of the lives and goods of the Filipinos, 
 and without even that technical excuse 
 which is secured from a legally de-
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 147 
 
 clared war? General Otis still had 
 not that excuse, for he states that it 
 was on February 7 when he desired to 
 make the assault, and it will be re- 
 membered the treaty was not signed 
 by the President until the 10th. 
 
 The final touch of irony is given to 
 this sad history by a despatch of Gen- 
 eral Miller, in which he expresses a 
 strong wish to attack Iloilo because 
 the insurgent authorities are mean- 
 while collecting customs and con- 
 ducting the post-office. The General 
 reasons that if they are allowed to 
 continue such functions they will get 
 the notion that they are capable of 
 managing things themselves.* Such 
 reasoning, advanced by the servants 
 of a despotic government, of Kussia 
 or Turkey, would occasion no sur- 
 prise ; but from the lips of a citizen 
 
 =^- Eeport of General E. S. Otis, 1899, page 
 62.
 
 148 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 soldier of the American democracy it 
 is astonishing. 
 
 In concluding the story of this at- 
 tempted conquest of the Philippines, 
 it remains only to note that General 
 Otis also tells us in his report that the 
 conflict was carried on by a " vigorous 
 offensive" movement on our part, and 
 was wholly " defensive" on the part 
 of the insurgents. In a word, judging 
 from the facts already cited, whether 
 the matter be considered morally or 
 technically, our authorities forced the 
 war which has now been waged for 
 more than a year upon the Filipino 
 de facto government, and upon the 
 Christian population of the islands. 
 Whatever responsibility is involved in 
 that act, and in its far-reaching and 
 awful consequences, must rest mainly 
 upon the President. It is, of course, 
 a responsibility shared by his im- 
 mediate advisers, and by that very 
 large number of his political and other
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 149 
 
 adherents who have applauded and 
 sustained what he has done. There 
 can be little doubt that very many 
 such persons have taken their stand 
 on this question in ignorance of the 
 facts, and under the guidance of that 
 large and influential body of the press 
 of the country which has greatly 
 hidden or misrepresented the truth. 
 
 Nor can we justly hesitate to hold 
 Mr. McKinley himself responsible for 
 those seriously erroneous or misleading 
 statements which have appeared in his 
 numerous public speeches on the Phil- 
 ippine question. Perhaps one of the 
 most serious of these was the assertion 
 that he had always believed, and still 
 believes, that the great mass of the 
 Filipino people had no other aspira- 
 tion than for our sovereignty. No 
 doubt is to be cast upon the assertion 
 that such is Mr. McKinley's sincere 
 belief, but one is at a loss to know on 
 what basis of reliable evidence it rests.
 
 150 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 The despatches of Dewey, Anderson, 
 Pratt, Wildman, and Williams all 
 sj)oke a distinctly contrary opinion ; 
 while the letters of the very best cor- 
 respondents, even including represent- 
 atives of imperialist or expansion 
 papers, testified strongly to the con- 
 trary view. John Bass, representing 
 Harper's Weekly and the New York 
 Herald, Eev. Peter MacQueen, of 
 Somerville, Massachusetts, Mr. Phelps 
 Whitmarsh, of the Outlooh^ Mr. A. 
 G. Eobinson, of the New York 3ven- 
 ing Post, Rev. Clay McCauley, repre- 
 senting the Boston Transcript, may be 
 included in the list. 
 
 Pev. Peter MacQueen says in a 
 letter which appeared in The Congre- 
 gationalist, of Boston : 
 
 ''The Filipinos are exceptionally brave 
 men. They suffer pain and loss like mar- 
 tyrs. Whether they are right or wrong in 
 opposing America depends on the view you 
 take. From the point of view of the ma-
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 151 
 
 terial development of their islands, they are 
 wofully "svTong. From the point of view 
 that nobody has any sovereignty to sell 
 except those who own the land, they are 
 absolutely right. 
 
 "In defence of the principles for which 
 Bruce and Winkelreid and Leonidas fought, 
 these people now redden the swamps of 
 Luzon with their blood. As far as the 
 theory goes, the argument leans their way. 
 ^"WTio are these Americans,' Aguinaldo is 
 reported to have asked, 'who are always 
 prating about freedom, who are crowding 
 into our islands, and standing, as the Span- 
 iards did, between us and our liberty f 
 This is a hard question ; who can answer 
 it? 
 
 " The Filipinos have not a high character 
 for honesty — they have mingled too much 
 with Europeans for that. Some can be 
 trusted, but most, I fear, cannot. ... 
 
 ' ' There is, however, some excuse for the 
 feeling among the Filipinos that it is no 
 sin to rob an American. In the first place, 
 the Americans have kept the old Spanish 
 taxes in all their wanton rigor. The Fili- 
 pinos of Manila pay higher taxes now than 
 they did in the worst days of Weyler. We 
 have revived many obsolete taxes and are
 
 152 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 collecting them with terrific vigor. Then, 
 in our army there have been scoundrels 
 who have gone into private houses dressed 
 in soldiers' uniform and have demanded 
 from the poor wretches a tax which they 
 spent in the neighboring saloon. Thus, 
 these irresponsible rascals would go into a 
 house that had a piano and say that they had 
 come to collect a tax of $5 upon it. The 
 people were terrorized by men who had 
 uniforms and guns, and so paid these 
 unheard-of taxes. 
 
 ''Late in July General Otis issued a 
 proclamation in English, Spanish, and 
 Tagalog, calling upon people not to pay 
 taxes except at the authorized ofB.ces. 
 Some of our soldiers kick and cuff and 
 bully the natives in the streets ; and many 
 a scowl and muttered curse shows that the 
 Malay is biding his time. These people do 
 not forget indignities. They are as sensi- 
 tive as a woman, as proud as a Spaniard, 
 as brave as a lion. We have not, so far as 
 I can see, succeeded in making one of them 
 either fear or love us." 
 
 John Bass, tlie experienced corre- 
 spondent of the New York Herald
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 153 
 
 and of Harper's Weehly, wrote of the 
 situation in August, 1899, as follows : 
 
 ''The whole population of the islands 
 sympathize with the insurgents ; only those 
 natives whose immediate self-interest re- 
 quires it are friendly to us. The insurgent 
 army is in no way ready to give in, and its 
 policy of retreating is the one best adapted 
 to the accomplishment of its ends. 
 
 "There have been only half a dozen 
 natives who have been in confidential rela- 
 tions with the American Government here, 
 and most of these, especially those formerly 
 connected with the insurgent government, 
 I believe to be spies of the enemy. It is 
 a standing joke with the officers along the 
 line that when the authorities send out 
 word that there is going to be an attack on 
 their forces at any one point, they may be 
 sure that no attack will take place at the 
 time specified. The most important moves 
 of the insurgents have not reached the 
 secret service department until after they 
 have occurred. ... In every part of the 
 islands where our ships have gone they 
 have found only hostile natives, who ac- 
 knowledged no allegiance save to the in-
 
 154 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 surgent government. We find it of the 
 utmost difdculty to get guides to sliow us 
 the way. Experienced native pilots of our 
 gunboats suddenly become ignorant of the 
 character of the lake, the river, and the 
 bay, unexpectedly forgetting the position 
 of the sand bars. The authorities actually 
 believe that the people are tired of the in- 
 surrection, and would like to come under 
 the American rule if they could only get 
 rid of their chiefs and their army. Yet the 
 half -past six o' clock rule is still on in Manila, 
 and everybody must be indoors, because 
 the authorities are still afraid of an uprising 
 in the town. The sooner the people of the 
 United States find out that the people of 
 the Philippines do not wish to be governed 
 by us, the better they will be fitted to cope 
 with the great problem out here." 
 
 In the Outlook for April 14 a letter 
 from Mr. Phelps Whitmarsh is pub- 
 lished which contains the following 
 remarkable statements : 
 
 ''Civil authorities, local and provincial 
 presidentes, all appointed by American 
 authority and professing allegiance to that
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 155 
 
 authority are known to be insurgent in- 
 formers and traitors ; assemhlias are again 
 established in all the principal towns ; and 
 General Otis has admitted to me that the 
 Hong Kong and Manila juntas were never 
 more active than they are to-day. Every- 
 where the insurrectos are reorganizing or 
 preparing for it. Everywhere when one 
 gets beneath the polished surface one finds 
 the same old hatred towards the Americans 
 and the same hope and belief in ultimate 
 independence. With the exception of a 
 mere handful too insignificant to be con- 
 sidered, every Filipino in his heart is an 
 insurrecto and wishes to drive the Ameri- 
 cans from the islands." 
 
 General Anderson writes in an arti- 
 cle published in the North American 
 
 Review : 
 
 "The prevailing sentiment of the Filipi- 
 nos towards us can be shown by one incident: 
 
 "About the middle of July the insurgent 
 leaders in Cavite invited a number of our 
 army officers to a banquet. There was some 
 post-prandial speech-making, the substance 
 of the Filipinos' talk being that they wished 
 to be annexed, but not conquered. One of
 
 156 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 our officers in reply assured them that we 
 had not come to make them slaves, but free 
 men. A singular scene followed ; all the 
 Filipinos rose to their feet, and Baron Can- 
 nivo, taking his wine-glass in his hand, 
 said, 'We wish to be baptized to that 
 sentiment.' Then he and the rest poured 
 the wine from their glasses over their heads." 
 
 Yet President McKinley says in his 
 message : 
 
 '* I had every reason to believe, and I still 
 believe, that this transfer of sovereignty was 
 in accordance with the wishes and aspirations 
 of the great mass of the Filipino people." 
 
 Taken in connection with this state- 
 ment, the following despatch is of 
 interest : 
 
 "Hong Kong, July 22, 1898. 
 " Secretary of the Navy, Washington : 
 "The following is for the Secretary of 
 War: 
 
 '^Aguinaldo declares dictatorship and 
 
 martial law over the islands. The x^eople 
 
 expect independence. (Author's italics.) . . . 
 
 ** Anderson, Commanding, 
 
 ''Dewey."
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 157 
 
 Were this not enough to show what 
 is the real sentiment of the most 
 active and influential of the Filipinos, 
 what interpretation are we to place 
 upon the fact that it has been neces- 
 sary to send more than sixty thousand 
 troops to the Philippine Islands in 
 order to prosecute the war, while even 
 with this great force in active operation 
 the war continues? If the Filipinos 
 were really anxious for our sovereignty, 
 why have they not, under our leader- 
 ship, organized a native force to put 
 down that infinitesimally small body 
 of malcontents under Aguinaldo which 
 disturbed the public peace and hin- 
 dered the mass of the people from 
 obtaining the boon of American rule ? 
 Or why was it that so many instances 
 are reported of the treachery of native 
 officials towards us ? The experiment 
 of local self-government imposed by 
 American arms has not, eighteen 
 months after our military rule began,
 
 158 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 been a brilliant success. Some of our 
 Americanized Filipino mayors have 
 scarcely assumed their robes of office, 
 when we have been obliged to lock 
 them up in jail for corresponding with 
 the " rebels," for recruiting soldiers 
 for the enemy, or holding a commission 
 in Aguinaldo's army. As late as the 
 middle of March, at the very moment 
 when a distinguished American Bishop 
 returned from a few days' residence in 
 Manila to tell his countrymen that the 
 war was practically over. General Otis 
 himself reports renewed activity among 
 the Filipino leaders, that it is unsafe to 
 travel from one town to another, and 
 that Manila is the principal seat of 
 trouble. The conservative and experi- 
 enced correspondent of the Evening 
 Post, Mr. A. G. Bobinson, brings to 
 an end a valuable series of letters, full 
 of important information, with the 
 statement that after eighteen months 
 of American military rule some of the
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 159 
 
 most serious abuses which originally 
 provoked Filipino insurrection against 
 Spain, and which undoubtedly are re- 
 sponsible for its continuance against us, 
 still exist ; that Spanish taxes, Spanish 
 laws, and, worse than either of these, 
 Spanish friars still remain. The 
 American people, Mr. Robinson con- 
 cludes, can secure peace whenever they 
 choose to do so by returning to Ameri- 
 can principles, by granting to these 
 Filipinos a reasonable measure of 
 political rights, and the removal of 
 the glaring abuses mentioned. With- 
 out taking these steps, he tells us, the 
 outlook is " gloomy indeed." 
 
 And why should such steps not be 
 taken ? What hinders the people of 
 the United States from declaring im- 
 mediately by the voice of Congress 
 that the people of the Philippine 
 Islands '* are and of right ought to be 
 free and independent," that our inter- 
 ference with the rule of Spain in these
 
 160 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 islands was not for the purpose of 
 forcible annexation, which under our 
 code of morals would be "criminal 
 aggression," but that it was to establish 
 liberty and order there, as in Cuba? 
 Such a declaration, it is true, would 
 come late; it could not bring to life 
 the thousands who have been slain be- 
 cause it was not spoken at an earlier 
 day ; but it may yet save the lives of 
 thousands who will otherwise die by 
 violence or disease. To make such a 
 declaration would instantly render us 
 consistent with ourselves, with Ameri- 
 can traditions, and with our declared 
 purpose in entering the Spanish war. 
 It would at once offer a basis of co- 
 operation with the insurgent chiefs, 
 whom, up to this time, we have treated 
 on the false assumption that they are 
 "rebels." They are not rebels, but 
 vindicators of their own political rights. 
 They know that we declared Spain's 
 title to Cuba void because of her per-
 
 THE OTHER MAN'S COUNTRY. 161 
 
 sistently cruel and incompetent govern- 
 ment. It was wholly on that assump- 
 tion that we asserted our right to 
 destroy her authority by force of arms. 
 They know that we deliberately — not 
 by a chance — broke down her au- 
 thority in the Philippines, where her 
 government had been, if possible, more 
 cruel, more incompetent, than in Cuba. 
 Hence, according to our own logic, no 
 more valid title remained to Spain in 
 the East Indies than in the West 
 Indies. 
 
 The Filipinos know that our pre- 
 tence to the right to purchase such a 
 title, for which we paid the price of 
 twenty million dollars, and thus to 
 gain sovereignty over them, is a mon^ 
 strous falsehood. They know that the 
 stigma of rebellion put upon them 
 ever since, because they denied the 
 justice of our claims, is equally false 
 and unjust. Why should we not now 
 
 confess our error, or, to speak more 
 11
 
 162 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 accurately, our sin, and invite them to 
 talk the matter over, not on the false 
 basis of master to subject, but of man 
 to man ? Again and again they have 
 asked us to do this, but General Otis, 
 the military representative of Presi- 
 dent McKinley, has as often refused 
 the request, saying that he will have 
 nothing short of " unconditional sur- 
 render." Can we do less than this? 
 If a nation's hands ever were stained 
 with innocent blood, wantonly shed to 
 make good a groundless claim, ours 
 certainly are. We may seek to clothe 
 the truth with attractive and clever 
 sophistries, but it still stands naked 
 before us. We have been guilty of a 
 great national sin. We should beware 
 of adding to that sin, as its disastrous 
 consequences begin to pile upon us, by 
 refusing to consider it or to repent of 
 it. We should repair the mischief 
 which we have wrought. 
 
 The immediate result of a general
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 163 
 
 declaration of political rights such as 
 is suggested would probably be a ces- 
 sation of hostilities. Then would come 
 a conference with all the insurgent 
 chiefs in arms against us. Sir Andrew 
 Clark has already told us that to deal 
 with these people successfully we must 
 act through their own leaders, — those 
 in whom they have confidence, and 
 who represent their aspirations. 
 
 When we have once come to friendly 
 relations with the Filipino leaders and 
 are ready to hear what they have to 
 ask of us, we shall probably be called 
 on to do just what Mr. A. G. Eobin- 
 son and so many others have asserted. 
 We shall be asked to remedy the 
 terrible abuses connected with the 
 monastic establishments in the islands. 
 What the Filipinos always asked Span- 
 ish governors fruitlessly, they will ask 
 us, — let us hope successfully. This 
 will probably result in most of the 
 obnoxious friars going back to Spain.
 
 164 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 When they find that a vigorous in- 
 quiry is about to be made into the 
 validity of the titles by which they 
 hold the immensely valuable lands of 
 their Philippine establishments, they 
 will realize the fact that a missionary 
 life in foreign parts has lost its princi- 
 pal charm for them. This feeling will 
 be further strengthened by the knowl- 
 edge that the United States will not so 
 far step into Spain's shoes as to pay 
 them salaries for the performance of 
 their ecclesiastical duties. For such 
 support they hope now, while on the 
 other hand the fear that our govern- 
 ment will assume this relationship to- 
 wards them is one great factor in pro- 
 moting distrust and antagonism in the 
 minds of the Filipinos towards us. 
 
 The very fact that a Papal Legate, 
 Archbishop Chapelle, who is also un- 
 derstood by the Filipinos to represent 
 President McKinley, is in the island 
 of Luzon, and that his purpose is sup-
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 165 
 
 posed to be the maintenance of the 
 monastic establishment on the same 
 basis upon which they rested during 
 the Spanish regime, gives strength to 
 the belief of the Filipinos that it is 
 the intention of our government to 
 maintain the friars in authority over 
 them. It is not claimed that this 
 question of the mendicant orders is 
 not fraught with difficulties. It would 
 require a firm hand, a high order of 
 judgment, and a highly developed 
 sense of justice to deal with and settle 
 it. A plant whose roots have burrowed 
 the soil for three hundred years would 
 be hard to pluck up. 
 
 But the work, though difficult, could 
 be performed. It is evident that it 
 must be done if peace and prosperity 
 are to come to the Philippines. The 
 very declaration that we intended to 
 meet the difficulty promptly and cour- 
 ageously would go a long way to- 
 wards removing it. What is needed
 
 166 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 immediately is a declaration by Con- 
 gress assuring tlie Filipinos that their 
 political rights will be respected, and 
 telling the friars plainly that they can 
 expect neither salaries nor support 
 from the United States Government. 
 This would at once tend to re-establish 
 the lost confidence of the Filipinos in 
 us. It would open the way for a full 
 and judicial inquiry into the facts of 
 this question of the mendicant orders. 
 The friars themselves, and their out- 
 side supporters, should, of course, be 
 given the fullest opportunity to render 
 testimony in their own defence. They 
 should have a full chance to meet and, 
 if possible, rebut the charges of appro- 
 priation of lands, of cruelty, of im- 
 morality, of merciless taxation which 
 have been preferred by apparently 
 reliable authorities against them. 
 They could thus fully explain the 
 part which they took in the suppres- 
 sion of the insurrection of 1896, and
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 167 
 
 the charge made against them of pro- 
 moting arrests without evidence, of the 
 use of mediaeval tortures to procure 
 confessions of guilt, and of other 
 alleged irregularities, which now cast 
 so dark a shadow upon their name and 
 upon the name of Christianity through 
 them. 
 
 But the opponents and accusers of 
 the friars would also have an equal 
 chance to be heard. Those Filipinos 
 who had reason to remember the heavy 
 hand of Archbishop Nozaleda could 
 come forward without fear to tell their 
 story. Such a procedure would show 
 the Filipinos that they need not infer 
 from the presence of Nozaleda in the 
 place of honor at the reception given 
 by Archbishop Chapelle, or from the 
 l^rominence of the Spanish prelate 
 during General Otis's regime, that he 
 and the friars were to continue as the 
 especial proteges of the United States 
 Government. We would accord due
 
 168 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 protection to friars and Filipinos, but 
 not a protection of such a partisan 
 nature as would prevent disclosure of 
 the full truth. Aguiualdo himself, in 
 such a searching inquiry, would be 
 given the chance to show what made 
 him believe and assert that Nozaleda 
 had tried to have him assassinated. 
 If the accuser could prove his case, 
 the public would know just what to 
 think of Archbishop Nozaleda, and if 
 not, but supposing the accused man 
 could show that he was the victim of a 
 monstrous libel, then everybody would 
 know just what to think of Aguinaldo. 
 His influence among his own people 
 (which is now perhaps the greatest 
 obstacle to peace with us) would de- 
 cline, and in the easiest possible way 
 we should have broken the power of 
 the insurgent leader. At such an in- 
 quiry, the Spanish archives, recording 
 the dark deeds of centuries of abso- 
 lutism, would be brought fully to the
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 169 
 
 light. We could gather much that 
 would be of the greatest value relating 
 to the acts of Spanish governors, con- 
 cerning the causes of past rebellions, 
 and especially the alleged overruling 
 by the friars of the plans which some 
 of the most enlightened and humane 
 of the governors tried to carry out for 
 the benefit of the natives. The world 
 would learn just why Governor-Gen- 
 eral Don Emilio Despujols, Conde de 
 Caspe, was not permitted to carry out 
 the important reforms in which he was 
 engaged ; why that system of exact 
 justice towards ecclesiastics, Spaniards, 
 and Filipinos which he instituted was 
 interrupted ; and why he was recalled 
 by the Spanish Government. We 
 should ascertain why the humane 
 Blanco was superseded by the cruel 
 Polavieja, and why Jose Eizal, and 
 many more like him, were executed ; 
 in fine, such a judicial inquiry as this 
 would summon all hidden or disputed
 
 170 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTEY. 
 
 facta into the light for consideration 
 and judgment. What better means 
 could be adopted to conserve for the 
 future benefit of the people of the 
 Philippine Islands all of true religion, 
 useful knowledge, and humanizing in- 
 fluences of which the monastic orders 
 are possessed? This would remove 
 abuses which now excite the Filipinos 
 to a ferment of insurrection, or keep 
 alive in their minds dangerous hidden 
 enmity against us. By taking these 
 steps promptly and in logical sequence 
 the United States will most readily 
 attain peace and order in the Philip- 
 pines. 
 
 The country now faces the question : 
 How can Congress be induced to 
 take action towards this end in time 
 to stop further bloodshed ? President 
 McKinley cannot be expected to take 
 such action, for it is contrary to the 
 policy inaugurated by him and which 
 1 he has steadily pursued. It would
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 171 
 
 seem that grave political reasons and 
 the demands of great trusts and 
 monopolies are wholly opposed to it. 
 This is not the jDolicy of that commer- 
 cial exploitation to which the admin- 
 istration is committed. The Sugar 
 Trust and the tobacco interests have 
 already given the clear demonstration 
 of their power to dictate a tariff for 
 Porto Rico, even though such policy 
 means starvation to the Porto Picans 
 and is contrary to that " plain duty'* 
 towards the islands which the Presi- 
 dent advocated in his message. It 
 would, therefore, seem idle to look 
 directly for relief and the adoption of 
 wise measures either to the Executive 
 or to the Pepublican majority in Con- 
 gress. But both the President and 
 Congress may be influenced by a direct 
 appeal to public sentiment, which is, 
 after all, in a representative govern- 
 ment, always the reservoir of power, — 
 the court of last appeal. Towards this
 
 172 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 end, then, believers in American insti- 
 tutions, and those who desire peace to 
 succeed war, should exert themselves. 
 It may be that beneficial action of 
 some kind may be secured previous to 
 the November election. But how shall 
 we reach public sentiment ? How con- 
 vince the people and arouse them to 
 action in time ? Only by calm, earnest 
 appeal to reason, through legitimate 
 argument, through a rehearsal of the 
 facts so clear that the plain, reli- 
 gious-minded, honest but hard-worked 
 American citizen shall become con- 
 vinced of the truth, his conscience be 
 touched, and he himself be stirred to 
 action. 
 
 The typical American is a religious 
 and conscientious man. Self-interest, 
 or partisanship, or ignorance may 
 blind his eyes to duty for the time, but 
 not for long. It is possible to pierce 
 through the outer defences of his mind 
 and heart so as to reach his reason and
 
 THE OTHER MAlS^'s COUNTRY. 173 
 
 conscience. Clearly or dimly lie be- 
 lieves in God, in the moral law which. 
 God has established in the world. He 
 is hopeful of a greater and more per- 
 fect conformity to that law on man's 
 part as the centuries roll on. He does 
 not desire to be led astray by that 
 fatalistic fallacy which proclaims a 
 destiny denying free agency to man. 
 He believes that duty is a reality, and 
 that it is possible for nations as for 
 men to perform it. He will do his 
 duty if he once clearly sees it.
 
 CHAPTEE III. 
 
 The preceding chapters have dealt 
 with events, occurring in the recent 
 history of the United States and of 
 the Philippine Islands, which of neces- 
 sity deeply affect the welfare of an 
 alien people. That is the first and 
 most obvious fact forced home upon 
 the mind and conscience of the reader 
 of this story. 
 
 There is in this situation a strong 
 appeal to our pity, born of a knowl- 
 edge of what our nation, acting through 
 its chosen representatives, has done in 
 the Philippines during the last two 
 years. The story must awaken in the 
 minds of those who profess to obey 
 and to love the moral law a sense of 
 shame and regret, and a desire to offer 
 
 174
 
 THE OTHER MAIST's COUNTRY. 175 
 
 some fitting restitution to those who 
 have suffered at our hands. This is 
 the first thought prompted by a fairly 
 accurate knowledge of the truth, and 
 it alone should be strong enough to 
 spur us to prompt remedial action. 
 
 But there is a second thought, of 
 equally deep significance. The work 
 we have been engaged in will have far 
 broader and more lasting consequences 
 for evil than is to be found in the 
 harm done to eight million Asiatics. 
 
 The policy of imperialism, once 
 definitely entered upon by the United 
 States, means nothing short of a per- 
 manent abandonment of those great 
 ideals of responsibility, liberty, and 
 growth for the individual citizen which 
 inspired our fathers to the sacrifices 
 that created the republic, and which, 
 through storm and stress and tempo- 
 rary eclipse, have sustained the hopes 
 of those who have preserved it. If 
 we finally conclude that political free-
 
 176 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 dom, and the strength and self-reliance 
 which come to men when they possess 
 and use it wisely, are only the right 
 of the strong, — that they are not uni- 
 versal and inalienable rights, — then it 
 must be clear to all that the corner- 
 stone of the temple of American lib- 
 erty is destroyed. Once having com- 
 mitted ourselves to a denial of this 
 proposition in its application to others 
 abroad, it can be but a question of 
 time when we shall deny it also for 
 certain classes at home. If we deter- 
 mine that certain men in the Orient 
 are incapable of self-government, and 
 that we have the right to use physical 
 force to compel them to accejot our 
 rule, there is nothing to prevent bodies 
 of men in our country, who, by com- 
 binations of wealth and indifference 
 to moral considerations, seek to con- 
 trol legislatures and executives, from 
 enforcing the same right of the strong- 
 est upon those of their fellow-citizens
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 177 
 
 wHo are too weak to resist. This will 
 be tlie inevitable conclusion from which 
 we shall in vain try to escape. 
 
 The truth of Lincoln's aphorism 
 will be verified : " Those who deny 
 freedom to others deserve it not for 
 themselves, and, under a just God, can- 
 not long retain it." America will 
 have over-reached herself; betrayed 
 by greed and ambition at the very 
 moment when she had fallen on her 
 knees in the act of self- worship) because 
 of her vaunted possession of unselfish 
 virtue, unknown to the Old "World. 
 
 But there is a third thought which 
 impresses lovers of true civilization 
 still more powerfully, and which 
 should stimulate more vigorously than 
 either of the preceding ones to reme- 
 dial action. Up to this moment, 
 America has stood as the world's 
 watch-tower and stronghold of liberty 
 and equality. She has furnished an 
 asylum for the oppressed of other 
 
 12
 
 178 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 nations ; but still more important than 
 tliat, slie lias been a land shielded by 
 tlie broad arms of kindly seas, where 
 the great experiment of democracy 
 might be brought to a rich and fruit- 
 ful issue ; where the man who carried 
 the hoe, and he who guided the loom, 
 should become mightier than the man 
 who, backed by armed force, bears the 
 sceptre. 
 
 This dream, " the loveliest and the 
 last," will vanish with the triumph of 
 imperialism. If the prize is to be 
 awarded to the strongest, the defence 
 of the weak will be broken down, and 
 the hope which cheered him when all 
 others were denied will disappear. 
 We cannot have both kinds of 
 strength ; they are incompatible. 
 
 The hope, too, or dream, as some 
 would call it, of peace between nations 
 which can never be realized excepting 
 by the steady evolution of the powers 
 of the human heart and brain to that
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 179 
 
 point of development where love shall 
 have been discovered to be a better 
 motive and guide for every form of 
 human activity than force, — that beau- 
 tiful dream, which seemed almost able 
 to retain its form in the clear light of 
 common day, will have become trans- 
 formed into the nightmare of universal 
 anarchistic hate and violence. There 
 will be nothing left in all the world — 
 economic, political, social — ^but huge 
 primaeval forms of selfishness, cease- 
 lessly devouring each other, and, acting 
 under the law of that demon of force 
 and greed whom they have chosen to 
 rule over them, unable to check their 
 montrous appetite. It seems incred- 
 ible that the United States, founded 
 for the nurture of human liberty, 
 based on belief in a God of right- 
 eousness and love, and consecrated to 
 the mission of preserving and promot- 
 ing human equality, is ready to take 
 the downward path.
 
 180 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 Tt is well to inquire, seriously, 
 wherein lies the principal strength 
 of the imperialistic movement in the 
 United States, — a movement which 
 has made us responsible for so much 
 loss and bloodshed, and now stretches 
 about us a lowering and stormy hori- 
 zon. There is no question to which 
 a correct answer is more urgently 
 called for. If we know the cause of 
 trouble, we may be able to apply a 
 remedy. Greed, ambition, and the 
 intoxication of successful war have all 
 j)layed their part in tempting the 
 nation to where it now stands, and in 
 inducing it to exchange what were 
 once generally accepted principles for 
 a policy of opportunism and conquest 
 such as we had in the past pitied or 
 derided other nations for adopting. 
 
 There is, however, a far deeper and 
 more subtle cause for our present atti- 
 tude than may be found in the per- 
 ennial schemes of ambitious and un-
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 181 
 
 principled men. The country never 
 could liave been led into the imperial- 
 istic policy had not a very large num- 
 ber of her sober-minded, virtuous, and 
 religious citizens approved, or at least 
 tolerated, the change. It cannot be 
 denied that great numbers of the re- 
 ligious and thoughtful men of the 
 country, including the religious teach- 
 ers of various creeds, openly or covertly 
 approved what was being done. How 
 is their attitude to be accounted for, 
 and how can they be brought to see 
 the disastrous consequences of the 
 present j)olicy, and so be prevailed 
 upon to change it ? 
 
 The fundamental difficulty in this 
 case seems to lie partly in the failure 
 of a majority of our religious teachers, 
 most of whom profess some form of 
 Christianity, to grasp the cardinal 
 principle of Christ's teaching, which 
 is justice and love as opposed to arbi- 
 trary force; and partly in their lack
 
 182 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 of training in that close, untiring ob- 
 servation of public affairs which is 
 necessary in order to detect the hand 
 of human manipulation in events 
 which the careless, suj^erficial observer 
 attributes to God or Destiny. Because 
 of the former reason, thousands of 
 influential and excellent men are led 
 to approve violent and immoral means 
 for the accomplishment of benevolent 
 or religious ends ; or even to approve 
 the accomplishment of unworthy ends 
 when they are sought by their merce- 
 nary fellow-citizens because they hope 
 that, incidentally, good results will 
 follow. Mistakes or even greed may 
 have caused the Philippine war, 
 but, nevertheless, Christianity will be 
 spread by it; the heathen world will 
 be better and more quickly opened to 
 the spread of Christianity, even though 
 for the moment the barbarities and 
 sufferings of war must be endured. 
 Such reasoning seems to deny the
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 183 
 
 fundamental jDrinciple of all ethical 
 religions, which teach that man's acts 
 should be controlled by the law of 
 justice to one's neighbor, and that we 
 are not justified in violating that law 
 because we assume that incidental 
 benefits attend its violation. Through 
 failure to observe closely the precise 
 facts of the swift-moving drama, many 
 of the events of which are shrouded 
 for the time in darkness, good men 
 often fail to see how all the good re- 
 sults which they hope to attain, even 
 by violent and unjust means, could 
 have been had through just and peace- 
 able ones. 
 
 This wide-spread fallacy is as dan- 
 gerous as it is subtle. Unless it can 
 be exposed so effectually that men 
 perceive its true nature and avoid it 
 henceforth, the hope of the future, 
 which is dependent on increasing jus- 
 tice, peace, and industrial progress 
 in the world, is put in jeopardy. If
 
 184 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 tlie present drift continues, tlie world's 
 movement will not be forward, but 
 backward towards the ancient barbar- 
 ism of the armed camp. What is needed 
 for the future is a closer union of reli- 
 gion and ethics. It has been evident 
 during these past two years that many- 
 men, professing themselves Christian, 
 accept a code of morals in such crises 
 as this wholly opposed to Christ's 
 teachings, as it certainly was foreign 
 to His practice; while many others, 
 professing no faith whatever in re- 
 vealed religion, advocate a policy 
 entirely consistent with the loving 
 and just Gospel of the Great Teacher. 
 It is hard to explain so anomalous a 
 condition of affairs on any purely 
 intellectual hypothesis. Perhaps the 
 most satisfactory explanation of it may 
 be found in the supposition that for 
 one cause or another those from whom 
 we could naturally expect the most 
 complete exposition of the ethical
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 185 
 
 teaching of Christ have not fully ap- 
 prehended its peculiar nature. Chris- 
 tianity is essentially a moral force. It 
 is inseparable from the highest stand- 
 ards of justice. Proceeding, as the 
 Christian believes, from an unfathom- 
 able Divine love, it, therefore, of 
 necessity, in communicating its pur- 
 pose to mankind, speaks a language 
 of love which is intelligible to the 
 hearts of all, even though they may 
 dissent from other parts of its doctrine. 
 We do not yet realize the practical 
 value of this great force, as until 
 recently we were ignorant of the value 
 of electricity to the physical needs of 
 man. A fact of the most vital im- 
 portance seems to have been lost sight 
 of by the great majority of the pro- 
 fessed teachers of religion among us : 
 it is that the ethical standards by 
 which men actually govern their con- 
 duct are elevated very slowly, so that 
 some of the most vital and funda-
 
 186 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 mental principles of even Christian 
 morals are as yet imperfectly applied 
 to practical life. One of the most 
 vital functions, therefore, of the min- 
 ister of religion is to lead men steadily 
 forward towards a fuller and more 
 complete practice of that standard of 
 morals which their religion teaches and 
 which they profess to observe. This 
 important work can only be done by 
 those who have the courage to show 
 their hearers how ethical standards can 
 be applied to current events. The min- 
 isters of religion in the United States 
 would seem at this time to have let a 
 great chance for moral leadership slip 
 by. What is most needed would seem 
 to be, not so much multiplication of 
 the professed teachers of religion, as 
 of its actual practitioners. It has been 
 forgotten that the harvest of moral 
 progress is best reaped at precisely 
 that moment of crisis when moral 
 danger most seriously threatens. It is
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 187 
 
 in the hour when the assaults of passion 
 or folly in some of their varied forms 
 are made, which at one time attack the 
 individual man and, at another, the 
 nation, that the warning and inspira- 
 tion of the preacher of truth is most 
 needed. 
 
 Nearly all reasonable men admit in 
 the time of peace, or when only wars 
 in which they have no concern are 
 being waged, that war is a great evil, 
 and that they would gladly see it 
 supplanted by some reasonable and 
 peaceful method of settling interna- 
 tional disputes, such as a court of 
 arbitration offers. But the same per- 
 sons, — let us suppose them Christians, 
 in order to strengthen the argument, 
 — when the nation of which they are 
 a part is slipping into the whirlpool 
 of war, will do nothing to arrest its 
 progress. They abandon any attempt 
 to apply the principles, which formerly 
 they professed, to the government of
 
 188 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 the case of their own nation. They 
 refuse, as though it were disloyal, to 
 make a careful consideration of the 
 facts of the particular conflict under 
 consideration, and content themselves 
 with the vague generalization, ** There 
 are some things worse than war." 
 Their purpose seems to be to draw 
 their opponent away from a discussion 
 which, if calmly and sincerely con- 
 ducted, might be profitable, — viz., 
 whether the war in question is right 
 or wrong — to debate the unsatisfactory 
 topic whether there is anything worse 
 than war. It is clear that but slight 
 moral progress can be made, even 
 towards a condition of less frequent 
 war, unless the professors of ethical 
 religion are willing to lend their aid 
 towards outlawing such wars as they 
 themselves admit have no moral jus- 
 tification. If they will not even take 
 this moderate step forward, then, in- 
 deed, little help can be expected from
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 189 
 
 them towards abating those evils which 
 are inseparable from war, no matter 
 how flawlessly orthodox may be their 
 creeds, or how rich and beautiful the 
 services through which they worship 
 the Divine Father. If we determine 
 that the cause we have in hand is a 
 valid one and worthy of serious effort, 
 we must turn for aid and comfort to 
 those who, without profession of belief 
 in a revealed religion, at least gladly 
 perform some of the most notable of 
 those good works which it enjoins. 
 While religious men are felicitating 
 themselves upon being " the children 
 of Abraham," although they remain 
 indifferent to certain of the great obli- 
 gations which such a lineage entails, 
 the warning long ago given should not 
 be forgotten, that God is able to " raise 
 u]) children unto Abraham" out of the 
 very stones if the needs of His service 
 require it.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 "And when ye spread forth your hands, 
 I will hide mine eyes from you ; yea, when 
 ye make many prayers, I will not hear : 
 your hands are full of blood."— Isaiah i. 
 15. 
 
 The inspired poetry of Isaiah is 
 full of lofty ideas cloaked in rich 
 and striking imagery. It breathes 
 thoughts which search the perverted 
 human heart to-day, after the lapse 
 of centuries, as they did when poured 
 out in lamentation and upbraiding 
 upon the people to whom the writer 
 immediately appealed. This message 
 of the great Hebrew pro^Dhet, so suf- 
 fused with deep feeling, so fragrant 
 with the sorrow of the soul that gave 
 birth to it under a Divine impulsion, 
 has that distinguishing note struck by 
 the greatest of prophets and poets, — the 
 
 190
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 191 
 
 power of universal appeal. When times 
 of great pojDular bewilderment and error 
 come again to men, these utterances 
 of the Hebrew poet renew their youth. 
 They strike a chord in the human 
 breast that had long ceased to vibrate, 
 and awaken consciences which have 
 long sunk into deadly stupor. 
 
 It is true that thousands sitting in 
 the formality of our churches may 
 listen unmoved to such words, finding 
 in them no more beauty or power, 
 being no more aroused by them than 
 in listening to a dry chronology. The 
 organ tones of the most exalted poetry 
 affect them no more than does the 
 monotonous record of unimportant 
 facts. Regarding both as of inspired 
 origin, they give to both an equally 
 reverent attention, but they are no 
 more stirred to activity by the spiritual 
 power of the one than they are wearied 
 by the prosaic quality of the other. 
 Notwithstanding this indifference,
 
 192 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 which may mark as well the priest at 
 the altar as the plain layman in the 
 pew, there is a " remnant," similar to 
 that which Isaiah could count upon 
 in his day among his people, from 
 whom can be expected a sympathetic 
 hearing, whose attention is chained by 
 these words, whose consciences are 
 awakened, and who, by some means, 
 discern their application and perceive 
 that they are spoken to them. 
 
 Such is the function of the greatest 
 of Hebrew poetry. Its power is ethi- 
 cal. It not only kindles the imagina- 
 tion by its imagery, or awakens the 
 intellect with its solemn and sublime 
 thoughts, or pleases the ear with its 
 music ; it appeals to the heart and the 
 conscience. It carries a message at 
 the time when a message is needed. 
 It deals with the existence of sin. It 
 unfolds the mystery of iniquity as an 
 actual force in the world. Man may 
 see his own distorted image in the
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 193 
 
 mirror which the prophet holds before 
 him, and, notwithstanding the hideous 
 aspect of those contorted features, 
 which passion, greed, and ambition 
 have changed from their natural sym- 
 metry of line, he may recognize him- 
 self in what he sees. Shakespeare, in 
 the tragedy of Macbeth, has a message 
 for the student of humanity somewhat 
 similar to that of Isaiah. He depicts, 
 with a power large in outline, finely fin- 
 ished in detail, the movement of a crime 
 of ambition, from its apparently pure 
 beginning in loyalty to duty, on 
 through unlawful desire for a crown, 
 to meditations upon murder for ob- 
 taining it, — to murder itself; then 
 through more murders, perpetrated 
 to conceal the first, on to a vio- 
 lent, unrepentant death. The per- 
 ennial interest which attaches to this 
 gloomy masterpiece of the great dram- 
 atist, the field of study which the 
 creation of his genius opens to every 
 
 13
 
 194 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 new generation of thoughtful and im- 
 aginative minds, attest its truth to 
 nature, its intellectual greatness. But 
 it does not bring to us so distinct and 
 personal a message as that which flows 
 into our very heart from the glowing 
 pen of Isaiah, like molten metal into 
 the precise form that it is destined to 
 fill. 
 
 The distinction has often been 
 drawn between the functions of the 
 Jewish prophet and the Jewish priest. 
 The priest, as the appointed minis- 
 trant of an elaborate and impressive 
 ritual, might be and often was but 
 little concerned with those profound 
 questions of human conduct which it 
 was the prophet's function to consider, 
 and, under the inspiration of God, to 
 pronounce upon to the people. The 
 prophet was a man whose heart God 
 had touched ; who was profoundly con- 
 cerned with what the people of God 
 were thinking and doing, whether in
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 195 
 
 their individual lives or in their col- 
 lective capacity as members of the 
 nation. His lips were touched by the 
 living coal from the altar. His mes- 
 sage was strongly political in its char- 
 acter, and he jDronounced judgment 
 most unequivocal, most unsiDaring, 
 upon the acts of the men about him. 
 While passing events were hot enough 
 to be malleable, he smote them with 
 the hammer of God's wrath, or, in 
 accents most tender and persuasive, 
 urged men to repent and amend their 
 doings. He showed an intense earnest- 
 ness in his effort to conform the jDublic 
 and private deeds of his time to a 
 severe ethical standard. If it is wrong 
 to preach politics in the high and true 
 sense of that word, then such a prophet 
 as Isaiah was a great sinner. His con- 
 ception of the Divine Being was of 
 One intensely concerned in the welfare 
 of His people, and determined that 
 His law of righteousness should con-
 
 196 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 trol their personal and national life. 
 Isaiali, as poet and prophet, expresses 
 the indignation of God at the hypoc- 
 risy which made the people especially 
 careful about ritual observances or 
 sacrifices, at the very moment when 
 they were most indifferent to violations 
 of the moral law. '' To what pur- 
 pose," the prophet exclaims, "is the 
 multitude of your sacrifices unto me ? 
 Saith the Lord, I am full of the burnt 
 oiferings of rams and the fat of fed 
 beasts ; and I delight not in the blood 
 of bullocks, or of lambs, or of he 
 goats." The strongest emphasis is 
 placed on the extreme importance of 
 the ethical law by dei^icting the Al- 
 mighty as disgusted and angry at ser- 
 vices not only meant to do Him honor, 
 but actually instituted by His com- 
 mand. In what more powerful or 
 dramatic way could God's estimate be 
 shown of the worthlessness of all re- 
 ligious activity or ritual observances
 
 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 197 
 
 wliich cloak the immoral and vicious 
 life, or whicli enable men witli flip- 
 pant smile to look icily upon national 
 deeds of violence and injustice ? And 
 yet it seems as though men could 
 never learn the lesson in this respect 
 of which both the Old and the New 
 Testaments are full. Like the burning 
 denunciation of God speaking through 
 Isaiah is that of the Christ Himself 
 denouncing hypocrisy, and again as- 
 serting that the moral law is the only 
 basis of all religion that is acceptable 
 in God's sight. The summary of 
 those Ten Commandments, on which 
 the religion of Jesus Christ is im- 
 mutably built, He Himself defined as 
 love towards God and love towards 
 man. AVhenever, therefore, men's 
 acts are in violation of those eternal 
 principles, the corruption of sin enters 
 into them ; no matter how men may 
 seek to disguise the ugly truth from 
 their eyes, or may try to persuade
 
 198 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 themselves that they are really honor- 
 ing God by an outward service, the 
 evil within them spreads its poison, 
 vitiating all that would otherwise be 
 acceptable. " It is an iniquity, even 
 this solemn meeting," exclaims Isaiah, 
 speaking for God, — and then with what 
 power he continues, ''And when ye 
 spread forth your hands, I will hide 
 mine eyes from you ; yea, when ye 
 make many prayers, I will not hear : 
 your hands are full of blood." Isaiah's 
 vision, which he gave to the people, 
 was not of wickedness which had been 
 committed before his own time. It 
 was spoken of the men immediately 
 about him. It was in the time of con- 
 temj)oraneous kings, — in the days of 
 Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, 
 kings of Judah. In so speaking, the 
 prophet would have to reckon with 
 these living, strong men, whose hands 
 he declared to be " full of blood." This 
 element of courage must always enter
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 199 
 
 into the greatest examples of public 
 utterance. Sublimity of appeal can 
 only be reached when there is loss to be 
 encountered in making it, and when 
 the life through which it issues is pure. 
 The men who profoundly move their 
 fellows, whose work is most lasting, 
 are not the priestly rhetoricians who 
 tickle, for a time, the ears of the 
 crowd with bright thoughts, with 
 pithy epigrams or sounding periods, 
 but who do not dare to risk their pop- 
 ularity by a plain enunciation of the 
 truth, which their generation, at a 
 great crisis, most needs. They are 
 those who see only a necessary truth 
 in danger of concealment, and who at 
 all hazards publish it. 
 
 But what man, who sees a great 
 wrong in process of consummation, 
 will not lift up his voice with such 
 power as he may be possessed of to 
 warn those who will listen to him of 
 what is going on? He must do this
 
 200 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 
 
 at whatever cost, if the cause of truth 
 is dear to him; if, as in the case of 
 this Philippine war, men's lives and 
 his country's honor and welfare hang 
 in the balance. If the prophet Isaiah 
 brought God's voice to bear on the 
 political questions of his day, when 
 the invasion of Sennacherib or the 
 intrigues of Egypt threatened Israel, 
 so the citizen in his sovereign capacity 
 in the modern United States, in the 
 closing days of the nineteenth century, 
 who loves the right, must boldly appeal 
 to the ancient immutable ethical law 
 of God. The American citizen has 
 authority to hold this law before men's 
 eyes, forgetful of his own littleness, 
 and without fear of presumption, in 
 protest against the great wrong daily 
 committed. Just as Isaiah nailed his 
 prophetic poems in the public places 
 where the whole peoj^le might read the 
 message, so he may take the command- 
 ments of God, which the Divine Spirit
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 201 
 
 heats into glowing oracles within the 
 heart of any one who believes in them, 
 and must measure the unjust acts of the 
 present time by their perfect rectitude. 
 He must face the national sin and 
 speak against it with a ''Thus saith 
 the Lord." God's word is not spoken 
 as a rebuke to sin long passed that has 
 no need of further censure, — we kick 
 not the dead lion, — but to the sin of 
 our own time. From its chastisement 
 some good may come. 
 
 There are some to whom the argu- 
 ment of this closing chapter may at 
 first appeal with little force, because 
 they are doubtful about accepting the 
 theory of inspiration on which it is 
 based. How do we know, they query, 
 that God spoke through the Jewish 
 poet Isaiah to the people of his time 
 and nation ? And supposing that He 
 did so speak, is an application of 
 Isaiah's denunciations to contempo- 
 raneous events in the United States —
 
 202 THE OTHER MAn's COUNTRY. 
 
 beautiful, majestic though they be — 
 justified ? 
 
 It has seemed to the writer that, 
 whether certain of his readers ac- 
 cept, or hold in suspense, or reject 
 the belief that the Divine Spirit spoke 
 through Isaiah, or whether they be- 
 lieve that the prophet's burning words 
 had, as would seem to them, a more 
 direct and personal origin, their p)Ower 
 and their application to our own 
 deeds should not be materially af- 
 fected in the minds of all those who 
 accept moral law for the regulation 
 of human conduct. A belief, sincere 
 and unswerving, in the supreme au- 
 thority of the moral law is, after all, 
 a necessary preliminary to any serious 
 consideration of such a question as has 
 been treated in these pages. Without 
 such a belief, cruelty and kindness, 
 justice and injustice, right and wrong, 
 are idle terms, having no fixed and 
 precise meaning j while the acts which
 
 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. 203 
 
 they represent so completely lose their 
 importance that it is not worth while 
 in the hurry of life to spend thought 
 and effort upon them. Then let the 
 mandates of chance and blind folly 
 issue from the mysterious depths of the 
 unknown ; let men suffer or rejoice, 
 let them triumph over their fellows, 
 or writhe helpless under the heel of 
 conscienceless power ! Those who ac- 
 cept such a philosoj^hy are naturally 
 indifferent to all questions of the class 
 to which that of the Philippines be- 
 longs. To them, obviously, the fore- 
 going pages are not addressed. But 
 minds which accept the ethical stand- 
 ard at all, who believe in an exact 
 law of right and wrong, and who wish 
 to see that law extend its beneficent 
 sway, not over men's personal lives 
 alone, but over the entire realm of 
 their relationship) with their fellows, 
 must, if they accept the facts of our 
 Philippine war as the author has pre-
 
 204 THE OTHER MAN's COUNTRY. ' 
 
 sented them, feel that Isaiah's awful 
 tones of denunciation and warnins* — 
 let them proceed from the heart of the 
 Divine righteousness itself or only 
 from the lesser human conscience — 
 reach far beyond their original hearers, 
 beyond the narrow confines of Judea 
 as it existed seven hundred years be- 
 fore Christ, to deliver their message 
 to the newest nation of the latest 
 times.
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 NOTE I. 
 
 Much light is tlirowu ui3on the oppres- 
 sions the Tagals suffered under Spanish 
 rule, and the baneful influence the friars 
 exerted upon them and upon Spanish au- 
 thorities in the islands, in an article written 
 by Frederick H. Sawyer, a member of the 
 Institute of Civil Engineers. It is entitled, 
 '^ The Tagal : His Abilities, and Why he 
 rebelled," and appeared in Senate Docu- 
 ment No. 62. He said, in part : 
 
 '' I resided in Luzon fourteen years, visit- 
 ing all the central and southern provinces, 
 and made trips to Mindoro, Iloilo, Cebu, 
 Calayan, and Calamianes. My profession 
 as colonial engineer brought me into con- 
 tact with all classes of the community, from 
 the land-owner or planter to the laborers or 
 mechanics who worked under my direction. 
 ... I think the Tagals and other natives 
 might be easily governed. Latterly they 
 
 205
 
 206 APPENDIX. 
 
 have shown themselves rebellious against 
 the Spanish government, and especially 
 against the priests, but the causes are not 
 far to seek. In former times, when com- 
 munication with Spain was by sailing-ves- 
 sel around the Cape, the number of Span- 
 ish in this island was small. Each province 
 was under an alcalde (mayor), who was 
 both governor and judge. . . . All the 
 wealthy parishes had Spanish monks as 
 parish priests, the poor ones had native 
 clergy. The government was carried on 
 by the old ^Leyes de Indias.' By these 
 wise laws the natives were afforded great 
 protection against extortion. . . . These 
 laws also conferred upon the native the per- 
 petual usufruct of all the land that he 
 cleared and cultivated, and he could not bo 
 removed from it. In consequence, most of 
 the cultivated land in Luzon to-day is the 
 property of the natives. . . . The taxes 
 were light, the principal one being a poll- 
 tax, called the 'Tribute.' The customs 
 duties were light, and the machinery for 
 the sugar jjlantations came in free of duty. 
 A friendly feeling then existed between the 
 Spaniards and the natives ; the maintenance 
 of such an economical administration was 
 not burdensome to the latter. . . . "With the
 
 NOTE I. 207 
 
 opening of the Suez Canal and tlie subse- 
 quent establisliment of a Spanish line of 
 steamers all this changed. Hordes of hun- 
 gry Spaniards arrived by every line of 
 steamers, for whom places must be found. 
 A bureaucratic administration was grad- 
 ually substituted for the old paternal 
 regime." 
 
 The writer then describes in detail the 
 creation of fictitious departments, bureaus, 
 and offices to meet the greedy demand, and 
 the consequent steadily increasing burden of 
 taxation on the people. 
 
 *^ Additional and useless ships and troops 
 were provided on the Philippine establish- 
 ment, and unnecessary little wars were got 
 up against the Sultan of lola and the dattos 
 of Mindanao. These expeditions involved 
 great loss of life from fever among the 
 troops and great expense to the treasury. 
 They provided, however, pickings for the 
 officials and profits to contractors. . . . 
 The rich were blackmailed under threats 
 of being reported as disaffected, while the 
 poor suffered from illegal exactions. . . . 
 Serious agrarian troubles arose between the 
 monastic orders and the tenants on their 
 vast estates. Towards the end of General 
 Weyler's government a perilous state of
 
 208 APPENDIX. 
 
 unrest prevailed. But the arrival of Gen- 
 eral Don Emilio Despujols, Conde de Caspe, 
 to take over the government soon produced 
 better feeling. He meted out justice alike 
 to priest and tenant, to Spaniard and na- 
 tive. . . . The natives, seeing justice done 
 them for the first time, became most fervent 
 admirers of Conde de Caspe, whom they 
 looked upon as a savior. He became the 
 idol of the people. This state of things 
 was unfortunately of short duration, /or the 
 jpriests, seeing that he was not their champion, 
 oUained his recall hy cable. It is said that 
 they paid one hundred thousand dollars in 
 Madrid to obtain this. [Editor's italics.] 
 His departure was a wonderful sight, 
 l^ever had there been such demonstra- 
 tion of affection to a Governor- General. 
 Innumerable multitudes of natives crowded 
 the shores to see him embark, and every 
 steamer belonging to the port accompa- 
 nied him far out to sea. AVith the sudden 
 departure of Conde there settled down on 
 the native mind the gloomy conviction that 
 force alone could plead their cause, and that 
 their only hope was to rise in arms." 
 
 The statement of General Charles A. 
 Whittier, U.S.V., before the United States
 
 NOTE I. 209 
 
 Peace Commission at Paris, reported in 
 Senate Document 62, page 498, also bears 
 on this point. He said : 
 
 "I went to Manila without prejudice 
 against the Spaniards there. . . . ; their 
 actions in battle and in civil administra- 
 tion all convince me that they are with- 
 out principle or courage, and brutally, 
 wickedly cruel, with no improvement over 
 325 years ago in the days of Philip II." 
 . . . ''The shooting in the Lunetta (their 
 favorite driveway) of dozens of so-called 
 rebels and conspirators, notably Dr. Eizal, 
 a man of literary merit, with no trial, 
 vague charges of belonging to secret so- 
 cieties, with the hope of making their vic- 
 tims confess to what in many cases did not 
 exist, was made a fete, advertised in the 
 papers, 'There will be music,' and, I have 
 been frequently told, that women and chil- 
 dren attended in their carriages. The tor- 
 tures inflicted with the same view of elicit- 
 ing confessions are too brutal to commit 
 the narrative to paper." . . , "The ra- 
 pacity, stealing, and immorality of the 
 priests are beyond question, and the bitter- 
 ness of the natives against them has been 
 caused and aggravated by years of iniquity. 
 To demand a daughter or a wife from a 
 
 14
 
 210 APPENDIX. 
 
 native lias been a common occurrence. 
 Failing to obtain acquiescence, the lius- 
 band's, or father's, goods have been seized, 
 he deported or thrown into jail under an 
 order easily obtained from the government 
 in Manila. The priest's influence was par- 
 amount—they are rich, and fathers (not 
 only of the church) despised and hated by 
 the people." 
 
 The following extracts from Mr. John 
 Foreman's book, '^ The Philippine Islands," 
 bear directly on this subject : 
 
 '^The mysterious deaths of General So- 
 lano (in August, 1860) and of Zamora, the 
 Bishop-elect of Cebu (in 1873), occurred so 
 opportunely for Philippine monastic am- 
 bition, that little doubt existed in the pub- 
 lic mind as to who were the real criminals. 
 When I first arrived in Manila, nearly 
 twenty years ago, a fearful crime was still 
 being commented on. Father Piernavieja, 
 formerly parish priest of San Miguel de 
 Mayumo, had recently committed a second 
 murder. His first victim was a native 
 youth, his second a native woman enceinte. 
 The public voice could not be raised very 
 loudly there against the priests, but the 
 scandal was so great that the crimiual friar
 
 NOTE I. 211 
 
 "was sent to anotlier province — Cavite — 
 where he still celebrated the holy sacrifice 
 of the Eucharist. Is"early t^vo decades 
 afterwards — in January 1897 — this rascal 
 met with a terrible death at the hands of 
 the rebels." (Page 219.) 
 
 ''I knew a money-grabbing parish priest 
 — a friar — who publicly announced raffles 
 from the pulpit of the church from which 
 he preached morality and devotion. On 
 one occasion a $200 watch was put up for 
 $500, at another time he raffled dresses for 
 the women. Under the pretext of being a 
 pious institution, he established a society 
 of women, called the Association of St. 
 Joseph (Cofradia de San Jose), upon whom 
 he imposed the very secular duties of do- 
 mestic service in the convent and raffle- 
 ticket hawking. He had the audacity to 
 dictate to a friend of mine — a planter, Don 
 
 Leandro L , the value of the gifts he 
 
 was to make him ; and when the planter 
 was at length wearied of his importunities, 
 he conspired with a Si^aniard to dex^rive 
 my friend of his estate, alleging that he 
 was not the real owner. Failing in this, 
 he stirred up the petty governor and head- 
 man against him. The petty governor
 
 212 APPENDIX. 
 
 was urged to litigation, and wlien he re- 
 ceived an unfavorable sentence, the priest, 
 enraged at the abortive result of his ma- 
 licious intrigues, actually left his vicarage 
 to accompany his litigious protege to the 
 chief judge of the province in quest of a 
 reversion of the sentence." (Page 221.) 
 
 ''Moreover, the religious corporations 
 possessed large private revenues. Their 
 investments in Hong Kong are extensive. 
 The Austin and Dominican Friars in par- 
 ticular held very valuable real property 
 in the provinces near Manila, which was 
 rented out to the native agriculturists on 
 tyrannical conditions. On the Laguna de 
 Bay shore the rent was raised as the 
 natives, at their own expense, improved 
 their holdings. Leases were granted for 
 the nominal term of three years, but the 
 receipts given for the rent were very cun- 
 ningly worded. Some have been shown to 
 me ; neither the amount of money paid, 
 nor the extent of the land rented, nor its 
 situation were mentioned on the document, 
 so that the tenant was constantly at the 
 mercy of the owners. The native planters 
 were much incensed at the treatment they 
 received from these landowners, and their
 
 NOTE I. 213 
 
 numerous ^veil-founded complaints formed 
 part of the general outcry against the 
 priesthood. The baili£fs of these corpora- 
 tion lands were unordained brothers of the 
 Order. They resided in the Estate Houses, 
 and by com-tesy were styled 'fathers' by 
 the natives. They were under certain re- 
 ligious vows, but, not being entitled to say 
 Mass, they were termed 'legos/ or ignorant 
 men, by their own Order." (Page 226.) 
 
 ''Each Order had its procurator in Ma- 
 drid, who took up the cudgels in defence 
 of his corporation's interest in the Philip- 
 pines whenever this was menaced. On the 
 other hand, the Church, as a body politic, 
 dispensed no charity, but received all. It 
 was always begging; always above civil 
 laws and taxes; claimed immunity, pro- 
 claimed poverty, and inculcated in others 
 charity to itself." (Page 226.) 
 
 "They were usually taken from the 
 peasantry and families of lowly station. 
 As a rule they had little or no secular edu- 
 cation, and, regarding them apart from 
 their religious training, they might be con- 
 sidered a very ignorant class— and the 
 Austins the most polished of all."
 
 214 APPENDIX. 
 
 "The ecclesiastical archives of the Phil- 
 ippines abound with proofs of the bitter 
 and tenacious strife sustained, not only 
 between the civil and Church authorities, 
 but even among the religious communities 
 themselves." (Page 227.) 
 
 "The Austin Friars attributed to the 
 Jesuits the troubles with the Mussulmans 
 of Mindanao and Sulu, and, in their turn, 
 the Jesuits protested against what they con- 
 ceived to be the bad policy of the govern- 
 ment adopted under the influence of the 
 other Orders in Manila. So distinct were 
 their interests, that the Augustine chron- 
 icles refer to the other Orders as different 
 religions." (Page 227.) 
 
 NOTE II. 
 
 Dr. Eizal is spoken of in Lieutenant 
 Calkins' article as "A man of science, who 
 was a native of Laguna Province. The 
 family history acknowledged some slight 
 mixture of Chinese blood and some moder- 
 ate degree of wealth. After passing through 
 the College and University of Manila, Jos^
 
 NOTE II. 215 
 
 Eizal Tvent to Europe to complete Ms medi- 
 cal education. He \voii the degree of doctor 
 of medicine and doctor of philosophy from 
 Spanish and German Universities, acquiring 
 the knowledge of seven languages, and such 
 proficiency as an oculist that he was made 
 first assistant in the office of a world-known 
 specialist in Vienna." 
 
 The charges against Eizal were '^ agitation 
 for independence" and hostility to Spain 
 since his nineteenth year. He was accused 
 of having written ''depreciative phrases" 
 concerning the authorities and the Church 
 in his early novels. Affidavits procured 
 from men in solitary confinement by threats 
 of torture were also read in court. During 
 the last night before his execution Eizal 
 wrote a poem addressed to his country, 
 which is strikingly illustrative of his re- 
 finement of sentiment and patriotic feel- 
 ing. 
 
 The following translation of some verses 
 of this poem appeared in the Springfield 
 Mepiiblican : 
 
 '^ Farewell, adored Fatherland; our Eden 
 lost, farewell ; 
 Farewell, O sun's loved region, pearl of 
 the eastern sea ;
 
 216 APPENDIX. 
 
 Gladly I die for thy dear sake ; yea, thou 
 
 knowest well 
 Were my sad life more radiant far than 
 
 mortal tongue could tell, 
 Yet would I give it gladly, joyously for 
 
 thee. 
 
 *'Pray for those who died alone, betrayed 
 in wretchedness ; 
 For those who suffered for thy sake tor- 
 ments and misery ; 
 For broken hearts of mothers, who weep 
 
 in bitterness ; 
 For widows, tortured captives, orphans 
 in deep distress ; 
 And pray for thy dear self, that thou 
 may'st finally be free. 
 
 '' Farewell, adored country ; I leave my all 
 with thee. 
 Beloved Philippines, whose soil my feet 
 have trod, 
 I leave with thee my life's love deep ; I 
 
 go where all are free : 
 I go where are no tortures, where the 
 oppressor's power shall be 
 Destroyed, where faith kills not, where 
 He who reigns is God."
 
 NOTE II. 217 
 
 In 1897, Dr. Ferdinand Blumentritt, Be- 
 gins Professor in the University of Leit- 
 meritz, Austiia, prepared a biographical 
 sketch of Dr. Eizal, which vras published 
 in a special supplement for the International 
 Archives of Ethnology. This vras translated 
 from the original German by Howard W. 
 Bray, who added some notes and an epilogue, 
 and published at Singapore, China, in 1898. 
 Dr. Blumentritt had abundant opportunity 
 to study the life and work of Dr. Eizal, and 
 his statements are based largely on personal 
 observation. He says of him : 
 
 ^'Xot only is Eizal the most prominent 
 man of his own people, but the greatest man 
 the Malayan race has produced. His mem- 
 ory will never perish in his fatherland, and 
 future generations of Spaniards wiU yet 
 learn to utter his name with respect and 
 reverence." 
 
 In this volume Dr. Blumentritt reproduces 
 an article written by Dr. Eizal as a result 
 of his ethnological studies. It is extremely 
 interesting, and shows the writer to be a 
 close student of human natnre and a keen 
 observer. He says : 
 
 " (4) The disparaging criticism of colored 
 races by EuroiDcans can be understood, but 
 it is by no means justified. Ko feeble per-
 
 218 APPENDIX. 
 
 sons wander to exotic lands, but only ener- 
 getic men who not only come out prejudiced 
 against the native races, but also with the 
 firm conviction that they have been called 
 upon to exercise dominion over them. It 
 is now known what few Europeans know, 
 that the colored races fear the brutality of 
 the white race, and thus the colored race 
 labors under a disadvantage in the service 
 of the former, especially as they, of course, 
 cannot reply to them in printed works. 
 When one further considers that these 
 colored races belong principally to the 
 lower social classes, the verdict of the 
 white race has the same worth as that of an 
 educated Tagal travelling through France 
 and Germany, judging the French and Ger- 
 mans from the milk-maids, servants, waiters, 
 or coachmen. 
 
 '' (5) The misfortune of the native race is 
 merely due to the color of their skin. In 
 Europe there are many men and women 
 coming from the lowest dregs of society, 
 who have raised themselves to positions of 
 the greatest importance and honor. These 
 self-made men are of two kinds. Some 
 adapt themselves to the surroundings of 
 their new sphere, and their lowly birth is 
 not considered any shame ; on the contrary,
 
 NOTE II. 219 
 
 they are honored for being self-made men. 
 Others are the insolent parvenus, vho are 
 laughed at and despised. 
 
 ''A colored man generally finds himself 
 in the latter category, however noble and 
 perfect a gentleman he may be, because his 
 face is an unmistakable proof of his descent, 
 causing him to feel himself humiliated owing 
 to the prejudices of the Europeans. They 
 will pick holes in him, and any small slip 
 which would be overlooked in a cobbler's 
 son who had been created a baron, and 
 which might at any time happen even to a 
 pure-blooded descendant of a Montmorency, 
 would be laughed at with the remark, 
 ' What could you expect ? he is only a col- 
 ored man!' Should he be guilty of no 
 breach of etiquette, and be a skilful advo- 
 cate or a clever physician, this would not 
 be considered a natural matter of course, 
 but he might be admired with the same 
 condescending benevolence as a well- trained 
 poodle, but never as an equal being. 
 
 "The circumstance that in the tropics 
 all the domestic servants consist of natives, 
 is responsible, to a great degree, for the dis- 
 approving criticism of the colored man. If 
 a German housewife complains about her 
 servants, she would surely not go so far on
 
 220 APPENDIX. 
 
 that account and accuse the whole German 
 nation of bad qualities, simply because her 
 servants "vrere not orderly. But this is done 
 without the slightest compunction by those 
 Europeans living in the tropics, who then 
 calmly sleep the sleep of the just ! Mer- 
 chants carry their unfavorable prejudices 
 against the colored race still further. They 
 come to the tropics to enrich themselves as 
 quickly as possible. This is only possible 
 when they are able to buy at extremely low 
 prices in the country. The natives, how- 
 ever, consider such transactions not as fair 
 business ; they believe the white race are 
 trying to deceive them, and take means on 
 their part also to get the advantage of the 
 European, whilst among themselves they 
 show far more honesty. The Europeans 
 consequently denounce them as liars and 
 deceivers ; but that they, as Europeans, 
 unconscientiously prey upon the ignorance 
 of the natives, never appears to enter their 
 heads — on the contrary, the white race be- 
 lieve they are morally entitled to trade with 
 them in immoral ways."
 
 NOTE III. 221 
 
 NOTE in. 
 
 AaXJINALDO AKD COXSUL PEATT. 
 
 A DETAILED account of what occurred 
 during the interviews between Aguinaldo 
 and Mr. Pratt was published in the Singa- 
 pore, China, Free Press of May 4, 1898. 
 This Mr. Pratt enclosed with his report to 
 the State Department, with the assurance 
 from him that this statement was "sub- 
 stantially correct." It is as follows : 
 
 "Just before the actual outbreak of hos- 
 tilities between Sixain and the United States 
 Singapore has been the scene of a secret 
 political arrangement by which General 
 Emilio Aguinaldo y Fami, the supreme 
 head of the revolutionary movement in the 
 Philippines, has entered into direct rela- 
 tions with Admiral Dewey, Commander of 
 the American squadron in China waters, 
 while that officer was still at Hong Kong. 
 
 "In order to understand and appreciate 
 this interesting historical incident properly, 
 it will be necessary to allude to the causes 
 leading to the second appearance of the
 
 222 APPENDIX, 
 
 rebellion In the Pliilippines, which was 
 almost coincident with, though not insti- 
 gated by, the strained relations between 
 Spain and the United States. 
 
 ''In December last General Primo de 
 Eivera, who above all other Spanish gen- 
 erals has an intimate knowledge of the 
 country and its inhabitants, found the posi- 
 tion untenable for both parties. Neither of 
 these had the remotest chance of terminating 
 the rebellion decisively, the rebels secure 
 in their mountain fastnesses, the Spaniards 
 holding the chief towns and villages on the 
 coast. Primo de Eivera therefore sent two 
 well-known Philippine natives occupying 
 high positions in Manila to propose terms 
 of peace to General Aguinaldo in Biac-na 
 Bato. A council of the revolutionary gov- 
 ernment was held in which it was agreed to 
 lay down arms on condition of certain re- 
 forms being introduced. The principal of 
 these were : 
 
 "1. The expulsion, or at least seculariza- 
 tion, of the religious orders, and the in- 
 hibition of these orders from all ofScial 
 vetoes in civil administration. 
 
 "2. A general amnesty for all rebels, and 
 guarantees for their personal security and 
 from the vengeance of the friars and
 
 NOTE III. 223 
 
 parish priests after returning to tlieir 
 homes. 
 
 "3. Eadical reforms to curtail the glaring 
 abuses in public administration. 
 
 ^'i. Freedom of the press to denounce 
 ofiQ.cial corruption and blackmailing. 
 
 "5. Eepresentation in the Spanish Par- 
 liament. 
 
 ''6. Abolition of the iniquitous system 
 of secret deportation of political suspects, 
 etc. 
 
 "Primo de Eivera agreed to these re- 
 forms in sum and substance, but made it a 
 condition that the principal rebel leaders 
 must leave the country during his Majesty's 
 pleasure. As these had lost all their prop- 
 erty or had it confiscated and plundered, 
 the government agreed to provide them 
 •with funds to live in a becoming manner 
 on foreign soil. 
 
 ''The rebels laid down their arms, and 
 peace was apparently secured, but no 
 sooner had they done so, and returned to 
 their houses, than the intransigent re- 
 ligious orders commenced at once to again 
 persecute them and trump uj) imaginary 
 charges to procure their re-arrest. The 
 Spanish Government on its side, imagining 
 itself secure, desisted from carrying out the
 
 224 APPENDIX. 
 
 promised reforms, thinking another trick 
 like that played on the Cubans after the 
 peace of Zanjon, arranged by Martinez 
 Campos, might succeed. The Filipinos, 
 however, with this business before them, 
 refused to be made du])es of, and having 
 taken up arms again, not alone in the im- 
 mediate districts round Manila but through- 
 out the Archipelago, which merely awaits 
 the signal from Aguinaldo to rise en masse, 
 no doubt carrying with them the native 
 troops hitherto loyal, and for which loyal 
 service they have received no thanks, but 
 only ingratitude. 
 
 ''General Emilio Aguinaldo, accom- 
 panied by his aide-de-camp, Colonel Mar- 
 celo H. del Pilar, and his private secretary, 
 Mr. J. Leyba, arrived incognito in Singa- 
 pore from Saigon on the 21st April, 1898. 
 In Saigon, where Aguinaldo had remained 
 for one week, he had interviews with one 
 or two old Filipino friends now resident 
 there. The special purpose of Aguinaldo' s 
 visit to Singajjore was to consult other 
 friends here, particularly Mr. Howard "W. 
 Bray, an old and intimate English friend 
 for fifteen years resident in the Philippines, 
 about the state of affairs in the islands 
 generally. Particularly as to the possi-
 
 NOTE III. 225 
 
 bility of war between the United States 
 and Spain, and wliether in such an event 
 the United States would eventually recog- 
 nize the independence of the Philippines, 
 provided he lent his co-operation to the 
 Americans in the conquest of the country. 
 The situation of the moment was this : that 
 the conditions of the honorable peace con- 
 cluded on the 14:th of December, 1897, be- 
 tween President Aguinaldo, on behalf of 
 the Philippine rebels, and H. E. Governor- 
 General Primo de Eivera, on behalf of 
 Spain, had not been carried out, although 
 their immediate execution had been vouched 
 for in that agreement. These reforms would 
 have provided protection to the people 
 against the organized oppression and ra- 
 pacity of the religious fraternities, would 
 have secured improved civil and criminal 
 procedure in courts, and have guaranteed 
 in many ways improvements in the fiscal 
 and social conditions of the people. The 
 repudiation by the Spanish Government of 
 these conditions, made by General Primo 
 de Eivera, now left the rebel leaders, who 
 had for the most part gone to Hong Kong, 
 free to act. And it was in x)ursuance of 
 that freedom of action that Aguinaldo 
 again sought counsel of his friends in
 
 226 APPENDIX. 
 
 Saigon and Singapore, with, a view to the 
 immediate resumption of operations in the 
 Philippines. 
 
 " Meantime Mr. Bray, whose assistance to 
 this journal on matters connected with the 
 Philippines has been very considerable, as 
 our readers will liave seen, was introduced 
 by the editor of the Singapore Free Press to 
 Mr. Spencer Pratt, Consul- General of the 
 United States, who was anxious, in view of 
 contingencies, to learn as much as possible 
 about the real condition of the Philippines. 
 It was a few days after this that Aguinaldo 
 arrived incognito in Singapore, when he 
 at once met his friends, including Mr. 
 Bray. 
 
 '^ Affairs now becoming more warlike, Mr. 
 Bray, after conversation with Mr. Spencer 
 Pratt, eventually arranged an interview be- 
 tween that gentleman and General Agui- 
 naldo, which took place late on the evening 
 of Sunday, the 24th April, at ^The Man- 
 sion,' Eiver Yalley Eoad. There were 
 present on that occasion General Emilio 
 Aguinaldo y Fami, Mr. E. Spencer Pratt, 
 Consul-General TJnited States of America, 
 Mr. Howard W. Bray, Aguinaldo' s x^rivate 
 secretary, Mr. J. Leyba, Colonel M. H. del 
 Pilar, and Dr. Marcelino Santos.
 
 NOTE III. 227 
 
 "During this conference, at whicli Mr. 
 Bray acted as interpreter, General Agui- 
 naldo explained to the American Consul- 
 General, ]\Ir. Pratt, tlie incidents and ob- 
 jects of tlie late rebellion, and described 
 tlie present disturbed state of the country. 
 General Aguinaldo then proceeded to detail 
 tlie nature of tbe co-operation be could give, 
 in wbicb be, in the event of tbe American 
 forces from tbe squadron landing and taking 
 possession of Manila, ^vould guarantee to 
 maintain order and discipline among tbe 
 native troops and inbabitants, in tbe same 
 humane way in wbicb be bad bitberto con- 
 ducted tbe war, and prevent tbem from com- 
 mitting outrages on defenceless Spaniards 
 beyond tbe inevitable in fair and honor- 
 able warfare. He further declared his 
 ability to establish a proper and responsible 
 government on liberal principles, and would 
 be willing to accept the same terms for the 
 country as tbe United States intend giving 
 Cuba. 
 
 ''The Consul-General of tbe United 
 States, coinciding with the general views 
 expressed during tbe discussion, placed him- 
 self at once in telegraphic communication 
 with Admiral Dewey at Hong Kong, be- 
 tween whom and Mr. Pratt a frequent in-
 
 228 APPENDIX. 
 
 terchange of telegrams consequently took 
 place. * 
 
 "As a result another j)i"ivate interview 
 was arranged at the American Consular resi- 
 dence, at the Eaffles Hotel, between General 
 Aguinaldo, Mr. Spencer Pratt, Mr. Howard 
 Bray, and Mr. Leyba, x^rivate secretary to 
 General Aguinaldo. 
 
 " As a sequel to this interview, and in 
 response to the urgent request of Admiral 
 Dewey, General Aguinaldo left Singapore 
 for Hong Kong by the first available 
 steamer, the P. & O. Malacca, on Tues- 
 day, the 26th April at noon, accompanied 
 by his aide-de-camp. Captain del Pilar, 
 and Mr. Leyba, his private secretary. 
 
 ''General Aguinaldo' s policy embraces 
 the independence of the Philipx^ines, whose 
 internal affairs would be controlled under 
 European and American advisers, f Amer- 
 
 * It was at this time that Consul Pratt tele- 
 graphed to Admiral Dewey, "Aguinaldo insurgent 
 leader here. "Will come Hong Kong arrange with 
 Commodore for general co-operation insurgents 
 Manila if desired. Telegraph." 
 
 Dewey's reply was: "Tell Aguinaldo come, 
 Boon as possible." 
 
 t Compare this with the statement in the preliminary 
 report of the Philipinne Commission after reference has
 
 NOTE III. 229 
 
 ican protection -would be desirable tempo- 
 rarily, on tlie same lines as that -wliicli 
 miglit be instituted hereafter in Cuba. The 
 ports of the Philippines would be free to 
 the trade of the -world, safeguards being 
 enacted against an influx of Chinese aliens 
 -who -would comxDcte -with the industrious 
 population of the country. There -would 
 be a complete reform of the present corrupt 
 judicature of the country under experienced 
 European law officers. Entire freedom of 
 the press -would be established, as -well as 
 the right of public meeting. There would 
 be general religious toleration, and steps 
 would be taken for the abolition and expul- 
 sion of tyrannical religious fraternities who 
 have laid such strong hands on every branch 
 of civil administration. Full provision 
 would be given for the exploitation of the 
 natural resources and wealth of the country 
 by roads and railways, and by the removal 
 of hinderances to enterprise and investment 
 
 been made to Aguinaldo's removal of his camp from 
 Cavite to Bacoor under orders from Admiral Dewey : 
 ^^ now for the first time arose the idea of independence." 
 This is a remarkable misstatement since the idea had 
 been proclaimed to the world specifically through the 
 medium of a newspaper before Aguinaldo came to 
 Cavite, (Editor's italics.)
 
 230 APPENDIX. 
 
 of capital. Spanisli officials -^oiilcl be re- 
 moved to a i)lace of safety until opportunity 
 offered to return th.em to Spain. The pres- 
 ervation of public safety and order and tbe 
 cbecking of reprisals against Spaniards 
 would, naturally, have to be a first care of 
 the government in the new state of tilings." 
 
 Tbe foregoing statement, taken in con- 
 nection with, the following article which 
 {appeared in the Singapore, China, Free 
 Fress, June 9, 1898, removes all doubt as to 
 the nature of the understanding between 
 Consul Pratt and the Filipino leaders : 
 
 " A little after five p.m., last evening, a 
 numerous deputation, consisting of all the 
 Filipinos resident in Singapore, waited 
 upon the American Consul- General, Mr. 
 Spencer Pratt, at his residence, and pre- 
 sented him with an address, congratulatory 
 of the American successes in the present 
 I war, and expressive of the thanks of the 
 \\ Filipino community here for the aid now 
 I being given by the United States to the 
 aspirations of the Filipino people for na- 
 tional freedom. There were also present 
 Mr. W. G. St. Clair, editor of the Singa- 
 pore Free Fress ; Mr. A. Eeid, editor of the 
 Straits Tmes, and Mr. Howard W. Bray,
 
 NOTE III. 231 
 
 •wliose active sympatliies with the Fili- 
 pino nation are so well known as to enable 
 him to be styled ^Aguinaldo's English- 
 man.' Mr. Spencer Pratt and Mr. Bray 
 both wore the badge of the Liga Philippina, 
 presented to them by General Aguinaldo 
 during his incognito visit to Singapore. 
 
 '■ ' After Mr. Bray had jDcrformed the cere- 
 mony of introducing the deputation to 
 Consul-General Spencer Pratt, Dr. Santos, 
 the chief Philij)pine refugee here, who has 
 been educated at Barcelona and Paris, de- 
 livered the address, of which the following 
 is a translation : 
 
 " ^ To the Sonorable Edward Spencer Fratt, 
 Consul-General of the United States of 
 HoHh America, Singajpore : 
 " 'SiE, — The Filipino colony resident in 
 this port, composed of representatives of 
 all social classes, have come to present their 
 respects to you as the legitimate representa- 
 tive of the great and powerful American 
 Eepublic, in order to express our eternal 
 gratitude for the moral and material j)rotec- 
 tion extended by Admiral Dewey to our 
 trusted leader. General Emilio Aguinaldo, 
 who has been driven to take up arms in 
 the name of eight millions of Filipinos in
 
 232 APPENDIX. 
 
 defence of those very principles of justice 
 and liberty of which your country is the 
 foremost champion. 
 
 *' ' Our countrymen at home, and those of 
 us residing here, refugees from Spanish 
 misrule and tyranny in our beloved native 
 land, hope that the United States, your 
 nation, persevering in its humane policy, 
 will efScaciously second the programme ar- 
 ranged between you, sir, and General Agui- 
 naldo in this port of Singapore, and secure 
 to us our independence under the protec- 
 tion of the United States. 
 
 *^ ' Our warmest thanks are especially due 
 to you, sir, j)ersonally, for having been the 
 first to cultivate relations with General 
 Aguinaldo, and arrange for his co-operation 
 with Admu-al Dewey, thus supporting our 
 aspirations which time and subsequent ac- 
 tions have developed and caused to meet 
 with the applause and approbation of your 
 nation. 
 
 " ^Finally, we request you to convey to 
 your illustrious President and the American 
 people and to Admiral Dewey our senti- 
 ments of sincere gratitude and our most 
 fervent wishes for their prosperity.' 
 
 "The address, which was written in 
 Spanish and read in French by Dr. Santos,
 
 NOTE III. 233 
 
 the spokesman, was replied to in French by- 
 Mr. Spencer Pratt, to the following effect : 
 ''^Gentlemen, the honor you have con- 
 ferred upon me is so unexpected that I 
 cannot find appropriate words with which 
 to thank you, with which to reply to the 
 eloquent address you have just read to me. 
 Eest assured, however, that I fully under- 
 stand and sincerely appreciate the motives 
 that have prompted your present action, 
 and that your words, which have sunk 
 deep in my heart, shall be faithfully re- 
 peated to the President, to Admiral Dewey, 
 and to the American peox^le, from whom I 
 am sure that they will meet with full and 
 generous response. A little over a month 
 ago the world resounded with the i)raise 
 of Admiral Dewey and his fellow- officers 
 and men for a glorious victory won by the 
 American Asiatic squadron in the Bay of 
 Manila. To-day we have the news of the 
 brilliant achievements of your own distin- 
 guished leader. General Emilio Aguinaldo, 
 co-operating on land with the Americans at 
 sea. You have just reason to be proud of 
 what has been and is being accomplished 
 by General Aguinaldo and your fellow- 
 countrymen under his command. When, 
 six weeks ago, I learned that General Agui-
 
 234 APPENDIX. 
 
 naldo had arrived incognito in Singapore, I 
 immediately souglit liim out. An hour's 
 interview convinced me that he was the 
 man for the occasion, and, having commu- 
 nicated with Admiral Dewey, I accordingly 
 arranged for him to join the latter, which 
 he did at Cavite. The rest you know. I 
 am thankful to have been the means, though 
 merely the accidental means, of bringing 
 about the arrangement between General 
 Aguinaldo and Admiral Dewey, which has 
 resulted so happily. I can only hope that 
 the eventual outcome will be all that can be 
 desired for the hapiDiness and welfare of the 
 Filipinos. My parting words to General 
 Aguinaldo were, "General, when you have 
 proved yourself great, prove yourself mag- 
 nanimous, ' ' and from the generous treatment 
 that we understand he has accorded to the 
 Spanish prisoners, taken in the recent fight, 
 he has done so.' (Applause.) 
 
 "Dr. Santos then, addressing his fellow- 
 countrymen (Paysanos), called for succes- 
 sive vivas for the President of the United 
 States, for Admiral Dewey, and for Consul- 
 General Pratt; for England, the 'nation 
 hospitaliere,' and for the editors of the 
 Singapore Free Fress and Straits Times. 
 Consul-General Pratt called for vivas for
 
 NOTE III. 235 
 
 General Aguinaldo and the Filipino peo- 
 ple. 
 
 ''Mr. Spencer Pratt subsequently pre- 
 sented an American flag to Dr. Santos for 
 the Filipino deputation. 'TMs flag,' he 
 said, 'was born in battle, and is the em- 
 blem of that very liberty that you are 
 seeking to attain. Its red stripes represent 
 the blood that was shed for the cause, the 
 white the j)urity of the motive, the blue 
 field the azure of the sky, the stars the free 
 and independent States of the Union. Take 
 it, and keep it as a souvenir of this occa- 
 sion.' 
 
 "On receiving the flag from the Con- 
 sul's hands, Dr. Santos called for three 
 cheers for the American nation, waving the 
 flag on high, and stating that the Fili- 
 pinos would always cherish this emblem, 
 which would be preserved for future genera- 
 tions to look upon with pride." 
 
 The author has received a letter from Mr. 
 Howard W. Bray which gives further light 
 on this phase of the question. It is dated 
 Labuan, N. Borneo, May 4, 1900, and is 
 in part as follows : 
 
 "I am in receipt of yours of 2d March 
 last, which has been forwarded me from 
 Singapore. I have taken up a, temporary
 
 236 APPENDIX. 
 
 residence here pending settlement of trou- 
 bles in the Philippines ; but as that unhappy 
 country is farther off than ever from being 
 pacified, I have now decided to settle down 
 in the State of Brunei when his Highness 
 the Sultan has given me certain land con- 
 cessions which will eventually attract many 
 of these Filii^inos who wish to be free of 
 American rule. Brunei is just across the 
 Bay on the mainland of Borneo and popu- 
 lated by people of the same race as the 
 Philippines, although professing Islamism ; 
 yet having had 18 years' experience of the 
 Malay races and studied their idiosyncrasies, 
 their turn of thought, and mastered that 
 racial individuality impossible to describe, 
 I have come to the conclusion this is the 
 best thing to do rather than face the chaos 
 that is now reigning, and likely to reign, 
 indefinitely in the Philippines under Ameri- 
 can rule. I regret extremely having to leave 
 that beautiful country where I wished to live 
 and die, but that charming simplicity, abso- 
 lute confidence, unbounded hospitality, and 
 gallantry so conspicuous among Filipinos 
 of all classes from highest to lowest has re- 
 ceived a blow from which it will never more 
 recover, and their confidence in the white 
 race has gone. Spain with all her faults
 
 NOTE III. 237 
 
 lias never been guilty of the carnage and 
 plunder wliicli liave followed in tlie wake of 
 American 'benevolent assimilation.' The 
 nation forsootli which came under the pre- 
 text of delivering the people from Spanish 
 bondage ! 
 
 " Ee the interviews between Consul Pratt 
 and Aguinaldo, I cannot do better than send 
 you also under registered cover the Singa- 
 pore Free Press of 4 May, 1898, which gives 
 in substance and fact very much the version 
 of what happened. I must add, as an intro- 
 duction, that some time before Aguinaldo' s 
 arrival in Singapore I had been in daily 
 communication with Consul-General Spen- 
 cer Pratt, furnishing him with information 
 which one having my unique knowledge of 
 the Philippines alone possessed, which was 
 all passed on to Admiral Dewey. I knew the 
 Spaniards had no torpedoes nor mines, in- 
 formation not possessed by any other for- 
 eigner. I had friends in Cavite arsenal who 
 were patriotic Filipinos, and, as I enjoy the 
 confidence of these people as no other white 
 man, I was able to imx)art this (for Dewey) 
 most important and vital information, and 
 other of the same sort, such as a place where 
 in case of necessity the American fleet could
 
 238 APPENDIX. 
 
 obtain coal, etc., etc. I saw an autograph 
 letter from Dewey to Pratt tliankiug liim 
 for his information, which he went on to say- 
 came in most welcome and valuable at a time 
 when reliable and valuable information was 
 scarce and difficult to obtain. I enclosed with 
 my information a rough plan or two which 
 were sent on to Dewey also. It was when 
 in interviews with Pratt about this time 
 that the latter urged me to do all I could to 
 get Aguinaldo down to Singapore. After a 
 lot of telegrams (paid by me), I prevailed 
 on Aguinaldo to come down. Even then I 
 had some trouble to persuade him and the 
 members of his staff and head of the Fili- 
 pino Committee that it would be better for 
 them to join issue with the Americans 
 rather than undertake independent action. 
 Two or three, as it turns out now, far-seeing 
 Filipinos were obstinate in their objections 
 to this and advised a waiting policy ; allow 
 the American fleet to destroy the Spanish, 
 and then for the leaders of the late rebellion 
 who were in Hong Kong to come over in a 
 special steamer with arms, land at a point 
 on the coast and finish with the Spaniards ; 
 the rout of the latter would then have been 
 more complete, and Dewey powerless to 
 prevent it for want of men. The Spaniards
 
 NOTE III. 239 
 
 also ■would have willingly come to terms 
 with the Filipinos, and the Philippines 
 would not now be suffering this terrible 
 affliction of having its homes and fair land 
 ruined, and history would have had to 
 chronicle otherwise. My influence, how- 
 ever, prevailed, and Aguinaldo consented to 
 receive the visit of the American Consul- 
 General, and in this visit Aguinaldo' s policy 
 and intentions and demands were clearly 
 defined, under the following heads drawn up 
 by myself in consultation ivith Aguinaldo and 
 his followers. (See Aguinaldo' s Policy at 
 foot of 'page in Free Press.) The actual 
 copy submitted I have not at hand at the 
 moment, but the Free Press version is pretty 
 nearly correct, and gives a general idea of 
 the whole. You will notice first and fore- 
 most is Filipino Independence ; that was a sine 
 qua 7ion, and the Filipinos undertook at first 
 to seek the advice of European and Ameri- 
 can advisers (hut always appointed hy them- 
 selves, not hy America). Let me add, the 
 editor of Singapore Free Press — which is 
 not a yellow but very sedate journal — was 
 the only white man in Singapore outside 
 myself and Pratt who had any communica- 
 tion with Aguinaldo and was cognizant of 
 all that took place, and it was he who
 
 240 APPENDIX. 
 
 introduced me to the Consnl in the first 
 instance. In this first intei'view Consul 
 Pratt stated that he must communicate the 
 result to Admiral (then Commodore) Dewey, 
 and requested the favor of another inter- 
 view when the latter' s reply came. This took 
 place at the Consulate in Eaffles Hotel, when 
 Mr. Consul Pratt stated he had received an 
 urgent message from Dewey requesting 
 Aguinaldo to proceed immediately to join 
 him, of course on the conditions laid down in 
 the first interview. In order to keep the ar- 
 rangement secret, I was deputed to arrange 
 for Aguinaldo and staff to get away to 
 Hong Kong, and I took out their passage 
 with the P. & O. S. S. Co. under assumed 
 names. What took place afterwards has 
 now passed into history and cannot be 
 altered, however much Dewey and McKin- 
 ley would like to do so. In confirmation 
 of this arrangement, I also send you Singa- 
 pore Free Press of 9 June containing the 
 report of Mr. Pratt's "reception of a Fili- 
 pino deputation and accepting an address 
 of congratulation. I was in the Editor's 
 office when Consul Pratt himself supervised 
 the reply he made before going into print. 
 The address you will notice says ' We hope 
 that the United States, your nation, will
 
 NOTE III. 241 
 
 ef&caciously second the programme ar- 
 ranged between you, sir, and General Agui- 
 naldo in this part of Singapore, and secure 
 to us our independence under the protection 
 of the United States.' Let any impartial 
 man judge from this ! It is no use for me 
 to say any more. . . . 
 
 "Admiral Dewey's assertion that I am 
 in the pay of the Filipino scouts, etc., is 
 gratuitous on his part. Neither from them 
 nor from America have I received one red 
 cent ; on the contrary I am a very heavy 
 sufferer owing to my action to assist the 
 United States. The Spaniards, infuriated 
 at my action, destroyed property of mine 
 on my estate in the south of Luzon to the 
 value of $15,000, all my personal effects, 
 curios, and ethnographical and anthropo- 
 logical collection of 15 years, besides family 
 heirlooms, etc., impossible to replace. Will 
 the United States ever indemnify me for 
 this loss ? Ceiiainly not ; not even for the 
 telegrams I am out of pocket by on her 
 behalf." 
 
 16
 
 242 APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE IV. 
 
 THE SOVEREIGNTY PROCLAMATION. 
 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. 
 December 21, 1898. 
 
 To THE Secretary of War : 
 
 Sir, — The destruction of the Spanish fleet 
 in the harbor of Manila by the United States 
 naval squadron, commanded by Eear- Ad- 
 miral Dewey, followed by the reduction of 
 the city and the surrender of the Spanish 
 forces, practically effected the conquest of 
 the Philippine Islands and the suspension 
 of Spanish sovereignty therein. With the 
 signature of the Treaty of Peace between 
 the United States and Spain by their re- 
 spective plenipotentiaries at Paris on the 
 10th instant, and as the result of the vic- 
 tories of American arms, the future control, 
 disposition, and government of the Philip- 
 pine Islands are ceded to the United States. 
 In fulfilment of the rights of sovereignty 
 thus acquired, and the responsible obliga- 
 tions of government thus assumed, the 
 actual occupation and administration of
 
 NOTE IV. 243 
 
 tlie entire group of the Philippine Islands 
 becomes immediately necessary, and the 
 military government heretofore maintained 
 by the United States in the city, harbor, 
 and Bay of Manila, is to be extended with 
 all possible despatch to the whole of the 
 ceded territory. 
 
 In performing this duty the military com- 
 mander of the United States is enjoined to 
 make known to the inhabitants of the Philip- 
 pine Islands that in succeeding to the sov- 
 ereignty of Spain, in severing the former 
 political relations of the inhabitants and in 
 establishing a new political power, the 
 authority of the United States is to be ex- 
 erted for the security of the i^ersons and 
 property of the people of the islands and 
 for the confirmation of all their private 
 rights and relations. It will be the duty of 
 the commander of the forces of occupation 
 to announce and proclaim in the most pub- 
 lic manner that we come not as invaders or 
 conquerors, but as friends, to protect the 
 natives in their homes, in their employ- 
 ments, and in their personal and religious 
 rights. All persons who, either by active 
 aid or by honest submission, co-operate with 
 the government of the United States to give 
 effect to these beneficial purposes, will re-
 
 244 APPENDIX. 
 
 ceive tlie reward of its support and pro- 
 tection. All others will be brought within 
 the lawful rule we have assumed, with 
 firmness if need be, but without severity so 
 far as may be possible. 
 
 William McKinley. 
 
 NOTE V. 
 
 Geneeal Otis explains in his report why- 
 he censored the President's proclamation. 
 He says : 
 
 ^' After fully considering the President's 
 proclamation, and the temper of the Ta- 
 galos, with whom I was daily discussing 
 political i)roblems, and the friendly inten- 
 tions of the United States Government 
 towards them, I concluded that there were 
 certain words and expressions therein, such 
 as ^sovereignty,' 'right of cession,' and 
 those which directed immediate occupation, 
 etc., which, though most admirably em- 
 ployed and tersely expressive of actual con- 
 ditions, might be advantageously used by 
 the Tagalo war-party to incite widespread 
 hostilities among the natives. The igno- 
 rant classes had been taught to believe that 
 certain words, as 'sovereignty' 'protection,'
 
 NOTE VI. 245 
 
 etc., had a peculiar meaning disastrous to 
 their welfare and significant of future polit- 
 ical domination, like that from which they 
 had recently been freed. It was my opinion, 
 therefore, that I would be justified in so 
 amending the paper that the beneficent 
 object of the United States Government 
 would be brought clearly within the com- 
 prehension of the people, and this conclu- 
 sion was the more readily reached because 
 of the radical change of the past few days 
 in the constitution of Aguinaldo's govern- 
 ment, which could not have been understood 
 at Washington at the time the proclamation 
 was prepared." 
 
 NOTE YI. 
 
 The report of Wilcox and Sargent ap- 
 peared in the Philadelphia Evening Bulletin 
 of February 1, 1899, as a Washington de- 
 spatch, as follows : 
 
 "The clearest and most accurate picture 
 of conditions as they exist in the interior 
 of the great island of Luzon, the largest of 
 the Philippine grouj), with an area equalling 
 that of the State of Virginia, that has yet
 
 246 APPENDIX. 
 
 been presented to the official eye, is that set 
 out in a report made to the Navy Depart- 
 ment of the tour of two young American 
 naval officers, Paymaster W. B. Wilcox and 
 Cadet E. L. Sargent, officers of Dewey's 
 fleet. The achievement of these young 
 naval officers has earned not only the praise 
 of Dewey, but also of the officials here in 
 Washington, to whom it has been sub- 
 mitted. 
 
 " Last October Paymaster Wilcox and 
 Cadet Sargent, at the outset, were warned 
 that they could not pass the lines of the 
 Philippine forces without permission of 
 Aguinaldo. Upon application to this leader 
 at Malolos, his head-quarters, he first re- 
 quired a formal sanction of their request by 
 Admiral Dewey and General Otis, or Gen- 
 eral McArthur, and later, when this was 
 produced, declined altogether to issue a 
 passiDort, although he assured the officers 
 that they were free to proceed without 
 molestation from his forces. Accordingly, 
 a start was made October 5, with five ser- 
 vants, eight horses, and between three hun- 
 dred and four hundred pounds of baggage, 
 including a camj) outfit, two rifles and a 
 shot-gun, with ammunition. 
 
 '* ' From Eosales to Humingan and thence
 
 NOTE VI. 247 
 
 to San Jose our experiences of travel were 
 mucli the same as those already described. 
 Labor was cheap. Ten men could usually 
 be engaged for a day for the sum of two 
 dollars in silver, or less than ten cents in 
 gold per man. 
 
 '^ 'Throughout this part of the province 
 of Xueva Icaga almost the only form of 
 agriculture encouraged at present by the 
 natives is rice growing. A little sugar is 
 raised. The land is rich ; we encountered 
 no barren or unfertile spots. The fields at 
 this season of the year are several inches 
 deep in water. There was no timber of 
 value along the direct line of our routes, 
 but in the hills along the river Agno forests 
 could be seen. There are very few forests, 
 and practically no cattle. There was a 
 great number of buffalo, and these are of 
 extreme utility. The principal labor of the 
 natives at this season of the year is the 
 threshing of rice. This is done primitively 
 with implements that resemble on a large 
 scale the pestle and mortar of a chemist. 
 The mortar is replaced by a section of a log 
 of hard wood, hollowed out to receive the 
 grains. The pestle by a hard club from 
 four to five feet long and about six inches 
 in diameter at each end.
 
 248 APPENDIX. 
 
 ^' ' The Presidente and otlier local ofdcials 
 are native Filipinos. Most of them have 
 received a certain amount of education at 
 religious schools in Manila. They are in- 
 telligent men and are extremely eager to 
 learn ne^^s from the outside world. Their 
 knowledge of modern history and geog- 
 raphy is extremely limited, and their igno- 
 rance of current events is surprising. We 
 brought them their first definite informa- 
 tion with regard to Cuba and to their own 
 present status. One or two of them had 
 heard of the Congress at Paris, but no one 
 had any idea as to its object, nor as to its 
 relation to themselves. They were well 
 grounded on only three points,-:— the de- 
 struction of the Spanish squadron in Ma- 
 nila Harbor, the surrender of Manila, and 
 the declaration hy the Philippine Government 
 at Malolos, and of the independence of the 
 Islands and the estahlishment of a republican 
 form of government with Aguinaldo as presi- 
 dent. (Author's italics.) Even on these 
 points the details they had received were 
 very inaccurate.' 
 
 ''Leaving Carranglan the Presidente local 
 insisted upon their taking a guard of twelve 
 soldiers with a sergeant, "to protect us
 
 NOTE VI. 249 
 
 against Igorrotes, or savages, that are said 
 to infest the hills between this town and 
 Aritao." 
 
 " 'We arrived at Aritao shortly after sun- 
 down. A broad branch of the Eio Magat 
 separated us from this town. There was a 
 " banca," or native dug out canoe, however 
 in which men and baggage were taken to 
 the other side, while the horses were swum 
 across at a point higher uj) the stream. Of 
 the timber which we have seen the most 
 valued on the island is the "mulawe," so- 
 called in both Spanish and Telga. This is a 
 tall, straight tree with a very few branches ; 
 the bark is very light in color, but the 
 wood is very dark and close grained and 
 resists weather and water. It is much used 
 for boats, and for the floors and exposed 
 uprights of the houses. There is also much 
 bamboo, some of which has been cut. The 
 heavier trees are as yet unmolested. We 
 saw no signs of savages nor of poisonous 
 snakes, against which we had been warned 
 by the natives of the district. 
 
 '' ' We spent the night at Bambang. We 
 were accompanied by several soldiers and 
 Lieutenant Aguinaldo. This was the first 
 time that a commissioned officer had formed 
 part of our escort. This town is the cajji-
 
 250 APPENDIX. 
 
 tal of tlie province, and has a population 
 of about 12,000 inhabitants. At this place 
 we met the first formidable opposition to 
 our progress, 
 
 '^ 'From Bagagag to the next town. Cor- 
 don (called Estella on the map), there is 
 only a mountain trail. This trail is infested 
 at certain seasons by Igorrotes, who waylay 
 and murder persons travelling in small and 
 unarmed parties. Several murders have 
 occurred here recently. Three small parties 
 of natives with horses and buffaloes had 
 been waiting at Bagagag for several days 
 for a party to travel with a military escort. 
 They joined us next day. 
 
 '' '■ During our detention at Carig we were 
 not treated as i)risoners ; we were informed 
 that if we wished to return to Manila by 
 the same road we had followed in leaving 
 it, we were at liberty to do so. Within 
 the village itself we had, of course, entire 
 liberty. We asked Seiior Yilla if the Phil- 
 ippine Eepublic intended to demand pass- 
 ports of the travellers, and used the same 
 argument that had proved so efficient at 
 Bayombong ; he replied that it would be 
 the custom only in time of war. He classed 
 this i)eriod as a time of war, and the con- 
 gress at Paris as a mere suspension of hos-
 
 NOTE VI. 251 
 
 tilities, at the end of wliicli tlieir nation 
 might be again enveloped in war. Onr rela- 
 tions with Seiior Villa were mainly official ; 
 his manner towards us was brusque, and at 
 times discourteous. He was extremely sus- 
 picious of us, particularly of the diary that 
 we kept from day to day, and of a camera 
 that formed part of our equipment. He 
 became slowly convinced, however, that we 
 were not seeking for military information. 
 After he had assured himself of this, he 
 told us that the colonel feared that we were 
 making maps of the country. During the 
 rest of our journey we were entirely free 
 from the taint of this suspicion. According 
 to Seiior Villa's statement, the charge had 
 first been made by the Spanish prisoners, 
 who had never ceased to warn the natives that 
 American troops would come into the province 
 to conquer them, when they would find them- 
 selves in worse hands than before they rebelled 
 against Spain. (Author's italics.) 
 
 " ^ In the streams, and particularly in the 
 river Magat and the Eio Grande de Cagayan, 
 there are many alligators, of which the 
 natives are in great fear. No native will 
 venture into the water or into the grass 
 along the bank until he has first thrown 
 stones in front of him to frighten away any
 
 252 APPENDIX. 
 
 alligators whicli may be in the neighbor- 
 hood. 
 
 '^ ' We arrived at Ilagan that evening, 
 November 1st. This town is the capital 
 site of the province of Isabella. It has a 
 population of between ten and fifteen thou- 
 sand inhabitants, and has many large 
 wooden houses, roofed with corrugated 
 iron, giving it rather a European appear- 
 ance. It is well situated for defence, being 
 at the junction of the river Piuananauan 
 with the Eio Grande. It is protected by 
 these wide streams from all points except 
 the south. To attack the city by land 
 from the south it would be necessary to 
 bring troops by the eastern side of the Eio 
 Grande, where there are no roads. The 
 site of the city is raised, moreover, about 
 forty feet above the level of the river. In 
 this town we were entertained at the house 
 of a wealthy citizen. The first night after 
 our arrival a hall was given in our honor, at 
 which there were over fifty young ladies and an 
 equal number of icell-dressed and gentlemanly 
 men. The ball icas loell conducted ; the dances 
 were Spanish. The next evening we were in- 
 vited to the theatre to see two one-act Spanish 
 comedies, presented by the society young people 
 of the town. They icere both excellently given,
 
 NOTE VI. 253 
 
 and spoke weU for the intelligence of the 
 players. (Author's italics.) 
 
 "'"We desired to continue our journey 
 from Ilagan to Tuguegarao, and from that 
 point across the mountains to the western 
 coast. Th is request was wired by Senor Villa 
 to Colonel Tirona, at Aparri. The ofScer 
 replied that it would not be possible to 
 make the proposed trip at this season of 
 the year. He repeated his invitation to 
 visit Aparri, taking a steamer from that 
 port, disembarking at the northern point 
 on the western coast, and continue our 
 journey south by land. This arrangement 
 was accepted as the most satisfactory one 
 left open to us. There are many Spanish 
 prisoners in this town — civil officers, priests, 
 soldiers. Eighty four priests were paraded 
 in the street for our inspection, only four or 
 five of them wearing robes of their office. 
 Nearly all of them wore long hair and beards. 
 They appeared in good health, and we could 
 detect no evidence of maltreatment. These 
 prisoners have been assembled from different 
 parts of the province. They are kept under 
 stricter guard than either of the two other 
 classes of prisoners, for the reason that the 
 native officials fear that if permitted to go 
 among the people tJiey will use the influence
 
 254 APPENDIX. 
 
 they possess through their position in the Church 
 to incite them against the Philippine govern- 
 ment. We also met Don Jose Perez, a Span- 
 iard, who had previously been governor of the 
 island. He was well dressed, and seemed to be 
 enjoying all the ordinary comforts. (Author's 
 italics.) 
 
 '' ' In tliese two days we passed out of tlie 
 province of Labella, and entirely through 
 the province of Cayagen. These are the 
 leading tobacco provinces in the island. 
 An idea of their wealth can be obtained 
 from the fact that before the Philij)pine 
 insurrection three million dollars in tobacco 
 came yearly from the one province of Isa- 
 bella. The tobacco of this province is pre- 
 ferred for exportation to that of Cayagen. 
 Both provinces raise also sugar, rice, cocoa, 
 and coffee. Cattle are shipped from Aparri. 
 
 ^^' The steamer " SaturTias,^^ which had left 
 the Imrhor the day before our an^ival, brought 
 news from Hong Kong papers that the Seyiators 
 from the United States at the Congress at Paris 
 favored the independence of the islands with an 
 American protectorate. Colonel Tirona con- 
 sidered the information of sufficient reliability 
 to justify him in regarding the Philippine inde- 
 pendence as assured, and warfare in the island 
 at an end. For this reason lie proceeded to
 
 NOTE VI. 255 
 
 relinquish military command lie held over the 
 provinces and to place this poioer in the Imnds 
 of a civil officer, elected iy the people. This 
 officer also tnade a speech, in which he thayiked 
 the disciplined military forces and their colonel 
 for the services they had rendered the provinces, 
 and assured them that the war they had begun 
 would he perpetuated hy the people of the 
 provinces, lohere every man, woman, and child 
 stood ready to take up arms to defend their 
 newly-won liberty, and resist to the last drop of 
 their blood the attempt of any nation whatever 
 to bring them back to their former state of de- 
 pendence. Sis speech was impassioned. He 
 then placed his hand on an ojJen Bible and took 
 the oath of office. (Author's italics.) 
 
 "'We were liosiDitably entertained at 
 Aparri ; two balls were given in our honor. 
 The town has a i)opulation of 20,000 inhab- 
 itants. It has many handsome houses and 
 several well-defined streets. The military 
 force stationed here consists of three hun- 
 dred soldiers, in addition to which the harbor 
 has a protection of the gunboat "Philip- 
 pina," which carries two guns of a calibre 
 of about three inches. There are no Span- 
 iards here, with the exception of two or 
 three merchants. One of these, representing 
 tJie company of the steamer " Saiurnas,^^ we
 
 256 APPENDIX. 
 
 have met. Se is pursuing Ms "business entirely 
 unmolested. (Author's italics.) 
 
 '' ^We remained at Yigan all next day, 
 November 12. It had rained during the 
 night, rendering impassable a part of the 
 road to the next town. We walked through 
 the town and visited the house of several 
 trades-people. At one of these houses we 
 heard the first and only definite complaint 
 which came to our ears during the entire 
 journey on the part of the natives against 
 the present government. These peoiDle 
 complained of the taxes imposed upon them, 
 and even went so far as to state that they 
 preferred the Spanish Government. This 
 statement was made in the presence of a 
 party of six natives, and was acquiesced to 
 by all : they were all, however, of the same 
 family. 
 
 " ^In going from Tagudin to Bangan we 
 passed from the province of Hocus Sur into 
 that of Union. The province of Hocus Sur 
 raises principally rice, tobacco, sugar, cattle, 
 and sheej). The tobacco is of an inferior 
 quality, being coarser and stronger than 
 that raised in Isabella and Cayagen. The 
 cultivation of cocoanuts is profitable, and 
 is increasing. Goats and pigs are raised in 
 great numbers. Many of the people are
 
 NOTE VI. 257 
 
 engaged in the weaving of cotton, from 
 which they make cloth, towels, etc. 
 
 ' ' ' In the mountains there are mines of 
 copper, sulphur, and gold ; but these we 
 have not seen. The streams are numerous, 
 but manj" of them have very little current. 
 They are crossed by a ferry ; a bamboo 
 raft, hauled across by means of a bamboo 
 rope which spans the stream. Travelling 
 on this road in rainy season is rather diffi- 
 cult. Carriages are usually used, but they 
 are frequently mired and the passengers are 
 compelled to walk. Carriages are drawn 
 by either horses and steers or buffaloes, 
 according to the state of the road.' " 
 
 THE END. 
 
 17
 
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