University of California College of Agriculture Agricultural Experiment Station Berkeley, California POULTRY PRICING IN THE LOS ANGELES AREA Contribution from the Giannini Foundation of Agricultural Economics Mimeographed Report No. 101 Kenneth D. Naden December 1949 UNIVERSITY OP CAUTOW«A LIBRARY COULE££ Of AGRICULTURE DA Vi3 )7 SPECIAL TERMS Here is a convenient list of special terms used in the following pages: Fresh-killed: Any poultry which has not been preserved by canning or freezing. Ice-packed: Dry-packed: Class: New York- dressed: Eviscerated: Cut-up: Fresh-killed poultry which has been cooled and kept refrigerated by direct contact with chopped ice. Fresh-killed poultry which has been cooled and kept refrigerated by cold air only. Any subdivision of a product based on essential physical charac- teristics that differentiate the product in the eyes of buyers. Poultry which has been killed, bled and picked. New York-dressed poultry which has also had the head, shanks, pin feathers and viscera removed. Eviscerated poultry which has been segmented into parts such as thighs, breast, back, etc., for cooking. Such poultry is often termed "ready-to-cook." arfx:,o si oi aH ; mo $a£aa3& b»^j&ed'Bt ttescf ^oa serf ffciriv /troq ypA "io aevo fit* $i>uhr)*q &&$ Qd&ttxo , is>'i\lb J suit ertlS-bl^af SjfoJq Las baTd t 59ll6^ aesd bM tfoittw ^ veftuufe ^baarf stf bstfrxSagee «aed s*H .riaMw ^i^£tfo*x baJS'isosivS . .. POULTRY PRICING IN THE LOS ANGELES AREA Kenneth D. Naden^ INTRODUCTION Poultrymen in the Los Angeles area have for several years been concerned with difficulties and uncertainties arising in the marketing of their chickens. This study is an attempt to describe such difficulties and explain why they exist. The heart of any marketing problem is price . Certain conditions in this market appear to obstruct the rapid and efficient formation of prices. This study analyzes the prices and the price-making machinery in the poultry market in Los Angeles. For any market there are certain well-established standards of price-making efficiency. These are: (l) equality of bargaining power between buyer and seller; (2) a large quantity of accurate and pertinent information available to all parties in the market; (3) direct transmission of consumer preferences back to producers through the use of uniform classes and grades. Is poultry pricing in the Los Angeles area efficient by these standards? This study shows that it is not. This study is divided into two main parts. The first provides the general back- ground for the industry in the area necessary for an understanding of the way prices work. It describes the system of classifying chickens in the Los Angeles market and marketing channels through which poultry reaches the consumer. The second part analyzes, against the above background, the factors affecting the price-making process for poultry in the Los Angeles area, and how its operation affects returns to producers. Poultry prices at farm, wholesale and retail levels were collected and related to prices in other geographic areas. Relationships be- tween certain market practices and specific price results are shown.*/ I. THE BACKGROUND Classification of Chickens in the Los Angeles Area Chickens are separated into classes according to their characteristics as human food and their manner of cooking. The major classes of poultry are broilers, fryers, roasters and hens. The first three are all young, soft-meated birds. They are classed on the basis of live weight. Young chickens weighing 1-3/4 to 2-1/4 pounds are broilers; fryers weigh 2-1/4 to 4 pounds; those above 4 pounds are roasters. Different prices are received for each of these three classes. As chickens mature the proportion of edible meat to total carcass weight increases, hence the value 1/ Instructor in Agricultural Economics, Junior Agricultural Economist in the Experiment Station and on the Giannini Foundation. 2/ This is part of a more comprehensive study of the Los Angeles poultry market being conducted by the author. Additional topics such as sources of supply, margins of various marketing agencies, the comparison of the Los Angeles with other western city poultry markets, and the competition of fresh-dressed with frozen poultry will be included. ' \ f .•1. air!?. .3iTttV*>ir}.'-- -siorf^ 'io srtiu^iBa! •srf.!' rri satai«s« ..aeti^JxfnssonM fid* asxt.fifcXMLirb ■zsfiyr.i-t-*?!* v f ;a.7'. iriT. ieaotiq. lo floidaartol • ?h&.f.oiTt9 baB ( btq&t edit Joxrrfredo oi *rs©qqe j^£i.$v- nrscrf 90. jetc . si»>d£ • jre-H'iatr. \as 'io"5 >o'to t§oi«BX*$ar*fe-?* ^i-sii-" .(» •i.^.isac.J :j: ■wwitj '{SK'Sfur ro. gnxofffijQTOTntj n.r 10*. YiaeeaoGiT ;.«r-T«>..^rrf' ffif ■ VTtj.'iX/bjii &f,3< T'j.f 4>e!x|S>t. - rhh-yo*-,^ st-jiosVedst -itBaJo-xgjifoscf avoda &rf* Jfefliase- ^syrlftaB'.ihratj bnoov ^.'MT hoiiixt^qo ' s *i Afcdic&p; sf^XcgrfA corf &ti? tiiizrtiikisazj 'zcf! «cdoo*cgr g&hfe:»4»x'Mc.&& if Ctpto*! 5a» 9loedfXo'.iw.- tl irxiia in cboxiq igftijjiol. ..vctacubetq:- o* Bfl$BWs^1i#£irittK -•fioiA B^XsgrtA 4o«I'cd#* «*• etwofc>M0 tt> .flEr.iir^oitlca'isIO .-idiMd ebi-ToirtrtioiiTfcrfo' *ixevi J od grrib-sooofi aataelo'^Afti bseix.-iaqcB-0'ic awsc'sldD , :,:Sr,IrtiXbr^..- : 2. per pound of total weight increases with maturity. In the Los Angeles market a definite relationship exists between classes of poultry and breeds of poultry. The two terms are not synonymous, yet seem to be interchangeable in trade terminology. This is partly because nearly all the broilers sold in the Los Angeles market are Leghorn cockerels. In other parts of the country young chickens of all breeds are sold as broilers. The Los Angeles situation is due to the high concentration of Leghorn hens for egg production in the area. The cock- erels are a by-product of the hatcheries producing chicks for laying flocks. When selling sexed chicks became common, hatcheries began to sell cockerel chicks at lower prices than pullet chicks. It then became feasible to feed the cockerels for eight to ten weeks, but no longer. Young chickens of other breeds are usually fed to the fryer and roaster weights because it pays producers to do so. This situation has resulted in a poultry nomenclature slightly different from that used in the East Coast markets. All light weight young live chickens there are called broilers. The term "commercial broiler production" includes production of the type called fryers in Los Angeles. The hen, or fowl, is another major class of poultry in the Los Angeles mar- ket. 3/ This class is subdivided into three classes according to breed: Leghorn hens, colored hens and Austra-white hens. The trade always refers to the breed, never to the hen alone. Each of the three is a separate product with a separate price quotation. Table 1 gives the relative importance of the various poultry classes produced locally. Leghorn hens make up such a large proportion of the total that they are listed separately from other hens. Marketing Channels for Poultry Meat The marketing process for an agricultural product consists of the addition of various services to the raw product in order to get it to the consumer in the form and at the time and place he wants it. These services are performed by firms and individuals, each with one or more specialized functions. Together they make up a marketing channel through which the product reaches the consumer (figure l). There are several channels for poultry in the Los Angeles area.^/ Here we consider channels for both locally-produced poultry and "outside" poultry. By "locally-produced" we mean poultry produced in the area south of the Tehachapi Range, consisting of Los Angeles, Riverside, Orange and San Bernardino counties. Channels for locally-produced and "outside" poultry intersect at various places, mainly at the wholesale level in the city. 3/ Only mature female chickens are included in this class. Therefore, the author feels the word hen fits this description more accurately than does fowl. The U.S. Department of Agriculture recommends the use of the word hen instead of stewing chicken or fowl, 4/ Los Angeles city (a political concept) should not be confused with the Los Angeles area (an economic concept) as used in this study. The Los Angeles area in- cludes thirty separate municipalities with a total population of over 4,000,000 people as of January 1, 1949. iti srf*-- 'vli^sh ttara&M- ^f^.sc* IftrtTA it^&Wl**** wxteirtia eeXsMA ac.T-sriT- Ve^TCio-tEr ef*« Vfc»a eft 13f aad'^Ai' oS-'t&sr. v JL tsa. w \i. ... •"Iron ft^effiiW/f uv f l»w»,-*t J fU-tift" *» , §M**wo+Vicy £wB3daMt' Aorf* f«o%f oft* lo'^'-vdS- itbhcmsozcx 4MstW^lfjA \b'&cfet&ia%»Q TABLE 1 Approximate Distribution by Total Dressed Weight of Classes of Poultry Produced in the Los Angeles Area Class Per cent of total Commercial broilers and fryers 35 Colored roasters 10 Colored hens (including Austras) 15 Leghorn hens 40 Total 100 Source of data: Estimated by author. . . .- j a ;. . | f ; .j Xi^^O^" "i*T""' .100 ' ■ ■ • • ■ i ! ■ ; e 18V tit ?>f»S SntjjQft.-tetlfiaVv^J. : : t ] FIGURE 1 Marketing Channels for Poultry Meat, Los Angeles Area, 1949 Country processor to u 4> O ! Dressed poultry receiver and broker Huckster City processor Processor Retailer Hotels Ships Restau- rants 4 u o o The lines indicate the flow of poultry from producers through handlers to consumers. - - Ir.XCm5E.T- 1. Producer— Consumer (Direct Sale) .-— Poultrymen make direct contact with con- sumers in various ways. Most of these involve dressing the poultry on the ranch. Contact with consumers may be made with a roadside stand operated by the family members, with a roadside sign announcing "Eggs and Poultry for Sale," or with house- to-house delivery in city areas. These contacts seldom offer an outlet for the entire supply raised on a ranch, and the remainder moves into commercial channels. One important form of direct marketing in the Los Angeles area is that in which poultrymen furnish fryers of a specific weight and quality to a restaurant. Poultry- men seek these arrangements eagerly because they are a dependable market outlet through good seasons and poor. It is estimated that the total amount moving by direct sale is about 13 per cent of the total poultry produced locally. This is divided about equally between sales direct to consumers and direct to retail markets and restaurants. The amount sold by this method is only a small percentage of the poultry consumed in the area, however, because local production accounts for about one third of the total consumed, 2. Producer— Dressed Poultry Retailer. Live Poultry Retailer—Consumer . —The retail live poultry store is an important outlet for local poultrymen. The number of these stores has not changed greatly for several years, but the turnover or rate of mortality is rather high. There are about 60 or 70 live poultry stores in Los Angeles and nearly as many in outlying towns. Those in the city are located in the central (hence older) sections. Although many of them are found in the areas of middle- and low-income consumers, their location is governed more by zoning ordi- nances than by the exclusive patronage of these people. The live poultry store is not an important retail outlet in other major Cali- fornia cities. This is because certain Los Angeles consumers, including the Jewish trade, demand a bird of known quality and wholesomeness. A small but growing proportion of fresh-killed poultry is sold under a brand name. Consumers usually are accustomed to buying by brand and associating a certain brand name with a given quality. Possibly some consumers patronize a retail poultry store as a substitute for the buying of poultry by a brand name. In the live poultry store the buyer selects the bird he wants from batteries of chickens. It is tagged for identification, killed, picked, drawn or cut up in a back room and delivered to the buyer immediately. The volume of business of each of these stores ranges from 1,000 to 4,000 pounds live weight a week. One to five employees, in addition to the manager-owner, are needed. to handle this volume. It is trade opinion that the retail stores use an inefficient method of processing— by comparison with the methods of the city processors. Often one person does the processing in a retail store and there is not enough business to keep him fully occupied. This inefficiency in processing does not place this outlet at a disadvantage with others however. The live poultry store combines the functions of the city processor and the retail market and hence has a relatively wide margin to work on. The live poultry store offers its poultry at a lower price per pound than any other outlet. This is because the product is live whereas it has different degrees of waste matter removed before sale in other forms. There is a 10-12 per cent loss in processing chickens from live to New York-dressed and further loss of 20-26 per cent in processing from dressed to the drawn condition. This difference in net weight of the three forms must be taken into account in comparing their prices. p ftfo Ixi^si frtsiioqini op. fori zl vara eoJfearfA 2oJ cti**HW .eaffj i \xt£uoq &fh %di ■' • * to frili 'a htisssenh .oihr.Ti . {foil!? to S^OflJ ' 3 . .. s . ^^jtpfia .« belli jJ. , i3J^ el d£ . ,«^M •ft.' • , ' : • ■:: ■ OKI oa • £>:xf'rq •,.^iUH..-tc>!jjR 6. The retail dressed , poultry st ore has many of the same characteristics of the retail live poultry store. The dressed poultry store can be located in any place zoned for retail meat sales, and may carry fish, eggs, etc, along with poultry. The live and dressed retail outlets carry an estimated 10 per cent of the total poultry consumed in the area, or roughly 30 per cent of the total produced locally. 3 . Producer — Huckster — Proce ss or — C onsumer > --Here the huckster, not the processor, is the country buyer. The huckster is the most important country buyer in the Los Angeles area. He is an independent merchant, buying and selling chickens. He may work exclusively with one processor, or buy and sell independently. His operations usually involve one truck and a set of crates which he owns and operates. Shipments vary from 400 to 1,000 birds per load, and ordinarily a huckster picks up and delivers one load per day. An estimated 125-150 of these buyers are in opera- tion. Few of them work under contract for the total output of a ranch. Many of them have a tenuous "agreement" with certain poultrymen to call at their place regu- larly to see if any birds are available. Both parties feel free to break the agree- ment if better offers appear. The huckster performs primarily an assembly function: collecting poultry from many farms, large and small. This necessarily includes buying and selling. There appears to be more dissatisfaction among farmers with hucksters' buying practices and prices than with those of other buyers. . It is estimated that hucksters handle one half of all the poultry produced locally. They sell three quarters of this amount to city processors and the re- mainder to processor-retailers. 4. Producer — City Processor — Restau ra nt. Retail Market — Consumer; and Producer - Huckster — City Processor — Rest aura nt. Retail Market — C o nsumer . — C ity pr oce s s ors handle the bulk of the local poultry. They are also known as city dealers or whole- salers. Their job mainly consists in converting large numbers of chickens from the live to the New York-dressed condition and selling them wholesale to retail markets and restaurants. City processors obtain most of their supply from hucksters or direct from ranches via their own buyers. Some of them own and operate poultry ranches and obtain part of their supply from this source. There are now some 14 city processors operating in and about Los Angeles. Some of them maintain dressing plants in other parts of California. Each plant handles a weekly volume varying from 10,000 to 35,000 pounds live weight, and maintains 8 to 20 employees. Up to 1948 a few of these processors were also carlot receivers and wholesalers of live poultry shipped into the market from other areas. These shipments have since practically stopped. The city processors, with their large number of selling outlets, must have all types and grades of poultry available to satisfy their buyers' demands. They handle and sell practically all the second quality poultry on the market. They sometimes have retail live or retail dressed sales as a sideline. More than one half of the locally-produced, poultry goes through plants of the city processors. The bulk of this is then sold to retail markets with some going to restaurants and dressed poultry receivers. The latter usually stand ready to buy poultry which does not move readily into normal trade channels. ...... ■■• . Si* m<^mm»*st^f&^W>»in»mti,.:. Yip.) 3 \"\$?if\\1 1, •■• ■ ■ ■ .. i • r.. - : '•?« r.-. ; , • ;..t ' - V • --v- 5t'.L.\iiw ?5 ■ • • •• : ' ; ^f . writ Z^i ;.•{.!•;: ikff^ g«»>M »T ..... »: . *• ... 1 .-• . 7. 6. Producer — Country Processor — Dressed Poultry Receiver or Broker — Retail Market. Restaurant — Consumer . --The country processors and poultry receivers in the city form an important channel for poultry consumed in Los Angeles but not for that produced in this area. Their importance arises primarily because they are the agencies by which the market receives supplies from outside the local area. Los Angeles is a deficit market for poultry and imports about 70 per cent of its supply from other parts of California and other states. The country processor ship fresh-killed poultry if they are located close enough to the city to make this feasible. Otherwise, they process the chickens by freezing. The receivers accept, store and distribute the product in the condition in which it is shipped. Occasionally dressed chickens are received and then eviscerated. Brokers have no physical facilities of their own for receiving or distributing poultry. They sell on orders of country processors or buy for local receivers. 7. Chain Stores . —The chain grocery stores enter poultry distribution channels as retail markets as shown on figure 1. In 1947 there were about 25 chain stores in the Los Angeles area having from 50 to 250 units each. They are more important than their numbers indicate because of their large sales volume. The quantity of poultry necessary to serve some of them is quite large. The largest chain grocery in the city has found that local processors do not have the volume it requires at prices which compare favorably with those obtainable elsewhere. Hence, its buyers have made arrangements with distant processors who have the volume and other conditions desired. This poultry is received directly at the chain store warehouse and does not pass through other hands. Other chains buy in the usual manner from city processors or dressed poultry receivers. Many institutions such as hospitals, prisons, etc., which must buy on a bid basis, get their poultry from dressed poultry receivers since the imported product is usually available at a slightly lower price than the local supply. The following tabulation summarizes this section by showing the relation- ships which exist in the Los Angeles market between the poultry marketing agencies, their functions and the various classes of poultry. iV; ■ : • ,'.1' ■ &.atortP,.,.Oi. 'Mb- **** yy, ^i:y --- Hit 8. Marketing agencies Functions performed ! Class of poultry handled Producers Processing, selling Fryers and roasters Huckster Assembly All classes Country processor Financing production, assembly, processing, grading, storage, selling, delivery Mainly colored hens fryers — some Leghc and )rns City processor Assembly, storage, processing, grading, selling, delivery ATT _T - All classes Broker Buying , sell ins All classes. Also c types of produce )ther Live and dressed poultry retailer Assembly, storage, processing, selling Mainly colored hens and fryers. Some Leghorn hens Retail meat markets and restaurants Storage, processing, selling All classes. Leghorn broilers go primarily to restaurants The marketing system for poultry in this area does not include a central market place, an auction market, or a farmers' cooperative marketing association. Many agricultural commodities are marketed through one or more of these types of agencies. The absence of any of these marks one of the peculiarities of the Los Angeles poultry market. This and other distinctive features affect the price-making process. This study investigates the price-making process for poultry in Los Angeles to determine how well it operates. II. FACTORS AFFECTING THE EFFICIENCY CF PRICE-MAKING FOR POULTRY 1. Price Reporting by the United States Department of Agriculture Importance of Daily Price Report . — Los Angeles is the central market for poult- ry in southern California. Prices paid there exert an influence throughout the area. The daily price report publishes information concerning these prices and certain shipments. The accuracy and adequacy of this information is of vital significance to the efficiency of price making in the whole area. The basic indicator of supply and demand for local poultry in Los Angeles is the live-weight price paid by city processors. This is reported daily by the Federal-State Market News Service. The price report is distributed to a large number of direct mail addressees and is published in abridged form in most local •newspapers. The price received by city processors from retail buyers for New-York- dressed poultry is also reported. This price often determines the farm price paid by certain processors for contract-produced poultry. 3. Marketing agencies Functions performed Class of poultry handled Producers Processing, selling Fryers and roasters Huckster Assembly All classes Country processor Financing production, assembly^ processing, grading, storage, selling, delivery Mainly colored hens fryers — some Leghc and >rns City processor Assembly, storage, processing, grading, selling, delivery All classes Broker Buying , sel] ing All classes. Also c types of produce )ther Live and dressed poultry retailer Assembly, storage, processing, selling Mainly colored hens fryers. Some Legi hens and lcrn Retail meat markets and restaurants Storage, processing, selling All classes. Leghorn broilers go primarily to restaurants The marketing system for poultry in this area does not include a central market place, an auction market, or a farmers' cooperative marketing association. Many agricultural commodities are marketed through one or more of these types of agencies. The absence of any of these marks one of the pecularities of the Los Angeles poultry market. This and other distinctive features affect the price-making process. This study investigates the price-making process for poultry in Los Angeles to determine how well it operates, II. FACTORS AFFECTING THE EFFICIENCY OF PRICE-MAKING FOR POULTRY ' 1. Price Reporting by the United States Department of Agriculture Importance of Daily Price Report . — Los Angeles is the central market for poult- ry in southern California, Prices paid there exert an influence throughout the area. The daily price report publishes information concerning these prices and certain shipments. The accuracy and adequacy of this information is of vital significance to the efficiency of price making in the whole area. The basic indicator of supply and demand for local poultry in Los Angeles is the live-weight price paid by city processors. This is reported daily by the Federal-State Market News Service. The price report is distributed to a large number of direct mail addressees and is published in abridged form in most local newspapers. The price received by city processors from retail buyers for New-York- dressed poultry is also reported. This price often determines the farm price paid by certain processors for contract-produced poultry. ■ if. ' it 9 Before 1942, the quotation of the Produce Exchange of Los Angeles was considered the basic price for poultry and eggs in Los Angeles. This quotation was established daily by trading among the members of the Exchange. In 1939 the Department of Jus- tice brought suit against the Exchange and several members as individuals, for viola- tion of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act. The indictment charged the prices established on the Exchange were arbitrary, capricious, and based upon an extremely small part of the total volume moving through the market. In 1942 the Federal Court in Los Angeles restrained the Exchanged from meeting to establish prices. At the same time, the Federal-State Market News Service was expanded to cover dairy and poultry prod- ucts and the price report replaced the Exchange quotation as the barometer of supply and demand for poultry in the city. An example of the form of the Department of Agriculture daily price report follows : Poultry Price Report for Los Angeles Monday, October 10, 1949 Class Weight Live poultry no. 1 quality f.o.b. pay- ing prices New York-dressed poultry grade A - prices to retailers Broilers — Leghorn Fryers — colored Fryers — colored Roasters — colored Fowl — Leghorn Fowl — Leghorn Fowl— Austra White Fowl — colored cents per pound 2if pounds and under 2- 4 - 3 pounds 3- 4 pounds 4 pounds and over 4 pounds and under 4 pounds and over 4g- pounds and over All weights 29-31 31-34 31-34 34-36 18-20 20-21 23-25 29-32 43- 45 44- 47 45- 48 47-50 28-30 30-32 33-35 40-42 Collection and Mean in g of Prices in the Report .— There is no central market place for poultry in Los Angeles such as there is for beef cattle or hogs. The day's ship- ments of livestock are usually assembled in a central yard, where prices are deter- mined by bids and offers .5/ In contrast the poultry market is decentralized into areas where buyers are located. The buyers are processors scattered over a wide area of the city. Prices paid and received in the city are collected from individual dealers rather than by visits to a market. There has never been a central wholesale market place for poultry because no producer or trade association has ever taken the initiative to form one. Sound competitive prices can prevail without a central mar- ket place, however, if adequate information is available in all parts of the de- centralized area. The price report is the only present source of information and the collection, meaning, and adequacy of its prices are greatly affected by the ab- sence of a central market place. 5/ Direct shipments from farm to processor are quite common in beef arid hog mar keting as well as in poultry. But livestock producers have the alternative of shipping direct or consigning to central yards. Poultrymen do not have this al- ternative and as a result, price making suffers. ■i 10. The price report is gathered from city processors only . The 65 or so retail live poultry stores in the city are not accounted for, although they handled about as much volume as the 14 city processors and operate under entirely different busi- ness methods and type of competition. A main reason for limiting the source of price information to the city processors is ease of collection. The large number and high mortality of the retail stores would make accurate price information diffi- cult to get. The prices paid and charged by a new firm or a firm about to close are not likely to represent the true condition of the market. A further reason for selecting the city processors for price information is that each of them buys all classes of poultry daily. The Market News reporter calls certain city processors daily and visits them occasionally. Prices of all classes rarely change at the same time. The reporter may hear one day that "supplies of hens are plentiful" at going prices; or "fryers may be down a cent tomorrow." These hints and reports are followed up to determine what the majority of processors are paying. If there has been no indication of a price change, the reporter may check only with dealers whose record of price changes shows the greatest sensitivity to supply-demand changes. The prices of most interest to producers are those quoted for live poultry. These prices are those which were paid by "certain processors" for specified quantities and qualities of poultry delivered to their doors. These quantities are arranged for prior to delivery and are in relation to the amount that can be sold at expected prices, or to the size of plant or labor force. This explains processors' reluctance to buy any more poultry than this even though offered at a lower price. The price report gives a range of prices paid and received by city processors. There is always some range in prices paid for a given commodity on any market at any given time, but the range for poultry in Los Angeles seems unduly large. This is because (l) there are no official grades in the market and dealers disagree on the quality of live chickens; (2) there is always some range of quality within any one grade and (3) most buyers will pay a cent or two per pound premium for chickens coming from a regular and dependable source of supply. Other special considerations often bring sales figures outside the range. The range of prices does not include all prices paid and received but only the range covering the bulk of purchases and sales by certain processors. Furthermore, it covers only dry-packed but no ice- packed poultry. Accuracy and Adequacy of the Daily Price Renort .— Many poultrymen, hucksters, and processors say that the report is wrong or inaccurate. At times they say that even though accurate, it is of little value to them. These two comments point to the difference between the accuracy and adequacy of the report. Many poultrymen feel that their receiving a price outside the range in the report indicates that it is inaccurate. Before deciding this, the source and meaning of the prices re- ported must be fully understood. The only test of the accuracy of the report is an examination of the buying records and an inspection of the poultry bought by the dealers from whom the prices were collected. The author has had the opportunity to observe conditions which led to prices being received by farmers which were outside the range of the report. One of these conditions is distance from the city. The prices reported are those paid in the city; country prices are ordinarily city prices minus transportation costs.- These usually vary directly with distance. Another condition noted was the grade of the 11. chickens in a particular lot. The prices reported are for No. 1 quality live chickens and if a lot is largely No. 2 quality or lower, the price will be differ- ent. Another condition noted and confirmed by processors is that buyers frequently pay a premium to obtain a dependable supply or to acquire a new source of supply. Occasions have also been noted when a premium was paid to acquire chickens for feeding or for speculative purposes. Many producers sell to processor-retailers in Los Angeles or to processors outside the city. These sales at prices outside those in the report cannot be interpreted as inaccuracies in the report. There are wide differences in bargaining power between individual farmers and buyers. Persons well acquainted with poultry marketing in Los Angeles and elsewhere state that these differences often result in prices above or below the range of the re- port. Such prices should not raise a question of accuracy of the report. The adequacy of the price report is a different natter. By adequate we mean able to fulfill certain purposes; to give the amount and kind of information de- sired by all parties in the market. In order for any market to function properly, all parties must have certain information. The most important items of informa- tion needed are: current prices, the quantities and quality of the commodity on the market, and the degree of buyer interest. These are most easily obtained at an auction or central market place. But the Los Angeles poultry market is decen- tralized into many widely separated markets. They are not in close contact with each other. As a result, the items of information urgently needed are difficult to collect. Much buying and selling is done without adequate information available. The daily price report of the United States Department of Agriculture is the only information published in Los Angeles which can be used as a guide to intelli- gent buying and selling. Hence, its inadequacy is a serious barrier to price- making efficiency. The price report is inadequate as such a guide for several reasons. Some of these are: (1) It does not include quantities of live and dressed poultry delivered to the city per day or week. There is no physical bottleneck through which all the poultry must pass. Complete rail receipts of dressed poultry are collected but only a partial count of truck receipts is obtained. Nearly all live poultry arrives by truck and no count of these shipments is made. There are about 100 buyers of live poultry in the area. Funds and personnel are not available at present to contact them to obtain this information. (2) It does not report prices of qualities other than No. 1. It is well known that there are side variations in the quality of poultry delivered to the city. When the price for only one portion of the supply is known, the price for the other portion can be such as to nullify the information on the former. However, this problem cannot be solved until definitions of various grades of poultry are agreed upon. The range of prices quoted at present is \^ider than it would be if the grades were defined. The fact that grades of poultry are not defined reduces greatly the value of any price information. (3) It does not report retail prices for poultry. This is not a serious de- ficiency but competition among handlers would be raised if accurate information concerning retail prices were available. Producers do not have the opportunity of directing their product into alternative retail outlets. This is done for them by processors and receivers,. Publication of retail prices would serve a useful purpose to producers who sell direct to consumers and wish to maintain a price competitive with those found in the city. Publication of retail prices would be difficult under the present system of class designations. There are eight different classes -Tteftli'S en' Hi:,; <>v ! .,(.'. • I • f ■ :. 12. included in the sample price report above. These same classes are carried through citjr processors but not to consumers. All eight classes are not available to con- sumers because some are sold to restaurants and to institutions. But the six or so available are compressed into three or four. For instance, no distinction is made at retail between light and heavy Leghorns, between Austras and colored hens, or between light and heavy fryers. Maximum usefulness of reporting retail prices would not be attained without uniform definitions of classes of poultry. (4) The prices which it reports are based upon a relatively small proportion of the total receipts in the market. This is the result of three factors: the limited coverage of buyers, the practice of buying by "agreement" with prices based on those in the daily price report and new marketing developments. It does not report prices paid by all the buyers in the city. It has been ex- plained that only city processors are furnishing the prices quoted. The higher prices paid by processor-retailers-'could be included in the report. This would be of value to producers who do not know this fact and to those who could sell to a small processor. It will be explained later that a lack of a dependable sales outlet is one of the problems facing producers in this area. In an effort to offset this uncertain- ty, they seek "agreements" with buyers to take their entire output at some pre- arranged price. This price usually has some definite relationship to a quotation in the report. An unknown but large percentage (over half) of sales of fryers are made on this basis. The more of a product which is covered by contract, the less there is to be considered "free" to influence the price. Furthermore, the city processors are in a situation where they buy poultry at prices which they are in- fluential in making. Two recent developments in the marketing of poultry in Los Angeles serve to reduce the coverage of the price report. One is the increase in the proportion of fresh fryers sold in the ice-packed condition; another is the increase in the pro- portion of fryers sold as "caponettes," It is estimated that 15 per cent more chickens will be raised in California in 1949 than in 1948.1/ The large meat packers are responsible for stimulating part of this incroase through their programs of financing production and construct- ing processing facilities in the state. Receipts of dressed poultry in Los Angeles by the packers have increased greatly during the past year. All of the poultry processed at their plants in California is sold in ice-packed condition. Since the price report does not cover this poultry, the proportion of the total included is getting smaller. - Many chickens formerly sold as fryers are now being sold as "caponettes." It is estimated that !•§- million birds in this classification were sold in southern California in the first half of 1949. 8/ Caponetto refers to chickens which have 6/ Evidence on this point will be presented later. 7/ California Poultry-Hatchery Report. California Crop and Livestock Reporting Service, Sacramento, September 26, 1949. 8/ F. W. Lorenz. "Estrogens for Fattening Poultry." California Agriculture , vol. 3, no. 9, September, 1949, p. 11. 13. been treated by an estrogen— usually diethylstilbcsterol. A small pill is injected into the bird from four to six weeks before sale, and it has roughly the same effect as caponizing. It serves to thicken the skin and increase body fat formation. Both improve the finish of dressed birds. It is not clear yet whether this procedure creates a different class of chicken from those now reported, or whether it serves merely to create an AA grade dressed bird. The number of these sold in the market is rapidly increasing and at the same time reducing the number of "regular" fryers. Many processors are offering financial incentives to producers to change over en- tirely to the production of the new type. Others predict that in a short tine, there will be no "regular" fryers on the Los Angeles market. The caponettes are sold at premiums above fryer prices. Since the caponettes are not included in the price report, the changing situation causes the coverage of the report to be reduced. Another feature of price reporting in Los Angeles must be considered. The prices are obtained as a voluntary service of the processors who are requested to furnish them. Some processors do not want to be bothered by the reporter; others recent "interference" by any governmental agency. The processors are under no com- pulsion to show sales slips or otherwise prove their statements of prices paid and received. The reporter is able to check the statements of one against another, but sometimes he cannot resolve the differences. The net effect of this condition is that only a few of the city processors regularly furnish usable information. This again serves to reduce the coverage of the report. The inadequacy of the price report as an instrument for giving complete market information is thus clearly shown. Its inadequacy is due to a lack of a central market place, lack of uniform grades for live and dressed poultry, lack of person- nel to increase the coverage, and the organization and practices of the market. Price-making efficiency in the poultry market will be low as long as the informa- tion available is so incomplete. 2. Competition in the Poultry Market The 1945 Census of Agriculture showed 3,857 poultry farms in the four local counties; Los Angeles, Riverside, Orange and San Bernardino. 2/ In addition, a large number of farms sell chickens as a minor source of income. How these pro- ducers — and the dealers who handle their product — are organized among themselves will strongly influence the competition in the market. There is no organization of Los Angeles area poultrymen of any significance to the market for poultry meat. Cooperative organizations and local bargaining groups are important factors in the San Francisco, SanJxsaquin Valley and San Diego areas for chickens, and in the Los Angeles area for eggs. Such organizations are unde- veloped in Los Angeles, although at the moment the market may be undergoing some change in this respect. One group of poultrymen in Los Angeles County, for example, sells chickens through its own bargaining agency; others are being organized. These groups are not yet significant. The lack of cooperatives in the local area means that each poultryman and each buyer bargain as individuals over the price of chickens. Farmers usually have less information about the market than buyers. Their bargaining depends largely on the 9/ A poultry farm is defined as one on which over 50 per cent of the total value of all farm products sold is derived from the sale of poultry products. ■ME Qdv 14. availability of information and alternative buyers. The United States Department of Agriculture Price Report is the most important means of furnishing information to farmers. Bargaining power between individual producers and buyers will not be equalized until more adequate information is available to both. Live poultry buyers in the Los Angeles area number an estimated 175-190. In- dependent hucksters make up the largest proportion of these 5 the rest are agents of processor-retailers and city processors. Competition among them for the supply varies with fluctuations in supply. When supplies are plentiful some producers have trouble getting buyers to come and pick up their chickens. When supplies are scarce they are besieged with buyers. Nearly all the fresh-dressed poultry is sold at wholesale and retail on a price competition basis. Packaging, branding and advertising by brand name are not prac- ticed extensively. A few processors sell fryers by brand name which remains all the way to the consumer. On the other hand, several processors handle large quan- tities of medium and low grade poultry at minimum prices. There are about 125 retail poultry stores in the city, and about 3,900 retail meat markets, most of which carry some form of poultry regularly. Because of the price policies of many retail markets there is reasonably strong competition among them. Competition in the market is one of the most important factors affecting price- making efficiency. There are a large number of poultry buyers and sellers in Los Angeles and there are no barriers to their entry or exit from business. In order to have active competition in the market, it is also necessary that all the parties have full and adequate information. The inadequacy of the information available has been explained and tends to offset the other factors making for keen competi- tion. We may note here that relatively few poultrymen seek the information available in the hatchery reports published by the California State Crop Reporting Service. This source of information warns of fluctuations in the local supply of fryers. For example, the sharp increase in the supply of fryers in February, 1949 was pre- ceded by a report of sharp increases in hatchings twelve weeks previously. Poultry- men, however, customarily order baby chicks in accordance with the current return on fryers. During sharp price declines, some poultrymen are forced to take sacri- fice prices to get rid of their birds. Many are forced out of business this way, and the decline in producers accentuates the subsequent shortage of chickens on the market. A more widely available hatchery information program would increase the competition in the market. It would also tend to prevent sharp fluctuations in supply of chickens on the market, and reduce high losses and turnover among marginal producers. 3. Relation Between Prices in Different Sections of the United States Los Angeles is a deficit poultry market and receives large shipments from the Midwest each year. The price differential between surplus and deficit areas usually equals the cost of transporting poultry from one area to another. Producers in both regions are thorefore interested in freight rates and the effect they have up- on competition for sales in different markets. Table 2 shows the average farm prices' received for chickens for certain years in several areas which ship poultry to Los Angeles, XQX\F J-y^ vLoviir Coi J^rM st&iI od^ofi *fi>!F c- ' r TABLE 2 Average Farm Prices of Poultry, Selected Areas, Selected Years, 1925-1948 1 Year California Nebraska Utah Texas cents per pound live weight Average 1925-1929 25.0 18.5 18.0 18.4 Average 1930-1934 17.1 10.8 11.2 11.0 Average 1935-1939 17.5 12.6 12.1 12.4 1940 15.9 10.7 10.9 11.0 1941 18.6 13.4 13.6 13.8 1942 23.3 16.5 16.7 17.5 1943 23. 8 20.9 23.8 23.1 1944 27.0 20.6 23.4 22.3 1945 28.6 21.9 26.5 25.0 1946 29.9 24.3 23.4 25.1 1947 * 32.4 21.5 27.2 24.9 1948*./ 34.3 23.7 27.3 26.8 a/ Preliminary- Source of data: U.S. Bureau of Agricultural Economics . Farm Pro- duction, Disposition, Cash Receipts, and Gross Income, Chickens and Errs , 1941-1945, 1946-47. Washington. Data for 1948 from monthly reports of U.S. Bureau of Agricultural Economics. Agricultural Prices. .31 16. Freight rates on poultry have risen sharply since 1943. These increases have had several important effects on the pricing and marketing of poultry in the Los Angeles area. The first has been to give local farmers a wider price margin over Midwest producers.. This tends to isolate the Los Angeles market. The higher Mid- west prices bring about an increase in local production. How much increase de- pends on the profitability of poultry as compared to other farm enterprises. The second effect has been on the location of poultry processing plants and hence upon competition faced by local producers. Large and regular shipments of live poultry were received in Los Angeles up to 1942. Higher freight rates have made such shipments unprofitable because of the high proportion of waste products in live chickens. This has meant an increase in volume of poultry processed near the point of production. The local product now faces competition from a processed (frozen) product rather than a fresh one. This creates a problem in price making. Buyers can now distinguish between the fresh and the processed product. The speed with which the market is cleared of one or the other often depends upon the willing- ness of buyers to accept one form instead of the other. The increased freight rates have stimulated shipments of high qualify and re- duced shipments of low quality poultry. Freight rates are the same for various grades of poultry; the freight charge is therefore a higher proportion of the price of the low grade than of the high grade product. Low quality poultry will tend to be consumed in the area where produced and high quality poultry will be shipped to distant markets (like Los Angeles). Los Angeles and Chica g o Buying , Prices . —The data in table 2 showed a relation- ship between chicken prices in various states. These annual averages hide fluctua- tions up and down which occur during each year. They also hide the fact that prices for different classes of chickens and for the same class in different sections of the state may differ significantly. One of the most common complaints heard in Los Angeles about poultry marketing concerns sharp price fluctuations and large turn- over of producers. Prices of No. 1 quality fryers in Chicago and Los Angeles were collected and studied to investigate this complaint. Fryer prices in Los Angeles varied from 5 cents below to as much as 13 cents above those in Chicago during early 1949 (table 3). The yearly average will show Los Angeles prices about 6 cents above Chicago. Fluctuations in the price of local fresh fryers are important for three reasons: (l) the price of fryers affects prices of all other classes of poultry; (2) fluctuations cause dealer uncertainty as to source of supply, and producer un- certainty as to his market and price; (3) severe price fluctuations cause a high turnover and mortality among producers. Los Angeles poultry prices fluctuate sharply because of sharp changes in the supply of young chickens and because prices do not adjust quickly to clear the market when surpluses and shortages appear. Changes in supply of young chickens are due to changes in the chicken feed price ratio. Commercial broiler and fryer producers around Los Angeles are sensi- tive to the price of grains since little home grown grain is fed to chickens. Chicken feed is nearly all purchased from other firms. Furthermore, it is rela- tively easy to get in and out of fryer production, or to increase or decrease pro- duction on farms. Fluctuations in the local supply of hens on the market over that caused by normal flock replacement are controlled primarily by the price of eggs. TABLE 3 Weekly Average Live-weight Buying Prices of Fryer Chickens, Chicago and Los Angeles, 1949 Differential Los Angeles Chi cago Los Angele 3 _ Week beginning price price minus Chicago cents per pound January 3, 1949 39 37 2 January 10, 1949 39 36 3 January 17, 1949 39 34 5 January 24, 1949 36 32 4 January 31 ^ 1949 35 31 4 February 7, 1949 31 30 1 February 14, 1949 30 29 1 February 21, 1949 30 28 2 February 28, 1949 31 30 1 March 7, 1949 33 31 2 March 14, 1949 34 31 3 March 21, 1949 35 33 C March 28, 1949 31 35 - 4 April 4, 1949 30 34 - 4 April 11, 1949 30 35 - 5 30 34 - 4 April 25, 1949 30 32 - 2 May 2, 1949 30 33 - 3 May 9, 1949 39 33 - 3 May 16, 1949 30 30 0 May 23, 1949 31 31 0 May 30, 1949 32 31 1 June 6, 1949 36 31 5 June 13, 1949 39 29 10 June 20, 1949 39 26 13 June 27, 1949 37 27 10 Source of data: Daily Poultry Price Reports of the United States Department of Agriculture, from Los Angeles and Chicago. ' - a tma ; S ^ - 08 ; M Y St 15 *1 not': % « 18. A factor contributing to the severity of the price fluctuations here is the lag in shifting from local to outside poultry (and vice versa) by buyers when changes occur in the local supply. The local poultry must be sold in and about Los Angeles. This, however, is only one third of consumption requirements. The balance is made up by shipments from other part of California and other states. The lag in shifting from fresh to frozen poultry (most local poultry is fresh and most from outside is frozen) and vice versa is caused by buyer practices and perhaps by lack of information of consumers. If there were sharp competition (substitutability) between the two forms, a decrease in price of fresh poultry relative to frozen, would cause some purchasers ' to shift to the fresh. But the major purchasers of frozen poultry are those who need large volume to satisfy their needs. They have found that surpluses of fresh poultry are only temporary. If they buy the surplus fresh for awhile and attemnt to purchase frozen poultry they may have difficulty in obtaining supplies. Buyers of fresh poultry who shifted quickly to frozen when it become relatively cheaper have had difficulty later in getting fresh supplies. In this situation, factors other than price have a major influence on purchasing. This situation causes buyers and sellers at all levels to "team up" through periods of rapid price changes. This introduces a kind of barrier to rapid clearing of the market and price fluctuations are more serious than they would otherwise be. The question arises why city processors do not buy up surpluses when they occur, freeze them. and store them for higher prices. This would be profitable whenever poultry prices in the surplus period dropped below the price in the next period minus processing and storage cost. The reason processors do not buy for storage is that they have no facilities for cutting up, packaging and freezing the poultry. They are concerned almost exclusively with fresh poultry. The hand- lers of frozen poultry (receivers), furthermore, have few facilities for handling the fresh product. The expenses of maintaining a crew of help for work only when surpluses of fresh poultry occur are too high to be undertaken. Thus, local poul- try has no effective alternative to being sold as fresh. The result is that local surpluses become more serious than they would otherwise be. The lag in shifting between fresh and frozen forms of poultry isolates the Los Angeles market for short periods of time, accentuates price fluctuations and ad- versely affects efficiency of price making. A detailed study of the poultry market leads to the conclusion that there is also a lag in the transmission of changes in supply into reported prices. This cannot be proved because of the lack of data on supplies of live chickens. However, certain buying practices point to this conclusion. The practice of changing the grade of certain live chickens in a lot is a form of hidden price change and is widespread. Another practice is the eagerness or reluctance of buyers to take chickens at going prices. This varies with changes in the supply while the re- ported price remains constant. Some of this lag is due to the small amount of "free" poultry bought by processors. A large increase in supply of chickens can occur before being felt by them. Then the surplus suddenly becomes burdensome and prices drop severely. The main effect of this lag is to create uncertainty for producers in disposing of their chickens. It leads them to seek "secure" market outlets — those that will take their product regardless of changes in supply. Each farmer wants to be "pro- tected" against this uncertainty. The most common method of obtaining protection is to make an agreement with a buyer. The agreement concerns taking all the 19. chickens at some price in fixed relation to a quotation in the price report. Even when this procedure brings a lower average price than direct bargaining would, it gives some security against uncertain market outlets. 4. Relation Between Prices in Different Parts of the Market As a product moves through marketing channels toward consumers, it becomes more valuable because of certain services performed on it. The prices of the same product in different stages of marketing are related to each other by about the cost of marketing at each step. Market practices, consumer preferences and the kind of competition have an influence on whether these differentials are equal to the cost involved. A study of these factors gives information concerning the ef- ficiency of price-making forces. Prices for colored fryers and Leghorn hens at various stages in the Los Angeles market are shown in figure 2. These two classes represent the bulk of the local poultry. The prices ordinarily move in the same direction but not at the same rate. Reasons for this are: (l) retailers usually attempt to keep their prices rather stable; (2) the competition of poultry from outside the local area may affect one class more than others; (3) some middlemen find themselves with more rigid costs than others. Figure 2 shows that the entire level of Leghorn hen prices is below that of colored fryers. This is because consumers who prefer a tender young bird to an older one are willing to pay more to get it. Processing and merchandising costs are about the same for these two classes of poultry. Relation of Farm Prices to City Prices . — Little detailed information is avail- able concerning farm prices for chickens in this area. Few producers keep detailed records, and the records of most country buyers are unavailable. For this study, prices and other data were collected directly from poultrymen and analyzed in an attempt to answer questions of importance to them. These are: By how much are farm prices below city buying prices for various classes of chickens? Are changes in city prices reflected promptly in farm prices? How does grading on the farm affect prices received? Do farm-to-city margins vary with the season or the price level? The farm prices collected are shown in table 4 and compared with city proces- sor buying prices for the same weeks from November 1948 to June 1949. The compari- son does not give conclusive answers to the questions posed above. The main reason is that producers reported prices for each lot by class, weight and grade as the buyers classified them. The prices and grades for which these same lots were resold in the city is not known. Buyers do not segregate the chickens of each producer by class or grade and do not always sell all of a load to one city processor. The data seem to indicate that the farm-to-city margin for Leghorn hens is about 2 to 4 cents per pound. However, these farm prices are for those chickens called No. 1 quality by the buyer. The price paid for No. 1 quality chickens is greatly affected by the price paid for No. 2 quality. The buyer's margin for all chickens then also depends on the price received for No. 2 chickens in the city. Furthermore, the buyer' s margin is affected by the number of chickens placed in each quality category. It is necessary that the buyer earn only a certain margin on a whole load — not on each class and grade of poultry hauled. The effect of these conditions which must be considered is that the farm-to-city margins shown in table 4 may not represent the actual cost of hauling. More data is needed to determine definitely the size of these margins. flar/L'. .Jioefj aotrttf ad* «i nafcts&Wf b o* «oJtl*i«"t Jaayxl at soi- $93&ehH arfcf %o sAitf ■tnocrsTSxC /ri ssoi^i aaijwtaS ;toJtf«X«3 9f5.?p. &d;f 10 Eooi'.'o ?dT .Ji fto feenrsol'iacr asoiviea ttx&ii&o to aaifsoad olfcfj ex afroxoxdc XtxJ>sO'p 1 »ow loi accq £«i*rq ndf .iovjkJ orii - ■ ^ttSSBfp I fla ial fll«-»B« * '«ajycf 3>fTT »*^iL3J/p 8 vol fc££rj -^i-ag ngt-\rf fcsd'oo'Sxi «9^xa ad-t si asosfoidc S» rKft fcavioaai ootiq ito tf-avqcfs sets v.odt Kl feosBlq aasdbiA) V, ir-ira/a orf* yd 6©#^3n« ai ^m g^ oSi t #m al'Sim ffx.nj'ios £ y t lm *re»o f*jyud o/W" $Bt# YSBfcaaoeaat; i£. *3^e?$ei4pi ^tij lo toottq sdT .frdtfad ?t;r.ft*dq 5? «&« November 1, 1948 26-28 30-32 35-40 39-42 a/ 32-34 29-33 33-35 November 8, 1948 27-31 30-32 38-40 39-42 32-34 32-34 a/ 33-35 November 15, 1948 28-30 30-33 35-41 39-42 32-36 34-37 a/ 33-35 November 22, 1948 27731 31-33 39-41 40-43 34-38 36-38 33-35 34-36 November 29, 1948 27-30 31-33 a/ 40-43 35-38 38-40 31-34 34-36 December 6, 1948 29-32 31-33 a/ 40-43 38-41 37-40 34-36 34-36 December 13, 1948 27-31 30-32 40-43 40-43 37-40 38-40 33-36 34-36 December 20, 1948 27-31 30-32 38-41 40-43 36-40 38-40 34-36 34-36 December 27, 1948 27-31 30-32 $J 40-43 38-40 38-40 33-35 34-36 January 3, 1949 27-30 30-31 38-42 40-43 38-39 38-40 32-34 34-46 January 10, 1949 26-29 30-31 a/ 40-43 38-40 38-40 a/ 34-36 January 17, 1949 25-28 29-31 39-41 40-43 36-39 37-40 32-34 34-36 January 24, 1949 a/ 29-31 40-42 40-43 33-37 35-37 31-32 34-36 January 31, 1949 26-28 29-31 .337-40 40-43 31-35 33-36 28-31 34-36 February 7 r 1949 25-27 28-30 35-38 38-41 29-31 30-32 28-31 32-34 February 14, 19 1949 25-28 29-31 a/ 36-39 29-32 29-31 28-31 32-33 May 16, 1949 24-28 28-30 a/ 35-36 29-33 30-31 a/ 31-32 May 23, 1949 24-27 28-30 29-33 35-36 29-35 30-32 27-30 31-32 May 30, 1949 24-27 27-28 a/ 34-35 a/ 31-33 27-29 30-31 (continued on next page.) J a .. • . . ... .. ; ' -. . t \ - ■ - * • * - • ■ ■ • ■ ■' j - » . i . , ; J 1 . i " . j ■ ■ • 1 • " :■■■>■ ..... \%v%.6$ 4* life • ■ . ■ • ■ i ; " • t • 3 " • . « tea* b « '*f f \ ... S 1 -■ . ..... . . . .... . . Table 4 continued. a/ Insufficient data available. Source of data: Farm prices collected by author; F.O.B. city prices as quoted by the United States Department of Agriculture; Market News Service, Los Angeles office. 7Y> A3 ... • • •; • 23. The farm-to-city margin for colored fryers and colored hens appears from the comparison to be consistently smaller than for Leghorn hens. For several weeks in April and May, the farm price for fryers was above the city price. The transporta- tion charge from farm to city is about the same per pound for all classes. We can- not conclude that a loss was taken on the chickens whose price was higher in the country than the city. The actual margin again depends on the grading and the prices for each grade. It appears that changes in city prices are promptly reflected in farm prices. This is true at least for the chickens represented by these data. This must be interpreted with caution because hidden price changes can occur so easily. How- ever, it is well known that most producers receive the daily price report and use it in determining prices they will accept. Hence, it has an effect on the price they receive for some of their chickens. The major reason for this is that a large proportion of the chickens are sold by agreement with respect to some price in the report. The question concerning the seasonal variation in margins cannot be answered definitely because of the same qualifications mentioned above. Relation of City Processor to Processor-Retailer Prices . — The price report does not cover prices paid by processor-retailers. The majority of these are live poultry stores and buy a significant quantity of live chickens. Are their buying prices significantly different from those of the city processors? To answer this question, prices paid and received by a sample of 10±5/of the 65 or so retail live poultry stores were collected and tabulated. Their paying prices compared with those of the city processors are shown in table 5. The prices obtained were for poultry of No. 1 quality delivered to their door. Every effort was made to maintain comparability of quality of poultry. The price comparison in table 5 shows that the retail stores consistently paid higher prices than the city processors for colored hens and colored fryers. The differential was greater around the Christmas holiday season than at other times. For a certain quantity and quality of poultry, the retail live poultry store may be setting the standard of buying competition. The reasons for the higher prices paid by the retail store are: assembly costs are higher, the quality must be uniform and high, and the source must be dependable. What poultrymen want to know is this: Does the farm price for poultry going to this outlet reflect the higher price paid for it in the city? It is difficult for poultrymen to know or to find this out. They usually sell to hucksters who go to the city and sell to whomever possible. Some chickens may be told to a retail store and the balance to a processor, Poultrymen can find out where their chickens go only by direct personal investigation, or the retailers go 10/ There was some turnover among the stores in the original sample. When one store dropped out, another was selected at random from the same neighborhood. Reasons for turnover were: selling out the business, did not wish to cooperate in giving prices, had the retail sales only as a convenience and operated mainly at wholesale, began buying exclusively in the country. i r \J rtX ©0X10 S!at -it 10'! es. xJ.on 36 ax •jolty. jjs -sat* id 10 ,r!T ±6 k! Sx TABLE 5 24. Live Poultry Prices Paid By Retail Poultry Stores and by City Processors, Los Angeles, 1948-49 Colored hens Colored frvers (3-4 pounds ) Retail Processor Retail Processor buying buying buying buying Beginning price price Difference prioe price Difference cents per pound November 1, 1948 43 41 +2 36 33 +3 November 8, 1948 A 1 43 A T 41 i o +c 37 33 +4 November 15, 1948 A A 44 A 1 +3 38 35 +3 November 22, 1948 A P. 40 +6 40 37 +3 November 29, 1948 A C 46 A O 4oi;t*l. ^t*Xyo% avid 25. to the country directly and bid for the supply. The daily price report is an especially poor guide to buying prices of colored hens. This class makes up about 15 per cent of the dressed weight equivalent of all poultry produced locally, and most are sold to the live poultry stores. Most city processors state that they cannot get sufficient supplies of colored hens. A more suitable source of city paying prices for this class might, therefore, be the agencies which handle most of them. Farm Prices and the Present Grading System . — The most important buying prac- tice affecting farm prices and the efficiency of price making is the system of live poultry grading. Certain comments already made indicate that this practice is the cause of much confusion and discontent in all parts of the industry. Grading by buyers at the farm is different from that by buyers in the city. Poultry is sold on farms (l) on a lot-price basis for which a flat price per pound is paid without regard for quality, or (2) on a graded basis, the common designa- tions being No. 1, No. 2, and "culls." Most poultrymen prefer to establish some kind of verbal agreement with a buyer to take his poultry on a lot-price basis with no grading. This plan is much more common, indeed necessary, in the sale of fryers than the sale of hens. Fryers are sold in larger lots than hens, and farm grading of large numbers of chickens is costly. City processors buy chickens by grade also but their standards are flexible and they prefer to pay an average price for a load and reject only the culls. These processors then sort dressed poultry for their customers according to the individual requirements of each. This is a form of grading but is not called by that name. Each level of quality is charged a different price. Chickens are not sold by grade at retail. Comparison of prices received by different farmers are not very meaningful be- cause of this flexibility in grading. This becomes more significant because of the wide differential paid on farms between grades when they are used. Table 6 shows this differential for Leghorn hens and colored fryers. It also indicates the in- frequency with which fryers are graded on farms. Although the price of No. 1 quality chickens varied by as much as 25 per cent during the period shown, it is significant that the price for No. 2 quality did not vary in the same amount nor at the same time. It is apparent that the present grading system confuses the determination of prices and prevents meaningful comparisons from being made. This does not mean that poultrymen are being exploited and receive lower income than they might under other systems. But the flexible standards and wide grade differential makes it possible for buyers to overpay for one grade and underpay for another. It is also possible to vary significantly the price received by a small change in the number in each grade classification. Grades then are used as a reflection of bargaining power and not as an indication of quality of product. This represents a distortion of the ordinary and legitimate use of grades for farm products. The present system of grading seriously impairs efficient price making for poultry. One of the most important functions of prices in the economy is guiding pro- ducers in the selection of most profitable lines of action. The speed with which this occurs depends on the precision with which prices can be interpreted. The above discussion illustrates the difficulty in interpreting farm poultry prices so they are accurate guides to production. f 1 rwi-i V iM i&y. bfuj icf j lease ax £300$$ I TABLE 6 Farm Prices: Comparison for Different Grades of Leghorn Hens and Colored Fryers, Los Angeles Area, 1948-1949 Week beginning: Classes of poultry Leghorn hens Colored fryers No. 1 Ko. 2 No. 1 No. 2 cents per pound November 1, 1948 27 9 a/ November 8, 1948 29 8 33 November 15, 1948 29 10 34 20 November 22, 1948 30 9 36 20 November 29, 1948 29 10 37 December 6, 1948 30 12 39 December 13, 1948 29 10 39 December 20, 1948 29 11 39 December 27, 1948 30 10 39 January 3, 1949 28 11 38 m m January 10, 1949 27 12 39 January 17, 1949 27 12 37 January 24, 1949 26 35 20 January 31, 1949 27 11 33 25 February 7, 1949 26 12 30 February 14, 1949 26 12 28 February 21, 1949 27 10 28 V February 28, 1949 26 12 29 March 7, 1949 26 13 32 March 14, 1949 28 14 33 March 21, 1949 28 15 33 20 March 28, 1949 29 12 32 April 4, 1949 29 13 32 April 11, 1949 29 12 28 April 18, 1949 28 14 31 April 25, 1949 27 12 32 May 2, 1949 26 10 32 May 9, 1949 27 30 May 16, 1949 25 13 30 May 23, 1949 26 13 31 May 30, 1949 25 10 V a/ Insufficient data reported. Source of data: Collected by author • Si 27. Little information is known concerning the actual quality of poultry being delivered to processors in Los Angeles. To check on this, certain selected ship- ments received by one city processor were graded by official U. S. standards by a competent grader. The results, shown in table 7 indicate a wide range in quality although nearly all the broilers and fryers had been purchased as No. 1 quality nn the farm. More testing of this would be desirable, but it seems that there is little or no relationship between grading as it is done in the area and as it would be done under U. S. standards. The question may be raised as to how accurately live chickens can be graded. It is known that this accuracy is less than can be accom- plished in grading dressed poultry. No tests are available to measure this differ- ence. However, competent graders of both live and dressed poultry state that there is only a small difference between grading a group of chickens first as live and then when dressed. 5. Competition Between Classes of Poultry Each class of poultry has different characteristics upon which buyers place different values. As a result, each class is considered a separate product. Also, whenever buyers recognize different grades of the same commodity and pay a differ- ent price for each, then each grade is a separate product as well. The relation- ship of prices for each grade and class to others within the same commodity group will differ according to local market practices and consumer preferences for each. Competition between products has a significant influence on the effectiveness of price making. Changes in the prices of poultry arc not always explained by conditions within the poultry field itself. Consumers are continually comparing the prices of poultry, fish and red meats in every market where poultry is sold. These meats are the major sources of high protein food in the diet and are easily interchangeable with each other. The relative importance in local production of each class of poultry was shown in table 1. A large number of low or nonproducing Leghorn hens are available as a by-product of the egg industry. These find a place on the market in competition with other classes of poultry produced primarily for their meat. The pricing of Leghorn hens becomes a special problem because of their large supply, retail market practices and consumer preferences. The live paying price of Leghorn hens is low compared to that for colored hens. Figure 3 shows the annual average prices for the major classes of poultry in Los Angeles and Chicago. The Chicago market prices were selected for comparison because they reflect relationships in the large Midwest surplus producing area. An examination of figure 3 reveals three points of interest. These points are substantiated by the monthly data making up the annual averages. First, the price of hens is more stable than that of fryers; second, the margin between colored and Leghorn hens is wider in Los Angeles than in Chicago," and third, fryers soil for more than colored hens in Chicago but occasionally for loss than colored hens in Los Angeles. These points are to be explained by the peculiar characteristics of the Los Angeles poultry market. - . -V™ . .- ^Tn5^ , I The instability in fryer prices is due primarily to fluctuations in local supply, which is sensitive to changes in the ratio between fryers and feed prices. Hens, however, are marketed more or less regularly as low producers are removed from flocks. Also the demand for colored hens is fairly stable because they go ■ 28. TABLE 7 Results of Dressed Poultry Grading Tests, Los Angeles, 1948-49 Shipment Number birds Per cent Per cent Per cent No grade number graded A B 1 C nor cent Leghorn hens 1 55 44.0 44.0 12.0 o d 59 58.0 41.0 1.0 — 3 28 68.0 25.0 7.0 4 28 54.0 32.0 14.0 — 5 19 16.0 47.0 37.0 — — 6 35 37.0 54.0 9.0 7 38 39.0 47.0 0.0 14.0 8 60 45.0 36.6 11.7 6.7 9 55 34.5 27. 3 20.0 18.2 10 21 61.9 14.2 23.9 Average 398 45.7 36.8 11.2 6.3 Leghorn broilers 11 22 14.0 86.0 1 2 51 51.0 31.0 18.0 13 168 44.0 54.0 2.0 14 19 47.0 47.0 6.0 Average Am V W JL 260 39.0 54.5 £Li^ colored hens 15 17 53.0 41.0 6.0 16 20 90.0 10.0 0.0 Average 37 71^5 25.5 3.0 colored frvers 17 33 30.0 60.0 10.0 18 32 75.0 25.0 0.0 19 63 22.2 66.7 7.9 3.2 20 61 0.0 £M - 34.5 o t o_ Average 189 31.8 54.3 13.1 0.8 Source of data: Los Angeles Country Extension Service. FIGURE 3 Legend: Colored fryers . Colored hens . . Leghorn hens Live Poultry Buying Price?, Chicago and Los Angeles, 1929-1948 Chicago Los Angeles Source cf data: For Chicago, The Foul try and Egg S itua tion. U.S. B.A.E., June and July, 1941, and reports of the Market News Service. For Los Angeles, Annual Summary of Price; f or Live Foultry, 1929-47 , U.S. P.wi„A.,and reports of the Market News Service. 30. primarily to the retail live trade for regular customers . Apparently certain con- sumers buy colored hens for special week-end consumption and do not seriously con- sider prices of other meats in making their selection. The price difference between colored and Leghorn hens has created much concern in the Los Angeles market. It is a "problem 11 in the minds of producers who cannot understand why the price difference is so great. Colored hens averaged 11.7 cents a pound above Leghorn hens in Los Angeles in 1947; in Chicago they averaged only 7.4 cents above. Similar, if smaller, differentials have existed for many years. The explanation of the greater difference in the local market is found primarily in the supply conditions in the two markets. It has been stated that Leghorn hens made up about 40 per cent of the local poultry. The comparable percentage for the Chicago market is not known definitely but is much less than this. The larger sup- ply in Los Angeles relative to other classes causes their price to be relatively lower. At the same time, few colored hens are produced in the area and there is a relatively stable demand for them. Retail market practices and poultry nomenclature also affect this Leghorn hen- colored hen differential. These points, will be discussed later under "Retail Market Practices." Fryers in Chicago are priced above colored hens. This is considered "normal," as fryers are young, soft-meated birds, while hens are mature birds with tougher flesh'. Where sufficient quantities of each are available, as in Chicago, consumers will pay slightly more per pound for fryers. The short supply of colored hens on the Los Angeles market keeps their price above that of fryers most of the time. 6. Public Health Regulations The primary responsibility of the Los Angeles City Health Department is to pro- tect the health of the city residents. The Health Department regulates poultry marketing in various ways. Regulations cover construction and maintenance of poul- try slaughter houses, standards of employee health, wholesomeness of poultry sold in the city and the form in which poultry may be sold. These last two points in particular affect methods of selling and hence prices in the market. City ordinances prescribe that all poultry sold in the market shall have the head and feet attached, or be inspected for wholesomeness by a qualified inspector and tagged or labeled. This is why nearly all local poultry is sold in the Hew- York-dressed form. None of the city processors are large enough to warrant hiring a full-time inspector. The ordinances assume that any diseased condition of the bird will be revealed in the head, and the Health Department inspectors will bo able to identify it. Consumers rarely ask to inspect the head of a dressed chicken because of its unsightly condition. The main protection consumers have against getting a diseased bird is periodio inspection by Health Department officials of slaughter houses and retail moat counters. These are admittedly infrequent because of budget and personnel limitations. City ordinances contrast with requirements of the Los Angeles County Health De- partment. Drawn and cut-up poultry may be sold in the county area without in- spection. This is considered a merchandising advantage because it permits sale of individual chicken parts or of less than a whole chicken. This appeals to smaller households. 31. The Los Angeles city regulation governing the form of dressed poultry has two important economic effects: (l) it increases the cost of retailing poultry, and (2) it encourages the importation of frozen New York-dressed poultry. The increased cost of retailing is the price consumers have to pay for pro- tection of their health. Retailing of New York-dressed poultry is more expensive than retailing of drawn or cut-up poultry. The job of drawing or eviscerating can be done at lower cost in the country or city processing plant than in retail butcher shops. There is, besides, a saving in transportation cost when shipping drawn poul- try. Approximately 24 per cent of the weight of dressed fryers is inedible. The second economic effect more directly influences competition. Consumers are led to think of frozen poultry as always appearing in boxes in the cut-up form, and fresh poultry as in the New York-dressed form. Consumers are not generally aware than some New York-dressed poultry may have been frozen. The keeping quality of recently- thawed poultry is much lower than that of the fresh-dressed product. Any factor affecting keeping quality of poultry influences consumer preference and prices, provided the information is known. Consumers cannot readily determine which dressed poultry has been frozen and which has not. Hence, this public health regu- lation appears to open a market for frozen dressed poultry which it might not other- wise have. 7. Retail Market Practices Retail market practices have a direct effect on farm prices. For example, the wide margin between colored and Leghorn hens is parti y the result of lack of available consumer information. Certain market practices impede the free choice of consumers between products. The retail practices which most strongly influence prices and price making are: lack of grades at retail and the system of naming different classes of poultry. These two are closely related. Consumer Preference on the Basis of Col or. — The names of most classes of chickens are associated with their manner of cooking. Fryers are cooked by frying, roasters by roasting, etc. Hens are cooked by stewing and are called stewing or fricassee hens at retail. Both colored and Leghorn hens are used for stewing. Los Angeles consumers, nevertheless, have long been asking for "colored hens" in prefer- ence to Leghorn hens for stewing, and have been willing to pay a premium for such breeds as Rhode Island or New Hampshire. At retail, hens fall into two name cate- gories: colored hens and stewing chickens. The former was introduced to permit a class designation showing consumer preference over Leghorns. This nomenclature contrasts to that of other large city markets where hens regardless of breed, are classified only by weight. The following paragraphs explain how a lack of grades and a lack of definitions of classes have encouraged this preference and caused an exaggerated price difference. When consumers buy hens according to breed, they are making decisions about quality on the basis of color. 11/ Quality is not synonymous with color, however, for each class of poultry appears in all quality grades. A real consumer prefer- ence probably exists for a "meat-type" hen over an "egg-type" hen, assuming both 11/ The association between color of feathers and the so-called "heavy" breeds is not constant since White Rocks are white, yet have "heavy" breed characteristics. 32. are the same grade. Many buyers for retail outlets have expressed their opinion to the author that this preference should result in a four to five cent differen- tial at retail. But owing to the peculiar system of naming and the lack of grades, consumer preference is not permitted real expression. In the showcase two grades may be grouped together; the consumer may compare an "A" grade colored hen with a "B" or "C" grade Leghorn, or vice versa. This results in an erroneous association of weight or color with quality. None of the poultry class designations are defined in the State Agricultural Code. Their meanings are generally recognized throughout the trade. Without definitions, the practice of placing any kind ot color of hen under the label "colored hen" is within the law. Members of the trade acknowledge that the sale of heavy, high-quality Leghorn hens as "colored hens" is a common practice. Austra- white hens, bringing a farm price between that of colored and Leghorns, all sell at retail as colored, as can be observed by noting that some "colored hens" on the market have black legs. The practice is a form of producer and consumer deception. Consumer choice betxjeen classes is impaired and producers cannot be sure that tire product which they sold returns to them the retail price minus costs of marketing. This problem would correct itself were competition stronger, and consumers better informed. Unimpaired, intelligent freedom of consumer choice between products is an essential part of the operation of an efficient price-making process. This choice is impaired since different classes and grades of poultry are not considered differ- ent products and are not so divided and priced. SUMMARY AND COKCIUSIONS Our study of the factors which influence poultry pricing in the Los Angeles area has disclosed that the pricing system is operating badly. It is operating far below a level of efficiency which is both possible and desirable. The speci- fic conditions which prevent efficient price making are: 1. Lack of a Central Market Place (or Equivalent) in the City fcr Buying and Selling Live Poultry . — The lack of a central market place prevents the concentra- tion of supply and prevents buyers from competing directly among themselves for the supply. Only a large amount of information available to and used by producers and consumers, or an auction market for part of the supply, can compensate for the ab- sence of a market place. This absence has meant that: (a) Farmers do not have an assured outlet for their poultry. As a result they try to make special arrange- ments with country buyers. This reduces the quantity of "free" poultry to affect the price and causes changes in supply to be revealed in nonprice forms, (b) No means of estimating total daily shipments to market are available. As a result, changes in supply are often large before dealers are aware of it. (c) Adequate price reporting is greatly impaired. 2ut Lack of Definitions for Classes of Poultry on the Market . — The class names of poultry bought from the producer are not all carried through to the con- sumer. There is thus an incentive to buy poultry as one class and sell it as another at a higher price. This shifting and the system of class naming at retail prevents free consumer choice between classes and contr5.butes to an exaggerated preference for one class over another. 33. 3 r Lack of Uniform Grades for Defining Quality Characteristics of the Poultry . — Any agricultural commodity has certain characteristics by which its^ quality is described. These may vary widely, are given different values by differ- ent consumers, and are commonly defined in grades. Buyers and sellers must have a common language about the characteristics of a product in order to arrive at its price. Hence, grades are an inseparable part of the price of an agricultural prod- uct. An examination of the system of grading live poultry in Los Angeles shows ^ that it is a flexible one. It differs among dealers and among classes of poultry; it differs with changes in supply or demand for poultry, and with fluctuations of bar- gaining power between buyers and sellers. Only a nominal relationship exists between grades used and official U. S. grades. The lack of official grades has created the following situations: (a) Farm prices for so-called No. 1 quality chickens are greatly affected by prices received for so-called No. 2 quality chickens, because of the wide differ- ence between them. With no grades it is difficult to determine if retail selling prices are being accurately reflected in farm prices. It is likewise difficult for producers to compare returns, to determine the actual quality of their birds, or to make management decisions concerning the most profitable grade to produce. The present system of farm grading fosters deception of producers because it introduces many nonprice factors. The prices resulting from this system are poor guides to production. (b) The transmission of consumer preference regarding quality of poultry is impeded or blocked. The present selling system fosters ignorance and dissatis- faction of consumers about poultry products. (c) The Market News Service Price Report is not as useful as it should be. The price report includes prices for only one portion of the supply. Bargaining then turns on the price of the other portion, and on what grade each chicken shall be assigned. Buyers of agricu] tural oroducts typically have more information and larger size and hence a buying advantage' over individual farmers. This situation is reinforced in the Los Angeles poultry market. Most sales are made between individual buyers and sellers. Farmers do not have information concerning the outlets or prices re- ceived for their poultry in the city. They have no third party making grade desig- nations which will hold all the way to consumers. They arc dependent upon the in- tensity of competition between buyers and upon the United States Department of Agri- culture Price Report for protection. The price report is inadequate as a source of information which all buyers and sellers need. The establishment of uniform grades for live and dressed poultry and of defini- tions for various classes of poultry would raise the competition in the market, im- prove the efficiency of the price-making system for poultry, and would improve the quality of poultry grown for the Los Angeles market. An expansion of the Market News Service coverage would be necessary to make the above changes effective. ■ t0 United States Standards for Quality of Individual Birds for Dressed and Ready-to-Cook Poultry , (a) General . (1) U. S. Standards for Quality of individual Birds are applicable to all kinds and classes of dressed and ready-to-cook poultry, as defined in §00. U7 for kinds and classes, except as they are hereinafter qualified, and they apply to both male and female birds of all ages with due allowance made for differences in body conformation, fat covering, and fleshing conditions characteristic of age, sex, kind, and class. (2) The standards for quality may be applied to cut-up "Ready-to-Cook" poultry. (3 ) Any bird showing evidence of disease or any other condition which renders it unwholesome or unfit for food shall not be permitted in any of the quality groups specified herein. (h) When dressed poultry is graded at the time of packing, each bird, in order to qualify for A Quality or 3 Quality, except as hereinafter pro- vided, shall be free of the following conditions; Dirty or bloody head, or carcass; dirty vent; dirty feet; fan (on wing tips), garter (around hock joint), or neck feathers; hair or down; feed in crop. 0 io fi vrolad «bixd eldibd Llh . :£ « ci> io S obf/iC. ;5 »U (Q r /.Urlp stfo&tefl gnxn-jETnoo Y'l-ilt'O'i 1c aicj ta baig oil (4) TftK iafopO Igrjbxv xbrcl -teg asaic^g / oT aw-ty e M .lo .afds T (5) .. • •sevol )x3ii lo obitd 'io .cH Jca. o: iii 10 SO ,«qoi3 ni V. (5) When dressed poultry is graded at receiving point or shipping destina- tion, any bird otherwise of A Quality or B Quality which has a dirty or bloody head or carcass; dirty feet or vent; fan, garter, or neck feathers; hair or down; or feed in the crop, shall be lowered one quality. (6) To meet A Quality specifications a bird shall be dry-picked or wet- picked (nonscalded or seraiscalded only) except for ducks and geese, which may be immersed in scalding water for a limited time so that the cuticle and outside layer of skin are not damaged. (7) To meet B or C Quality specifications a bird may be dry-picked or wet-picked (nonscalded, semiscalded, or scalded). (8) The following factors are considered in the application of these standards for quality: Conformation, fleshing, fat covering, dressing defects, discolorations, and freezer burn. (b) Specifications . (1) A Quality: Each bird shall: (i) be of normal physical conformation. It may have a slightly curved breastbone or other slight abnormality in the shape of the breastbone that does not interfere with the normal distribution of the flesh. A dent in the breastbone shall not exceed 1/h inch in depth for turkey classes and 1/8 inch in depth for other classes of poultry. The bird may also have a very slightly crooked back; (ii) have a well- developed, moderately broad and long breast, well fleshed throughout its entire length, with the flesh carrying sufficiently well up to the crest of the breast- bone so that the breastbone will not be prominent. Its legs shall be well covered with flesh. There shall be no appreciable toughening of the flesh (if tender meat is a class requirement). Slight stagginess permitted in young turkey toms, not including fryers; (iii) have breast, back, hips, and pin bones, in the case of classes of young chickens and young turkey toms, showing fat, and in other classes of poultry be well covered with fat; (iv) have (for dressed poultry) not more than 6 protruding and nonprotruding pinfeathers on the breast and not more than 12 elsewhere on the bird, and be free of hair and down. For ready-to-cook poultry the bird shall be free of protruding pinfeathers, hair, and down, with the breast having not more than 2 nonprotruding pinfeathers, nor more than 6 elsewhere on other parts of the carcass; (v) have no discolorations or blemishes of the skin, from any cause, the aggregate of which exceeds an area 1 inch square on the breast, legs, or wings, and 1-1/2 inches square on other parts of the carcass for turkey, geese, and chicken hen classes. Of the aforesaid areas not moro than an area of 1/2 inch square and 3/h inch square, respectively, may be due to a skin bruise showing a slightly reddened condition. For other classes of poultry the aggregate of such areas of discolorations or blemishes shall not exceed l/2 inch square on the breast, legs and wings and 1 inch square else- where on the carcass, and of these areas not more than an area of l/U inch square and 3/I4. inch square, respectively, may be due to a skin bruise showing a slightly reddened condition. The bird shall have no bruises or discolorations of the flesh. The bird may have only slight reddening, due to improper bleeding, in the feather follicles on the neck near the head and on the wings; (vi) be free of tears on the breast and legs. Open tears elsewhere on the carcass shall not exceed 2 in number and shall not exceed 1-1/2 inches in length for turkey and geese classes and 3/I4. inch in length for other classes of poultry. Ho sewn tears are permitted. A disjointed leg or wing is permitted if there is no appreciable bruise or blood clot. One nonprotruding wing bone, if not showing b Y£t bixcf e anci+feoxlxoaqa yJ'xXbjo';;! 0 9a 3 J£ •(iahlijoe io ,£>obX£oexc3!=! t babr«08r. i^soiXci'Tfj ©rid* f»x boisLxsrj^o s-xs sic Job 'i attivroXic 3X£> OCl 9V£>ii {v vi. bruise or blood clot, is permitted in the broiler and fryer chicken class only. On ready-to-cook poultry the wing tips may be clipped off if desired; (vii) have only very slight freezer burn or evidence of small (not to exceed 1/8 inch in diameter) pockmarks on the neck or wings and not over 3 such pockmarks on other parts of the carcass. (2) B Quality ; Each bird shall: (i) be of normal or practically normal, physical conformation. It may have a dented, curved, or slightly crooked breastbone if it does not seriously interfere with the normal distribution of the flesh. The bird also may have a moderately crooked back or misshapen legs or wings; (ii) be sufficiently well fleshed on the breast and legs to prevent a thin appearance and a very prominent breastbone. There shall be only slight toughening of the flesh (if tender meat is a class requirement). Young turkey toms, not including fryers, may have a pouchy, thick, and somewhat flabby skin on the forepart of the breasts; (iii) have a sufficient coverage of fat to pre- vent a dark red appearance; (iv) nave (for dressed poultry) not more than 10 protruding and nonprotruding pinfeathers on the breast and not more than 2h elsewhere on the carcass and be free of hair and down. For ready-to-cook poultry the bird shall be free of protruding pinfeathers, hair, and down, with its breast having not more than U nonprotruding 'pinfeathers nor more than 10 elsewhere on other parts of the carcass; (v) have no prominent discolorations or blemishes, from any cause, other than flesh bruises, the aggregate of which exceeds an area 1-1/2 inches square on the breast, legs, and wings or 2 inches square on other parts of the carcass for turkey and geese classes. For other classes of poultry, such area shall not exceed 1 inch square on the breast, legs, and wings and 1-1/2 inches square elsewhere on the carcass. The total aggregate areas of discoloration from flesh bruises shall not exceed 1/2 inch square on the breast, legs and wings and 3,/U inch square elsewhere on the carcass. The bird may have some reddening due to improper bleeding in the feather follicles on the neck near the head and on the wings and hips; (vi) have not more than 1 tear on the breast, which shall not exceed 1 inch in length for turkey and geese classes, and 1/2 inch in length for other classes of poultry. Open tears elsewhere on the carcass shall not exceed 3 in number and not more than 2 inches in length for turkey and geese classes and 1 inch in length for other classes of poultry. Mo sewn tears are permitted. Two disjointed bones are permitted if there is no appreciable bruise or blood clot. One nonprotruding broken wing or leg bone is permitted if it does not shov/ excessive bruise or blood clot. On ready-to-cook poultry the wing tips may be clipped off if desired; (vii) have no more than moderate freezer burn or evidence of small (1/8 inch in diameter) pockmarks on any part of the carcass and no dried areas in excess of 1/2 inch in diameter. (3) C Quality ; Each bird may: (i) be of abnormal physical conformation, such as a crooked back or breastbone, or other serious abnormal conditions if it is fairly well fleshed; (ii) be poorly fleshed, with a narrow breast and with legs poorly covered with flesh. A young torn turkey may have a thick, coarse skin and extended breast that is pouchy or flabby; (iii) be lacking in fat covering over all parts of the body; (iv) have slightly reddened areas on breast and thighs, or have any other parts of the skin excessively reddened because of poor bleeding. It may have numerous and large discolored areas or blemishes of the skin, from any cause. These may be accompanied by some red- dening and darkening of the flesh beneath, as long as this condition does not cause any part of the carcass to be unfit for food; (v) have (for dressed poultry) pinfeathers, down, and hair scattered over the entire carcass pro- viding they do not seriously detract from its appearance. For ready^to-cook vii. poultry a bird shall be free from protruding pinfeathers, hair, and down but may have nonprotruding pinfeathers only to the extent that they do not seriously detract from the appearance of the carcass; (vi) have open tears of any size, disjointed bones or broken, nonprotruding bones if not accompanied by a severe bruise or blood clot. Wing tips or broken, protruding wing bones may be clipped off if desired; (vii) have severe freezer burn showing numerous pockmarks or large dried areas or evidence thereof on any part of the carcass. §00.51 Suggested Weight Specifications for "Dressed" and "Ready-to-Cook " Poultry , (a) General . (1) The suggested weight specifications for dressed chickens (Table 1), dressed turkeys (Table 2), dressed ducks, geese, guineas, squabs, and pigeons (Table 3), and "Ready-to-Cook" poultry (Table !).) are for optional use. (2) The actual weights for "Ready-to-Cook" individually identified poultry shall be as stated in pounds and ounces. TABLE 1 Suggested Weight Specifications for Dressed Chickens Class of chickens Weight range per bird Weight range per dozen birds Minimum Maximum Minimum Maximum Broilers- Fryers None Over 1 lb. 8 oz. Over 2 lbs. uver c ids. 0 oz. Over 3 lbs. 1 lb. 8 oz. 2 lbs. 2 lbs. 8 oz. J XDS . 3 lbs. 8 oz. None Over 18 lbs. uver cu xDs. Over 30 lbs. Over 36 lbs. 18 2h 30 36 h2 lbs. lbs. lbs. lbs. lbs. 1 Roasters r Over 3 lbs. 8 oz. Over k lbs. Over h lbs. 8 oz. Over 5 lbs. Over 5 lbs. 8 oz. h lbs. k lbs. 8 oz. $ lbs. 5 lbs. 8 oz. None Over h2 lbs. Over U8 lbs. Over $h lbs. Over 60 lbs. Over 66 lbs. U8 lbs. 5h lbs. 60 lbs. 66 lbs. None Capons 1 None Over 6 lbs* Over 7 lbs. Over 8 lbs. Over 9 lbs. Over 10 lbs. 6 lbs. 7 lbs. 8 lbs. 9 lbs. 10 lbs. None None Over 72 lbs. Over 8U lbs. Over 96 lbs. Over 108 lbs. Over 120 lbs. 72 lbs. Bh lbs. 96 lbs. 108 lbs. 120 lbs. None Stags None Over 3 lbs. Over i| lbs. Over £ lbs. Over 6 lbs. 3 lbs. h lbs. 5 lbs. 6 lbs. None None Over 36 lbs. Over I4.8 lbs. Over 60 lbs. Over 72 lbs. 36 lbs. U8 lbs. 60 lbs. 72 lbs. None Cocks None Over h lbs. Over $ lbs. Over 6 lbs. h lbs. 5 lbs. 6 lbs. None None Over US lbs. Over 60 lbs. Over 72 lbs. U8 lbs. 60 lbs. 72 lbs. None Hens (Stewing chickens) (Fowl) None Over 3 lbs. Over 3 lbs. 8 oz. Over h lbs. Over h lbs. 8 oz. Over 5 lbs. 3 lbs. 3 lbs. 8 oz. k lbs. I4. lbs. 8 oz. 5 lbs. None None Over 36 lbs. Over h2 lbs. Over hQ lbs. Over lbs. Over 60 lbs. 36 lbs. h2 lbs. U8 lbs. 5U lbs. 60 lbs. None viii. TA3LE 2 Suggested Weight Specifications for Dressed Turkeys Weight range per bird Class Minimum Maximum ! 1 | I xoung x-urKeys None O XDS. 1 Over o XDS« 8 lbs. Over 8 lbs. 10 lbs. i i Over 10 lbs. 12 lbs. I Over 12 lbs. Ill lbs. 1 Over Hi lbs. 16 lbs. > i Over 16 lbs. 10 IDS* i Over 18 lbs. 20 lbs. i 1 Over 20 lbs. 22 lbs. j Over 22 lbs. 2k lbs. Over 2h lbs. None Mature turkeys None 10 lbs. 1 (old) Over 10 lbs. 1$ lbs. 1 Over lj? lbs. 20 lbs. Over 20 lbs. None TA3LS 3 Suggested Weight Specifications for Dressed Ducks, Geese, Guineas, Squabs, and Pigeons Kind of poultry Weight range per bird "Weight range per dozen birds Minimum Maximum Minimum Maximum Ducks None Over h lbs. Over 5> lbs. h lbs. i lbs. None Hone Over U8 lbs. Over 60 lbs. U8 lbs. 60 lbs. None Geese None Over 8 lbs. Over 10 lbs. 8 lbs. 10 lbs. None None Over 96 lbs. Over 120 lbs. 96 lbs. 120 lbs. None Young Guineas None Over 1 lb. 8 oz. Over 2 lbs. h oz. 1 lb. 8 oz. 2 lbs. h oz. None None Over 18 lbs. Over 27 lbs. 18 lb 27 lb None 5. 5. Old Guineas None Over 2 lbs. 2 lbs. None None Over 2h lbs. 2k lbs. None Squabs and pigeons None Over 8 oz. Over 11 oz. Over lUoz. 8 oz. 11 oz. lU oz. None None Over .6 lbs. Over 8 lbs. 6 oz. Over 10 lbs. 8 oz. 6 lbs. 8 lbs. 6 oz. 10 lbs. 8 oz. None ■ . ■ - • i i i <• ix. TABLE h Suggested Weight Specifications for Ready-to-Cook Poultry Kinds and classes Weight range per bird of poultry Minimum Maximum .oroxxers— xryers None 1 lo. o c z. Over 1 Id. o oz. 2 lbs. Over ids. None None 2 lbs. Over 2 lbs. 2 lbs. 8 o z. Over 2 lbs. 8 oz. 3 lbsi hens Over 3 lbs. 3 lbs. 8 o z. ( Stewing chickens ) Over 3 lbs. 8 oz. h lbs* (Fowl) JVci L}. J_L>o. z* D\r o >•» Ji "1 He? H n 9 p xus . Hvor 1 K 1 he < The? ft n z. l/Vci p XoS • U OZ. None 2 lbs. 8 o z. Cocks Over 2 lbs. -8 oz. 3 lbs. 8 o z. (Old roosters) Over 3 lbs* 8 oz. li lbs. 8 o z. Over h lbs. 8 oz. 5 lbs. 8 o z. Over $ lbs. 8 oz. None )i 1 h