Ex Libris 
 C. K. OGDEN 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 THE 
 
 FIRST PRINCIPLES 
 
 F 
 
 CIVIL and ECCLESIASTICAL 
 
 GOVERNMENT, 
 
 DELINEATED, 
 
 (IN TWO PARTS,) 
 
 1 N 
 
 LETTERS 
 
 T O 
 
 Dr. PRIESTLEY, 
 
 OCCASIONED BY HIS TO 
 
 Mr. BURKE. 
 
 By SAMUEL COOPER, D. D. 
 
 MINISTER OF GREAT YARMOUTH. 
 
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 YARMOUTH: 
 PRINTED BY DOWNES AND MARCH, 
 
 For Meflrs. ROBINSONS, and T. BECKET, LONDONJ 
 And ELLIOT and KAY, EDINBURGH. 
 
 M. DCC. xci.

 
 JC 
 
 THE 
 
 PRINCIPLES 
 
 O F 
 
 GOVERNMENT, 
 
 DELINEATED. 
 
 PART THE FIRST, 
 
 O N 
 
 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 \ 
 
 et or din em 
 
 Reflum evaganti Jrena licentiat 
 Jnjecit, 
 
 non Juror 
 
 Civilis, aut vis exiget OTIUM 
 Non ira t quce procudit enfes 
 Et mi/eras inimical urbes. 
 
 HOR.
 
 LETTERS 
 
 TO TH fc 
 
 Rev. Dr. PRIESTLEY. 
 
 LETTER I. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 A S foon as I had read Mr. Burkes juftly 
 celebrated " Reflexions, " I entertain- 
 ed no doubt, but that you would attempt 
 to anfwer them, before I faw your decla- 
 ration of fuch an intention, publickly an- 
 nounced in the newfpapers. Do not how- 
 ever imagine, that I am fo abfurd as to 
 think, that fuch a difcovery is a proof 
 either of any uncommon fagacity, or labo- 
 rious application of mind ; as it only re- 
 quired for it's foundation, fome attention to 
 A the
 
 the ideal channels, through which, your rrmf- 
 tifarious writings have generally flowed. For 
 even a very (light obfervation, is all which 
 is neceflary to enable any one to difcover, 
 that you are (in Bijhop War bur tons phrafe) 
 " An Anfwcrcr by Profejpon" to every work, 
 written in defence of the prefent civil and 
 ecclefiaftical government of this country. A 
 conftitution of government, which under the 
 liberal fhelter of it's wide extended branches 
 protects you, from every ftorm and blaft 
 of perfecution ; and affords to every un- 
 happy wanderer in exile, or even outcafl 
 from all religions, a fecure retreat, in which, 
 he may eat his bread in comfort, peace, 
 liberty, and fafety. 
 
 I have now at length read your pro- 
 mi fed publication, though I was for fome 
 time prevented by a variety of avocations, 
 from indulging myfelf in that pleafure, for 
 which I fo eagerly wifhed. And, as I had 
 not been before deceived in my expectation, 
 
 of
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 of feeing fome anfwer from you; fo like- 
 wife I am not now in the leaft difappoint- 
 ed, in finding it to be, fuch an anfwer, as 
 it is. For, exactly the fame obfervation, 
 which fupplied me with the grounds of pro- 
 bability for the one, equally furniflied me 
 with the means of conjecturing, what would 
 be the materials, and texture of the other. 
 
 " 
 
 But, impatient however as I was to ex- 
 amine the work itfelf; my attention was 
 for fome time unwillingly detained, in the 
 contemplation of the mottos which adorn 
 the title-page. For I have been totally at 
 a lofs to conceive, what could poifibly be 
 your intention, purport, or defign, in bla- 
 zoning the front of your pamphlet with 
 thofe fentences. The moft proper motive, 
 which, I conceive, can prompt a writer to 
 prefix a motto to a work ; is, to induce 
 his readers to embrace the fentiments which 
 he holds, by mowing, that they are like- 
 wife the opinions of another, to whom, from 
 A 2 a
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 a juftly acquired authority, more deference 
 is due, than to the author himfelf. But 
 this motive appears to me, to be totally 
 inapplicable to the prefent cafe. Becaufe, 
 the mottos were taken from Mr. Burke's 
 own " Rejltftions," which it was your pro- 
 feffed defign to refute; and consequently 
 therefore to prove them to be fo far from 
 having any claim to deference, that they 
 were not even entitled to any one's affent. 
 But, with this defign in view, to quote 
 Mr. Burke as an Oracle, from whofe fen- 
 tence there was no appeal ; feems to me 
 to be as unaccountable a conduft, as his 
 would be, who, after having boafted of his 
 {kill and courage, and even challenged ano* 
 ther to a duel, mould, at the very moment, 
 he was accoutred for the combat, inftantly 
 confefs the invincible powers of his anta- 
 gonift, feize his adverfary's fword, and by 
 plunging it into his own brealt, commit a 
 
 defperate aft of fuicide. 
 
 . 
 
 What
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 What then Sir, could poflibly be your 
 intention, in quoting thefe fentences, or 
 axioms from Mr. Burke, appears to me 
 to be totally inexplicable, upon any prin- 
 ciples of reafon, and found fenfe. To evince, 
 that this declaration neither contains an af- 
 fertion deftitute of proof, nor implies a 
 cenfure unfupported by juftice, permit me, 
 to tranfcribe the mottos. 
 
 " Eloquence may exijl without a proportion- 
 <r able degree of wifdom" 
 
 " Steady independent minds, when they have 
 
 " an object of fo ferious a concern to man- 
 j . j j j 
 
 "kind as GOVERNMENT, under their con- 
 
 <( tcmplation. will difdain to a/fume the part 
 
 , 
 
 "of SATIRISTS and DECLAIMERS. 
 
 J 
 
 . 
 
 As to the latter motto, it is I muft con- 
 fefs, the very laft, which I ftiould have 
 conceived, prudence would have fuffered 
 you to have chofen. For it can ferve no 
 
 other
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 other purpofe, than to fhow, that you ftand 
 felf condemned by your own quotations ; 
 as every one at all converfant with your 
 writings, muft know, that they abound in 
 fatire and declamation upon the government 
 of your country ; if indeed it be admitted, 
 that compofitions are entitled to thofe ap- 
 pellations, which contain grofs inve&ives 
 without wit, and bold aflertions without 
 elegance. 
 
 As to the FIRST, that, "eloquence MAY 
 exift without a proportionable degree of wif- 
 dorn," this is certainly as true, as that Mr. 
 Burke poflefTes one of the higheft degrees 
 of eloquence, which was ever the portion 
 of any human mind. And confequently, fuch 
 a maxim coming from one fo well qualified 
 by his own unrivalled eloquence and confum- 
 mate wifdom, to form a judgement upon 
 this point, it muft neceflarily make a very 
 forcible impreflion upon the minds of others. 
 But then, the quotation ftill only ferves to 
 
 : ; promulgate
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 promulgate Mr. Burkes AUTHORITY, NOT 
 YOURS; the latter of which in this cafe, 
 required fupport, even to the demolition of 
 his. Was the infertion of it then owing, to 
 one of thofe miftakes, to which you have 
 been fo fubjecl:, in your " Corruptions of the 
 " Hijlory of Chrijlianity ?" I beg your par- 
 don, I believe the title t which you give to 
 it, is, the Hijlory of the Corruptions of Chri- 
 "Jlianity. 
 I 
 
 It may be poffible, that in the c rapid 
 "glance" which according to your ufual 
 practice, you took of Mr. Burke's book, 
 you read it THUS, "eloquence NEVER EX- 
 " ISTS 'with a proportionate, degree ofwifdom." 
 If this was the faft, then indeed you have 
 quoted it with the moft fingular propriety; 
 as thinking, you condemned Mr. Burke out 
 of his own mouth. But then your print- 
 er, by correcting the miftake in the words 
 of the fentence, has moft unfortunately ob- 
 literated all meaning from it's application. 
 
 Or,
 
 ( 8 ) 
 
 Or, did the miftake arife, not from any 
 imperfection in your SIGHT, but from the 
 much greater misfortune, of a cataraft form- 
 ing upon your REASON ? Did you conclude, 
 that if, eloquence MAY exift without a pro- 
 portionable degree of knowledge, it necef- 
 farily MUST do fb in Mr. Burke? Now 
 though this can never be admitted as a 
 legitimate deduclion, till 'every juft princi- 
 ple of logic be firfl deftroyed, yet even an 
 aflent to this inference, would neither di- 
 minifh Mr. Burke's authority, nor increafe 
 yours. For even ftrip him of all his elo- 
 quence, which kills at every ftroke, and 
 leave him only his wifdom ; he would ftill 
 be but like Pallas robbed of her fpear, 
 but whofe jgis alone will ftrike her op- 
 ponents dumb in confufion, horror, and 
 difmay.* But 
 
 * Mr. Burke will I hope excufe me if I make 
 an exception, in refpeft to the impeachment of 
 Mr. Haftiugs, where he feems to have dipped the 
 point of his fpear in venom, and to have thrown 
 away his fliield.
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 But perhaps, as none of the fuppofuions 
 which I have already made, can furnifh 
 even a fhadow of a reafon for your adoption 
 of this firft motto ; there may ftill be ano- 
 ther inference, which you may have de- 
 duced from it, which may appear to you, 
 to evince the much greater deference due 
 to the authority of your name, than to that 
 of Mr. Burke. For, as it is allowed, that 
 eloquence MAY EXIST without a proprotion- 
 able degree of wifdom, you may perhaps 
 therefore conclude, that in that mind, in 
 
 which, NO ELOQUENCE EXISTS, there MUST 
 BE the HIGHEST DEGREE of WISDOM. And 
 
 indeed, if this did not happen to be an 
 inference, which a Tyro in the Soph's 
 Schools at Cambridge, would laugh at as 
 a- deduction from fuch premifes, (no won- 
 der therefore you lament in your letters, 
 that the youth of your perfuafion are not 
 admitted into our Univerfities) it would un- 
 doubtedly, hold forth to you, the palm of 
 fuperiority, and the garland of vidory. Foe 
 B though
 
 though it muft be confefled, that numbers 
 can not forbear to lament, that your wri- 
 tings arc much too barren in argument, too 
 fertile in inve&ive, and too copious in af- 
 fertion, it muft likewife be acknowledged, 
 that no one was ever daring enough, to 
 have the injuftice to accufe you, of exhi- 
 biting in them at any time, even the faint- 
 eft glimmer, of the dimmeft ray of ELO- 
 QUENCE. 
 
 What renders this laft conjecture of mine, 
 the more probable, is, that this deduction 
 which I now fuppofe you to have made, 
 appears to be not only a current opinion, but 
 even an univerfally received axiom amongft 
 all thofe living authors, who are cither ho- 
 noured with encomiums from your pen, 
 or who offer up inccnfe at your fhrine. 
 
 It was indeed formerly fuppofed, that 
 an UNION, of the faculties of MEMORY, 
 
 IMAGINATION, WIT, JUDGEMENT, 
 
 REASONING,
 
 ( 11 ) 
 
 REASONING, SAGACITY, INTELLECT, and 
 
 of INVENTION, long employed in deep 
 thinking and profound inveftigation, could 
 alone qualify any one to become a writer; 
 and that as every man's fmalleft pretence 
 to literary reputation, muft be founded upon 
 fome participation of thefe qualities, fo, the 
 refpe&ive degrees in fame, to which dif- 
 ferent individuals were entitled, muft be 
 eftimated, by the various rays, into which 
 their genius could be refolved, when dif- 
 entangled from the almoft infinite variety 
 of modes of combination, in which thofe 
 rays are capable of being blended. 
 
 Upon thefe principles it is, that HOMER and 
 VIRGIL, DEMOSTHENES and CICERO, So- 
 RATES, PLATO, and ARISTOTLE, SHAKE- 
 SPEAR and MILTON, BACON and BERK- 
 LEY, NEWTON and LOCKE, muft be ele- 
 vated to the higheft feats in the temple of 
 fame. 
 
 B 2 * But,
 
 But, the great LIBERALITY of SENTI- 
 MENT, of the prefent age, of which, we 
 hear from you, and other writers, fuch 
 frequent and jufl encomiums, has, very 
 kindly difpenfed with the neceflity, of fet- 
 ting forth a title to genius, by means, which 
 demand fo much labour from the claim- 
 ants, and require fo much nice difcrimi- 
 nation in the judges. For, the prefent en- 
 lightened age, juflly fo denominated as every 
 fchool boy knows upon claflical authority, 
 (as, Lucus a non luccndoj have found, fome 
 nearer, though crooked and fubterraneous 
 paths to the temple of fame. By paffing 
 along thefe, and by frequent and importu- 
 nate applications at the doors of fome of 
 the lower offices of the fane, they gain free 
 admittance, and are foon led up by a fe- 
 cret afcent into the moft fpacious and 
 fplendid apartments of the place. Whilft 
 they, who by the plain and direfl path ap- 
 proach the central door, which always ftands 
 open, and enter without courting the por- 
 ter,
 
 ( 13 ) 
 
 ter, are obliged to remain croudcd in the 
 narrow entries and paffages of the edifice. 
 But no fooner has Death with Time affert- 
 ed their claims, than the latter, by their 
 aetherial nature mount aloft, and are then 
 venerated as the guides, the guardians, and 
 enlighteners, of mankind. Whilft the putrid 
 carcafes of the former, are thrown out in 
 fcornful filence, to be devoured by the 
 fowls of the air, and the beafts of the 
 field, unlefs fome future author, mould 
 from mere pity and compaflion, afterwards 
 gather their fcattered limbs together ; place 
 them in the niches of fome future Biogra- 
 fhia Britannica, and embalm them, with 
 all the gums and unguents, which befmear 
 the bodies of Egyptian Kings. 
 
 - 
 
 This is one of the happy improvements, 
 which we owe, to the flood of light, pour- 
 ed in upon us, in modern times. So that even 
 you Sir, who, are now upon thefe princi- 
 ples, upborn upon the ftrongeft waxened 
 
 wings
 
 wings of modern fame, and who, if we 
 believe your own writings, are much wifer 
 than the Apoftles ; even you, need never 
 to be in fear, left you mould be rebuked 
 with the cenfure that the apoftle Paul was, 
 that " much learning has made you mad." 
 
 But, were there indeed another GREY 
 to appear, who had with much application 
 fo ftrengthened, and cultivated his native 
 vigour, as with eafe to vault upon the 
 back of Pegafus, and could turn and ma- 
 nage him as he pleafed; HE would be 
 hooted at by the majority, and miftaken for 
 a Centaur. Or, were another BERKELEY 
 to arife, and pour forth the ftreams which 
 he had imbibed from the very depth of 
 the Pierian Spring, too refined for the tafte, 
 and too fubtle for the palate of modern 
 times ; his genius, would with all the de- 
 licacy of modern wit be ridiculed; and 
 his infpirations be ftigmatized, and con- 
 demned, as the intoxicating fumes of the 
 
 infpiring
 
 ( >5 ) 
 
 infpiring Bacchus, or as the frantic ravings 
 of the Pythian Prieftefs. 
 
 Though the difcovery, which I have al- 
 ready related, be certainly the brighteft 
 which has been made by the moderns, yet 
 it muft not be concealed, that there is 
 another, which indeed followed from it as 
 a confequence; and which truly if not 
 quite fo ingenious, is at leaft equally ufe- 
 ful. 
 
 For it has been found, that the world is 
 at prefent fo faturated with knowledge and 
 wifdom, that BOOK-WRITING is no longer 
 therefore of any value ; and it has there- 
 fore been ingenioufly refolved to fubftitute, 
 in it's place, BOOK-MAKING. Nothing cer- 
 tainly can redound more to the honour of 
 the humanity of the prefent times, than 
 this refolution of faving all expence of 
 thought, and confequently all the fatigue 
 of mind, and maceration of the body, which 
 
 c 
 10
 
 fo much harraficd the antients. For by 
 this admirable difcovery, every one now 
 who can but read, is rendered qualified at 
 once, to become a critic, and an author. 
 
 In the fcience of BOOK-MAKING, there 
 are however certainly two degrees, which 
 are often confounded by the vulgar. For, 
 the fame terms of commendation, viz. of 
 ingenuity, and of learning, are often indif- 
 criminately beftowed upon both ; not a doubt 
 being entertained whether thofe terms, are 
 with juftice, applicable to either. The one 
 fpecies, fo little requires the ufe of a pen ; 
 that any one who was never even taught 
 to write, may rife in it, to the very apex 
 of fame. A ftrong inftrument of iron, whe- 
 ther fafhioned into the form of a knife, or 
 of fcifTars, if it be but able to cut the 
 works of other writers in pieces, and fome 
 flour and water, condenfed into pafte firm 
 enough to join together again the " disjefli 
 " Membra Poetcc," are all the acquifitions 
 
 which
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 which are requifite for any one, \vho would 
 reach the higheft excellence in this branch 
 of the art. The other, it muft be con- 
 feffed, demands from it's cultivators, a little 
 more labour. For in this cafe, the perfon 
 who would impart food to others, muft 
 firfl fwallow it himfelf; and then, before 
 it has at all contributed to his own nu- 
 trition, he muft with fome pains and ftrug- 
 gles difgorge it, and arrange it in fome 
 decent order, fo that the heterogeneous 
 morfels may not offend the ftomachs of 
 his guefts. Or, perhaps, this latter fpecies 
 of BOOK-MAKING, may with more decorum 
 be compared, to thofe pafteboards which 
 are invented for the ufe of children, and 
 are called geographical differed maps. Thefe, 
 whilft they are mut up in their boxes, are 
 a mere " rudis indigeftaque Moles," exactly 
 refembling the juxta portion of the ideas 
 of a book-maker, while depofited in his me- 
 mory ; but both which, the moft ignorant, 
 may by a very . flight operation, and . con- 
 C fequently
 
 ( 18 ) 
 
 fequently one very eafily learned, without 
 knowing any thing of the boundaries and 
 relations of countries in the one, or of the 
 connection between the fciences in the other, 
 arrange in fuch order, as to teach fome- 
 thing at leaft by this mechanic procefs ; 
 which, the weaknefs of the learners intel- 
 lects, would be incapable of acquiring, by 
 a fcientific progreflion. 
 
 I truft Sir, that YOU, do not conceive 
 me to be at all wandering from the parti- 
 cular fubjecl of my addrefs, by this fhort, 
 but jufl account of the difcoveries of mo- 
 dern authors; as it has certainly the clof- 
 eft connection with your Letters to Mr. 
 Burke.* He being a writer entitled to fame, 
 
 only 
 
 * By modern Authors, I hope it will be un- 
 dcrflood, I mean only, certain writers in the South- 
 ern parts of this Ifle. For, in the more Northern, 
 the Authors when they err, err ingenioufly; ftill 
 continuing to habituate themfelves to much deep 
 
 thinking ;
 
 ( '9 ) 
 
 only upon the old exploded claim of the antf- 
 ents. Whilft you, Sir, are at once the 
 great difcoverer, and grand exemplar c>f the 
 much more illuftrious modification of the 
 claim, by the moderns. You {landing in- 
 difputably the firft in fame amongft the 
 prefent clafs of writers, which I have been 
 laft defcribing; not only for the excellence, 
 but likewife, without even excepting Dr. 
 Hill of famous memory, for the multipli- 
 city, and multifarioufnefs of your works. 
 
 But mould you perchance at prefent, de- 
 ny that there is any connection, between 
 this delineation and the fubjeft of your 
 letters, I do not defpair in my progrefs, to 
 make even you for once confefs, that you 
 are mifiaken; notwithftanding your conftant 
 habit of congratulating yourfelf upon a vie* 
 C 2 tory, 
 
 thinking ; they have as yet exhibited, but few traits 
 of their neighbours wonderful improvements, in thqt 
 craft, art, trade, and myftery of BOOK-MAKING.
 
 tory, and of ordering your followers to 
 fing lo Pecan, when all the reft of the 
 world are witnefies of your defeat.* I am 
 perfuaded the film will foon be fo entirely 
 removed from before your eyes, that you 
 will fee, " Luce elarius" that the forego- 
 ing obfervations, not only form a proper 
 introduction to an examination of your let- 
 ters, but that the examination itfelf, will 
 likewife illuftrate, and confirm the obfer- 
 vations. Both of them, by their mutual 
 attraction, giving durability to each others 
 cohefion, and adding folidity to each others 
 weight. 
 
 Before, however, I conclude this letter, 
 it may not perhaps be unneceflary to ob- 
 viate a charge, with which, I may very 
 probably be arraigned in my account of 
 
 the 
 
 * See the Controversy between the Bifhop of 
 St. David, and Dr, Prieflley.
 
 the genius, and invention, of the prefent times. 
 To have parfed by unnoticed, the purfuits 
 
 Of ELECTRICITY aild CHEMISTRY, which 
 
 not only fo much occupy the attention of 
 the prefent age, but which, it is conceived, 
 will entitle it to the higheft celebrity in 
 future times, it will perhaps be faid, could 
 only arife either from the grofleft igno- 
 rance, or the moft flagrant injuftice. But 
 I can moft folemnly affure fuch accufers, 
 that no one, is more ready than I am, 
 to beftow on fuch refearches, all the praife 
 which is due to them ; and that no one 
 would more rejoice than I mould, to fee 
 them fo far purfued, that from the col- 
 leftion of a multitude of particular fafts, 
 fuch principles fhall be educed, as will 
 fupply firm foundations, for the erection of 
 thofe fafhionable ftudies, into fabrics of fci- 
 ence. Though I cannot however forbear at 
 the fame time, moft fincerely to lament, 
 that other fciences have hitherto received 
 much injury from the prefent fond predi- 
 lection,
 
 Je&ion, and warm partiality in favour of 
 thofe purfuits. For, whilft their almoft bi- 
 gotted admirers, have had, not the work of 
 Architects, but only as it were of Labour- 
 ers to perform, having had more call for 
 the ufe of their hands and eyes, than of 
 their REASON and INTELLECT, yet the 
 fame which has been beftowed upon them 
 by the kind indulgence of a partial public, 
 has fo inflated them with the conceit of 
 their own merit, greatnefs, and importance, 
 as to make them think themfelves entitled 
 to dogmatize upon far different fubje&s, 
 which are founded upon a very different 
 fpecies of knowledge, than what they have 
 really acquired; and requires the employ- 
 ment of very different faculties, from thofe, 
 which they were wont to exercife. This 
 falfe conceit however, it mufl be confefled, 
 ought not to be confidered as the peculiar 
 charaft.eri flic of this age and country. For 
 though now BERKELEY is gone, we (hall 
 fearch in vain for another Plato t yet even 
 
 in
 
 in this divine Philofopher's time, we find, 
 that the fame partiality for experiments 
 upon fenfible obje&s, had occafioned the 
 fame delirium at Athens, as it has lince pro- 
 duced in England. For, HE tells us, there 
 were even then, SOME MEN, who FAN- 
 CIED themfelves to be PHILOSOPHERS, 
 " who -would not believe, THAT could be ANY- 
 " THING, -which they could not GRASP -with 
 "their HANDS, and -who would not liften to 
 "a Philofopher, who fpoke to them of ANY- 
 " THING, which was NOT BODY."* 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 Yours, &c. 
 
 * See Plato in Sophifta, and Prieftley's Difqui- 
 Gtion on Matters and Spirit, &c. 
 
 ERRATUM. Page 10, laft 1, after Imagination, add TASTE. 
 
 
 
 LETTER
 
 LETTER II. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 r 1 CHOUGH I am fo unfortunate, as to 
 entertain an opinion, that your firft, 
 and fecond Letter, refemble batteries, which 
 are fo feeble in their conftruftion, and fo 
 ill fupplied with ammunition, that an ad- 
 verfary may fafely pafs them by, regardlefs 
 of every annoyance, they can poflibly give 
 to his forces in their march, I truft to 
 your good nature, and meeknefs for pardon. 
 For, if I fhould boldly advance with my 
 troops, at once to attack your principal forts, 
 there to encounter your utmoft ftrength, and 
 fliould mifcarry in my defign ; mine, would 
 be, the defeat, and fhame ; yours, the 
 
 triumph,
 
 ( 25 ) 
 
 triumph, and glory. Should I however 
 fucceed, I fhall perhaps return, and then 
 demolifh thofe batteries ; which, for their 
 weaknefs, I before neglecled; and if I 
 am right in my firft conjecture, I fhall, I 
 think, find, that mere firing off fome of 
 their guns, will caufe them to tumble into 
 pieces, even by the mere force of the 
 recoil. 
 
 ONE of your PRINCIPAL FORTS, which by 
 ftanding firft, is moft prominent to the fight, 
 is called, " THE NATURE OF GOVERN- 
 
 " MENT, OR THE RlGHTS OF MEN AND OF 
 
 " KINGS." Now the forces, which you have 
 brought together, as the fole fupport, upon 
 which you rely for it's defence ; feem to be, 
 the moft extraordinary, that any one who 
 vaunts himfelf upon his abilities, as a ge- 
 neral, could poffibly have fele&ed. And 
 even ftill more extraordinary is it, that 
 of all men, YOU, in particular, fhould have 
 chofen them, who pride yourfelf upon al- 
 D wavs
 
 ways carrying on your polemics, under the ban- 
 ner of REASON. For, it is, by that power's 
 peculiar predilection for you, the fupplies 
 which it lends to you alone, and it's pa- 
 noply with which it has always covered you, 
 that you boafl, you have become victorious 
 in all your engagements, and have tram- 
 pled underfoot,: Infidels, Jews, Chriftians, 
 Bifhops, and Apoflles. 
 
 But, it is now time perhaps, to drop 
 all metaphor; and quote the plain lan- 
 guage (fgr fo it is in this place) of your 
 Pamphlet. 
 
 You begin, with telling Mr. Burke, that, 
 " confidering how much has been written 
 " on the fubjeft of government, fince the 
 " revolution in this country, which more 
 " than any thing contributed to open the 
 " eyes of Englifhmen, with refpeft to the 
 " true principles of it, it is not a little 
 " extraordinary that any man of reading 
 
 "and
 
 ( "7 ) 
 
 ** and reflettion as he is, fhould depart 
 ** from them fo much as he has done." 
 
 The only obfervation, which I fhall make 
 upon this paflage at prefent, is, that the 
 inferting of the word " Rejleftion" which it 
 contains ; feems to have arifen from a mere 
 flip of your pen. For, we muft necefla- 
 rily infer, only from the next paragraph 
 but one; that you do NOT think it ex- 
 traordinary, that Mr. Burke, fliould have 
 deviated from thofe principles, by the aid 
 of " Reflection;" bat, that as this was in 
 reality, the caufe of his departure from 
 them : that he is in your opinion, fof 
 that very reafon, deferving of cenfure, 
 becaufe he did rejleft upon them, and not 
 take them for granted; as you think, he 
 ought to have done. 
 
 For, after laying down what you fuppofe 
 to be the fundamental principle of govern- 
 ment, according to Lord Somers, Mr. Locke, 
 D 2 and
 
 and Bifhop Hoadley, you fay, (addrefling 
 yourfelf to Mr. Burke.) 
 
 , " You, Sir, do not direftly, and in fo 
 " many words deny thefe great principles 
 " of all government, or the general con- 
 " clufion drawn from them. In faft, you 
 " admit them all when you allow, page 87, 
 " that civil fociety is made for the advantage 
 " of man." " But you advance what is re- 
 " ally inconfiftent with thefe leading prin- 
 " ciples, and you would tie up our hands 
 " from making any effectually ufe of them. 
 " You feem to have forgotten, what you 
 " muft have formerly learned; but it is 
 <c too late for us to go to Jchool again, and 
 " relearn the firjl elements of political Jcience. 
 " What our predecejjbrs took great pains to 
 " PROVE, -we now receive as AXIOMS, and 
 " WITHOUT HESITATION ACT upon them." 
 
 Now, however divided men may be in 
 their fentiments upon this Paragraph, in 
 
 refpe6l
 
 refpeft to it ? s truth, fo far as it contains 
 a charge againft Mr. Burke, and the rea- 
 fons upon which, you have grounded it; 
 yet I doubt not, but they will be as una- 
 nimoufly free from hefitaiion, in believing 
 this laft declaration, of yours, refpedting 
 yourfelf and your friends, as you, and any 
 of them can poffibly be in making and 
 atting, in the ftricteft conformity with it. 
 
 In reference to Mr. Burke, this Para- 
 graph certainly, upon firft " looking through 
 "it," appears to accufe him only of for- 
 getfulnejs of thofe principles, which you 
 fuppofe him to have forfaken. But if, to 
 our looking, we add the flighteft confide- 
 ration upon it, we fee mofl clearly, that 
 it alfo contains (as I juft now hinted) an 
 equal condemnation of him, if upon RE- 
 FLECTION HE has changed thofe fentiments, 
 which YOU STILL maintain. For, by the 
 declaration of your own conduct, you cen- 
 fure that man as unwife, who examines af- 
 terwards
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 terwards, what he was taught at fchool, and 
 condemn it as an impropriety in an old 
 man, even to DOUBT the truth of an opi- 
 nion, which, he had learned, when he was 
 a boy. This certainly is an idea, diame- 
 trically oppofite to the fentiments, and prac- 
 tice of the wifeft of the antients, which 
 likewife every fchool-boy muft have been 
 taught, who, has made even but a very 
 fmall progrefs in learning; but, which it 
 feems, YOU, YOURSELF with all your pre- 
 dilection for your infant knowledge, and 
 cenfure, upon Mr. Burke, for his fuppofed 
 failing in this refped; have either forgot- 
 ten, or difcarded. 
 
 Whether therefore, Mr. B's dereliction of 
 his youthful principles, have arifen from 
 the fterility of his prefent memory, or the 
 copioufnefs of his manly Reflexions, nei- 
 ther caufe, is fufficiently unufual, to excite 
 either wonder, or furprife. The one, I 
 muft confefs, from the vaft treafures, which 
 
 we
 
 
 we fee Mr. B. continually bringing forth 
 from the repofitory of his memory, does 
 not appear to me, to be the real caufe, 
 though you have afligned it. And the 
 other, has always been efteemed, deferv- 
 ing of the higheft approbation, except by 
 Popes and Cardinals, 'till you condemned 
 it. That they fliould feel a diflike to fuch 
 a conduct, we cannot -wonder, becaufe there 
 feems to be the moft perfect elective at- 
 traftion, between that fentiment, and their 
 other religious opinions. But that you, Sir, 
 mould exprefs the flighteil tendency to fuch 
 a fentiment, that you mould embrace fuch 
 a tenet, and deliver fuch a dogma, as the 
 quotation from your own letter contains, 
 muft excite in every one, not only the 
 higheft degree of furprife, but likewife of 
 aftonimment. You, Sir, whofe other prin- 
 ciples and conduft are of fuch a kind, that 
 not only fuch a fentiment, can never pro- 
 duce with them, the fmalleft effect of a 
 chtflucal Jolution t but ^inuft by their mu- 
 
 tual
 
 ( 32 ) 
 
 tual rcpulfion burft the containing vefleK 
 You, Sir, whofe theological lucubrations are 
 founded upon a maxim, the very reverfe 
 of this; I mean, the actually unlearning, as 
 you advance into the winter of age, ALL that 
 you were taught, in the feafon of youth. 
 
 It would be a curious fpeculation to 
 inveftigate, and I doubt not but noble 
 fruit, would be the reward of the labour, 
 were any one to difcover, from whence 
 has arifen this inveterate prejudice of yours, 
 in favour of the writers upon government, 
 and your prejudice equally ftrong againft 
 the writers, upon the New Tejiament ? 
 What has made you, a thus open and 
 declared bigot to the infallibility of LOCKE, 
 and ftill more and more a fceptic as to 
 the authority of CHRIST, and his APOS- 
 TLES? Surely we may apply to you the 
 obfervation of Horace, " nil fuit unquam 
 '* tarn impar fibi ;" for, without meaning to 
 give you any offence, fuch a character muft 
 
 be
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 be uncommon ; and whatever is uncom- 
 mon, ufually excites our admiration. 
 
 But Sir, I can fo eafily conceive, that 
 Mr. Burke may differ from Mr. Locke's 
 principles in his treatife on government, 
 without forgetting them, that I am utterly 
 unable to conceive, how they can poffibly 
 be admitted by any one, who has been 
 previoufly habituated to much thought and 
 deep reflection, before he happens to read 
 them, either in confequence of his own 
 choice, or in obedience to the command 
 of his tutor. That Mr. Locke, muft al- 
 ways (land defervedly very high, in the 
 temple of fame, it would be folly or in- 
 juftice to deny. But, that he was not AL- 
 WAYS clear in his firjl principles, nor right 
 in his deductions from them, even in ANY 
 of his works, and more particularly in thofe, 
 upon CIVIL GOVERNMENT, may be aflert- 
 ed with truth, becaufe it is capable of 
 demonft ration. And I muft confefs, I was 
 E fcarcely
 
 ( 34 } 
 
 fcarcely ever more furprifed in my life, 
 when upon reading the ingenious " Eflays, 
 " (entitled) phihfophical, hiflorical, and moral," 
 I found the Author, I do not mean com- 
 bating the lively remarks of Soam Jenyns, 
 for they are more ludicrous, than convin- 
 cing; but ferioufly defending Locke's noti- 
 ons; "THAT ALL MEN ARE BORN FREE," 
 and alfo " EQUAL;" who at the fame time, 
 with fo much ingenuity of obfervation, and 
 force of argument, has refuted what he 
 terms, <c the grofs 'error," and the " fgregi- 
 " ous blunders" of Dr. Price. 
 
 This fuppofed natural freedom, and na- 
 tural equality of mankind, are the fources 
 from which thofe NATURAL RIGHTS muft 
 be drawn, of which we hear fo much, but 
 have been taught fo little ; and which, when 
 the modern great advocates for them, are 
 urged to explain, inflead of defining, they 
 content themfclves with only repeating the 
 
 words
 
 ( 35 ) 
 
 words over again, without giving us the 
 flighted elucidation of their meaning. 
 
 Now Sir, as YOU have NOT ventured 
 yourfelf down the WELL, where, TRUTH is 
 faid to keep her refidence at the bottom, 
 and drawn up from thence, firjl principles 
 for yourfelf; permit me for a time, to 
 take my leave of you, and to accompany 
 Mr. Locke, for whofe abilites, I have the 
 higheft refpeft, though I am not, as you 
 are, " additfus jurarc in verba Magijlri.". 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 4 
 
 Yours, &c. 
 
 P. S. You will, I hope, excufe the li- 
 berty I have taken, in tranfpoling the or- 
 der, in which, the names of LOCKE and 
 Ho AD LEY, ftand in your letter. For, though 
 I have a great refpecl for high rank, I have,
 
 < 36 ) 
 
 * much greater veneration for fuperior g- 
 nius; and therefore I did not choofe, to put 
 as you have done, the fcholar before the 
 mafter. LOCKE was certainly, a great genius, 
 and though I am not difpofed, in imitation 
 of you and the Perfians, to worfhip the 
 fun; yet, I confider the rays of Locke's 
 genius, as collected into a focus in his 
 writings, imparting light to Bifhop Hoadley, 
 like, the beams of the heavenly luminary, 
 concentred in a convex glafs, kindling into 
 a contention, between blaze and fmoke, 
 fome of the mtre common Jcubblc of ihefald. 
 
 LETTER
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 LETTER III. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 4*. 
 
 T Muft beg leave to obferve, that from the 
 firft moment of my tafting Mr. Locke's 
 principles upon government, they never ap- 
 peared to me, to have by any means the 
 fame flavour, with thofe which come from 
 the well of truth. For when, having firft 
 carefully feparated the ideas annexed, to 
 the words, " the natural freedom and e qua- 
 " lity of mankind" from all the extraneous 
 matter mixed with them, and we have put 
 them into a well-clofed alembic, we mall 
 find the precipitation to confift, only of this 
 fimple, infipid, identical propofition, as the 
 Logicians term it. Viz. that uhilft men 
 
 live
 
 ( 38 ) 
 
 live in a ftatc of nature, which is prior to 
 the cxiftence of what we call civil govern- 
 ment, mens actions are not under any of 
 thofe POLITICAL reftraints, nor have men 
 themfelves THOSE di/iinflions of ftation, which 
 are created, when a government is efta- 
 blifhed ; which is in facl, only to fay, that 
 a ftate of nature, and a ftate of govern- 
 ment, are not one, and the fame ftate, but 
 different ones : And that the former is 
 
 therefore, without all rules, laws, and re- 
 
 , . j . 
 
 gulations, which exift in the latter. Cer- 
 tainly no ghofl was wanted to tell us this, 
 becaufe it is implied in the very DEFI- 
 NITIONS of the TERMS. But, I cannot 
 conceive in what other fenfe than the forego- 
 ing, it can be faid, that " men are lorn fret" 
 except it be in this, which is as little to the 
 purpofe, that NATURE, or more properly 
 the GOD of NATURE, has endowed them with 
 FREE-WILL, or a POWER of choofing one 
 thing, in preference to another. This indeed, 
 
 fig
 
 ( 39 ) 
 
 is certainly very true, and is therefore ad- 
 mitted; but the fole queftion, relative to 
 the NATURAL FREEDOM of mankind, is, his 
 natural freedom, as to the REAL EXERCISE 
 
 of the POWER of ACTING, in CONSEQUENCE 
 
 of SUCH a CHOICE. And this, it is ma- 
 nifeft, is much lefs in a man's power in 
 a Jlate of nature, than even in a Jlate 
 of fociety. And confequently his NATURAL, 
 is for the moft part lefs, than his POLI- 
 TICAL freedom. For this is the very cir- 
 cumftance, which from the firft exercife of 
 reafon, upon long continued experience, 
 prompts men to unite together, and willing- 
 ly to fubmit to any, even the mojl bur- 
 denfome rejlraints, which the very zuorjl 
 Jpecies of civil government, can poffibly lay 
 upon them, as far preferable, to thofe 
 evils, which they endured in that ftate of 
 anarchy, called, a Jlate of nature. 
 
 For, it may, with a much nearer ap- 
 proach to truth, be faid, of almoft any 
 
 other
 
 ( 40 ) 
 
 ether animal, that he is born to aft as h 
 chufes; than of MAN. Man being of all 
 animals, that, which is, from the neceffities of 
 his nature in the greateft degree, and for 
 the longeft time, not merely accidentally, but 
 even ncceffarily fubjcft to the authority , will, 
 and controul of it's parents ; and which fub- 
 jeftion continues in a ftate of nature even 
 ftill longer, than in a ftate of fociety. 
 But when he even becomes emancipated, 
 from that fubje&ion, is he not ftill liable 
 to be thwarted in the indulgence of his 
 wifhes, and the execution of his intentions, 
 by every one, and therefore fubjeft to the 
 controul of every one, who is either Jlrong- 
 er t more Jkilful, or more cunning than him- 
 felf? For will any one contend, that all 
 men are born, and continue equal in thefe 
 qualities; any more than in thofe of fta- 
 ture, ftraitnefs and beauty ? In -what rejptft 
 then, can we find men born EQUAL? And 
 confequently in 'what other fcnfe, than in 
 the quibbling kind of fcnfe. (You will be 
 
 fo 

 
 ( 41 ) 
 
 fo good as to remember the quibble is not 
 mine, but Mr. Locke's,) which I have be- 
 fore mentioned, can they be faid to be 
 born FREE ? 
 
 Befides, it is not only from each fepa- 
 rate individual, who is ftronger than him- 
 felf, that a man's a&ions are liable to 
 controul, in a Jlate of nature; but like- 
 wife, from every defigned, or cafual union 
 of thofe, who may each of them, be in- 
 dividually WEAKER. 
 
 For pleafe to look into the country, 
 and there fee horfes, cows, fheep, and 
 oxen, turned into their different paftures; 
 - even amongft them, you will find fome 
 one, of each fpecies, at firft trying his 
 ftrength, and afterwards becoming lord, and 
 mailer over the reft. If one alone how- 
 ever, ftiould prove to be unequal to the 
 conqueft, you will behold then, fome of the 
 ftronger, by union with each other, keep- 
 F ing 

 
 ( 4* ) 
 
 ing the weaker at a diftance, and forcirfg 
 them to be content, with the very worft 
 pafture in the field, whilft the tyrants feed 
 where they pleafe, and monopolize to them- 
 felves, the beft and fweeteft of the grafs. 
 Take a view of them fome time after- 
 wards, when they have gorged themfelves 
 to the full, in the favourite fpot, and 
 fpoiled whax they have not eaten, you 
 will then fee them driving away the others 
 from the place, where they had before 
 permitted them to graze, and for a time, 
 will take poffeffion of it for themfelves. 
 Juft fo, turn out men alfo, upon the great 
 COMMON of nature, i. e. conceive them 
 to be placed in a Jlate of nature, and in 
 what, will confift the difference of their 
 conduct, from that of other animals ? In 
 nothing but this, that in proportion, as 
 they have a greater ability, to contrive 
 various means of gratifying their paffions, 
 proud, covetous, and domineering over 
 their fpecies, as other animals may be; 
 
 MEN
 
 ( 43 ) 
 
 ^i E N WILL B E, ftill MORE haughty, 
 MORE avaricious, and MORE tyrannical. 
 
 Totally unacquainted therefore, with the 
 
 FIRST PRINCIPLES of GOVERNMENT, do 
 
 all thofe appear to me to be, who fup- 
 pofe it to be founded upon the HAPPI- 
 NESS, arifing from this NAT URAL freedom^ 
 and NATURAL equality of mankind, if any 
 can be guilty of fuch an abufe of words, 
 as fo to call them. Confequently therefore 
 molt egregioufly miftaken muft they be, 
 who in the mod crab- like, and retrograde 
 procedure, are continually meafuring back, 
 the RELATIVE PERFECTION of each govern- 
 ment; by the degrees of it's approxi- 
 mation, to man's imagined ORIGINAL 
 FREEDOM, and EQUALITY in a Jlatc of 
 nature. 
 
 Where then are we to find, that root 
 
 of NATURAL RIGHTS, from which, we 
 
 have been told, the trunk and branches 
 
 Fa of
 
 ( 44 ) 
 
 of all good governments, muft originally 
 derive, their fturdy vigour, and umbrage- 
 ous {hade. 
 
 / 
 
 Perhaps it will be urged, in defence of 
 Mr. Locke ; for you are not Jingular in 
 preferring the authority of a name, to the 
 force of an argument ; that though it may be 
 granted, that fuch is the turbulence, and 
 violence of a Jlate of nature, that in it, 
 man cannot be faid to be born indeed, to 
 the aBual cxercifc of freedom; yet never- 
 thelefs, he may be truly faid, to be born 
 with a RIGHT to freedom of aBion, in 
 
 confequence of his free-will. 
 
 I 
 
 But, this, is only the fame as to fay, in 
 other words, that all men have a RIGHT 
 upon all occaiions, when . they choofe it, 
 to do wrong, though, all men when they 
 choofe it, have a RIGHT to prevent it. 
 For, if every man has a right to every 
 thing he CHOOSZS, then it follows, that 
 
 every
 
 ( 45 ) 
 
 every man has a right to hart, or kill every 
 man, when he choofes ; though every man 
 choofing not to be hurt, or killed, has an 
 equal right to refift. If thitf be not N ON- 
 SENSED I muft confefs, I know not, WHAT 
 is. So that at laft, all this cloud of 
 duft, which has been raifed by the puffing 
 advocates, for the NATURAL RIGHTS 01? 
 MEN, fettles into this identical proportion, 
 only that man in a ftate of nature, can do 
 a thing, when he has a power to d* it: 
 or that when he is not conirouled, he is 
 free to aft. 
 
 For, fuppofe a man in a flate of na- 
 ture, mould attempt to perform an action, 
 which, a ftronger man than he, FORBIDS 
 him to do, upon pain of lofing his life; 
 what L A w, what A u T H o R i T Y, what 
 
 RULE, what PRESCRIPTION, what PER- 
 MISSION, can the weaker plead, for doing 
 it ? If, for inftance, as he is about to 
 carry home the animal, which he himfelf 
 
 had
 
 ( 46 ) 
 
 had killed in the^ chacc, another who is 
 ftronger, and has been hunting with him, 
 chufes to take it from him, what PLEA of 
 RIGHT can the former ufe ? If he fhould 
 urge, that he is hungry, the latter may 
 life exaftly the fame plea. If the one plead 
 his labour, and danger in going out in 
 purfuit of it ; the other may plead, his 
 equal labour and danger in both thefe 
 circumftances. If the one, plead his RIGHT 
 to it, from KILLING it; the other may 
 with juft as much reafon, claim it on the 
 plea, of his VICTORY, in TAKING it from 
 him. For, if, he who killed it, urge as a 
 plea, that it is his PROPERTY, becaufe he 
 killed it ; then, this affertion is either ab- 
 furd, or muft imply fome CONVENTION; 
 and confequently, fome SPECIES of GO- 
 VERNMENT amongft certain perfons; who, 
 have agreed to fuffer every one to enjoy 
 unmolejledy the prey, which he himfelf has 
 killed. For without fuch a convention, NO 
 PROPERTY can poflibly exift; and confe- 
 quently
 
 ( 47 ) 
 
 quently therefore NO RIGHT, previous to 
 fbme league or covenant between men, 
 which fome have agreed to adhere to, and 
 to fupport, by fome common FORCE, againft 
 any infringement; which union conftitutes 
 a fpecies of government. From nature then, 
 men may have POSSESSIONS; but it is 
 from GOVERNMENT alone, they can derive 
 their CLAIM to them, as RIGHTS. 
 
 I too well know already, and I fear 
 I mail experience it yet more fully, how 
 extremely difficult, it is fo far to over- 
 come men's PREPOSSESSIONS, much more, 
 to conquer their PREJUDICES, fo as to 
 make them, accurately, and clearly to dif- 
 cern, the GROUNDS and PRINCIPLES of 
 this reafoning; becaufe, from infancy they 
 learn, to conceive the practices, and prin- 
 ciples, which are molt common in a ftate of 
 government, and fociety, to have univer- 
 fally exifted, previous to that ftate. Few, 
 very few, being difpofed to give them- 
 
 felves
 
 ( 48 ) 
 
 felves the trouble of labouring up to the 
 fources of that NILE, from which, fuch 
 rules and praftifes fpring. Though even, a 
 poet, I mean, Horace, in his third fatirc, 
 might with the aid of a little of their own 
 reflection, have taught them better. The 
 paflage begins, " quum prorepferunt primi* 
 " animalia terris." The whole is too long 
 to tranfcribe, and I fhall therefore refer 
 you for the remainder, either to the book, 
 or to your own memory. 
 
 From thefe premifes, then, it necefia- 
 rily follows; that before^ we can with any 
 
 PROPRIETY, TALK of RIGHTS, WC muft 
 
 firft fuppofe, fome CLEAR and DEFINITE 
 RULE of aftion; by fome means, or other, 
 to EXIST. For, we can no more fay, 
 that any &Q. is RIGHT, or WRONG, with- 
 out the exiftence of a RULE of CONDUCT, 
 with which we can COMPARE it; than we 
 can fay, a thing is STRAIT or CROOKED, 
 without MEASURING it, by fome LINE, 
 
 either
 
 either fenfible, or imaginary. But in a 
 
 MERE STATE of NATURE, who has aUtho- 
 
 rity to lay down a rule; by an adherence 
 to which, or aberration from it, MEN'S 
 ACTIONS are to be denominated, either 
 RIGHT, or WRONG ? The mere fuppofition 
 of the exiftence of fuch an authority; is 
 totally irreconcileable with, contradictory, 
 and oppofite to the very ideas, which are 
 comprehended, under the words, " A STATE 
 
 " OF NATURE/' 
 
 For, where, fuch an authority is; there 
 likewife fame government is ; and, if, this 
 authority be in a {ingle man, whether it 
 be vefted in him by others, or ufurped 
 by himfelf, HE is a MONARCH. If it be 
 maintained, that though there may be no AU- 
 THORITY, to command obedience to them, 
 yet, SUCH RULES may be eftablifhed by 
 MUTUAL AGREEMENT. We may anfwer, 
 what does it avail, to lay down a rule, 
 or rules of conduct, which, no man, is 
 
 G COMPELLABLE
 
 COMPELLABLE tO OBEY; beCaufe, HO 
 
 has power to enforce them. For, if you 
 go on further, and fuppofe ; that they 
 may, by a mutual compact, determine to 
 PUNISH any, who tranfgrefs the rules, to 
 which they have agreed; you once more 
 return to a fuppofition, abfolutely repug- 
 nant, to the very idea of a Jlate of nature ,- 
 as this, likewife fuppofes a government to 
 ixijl ; the fpecies of which, is wholly po- 
 pular, or in fome meafure, partaking of 
 the republican, oligarchical, or ariftocrati- 
 cal forms. 
 
 What therefore, in a STATE OF XATURE, 
 can poflibly give the impulfe to men's ac- 
 tions, (the lawful authority of the parent, 
 and accidental compulfion of another ex- 
 cepted) but the FIRST PRINCIPLES of our 
 nature; our injlinH^ appetites^ defires, paf- 
 Jions ; and the conclujions of our reafon t as 
 to the choice , of the refpeftive indulgence 
 of them, in any particular cafe ? For the 
 
 fake
 
 ( 5' ) 
 
 fake of the RECTITUDE, of what RULE, 
 then, can men by any MOTIVE be indu- 
 ced, to FOREGO, their own indulgence in 
 any defire they can gratify ; though they 
 fliould even take from another, an objecl; 
 of gratification ; which had been ever fo 
 long in his poffeffion? 
 
 If fuch, be the natural, and equal free- 
 dom of all mankind ; it is abfurd, to talk 
 of rights, in fuch a ftate ; becaufe, it is 
 only a ftate of licence, to every man, to 
 do hurt to every man, where, his poiver 
 can fecond his inclination. 
 
 But, you Sir, and fome others, will per- 
 haps readily fay, that the queftion 1 have 
 afked, in the foregoing paragraph, is furely 
 very eafily refolved : even, without the 
 neceflity of fuppofing the exiftence of ANY 
 RULE, to direcl men, but merely, by that 
 very FACULTY of REASON; which I do 
 not deny, but even have admitted to exift, 
 in fuch a ftate. 
 
 G 2 I
 
 ( 5* ) 
 
 I am forry however, to fay, that fuch 
 an anfwer, would betray a total ignorance, 
 of the meaning of the PRINCIPAL TERM, 
 \vhich it contains. For, one would think, 
 as it is here employed, and as indeed, we 
 hear, and fee numbers, every day, apply- 
 ing it; that REASON was a weapon be- 
 ftowed upon us, by which, we can, at 
 finy time fubdue the inftinfts, defires, in- 
 clinations, and paflions of our nature ; like 
 a club, in the hand of a favage ; by 
 which, he may knock down, the beafts of 
 the foreft. Whereas in truth, the POWER 
 of REASON, as it relates to our conduct, 
 is nothing elfe, but that FACULTY, with 
 which, nature has endowed us, to COM- 
 PARE the feveral modes of pleafure, and 
 pain, with each other, which inftigate us 
 to a&ion ; and, fo to enable us, to difcern, 
 from memory of our paft experience, which 
 mode in every inftance, furpafles the reft; 
 or how each of which, exceeds the other, 
 in DURATION, and INTENSITY, COMBI- 
 NED.
 
 
 ( 53 ) 
 
 NED. When, we make this comparifon, then, 
 we are faid to reajon ; and, if we choofe, 
 the acquifition of that pleafure, or the 
 avoidance of that pain, which upon fuch 
 an eftimate, is, the greatejl ; we are faid 
 to have made a rational choice ; or, to aft 
 rationally. But, whilfl men then, have only 
 their inftinfts, appetites, and paflions, to 
 urge them on to aftion; when no moral 
 fcience exifts; when no law> nor rule of 
 aBion is inftituted, for the direction of 
 man's conduft; REASON is of no ufe to 
 man, but, to enable him, to choofe out 
 of thofe injlintts, appetites^ and pojjions t that, 
 to which in any particular cafe, he fhould 
 give the preference to follow; REASON 
 being furnifhed (in the cafe fuppofed) only 
 with the objefts of thofe inftin&s, &c. 
 out of which, it can direct the will to 
 choofe. 
 
 Thus for inflance, a man may indeed, 
 be fometimes reftrained, from forcibly feiz-
 
 ( 54 ) 
 
 ing fomething in the poffeflion of another, 
 by dread of the fuperior ftrength of the in- 
 dividual, at the moment of an open attack; 
 or deterred, from privately taking it away, 
 by fear of a fpeedy or a lingering RE- 
 VENGE. For, a STATE OF NATURE, is 
 only a CONTINUED fcene of CONTENTION, 
 from OPPOSING PASSIONS. 
 
 But then, though he may certainly here, 
 very properly be faid to rtafon ; yet, what 
 conJIUutes his reafoning, but, the making a 
 comparifon between the defired good, and 
 the apprehended evil ? And, what refults 
 from his reafoning in this cafe, or is the 
 conclufion of reafon, in refpeft to his con- 
 ducl in this particular inftance ? Nothing 
 but this,- that the aftion is better avoided, 
 becaufe, the probability of his incurring 
 pain by fuch an a&ion, is greater, than 
 the probability of the acquifition of plea- 
 fure : or, that the rijk of fuffering the 
 one, is a greater evil, than the chance of 
 
 enioyine the other, is a good. 
 
 Will
 
 < 55 ) 
 
 Will you then, Sir, who are not only 
 the difciple of Mr. Locke upon govern- 
 ment, but have profefied to receive HIS 
 OPINIONS as AXIOMS, maintain the EX- 
 ISTENCE of certain "INNATE MORAL 
 PRACTICAL PRINCIPLES?" You may per- 
 haps, advance fo far, in defence of that 
 fuppofition, and certainly with as much 
 conjijlency as Mr. Locke has gone, as to 
 fay, becaufe, HE has faid it; " that NO 
 " MAN, has a RIGHT over the LIFE or 
 "LIBERTY of another, or to hurt him in 
 " any refpecl; whatfoever, unlefs, that other, 
 "has done SOME HURT to him." 
 " 
 
 Thefe words, to be fure in themfelves, 
 are no bad founding -words; but WHAT is 
 their MEANING? Unlefs you can fhow, 
 that the man himfelf, has a RIGHT to his 
 LIFE and LIBERTY in a ftate, where, NO 
 
 LAWS for GOVERNING OUr PASSIONS CX- 
 
 ift ? For otherwife, they contain only this 
 identical proportion; that the one man has 
 
 certainly 

 
 .'( 56 ) 
 
 Certainly NO RIGHT to take them 
 becaufe, NO RIGHT of ANY KIND WHAT- 
 SOEVER, EXISTS. But it is as certain, 
 therefore, that the other upon this ground, 
 can PLEAD NO RIGHT to KEEP them, and 
 confequently, that though the other, inflifts 
 pain, he does NO WRONG IN TAKING 
 
 THEM AWAY. 
 
 But, even to make out the PROOF of 
 this RIGHT, on the one part, and the 
 WRONG on the other, you perhaps may 
 think to be a moft eafy tafk. For, fo 
 early, was fuch a notion, inftilled into us 
 at firft, and fo continually has it been 
 inculcated into us ever fince, that I doubt 
 not, but many, who do not deem it to be 
 an innate notion, think it to be a felf- 
 evident propofition. You will probably there- 
 fore, think it fufficient to fay, that a man's 
 LIFE and LIBERTY are HIS RIGHTS, 
 becaufe they are HIS; they are HIS OWN; 
 they are HIS PROPERTY; he is in POS- 
 SESSION
 
 ( 57 ) 
 
 SESSION of them; they can not be TA- 
 KEN from him WITHOUT FORCE; becaufe, 
 NATURE has GIVEN them to him, and a 
 thoufand fuch expreffions, with which we 
 find the advocates for the natural rights of 
 men adorned ; flrung together like the bead- 
 ed ornaments of favages, which, like them 
 too, have only an accidental junction, but 
 no natural coherence. 
 
 For, Sir, the queftion ftill returns, where, 
 is the intermediate fropojition, or definition, 
 which makes RIGHT and POSSESSION in 
 this cafe, fynonimous terms. NATURE has 
 given trees, and ftones, pofleflion, of fome 
 part of the ground; but is a man guilty 
 of any violation of the RIGHTS of thofe 
 objects, when he cuts down a tree, or, for- 
 tes a Jlont to afcendy contrary to it's- nature, 
 into the air. 
 
 But thefe, perhaps you will fay, are 
 
 cafes totally diffimilar, becaufe there is NO 
 
 H PAIN
 
 ( 53 ) 
 
 PAIN produced, in Jepriving the latter, of 
 what nature gave them ; as there is in the 
 former cafe fuppofed. True Sir. Why fup- 
 pofe then, that a man in a ftate of nature, 
 fees an horfe, or a deer, or both, run- 
 ning wild ; and by fome ftratagem he catch- 
 es them : he certainly immediately deprives 
 them both of their liberty. Suppofe then 
 further, that he keeps the one as his flave, 
 to lighten his own labour, or, to give 
 him pleafure ; and that he kills the other for 
 food, to gratify his appetite of hunger. Will 
 you be fo good, as to tell me, whether he 
 does wrong? If, you, and 1 can be once con- 
 vinced, that he does, I am fure, that neither 
 of us, (hall, ever again tafte any meat, nor 
 ever more mount on horfeback, whatever 
 mortification, from the abftinence, we might 
 fuftain. Now, Sir, in this cafe, there is 
 PAIN produced, as well as in the cafe be- 
 fore fuppofed ; and the horfe 's, and deer's 
 lives, and liberties, were as much theirs, 
 as^ much their own, as much their proper-
 
 ( 59 ) 
 
 ty, they were as much in pojj~ e jfin of 
 them, they had them as much from na- 
 ture, as the man had his. If then, for 
 theft reafons, life and liberty were the 
 MAN'S NATURAL RIGHTS, why are they 
 not equally the NATURAL RIGHTS of the 
 horfe and the deer, the wolf and the 
 lamb, the fox and the chicken, the dog 
 and the cat; and why is it therefore not 
 as WRONG, to kill even a MOUSE, as a 
 MAN ? Be fo good, as to forget for a 
 moment, that you ever read the BOOK of 
 GENESIS, and then fhow me, by what Jin- 
 gle principle, or concatenation of propofitions, 
 it follows, that a MAN has a RIGHT to 
 every thing, which nature gave, of which 
 the deprivation, would give him pain. 
 I muft once more tell you, that I mean, 
 PRIOR to every injlitution of laws, and go- 
 vernment. 
 
 For a man to fay, that as I mould 
 
 feel pain myfelf in fuch a cafe, therefore, 
 
 H a 1
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 I will not inflift the pain upon another, 
 but will rather fuffer the pain, or incon- 
 venience, I mall myfelf fuftain, from not 
 gratifying my defire, to take away his life 
 5md liberty ; would be very excellently hu- 
 mane, and benevolent reafoning, and would 
 apply to all beings, endowed with Jenfation. 
 But this proves not the RIGHT of the 
 ANIMAL, or of the ONE MAN, but only 
 
 the FORBEARANCE of the OTHER. 
 
 Again, fuppofe he mould fay, that I am 
 fo conftituted by nature, that I can not 
 give pain to another fenfitive being, with- 
 out the rebound of fome pain upon myfelf; 
 therefore I will not be the caufe of 
 pain to others? This would certainly evince 
 in him, great fympathy and companion. 
 But his conduft then would not be found- 
 ed, upon any fenfe of the RIGHTS of 
 OTHERS, but upon SELF-LOVE, arifing from 
 the confideration of his own fufceptibility 
 to pain, under fuch particular circumnan- 
 
 ces.
 
 ces. ' But fuppofe, his defire of fome gra-r 
 tification, which he would enjoy, in con- 
 fequence of his depriving another of his 
 life and liberty, fully to overbalance that 
 pain, which is the offspring of compaflion, 
 what would then remain, to rejlrain him? 
 
 And as I am at prefent, in the inter^ 
 rogatory humour of Socrates, I muft beg 
 leave to afk further, WHAT CONSTITUTES 
 it MORE the RIGHT of ONE man, to enjoy 
 the pleafures, refulting from the LIFE and 
 LIBERTY, which nature gave him, than of 
 the OTHER, to enjoy the PLEASURE, which 
 refults from the gratification of his DE- 
 SIRES; which, nature likewife gave him? 
 The queftion therefore, ftill remains unan- 
 fwered. And indeed, could IT be fatisfac- 
 torily anfwered, this is on]y a leading quefti- 
 on, to that, which is the precife one in 
 the inftance, I have fuppofed, and quoted 
 from Mr. Locke. For in that, the SAME 
 .MAN is. in two different cafes, in pofleffion 
 
 of
 
 ( 62 ) 
 
 of his lift and liberty. In the one of which, 
 the man is conceived to have fuffered no 
 hurt from the other; in the other cafe, 
 he is fuppofed, to have received one. The 
 real queftion therefore is, and I beg you 
 will particularly obferve it, WHAT CON- 
 STITUTES HIS RIGHT tO KEEP his life 
 
 and liberty, where he has done the other 
 NO HURT; and what CONSTITUTES the 
 RICHT of the other, to TAKE THEM AWAY, 
 where, he has ? 
 
 For my own part, Sir, I have thought 
 long and much upon it ; and can find 
 no leading idea, no feparating, nor con- 
 necting principle in the two cafes. And 
 as I am not prone, to take a propofition 
 for granted, becaufe, another man, what- 
 ever may be his reputation, affirms it; 
 I muft beg, as the condition, of my af- 
 fent, even to a propofition of Mr. Locke's, 
 neither his, nor your WORDS; but either 
 your's, or fome other perfon's .bond of 
 
 PROOF.
 
 ( 63 ) 
 
 PROOF. I can however afiure you, that 
 in vain will you fearch for one, in the 
 works of Grotius, Puff-cndorf, Barbeyrac, Bur- 
 lamaqui> or, of any later writer upon go- 
 vernment. 
 
 In vain likewife, will you, or even any 
 fociety in this kingdom, however large in 
 numbers, or dignified in rank and abilities, 
 addrefs the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY of France 
 for inftruclion, upon this moft fundamen- 
 tal point. They, having already publifhed, 
 in their declaration of rights, all they know, 
 upon this fubjeQ;; and which has with 
 high encomiums, been more than once moft 
 feduloufly difleminated, throughout the king- 
 dom. To thofe indeed, who love to walk 
 in a mift, becaufe, the vapours, by con- 
 founding the outlines of things, ferve to 
 magnify the objecls ; their declaration mirft 
 be moft highly, and moft gratefully ac- 
 ceptable. For do but attend once more, 
 Sir, to what I do not doubt, you have often 
 
 before
 
 ( 64 ) 
 
 before read ; I mean this declaration of right ^ 
 which we are informed, holds out to the 
 world, " inJlruBion> of great confequence to 
 " civil government^ zi\d founded -upon GREAT 
 Cf AUTHORITY, being agreed to by the NA- 
 " TIONAL ASSEMBLY of France t and fane- 
 " tioncd by the KING." I will only detain 
 you, by tranfcribing, TWO of thefe "Jimplc 
 " and incontejlible principles" as they have 
 been called, and making a (hort comment 
 upon them, they having the moft intimate 
 connection with the queflion, now before 
 us, and befides having had the high ho- 
 nour, of being feletted, to form a bajis, for 
 the reft. 
 
 " Men were BORN, and ALWAYS CON- 
 " TINUE FREE, and EQUAL, in refpeft of 
 "their RIGHTS: civil diftinclion THERE- 
 " FORE," (which miift render men unfree, 
 and unequal) " can be founded only on 
 " PUBLIC UTILITY," (which is to fay there- 
 fore in other -words, that thefc natural rights 
 
 If
 
 ( 65 ) 
 
 vf men, art incompatible, with PUBLIC UTI- 
 LITY.) 
 
 "The end of all POLITICAL aflbciations, 
 
 " IS the PRESERVATION of the NATURAL 
 
 "and IMPRESCRIPTIBLE RIGHTS of man ;" 
 (which therefore according to the foregoing de- 
 claration,- civil diJlinftionSy for the Jake of PUB- 
 LIC UTILITY, take away) and thofe RIGHTS, 
 are LIBERTY, PROPERTY, SECURITY, and 
 RESISTANCE of OPPRESSION. But all thefe 
 imprefcriptible rights as they are called t the 
 very injlitution of government^ and of laws, 
 is intended to PRESCRIBE. 
 
 OH LEPIDUM CAPUT! 
 
 That the end, of all political ajjociations, 
 is to preferve to men, liberty, property, 
 fecurity, and refiftance of oppreffion, to a 
 certain degree y and not to deftroy them, as 
 the national ajjembly has done, is indeed 
 true ; and will be prefently proved. But, 
 this is, by CONSTITUTING them to BE 
 
 I the
 
 ( 66 ) 
 
 the RIGHTS of men, under a ftate of go- 
 vernment, which, were NOT RIGHTS, in a 
 Jlate of nature. 
 
 Thefe felf taught legiflators therefore 
 you fee, hold not out to you, the leaft af- 
 fiflance towards the folution of this almoft 
 Sphinxian jnigma t with which you are 
 puzzled. For the national ajfcmbly, you find, 
 an aflembly of pkilofiphers, undoubtedly as 
 they are, have certainly adopted the eafieft, 
 though not that, which either Plato, or 
 Ariflotle would have thought the bejl mode 
 of inftruftion, the taking, I mean, a pro- 
 pofition for granted, inftead of proving it. 
 
 Yet, fo licentious are our public prints 
 become, as to maintain, for I lately my- 
 felf read the aflertion in the news-papers, 
 that the framer of this luminous DECLA- 
 RATION, OF RIGHTS, is undoubtedly the 
 WISEST MAN in FRANCE. Ought not fuch 
 calumniators to be punimed, for publishing 
 
 fo
 
 fo fcandalous a LIBEL on the UNDER- 
 STANDINGS, of THE WHOLE FRENCH 
 
 NATION. 
 
 Having now fpun out the thread Of this 
 epiftle, as I truft, to a reafonable length, 
 and having propofed to you, a fubje6l beft 
 fitted for the retirement of yout ftudy, 
 and the filence of meditation ; it will I 
 apprehend, be moft proper, here to con- 
 clude this letter. For, would but the ge- 
 nerality of authors, change their hours al- 
 lotted to reading and to thinking, into the 
 inverfe ratio of that, which they moft com- 
 monly bear to each other ; the world 
 would foon be delivered from thofe great 
 evils, great books. And ftudents then, at 
 once receiving the precious ore, pure and 
 defecated, would no longer either fweat 
 under the fatigue of clearing away the drofs, 
 or be covered, or choked with it's duft. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 Yours, &c. 
 
 I 2 LETTER
 
 LETTER IV. 
 
 SlR x 
 
 r TH HOUGH I have often maintained, and 
 muft always think, that how much 
 foever a man may BELIEVE, he can never 
 poflibly KNOW any thing, of which, he has 
 NEVER DOUBTED; yet as I am alfo per- 
 fuaded, that a conftant ftate of fcepticifm, 
 is the worft of all the chronic maladies, 
 which can afflict the human mind; I am 
 now eager to offer myfelf as your phyfici- 
 an, to deliver you from that irkfome ftate, 
 in which I left you, at the conclufion of 
 my laft letter. For, though fome portion, 
 or potion, of fcepticifm, is fometimes as 
 neceflary to keep the mind in a conftant 
 
 habit
 
 habit of health and vigour, as a cathartic 
 is fometimes beneficial to the body ; yet, 
 fcepticifm, which is, as it were, a mental 
 diarrhoea, muft like the bodily one, infalli- 
 bly end in debility, and diflblution. I 
 hope however, this allufion will not give 
 offence, either to your delicacy, or to the 
 nice olfaclory fenfes of others, in this re- 
 fined age. Becaufe, I muft confefs, that 
 'till a new art of criticifm be written, I 
 cannot difcover, either high or low, why 
 mean allufions are not as properly fuited 
 to low things ; as the lojticjl fimilitudes, 
 are to the higheft fubjecls. 
 
 Now Sir, though I can not poflibly at- 
 tempt to fhow you, why LIFE and LI- 
 BERTY are more the NATURAL RIGHTS 
 of MEN, than of HORSES, and where that 
 intermediate idea exifts, which makes them 
 fo, after which, we have been fo long 
 enquiring, but have never found; yet I 
 can very eafily find, and inform you of 
 
 the
 
 the miftake, which led Mr. Locke into 
 this maze of error. A difcovery, certain- 
 ly next in it's importance, to the difco- 
 very of the objeft itfelf. Becaufe it will 
 fave mankind in future, from the fruitlefs 
 labour, of darkly and ignorantly hunting 
 round and round, in fearch of an ob- 
 jefcT:, which has no exiftence; and the 
 difpute, upon NATURAL RIGHTS, will no 
 longer ofcillate, upon a mere fluctuating 
 argument ad ignorantiam ; but, will be 
 fixed for ever, upon the immoveable point 
 of real fcience. 
 
 That fome men in a Jlatc of nature^ 
 WOULD indeed take away another's life and 
 liberty, in ONE of the cafes fuppofed by 
 Mr. Locke, who would not do it in the 
 other; is a clear and indifputable faft. 
 But, that they would do this, without ei- 
 ther knowing or thinking about NATURAL 
 RIGHTS, is infinitely more evident, than 
 any of his axioms to which you fo readi-
 
 ( 7' ) 
 
 ly give your aflent, and, which you deem 
 it criminal in others, to doubt. 
 
 For the NATURE of MAN is so CON- 
 STITUTED, that the paflions of ANGER, 
 HATRED, and REVENGE, naturally fpring 
 up in him, upon any attempt of another, 
 either to inflict upon him any pain, or to 
 deprive him of any pleafure, is likewife 
 certain beyond contradiction. But, if THESE 
 be the MOTIVES of HIS aftion, in the 
 cafe fuppofed, who has really SUFFERED 
 PAIN from another; then, he NO MORE 
 deprives that other of his LIFE and LI- 
 BERTY, from a SENSE of RIGHT, than 
 the OTHER, inflifled the PRIOR PAIN upon 
 THAT PRINCIPLE; BOTH afting EQUAL- 
 LY from their paflions or appetites. The 
 one perhaps, to acquire a pleafure not 
 before poflefled, the other to gratify re- 
 venge for a lofs fuftained. 
 
 No doubt, wife, is the provifion of na- 
 ture, by which we are furniftied with fuch 
 
 a
 
 a paffion, as REVENGE, though the 
 cife of it, often brings great evils upon 
 mankind. But, equally wife likewife, is 
 that provifion, of nature, which furnifhes 
 us with other PASSIONS and DESIRES; 
 which produce alfo many evils, by urging 
 men to wifh for, and to attempt to take 
 away the pofleffions of others. But, so 
 FAR are the PASSIONS THEMSELVES, or 
 even the refpettive STRENGTH of different 
 paflions, FROM CONSTITUTING a RIGHT 
 to THAT, which they prompt us to defire, 
 that in order for the very BIRTH and 
 
 ESTABLISHMENT of RIGHTS; RULES Or 
 
 LAWS, are made to SUBDUE the ONE, and 
 to CONSTITUTE the other, which laws, are not 
 the offspring of PASSION, but of REASON. 
 And the PRINCIPLE which furnifhes men 
 with the power of reafoning upon this 
 point, and drawing out deductions, is the CON- 
 CLUSION, which experience has taught them, 
 from the endurance of pafl evils, of the 
 utility, and even NECESSITY there is, for 
 
 the
 
 ( 73 ) 
 
 the inftitution of a government, and the 
 cftablifhment of laws, fo as to conftitute 
 it, the RIGHT of a GOVERNOR, to PUNISH 
 any one, who HURTS another; in order 
 to PREVENT the aftual EXERCISE of that 
 VERY PASSION, by which, Mr. Loch 
 fays, every man has a RIGHT to PUNISH 
 another, and in confequence of which, the 
 life of man had been, but one continued 
 fcene of reciprocal infli&ion, and fuflfering 
 of wounds, pain, and death. 
 
 In a country indeed, where, the WILL of 
 GOD had been made known to the in- 
 habitants, dire&ly by REVELATION, or 
 where, by a revelation to one nation, 
 fome knowledge of it had been transfufed 
 to another by tradition, not only of the 
 exiftence of a God, and fome religious 
 worfhip or other, which moft countries 
 have; but likewife, of HIS WILL, with 
 regard to MEN'S CONDUCT to EACH OTHER, 
 which, all people in a STATE OF 
 K NATURE
 
 ( 74 ) 
 
 NATURE, muft have been always ignoranfj 
 without the ineftimable benefit, either of 
 fuch a revelation, or fuch a tradition, 
 THEY might indeed have CONCEIVED and 
 TALKED of RIGHTS, and had a ground- 
 work, upon which, they might have plead- 
 ed them. But, if inftead of imagining 
 cafes, which never exifted, but in fome 
 few particular inftances, we have recourfc 
 to true hiftory, and real faft, we mail 
 learn, that the FIRST RIGHTS known to 
 men, are thofe, which had their origin, 
 from Jome fpecits of GOVERNMENT, however 
 imperfeft it might be ; and it follows there- 
 fore as a confequence, that government is 
 not founded upon PRIOR RIGHTS; but 
 that IT only, actually by LAWS, delivered 
 either orally, or in writing, CONVERTS 
 
 THOSE POSSESSIONS INTO PROPERTY, and 
 
 IJ^TO RIGHTS; which, had before no 
 OTHER TENURE, than that uncertain and 
 precarious one, which was at all times, 
 fubject to DISSOLUTION from the LUSTS, 
 
 APPETITES,
 
 ( 75 ) 
 
 APPETITES, STRENGTH, VIOLENCE, and 
 TORCE of OTHERS. 
 
 Harrafled and fatigued, with fo mifera- 
 ble a ftate of exiftence, as this, o r 
 NATURE, efpecially, when men having for- 
 faken the hunting and fifhing ftates, were 
 brought into a nearer intercourfe with each 
 other, by paftoral, and agricultural occu- 
 pations, they refolved to terminate it, by 
 fearching out fome remedy, againft the 
 continuance of thefe evils. This they ef- 
 fecled, ^r/?, perhaps by providing a fecu- 
 rity againft the external violence, they 
 fuftained from other men, whofe huts, or 
 habitations, were at fome diftance from 
 them ; and who would frequently by fur- 
 prife, in one night, extirpate, or enflave, 
 almoft all the inhabitants of a wide ex- 
 tended diftri6t. Secondly, likewife, to guard 
 themfelves from the equally bad confe- 
 quences, which arofe from the more fre- 
 quent evils, produced by the unreftrained 
 K 2 exercife
 
 cxercife of the paflions, of thofe, who lived 
 in a clofer vicinity with each other. From 
 thefe flight fketches, the firft rude frame 
 of a government was formed. Some by- 
 choice determining, and others, by necef- 
 fity being compelled, to fubmit to the 
 government, or controul, of fome one 
 man to direct them; who was either fe- 
 lefted by others, or who having from fome 
 caufe or other, acquired fuch authority 
 amongft them, that they quietly fubmitted 
 to his aflumption of the rule, and com- 
 mand over them. 
 
 From thefe PREMISES, then, it NECES- 
 SARILY FOLLOWS, that the office of the 
 governor, was, by uniting them in a body, 
 to lead them out to war, to repel the 
 attacks of diftant enemies ; and by laying 
 down laws, for the regulation of their 
 conduct, and by the power of punifhment, 
 intruded in his hands, to deter all the 
 members of the feveral families, which by 
 
 their
 
 ( 77 ) 
 
 their union, formed the ftate, from inter- 
 rupting each other, in the USE and PEACE- 
 ABLE ENJOYMENT, of their RESPECTIVE 
 
 ACQUISITIONS, except in fuch cafes, as 
 the governor thought neceffary for the 
 public good. 
 
 Such were the views, without doubt, 
 with which men aflbciated together, and 
 fuch were the ends, which they propofed. 
 
 They, certainly did NOT unite into fo- 
 ciety, and form a government, for the 
 
 purpofe of ACTING WITHOUT RESTRAINT, 
 
 according to the volitions , and determinations 
 of their own paffions t inclinations, caprice, 
 or fancy y or even the CONCLUSIONS, or 
 EAC\H MAN'S SEPARATE REASON. For on 
 the contrary, the very purpofe of their 
 aifociating together, was to ESCAPE FROM 
 
 THE EVILS OF SUCH A STATE, where, 
 ALL WERE MISERABLE, FROM EACH MAN*S 
 ACTING ACCORDING TO HIS OWN WILL, 
 
 WITHOUT
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 WITHOUT THE CURB OF SOME COMMON 
 
 CONTROU L. But, they united into fociety, and 
 formed a GOVERNMENT, by giving authority 
 
 TO ONE MAN, tO PREVENT the EXERCISE 
 OF SUCH FREE-WILL, and tO PROVIDE 
 
 SUCH A CONTROUL; by COMPELLING THEM 
 
 tO SUBMIT tO fuch GENERAL LAWS, as H I S 
 
 REASON fhould devife, and HIS POVVF.R 
 
 ihould enforce. 
 
 i 
 
 From the foregoing reafoning, then the 
 CONCLUSION is EVIDENT ; that if any ONE, 
 or any NUMBER of individuals, fet up 
 (in fuch government as that, whofe for- 
 mation I have been defcribing) HIS, or 
 THEIR wills, in OPPOSITION to the WILL 
 of the LEGISLATOR, HE or THEY are 
 
 GUILTY Of the GREATEST of ALL Crimes, 
 
 they can poffibly commit. Becaufe, it is 
 a crime, which diflblves at once, the whole 
 cement of fociety, and fnaps afunder by 
 violence, all the bonds of government, 
 which tend to fecure to the \WHOLE, 
 
 PEACE
 
 ( 79 ) f 
 
 PEACE and TRANQUI LITY. For OPPO- 
 SITION to the WILL of the LEGISLATOR, 
 tends to drive them back, to that MISE- 
 RABLE STATE OF, NATURE, from which, 
 
 they gladly fled to GOVERNMENT, as to 
 a REFUGE and an ASYLUM. And hence 
 it was, that Socrates, who was efteemed 
 in Greece, as the wifeft of the fons of 
 men, however he may be now defpifed by 
 the philofophers of modern days, fubmitted 
 chearfully to die, in obedience to the laws, of 
 A tyrannic republic, as fuch there may be, how- 
 ever ftrange, fuch a notion may appear to 
 modern politicians. For notwithftanding he 
 was unjuftly condemned by his judges, he was 
 nobly inflexible to all the entreaties, and great 
 and generous pains, taken by his friends, 
 to perfuade him to efcape. To the ho- 
 nour of Athens however, it ought ever to 
 be remembered, that foon after his death, 
 the citizens were fincerely forry, and truly 
 penitent, for the injuftice and cruelty, with 
 which they had treated him; having been 
 
 feduced
 
 ( 8" ) 
 
 feduccd by the fiimfy, but cruel mifre- 
 prefentations of a comic wit, the mean 
 envy, or ftill meaner felf-intereft of elo- 
 quent fophifts. The contagious corruption 
 of a turbulent faclion, and the furious 
 phrenzy of a popular afiembly. 
 
 It was then, from the injlilution of a 
 government, that there firjl arofe in thofe, 
 who had not the WILL of GOD revealed 
 to them, IDEAS of RIGHTS and WRONGS, 
 of OBLIGATION and DUTY, of MERIT and 
 DEMERIT, between men in general, who 
 were not bound to each other, by the li- 
 gaments of nature. By thofe ligaments I 
 mean, the injlinfts, and affettions of the 
 mind, which reciprocally bind parents to 
 children, hufbands to wives, brothers to 
 fillers, friends to friends, and in general, 
 the perfon obliged to his benefa&or. Thefe 
 AFFECTIONS indeed, muft in SOME DEGREE, 
 ALWAYS exift in every ftate of human 
 nature; whether they be, or be not under 
 
 any
 
 any government; though, even thefe feelings^ 
 are very faint and imperfeft, 'till the 
 bridle by which government curbs our 
 hoftile defires, has fubdued and broken 
 the other unruly panions of our nature, 
 taught men to move in certain regular 
 and fettled paces, and thus given an op- 
 portunity to the gentler and fofter incli- 
 nations, to form themfelves by HABIT, 
 INTO AFFECTIONS; which, were at firft, 
 ' only EMOTIONS. 
 
 For it is furely very evident, that till 
 fome rules of action, in the manner I have 
 ftated, were prefcribed,< there could be no 
 
 MEASURE Of the RECTITUDE, Or DEVI- 
 ATION of men's actions. For there could 
 be no RIGHT in one man to ANY POS- 
 SESSION, 'till fome rule had conftituted it 
 fo, by forbidding and preventing others, 
 from giving him any moleftadon in the 
 enjoyment of it. There could be NO DU- 
 TIES, (except the reciprocal ones I have 
 L before
 
 ( 82 ) 
 
 before mentioned) 'till there was SOM 
 OBLIGATION; and there could be, NO 
 
 OBLIGATION, 'till, there Was SOME ONE, 
 
 who had a TOWER by fome motive, to 
 OBLIGE another to do an aft; and 'till 
 there was another, -who was OBLIGED by 
 that motive, to OBEY. Men could be 
 entitled to NO MERIT, nor DEMERIT 
 from their conduct, 'till, there was fome 
 LAW, in confequence of which, they were 
 by a NON-COMPLIANCE, with it, ENTI- 
 TLED to BLAME, or fome OTHER PU- 
 NISHMENT; or which, by holding out 
 REWARDS, as the confequence of a CON- 
 FORMITY with it, ENTITLED them to, or 
 made them MERIT, or DESERVE praife, or 
 fome other reward. Yet evident as fuch a 
 conclufion, muft be to every mind, habi- 
 tuated to deep thought; what admired fyf- 
 tems, of what -is called, PHILOSOPHY have 
 we fecn, which place the exiftence of the 
 ideas annexed to thefe words, for want of 
 an accurate analyfis of their meaning, an- 
 terior,
 
 terior, though certainly they are fubfequent 
 to the formation of all laws, rules of 
 actions, rewards, and punifhments. And 
 thus it happens, that many a fair, fplcn- 
 did, and beautiful fyftem, when the mean- 
 ing of the words, which form the funda- 
 mental propofition of the whole fabric, are 
 fo examined as to be clearly afcertained, 
 tumble into pieces, and leaves it's frag- 
 ments, as fome memorial of it's author's 
 genius, but, at the fame time, of his fruitlefs 
 labour, and his mifapplied application. 
 
 THESE are the PRINCIPLES then, from 
 which originates the RIGHT of the GO- 
 VERNOR to COMMAND; and, alfo the DUTY 
 of the GOVERNED to OBEY. To the for- 
 mer, in the cafe I have juft ftated, as 
 their LEGISLATOR, they have entrufted, 
 not only the POWER, but the RIGHT of 
 JUDGING for them, what aftions each 
 man is to perform, fo as to acl confiftent- 
 ly with the GENERAL GOOD of the whole. 
 L 2 Arid
 
 ( 84 ) 
 
 And this too without any contract, dire& 
 or implied, any ftipulation, or condition 
 of any RESISTANCE whatsoever, in any 
 cafe whatfoever, when any number, few 
 or many, the minority, or majority, fhould 
 happen to think differently from the le- 
 giflator, and not deem a law conducive 
 to private, or public good. A truft which 
 however LIABLE TO ABUSE, arofe, from 
 men's experience of the evils, which they 
 fuftained, whilft EACH individual aBed ac- 
 cording to the PRIVATE determination of 
 his OWN WILL. 
 
 If therefore, the fubj efts attempt, by FORCE 
 to defend themfelves, from fubmiffion to the 
 governor's authority, they certainly can not 
 plead any RIGHT to do it, but are JUSTLY 
 faid, to REBEL, or to MAKE WAR again; 
 and the governor, has confequently a RIGHT 
 to SUBDUE them by a fuperior force, for 
 invading HIS RIGHT, and every OTHER 
 SHAN'S RIGHT, as a member of the fociety. 
 
 For
 
 For fuch a refiftance, is an attempt to 
 DISSOLVE and ANNIHILATE the GOVERN- 
 MENT itfelf; and to involve their fellow 
 fubjefts once more, in all the ANARCHY, 
 MISERY and CONFUSION, which attend 
 upon A STATE OF NATURE. An attempt, 
 which not only conftitutes a FOLLY of the 
 greateft magnitude; but a CRIME .hkewife 
 of the deepeft dye. For, that one acl of 
 criminality, which tends to pluck up the 
 whole happinefs, and exiftence of the fo- 
 ciety by the roots, muft neceflarily IM- 
 PLICATE in it's PERPETRATION, tllC 
 UNITED FLAGITIOUSNESS of EVERY OTHER. 
 CRIME. 
 
 If, the truth of thefe premifes be deni- 
 ed, and I well know, that, on account 
 of men's prepojjejjions t and prejudices, they 
 will with the utmoft difficulty be admitted; 
 let fuch, however reflect a moment upon 
 the abfurdity, in which, they necelFarily 
 involve themfelves. For from the denial 
 
 of
 
 ( 86 ) 
 
 of thefe principles, it will follow, that NO 
 
 INSTITUTION Of GOVERNMENT Can POS- 
 SIBLY SUBSIST. As the very DEFINITION 
 
 Of the WORD, " GOVERNMENT," IMPLIES, 
 
 and confequently, the very ESSENCE of 
 the THING, MUST CONSIST, in the PEO- 
 PLE'S SUBMISSION, to the authority of 
 ONE or MORE PERSONS; as it's DIFFE- 
 RENT FORMS, may happen to VARY. 
 Which is the fame as to fay, in other 
 words, that ALL the other members of the 
 community, are BOUND to SUBMIT to 
 HIS or THEIR JUDGMENT, as to what 
 general laws are to be made, to direft 
 each individual, what aftions he is to per- 
 form, for the GOOD of the SOCIETY. 
 
 If then, the legiflafure, JJwidd enact fucb 
 laws, as any number of them, even MUCH 
 MORE than the MAJORITY, may in their 
 own opinion, think have a direci contra- 
 ry tendency; they can have no RIGHT, 
 nor LEGAL means of oppofing them, ex- 
 cept
 
 
 ccpt it may be by an humble reprefen- 
 tation, of their own opinions. But, if the 
 laws be not repealed in confequence of 
 fuch a petition, nothing is left to the pe- 
 titioners, but either quietly to acquiefce, 
 in the determination of the legiflature, or 
 to withdraw themfelves from that ftate, and 
 put themfelves under the protection of 
 another. For they, can not poflibly fet 
 forth any RIGHT whatfoever, on which, 
 they can build any CLAIM to OPPOSE the 
 laws by FORCE; becaufe, SUCH a CLAIM 
 would be a DEMOLITION of the, WHOLE 
 COMPACT of fociety; which is, that the 
 fubjecls agreed to SUBMIT tq the will and 
 
 JUDGMENT of the LEGISLATURE; NOT, 
 
 that the GOVERNOR'S and LEGISLATOR'S 
 will, fhould fubmit to THEIRS. 
 
 As thefe principles, Sir, however mani- 
 feftly true, or evidently beautiful they may 
 be, in themfelves, or however good, and 
 wholeibme may be their fruits, (for ac- 
 
 cording
 
 ( 88 ) 
 
 fording to the platonic philosophy t 
 BEAUTY, and GOOD, are ONE) yet, as I 
 am afraid, that they will notwithftanding, 
 feem very unpalatable, to you, I fhall by 
 terminating this letter, once more leave 
 you time, to chew upon them the cud 
 of reflection. 
 
 I need not, I dare to fay, to afiure 
 you, that they will never be clearly com- 
 prehended by any one ; 'till he has learn- 
 ed ACCURATELY to diftinguifh, between the 
 fruc and vulgar application of WORDS to 
 THINGS; and is able to place the IDEAS 
 DIVESTED of THE WORDS, in their natural 
 fhapes, colours and dimenfions, before the 
 orbit , and pupil of his INTELLECT. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 Yours, &c. 
 
 LETTER
 
 89 
 
 LETTER v. 
 
 T Have now, given you an opportunity 
 of taking what time you pleafe, for 
 concofting the FIRST PRINCIPLES OF ALL 
 GOVERNMENT; \$ t fatiety occafioned by the 
 difhes, which Mr. Locke had ferved up 
 upon this occafion, has not excited in you, 
 fuch an antipathy, as to produce an aver- 
 fion even to their tafte. 
 
 Thefe principles, are certainly not fafhi- 
 onable; and therefore not being popular, 
 can not at prefent, be of any ufe to any 
 
 M artiji,
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 artijl, in book-making; except, by the op- 
 portunity they afford of manufacturing fome 
 warci for fale, in ofp-fiiion to them. For 
 when once an age is enlightened by the 
 fplendor of book-making, and has imbibed 
 it's genuine fpirit; the merit of a work 
 muft always be eftimated, according to 
 the valuation of Hudibras, who afks, 
 
 For -what is -worth in any thing? 
 then anfwers, 
 
 But fo much money as 'twill bring. 
 
 But whether YOU will with all the pertina- 
 city of bigotry, refolve to adhere to whatever 
 Mr. Locke has told, for he certainly has 
 not taught it, you; either by a refufal of 
 further examination, and a maintenance of 
 it againft conviction; or, will begin to think 
 with Socrates, that there is no feafon of 
 a man's life, too late for the acquifition 
 of frefh knowledge, by exploring and 
 fearching after truth, to whatever diftance, 
 the invefligation may lead; is yours to 
 
 choofe,
 
 ( 9* ) 
 
 choofe, not mine to diftate. But, if you 
 be difpofed to make fuch an enquiry, that 
 nothing may be omitted by me, which may 
 at all tend to facilitate your progrefs: I 
 ihall beg leave, now, to remove TWO OB- 
 JECTIONS; which might perhaps otherwife, 
 not only obftruft you in your road, but 
 <even, perhaps, prevent your acquifition, of 
 the object of your purfuit. 
 
 For, you may poflibly imagine, in the 
 FIRST place, that, what I have afiigned, 
 as the VERY FIRST principles of ALL GO- 
 VERNMENT, can at moft, be only the SE- 
 CONDARY proportions, founded upon feme, 
 which were either prior to them in ex- 
 iftence ; or which, though pofterior, as to 
 difcovery, either fuperfede them by their 
 importance, or deftroy them by their con- 
 trariety. 
 
 SECONDLY, you may perhaps conceive, 
 
 that however clear, and evident, the truth of 
 
 M 2 thofe
 
 ( 9* ) 
 
 thofe PRINCIPLES, which I have advanced, 
 appear to be; yet, they muft neceffarily be 1U 
 mited in their extent, to a certain degree. For 
 you will probably urge, that if we trace out 
 the conclufions, which unavoidably follow from 
 them, it is neceffary, that we fhould rcjcft 
 the principles, in their utmojl latitude; from 
 fear, of the danger, which would refult 
 from their CONSEQUENCES. As you will 
 perhaps, under this Jecond head, aflert, that 
 upon thefe principles, OBEDIENCE, is as 
 much due to the WORST, as to the BEST 
 government in the world, which, YOU will 
 deem to be abfurd : and that the cruelleft 
 afts, of the moft DESPOTIC TYRANT, are 
 to be by them JUSTIFIED, upon the ground 
 of RIGHT; which you will juftly condemn 
 as IMMORAL. 
 
 As tO the FORMER OBJECTION, it IS 
 
 certainly founded upon PROPOSITIONS, 
 which, have occafioned all the difficulty, 
 
 confufion,
 
 ( 93 ) 
 
 eonfufion, and perplexity, in which the 
 MATURE of government, has been hitherto 
 involved ; and which have veiled it in 
 the thickeft mift of cimmerian darknefs. 
 
 But, upon an attentive examination, it 
 will be found, that the objection is whol- 
 ly grounded upon an error, which, though 
 very common, is,-^-yet fo grofs, as that, 
 of MisTAKiNG,-T-an EFFECT, for it's 
 
 CAUSE. 
 
 Clearly and fully however, to demon- 
 ftrate this, I muft beg leave, to trace out 
 the ORIGIN and foundation of ALL MO- 
 RAL PRINCIPLES. 
 
 A fubjeQ:, upon which, I apprehend my 
 opinions will be thought, to differ more 
 from thofe of former writers, than any 
 pofition which has hitherto been advanced, 
 upon the FIRST PRINCIPLES of govern- 
 ment. Notwithftanding therefore, both have 
 
 the
 
 ( 94 ) 
 
 the moft indiflbluble connection, and are 
 infeparably interwoven with each other, I 
 muft entreat you, Sir, and every one elfe, 
 who really wi/hes to UNDERSTAND, the 
 REASONING and CONCLUSIONS under that 
 head, to vouchfafe me, the cooleft, and 
 moft unprejudiced attention. 
 
 In the FIRST PLACE, I might, I appre- 
 hend, take for granted, which is an acl 
 I am not in the habit of doing, that there 
 are no INNATE IDEAS, and confequently, 
 
 no INNATE MORAL PRINCIPL-ES, Or 
 
 NOTIONS; fuch as thofe, I mean, which 
 were formerly maintained. An opinion, 
 which I doubt not, you will allow, has been 
 properly exploded, being fafhioned, only, of 
 "fuch Jluff as our dreams are made of." 
 
 SECONDLY, that the word, CON- 
 SCIENCE, fignifies only, the INTERNAL AP- 
 PROBATION, and DISAPPROBATION, of 
 which, we feel ourfehes to be the objetts t either 
 as we perform certain actions, or omit 
 
 the
 
 ( 95 ) 
 
 the performance of them, and vice verfa; 
 but, that it DOES NOT imply alfo the 
 RULE of ACTION ITSELF; which, at the 
 time, we either conform to, or tranfgrefs. 
 Since, -we muft affuredly, have Jirjl known 
 the rule t and learned, that, it was WOR- 
 THY of approbation, or difapprobation, be- 
 fore we could feel ourfelves DESERVING, 
 
 Or, UNDESERVING of THOSE SENSATIONS. 
 
 But left you or any other of my rea- 
 ders, mould refufe to admit, thefe PRO- 
 POSITIONS as TRUTHS, take the following, 
 " reduftio ad abfurdum :" which is equally 
 applicable to every fpecics of fuppofition, 
 of innate ideas, innate notions^ and of a 
 MORAL SENSE. For from the admiflion 
 of any one of them, then it would follow, 
 that ALL the RULES and PRACTICES, 
 in different focieties, would be guided by 
 ONE UNIFORM INSTINCT; and the SAME 
 ACTIONS of conduct, would be INVARI- 
 ABLY, and UNIVERSALLY APPROVED 1H 
 
 ALL
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 ALL the various countries, nations, and tribes 
 upon earth. Which, is a circumftance, we* 
 know to be REPUGNANT, to ALL the do- 
 cuments of hiftory, and ALL the con- 
 
 clufions of experience. 
 
 , 
 
 From thefe DATA, then if necefTarily 
 follows, that the RULES of MORAL SCI- 
 ENCE, muft be deduced, as ALL OTHER 
 SCIENCES ARE, from the INDUCTION of 
 PARTICULAR FACTS; from which, are form- 
 ed GENERAL PROPOSITIONS. But, as the 
 
 SCIENCE of MORALS, or a SYSTEM of 
 VIRTUE, is invented, to teach men, to 
 regulate their behaviour to each other, 
 UNIVERSALLY; NO SUCH SCIENCE, could 
 
 POSSIBLY EXIST, *TILL SOME PARTICU- 
 LAR RULES had FIRST been layed dowrt 
 for THIS PURPOSE; as, THAT SCIENCE, 
 
 muft CONSIST LIKE ALL OTHERS, in GE- 
 NERALISING PARTICULAR RULES. HcnCC 
 
 then it likewife follows, that an UNION, 
 muft firft have been formed amongft man- 
 kind,
 
 ( 97 ) 
 
 kind, and particular rules muft have been 
 tried, before, the GENERAL rules could 
 have been FRAMED. Becaufe, as the general 
 rules conjlitute the fcicnce y and THESE muft 
 have been GENERALISED out of PARTI- 
 CULAR rules, the LAST, muft have been 
 
 PRIOR, tO the SCIENCE ITSELF. 
 
 From thefe premifes then, the ORIGIN and 
 
 PROGRESS Of MORAL SCIENCE, clearly, 
 
 and manifeftly flow. For, in confequence of 
 
 the FREEDOM, LEISURE, and SECURITY, 
 
 which men enjoy under the protection of 
 any tolerably well regulated government, 
 be it's form, what it will; the wants of 
 men increafing with increafing numbers, 
 impel men's minds to the difcovery of the 
 MEANS, beft fuited, to a conftant fupply 
 of their gratifications. Hence, firjl arife, 
 fome of the more immediately ufeful, but 
 moft obvious arts and fciences. But as 
 by exercife, men's attention and faculty of 
 reafon, gradually ftrengthen, and improve, 
 N they
 
 they advance in the difcovery of others, 
 certainly not lefs ufeful, but more abftrufe. 
 From much exercife in determining, the 
 quantum of good, which refults from one 
 particular MODE of ACTING, in a prefent 
 and particular cafe, they proceed to frame 
 
 GENERAL PROPOSITIONS and PRINCIPLES, 
 
 upon ALL fubjefts ; and to have a habit 
 of forcfight and fagacity ; by which, they 
 are enabled to penetrate into remote con- 
 fequences ; and to form comparifons, be- 
 tween very diftant objefts. Hence then, 
 having obferved, that the GRAND END, 
 for which ' men united into fociety, was 
 to fecure the GENERAL HAPPINESS of 
 every order, rank, and fituation ; and that 
 the MEANS to this, was by their UNIVER- 
 SAL OBEDIENCE to the WILL of their 
 LEGISLATOR, who was appointed to CURB 
 and RESTRAIN by LAWS, the inclinations 
 and paffions of thofe, who would other- 
 wife aft contrary to that principle ; they 
 foon learned to ABSTRACT from their PAR- 
 TICULAR (late and fiiuation, all thofe GE- 
 NERAL
 
 ( 99 ) 
 
 NERAL RULES, by which their aftions are 
 regulated, and to conceive them to be 
 EQUALLY BINDING upon ALL mankind, in 
 every place, whether, they do, or do not 
 exift, as the LAWS of their PARTICULAR 
 STATE. When they have advanced, thus 
 far, then, thofe who aft according to thofe 
 univer/al principles, without any reference 
 to the punifhments, which the law of the 
 Jlate inflicts, they call, VIRTUOUS; and 
 they who deviate from them, they term, 
 vicious; in contradijlinftion to thofe, 
 who only obeying, or difobeying the laws 
 of their particular government, as being 
 the laws of their government, are deno- 
 minated HONEST, Or DISHONEST, JUST 
 
 or UNJUST. 
 
 their re- 
 
 fearches to the nature of man, and of the 
 human mind, and deduced fome general 
 principles, from fuch an enquiry, they 
 begin to afpire after the acquifition, of 
 N a fome
 
 fome knowledge, of the DIVINE MIND, 
 or of the NATURE of GOD. Some inti- 
 mation of WHOSE EXISTENCE, and fome 
 fcanry notion of HIS nature, of his being 
 the DIVINE LEGISLATOR, or rewardcr and 
 punifher of man, they had perhaps before 
 reaped from fome immediate or remote TRA- 
 DITION. Impelled then by this curiofity, 
 and aflifted, by this information, they be- 
 gan to endeavour to DEMONSTRATE, HIS 
 EXISTENCE, from the DEDUCTIONS, of 
 their own REASON. For, we invariably 
 find, in ALL the PROOFS, in ALL nations, 
 which are given of the EXISTENCE of a 
 GOD, the FIRST ALWAYS is, the general, 
 or as it is commonly, but not juftly 
 called, the UNIVERSAL BELIEF of that 
 notion, in. other countries. 
 
 As fcience of all kinds advanced, and 
 men attained to a more intimate know- 
 ledge of the WORKS of NATURE in par- 
 ticular> they learned, that THESE, are ALL 
 
 generally
 
 generally conducive to the HAPPINESS of 
 mankind ; and finding, that human govern- 
 ments, which originated from the REASON 
 of MAN, dire&ly tended to the SAME END, 
 they concluded, that he \vho would al- 
 ways aft upon that principle, would approach 
 neareft, and be mofl acceptable to God ; 
 and therefore inferred, that a DIVINE 
 GOVERNMEN T, muit have been efta- 
 blifhed by the WISDOM of GOD, conducive 
 alfo to the SAME END; in confequence of 
 which, he would inflict punimments upon 
 the vicious, and difpenfe rewards to the 
 virtuous. 
 
 SUCH is the SOURCE, from whence, -> 
 fpring the LAWS of VIRTUE, and every 
 PRINCIPLE, whether right or wrong, of 
 what is called, MORALITY, and NATU- 
 RAL RELIGION. And indeed, much OB- 
 SERVATION, muft have been made upon 
 the WORKS of NATURE, fo as to difcern, 
 that whatever fubordinate agents might be em* 
 
 ployed* 
 

 
 ( 102 ) 
 
 ployed, yet, ONE UNCONTROULABLE WILL 
 di reeled the WHOLE, and the faculties of 
 the human mind alfo, mud have received 
 a considerable degree of cultivation, before, 
 'hofe men, who had received no imme- 
 diate REVELATION from HEAVEN, OF 
 
 certain tradition of one, could poflibly 
 have ceafed to be POLYTHEISTS; not- 
 withftanding the information, \vhich, a pri- 
 meval tradition, might have faintly, though 
 generally diffufed. 
 
 But Socrates, and Plato, having moil 
 deeply inveftigated, both the lower and the 
 higher powers, and faculties of the human 
 mind, and by a moft laborious cultivation 
 of the faculty of INTELLECT, to a degree 
 I may fay with truth, FAR BEYOND that, 
 to which the moderns have yet arrived, > 
 clearly difcerning the DIFFERENCE, and 
 even OPPOSITION between MIND and BO- 
 DY; maintained, that GOD would reward 
 and punifh men, in another life, in pro- 
 portion
 
 portion to their virtue or vice here ; and 
 as the necejfary foundation to this do&rine, 
 attempted to raife it, upon a DEMON- 
 STRATION Of the NATURAL IMMORALITY 
 
 of the HUMAN SOUL. 
 
 But, as the mod elevated human in-^ 
 telle6l, CAN only be able to DEMONSTRATE, 
 that there is NO NECESSARY CON- 
 NECTION, between the DISSOLUTION of 
 the BODY, and the consequent ANNIHI- 
 LATION of the SOUL, and can only (how, 
 merely from PROBABLE arguments, drawn 
 from the GENERIC DIVERSITIES in the 
 NATURES of both, and likewife, from our 
 faint conception of the WISDOM and GOOD- 
 NESS of GOD, that fuch a furvival of the 
 foul, feems a ntccjjary mean to the pro- 
 grefs of virtue here, and it's reward here- 
 after, the queftion, as to the minds actual 
 furvival, was by the very NATURE of the 
 EVIDENCE, neceffarily involved (to the ge- 
 nerality of the world) in much DOUBT, 
 great DIFFICULTY, and no little per- 
 plexity.
 
 plexity. Though certainly, to thofe, who 
 are capable of following thefe almolt divine 
 philofophers in their fpeculations, through 
 the knowledge of the nature of MIND, 
 which they difeovered, - mud confefs, that 
 THEY raifed the fuppofition, that God 
 has conftituted the HUMAN MIND, for 
 
 a CONTINUANCE of EXISTENCE, afiCT 
 
 the difTolution of the body, to the very 
 highefl fummit of proof, to which, the 
 nature of that fpecies of evidence, can 
 POSSIBLY afcend. But, as the queftion, 
 after which, they enquired, was necefla- 
 rily a queftion of FACT, it could not 
 
 POSSIBLY be ASCERTAINED by REASON- 
 ING, but only, as all other fa6ls muft 
 be, either, by our own aftual EXPERI- 
 ENCE, or, the TESTIMONY of others. 
 Reafoning being of no further ufe, even 
 in inftituting experiments, relative to the 
 objects of our fcnfes, than the contrivan- 
 ces of mcans> to render fome things fen- 
 Jible, which were before unperceived. But 
 as in this life, we certainly can never 
 EXPERIENCE, what is the will and IN- 

 
 C 
 
 MENTION of God, in refpeft to another* 
 they CANNOT POSSIBLY therefore, be 
 
 MADE KNOWN tO US, but by the TESTI- 
 MONY of SOME ONE, who produces the 
 
 AUTHORITY of GoD TO REVEAL THEM. 
 
 It muft likewife be confefled, much as 
 I admire and reverence the Socraticos Viros t 
 as Tully fome where calls them, that their 
 fuppofition (though 1 know not that any 
 one has before obferved it in this fenfe) 
 was calculated, only in a manner, for phi- 
 lofophers. As in the focratic philofophy, virtue 
 is fynonimous with wifdom, to which the 
 vulgar could not afpire; and VICE with 
 IGNORANCE; in which they were necefla- 
 rily involved. Not becaufe philofophers, 
 who difcovered it, could not have in- 
 ftrufted them in virtue, as Sherlock, (who 
 was however one of the deepeft thinkers, 
 and clofefl reafoners of this age, too much 
 fo, for the generality of readers to un- 
 derftand) has fuppofed. For they might 
 
 O have
 
 have been taught, VIRTUE as an ART, 
 as they are taught OTHER arts, without 
 
 UNDERSTANDING the PRINCIPLES, which 
 
 are the CONCLUSIONS of SCIENCE; but 
 the real reafon was, becaufe no HUMAN 
 TEACHER'S AUTHORITY, fupplied a fuffi- 
 cient MOTIVE, to induce them to learn 
 it, or urge them to practice it, if learned.* 
 
 Thefe enquiries, \vhofe fpeculations were 
 comprehended under the name of PHILO- 
 SO^PHY, when they were once begun, ex- 
 cited much attention, in the ableft, and 
 moft enlightened minds; and continued to 
 
 give 
 
 * There are animals, we know, who prefer 
 thiftles, nettles, thorns, and briers, to the fineft 
 grafs, of the richefl paftures. Similar to theirs, 
 feem to be the taftes of thofc, who prefer, the 
 weedy works of fome other Englim divines, to 
 the firm, and nowiming produ6tions, raifed by 
 the genius of a Sh'rlock,
 
 ( *7 ) 
 
 > 
 give exercife, to much acutencfs of rea- 
 
 foning, and much fubtilty of difpute. From 
 hence arofe therefore, a variety of dif- 
 fenfions, and divifions, not only amongft 
 the anticnts, but likewife amongft the mo- 
 derns, as they happened to be more or 
 lefs prepoffefled in favour of one, or other 
 o*" the different GRECIAN PHILOSOPHERS, 
 from whofe fpeculations, fuch notions are 
 chiefly derived, and propagated. 
 
 For, the difciples of Socrates, (excepting 
 thofe who followed Plato) foon feparated 
 into various fets, and were divided by a 
 multitude of opinions. And, not being able to 
 fatisfy themfelves in the DEMONSTRATION 
 of a future exiftence, again ABSTRACTED 
 the LAWS of -virtue from the WILL, and 
 
 AUTHORITY of a LEGISLATURE, and the 
 
 fantions of FUTUPE rewards and punifh- 
 
 ments. But then turning their enquiries to 
 
 the SUMMUM BONUM, or what conftitutes 
 
 O 2 the
 
 
 the higheft happinefs of this life ; 
 endeavoured to find out SOME PRINCI-T 
 PLE, which would make VIRTUE, ancj 
 
 the SUMMUM BONUM tO be ONE. 
 
 Some, as the STOICS, maintained that 
 VIRTUE, was indifputably the SUI^MUM 
 BONUM, becaufe, the WISE and VIRTU^ 
 ous MAN, was incapable of ALL SUFFER- 
 ING; as even PAIN, was to HIM, NO 
 i v i L. For as H E, according to their 
 maxims, mufl, before he was entitled to 
 thofe appellations, have learned to DE- 
 SIRE nothing, but what HAPPENS to him; 
 therefore it followed, that no condition, 
 nor event, could befall him, but, what 
 HE approved. A doftrine evidently true 
 indeed, upon the PRINCIPLES of CHRIS- 
 TIANITY; where, pain is really no evil; 
 becaufe it is neceflary to lead man to 
 feek, as the firft objefcl of his purfuit, 
 his FUTURE FELICITY. From whence it 
 follows, as a corollary, that no event, can 
 
 poffibly
 
 poffibly happen to the real CHRISTIAN/ 
 which will not conduce to his good, if we 
 take into our view, the whole extent of 
 his being. But, upon any other fuppo- 
 fition, this ftoical doctrine is perfeclly ri- 
 diculous. JBecaufe it raifes a fuperftruBure, 
 without a foundation, which the mere 
 preffure, even of a fiugle (lone, is at once 
 able to deftroy. 
 
 Some, with EPICURUS himfelf, for moft 
 of his difciples mifreprefented their mailer, 
 founded the practice of it, upon the con- 
 ftant eafe and pleafure> or rather, tranqui- 
 lity of mind, which virtue affords. An 
 opinion, which, if this world only be con- 
 fidered/ every day's experience contradicls. 
 
 . 
 
 Some again with the PERIPATETICS, ac- 
 knowledged that outward objecls > afforded 
 pain and pleafure, and that though virtue 
 therefore, did not produce the only fatisfacli- 
 on, yet, upon the whole t it afforded the GREAT- 
 EST
 
 \ 
 
 f no ) 
 
 EST plcafure. But this fyftem, by autho- 
 rifing fuch a contrariety of purfuits, as 
 
 ACKNOWLEDGED MEANS tO HAPPINESS, 
 
 carries in it's own frame, the feeds of it's 
 own deilruciion. 
 
 Others again with CICERO, who in his OF- 
 FICES adopted, only a part of Plato's doftrine, 
 or rather ftill more clofely followed Panetius, 
 founded VIRTUE on the HONESTUM, or 
 the HONOURABLE; i. e. on the APPRO- 
 BATION of mankind. A theory, which 
 muft fkake with every blaft. As, FAME 
 for VIRTUE, no more than for SCIENCE, 
 is, by any means diftributed in proportion, 
 to REAL MERIT. For, few men, can pe- 
 netrate into the deep receffes of the heart, 
 where only it can be accurately difcerned; 
 and therefore, the artful, cunning, defign- 
 ing hypocrite, is often puffed into renown, 
 by the public breath; whilft, the wifeil 
 and the beft, are frequently expofcd to all 
 
 the 

 
 ( 111 ) 
 
 the blafts of envy, and all the whifpers 
 of malignity. 
 
 But at length, GOD having been pleafed 
 to REVEAL HIS WILL to ALL mankind, both, 
 in refpeft to the AFFECTIONS, which 
 are required from man, the RULE OF 
 CONDUCT he is to purfue; and the RE- 
 WARDS or PUNISHMENTS, which are to 
 attend upon his obedience or difobedi- 
 ence ; men t have now abjlratted STILL 
 
 BETTER PRINCIPLES, from the DECLA- 
 RATIONS of the GREAT AUTHOR, and 
 formed them into fyftems, either of what 
 they call VIRTUE, or of what they call 
 
 MORALITY, Or NATURAL LAW, Or NA- 
 TURAL RELIGION. Hence, MANY have 
 been induced to fuppofe, that becaufe thefe 
 are confonant with the principles of the 
 CHRISTIAN RELIGION, that religion has 
 revealed to us, no other rules of conduct, 
 than what our own natural reafon could 
 difcover; and notwithftanding therefore, they 
 
 admit
 
 admit the ruli^ they rejeft the authority^ 
 upon which they are built ; and even ri- 
 dicule the evidence^ by which, they are 
 cftablifhed. 
 
 Mankind then, having totally forgotten, 
 or, having never learned, what experience 
 could have taught them, of the procefs 
 of the human mind, in the difcovery of 
 all the duties, which proceed from the 
 exercife of their own faculties ; and what, 
 with all their application, they were inca- 
 pable of discovering; whatever RIGHT or 
 DUTY, however difcovered, which appears 
 to them to be REASONABLE, they con- 
 clude, to have been the produce of that 
 faculty, from it's earlieft cultivation. In- 
 volved in this miftake, they produce fyf* 
 terns, as containing ORIGINAL, ETERNAL^ 
 and IMMUTABLE OBLIGATIONS, by which 
 they affert, that ALL MEN were EVER 
 bound to aft, BEFORE the EXISTENCE of 
 ANY GOVERNMENT; i. e. even before 
 
 - there
 
 ( "3 ) 
 
 there was the pojffibility of the purfuit of 
 any invejligations> which are the ONLY 
 MEANS to that END. Thofe then, who are 
 once feduced into thefe errors, confe- 
 quently confider, the above really diftinff, 
 and fever al feparate SPECIES of knowledge, 
 ajs having only ONE SIMPLE INVARIABLE 
 caufe; and that caufe, as being the SOLE 
 ORIGIN of ALL men's VARIOUS RIGHTS, 
 aiid DUTIES WHATSOEVER. Whereas, on 
 the contrary, so FAR, AS ANY of them, 
 were DISCOVERED by MEN, they were 
 only the DEDUCTIONS, which they had 
 made, in CONSEQUENCE of the RIGHTS, 
 
 tO which, GOVERNMENT FIRST GAVl 
 
 BIRTH; and muft therefore, be SUBSE- 
 QUENT, NOT PREVIOUS tO- IT'S EXIST- 
 ENCE. 
 
 So likewife, fuch a fyftem of doctrines 
 
 as the CHRISTIAN REVELATION contains, 
 
 could not have been attended ^with any 
 
 benefit to mankind, (except to thofe> to 
 
 P whom 

 
 ( "'4 ) 
 
 whom it was given as a completion of a 
 former) 'till the eftablifhment of human 
 governments and laws, and the tradition of 
 the EXISTENCE of a GOD, had led men 
 into fpeculations, and enquiries, concern- 
 ing WHAT a&ions, were mod probably 
 pleafing to, that FIRST CAUSE, and PRE- 
 SERVER of ALL THINGS. This, we may 
 learn from experience of objects, which,- if 
 we do not a6lually fee, are however made 
 known to us in the pages of hiftory. For, 
 from it's records we learn ; that there are 
 now many nations, though they may be 
 taught to believe, in the authenticity of 
 the chrijlian religion, are, for want of the 
 exercife, of their reafon on civilization, 
 and other arts, totally unfitted for the 
 frattice of it's duties.* And on the con- 
 trary, all thofe in the moft cultivated na- 
 tions, 
 
 * See my COMMENCEMENT Sermon, before 
 the Univirfity of Cambridge.
 
 ( "5 ) 
 
 tions, who CONCEIVE thofe duties to be 
 NO OTHER, than what are DISCOVERABLE 
 by REASON ; a r e incapable of embracing, 
 and relifhing, the purejl and Jublimejl, of 
 it's dotrines. For they even deem that, 
 to be MORAL condutt) which originates only 
 in the NATURAL PASSIONS of mankind, 
 
 fuch as VANITY, PRIDE, -AMBITION, 
 
 and REVENGE. 
 
 Thus, as fome in their theory, do not 
 difcriminate the -various origins of thefe 
 fyftems, fo others in their practice, con- 
 found their different ejfetts. From whence 
 it proceeds, that the SAME OUTWARD 
 ACT, which is often done from VARIOUS 
 MOTIVES, is in common language, in ALL 
 thefe CASES, equally termed, GOOD, and 
 VIRTUOUS. Whereas, upon the principles 
 of chrijlianity t it is NOT the OUTWARD 
 
 FORM, but ONLY the MOTIVE, which 
 
 conftitutes an aft virtuous, or vicious. And 
 
 therefore, many may do> what in common 
 
 .P 2 difcourf? A
 
 difcourfe, are called good attions t becaufe, 
 in their confequcnces, they are attended with 
 good to others; who are, by no means 
 really entitled, to the denomination of 
 COOD MEN. 
 
 Whatever fyfttw of MORAL DUTY how- 
 ever, be felefted; and whatever be the 
 motive chofen as the incentive, to urge us 
 to correfpondent aftions; not one of them, 
 have the leajl tendency to ALTER the RE- 
 LATION, between the GOVERNOR and the 
 GOVERNED; as to the RIGHT of COM- 
 MAND in the one, and of the DUTY of 
 OBEDIENCE in the other. And, if the TRU- 
 IST, and SUREST principles be chofen, which 
 are likewife fanclioned by the STRONGEST 
 MOTIVES, and of whofe UNERRING REC- 
 TITUDE, there can be no doubt, as they 
 come from GOD'S WISDOM, NOT MAN'S 
 REASON; THEY have, certainly at lead 
 an immediate tendency, not only to mol- 
 lify, and even to fubduc, all thofe paffions 
 
 of
 
 { "7 ) 
 
 Of PRIDE, AMBITION, AVARICE, and Rf> 
 
 VNGE; which are, equally the CAUSES, 
 of TYRANNY in the SOVEREIGN, and of 
 RESISTANCE in the SUBJECT. THEY there- 
 fore, not only, teach> but command the 
 former , NOT to inflici any pain or penal- 
 ty, but what is abfolutely necefiary, to the 
 PUBLIC GOOD; not indeed, under the 
 penalty of their SUBJECT'S REBELLION, 
 but of GOD'S PUNISHMENT. But, they 
 likewife injlrutt, and enable the LATTER, 
 by the mod forcible injunctions, and the 
 brighteft examples of CHRIST, and his 
 APOSTLES, where the GOVERNOR, even 
 
 NEGLECTS HIS DUTY, tO SUBMIT \vitll 
 
 PATIENCE, not only, " for WRATH, but 
 "likewife, for CONSCIENCE fake." 
 
 And here, Sir, I can not forbear to 
 obferve, that as FALSE PHILOSOPHY, is 
 continually receding farther, and farther, 
 from CHRISTIANITY; fo the TRUE, ap- 
 proximates as near to it, as finite, can, to 
 
 infinite
 
 ( "8 ) 
 
 infinite wifdom. For, I have before fug- 
 gefted to you, the example of Socrates, in 
 
 HIS obedience, to the fentence of his un- 
 
 
 juft judges. And could I, but prevail upon 
 you, to read only Plato's little dialogue, 
 between Socrates and Crito, and attentively 
 to ftudy, and digeft it, it would perhaps 
 impart to you infinitely more real benetit, 
 than you ever received from all the vo- 
 lumes upon government, you have formerly 
 read, or even the ESSAY, upon that fub- 
 jett, (as you call it) which you have long 
 Jince written, and I long Jince refuted. For 
 then, 
 
 Hi motus animorum, atque hoec certamina 
 Pulveris exigui ja&u, comprefTa quiefcant 
 
 If I fail in this appeal, to the FASCI- 
 
 NATING NAME Of PHILOSOPHY, the GRAND 
 DIRECTRESS of MODERN TIMES; the HOW 
 
 GUARDIAN
 
 ( "9 ) 
 
 GUARDIAN PATRONESS of FranCC, though 
 
 their philofophy is indeed totally different 
 from that, I have juft now recommended, 
 I defpair of any efficacy, from the 
 pnffages, to which I have alfo, juft now 
 referred you, in the pages of CHRISTIA- 
 NITY; perfpicuous as are their words, 
 and confequently, evident as is their fenfe. 
 
 With fuch -wonderful plainnefs indeed, 
 do they inculcate, both by precept and ex- 
 ample, the DUTY of SUBJECTS to their 
 RULERS, that one would think, it is ac- 
 tually impoflible, for every one, who has 
 not drank to the very dregs of MODERN 
 PHILOSOPHY, and who really believes, in 
 the TRUTH of the CHRISTIAN RELIGION, 
 to WITHOLD his ASSENT from the DE- 
 CLARATION, Or tO REFUSE his OBEDI- 
 ENCE to the INJUNCTION. How mortify*, 
 ing foever it may be to fome, to withdraw 
 their allegiance from ' modern philofophers, 
 in fubmiffion to the higher authority of 
 
 CHRIST ;
 
 CHRIST; yet, if they do acknowkdgf, the 
 authority of the lajl t to be fuperior, to 
 that of the former, they mud comply, and 
 acknowledge, obedience in fubjcQs, is due 
 to their rulers, WHETHER THEY BE MILD 
 and GENTLE, or CRUEL and TYRANNI- 
 CAL : Even impoflible, as it appears to 
 fomc of your admirers and fcholars, that 
 fuch a declaration, and acknowledgment, 
 fliould be made by ANY ONE, in the 
 conclufion, of this MOST ENLIGHTENED, 
 
 IIGHTEENTH, CENTURY. 
 
 Nay, 1 Sir, fuch likewife, muft necefiari- 
 ly have been the predicament, in which, 
 even YOU YOURSELF, would have flood, 
 had it not been, for that mofl HAPPY, 
 and mod WONDERFUL DISCOVERY, of a 
 RATIONAL RELIGION; whofe AUTHORITY, 
 outweighs, the authenticity of REVELATION. 
 A difcovery, which fome of the bigots of 
 our eftablifhment, are too deftitute of abi- 
 lities, to comprehend. For they are fo 
 
 weak
 
 weak as to conceive, that the words " RA- 
 
 " TIONAL RELIGION," and the RELIGION 
 
 of REASON, muft be Jynonimous. But, as 
 fuch an imagination betrays, as you well 
 know, the blindeft ignorance; I do not 
 wonder, that we always fee YOU, your 
 admirers and followers^ lofe your meeknefs t 
 your patience^ and your temper> when- 
 ever you have occafion to mention the 
 
 ARTICLES, DOCTRINES, Or MINISTERS of 
 
 the Church of England. 
 
 For if the above ftupid fuppofition, of fome 
 of the members of that worjl of all churches, 
 for fuch I am told, it is, in your writings, 
 were true, then, the grojjejl of all ab- 
 furdities, would follow, viz. -that the CHRIS- 
 TIAN REVELATION, and RATIONAL RE- 
 LIGION, would be REALLY ONE, and, THE 
 SAME THING. Becaufe, when once a RE- 
 VELATION IS GIVEN tO ALL MANKIND, 
 THAT ALONE, muft DC the Only RATIONAL 
 
 RELIGION; IF it be REASONABLE, that 
 Q the
 
 ( *** j 
 
 the CONJECTURES of MAN'S REASON, 
 fhould SUBMIT to the DECLARATIONS of 
 
 DIVINE WISDOM. 
 fir- - ><* 
 
 Whereas in faft, nothing can be more" 
 DIRECTLY OPPOSITE to tach other, than 
 GOD'S REVELATION, and what, YOU, calf, 
 RATIONAL RELIGION. The latter being a 
 difpenfation only to fome CHOSEN FEW, 
 to enable them to determine, by the fu- 
 perior light of their faculties/ but from 
 the exercife of which we find, by expe- 
 rience, every received rule of LOGIC, muft 
 firjl be dijcarded* what PARTS of GOD'S 
 REVELATION they are p leafed to admit, 
 and what they chufe to rejett. Precifely 
 in the fame manner, as we find, has 
 likewife been imparted to them, the RIGHT 
 of CH USING, what laws of the legiflature 
 they will obey, and what, they will vilify 
 and abufe. So intimately connected, are 
 your RELIGIOUS, and POLITICAL PRIN- 
 CIPLES, and fo clofe is the ALLIANCE, 
 
 which
 
 which you conceive to exift, between RE- 
 LIGION and CIVIL GOVERNMENT; and 
 confequently therefore, between CIVIL and 
 
 RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS. 
 
 There may be fome, Sir, perhaps, fo 
 ignorant, but I take for granted then, 
 they can only be amongft my brother 
 minifters of the eftablifhment, who, accord- 
 ing to your repeated declarations, and 
 thofe of your friends, are the MOST IGNO- 
 RANT of all divines; as to fancy, SUCH a 
 RATIONAL RELIGION, muft neceflarily be 
 the offspring only of pride, vanity, and arro- 
 gance, becaufe, they imagine,, that it's APOS- 
 TLES, and their converts, muft conceive 
 
 THEMSELVES tO be WISER, than HE, wllO 
 PROVED his AUTHORITY, tO REVEAL the 
 
 WILL of GOD. But if men, who are dull 
 enough to make fuch a fuppofition, were 
 capable of reading an author, who though 
 he was not of your feft, was admirably 
 well acquainted with your doftrines; they 
 Q 2, might
 
 ( "4 ) 
 
 might learn, that this claim to RATIONAL 
 RELIGION, is one of the NATURAL IM- 
 PRESCRIPTIBLE RIGHTS Of yOUr PERSUA- 
 SION. For this author, I mean the Itarn- 
 (d Euiler, tells us, 
 
 Suppofe the Scriptures are of force t 
 They're but commijjlons of courfe, 
 And Saints have Jreedom to digrefs, 
 And vary from them as they plcajc. 
 
 Having thus accompanied you, to take 
 a view of the foundation of the ONLV 
 PRINCIPLES, which can enable you to 
 REJECT, the otherwife DECISIVE and IR- 
 RESISTIBLE determination of REVELATION 
 upon this fubjeci; I will, by concluding 
 this letter, leave you to the pleafing con- 
 folation it affords. 
 
 And am, Sir, 
 
 Yours, &c. 
 
 LETTER
 
 ( 1*5 ) 
 
 LETTER VI. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 T T A V I N G already vindicated the 
 A ORIGIN of thofe principles, which I 
 have affigned above, againft the impu- 
 tation of ERROR; I am now likewile to 
 defend the CONSEQUENCES, which refult 
 from them, againft the accufation of AB- 
 SURDITY, and INJUSTICE. 
 
 To thofe, who having not the benefit 
 of thofe principles, with which the fore- 
 going letter concludes, and by which, men 
 
 arc
 
 are enabled to (belter therr.felves, even 
 from the CONVICTION, which REVELA- 
 TION is fined to impart, I doubt not, but 
 I fhall be able to defend the principles 
 I have advanced, as clearly againft the 
 objection to their conferences, aa againft 
 the other to their origin. 
 
 Each obje&iop, may perhaps upon a 
 hafty and fuperficial view, appear to be 
 as weighty and valuable as gold. But 
 when both are put into the oppcfite fcale, 
 to be tried with it, they will both be 
 found in the balance of truth, totally de- 
 ficient in their fpecific gravities, and con- 
 fequently of no intrinfic value. 
 
 For, firjl, I not only moft readily grant, 
 that no tyranny or cruelty in a governor, 
 can poflibly be JUSTIFIED; fo likewife \ 
 maintain, that the PRINCIPLES, which I have 
 advanced, have not the remotefl tendency, 
 towards any attempt, at it's j unification; 
 
 but
 
 ( 1*7 ) 
 
 but on the contrary, that they in the ftrongeft 
 manner pronounce their condemnation. 
 
 I admit indeed, that from thofe PRIN- 
 c i P L E s, it follows, that UNIVERSAL 
 OBEDIENCE to the government, of what- 
 ever nature it be, whether it be admi- 
 niftered by the uncontrouled WILL of 
 
 ONE MAN, Of a FEW, Or of MANY ; 
 
 or it be fhared in any proportions, between 
 ONE, a FEW, and MANY, is EQUALLY, 
 the DUTY of the governed. And, however 
 the proportion, when thus plainly and un- 
 eiuivocally dated, may appear to feme; yet 
 certainly, it is not only VIRTUALLY, but 
 alfo POSITIVELY admitted by ALL, who 
 allow, that an ABSOLUTE UNCONTROULA- 
 BLE POWER, muft exift SOMEWHERE, in 
 EVERY STATE. For, amongft all the airy 
 vifions, and meteorous corufcations, which 
 are continually gliding through the politi- 
 cal atmofphere, of this floating Ifland; 
 THIS POSITION, has never, within the 
 fphere of my remembrance, been denied.
 
 ( "8 ) 
 
 It being as felf-evident, at Icaft as any 
 propofition can be, that \vithout fuch an 
 ABSOLUTE power, not only, no conftitution 
 could be of any long duration, but that 
 it could not even for a moment, fubfijl. 
 
 For, if a government was even fo abfurd- 
 ly conftituted, that the PEOPLE were un- 
 der NO OBLIGATION tO OBEY a laW, 
 
 'TILL, it had been PROPOSED to EVERY 
 dijlrift, city, town, village, and parifli, of 
 a wide extended empire, and had been 
 APPROVED, by the MAJORITY of ALL 
 the inhabitants, men, women, and children, 
 THIS would not in the fmalljl degree IN- 
 VALIDATE my CONCLUSION. Nay, "the 
 portion would remain equally true, were 
 even, fo abfurd, a conftitution of govern' 
 ment to exift, as the following, which 
 is perhaps ftill more abfurd, than the fore- 
 going ; viz. that the majority of the people, 
 men, women, and children, (and what 
 could the moft ardent lovers of LIBERTY 
 and REPUBLICANISM U'ijh for more) fhould
 
 ( 12 9 ) 
 
 in every dijlritt, city, town, -village, and parifli, 
 have a RIGHT to RESIST every law, which 
 they do not approve, the very Jirjl time, 
 it was attempted to be executed, after it had 
 been pafled; and it is to one or other of 
 thefe ABSURDITIES, ALL the plans of po- 
 liticians in this enlightened age, ULTIMATE- 
 LY TEND. For even then, there MUST 
 
 be an 'UNCONTROULABLE ABSOLUTE POW- 
 ER, Jomevjhere EXISTING in the STATE, 
 notwithstanding the legiflative power chief- - 
 ly refided (as no doubt it ought) in the 
 very dregs of the people, (as they have been 
 inadvertently called by fome, who have the 
 pro founded veneration for their judgment,) 
 and who in that cafe, would indeed be 
 the enlightened legifiators of fuch a confti- 
 tution. But I fay, that even then, fof 
 fear, that the people, after they had once 
 given their confent to a law, which had 
 been pafled, for which, they had then a 
 RIGHT to be afked, fhould afterwards RE- 
 SIST that very law, which they had then 
 
 R NO
 
 NO RIGHT to difobey, the conflitution, 
 mujl lodge, fome UNCONTROULABLE POWER 
 SOMEWHERE, or, the government in fuch 
 a cafe, would be INSTANTLY DISSOLVED. 
 
 Should fuch a blefled form of government 
 as this t which now only exifts in the fub- 
 lime fpeculations of modern politicians^ be 
 once reduced to practice, then indeed 
 would be realized, that beautiful pifture, 
 feen by fome, in their mental eye, (" -whiljl 
 " in a Jine phrenfy rolling") of the go- 
 vernment, .of ALL, by ALL. Oh glorious 
 yEr^ ! enviable ftate ! which fome in their 
 rapturous viiions fee, near at hand ! For 
 how much fuperior, both in happinefs, and 
 duration, would it be even to that FIFTH 
 MONARCHY, which, their forefathers like- 
 wife, in vifions, fawfojl approaching. But 
 which, luckily for their defcendants, who 
 entertain the moft rooted averfion, to the 
 very name of a MONARCHY, is not yet 
 come; and of which, to their great joy, 
 they have now no expectation.
 
 But however, 'till the commencement of 
 that other illuftrious epoch, for which, the 
 greateft and fageft politicians of this age, 
 are fo devoutly wifhing; whatever may- 
 be the NUMBER of the people, whether 
 FEW or MANY, who, not being by the 
 CONSTITUTION, vefted in any participation 
 
 Of the POWER, of MAKING Or EXECU- 
 TING the laws, fhall notwithftanding, take 
 upon themfeiVes to DETERMINE, WHAT 
 LAWS they will OBEY, and WHAT, THEY 
 .WILL NOT, they certainly (whatever their 
 phyfical power may be) affume a POWER 
 in the ftate, to which they have NO RIGHT. 
 Becaufe they both annihilate the govern- 
 ment, and revert into a Jlatt of nature. 
 For by fuch a conduct, they difclaim the 
 
 RIGHT of the GOVERNOR Or GOVERNORS 
 
 to COMMAND, and if, HE or they, to 
 whom the power of making and executing 
 the laws in the ftate be intruded, EXER- 
 CISE his or their RIGHT, and DUTY, in 
 the attempt to IN FORCE theiTi, meet with 
 
 R 2 RESISTANCE,
 
 RESISTANCE, the people who arrogated 
 the power to themfelves, to which }hey 
 had NO RIGHT, are certainly in the eye 
 <?f truth and reafon the CRIMINALS, and 
 not the LEGISLATORS and GOVERNORS, 
 as is the fafhionable opinion of the day, 
 in oppofition even to common fenfe. 
 
 For, let us even fuppofe a cafe, in 
 which, the people think the laws which 
 they refufe to obey, to be very contrary 
 to the general happinefs, of the fociety, 
 for which the government was inftituted; 
 and let them in reality be ever Jo much 
 fo. Now, though the legiflator can not 
 be JUSTIFIED, in MAKING fuch a law,- 
 reference being made to the laws of vir- 
 tue, morality, or religion: Yet when enal- 
 cd, he has, from the very nature, ejjence, 
 and principles of government, a RIGHT to 
 INFORCE them. Neither can RESISTANCE 
 in the fubjefts, reference being had to the 
 laws of virtue and religion, be JUSTIFIED, 
 
 Becaufe,
 
 .Becaufe, from the SAME NATURE of go- 
 vernment, THEY are BOUND to obey them. 
 Both parties indeed, would in fuch a cafe, be 
 guilty and AMENABLE to the LAWS of GOD ; 
 wherever, I mean, thofe laws, have been made 
 known, both to the legiflator, and the people. 
 And as it is the reliance, which each party 
 has on it's own power, to fubdue the other, 
 which when UNRESTRAINED by RELIGION, 
 can ever induce either party to MAKE 
 AN APPEAL TO THE SWORD, when any 
 difference in opinion, occurs between the 
 governor and the governed, NOTHING, 
 can more EFFECTUALLY EVINCE the IM- 
 PORTANCE and NECESSITY Of RELIGION', 
 tO the SUPPORT Of CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 It's aid being we fee, INDISPENSABLY 
 
 REQUISITE for the INSTRUCTION, BOTH 
 
 of the governors, and the governed, in 
 THEIR DUTY; and for the fupply of both 
 with HIGHER PRINCIPLES, and more FOR- 
 CIBLE MOTIVES, to fubdue their paflions, 
 and to regulate their refpetiive conduct to 
 each other; by SUBJUGATING the D-
 
 ( '34 ) 
 
 SIRES of BOTH PARTIES, tO the WILL 
 
 of GOD. REVERENCE, therefore for the 
 
 DEITY and OBEDIENCE tO HIS REVEAL- 
 ED LAWS, and a SACRED ATTENTION to 
 ALL the MEANS, which LEAD to fuch an 
 END, are both the great CEMENT in 
 EVERY PART, and the GRAND KEY-STONE 
 in the WHOLE FRAME of CIVIL GOVERN- 
 MENT. Becaufe, it is evident, that with- 
 out the controul of religion, there is no 
 power to curb the DESPOTIC WILL of the 
 GOVERNOR, but, the fear of the rebellion 
 of the fubjetts; and alfo, that, WITHOUT 
 IT'S INFLUENCE, NO RESTRAINT remains 
 upon the STILL MORE LICENTIOUS WILLS 
 OF THE SUBJECTS, when, all dread is 
 removed from them, of the ability of the 
 ruler, to controul. In either cafe, 
 
 is plucked from curb'd licence, 
 The muzzle of reftraint, and the wild dog 
 Shall flefti his tooth on every innocent,. 
 
 This
 
 ( 135 ) 
 
 This CONCLUSION, you perceive, Sir, 
 not only flows direclly and uninterrupted- 
 ly from the foregoing PREMISES; but 
 likewife as you will find, necejfarily gives 
 rife to OTHER STREAMS or KNOWLEDGE, 
 with the SOURCES of which, you feem at 
 prefent to be unacquainted; as they are 
 certainly not to be difcovered, by any di- 
 reftions, which have been pointed out by 
 Mr. Locke. But, as thefe more properly be- 
 long tO ANOTHER PART OF OUR ENQUIRY, 
 
 and WILL, in THAT, be evidently dif- 
 cernible; I (hall now feize this opportu- 
 nity, of leaving you for a time to your lucu- 
 brations, that you may, if you choofe fo 
 to employ the interval, MEDITATE upon 
 this MOST VALUABLE, and confequently 
 
 moft IMPORTANT of ALL SUBJECTS, which 
 
 can either folicit man's attention, or engage 
 his enquiry. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 Yours, &c. 
 LETTER
 
 C 136 ) 
 
 LETTER VII. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 A S, from the little knowledge I have 
 of human nature, I apprehend, it 
 to be moft probable, that you have rather 
 been endeavouring to find fome broken 
 link in the chain, by which my foregoing 
 premifes and conclufions are united, than 
 to difcover, what other links will natural- 
 ly append to it, I mail in this letter, adapt 
 myfelf precifely to fuch a meditation. For 
 though I have not the fmallefl apprehen- 
 fion of your difcovery, of a jlau in that 
 concatenation, yet I doubt not, but you 
 
 imagine,
 
 ( i37 ) 
 
 imagine, that you have an inftrument with- 
 in your reachj by which you {hall be able 
 to {hatter, the -whole chain t into a thou- 
 fand fragments. 
 
 For, I apprehend, that you are ready 
 to oppofe to thefe principles, and conclu- 
 fions, that fophifm, if I may be allowed 
 the expreffion, tf millies decies repetitum " 
 with little variation in Jbrm t viz. " that, 
 " as the very end, for which government 
 " was inftituted, was the general happinefs 
 " of the fociety, it is therefore abfurd to 
 " fuppofe, that the MAJORITY can be bound 
 "to OBEY thofe commands, laws, and in- 
 " ftitutibns, to which, they have not by fome 
 w means or other, given their aflent, which 
 
 " is the UNALIENABLE RIGHT of ALL 
 " MANKIND." 
 
 ;;: ":,-.I cools': ..": 
 But, Sir, be pleafed to confider, that it 
 b upon the truth of the TWO following 
 S POSITIONS,
 
 X 
 
 POSITIONS, that ALL GOVERNMENT WHAT 
 
 SOEVER was ORIGINALLY founded. 
 
 that the MULTITUDE, are NOT 
 the BEST JUDGES, of what, will mojl con- 
 duce even to their own individual, much 
 iefs therefore, to the general happinefs of 
 a fociety* 
 
 Arid fecondly, that, if, they COULD dif- 
 cover the MEANS, to this GREAT END; 
 they would not VOLUNTARILY impofe 
 upon themfelves, thofe rejlraints which art 
 neceflary for it's attainment. 
 
 The truth of the FIRST of thefe pofi- 
 tions, is evident from hence, that the bulk 
 of the people, can neither fpare a fuffici- 
 ent portion of time, to allot to reflexion, 
 nor confequently therefore have the requi- 
 fite opportunity, for the acquifition of that 
 portion of reafon, under/landing, and ivifdom, 
 which is abfolutely neceflary, for the fe-
 
 htlion t of the prnperejl MEANS to that 
 END, out of a great variety of circurnftan- 
 ces, whofe GENERIC, arid SPECIFIC DIF- 
 FERENCES, can not be afcertaincd, without 
 much clofenefs of attention, and exactnefs 
 of diicrimi nation. For furely, LEGISLA- 
 TION confidered as a SCIENCE, at leaft 
 requires as good ABILITIES for it's ACQUI- 
 SITION as any other SCIENCE; and when 
 confidered as an ART, demands as habi- 
 tual an application, and Jkill for it's PRAC- 
 TICE, as any other ART. 
 
 The truth of the fecond propofition, is 
 not lefe evident than that of the firft. For, 
 were the multitude, capable of dijlinguijh- 
 ing, what is mojl conducive to THEIR GE- 
 NERAL GOOD; upon WHAT PRINCIPLE, 
 I befeech you, could they be INDUCED 
 to CHOOSE it, in preference, to the imme- 
 diate gratification of fome defire, inclination, 
 and pajjion, efpecially when, as in the cafe 
 fuppofed,- there was no expectation of any 
 S 2 punifhment,
 
 punifhment, or controul whatfoever, to tn 
 force it ? Will you fay, they might de- 
 rive fufficient motives from the LAWS OP 
 VIRTUE, or of MORALITY. But, before you 
 can maintain this, you muft have totally 
 forgotten, what, has been already fully pro- 
 ved, that had fuch a pofition as this, been 
 originally admitted, as the JUST principle 
 of ALL government, viz: that the people t 
 OUGHT either to make, or, when made, give 
 their approbation to the LAWS, before, they 
 ftiould be obliged to OBEY them; then, - 
 
 NO SUCH LAWS as THOSE of VIRTUE, 
 
 COULD EVER have been DISCOVERED by 
 human reafon, for the regulation of hu- 
 man conduct. For, it has been clearly 
 fhown, that THEY, are all built, upon the 
 EXPERIENCE, which is derived from the 
 
 UTILITY of GOVERNMENT, in COMPEL- 
 LING the multitude, to SACRIFICE the gra- 
 tification of their PRIVATE, inclinations, 
 and SELFISH paffions, to the GENERAL 
 happinefs of the SOCIETY; and, that from 
 
 thence,
 
 t Mi ) 
 
 thence, thefe GENERAL LAWS of VIRTUI 
 and MORALITY, were DEDUCED; to com-, 
 prehend, within the bonds of their obli-. 
 
 gatlOn, ALL MANKIND. 
 
 ;5ii.7 
 
 If however, you will rejett this fyjlem of 
 yiine t as too novel for your appetite, and 
 will go back to the old fyftem of any other 
 writer, upon the ORIGIN of MORAL OB- 
 LIGATION; you will find; that your ar- 
 gument, by " proving too much, -proves no- 
 f< thing." Fpr, if the laws of virtue and 
 morality, are able to INDUCE the multi- 
 tude to facrijice upon all occafions, their 
 
 OWn PRIVATE GRATIFICATIONS tO the 
 
 PUBLIC GOOD, then it follows, that all 
 civil government, is altogether unneceflary, 
 and ufelefs, either to the guidance, or re- 
 ilraint of men's volitions, and inclinations. 
 Whereas to produce this GREAT END, was 
 really the SOLE PURPOSE of IT'S FIRST 
 
 f NSTITUTION. 
 
 Will
 
 ( '4* ) 
 
 Will you then maintain, that however 
 
 folfe> fuch a pofition WOULD have been 
 
 formerly; yet as GOD has been pleafed to 
 
 REVEAL HIS WILL, to ALL mankind, there 
 
 can be no objection to the admiffion of 
 
 SUCH a PRINCIPLE of government now; 
 
 becaufe, CHRISTIANITY, fupplies ALL MEN, 
 
 "With a SUFFICIENT MOTIVE tO SUCH ft 
 
 conduft ? 
 
 If thiSy mould be your argument ; per- 
 mit me to remind you ; firjl, that, as 
 chriftianity fupplies motives, equally efficaci- 
 ous to the governors, as to the governed; 
 by parity of reafoning, there is much lefs 
 necf/Jity NOW, to admit the people into 
 any participation of the legijlative power, 
 than there was formerly ; becaufe there is 
 now therefore by your own confeffion, an 
 additional rejlraint upon the TYRANNY of 
 GOVERNORS. And CHRISTIANITY, certain- 
 ]y does not fupply the people, with that 
 knowledge^ which is necejjary for making 
 
 CHANGES
 
 ( '43 ) 
 
 CHANGES in governments; though, it fur- 
 nifhes them, with that wifdom, which is re- 
 quifite, for THEIR OBEDIENCE to govern- 
 ors. For it even gives us, particular 
 caution, "to BEWARE of THOSE, who 
 " are GIVEN to CHANGE." 
 
 : 
 
 Secondly , had you been aware of the 
 confequcnces, which follow from this argu- 
 ment, they would have made you "Jlart 
 " ajide, like a broken bow" For fuch an 
 argument, by the fubftitution of another 
 principle, inftantly deprives the people of 
 their claim, to a Jhare in the legijlation, 
 upon the pene divinum plea, of NATU- 
 
 RAL RIGHT. 
 
 Thirdly, if, becaufe, God has vouchiafed 
 
 to injlruft man in his duty, we are there- 
 
 fore according to your fyjlem of logic, to 
 
 conclude, that ALL MEN WILL NECESSA- 
 
 RILY UNDERSTAND, and PRACTISE it J J 
 
 this happens unfortunately to you, to be
 
 ( 144 ) 
 
 ^ conclufion, Which daily experience confra- 
 di&s, from the very evidence of your own< 
 and your friends conduct. For, though 
 the chriilian religion inculcates, into it's vo- 
 tarieSj univerfal SUBMISSION lo ruler s, there 
 is not a day paifes over our heads,, in 
 which, either you, or fome of your aflbci- 
 ates, do not contradict this, by inculcating, 
 
 NOT OBEDIENCE, but RESISTANCE tO gO- 
 
 vernment, as the GRAND DUTY, of SUB- 
 JECTS. 
 
 But, if this conclufion. were not even 
 thus irreconcilable with FACT; yet, mark 
 well, I befeech you, what ftill mujl be, 
 the melancholy tendency of it's conferences. 
 For though, certainly fuch a conclufion ; 
 might be productive of the mojl IMPOR- 
 TANT benefits, .by railing a ftorm, which 
 would EXTIRPATE every root, and branch^ 
 
 Of OUr RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENT; "* 
 
 " confummalion, by you,, (no doubt,) deVout- 
 " ly to be zvijhcd;" yet unluckily, it would 
 
 in
 
 ( MS ) 
 
 In it's fury, hurry away with it likewife^ 
 < every timber, brick, and ftone of every 
 diflenting minifter's meeting-houfe in the 
 whole world. 
 
 For, admitting this doftrine to be true; 
 it would then be an aft of robbery, in 
 every minifler of every denomination, to de- 
 mand contributions, any more, than tithes 
 from their congregations. Or at leaft, it 
 would be but a fwindling trick, in theirij 
 to cozen their congregations out of their 
 money, by pretending,- to fell them a com- 
 modity t of which they were in full poffef- 
 fion, without the payment for it, even of 
 a (ingle doit* 
 
 I have fome corifolation however, in 
 thinking, that how frequently foever, fuch 
 a doctrine as this, I am now combating, 
 may be advanced ; that it arifes only from 
 the laudable motive, of rendering our PRE- 
 SENT civit and RELIGIOUS JES-TABLISH- 
 
 T WENT
 
 ( '46 ) 
 
 I 
 WENT CONTEMPTIBLE, in the CyCS of 
 
 IT'S SUBJECTS; and by thefe means, en- 
 couraging them, as far as can be done, 
 with fafety, to overturn it, and bury it's 
 doclrines, and it's minifters, in the ruins. 
 
 For, I cannot think, that even YOU, 
 SIR, and then it is impoffible to conceive, 
 that ANY ONE ELSE, would be willing to 
 put fuc/i a doftrine, to the only Jure tejl 
 of it's truth, EXPERIENCE. That is to 
 fay, to try, whether the multitude, (I 
 mean,) not only barely the majority, but 
 an almoft infinite number above a majori- 
 ty, (for if a majority has a RIGHT, a 
 fortiori, a larger number has flill more 
 right, to MAKE LAWS) are not BEST 
 
 QUALIFIED, tO ENACT LAWS for the >gC- 
 
 neral happinefs; and whether, they will 
 not MOST READILY OBEY them, when, all 
 temporal penalties are removed; and no- 
 thing remains to inforce them, but merely 
 the more remote influence of religious fane- 
 
 tions.
 
 ( 14-7 ) 
 
 tions. to. il fhould feem, that the Nati- 
 onal AJjtmbly of France, even in their MUL- 
 TIPLICITY Of EXPERIMENTS, all founded, 
 
 upon the REVERSE of every conclufion, 
 deduced from experience of the nature of 
 man t have not yet advanced quite fo far t 
 as to try this ; as they have neither giv- 
 en at prefent, a MAJORITY of the PEO- 
 PLE, a RIGHT of MAKING LAWS, nor 
 
 even of CHOOSING REPRESENTATIVES. 
 Yet THEY have in referve % a much more 
 powerful engine of their own contrivance, 
 to ENFORCE OBEDIENCE, than as they 
 think, ANY REVELATION FROM GOD, can 
 poffibly be;- you already guefs that I mean, 
 their intended frame of inftiiutes> for 
 the EDUCATION of a CITIZEN. 
 
 i?> .' 'ftS . , - 
 
 'Till therefore, the legiflators of other 
 nations are become even wifer t than thofe 
 enlightened ones in France, who have dif- 
 covered REVEALED RELIGION to be, a 
 JEST, -and INJUSTICE to be NO VICE; 
 T 2 and
 
 and that PILLAGE, ROBBERY, MURDER, 
 and SACRILEGE, are the FOUR CARDI- 
 NAL VIRTUES; the fubjefts of other na- 
 tions, muft be content to OBEY the laws, 
 of their refpe&ive governments, though they 
 fhould not happen to enatt them. Nay, 
 though they fhould, even chance to think, 
 that a law does not contribute to the 
 greatejl general happinefs; they are ftill 
 bound to obedience,-^-from a pRixciPLEi 
 which is the foundation of ALL GOVERN- 
 MENT, and therefore paramount to all other 
 confiderations. For where ever, a legi/la- 
 iure exifts, though it be compofed of fal- 
 lible men, it follows, from the very defini- 
 tion of the term, that it has a right to 
 MAKE, and -the executive power , has a RIGHT 
 to enforce Juch laws, as feem to THEM, 
 lejl calculated to produce the general hap- 
 pinefs : and fubmijjion to them, is the DU- 
 TY of ALL the SUBJECTS. THIS is a 
 
 PRINCIPLE Of UNIVERSAL OBLIGATION, 
 
 which is common to ALL LAWS, from the; 
 
 VERY
 
 VERY ESSENCE of the thing, whether, they 
 are laws made by the legiflaiure of a far- 
 ticular (late, whether, they are the LAWS 
 of virtue, or of morality, deduced by men's 
 reafoning faculties, or fanttioned by the 
 B.EVELATIQN, of an INFALLIBLE LEGIS- 
 LATOR. 
 
 Strange, and almojl inconceivable, as the 1 
 fpregoing pofition may appear, to many at 
 firjl fight; yet, it is in fail, not only 
 farfe&ly intelligible, but likewife very eafily 
 proved. For, were individuals left to them- 
 felves to determine, when even thofe gene- 
 ral laws, of morality and religion, fhould 
 be obeyed, and when not; many, or all, 
 even perhaps of THEM, would NOT AP- 
 PEAR to be always conducive to the ge- 
 neral good. On the contrary, it would ap- 
 pear to the fallible optics of the wifeft 
 men, that GREATER GOOD in particular. 
 cafes, might arife from the non-obfervance, 
 tb r an from afting in conformity to them. 
 
 But
 
 But why then, it may be afked, did 
 men deduce fuch general laws, and reduce 
 them into a fyftem of morality, and why 
 
 is UNIVERSAL OBEDIENCE tO them TC- 
 
 quired ? For how then, can fuch a re- 
 quifition, be for the general good? 
 
 The anfwer, is, plain, and obvious and 
 even familiar. Becaufe, though more ap- 
 parent good, might even arife, from a 
 NON-COMPLIANCE with them, in fome par- 
 ticular cafes; yet, were a permiffion given 
 to each individual, to judge for himfelf, 
 uuhsn, obedience to them, was proper, and 
 when not; fuch a permiifion, would be in 
 tffeff, an ABROGATION of them AS LAWS, 
 and would often authorize the perpetra- 
 tion of murder, adultery, robbery, and 
 every fpecies of injuftice, for the preven- 
 tion of which, they were, in ALL CASES 
 intended. 
 
 Prccifely
 
 Precifely therefore, for the fame reafon 
 alfo, it is, that fuck a permiffion can not, 
 be granted to fubjefts ; which, is not on- 
 ly contended for as a theoretical truth, but 
 
 DEMANDED as the NATURAL UNALIENA- 
 BLE RIGHT of MAN, and of the PRACr 
 
 TICE of which, through all it's confequcnces, 
 it is affirmed to be an aft of injuftice, cru- 
 elty , opprejjion, and tyrannny in any govern- 
 ment , to deprive any y even the lowed, of 
 it's members. For if it were, the LAWS 
 of the STATE, would likewife, in this cafe, 
 as the laws of virtue in the former, be in 
 effcB ANNULLED, government would be 
 diffolved; men would again fall into that 
 very Jlate of nature , and of ANARCHY, 
 which involves them in infinitely more mi- 
 fery, than, the very WORST FORM of CI- 
 VIL GOVERNMENT, Can POSSIBLY PRO- 
 DUCE. 
 
 Hence then it follows, that if an hu- 
 man legifl.ature, even enjoins it's fubjecls, 
 
 either
 
 Cither to omit any aftion, of which, bjf 
 the laws of virtue, or religion, the omijfion 
 appears to them, to be wrong; or com- 
 mands them to perform fome a&ion, which 
 when brought to the fame TEST, appears 
 lo them to be vicious or WICKED; it 
 does not then become their DUTY to rc- 
 Jtjl and rebel, but they are bound QUIET- 
 LY to fubmit to the lofs of the feeming 
 
 ' 
 good, however great it might be, which 
 
 they would have obtained, by a compliance 
 with the laws ; or to any other inconveni- 
 ence or pain y which they might fuftain, 
 in confequence of difobedience . Exactly, as 
 in all other cafes whatfoever, where we 
 would regulate our conduct, by the rules 
 of virtue or morality, whenever any plea- 
 fure, or feeming advantage, might be ob- 
 tained by the gratif cation of the PASSI- 
 ONS, fuch pleafure and advantage, mujl be 
 facrijiced, to the laws of -virtue, and religion. 
 
 However wrong therefore, a legiflature 
 may be in enacting fome laws, yet, the 
 
 people
 
 t 153 ) 
 
 people are (till bound to obey them, unlefs 
 fuch laws are deftru&ive of fome particu- 
 lar conjlitution, by making a breach in the 
 compact, between the GOVERNED and the 
 covERNORSi in that PARTICULAR FORM 
 of government; and for which breach, that 
 
 VERY CONSTITUTION has PROVIDED a 
 REMEDY, by AUTHORISING in fuch CdfeS, 
 
 the PEOPLE'S DISBOEDIENCE. But a re- 
 
 fufal of obedience in the Jubjefts, to the 
 
 ACTS of the LEGISLATURE, much more 
 
 refiftance or rebellion, muft be in ALL 
 
 OTHER CASES, at ALL TIMES, offenCCS of 
 
 the moft complicated guilt, and crimes of 
 the deeped dye. For, the magnitude of the 
 guilt, muft not only be eftimated, by the 
 uncontroulable violence of the PASSIONS, in 
 the firft, and more immediate agents; but 
 alfo, by the number, and heinoufnefs of 
 the crimes, of which, they are only medi- 
 ately, or even remotely the caiifes ; and 
 likewife by the unmeafurable inundation 
 of evils, which, iffuing forth from both 
 U thefe
 
 ( '54 ) 
 
 thefe fources, raging in a refiftlefs torrent, 
 H muft neceflarily overwhelm the whole 
 kingdom, in ruin, and defolation. 
 
 
 
 So truly trifling, falfc and fophiftical, 
 (and I mould add contemptible, but for 
 fear of giving you offence) are thefe AR- 
 GUMENTS, and ALL OTHERS like<wife, which, 
 are founded upon the fandy, or rather 
 tmdifcoverable foundation, of the NATU- 
 RAL RIGHTS OF MEN. Notwithstanding 
 therefore, the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF 
 FRANCE, have advanced THEM, as the 
 
 FIRST PRINCIPLES OF ALL GOVERNMENT, 
 
 in their" DECLARATION OF RIGHTS, 
 
 Dfii ''' ;' ^H" > 4*-" " ' ' W 
 
 Which, now to fenfc, and now to nonfenfc, leaning, 
 Mean not, but blunder round about, a meaning. 
 
 and though, even tlie PEOPLE have SANC- 
 TIONED cettes lanterncs, by the penalty of 
 the lantern pojl; yet, the venerable MINO- 
 RITY of that motley body, enlifted under 
 
 the
 
 ^ ( 
 
 the banners of REASON, muft ever brand 
 them with reprobation, and reject them with 
 contempt. 
 
 To our moft fincere wifhes, and hopes, 
 therefore, may we not add alfo, our firm 
 truft, and confidence, that thefe " unfubjlan- 
 " tial pageants" called NATURAL RIGHTS, 
 are now " diffofoed," and will be no longer 
 
 blown with rejllefs -violence 
 
 round about the pendant -world. 
 
 That you, may have time, by confidering 
 what has been already faid, to form the 
 fame hope, breathe the fame wifii, and at- 
 tain to the fame truft and confidence, I 
 (hall conclude this letter, remaining 
 
 Sir, 
 Yours, &c. 
 
 tO/.lU'S YlStT a/i Oa Q'J TH Q I*".! />-'-- 
 
 U 2 LETTER
 
 LETTER VIII. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 T HOPE you have had now fufficient 
 leifure, moft maturely to weigh, the 
 words, NATURAL RIGHTS, and to exile 
 them for ever from your mind, to the 
 regions of nonfenfe; where only they 
 could have their birth, from the union of 
 IRROR, with ANARCHY. For, if thofe, 
 which are called RIGHTS were NATURAL; 
 then GOVERNMENT would be UNNA- 
 TURAL. And if all men claim it, as their 
 
 NATURAL RIGHT tO DO AS THEY PLEASE, 
 NO GOVERNMENT CAN POSSIBLY EXIST. 
 
 The,
 
 ( '57 ) 
 
 The only queftion therefore, which a 
 Jubjctt can afk himfelf, under ANY SPECIES 
 
 OF GOVERNMENT, is 'not, what RIGHTS. 
 
 fliould, I WISH to have, and therefore may 
 claim as INDEFEASIBLE ; but, 
 
 Firft, WHAT ARE the RIGHTS, to which, 
 ^-1 am entitled^ by the CONSTITUTION of 
 the government, under which, I live. 
 
 Secondly, whether, fuch others, as I mould 
 ttii/h to have, WOULD be COMPATIBLE 
 with the prefent particular RIGHTS, and 
 general wijfies and welfare of my fellow 
 fubjecls. 
 
 Thirdly, whether I, and thofe who en- 
 tertain the fame inclinations, and opini- 
 ons with myfelf, are likely to obtain them 
 from the legiflature, without DISTURBING, 
 the TRANQUILITY, PEACE, and HAP- 
 PINESS, of the fociety ? 
 
 For,
 
 ( '58 ) 
 
 For, the GENERAL HAPPINESS of the 
 WHOLE kingdom, is certainly the GRAND 
 IND, to which, every law fhould tend; 
 even more invariably^ than the needle, when 
 touched by the loadftone, does actually 
 turn towards the pole. Where, therefore, 
 under any conftitution of government, the 
 legiflature enacts any law, which can im- 
 part a GOOD, to Jornc, which they did not 
 before enjoy, or remove from them, fome 
 INCONVENIENCE, which they before fuf- 
 tained, without SUBJECTING the reft, to 
 INJURY or INCONVENIENCE: there t the 
 government is IMPROVED. 
 
 In fuch a cafe, however, the legiflature, 
 fhould mod cautioufly attend, to the very 
 wide diftance, there is, between the RE- 
 MOVAL of an attual fain y or pofitive in- 
 convenience; and the CONFERRING of 
 NEW POWER. 
 
 For,
 
 For, to the former, a man may be faid 
 to have fome claim, from the laws of mo- 
 rality, and religion. To the other, he can 
 not pretend, to fet up even any moral plea 
 >vhatfoever; but there may be not only 
 many political, and conftitutional, but like- 
 wife even fome moral objections again/1 it. 
 So likewife, even in the removal only of 
 pain, or fome pofitive inconvenience, the 
 legiflature, mould not only attend to the, 
 immediate, but alfo, to the remoter confe- 
 quences, which may refult from it ; as to 
 the probable converfion of the freedom 
 from PAST RESTRAINT, into the acquiji* 
 tion of FUTURE TOWER. 
 
 For no argument, can poflibly be more 
 abfurd, or contradictory, in any fet of men, 
 even, fuppojing the fail to be true, upon 
 which they build it; than to pretend, 
 that they have a claim to any fuch indul- 
 gent relaxation, of the rigour of the laws, 
 ~btcaufe> tuhiljl they were under this re* 
 
 Jlraint,
 
 ti they were quiet and peaceable fub-, 
 jefts. As this, only proves, that the laws 
 had anfwered the purpofe, for which they 
 were enafted; viz. that of making quiet 
 fubjecls of thofe, who were refllefs and 
 refractory, before the pafling of thofe laws. 
 But, BECAUSE, it was for the very purpofe 
 of producing this ejfeft, that the rejlraint 
 was layed upon them; FOR THAT VERT 
 reafon y their pajl loyalty and obedience, un- 
 der fuch circumftances, however great they 
 might have been, can not poflibly, be any 
 PLEDGE, or SECURITY for their future 
 condutt, when, that VERY RESTRAINT, 
 fhould be REMOVED. 
 
 A more ample, and indifputable illuftra- 
 tion, and confirmation, of the truth of 
 thefe obfervations, can not be given, than 
 that, with which, you yourfelf have been 
 fo kind as to fupply us, in your twelfth 
 letter, page 122. 
 
 For
 
 f 
 
 For there you fay, " time was when 
 *' (the Church of England) pretended, to 
 " fear where no fear -was, and being then 
 " VIGOROUS, her cries were heard, as the 
 " roaring of a lion. Of late, flie has 
 "BEEN so FEEBLE, that, WE ONLY 
 
 " AMUSE OURSELVES WITH THEM, and 
 
 " now the DANGER is really TRANSFER- 
 
 " RED FROM US, tO THEMSELVES."' 
 
 Now, what does, this very plain, and 
 explicit declaration, amount to, BUT THIS 
 very kind informatio'n, that we were FOOLS, 
 to take away the penal laws, againft you, 
 and your friends; for, that YOU, having 
 now acquired power,- nofwithllanding all 
 your pretences to liberality of fentinient, 
 and chriftian charity; to loyalty to the 
 King, and love to your Country ; notwith- 
 {landing your claim to a monopoly of all the 
 wifdom and virtue in the kingdom, WILL 
 eagerly feize every opportunity, (and you 
 go on, to point out the opportunities, which 
 X will
 
 ( .tfi* ) 
 
 will be afforded) of USING that VERY 
 
 POWER, tO the DESTRUCTION of yOUF 
 
 truly liberal^ and generous benefaclors. 
 
 Permit me however, from REAL TEN- 
 DERNESS, to you, and your friends; do 
 not ftart, you may venture to believe it 
 without hefitation, for my conduft has been 
 always firm and maiily towards them ; (the 
 open oppofer of their opinions and doc- 
 trines, but more than once a cordial friend, 
 and warm advocate for the men who held 
 them,) to recommend to you, more caution > 
 not only in your declarations of youryw- 
 iurc intention^ but likewife, in your prc~ 
 fent conjlant exhibitions, of your rooted pre- 
 judices ; your bigotted animofity, and your 
 unchriftian hatred, to the Church of Eng- 
 land, it's doftrines, and it's minijlers. Per- 
 feculing the latter as you do, which is, as 
 far as you can, in their literary fame, 
 wherever, you can get the command of a 
 periodical publication, however liberal they 
 J J iw may
 
 may be in their fentiments, towards ail 
 other feels. Mifreprefenting likewiic, thofe 
 who aflbciate with you, from principles of 
 liberality, and of chriftian charity, as court- 
 ing your company, for the fake of inftruc- 
 tion, and as leaving the fociety, of their 
 bigotted brethren of the eftablifhment, 
 from their predilection, for the more en- 
 larged Jentiments of your feet. 
 
 Remember, Sir, that the LION of the 
 foreft, alfo, does not always rcar y but 
 may fometimes condefcend to fuffer, fome 
 of the lower tribes of animals, (even per- 
 haps fome of that fpecies, which moft re- 
 femble, and moft delight in imitating men,) 
 to play around him, admit them into fome 
 familiarity, protect them from their moft 
 ferocious enemies, and divert himfelf with 
 their gambols, though they mould be ex- 
 preflive only of their vanity, and their 
 weaknefs. But if, from this indulgence, 
 growing bold, and petulant, fhould 
 X 2 miftake
 
 ( '64 ) 
 
 miftake his gentlenefs for fupinenefs, and 
 his. meeknefs for indifference, and once 
 more roufing him from his repofe, he 
 does but begin to fhake his fhaggy mane, 
 and utter his deep-toned roar, they would 
 inftantly be ftruck aghaft with horror, and 
 in a moment, fcramble away to the firft 
 cover they could find, fmall enough, to 
 hide them, from his awakened fury, and 
 tremendous ftrength. 
 
 But, let us lay afide metaphor, and re- 
 turn to the fubjccl, more immediately be- 
 fore us. When, again> the executive and 
 legiflative powers, GIVE UP any power, 
 with which by the conftitution, they hap- 
 pen to be entrufted, and of which, they 
 are confcious, the HAPPINESS of the SO- 
 CIETY, do not REQUIRE the EXERCISE; 
 becaufe the exertion of it, could only 
 ferve to the gratification of the paflions, 
 of thofe, in whom thofe powers are lodg- 
 ed, who have their weaknejfes and frailtiss 
 
 in
 
 in common with all other men : in that 
 cafe likewife % there is, we fay, an alte- 
 ration in the government, and a reforma.- 
 tion in the conjlitution. The UTMOST CARE, 
 and CAUTION however, muft alfo be ufed 
 on SUCH AN OCCASION, in every confli- 
 tution, where, the legi/lature, conjijls of 
 
 DIFFERENT BRANCHES; tO PREVENT the 
 
 POWER, which may thus be SURRENDER- 
 ED by ONE of them, from being TRANS- 
 FERRED tO ANY, Or ALL of the OTHERS. 
 
 For where this is the confequence, the 
 balance of the conftitution, inftead of be- 
 ing amended^ may be totally dejlroyed. 
 
 In any fuch cafes likewife, where, 
 the governors of the flate, do not of 
 their own accord, pafs fuch laws, the go- 
 verned may under all the various forms, 
 of different conftuutions, perhaps, without 
 any breach, either of their moral duty> or 
 their obedience as fubjtfts t petition for alte- 
 rations ; provided, they do fo, with that 
 
 relpec\
 
 ( i66 ) 
 
 refpeS, which is always due from fubjetis, 
 to the fupreme power in. every ftatc ; and 
 quietly SUBMIT, if, that power think dif- 
 ferently from them, as to the PROPRIETY, 
 of granting, the objecls of their petitions. 
 For, from it's decifion, there can not pof- 
 fibly be, under any government, ANY 
 LAWFUL APPEAL; nor even from it's ER- 
 RORS, and it's PREJUDICES, any RIGHT- 
 FUL REDRESS. 
 
 Very unacceptable, and even diiagreeable 
 no doubt, mult THESE TRUTHS appear to 
 thofe of our modern political innovators y who 
 miftake every popular, propofed alteration, 
 for an excellent reformation, in a con- 
 flitution ; which is, and long has been, 
 an objecl of admiration, to fome ftates, 
 and of envy, to others. To thofe, who 
 deem an edifice to be increafmg in beau- 
 ty, the nearer it approaches, to a mere 
 exhibition of ruins. To thofe, who fired by 
 their own enthufiafm, conceive every fuggef- 
 
 tion
 
 tion of fancy, to be an objecl of expe- 
 rience. To thofe, who more lukewarm in 
 themfelves, but heated, by mixing in fre- 
 quent crouds, receive from, and communi- 
 cate, the flame of their prejudices, and 
 their pafiions, to each other. To thofe, 
 who however really ignorant they are, 
 yet by a conflant reciprocation of flattery, 
 believe themfelves to be irradiated with 
 fupereminent light, and to be -pofleffed of 
 the utmoft ftore of knowledge. To thofe, 
 who not being often admitted under vault- 
 ed roofs, miftake the reverberations of 
 their own voices within, for fhouts of 
 approbation, from crouds, without. To thofe, 
 who, becaufe hundreds of men, of genu- 
 ine genius and learning, who live retired 
 in their rural (hades, content themfelves 
 only with defpifing their book-making, and 
 their puffing, ( but not chuiing to en- 
 counter their virulence and abufe, do not 
 reply to them) prefume therefore, from 
 the filence of thofe, who differ from them, 
 
 that
 
 ( 168 J 
 
 that their own opinions, are deenlcd, to 
 be, incapable of refutation. To thofe, 
 who valuing themfclves upon their art, 
 cunning, and addrefs, though they have 
 not much knowledge of the world, and 
 ftill lefs of human nature, fancy, that the 
 real roughnefs, rudenefs, and fiercenefs of 
 their difpofitions, are not perceived, on 
 account of the fometimes affefted fmooth- 
 nefs, foftnefs, and fubtlenefs of their out- 
 ward demeanor ; and imagine that where 
 a fmile is forced, upon the rigid, unre- 
 laxing mufcles of their mouths, there can 
 be no fufpicion, of rancour, rankling in 
 the heart. 
 
 :l;/r3'^ -*.odtf 
 
 In all thefe, and fuch as thefe charac- 
 ters, however various may be their divi- 
 fions and fubdivifions, however fimilar they 
 may be in fome features, and diftimilar 
 in others, yet in ALL of them, no doubt, 
 THESE TRUTHS will almoft equally ex- 
 cite difplcafure, and perhaps exaftly in 
 
 proportion
 
 C 169 ) 
 
 proportion to the ftrength of the afgu- 
 rnents in their fupport, exafperate theif 
 refentment. 
 
 Yet, though I am unwilling, to be' the 
 caufe of -pain to any one, and if I know 
 my own heart, never intend to excite it, 
 except, when, as I am now bound in du- 
 ty, for the promotion of the happinefs of 
 others : of fo great importance, do I deem 
 thefe truths to be; that fhort as this let- 
 ter is, I fliall here conclude it; that you, 
 and my other readers may have the more 
 time, ferioufly to confider, and accurately 
 to weigh them ; and attentively to fcru- 
 tinize into all the numerous^ and if neg- 
 lecled, dangerous, co7ifequences t -~'W\-\ich follow 
 in their train. 
 
 For, however the almoft facred name of 
 LIBERTY, may be ufed as the denomina- 
 tion, of the darling object of the difcon- 
 tented, under any form of government; 
 Y it
 
 it is certainly very feldom fo employer!, 
 but, as a ftalking-horfe ; whilft in reality, 
 the LOVE of POWER, fkulking behind it, 
 aftoids men an opportunity of aiming at 
 the deftru&ion of every thing, which, 
 whilft it exifts, obftru&s their fclfilh incli- 
 nations, or by it's extinction, fupplies them, 
 with food for their PRIDE, their AVARICE, 
 and their AMBITION. 
 
 " O for that warping voice, which he who law 
 " Th' Apocalypfe, heard cry in heaven aloud." 
 
 But if that, be not any more permitted 
 to reach the ear of mortals; let BRI- 
 TONS however, be warned by a voice 
 which now cries aloud, and fpares not, from 
 the oppofite more. Which, bids the SONS of 
 ALBION BEWARE, wha*. experiments they 
 try upon their conftitution, either in church 
 or ftate ; bids them BEWARE, of the FAS- 
 CINATION from the well founding ruords,- 
 
 PHILOSOPHY, ENLIGHTENED TIMES, LI- 
 BERTY, and NATURAL RIGHTS; left, 
 
 inftead
 
 inftead of finding the RETURN of a SA- 
 TURNIAN REIGN, they fhould fall a facri* 
 
 JICC tO AMBITION, PRIDE, INJUSTICE, 
 
 IGNORANCE, and BARBARISM, marching 
 in the van; or to, FURY, CRUELTY,- 
 
 DESPOT ISM, SLAUGHTER, arid DESOLA- 
 TION, maddening in the rear. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 Yours, &c. 
 
 . 
 
 
 I . y,x n)u&. 
 
 i>r, ^s-V- '^:. n-i.tv/ 
 
 t fcIOI %Q' ".*lt . 
 
 .-: ' o".
 
 ( '7* } 
 
 ' 
 
 LETTER 
 
 . Y. c 
 
 SIR, 
 
 T T AVING now, not only, I truft, to* 
 tally DESTROYED every PLEA to the 
 CLAIM of any privileges in fociety, from 
 the natural RIGHTS of men; having alfo, 
 I doubt not, for ever expelled the -words, 
 from any future admiflion, amongjl the 
 terms, which appertain to the SCIENCE of 
 POLITICS; having likewife I hope, clear- 
 ly, and evidently traced, the ORIGIN, and 
 
 PROGRESS Of MORAL SCIENCE, through a 
 
 path, which though neglefted by all for- 
 jner writers, was the only one, in which 
 
 they
 
 they ought to have proceeded; and laftly, 
 . having pointed out the vaft care and 
 attention, with which, even any reforma- 
 tion ought to be made in ANY SPECIES 
 of GOVERNMENT; it feems to me, to be 
 very probable, that in future, for the 
 terms, NATURAL RIGHTS, MORAL RIGHTS, 
 will in general be fubflituted. And per- 
 haps, if NO CAUTION were given to pre- 
 vent it; the LATTER words, might, at no 
 diftant time be ufed, as the FORMER have 
 long been ; only as bugbears, to frighten 
 every one, from venturing to examine the 
 TRUTH or FALSEHOOD of any propofi- 
 tion, fo entitled ; upon the fuppofition, that 
 ALL POSITIONS which were so CHARAC- 
 TERISED, had a CLAIM from EVERY ONE, 
 to an IMMEDIATE and UNHESITATING 
 
 ASSENT. 
 
 Thus perhaps for inftance, it will .novy 
 be urged, that as I do, and muft admit, 
 that the GENERAL HAPPINESS of the PEOT 
 
 PLE,
 
 J>LE, OUGHT to be the FUNDAMENTAL 
 
 PRINCIPLE Of EVERY GOVERNMENT, 
 
 and that as I alfo allow, that there are 
 
 DIFFERENT FORMS of government, SOME 
 
 of which, are furnifhed with BETTER 
 MEANS for that ONE GREAT END, than 
 others ;- " therefore, the MAJORITY, MUST 
 "at ALL TIMES, have a MORAL RIGHT 
 " to change, (for inftance) a conftitution, 
 " which has intruded an ARBITRARY 
 " POWER, in the hands of ONE MAN, 
 "FOR ONE, -in which, a power fo lia- 
 " ble to be abufed, is CONTROULED^ 
 " CHECKED, and REGULATED.'* 
 
 To prevent however, to the utmoft of 
 our power, ALL POSSIBLE ABUSE of the 
 terms, " MORAL RIGHTS," by ufing them > 
 
 Without HAVING IDEAS ANNEXED TO 
 
 THEM, it is neceflary to obferve; that 
 when they are applied to any propofed 
 
 ALTERATION, in the INTERNAL GOVERN- 
 MENT of a ftate, the exprefiions, MO- 
 RALLY
 
 ( '75 ) 
 
 RALLY RIGHT, and POLITICALLY 
 
 RIGHT are, SYNONYMOUS. 
 
 For, THAT change can not be MORAL- 
 LY right, which is POLITICALLY WRONG; 
 nor politically RIGHT, which is MORALLY 
 
 WRONG. The GENERAL HAPPINESS, BE- 
 ING, the ONLY COMMON MEASURE of any 
 one, and the fame change; which, may 
 be by fome men, denoted in thefe different 
 manners. The WORDS therefore are only 
 different, but the SENSE of both the ex- 
 preffions, is the SAME. 
 
 For, mould any one deny this, and 
 fay, that it is very eafy to conceive, MA- 
 NY CHANGES in governments, which though 
 undoubtedly MORALLY RIGHT, would be 
 
 POLITICALLY WRONG : if, WC do but 
 
 advance one ftep further, and enquire, what 
 is to be underftood, by this pretended dif- 
 tinclion: we mail find it to turn out, to 
 be nothing more, than this quibble ;\\\aA. 
 
 fomc
 
 C 176 ) 
 
 Jome changes, may be conceived to be mack 
 in governments, which at CERTAIN TIMES, 
 and under CERTAIN CIRCUMSTANCES, 
 might be MORALLY RIGHT; which, at 
 OTHER certain times, and under OTHER. 
 'certain circumjlances, would be, POLITI- 
 CALLY WRONG. But then, Jiill it will be 
 found, that in THOSE SEASONS, and on 
 THOSE" OCCASIONS, WHEN they would be 
 MORALLY," they would alfo, be POLITI- 
 CALLY right; and on the contrary, and 
 fo always interchangeably, that at THOSE 
 SEASONS, and upon THOSE OCCASIONS, 
 that they would be POLITICALLY, they 
 
 would alfo be, MORALLY WRONG. 
 
 
 
 But in anfwer to the particular pofition 
 juft ftated; it muft be obferved, that con- 
 fidering it, in the light, either of an 
 
 UNIVERSAL Or GENERAL PPOPOSITIO N, no 
 
 one, can poflibly be MORE FALSE; as 
 evidently follows, from EVERY PROOF, 
 which has been ALREADY ESTABLISHED. 
 
 But,
 
 ( 77 ) 
 
 But, that there MAY be CASES sup- 
 POSFD, in which, the people might law- 
 fully change an arbitrary form of govern- 
 ment, into a more limitted one, BECAUSE, 
 there MAY BE CASES, where, fuch an aft, 
 would be no infringement of any man's 
 RIGHT, nor occafion an injury to any man t 
 I am ready to grant. 
 
 Thus for inflance, let us fuppofe a cafe, 
 in which, a tyrant^ by death t or feme other 
 caufe of INCAPACITY, not only lets fall, 
 but can never be able again, to refume 
 the reins of government ; and that the confti- 
 tution has not eftablifhed any fettled rule 
 of fucceffion. Here, the appointment of a 
 fucceffor, being left dependent upon the 
 choice of the people, no doubt, the po- 
 fition is fo far true t that in fuch a cafe, 
 the ehftors may> becaufe, no right is in^- 
 fringed, change the conftitution.
 
 ( '78 ) 
 
 For, the government is then for a mo- 
 ment dijfolmd ; and the multitude are re- 
 turned to their original Jtate of nature. If 
 then, they defire again to live in a ftate 
 of CIVIL SOCIETY, and GOVERNMENT, 
 which they will wifh to do, if they have 
 retained their fenfes : they certainly may 
 either appoint another governor, with the 
 fame, powers, as were intrufted to the for- 
 mer, only making choice of one, whom 
 they deem to be a wifer, and a better 
 man ; or, by appointing others, either to 
 fome participation in his power, or indeed, 
 by dividing the whole of it, either amongft 
 fome Jew, or a GREAT MANY in number, 
 hope, and endeavour to efcape the ev'ls 
 which arofe, as they think, from placing 
 the defpotic or arbitrary power, which MUST 
 ALWAYS EXIST SOMEWHERE, in the hands 
 
 Of ONLY ONE MAN. 
 
 In fiich a cafe, no doubt the people 
 do not do wrong, and may do right in 
 
 attempting
 
 attempting to new-model the government; 
 becaufe, they are then, precifely in the 
 fame fituation, except having had the ad- 
 vantage of experience, in which, they were, 
 when th^y at firjl agreed to inftitute a 
 government. Though it muft be obferved, 
 that even in this inftance, the innoxioufnefs 
 of fuch an attempt, is altogether limitted 
 to thofe cafes, where the new form can 
 be modelled, without ANARCHY, and CON- 
 FUSION ; and the CONSEQUENT CRIMES, 
 which are attendant upon fuch a ftate. 
 The PREVENTION of which, is the GRAND 
 
 BLESSING Of EVERY FORM of GOVERN- 
 MENT, and RENDERS the WORST, INFI- 
 NITELY PREFERABLE, tO NONE. 
 
 But in any OTHER cafe, that is to fay, 
 whilft the government actually exi/ls ) 
 they can not for the reafons, which I 
 have afTigned above, have any RIGHT, 
 
 but MUST DO WRONG, tO DI'SSOLVE f4>C 
 
 government, and revert to a itate of nsu- 
 
 Z 2 
 
 *
 
 ( 8o ) 
 
 ture, upon EVERY PRINCIPLE WHATSO- 
 EVER, upon which, cither GOVERNMENT, 
 or the LAWS of VIRTUE or MORALITY, 
 CAN POSSIBLY BE FOUNDED. For, a ma* 
 
 
 
 jority, has NO MORE RIGHT, to TRANS- 
 GRESS ANY of THOSE LAWS, nor confe- 
 quently " TO DO EVIL THAT GOOD MAY 
 "COME OF IT," than, any SINGLE INDI- 
 VIDUAL: But, in a ftate of REBELLION, 
 or of WAR, it is CERTAIN that " EVIL 
 " MUST be DONE," though it be quite 
 
 UNCERTAIN, whether, " ANY GOOD Will 
 
 "COME OF IT." 
 
 The Jirjl method, which I have affigned, 
 in the foregoing cafe, which I have fup- 
 pofed, from uhich, the people may hope 
 to have a better government, arife out of 
 the afhes of the former; was moft proba- 
 bly, the firjl experiment, which was tried. 
 They refolved to ufe, and probably did 
 ^xercife the utinoft care, caution, and cir- 
 cumfpeclion, as they thought, in the fe- 
 
 lettion
 
 leftion and choice of a new governor. 
 But, fuch were the evils, which attended 
 even fuch a temporary, though fcarcely 
 more than a momentary RELAPSE into a 
 
 STATE of NATURE, and of ANARCHY, 
 
 that repeated trials foori taught them, 
 that it was MUCH WORSE for mankind, to 
 INCUR the CERTAIN EVIL, than even, to 
 rifk a chance, after the UNCERTAIN GOOD. 
 
 From further reflection and experience, 
 they were no long time in learning, that 
 neither the MANY, nor EVEN the FEW, 
 had WISDOM or VIRTUE enough, to raife 
 the HIGHEST WISDOM, and the GREATEST 
 VIRTUE, to the moll exalted rank, and 
 moft extenfive power. 
 
 From hence then, they concluded, as 
 they were well warranted by their know- 
 ledge of fats, and perfectly authorifed by 
 the conclufions of their reafon, that an. 
 HEREDITARY SUCCESSION, was not only
 
 ( .82 ) 
 
 left calculated for the avoidance of the 
 miferies, they had fuftained by fo tumul- 
 tous an election, but likewife, for the ac- 
 quifition of that good, at which they had 
 aimed, by their folicitude in the CHOICE. 
 
 In fomc other cafes perhaps, though 
 certainly in much fewer, men have feized 
 the opportunity, which, the dijjblution of 
 the government gave them, to adopt, one, 
 or other, of the other METHODS I have 
 mentioned; though EXPERIENCE, has CER- 
 TAINLY SHOWN, that it has, VERY SEL- 
 DOM been attended with much melioration, 
 of their condition. For, the ABSOLUTE 
 POWER STILL EXISTS, though it be ever 
 fo much divided, and fubdivided ; and 
 though therefore in thefe cafes, there muft 
 indeed be an UNION of WILLS, before it 
 can bring OPPRESSION upon the PEOPLE, 
 yet, it frequently happens, (as there are 
 always motives exifting to form fuch an 
 union-J that when formed, it wields an 
 
 iron
 
 iron rod of oppreffion, fo extenfive in 
 length, and fo deftruclive by it's weight; 
 that the hand of ONE man, could not 
 even raife, much lefs, direcl: it. 
 
 But in moft cafes, where, a CONSTITU- 
 TION has been formed, which AMPLY 
 provides CHECKS, and CONTROULS, upon 
 both the LEGISLATIVE, and EXECUTIVE 
 POWERS of the government, for the pro- 
 du&ion of the greatejl pojjible general hap- 
 pinefs ; it has rather been the effect, of 
 what we foolijhly call ACCIDENT, than of 
 any SETTLED DESIGN, or REGULAR ADAP- 
 TATION of MEANS to ENDS.* Partly occa- 
 fioned by the ebullitions of men's paffions, 
 which at the time, no reafon could jufti- 
 fy, though even from them, good was af- 
 terwards educed ; and when therefore, the 
 firft agents were criminal, though their 
 
 aclions, 
 
 '-'.-. '. .-'j'j' 
 
 *See my Sermon on the KING'S RECOVERY,
 
 actions were beneficial. And partly, by- 
 events, of which no human fagacity could 
 forefee even their birth, and certainly 
 much lefs, their confequences. 
 
 To SUCH CAUSES, under the direction 
 of heaven, do WE, for the mod part 
 
 OWe, OUR OWN MOST EXCELLENT CON- 
 
 ^TiTUTioN, the parts of which, are upon 
 the WHOLE, fo nicely balanced, and regu- 
 larly adjufted; that, the COMMUNITY has 
 nothing to fear; from any UNCONTROUL- 
 
 ED TYRANNY of the EXECUTIVE POWER, 
 
 though it is HEREDITARY, under CER- 
 TAIN RESTRICTIONS; nothing to dread, 
 from any unavoidable IGNORANCE, or ra- 
 ther CAPRICE, in the legiflature; nor any 
 thing to tremble at, from the UNRULY 
 PASSIONS, and LICENTIOUS WILLS of the 
 PEOPLE. The lower ranks of fociety, owe 
 their fecurity, to the Jhart intruded to 
 numbers of them t in the CHOICE of ONE 
 
 of the CONSTITUENT PORTIONS of the 
 
 tEGISLATURE ;
 
 LEGISLATURE; and the WHOLE SOCIETY 
 is indebted for IT'S PRESERVATION, to 
 the EXCLUSION of the MULTITUDE, from 
 the POWER of MAKING LAWS, .in them- 
 felves; and the INTRUSTING SUFFICI- 
 ENT FORCE in the EXECUTIVE POWER, 
 
 tO COMPEL THEM tO OBEY thofe, which 
 
 are made by the perfons, in whom, that 
 power is veiled; whether, according to 
 the people's OWN CONCEPTIONS of them, 
 they HAPPEN, either to be APPROVED, or 
 DISAPPROVED. 
 
 The more effectually however, to fecure 
 an attention in the legislature, to THE 
 PEOPLE'S RIGHTS, their INTEREST, and 
 their HAPPINESS; they at ftated intervals, 
 have an OPPORTUNITY of REMOVING 
 
 THOSE REPRESENTATIVES from their 
 
 TRUST, who have given affent to laws, 
 which, after the CONSTITUENTS have had 
 TIME for COOL REFLECTION, they can 
 not bring themfelves to like; and have 
 A a a
 
 ( ,86 ) 
 
 a RIGHT to CHOOSE others, wha MAY, 
 
 if THEY PLEASE, RESCIND thefe laWS, 
 
 difliked by any of their eleftors. But, if 
 a majority of the new- defied reprefentatives, 
 do net agree to annul them, thofe who 
 (hall continue to difapprove the laws, are 
 as much bound to obey them, as thofe, 
 from whom, they receive the MOST COR- 
 DIAL ASSENT. 
 
 THIS, is, a DUTY which arifes, not 
 only from the PARTICULAR FORM of 
 THIS CONSTITUTION; but-, from the GE- 
 NERAL PRINCIPLE, COMMON tO ALL gO- 
 
 vernments. For though OUR CONSTITU- 
 TION, has indeed DEFINED, WHAT PER- 
 SONS are to CONSTITUTE the legiflature, 
 the obedience which is due, to the 
 MAJORITY .of the TWO HOUSES, with the 
 CONSENT of the KING, does not arife, 
 either from the NATURE, or NUMBER of 
 the perfons, conftituting it ; but from the 
 
 VERY CIRCUMSTANCE, of it's BEING the 
 
 LEGISLATURE.
 
 LEGISLATURE. For otherwife ; a MAJO~ 
 RITY of the WHOLE PEOPLE, either by 
 their reprefentatives, or even in their own 
 perfbns, have NO MORE RIGHT, though 
 they MAY have MORE POWER, to con- 
 troul a Jingle individual ; than any indivi- 
 dual has tO CONTROUL ANOTHER. HoW- 
 
 ever EXCELLENT therefore, fuch a con- 
 ftitution of the legiflature may be, the 
 
 OBEDIENCE DUE tO It, dOS NOT 
 FROM THAT EXCELLENCE; but, 
 
 from the NATURE of ALL GOVERNMENTS, 
 however DIFFERENT in their CONSTRUC- 
 TION, OBEDIENCE is UNIVERSALLY DUE 
 tO EVERY LEGISLATURE. 
 
 In SUCH a FORM Of GOVERNMENT 
 
 indeed, if, a law be propofed, by one part 
 of the legiflature, the DUTY of the other 
 TWO PARTS, \s y > firjl to enquire, whether 
 the propofed law be CONSONANT with the 
 CONSTITUTION, before they determine 
 upon it's expedience. For to them, is in- 
 A a 2 trufted
 
 ( '88 ) 
 
 trufted the prefcruation of z VERY PART of the 
 CONSTITUTION; but NOT by any means to 
 the PEOPLE at large ; any further, than 
 
 THEIR CHOICE of REPRESENTATIVES, has a 
 
 TENDENCY, to that END. And, it is by fo 
 excellent a provifion, (I mean) the not 
 allowing any OTHER APPEAL to the peo- 
 ple, than THIS, nor any appeal from, them, 
 but by petitions; -that, whilft by thefc 
 means, a defence from OPPRESSION, is 
 
 PROVIDED FOR THE PEOPLE; STABILI- 
 TY IS SECURED tO the GOVERNMENT- 
 
 For, whatever may be the authority, which 
 advances the contrary opinion, and however 
 often it may have been already, and may 
 again hereafter be repealed, 'that the PEOPLE 
 of ENGLAND, have by the REVOLUTION, 
 acquired, ^the THREE FUNDAMENTAL 
 RIGHTS of " choojing their own governors" 
 of " cajhiering them for mifconducl," and, 
 of "framing a nczu government;" SUCH 
 POSITIONS are as falje in point of.faft, 
 
 as
 
 as they are repugnant to every jujl concep- 
 tion of found policy : if, by the people ' be 
 meant, the general BULK of the COMMU- 
 NITY; and if the aflertors of this doctrine, 
 DO NOT MEAN THIS, and do not moft 
 benevolently intend to teach it, even to 
 the very dregs of the people, of which I 
 dare to fay, they never heard a word, 
 'till very lately, they certainly mean NO- 
 THING. 
 
 For the PEOPLE at large, % had no inter- 
 ference whatfoever, in the SETTLEMENT 
 made at that ./Era; NO APPEAL was made 
 to them ; and their opinions were not 
 ASKED. But, the REVOLUTION has in- 
 deed ESTABLISHED a PRINCIPLE, of the 
 UTMOST IMPORTANCE, and of the HIGH- 
 EST confequence. Which, however it may 
 be difputed by the FEW, or the MANY, 
 appears to me, to be able to ftand like a 
 rock, unfhaken by all the buffetings of 
 
 winds
 
 { '9 ) 
 
 winds and waves, amidft the moft tumul- 
 tuous agitation of the ocean. 
 
 The PRINCIPLE, I mean, is THIS. That, 
 when, the EXECUTIVE POWER, which is 
 the ONLY ONE, which can be EXTINCT, 
 becomes fo by INCAPACITY, ABDICA- 
 TION, or FORFEITURE, in conference of 
 that power, ACTING CONTRARY to 
 
 the FUNDAMENTAL, and ESTABLISHED 
 
 PRINCIPLES Of the CONSTITUTION, 
 
 THEN, in THAT CASE, the WHOLE POW- 
 ER Of the GOVERNMENT, DEVOLVES Upon 
 the TWO REMAINING BRANCHES of THE 
 
 LEGISLATURE, so FAR indeed, and NO 
 
 FURTHER, as tO give THEM a RIGHT 
 
 to SUPPLY the VACANCY, in that PARTI- 
 CULAR CASE, by APPOINTING ANOTHER 
 
 EXECUTIVE POWER, in as fhort a time 
 AS POSSIBLE, and in a MANNER, as con- 
 fentaneous with the USUAL MODE of SUC- 
 CESSION, as the PARTICULAR NATURE of 
 the CASE, WILL ADMIT. 
 
 By
 
 ( '9* ) 
 
 By this MOST EXCELLENT PROVISION?, 
 the CONSTITUTION therefore, is SE- 
 CURED againft VIOLATION, from the ex- 
 ertion of any UNLAWFUL AUTHORITY, 
 in the KING, which might either alter it, 
 or convert it into an ABSOLUTE MONAR- 
 CHY ; and it is likewife fhielded from the 
 interpofition, of any LICENTIOUS EXER- 
 CISE in the PEOPLE, which might either 
 deftroy it, by ANARCHY, or change it 
 into a DEMOCRACY. But moreover, at 
 the fame time, that this admirable prom- 
 fion, the eftablifhment of which, we owe 
 to the REVOLUTION, produces theft inefti- 
 mable benefits, by guarding againft both 
 tyranny and licentioufnefs, it is itfelf, alfo 
 prevented from even verging towards ABUSE, 
 from another MOST IMPORTANT PRINCI- 
 PLE of the conftitution ; which, totally 
 PROHIBITS and PREVENTS, the EXERCISE 
 of any SUCH power, in the ordinary VA- 
 CANCY of the throne by DEATH. For it 
 DOES NOT even ADMIT of the IDEA, of 
 
 SUCH
 
 SUCH a VACANCY; but MAINTAINS, 
 that the KING NEVER DIES, or, in 
 other words, that, the THRONE is NE- 
 VER VACANT, whilft, an HEREDITARY 
 SUCCESSOR, in a CERTAIN LINE EXISTS. 
 
 From thefe prerhifes, then^ it necefiari- 
 ly follows, that WHOEVER maintains, in 
 general terms, that the PEOPLE have, in 
 any SUCH CASES, the RIGHT of CASHIER- 
 ING their governors, and of CHOOSING 
 other governors, and of FORMING what 
 government they pieafe, muft, upon this 
 moft important event, either manifeft the 
 GROSSEST DECEPTION, in the affertors them- 
 felves. or, which, I am fure, I d not 
 believe to have been the cafe, betray in 
 them, the MOST CRIMINAL INTENTION, to 
 DECEIVE others. 
 
 SUCH is the PROVISION, which our 
 admirable confutation, has framed to fecure 
 
 LIBERTY tO the PEOPLE, and STABILITY 
 
 to
 
 to the GOVERNMENT. To which ends, the 
 RIGHTS, which the PEOPLE POSSESS, the 
 POWERS which they EXERCISE, the LI- 
 MITS, in which, they are CONFINED, and, 
 the OBLIGATION, by which, they are 
 BOUND to OBEY the LAWS, are EQUAL- 
 LY CONDUCIVE. - 
 
 That under fuch a conflitution t men ac- 
 cording to their different degrees of know- 
 ledge, and extent of their capacities, MAY 
 OFTEN DIFFER IN OPINION, concerning 
 the tendency of a law, as to the general 
 good of the governed, or it's conjijlency with 
 the principles of our particular form of 
 government, can excite no furprife. But to 
 hear it aflerted, as we often do, that, 
 there can be no good conjlitution of go- 
 vernment, where, the people themfelves 
 do not give their ajfent to the laws, which 
 they are bound to obey; and, to be al- 
 moft deafened, by the founds of the NA* 
 PURAI, RIGHTS of men, which contain, 
 B b tiuo
 
 ( 194 ) 
 
 two incompatible ideas; muft neceflari'y after- 
 nifh every man, who does not YIELD to 
 WORDS, inftead of ARGUMENTS, and, who 
 does not miftake, VULGAR OPINIONS, for 
 
 DEMONSTRATED TRUTHS. For who, that 
 
 has at all exercifed his INTELLECT in 
 inveftigations, into the NATURE of MAM, 
 but, muft fee, that fuck dotlrines, have not 
 the Jlighteft foundations to reft upon, in 
 HUMAN NATURE? And, can fuch a man, 
 though poflefled of the greateft candour, 
 deem the publifhers, and difleminators of 
 Juch opinions, to be any other, than the 
 nioft fuperficial of readers, and the moft 
 unqualified of writers; as men, who con- 
 tent themfelves with the perufal of treatifes 
 upon POLITICS, merely for the fake of 
 fpouting in converfation, or, of manufac- 
 turing a book for the public ; as men, 
 who have afTumed the tafk of teaching 
 others, what they themfelves had never 
 learned; as men, who might have read 
 
 politics FOR AN AMUSEMENT, but who 
 
 had
 
 f 195 ) 
 
 had never received the aid of a fingle 
 ray of judgment, reafoning, or thought, 
 to guide them in their enquiry into it, 
 AS A SCIENCE; as men therefore, guilty 
 of the higheft prefumption, conceit, and 
 arrogance, in DICTATING, (whilft, they 
 were thus IGNORANT, of the VERY FIRST 
 
 PRINCIPIES Of LEGISLATION,) LAWS tO 
 
 LEGISLATORS; and laftly as men, fome 
 of whom, are chargeable, either with the 
 mod confirmed folly, or the higheft cri- 
 minality, for their ignorance, or contempt 
 of the DUTY of SUBJECTS, by frequently 
 uttering threats (if all their wifhes be not 
 gratified) of overthrowing; and rejoicing 
 by anticipation, in the deftru&ion, of that 
 government, to which, they owe the 
 greateft gratitude for it's paft indulgencies, 
 and which is entitled, to their fincereft 
 affection, and higheft reverence, for the 
 meeknefs and mildnefs, with which it bears 
 their utmoil virulence of abufe, upon every 
 B b 2 part
 
 parr. both of it's CIVIL, and ECCLE- 
 SIASTICAL CONSTITUTION. 
 
 Thofe likewife, who have REALLY STU- 
 DIED POLITICS AS A SCIENCE, Hiuft alfo 
 
 be furprifed, and aftonifhed at the abfur- 
 dity, which they every day fee, of fome 
 men, who perhaps, would condemn adora- 
 tion of GOD, as SUPERSTITION, and HO- 
 MAGE to the KING, as flavery; yet, 
 boafting of themfelves, and glorying in 
 being the mere echoes, of fome few indi- 
 viduals, or the bigotted tools of fome par- 
 ty : Of even others taking pride, and af- 
 fuming confequence to themfelves, from 
 being enlifted under the banners of one 
 or other of THOSE DIVISIONS, which arc 
 not denominated, by any appellation, which 
 marks out any conformity with their fen- 
 timents, or fuitablenefs to their opinions; 
 but, only by the mean and contempti- 
 ble terms of reproach, WHIGS and To- 
 
 FIES. 
 
 To
 
 To every man, who at all reflefts, on 
 
 the NATURE Of OUR CONSTITUTION; 
 PRIDE OF SELF-COMPLACENCY, Or even, 
 SELF-APPROBATION, derived from fucll HO- 
 
 minal diftinclions as thefe, rnuil appear 
 to him, to be as perfectly ridiculous, as 
 they would be in men, who were delight- 
 ed with the appellation, of MY LORD; 
 when it was only a vulgar NICKNAME 
 given to them, becaufe, they were crook' 
 backed. 
 
 EACH of thefe parties, indeed boaft, 
 that THEY are the ONLY REAL PATRI- 
 OTS, and TRUE LOVERS of their country; 
 and each on the contrary, CONDEMN 
 their opponents, as it's very worft foes, 
 and bitterefl enemies. 
 
 But, that not either of them is, more 
 deferving of the former appellations, than 
 the other, is clearly evident from this 
 circumftance ; that however different may- 
 be
 
 ( '98 ) 
 
 be their colours, yet, both are d re fifed in 
 liveries, and both therefore exhibit the 
 lodges of their Jlavery. 
 
 i 
 
 For notwithftanding, the vaunted, vaft 
 redundance of modern light, I muft con- 
 fefs, I can not fee, how any men can 
 with juftice, be called true patriots and 
 Ivers of their country, who are not fincere- 
 ty attached to IT'S LAWS, and the WHOLE 
 of it's CONSTITUTION. Certainly there- 
 fore, THOSE can not merit thofe titles, 
 who from their predilections, for different 
 and oppcjite parts of it, would hazard, the 
 dejlruttion of THE WHOLE. Confequently 
 likewife, therefore not THOSE, who in their 
 parti-coloured clothes, are each eagerly 
 watching oppofite fcales, that they may 
 feize an opportunity of throwing an ad- 
 ditional weight, into that of their favourite 
 fide; and by that means make it to pre- 
 ponderate. But it appears to me, that 
 they only are entitled to thofe moft ho- 
 nourable
 
 99 
 
 nourable appellations, who being attached 
 to no party, really admire the perfect aequi- 
 librium of the prefent oppofite weights; 
 and watch with anxiety, left even the mi- 
 nuteft thing; any, even the lighteft parti- 
 cle of duft, fhould be thrown into either; 
 which, alone would be fufficient, to give 
 a partial inclination to either fide, of fo nice- 
 ly a poliflied beam, vibrating .upon it's 
 centre of motion, at the flighted touch. 
 
 But, perhaps it will be afked; how, the 
 foregoing opinions, which have been fhown 
 to be thus inconfijlent with REASON, and 
 TRUE SCIENCE, could poflibly at any 
 time, fpring up in the world. And how 
 more efpecially, could they be fo abun- 
 dantly propagated, and cherifhed in an 
 age, in which, numbers of writers, com- 
 pliment their cotemporaries, and indeed it 
 muft be confefTed, at the fame time them- 
 felves ; by blazoning it forth, as the wifeft, 
 and raoft enlightened age, which ever adorn- 
 ed
 
 ( 2OO ) 
 
 ed the annals of this nation, or even, ever 
 illuminated this terreftrial hemifphere ? 
 
 Fully, to give an anfwer to this queftion, 
 would require an accurate invefligation, 
 of the growth and progrefs of literature in 
 this century, as connected, with the fore- 
 going. An inveftigation, to which, if lei- 
 fure be alloWed me, I may perhaps, here- 
 after, give fome attention, as it has, no 
 very diftant connection, with, " AN EN- 
 
 " QUIRY INTO THE IMPEDIMENTS TO HU- 
 " MAN KNOWLEDGE." A fubjeft which, 
 
 very early in life engaged my enquiries, 
 and which, for almoft thirty years, has 
 never ceafed altogether to be, the objeft, 
 of my invefligation. 
 
 But, to aflign fome of the proximate 
 caufes, is not at any time very difficult; 
 and may now, perhaps, be attended with 
 fome benefit. 
 
 A*
 
 ( 201 ) 
 
 Firjl, then; becaufe, moft of the gd. 
 vernments of Europe, in which, fcience 
 flouriflies, have been monarchies, and not 
 
 republics. 
 
 Few political writers therefore, have con- 
 fidered the various inconveniences, which muft 
 neceflarily be involved in every flan de- 
 vifed, and executed, by fuch fallible crea- 
 tures, as men; and fome of which, though 
 different in kind, muft therefore appertain 
 to every fpecies of government. For this 
 reafon then, it was natural for politicians, 
 more attentively to mark, and more accu- 
 rately to defcribe, the inconveniences pro- 
 duced by that form of government, under 
 which they lived, and of which, they had 
 a&ual experience, than thofe evils, which, 
 exifting under conftitutions, to which they 
 were ftrangers, could only be made known 
 to them, by vague reports, and difputable 
 information. Hence then, it neceflarily 
 follows, from a principle common to the fen- 
 G c fes,
 
 ( 202 ) 
 
 fts, the imagination, and the intellect ; that 
 the one fet of objefts, becaufe near, would 
 appear enlarged beyond their real dimen- 
 fions; and the others would be reprefent- 
 ed, as diminifhed even to miniatures. A 
 line therefore, in the fecond fatire of 
 Horace, will inform us, why under thefe 
 circumftances, men would hajiily wifh to 
 live in a ftate, which really approaches in 
 the next degree, to NO GOVERNMENT at 
 all ; rather, than to remain the fubje&s 
 of a government, which may be clafTed 
 under any SPECIES of MONARCHY. The 
 line begins, Dum vitality &?c. But, VER- 
 BUM, SAT SAPIENTI. 
 
 Secondly, becaufe, in early youth, all 
 our ideas of LIBERTY, are fo afTociated 
 with the republican form of government; 
 and we are then so captivated, with the 
 gay and gaudy colours of the eloquence, 
 with which they are tinted ; that, even, 
 
 when
 
 ( 203 ) 
 
 when we are MEN, we are not -willing 
 to reflect, upon the evils, which, they pro- 
 duced; and of which, a very flight atten- 
 tion to the faithful records of hiftory, 
 would give us a full, but melancholy con- 
 vitiion. 
 
 For, if we mark with any obfervation, 
 the hiftory of the REPUBLIC of ATHENS, 
 we fhall find, that the adjudications of the 
 people, were, for the moft part, denun- 
 ciations of vengeance, againft thofe great 
 men, who had rendered the moft efiential 
 fervices to the ftate ; and who by their 
 wifdom, and -virtue y reflect the higheft ho- 
 nour upon themfelves, and their country. 
 
 So likewife, if we recollect, the rife, 
 the progrefs, and declenfion of the people 
 of ROME; we mail difcover, that, having 
 been fafcinated, by the external fplendor 
 of the ftate, during the times of the re- 
 public; we had forgotten the perpetual, m- 
 C c 2, ternal
 
 ternal diflenfions, by which it was con- 
 ftantly agitated. And, ftruck with horror, 
 at fome particularly flagrant als of wick- 
 ednefs, committed by fome of thofe wretch- 
 es, who, though ROMAN EMPERORS, were 
 the vileft of the human fpecies, and blots 
 on hujnan nature; that we had buried in 
 oblivion, the contentions, wars, profcrip- 
 tions, and maflacres, which, though more 
 horrible in their effects, and more exten- 
 five in their operations, were perpetrated, 
 during the continuance of the ftatc, under 
 
 the FORM of a REPUBLIC. 
 
 / 
 
 Thirdly, becaufe, though the TRUE DOC- 
 TRINE, Of the UNIVERSAL DUTY OF SUB- 
 JECTS TO OBEY THEIR GOVERNORS, has 
 
 been frequently maintained ; yet, it was 
 upon WRONG PRINCIPLES only, that it has 
 been hitherto defended. 
 
 For, nothing is more common, in the 
 progreffions of fcience, than to behold, 
 
 TRUE
 
 2 5 
 
 TRUE OPINIONS admitted in one age, though 
 fupported by BAD ARGUMENTS; and the 
 fame true opinions, rejetted in the NEXT, 
 only becaufe, they had not before been 
 founded upon juft principles. And on the 
 contrary, it is not lefs frequent, to fee 
 opinions, received, from the fuppofed Jlrength 
 of the proofs, by which, they are prop- 
 ped ; when', upon a further examination, 
 THOSE VERY OPINIONS, are not only 
 difcovered by other arguments to be FALSE 
 in THEMSELVES; but, the proofs alfo, which 
 had been applied to them, are found, to 
 be fo exceedingly weak, as to be totally 
 incapable, of fuftaining the weight, they 
 had been provided, to fupport. 
 
 Fourthly, becaufe, in this nation, the ar- 
 guments in defence of the condufwns, I 
 have deduced, were before not only, NOT 
 taken from the FIRST PRINCIPLES, which 
 I have now drawn FRESH, I truft, from 
 the WELL of TRUTH, and from which, as
 
 ( 206 ) 
 
 a GENERAL SOURCE, ALL governments, 1 
 have fhown, originally flow. But thofe 
 principles which had been produced by 
 others, were not only extremely impure in 
 themfelves, but were likewife rendered putrid, 
 by a mixture of certain phlogijlic ideas, of 
 the nature of government in GENERAL, and 
 of our OWN CONSTITUTION in PARTICU- 
 LAR; fuch as the jus DIVINUM, and 
 
 HEREDITARY INDEFEASIBLE RIGHTS of 
 
 KINGS, &c. Evident however as this is> 
 numbers perhaps, enveloped as they are 
 in prejudices^ will obftinately REJECT MINE 
 too, AS UNWHOLESOME, without employ- 
 ing even either their eyes, or their tafte, 
 in the ATTEMPT to DISCOVER, how total- 
 ly they differ from thofe, which they have 
 formerly reprobated, and long fince re- 
 gorged. 
 
 Fifthly , becaufe, even, the PRINCIPLES 
 of the REVOLUTION, have been by many, 
 if not by moft men, totally mifunderftood. 
 
 For
 
 ( 207 ) 
 
 For that event, has been generally ima- 
 gined, if not univerfally believed, to have 
 fprung from the RIGHTS, COMMON to ALL 
 MANKIND; under EVERY SPECIES, and 
 FORM of government. From this miftake 
 therefore, Sir, of your majler, Mr. Locke, 
 and- your other teachers, who" were firjl 
 his pupils, that event, has been repeated- 
 ly cited, and reiteratedly boafted of, not 
 only as a LESSON, but alfo an EXAMPLE 
 
 Of INSTRUCTION, tO ALL OTHER NATI- 
 ONS. It having been conftantly pointed 
 out to other ftates, as an objecl: of IMI- 
 TATION, for the conduct, THEY OUGHT 
 to purfue, whenever the emotions of the 
 governed, fhall be in difcord, with the 
 fentiments of the governors. Whereas, in 
 reality, the PRINCIPLES of the revolution, 
 were only a GLORIOUS MANIFESTATION, 
 
 Of the PARTICULAR RIGHTS of BRITONS! 
 
 (fo far as I have above explained THEM 
 to extend) IMPARTED, by the LAWS, 
 
 and
 
 ( 208 ) 
 
 and ftrengthened by the PECULIAR FRAM, 
 of the ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 
 
 Sixthly, there were, TWO OTHER CAU- 
 SES, which occafioned a very ready ad- 
 mi flion, and general reception to the doc- 
 trines, oppofite to thofe, which I have 
 been introducing, and fupporting. Thcfe 
 &re t the almoft univerfal paflions, of PRIDE 
 and AMBITION; though the one, is fome- 
 times cloathed, even in the plain garb of 
 humility, and the other, often retires far 
 diflant, from courts and palaces. 
 
 For, as I have before obferved, the 
 
 VERY SAME PASSIONS, which, PROMPT 
 
 men, when, in POWER, to become TY- 
 RANTS; INSTIGATE likewife the SAME, 
 
 Or OTHER MEN, whtU t OUT OF POWER, 
 
 to turn REBELS. 
 
 It is evident therefore, that from the 
 prevalence of thefe two paflions, NO DOC- 
 TRINES
 
 ( 20 9 ) 
 
 could be more acceptable, to the 
 MAJORITY of mankind, than the notions, 
 with which, LOCKE, and other "writers 
 upon government, have flattered them; 
 I mean, -in refpeft to their PERFECT 
 ORIGINAL EQUALITY with thofe, who are 
 now by their rank elevated above, and by 
 their power, are placed in authortiy over 
 them. This pofition, muft in itfelf alone, 
 have afforded them great fatisfaclion. But, 
 the INFERENCE, which, they could not 
 fail to draw from the premifes, prompted 
 as they were, by the paffions of human 
 nature, muft have imparted to them, a 
 ftili greater pleafure. For the deduciion 
 from hence, was fo obvious, that they 
 could not poflibly overlook it, efpecially, 
 when inftigated by pride and ambition ; 
 and therefore they immediately, and in- 
 deed, fuppofing the truth of the pofition, 
 very juflly inferred, that the only pro- 
 per reform in ALL governments,- is, to 
 R-ESTORE that PRISTINE flate of things, 
 D d either
 
 ( 210 ) 
 
 either altogether, or at leaft fo far, as 
 
 THEIR OWN CLASSES ARE CONCERNED, 
 
 and all others are affefted, who hold thofe 
 political tenets; which, whoever can re- 
 peat by rote y is deemed to be, as com- 
 p'.eat in ALL WISDOM, as even the STO- 
 ICS WISE MAN; and as SUPEREMINENT 
 in GOODNESS, as that CHRISTIAN PHILO- 
 SOPHER, who, Pope fays, was poffeffed, 
 of " every virtue under heaven." 
 
 From thefe notions however, ' it muft 
 be confefled, there arifes fuch an idea of 
 their own ft If -importance, and dignity of 
 character in adopting them, and fuch a 
 full blown conceit, of their own SUPERI- 
 OR WISDOM, and of their own UNPA- 
 RALLELED VIRTUE in maintaining them; 
 that the flame of ambition, fometimes 
 breaks forth into open view : And thefc 
 philofophers, as they boaft themfelves to 
 be, can not fometimes forbear, even in 
 defiance of prudence, to BETRAY their 
 
 EXPECTATION,
 
 EXPECTATION, that notwithftanding, they 
 may at firjl endeavour to RAISE: They 
 HOPE however, SOON AGAIN to DISPERSED 
 this rain-bowed coloured bubble, of EQUALITY. 
 
 For, conftant experience teaches us, that 
 there is not ANY CLASS of men, who, un- 
 der the prefent exifting governments, are 
 fo tenacious of their real rank, as thefe 
 ADVOCATES for EQUALITY, are of their 
 fancied one ; which in their own eftima- 
 tion, they not only appreciate as due to 
 their worth ; but which, they on all oc- 
 cafions, with no little anxiety to them- 
 felves, and inconvenience to others, affume; 
 contrary to all the rules of law, cuf- 
 tom, prefcription, courtefy, and good 
 manners. THEY, truly, difdain to mow 
 any refpeft to TITLES; they pay their 
 homage, only to MERIT; and being in 
 their own opinion, poflefied of a monopoly 
 of all the WISDOM, and VIRTUE in the 
 world, they very eafily conclude, that 
 D d 2 THEY
 
 ( 212 ) 
 
 THEY are THEMSELVES ALONE, ENTITLED 
 to the very HIGHEST RANK. So incauti- 
 ous are they from confidence, or f<> igno- 
 rant are they of mankind, as to him, .me; 
 that other men, will believe them to be 
 the SINCERE advocates, for an EQUAL 
 of CONDITIONS; becaufe, they fhow that 
 they HATE that rank and power in others, 
 which, they do not thcmfclves POSSESS; though 
 whatever privilege or authority, they mcy 
 happen TO HAVE, they convert into Lyran- 
 ny over thofe, who have it not. 
 
 If therefore, by ftepping forth as pre- 
 tended champions, for an equality of ranks, 
 they could really overturn, the prefent efta- 
 bliflied fyftems of government; with all 
 the rafh inexperience of PHAETON, they 
 fancy, they mould foon feat themfelves 
 in the chariot, and direft the horfes of the 
 fun ; and with all hit blind confidence, 
 they imagine, they fhould then glorioufly 
 illuminate, the whole fyftem of the world. 
 
 Though
 
 Though better would it be for them now, 
 as it would before have been likewife, for 
 their kindred-minded philcfcphcrs in FRANCE, 
 to be ruarned, rather by his example; 
 than fired by his ambition. Left it fhould 
 be thought neccffary, that they, like him, 
 fliould be deftroyed by lightning; as the 
 only refource left, for the prefervation of 
 all the other regions of the earth, from a 
 general conflagration. 
 
 I muft however, do thefe gentlemen the 
 
 jujlice to confe.fs, that there is another con- 
 
 Jequence of the paflions, which, are the caufes, 
 
 of their blind credulity, in the belief of 
 
 their political do&rines, their pertinacious 
 
 bigotry in the affertion of them, and their 
 
 rooted antipathy to all who oppofe them, 
 
 which they have never difcerned, and 
 
 of which, therefore, they are totally un- 
 
 confcious. 
 
 For
 
 ( "4 ) 
 
 For it is evident, that exa&ly in pro- 
 portion as fuch dottrincs, are adapted, to 
 gratify the paffions I have juft mentioned, 
 they muft in the generality of mankind, 
 neceflarily excite emotions of pkafure and 
 delight. 
 
 But however, well acquainted thefe pro- 
 found politicians, may be, with the analyfis 
 of the particles of bodies ; yet, as they 
 are perfectly unpra&iced, in the analyfation 
 of the fentiments of the mind ; and but 
 very little accuftomed, even to the PER- 
 CEPTION of TRUTH; they mufl therefore, 
 neceflarily MISTAKE in this inftance, which 
 the unrefletting multitude do in all cafes, 
 
 the PLEASURABLE EBULLITIONS arifing, 
 
 from the PASSIONS, for, the INTELLEC- 
 TUAL EMOTIONS, which in reality, belong 
 only, to the DEMONSTRATION of SCIENCE. 
 
 And, hence it is, that we fo often hear 
 them, vaunting of their RATIONAL NOTI- 
 ONS,
 
 ONS, and LIBERAL OPINIONS; whilft they 
 themfelves, are totally ignorant of their 
 true origin, and real fource. For, it is evi- 
 dent, that, the former epithet^ can not, by 
 any means, belong to their notions or their 
 opinions, as arifing, from a deep enquiry 
 into the FIRST PRINCIPLES, and an ac- 
 curate examination of the PRIMARY DEFI- 
 NITION, upon which, they are founded; 
 and from which, they are deduced, by a 
 nice and accurate concatenation of proofs; 
 which, is the ONLY PROCES s, by 
 which, ANY notions, can poffibly have a 
 legitimate claim, to the title of RATIONAL. 
 This is manifeft, from this plain and well 
 known faft, that at the very moment, they 
 are boafting of their /uperior powers of 
 reafoning, they are almoft always betraying 
 the lamentable poverty, and miferable emp- 
 tinefs, of their argumentative ftores. As 
 indeed, almoft every Jingle page, of theft 
 kttcrs t fufficiently proves. 
 
 So
 
 So likewife, in reference to the LIBE- 
 RALITY, of their notions or opinions, it 
 is equally manifrjl> that they can not fet up 
 tlicir claim to this title, from their libera- 
 lity of fentiments, towards thofe, who dif- 
 fer from them. Nor, from their freedom 
 from prejudices t either againjl other men's 
 opinions, or in favour of their own. Be- 
 caufe, whilft they are in the very aft of 
 boafting, of the liberality of their own fenti- 
 ments, they are frequently, at the very in- 
 flant, fo grofsly abujing, that CIVIL and RELI- 
 cVous ESTABLISHMENT, to which, they are 
 themfelves indebted, for toleration and pro- 
 tettion ; fo as to leave us totally at a lofs 
 to determine, which, is the moft wonder- 
 ful; the FORBEARANCE of the one party, 
 or the INGRATITUDE of the other. In 
 one refpeft however, the conduft of the 
 latter, is perfeftly confiftent, and their af- 
 fertions are equally true. For, whilft they 
 reprefent the doftrines of their opponents, 
 as fo abhorrent from REASON, and COM- 
 MON
 
 MON SNSE, that they need NO REFU- 
 TATION; they COMMAND the world, upon 
 their IPSE DIXIT, to BELIEVE; that their 
 OWN OPINIONS, are fo SELF-EVIDENT, as 
 
 tO REQUIRE NO ARGUMENT, for their 
 
 fupport. 
 
 Thefe are fafts, which have likewife been 
 in no fmall degree apparent, in the courfe 
 of THESE LETTERS; but the reader can 
 only fee them in their brighteft colours, 
 and their really gigantic dimenfions, by a 
 careful infpection, of thefe authors OWN 
 WRITINGS. 
 
 Thefe circumftances, then, afford another 
 proof, of the truth of my foregoing pofi- 
 tion, that, the CAUSES of their other 
 erroneous opinions, and of their fancied 
 fuperiority, in rational and liberal notions, 
 can only, really originate from the opera- 
 tions, though as I am ready to allow, 
 unperceived by themfelves, of pride, va- 
 
 E e nity
 
 { "8 ) 
 
 nity, and ambition. And indeed, 1 am 
 extremely glad, that TRUTH warrants this 
 conclufion. For I would much rather, impute 
 their miftakes to a neglefted education^ than 
 to any original inferiority^ in their undcr- 
 ftandings. 
 
 Impelled therefore, by thefe emotions, 
 or pafiions, moft gladly, would they af- 
 fume the government, of all the kingdoms 
 of the earth. But as unfortunately for 
 them, not even the empire over one of 
 them, as, they are now conjlitutcd, is likely 
 to fall to their fhare ; the next degree of 
 pleafure, which they can receive; is, 
 from STRIPPING governor^ as much as 
 they can, of all power of controul over 
 THEM, AS SUBJECTS. For, this they know, 
 would not only in the next degree, befl 
 gratify their inclinations, but may perhaps, 
 they think, pave the way in time, to 
 their own acquifiton of power, and autho- 
 rity; and therefore, they term all thefe 
 
 levelling
 
 levelling principles, not only the mofl, but 
 the only -RATIONAL NOTIONS of govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Of the EFFECTS of fuch principles, we 
 may fee the PROOFS in the fhilofuphers in 
 FRANCE, who loudly alfo pleaded, for an 
 EQUALITY of conditions. But who lik^- 
 wife we find, by no means, intended to 
 humble themjelves, to the rank of ^thofe, 
 who were before in the clafles below THEM; 
 and thus by fliaring, to alleviate their 
 burthens. No far from it For this they 
 knew, would be to imbibe the true fpirit t 
 of that detejlable fuperjlition^-^ they term 
 it, which others call CHRISTIANITY. But, 
 in conformity with the more enlightening 
 infpiration of PHILOSOPHY; they as foon 
 as poflible, hurled from their feats, ALL 
 THOSE, who had been before elevated 
 above THEM, that they might partake, of 
 the plunder of their power, and their 
 wealth; and thus, have forced themfelves, 
 E e 2 for
 
 ( 220 ) 
 
 for a time at lean, by art, into a 
 height, far above that LEVEL, to which, 
 by the properties, given to them by na- 
 ture, they are fitted to rife ; and to which, 
 they muft again by the laws of gravity, 
 foon, once more fink. 
 
 So alfo, in refpe6l to their religious opi- 
 nions. Finding that they have no proba- 
 bility at prefent, of ejlablifliing their own; 
 as the next ftep, which would be moft 
 acceptable to them, they endeavour to 
 perfuade the world, that the TRUTH or 
 NATURE of any particular religion, or, the 
 fentiments of it's "various fefls, have not 
 
 the REMOTEST CONNECTION, With the 
 
 HAPPINESS of the STATE; and that, as 
 religion, is of NO USE in CONDUCING to 
 CIVIL HAPPINESS; it OUGHT to have no 
 kind of INFLUENCE upon it, whatfoever." 
 And confequently therefore, that the LE- 
 GISLATURE has NO RIGHT tO INTER- 
 MEDDLE in it's concerns, nor even to 
 
 THINK
 
 ( 221 ) 
 
 THINK of any means, which may conduce 
 
 tO it's ESTABLISHMENT, OF PROPAGA- 
 TION. 
 
 From hence then, it follows, in their 
 opinion; that, NO MAN'S NOTIONS or 
 ACTIONS, are REALLY LIBERAL, who 
 treat, with the utmojl candour, miUnefi 9 
 forbearance, and brotherly charity, ALL who 
 differ from him ever fo much, in RELIGI- 
 OUS SENTIMENTS; but, that HE is the 
 only truly liberal man, who, with the utmojl 
 violence, virulence, and even ungentleman- 
 like licentioufnefs, vilifies A LLJ who, -will not 
 MAINTAIN with THEM, that men's noli' 
 ons of religion, are matters of PERFECT 
 
 INDIFFERENCE, tO the WELFARE of SO- 
 CIETY. 
 
 The CONSEQUENCES, which NECESSA- 
 RILY follow, from thefe brilliant ideas of 
 rationality and liberality, if rightly drawn 
 out to their CONCLUSIONS; are evident-
 
 ( 222 ) 
 
 ly the following, which, whilft thefe writers 
 are out of power themfelves, they wifh to 
 fee efiabliihed. 
 
 - 
 
 Firft. That, the moft RATIONAL and 
 
 LIBERAL government, is thdt> in which 
 each man, is folely his own governor; or 
 in other words, THAT STATE, is the 
 
 BEST GOVERNED, WHICH HA*S NO GO- 
 VERNMENT. 
 
 Secondly. That the "MOST RATIONAL and 
 
 1IBERAL Of ALL RELIGION S, 15 that> which 
 
 admits of of the MOST INDIFFERENCE to 
 it's PRECEPTS; and has LEAST INFLU- 
 ENCE upon men t as MEMBERS of Jociety ; 
 or in other words, that a RELIGION, 
 is then MOST BENEFICIAL TO A STATE, 
 
 When, it HAS LEAST INFLUENCE. 
 
 ANOTHER c A u s E of the prevalence 
 of fuck doftrincs, is, becaufe, in reali- 
 ty, the TRUE CHARACTERISTICS of the 
 
 CONCLUSION
 
 ( 223 ) 
 
 CONCLUSION Of this VERY ENLIGHTEN- 
 ED EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, HFC NOT 
 
 what thefe writers fuppofe, and what, for 
 the gratification of their own vanity, they 
 wifh others to believe. But on the con- 
 trary, they confift in fatt> in the ENOR- 
 MOUS NUMBER of it's VORACIOUS REA- 
 DERS; in the great ABUNDANCE of it's 
 MULTIFARIOUS WRITERS; and in the 
 
 MULTITUDE of It's FLUENT SPEAKERS. 
 
 And, at the fame time alfo, in it's WOE- 
 FUL PAUCITY Of DEEP THINKERS; SA- 
 GACIOUS INVESTIGATORS; and ORIGI- 
 NAL GENIUSES. Thefe are clearly eviden- 
 ced by it's boldnefs, and confidence in 
 ASSERTION, it's weaknefs and incapacity 
 in ARGUMENT. It's prefumption and con- 
 ceit, in fuppofing itfelf to be irradiated 
 with the brighteft light, when at the fame 
 time, even a very weak one, is too ftrong 
 for it's very feeble optics. 
 
 i For
 
 ( 224 ) 
 
 For in proportion, as the acquifition of 
 OPINIONS, has been facilitated, the attain- 
 ment of KNOWLEDGE, has been diminifh- 
 ed. As men, have had more -volumes TO 
 READ, they have devoted a lefs portion of 
 their time to STUDY. As BOOKS, have in- 
 creafed in NUMBERS, REASONING has de- 
 creafed in ACUTENESS. And of all the 
 phenomena, which this age has exhibited, 
 in the regions of literature; TWO will 
 appear the MOST REMARKABLE, and WON- 
 DERFUL to future times; if there mould 
 arife an able and impartial critic, to trace 
 the rife, progrefs, and declenfion of IT'S 
 
 OPINIONS. 'X 
 
 Firft. That thofe authors, who WROTE 
 
 the MOST, THOUGHT the LEAST. 
 
 Secondly. That thofe, who made the 
 loudcjl claims to the GREATEST RATIONA- 
 LITY, or to the HIGHEST POWERS of REA- 
 SONING; were the LEAST ELEVATED 
 
 above
 
 ( 225 ) 
 
 abovfe others, by this CHARACTERISTIC of 
 man ; and muft, in the next century, for 
 the very Jhort time, that any obfcure 
 veftige of their memory, fhall be traced, 
 *-^-be ranked amongft fome of the lower 
 daJJeSy of the worfl reafoners, of any age". 
 
 So well founded, do thefe pofitions ap- 
 pear to me, that I dare, here, to make 
 the appeal to the judgment of POSTERI- 
 TY ; and even to call for your own wri- 
 tings, Sir, to be the evidence produced, 
 upon which, the fentence of acquittal, or 
 condemnation, fliould be pafled. 
 
 When however, I am appreciating the 
 
 literature of the age, I hope, I fhall not 
 
 be underftood, as fpeaking of the whole 
 
 Ifland of Great-Britain ; but only of this 
 
 Jouthern part of it. For I have before 
 
 acknowledged, in refpecl; to our united 
 
 brethren in the north, without afluming 
 
 F f the
 
 ( 226 } 
 
 the arduous office of a reviewer, in de- 
 termining upon the truth t or falfehood of 
 their opinions ; that we certainly there 
 find writers, poflefled of DEEP THO-UGHT, 
 
 CLOSE INVESTIGATION, and BRILLIANT 
 
 POWERS. Nor, when confined even with- 
 in thefe bounds, do I hope, to be under- 
 ftood, as meaning to chara&erife the WHOLE 
 of this century. For certainly, conjidered 
 as an WHOLE; it will ftand VERY HIGH 
 in the annals of fame. . Nor likewife, would 
 I be underftood, to include all the au- 
 thors, who now write towards it's clofe. 
 For the name, of Mr. Burke can not fail, 
 to occur to every one's recollection ; and 
 no one indeed, can be fo ignorant, as not 
 to know, that there are likewife feveral other 
 very ingenious writers, now living; though 
 it would be an invidious, and odious tafk 
 in an individual, to enumerate their names. 
 Men, who, notwithftanding the difcourage- 
 ments they have received, and every man 
 
 of
 
 of real genius, muft receive, from partial 
 criticifm at prefent; will, from their va- 
 rious purfuits, be ranked in future, times, 
 amongft fome of the bright ornaments, of 
 the literature of this country. 
 
 But, my intention is only, more particu- 
 larly to charatterife THOSE; who, by 
 forming themfelves into parties, and uniting 
 into cabals, ftrengthen their own confi- 
 dence in themfelves, and by mutual puffing 
 each other, are fo inflated with inflammable 
 air, as to imagine, that they are able to 
 foar like balloons, to the fublimeft heights. 
 And as the vulgar, whether, they be called 
 the learned, or are truly denominated the 
 unlearned, always miftake affertions for proofs, 
 they readily give credit to their oiun ac- 
 counts of each other, and hence, they be- 
 come the writers, who are at prefent, the 
 moft heard of, moft talked of, moil quoted, 
 moft flattered. 
 
 Ff a It
 
 ( 228 ) 
 
 It is from fuch inftances only, I mean 
 to infer t that the condufion of this centu- 
 ry, does not furpafs the foregoing, nor by 
 any means, equal it's own commencement. 
 For, though many more as I have already 
 faid, are certainly now become readers, and 
 writers, than there were formerly ; yet, 
 as they are not on that account, DEEPER 
 
 THINKERS, and BETTER REASONERS, - 
 
 the POPULARITY of any OPINION, can be 
 
 NO PROOF of it's TRUTH. 
 
 There is indeed, one melancholy inilance 
 of neglc&ed learning and ability, which will 
 juftly brand this age, with the fevere cen- 
 fure of pofterity ; and of which, numbers 
 muft partake, who are not circumfcribed 
 within that narrow circle, of which I have 
 juft now, been drawing a defcription. \ 
 mean, FLOYER SYDENHAM: That moft 
 learned tranflator, and moft philofophical 
 annotator, upon Jomt of the dialogues, of 
 
 the
 
 ( 229 ) 
 
 the illujlrious Plato. But, fo little was the 
 taflc of the age fuited, either to the inva- 
 luable works of the author, or the incom- 
 parable notes of the tranflator, that the 
 latter I underftand, died, on account of 
 debt, in a common jail; WHO, in any for- 
 mer age, in which, ALL MEM HIGH IN OF- 
 FICE, efleemed it their own higheft honour, 
 to patronize genius and learning, would 
 have acquired, what he was juftly entitled 
 to, both, wealth, and honours. 
 
 In ALL the LIBERAL .and MECHANIC 
 ARTS, there can be no doubt, but that 
 this age Jar outfhines any, which Britain 
 has ever feen. In painting in particular, 
 the genius of a REYNOLDS alone, darting 
 it's rays, both from his works t and his dif-, 
 courfes, diffufes a luftre around it's clofe, 
 far brighter than the meridian fplendour of 
 any former century, 
 -a; '.;-!*; -v<><:; a ~ 
 
 IB
 
 ( 23 ) 
 
 In electricity, magnetifm, chcmifiry, &c. it 
 certainly has to boaft, a large collection 
 of fafts, eftablifhed upon well-inftitued x- 
 feriments : which, may perhaps fupply ano- 
 ther Newton, with many materials for a 
 future fyftem. And fo far, Sir, as you 
 have had your fliare, in contributing, to 
 the colleclion 
 
 - Sume Sufierliam 
 Qucrjitam meriiis. 
 
 Lajlly> then ; for this, follows as a con- 
 Jequence from the preceding reafon ; many 
 mere momentary meteors, are in the lite- 
 rary hemilphere at prefent, miftaken for 
 planets, and planets for fixed ftars. Con- 
 fequendy therefore, the mafs of the people, 
 conceiving the rays, which are merely re- 
 fledted from the moon, to be the direS 
 beams iffuing from the fun; they are in- 
 capable of dillinguifhing, the fhades of 
 
 bodies
 
 ( 231 ) 
 
 bodies from their outlines, and miflake 
 what are only fhadows, for real objects. 
 
 Thus, Sir, (to borrow your well-known 
 metaphor) I have now layed, and fet fire 
 to a train, which has entirely blown up, 
 ONE of your PRINCIPAL FORTS, from it's 
 very foundations : and which has likewife, 
 already undermined the OTHER : Though 
 towards that> this train, was not indeed, 
 immediately directed, in a ftrait line. As 
 to any mufquetry, therefore, which you 
 may have drawn up around you, as a 
 guard to your , own perfon ; thefe> even 
 your prudence and companion mould have 
 fpared; inftead of betraying your own im- 
 becility, by expofmg thofc, to certain de- 
 ftru&ion, who are both too weak to refift 
 an adverfary, and too feeble to annoy him. 
 
 The firing a volley at THEM, can only 
 be confidered, as a feu dc jcic, after the 
 
 victory.
 
 victory. For, their powder, has, during 
 fiege, loft all it's force, if it ever had anyj 
 and even the locks of their mufquets, 
 vhich were at firft, extremely weak and 
 ill conftrufted, are moft of them now,* 
 even Shattered into pieces. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 Yours* &c. 
 
 LETTER
 
 ( 233 ) 
 
 LETTER X. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 TX7HEN inftead of advancing, I reft 
 upon my arms, and look back, upon 
 the deveftation, and demolition, which the 
 irrefiftible force of my battery has produ- 
 ced, -and fee numbers, already weeping 
 over the fcattered fragments, and defo- 
 lated ruins of your principal fort; PITY, 
 prompts in me the wifh, to flacken my 
 career, and even to defift, from further 
 triumph. It urges me, to refrain from ad- 
 ding, to the number of the conquered, 
 
 3U- . '3!'f i I 
 
 G g and
 
 ( 234 
 
 and to fpare the weaknefs, of the few of 
 your forces, which ftill remain. 
 
 But, when it occurs to my recollection, 
 that to a Joldier t CONTEMPT, is WORSE 
 than DEATH; it feems to me, moft pro- 
 bable, that the fame fentiments are en- 
 tertained by all, who are engaged in any 
 other fpecies of POLEMICKS ; and then, 
 even companion teaches me, that it is 
 more merciful to kill, than to fave. 
 
 !*^T- 
 As therefore, you have arranged in fomc 
 
 Order, fome few of your rank and file, 
 which are ftill left: I fhall employ a few 
 minutes more, in advancing againft them. 
 For though it is true, that none of them, 
 were firft inliftcd, and trained by you t but, 
 are only fome infirm, old troops, whom you 
 picked up, from other generals, I (hall 
 now prefent them, with a few vollies of 
 fmall arms; left, -weak as they are, they 
 fliould, as I have faid, deem the pafling 
 
 them
 
 ( 2 35 ) 
 
 them by unnoticed, as a greater difgrace, 
 and which consequently, they would be 
 much lefs willing to fuftain, than to be 
 covered with wounds, or left dead in the 
 fold. 
 
 I {hall therefore hold no further parley, 
 but immediately proceed to difperfe, the 
 feeble body, of light-armed troops, which 
 you have ftationed, in the third letter, 
 page 22. 
 
 The firjt pofition you have taken, is 
 this, "that the REVOLUTION in this coun- 
 " try, is an EVENT, which, more than any 
 " thing elfe, has opened the eyes of Eng- 
 "*' lifhmen, to the true principles of govern- 
 " ment. 
 
 Now, Sir, by thofe, to -whom, the revo- 
 lution ferved in your opinion, as a fubfli- 
 tute for the operation of couching, I con- 
 clude, that you muft moft afluredly mean 
 G g a yourfelf^
 
 yourfelf, and your friends. For you cer- 
 tainly will not allow, that any others, do 
 underftand the true principle*, of government. 
 But, as 1 have already, 1 do not fcruple 
 to fay, DEMONSTRATED, that they are the 
 very perfons, who have more particularly 
 MISUNDERSTOOD, the true principles of 
 that EVENT, as well as, THE FIRST prin- 
 ciples of ALL GOVERNMENT; it follows, 
 that in this cafe, " the blind are led 
 " by the blind;" and if therefore, they 
 have had their eyes opened at all, it can 
 have really ferved to no other purpofe, 
 than to make, their, " darkntfs -vifible."-* 
 But, as I have now in this work, ereBed, 
 and lighted up fo many beacons, for our 
 guidance and fccurity, I do not entertain 
 the flighted apprehenfion, for the lajling 
 peace, prosperity, and hoppinefs, of theft 
 kingdoms; nor feel the leaft atom of fear, 
 left this adumbration, in which, you and 
 your friends are enveloped, fhould ever 
 degenerate into fuch a plague, as that of 
 
 Egypt;
 
 { 237 ) 
 
 Egypt; fo that the DARKNESS, mould not 
 only, be " SEEN," but alfo, be even, 
 
 "FELT." 
 
 That " the great object of all government, 
 " is y the PUBLIC GOOD, is certainly ONE 
 of thofe undeniable truths, which fprings, 
 from the very origin of all government. 
 This I have already aflerted, and did al- 
 ways as readily allow; upon the CONVIC- 
 TION of REASON ; as you can poffibly 
 have admitted it, upon your principles of 
 
 AVOWED BIGOTRY, tO Mr. LoCKE. But 
 
 at the fame time, I have alfo fhown, that 
 the deductions, which HE has drawn from 
 it, and which YOU, as the lhadow follow- 
 ing the fubftance, likewife reprefent, are, 
 in diretl cppofition to REASON. 
 
 For, you maintain, *< that from THIS 
 " principle, it follows, that all magijlrata are 
 
 " ANSWERABLE tO the PEOPLE, for thciT 
 
 " conduff in office, and REMOVABLE at THEIR 
 
 " PLEASURE,
 
 PLEASURE, and that the RIGHT of RESIST- 
 ING an opprejjive government, THAT is, 
 
 SUCH, as THE PEOPLE SHALL DEEM TO BE 
 OPPRESSIVE, MUST BE HELD SACRED." 
 
 Now, Sir, THESE PREMISES, and CON- 
 CLUSIONS, appear to me, to be much far- 
 ther diftant from each other, than even 
 your re fide nee at Birmingham, from mine 
 at Great Yarmouth. And, as you have not 
 been fo kind, as to ereft any of thofe 
 direftion-pcjls, called REASONS, or ARGU- 
 MENTS, to point us out the road, from the 
 one, to the other; I fliould no more ex- 
 peft, to fet out from the prcmifes, and ar- 
 rive by a Jlrait line at the conclvjion, with- 
 out wandering in fcepticifin, or plunging 
 into the abyfs of .error; than, to fet out 
 from the latter town, and by the fame 
 means to reach the former, without being 
 drowned in a river, or foundered in a 
 bog. 
 
 Befides, 

 
 ( 2 39 ) 
 
 Befides, in the one cafe, I have already 
 mown ; that the road is totally objlruttcd, 
 by an inaccejjibh, and unpayable mountain; 
 which, entirely blocks up the paflage. Be- 
 caufe, from the very NATURE of ALL GO- 
 VERNMENT, it follows, or rather, the 
 very word, GOVERNMENT, in itfelf, IM- 
 PLIES, that the GOVERNORS of a Jlate, 
 are to RULE the GOVERNED; NOT the 
 
 GOVERNED, to RULE THE GOVERNORS. 
 
 Therefore, Sir, though you have been 
 pleafed to obferve, in the fame leaf, and 
 no doubt believe, that the "public good, 
 " being the moft NATURAL and RATIONAL 
 "of all rides; and what, is MUCH MORE 
 " EASY to DETERMINE, than either, what, 
 " GOD HAS ORDAINED, or, what AN- 
 " TIQUITY AUTHORISES;" true, and felf- 
 evident, as fuch pofitions may be to you, 
 and confequently, that legiflation is the 
 EASIEST of all talks: Yet, that truth and 
 Jeff- cmdence t mujl be totally undifcernible by 
 
 me,. 

 
 *,- 'till you have PROVED, that the* 
 RIGHT of the PEOPLE, is, to have the 
 
 COMMAND OVER GOVERNORS; and the 
 DUTY Of GOVERNORS, is, tO pay OBEDI- 
 ENCE to the PEOPLE; and alfo, that the 
 
 MOST ILLITERATE of MANKIND, CAN 
 MUCH EASIER DISCOVER, WHAT CONPU- 
 
 CES TO THE PUBLIC GOOD; THAN GoD, 
 
 CAN REVEAL IT. 
 
 In page 24, you tell us, " that men 
 " furely can not be faid to give up their 
 " natural rights^ by entering into a com- 
 " pa6t for the better Jecuring of them." 
 By which, NATURAL RIGHTS, you tell 
 us, you mean, LIFE, LIBERTY, and PRO- 
 PERTY. 
 
 This propofition indeed, Sir, would be 
 mod certainly, not only felf-evident t but 
 even identical; did it not, a little unfor- 
 tunately TAKE for GRANTED, that there 
 
 ARE SUCH THINGS, as NATURAL RIGHTS. 
 
 Now,
 
 Now, on account of this unlucky accident, 
 you muft be under the unavoidable necef- 
 fity, not only of undertaking a talk, but 
 alfo of accompli/king an exploit, which, 
 I am afraid, is infinitely lefs fuited to the 
 ftrength of your mind, than the hardeft 
 labour, or even all the labours of Her- 
 cules were, to the -vigour of his body. 
 
 For, before this pofition, can poflibly 
 be admitted, which indeed, you hold in 
 common with your fchool-mafters, though 
 to you alone belong, the unparticipated ho- 
 nour of fo clear, fo accurate, and fo very 
 fenfible a ftatement of it ; you muft firft 
 DESTROY not only, the WHOLE CONCA*- 
 TEN AT i ON, but likewife, every individual 
 link in the chain, of THAT REASONING, 
 which holds ) and binds together, the fore- 
 going Utters. But, as this is fo arduous 
 a talk, that from fear of the accomplifh- 
 ment, you may not be willing to fee the 
 neceffity for undertaking it; or, which, for 
 H h want
 
 ( 242 ) 
 
 want of clearer logical fpe&acles, you may 
 not be able to difcover; permit me to 
 exemplify it by a more familiar inftance, 
 which, having a reference to your own 
 pcrfon, may be to you, eafier of cornpre- 
 henfion, than any other illuftration, I could 
 poflibly produce. 
 
 Let us fuppofe then, fome one to main- 
 tain, that Dr. Priejlley, has NOT given up 
 all his CAPACITY for REASONING, by that 
 portion of it, which, we find, he has re- 
 tained in his letters to Mr. Burke. 
 
 Now certainly, no one could poflibly be 
 fo foolifh, as to maintain, that if you have 
 RETAINED "a capacity for reajoning" in 
 thofe letters; that you had, when writing 
 them, either lojl it, or given it up. But, 
 flill, there may notwithftanding, remain, two 
 poffible fubjecls of difpute. For, it is not 
 quite impoflible, that fome fceptical op- 
 ponent to your admirer, might DOUBT, 
 
 whether
 
 ( 243 ) 
 
 whether you ever had, or even DENY, that 
 you ever HAD, at any \\mt,-~any capacity 
 for reafoning ; or even, if you had, whe- 
 ther, you retained any, in your letters to 
 Mr. Burke. And after reading thefe let- 
 ters of mine, to which yours gave occafion, 
 ihould any one be fo -whimjical, as to de- 
 mand of your admirer, PROOFS of thefe 
 points; HE muft neceffarily undertake the 
 Herculean labour, of exhibiting them, before, 
 he could procure from the obje&or, any 
 affent, to his firft pofition. But, with fuck 
 a requifition, it appears to me, as difficult, 
 to find any man ABLE to COMPLY; as it 
 feems impojjible, that YOU mould be capable, 
 of SATISFYING the demand, in the former 
 cafe ; for the fole purpofe of illuftrating 
 which, I have introduced, this latter in- 
 ftance. 
 
 As to all your little poppings, in defence 
 of the pofitions, which relate to the elec- 
 tion, and dethronement of kings, they were 
 H h 2 evidently
 
 ( 244 ) 
 
 evidently charges, only of powder. For, 
 all the mot, which is alone fitted for the 
 maintenance of fuch polls, has been alrea- 
 d) Lompleatly deflroycd, by the long train 
 of artillery, which I arranged, oppofite to 
 your fort : fo that it would now be in 
 me, a criminal wafte of powder, not only 
 to fire off a {ingle charge, but even to 
 make your foldiers wink, by giving them 
 a fkfh in the pan. 
 
 But, Sir, there is one pafTage in this il- 
 luftrious THIRD LETTER, which, though it 
 entirely delivers us from all employment, 
 of the faculty of thinking, for the pur- 
 pofe of refuting it; and affords us the 
 mod entire difpenfation, from all invejliga- 
 tion t by offering us only, what we have 
 hundreds of times before, both read, heard, 
 reprobated, and defpifed; yet, I can not 
 pafs it by unnoticed; as it gave birth to 
 a reflection, which was to me attended 
 with great pain, though the relation of it, 
 
 may
 
 may perhaps, to others, be followed by 
 much benefit. 
 
 For, it gave me reafori to lament, that 
 notwithftanding, the vaft labour you have 
 employed, in putting together, fuch a mul- 
 tiplicity of books, as, you have already FA- 
 BRICATED, that, you had not, before the 
 publication of your letters to Mr. Burke, 
 added to THEM, one labour more. The tafk, 
 I mean,- of making an ENGLISH DICTI- 
 ONARY; for the benefit of yourfelf, and of 
 your friends. For, by this omiffion, you have 
 moft unluckily puzzled yourfelf, and them, 
 as to the meaning of a word, which is, 
 ONE of the moft COMMON in the ENG- 
 LISH language; and even denotes a per- 
 fon, exercifmg an office, which is of daily, 
 and hourly ufe, to the generality of the 
 world. Not to keep you longer in fufpence, 
 I muft inform, you, it is, the word, 
 
 SERVANT. 
 
 Now,
 
 Now, Sir, becaufe, it is the duly of the 
 KING, a MAGISTRATE, &c. to do good, 
 or, to render fervice to the people, who 
 are intrujled to their care; therefore, you 
 and your friends maintain, that, they are 
 the SERVANTS of the people. 
 
 I muft confefs, that for fome time, I 
 thought, this expreffion, was intended, only, 
 as an harmlefs pun; by which, you might 
 hope to roufe your readers, from any in- 
 clination to fleep, or propenfity to drow- 
 finefs; or by which, you might expecl: to 
 relieve them from fatigue, or even per- 
 haps, to foften their features, into a fmile. 
 But, however true it may poffibly be, that 
 it has produced BOTH of thofe effe&s, upon 
 fome of them; yet, that no fuch confe- 
 quence, was intended by you, 1 am now 
 perfectly convinced, from the moft accurate 
 attention, to the uniform gravity, and con- 
 ftant folemnity of your diclion. For, even 
 when you tell us, that KINGS are the 03-
 
 jefts of your laughter; your words have 
 not the leaft tendency, to move a fingle 
 mufcle, in the face of any other man ; ex- 
 cept, it fhould chance to be, at, and not, 
 with YOU. 
 
 I muft beg leave therefore, juft to ob- 
 ferve, that however, / might be inclined 
 to concur with you, in a Jerious applica- 
 tion, of the term, SERVANT, to the KING, 
 could it be CONFINED to his office Jingty, 
 without being extended to others; yet, I 
 muft confefs, I feel fome reluctance, to 
 the adoption of fuch an application of it; 
 becaufe, men are fo prone to err, that 
 fome of them, would then perhaps imagine 
 that it may with equal, or even Jlill great" 
 er propriety, be applied, both, to YOU, 
 and ME. And though, for my own part, 
 I am totally indifferent, as to any diminu- 
 tion of rcfpett, which might chance to be 
 the confequence, of fuch an application to 
 myfelf;. yet, I fhould be extremely forry, 
 
 on
 
 ( 248 ) 
 
 on your account \ if, any, of ycur 
 congregation, fhould treat YOU with only 
 half the contempt, by confidering you, as 
 THEIR SERVANT; that YOU do a king, 
 by confidering HIM, as YOURS. 
 
 Befides, if this were to be the cafe, the 
 very nature of the relation, between you, 
 and your flock, would moft unfortunately, 
 be totally reverfed. For then, it would 
 be their office to teach, and yours to learn. 
 It would be their duty to preach, and yours 
 to hear. It would then, be their RIGHT 
 to i/ite out their commands to YOU, and 
 your DUTY to OBEY THEIR INSTRUC- 
 TIONS. 
 
 But, how difagreeable, and irkfome, Juch 
 a lituation muft necejfarily be to you ; I .can 
 eafily conceive, from that noble freedom of 
 fpirit, which breaths through all your wri- 
 tings; and which fo irrefragably proves, 
 lhat you would fpurn with indignation, at 
 
 the
 
 r 249 > 
 
 the very idea, of fubmitting to any mans 
 direction, or even of acknowledging, any 
 man, as your fuperior. 
 
 But, that fuch, would foon be the horri- 
 ble ftate of fubjection, to which you would 
 be reduced, if your congregations, fllould 
 once give the fame appellation to you, 
 which, you do,- to the king, is not 
 merely a theoretical conjecture, but is a 
 fal, which may be faid to be fan&ioned, 
 by experience. 
 
 For, I know from the information, oF 
 fome of the minijlers of your perfuajion> 
 that this is the ACTUAL ftate of flavery, 
 to which, fome of them, have been already 
 reduced. Of which, they complained to me, 
 as a burden too grievous to be borne, and 
 which therefore, they lamented as the heavieft 
 of afflictions. Now, Sir, if the whole multi- 
 tude of Unitarian congregations, mould once 
 univerfally add to their other enlightened tenet, 
 I i that
 
 ( 250 ) 
 
 that Jefus Chrift is to.be treated only as a 
 mere man, this alfo, that their minijlers 
 are to be treated only as mere fervants ; 
 how miferable then would be your condi- 
 tion. And in the inftances, to which I 
 allude, where, fuch has been the PRAC- 
 TICE of fome congregations, they were 
 certainly thofe, -who had embraced the 
 THEORY. For they, it feems, were juft as 
 incapable as you, of conceiving the pal- 
 pable difference, and dijlinttion, there is, 
 between, the DOING ANOTHER A SER- 
 VICE, and, the BEING HIS SERVANT. 
 Hence therefore, they thought themfelves 
 authorifed, to compel their minifiers, (under 
 the penalty of the lofs of their wages) to 
 preach SUCH DOCTRINES, as the richejt 
 and greattjl, though not perhaps, the -wifejl 
 members of the congregation, fhould pleafe 
 to COMMAND; and reftrained them from 
 preaching fuch, as the MINISTERS, would 
 themjthes have chofcn.
 
 I will therefore beg leave, Sir, with all 
 due deference, to fubmit, and leave the 
 queftion, entirely to your own determina- 
 tion, viz. Whether, as KINGS are no 
 more bound to OBEY the COMMANDS of 
 their SUBJECTS, than YOU ARE thofe of 
 your AUDITORS; it may not be, in YOU, 
 as jujl and as right, as proper and as 
 decent, as humble and as rational, not to 
 give the appellation of SERVANT, to a 
 KING, as, it is in your CONGREGATION, 
 NOT to give it, to YOU. 
 
 There are, Sir, likewife, fome other paf- 
 fages, in this very letter of yours, to which, 
 I am now paying my refpefts ; which in- 
 difputably prove, that had it been pre- 
 ceded by the manufacture of that very 
 ufeful, but defpifed work, a dictionary, it 
 mufl neceflarily have contained fewer ap- 
 parent errors; and would have been of 
 ineftimable advantage to your friends. They 
 being, I am perfuaded, as much determin- 
 I i 2 ed
 
 ed, not to unlearn any thing, which they 
 fancy, they have been taught by you; as 
 you can poffibly be refolved, not even to 
 examine the truth of any pofition, which 
 you imagine, you have learned from Mr. 
 LOCKE. The principle, is the fame in 
 both ; though to be fure, the authorities, 
 are Jomewhat different. 
 
 For, you proceed to cenfure the ex- 
 prcflion, of " OUR SOVEREIGN LORD 
 " THE KING," though only indeed, upon 
 political principles. But, as fome of your 
 eleves condemn it likewifc, upon religious 
 ones, I doubt not, but you alfo have the 
 fame objection to it; though both, I am 
 certain, highly venerate the title, of 
 
 
 You are of opinion, that the firjl term, 
 
 if it ought to be ufed at all, fhould be 
 applied to the parliament. 
 
 Now,
 
 2 53 
 
 Now, if you niean by this uord> only, 
 the HOUSES OF LORDS, and COMMONS; 
 had you but confulted fome Encyclopaedia, 
 which you muft neceffarily have done, upon 
 every principle of book-making, had you un- 
 dertaken to manufacture a new diclionary ; 
 you would moft probably, never have 
 urged this objection. For then, you muft 
 have been uncommonly unfortunate indeed, 
 had you not learned from fome one, or other 
 of them, that the Lords and Commons, are 
 only portions of the legiflature ; but, that 
 the KING HIMSELF, alfo, forms, a con- 
 (lituent part of the legislative body. That 
 every law therefore, requires his ajjent> as 
 much as the affents of the two houfes: 
 And his NEGATIVE, is as perfectly CON- 
 STITUTIONAL, for the REJECTION of an 
 acl, as that, of a MAJORITY, in either 
 houfe. You would then alfo have known, 
 that, when we fpeak of the KING AS OUR 
 SOVEREIGN LORD; we do not, by that 
 expreffion chara&erife him, as a part of 
 
 the
 
 the hgi/lature, but as POSSESSING compleat- 
 ly in himfdf, the WHOLE EXECUTIVE 
 POWER of the kingdom; and therefore, 
 that IT is A TITLE, to which, the PAR- 
 LIAMENT, in no fenfe, in which, you can 
 poffibly take that word, can have any more 
 claim, than, even the revolution fociety ; or, as 
 Mr. Burke, calls it, the " fociety for rcw~ 
 ' lutions." 
 
 By the fame means, you would moft 
 
 probably have removed alfo, any religious 
 
 fcruples, which you may entertain, as well 
 
 as your difciples, as to the propriety of 
 
 the fame title. 
 
 For, no doubt, but you might then have 
 gleaned up, at leaft, fo much acquaintance 
 with logic, as would have imparted to you, 
 fomc knowledge of the proper ufe, and Ji.g- 
 nification of WORDS; and taught you, that 
 the very fame epithets, may, by their appli- 
 cation to different fubjctts t receive, from the
 
 255 ) 
 
 Jubjetts themfelves, either, an enlargement, or 
 limitation to their Cgnifications. Confe- 
 quently therefore, though it would un- 
 doubtedly be blafphemy in us, to call the 
 KING, OUR SOVEREIGN LORD GOD; 
 yet, it is certainly, not at all inconfiftent 
 with piety, with innocence, and good fenfe, 
 to call HIM, OUR SOVEREIGN LORD 
 THE KING. 
 
 And indeed, where, even cuftom only, 
 in a ftate had authorifed, or fan&ioned 
 fuch a title; to withold it, is even to 
 difobey an authority, which I hope you 
 will pardon me for thinking; though I 
 differ from you in opinion, -Jlill greater, 
 than even yours. I mean, a learned anci- 
 ent writer, called an Apoftle, notwithftand- 
 ing you, have difcovered his mi/lakes; 
 who, has recommended to us, I dare not, 
 for fear of offence, fay, enjoined us, " to 
 "pay cujlom, to whom cujlom is due, and 
 "honour, to -whom honour." 
 
 You
 
 You objet indeed, I know, for, fo you 
 have yourfclf told us, to fuch 'titles, be- 
 caufe, you think, they are apt to inflate 
 KINGS with PRIDE. But is not this a paj- 
 Jion t which, it is as neceffary to be guard- 
 ed againft, for the fake of the peace, 
 comfort, and happinefs of fociety, in SUB- 
 JECTS, as well as in KINGS. And will you 
 then, that you may aft confidently, withold 
 from every man, of any other rank, his 
 title, from the fear, that the beftowing it, 
 might excite the fame paflion in him. 
 
 Some men, for inftance, may be proud of 
 the title, of REVEREND DOCTOR, how- 
 ever it may have been acquired, or what- 
 ever right they may have to it, or to 
 whatever rank, they may be entitled to de- 
 rive from it, in this kingdom ; where al- 
 moft every poor curate, has an unqueftion- 
 able right to a rank, fuperior to numbers 
 of thofe, who happen, to be fb dignified. 
 But, were he to attempt to affume it, he 
 
 would
 
 2 57 
 
 would foon be abafhed into humiliation, 
 by the fupercilious brows of thofe, who, 
 notwithftanding treat with contempt, the ti- 
 tles of KINGS. Nay, though you yourfelf, 
 may totally disregard the recommendation of 
 the APOSTLE, give me leave to afk you, 
 this queftion, whether, even YOU, Sir, would 
 not have thought me; if I had not ad- 
 dreffed you, as % .THE REVEREND DOC- 
 TOR PRIESTLEY, to have been GUILTY, 
 at leajl t of a BREACH of GOOD MAN- 
 NERS. 
 
 From hence then, it clearly follows, that 
 you yourfelf muft not only deem that man, if 
 not ignorant of the rules, yet, however, to be 
 deficient in the praftice of good- breeding, 
 who is fo tenacious of his own perfonal 
 confequence, as to refufe to others, the 
 titles and places, which are really due to 
 them ; but him alfo, who even refufes them 
 to others, from courtefy y which they ought 
 K k not,
 
 not, though they often do claim, as a 
 RIGHT. 
 
 I doubt not therefore, but that you 
 likewife think, that good manners are of 
 much more confequence, to the comfort of 
 individuals; and of much more importance 
 to fociety ; than fome are apt to con- 
 ceive ; and consequently, that there are 
 clafles of people, who pay a much lefs 
 attention to it, as a part of education, than 
 it deferves. As it certainly tends, to ba- 
 nifh rudenefs and ferocioufnefs from foci- 
 ety, and to produce the fame OUTWARD 
 ACTS of kindnefs, gentlenefs, and humility, 
 which chriftianity upon a different, and 
 better principle, enjoins. So that the hum- 
 bleft and bed chrijlian, is in fat, the befl 
 bred gentleman. 
 
 Never therefore, I am certain, fliall 
 we difcover in future, any inclination 
 in you, and your friends, to with- 
 hold
 
 ( 259 ) 
 
 hold from others, thofe titles, which, the 
 rites and cujloms of a ftate, authorife any 
 rank to aflame. Since it is evident, that 
 whoever feels that inclination, is actuated 
 by the very fame paflion, which inftigates 
 the pojfejffbrs of titles, to pride themfelves 
 upon them. Convinced, as you undoubted- 
 ly are, that whoever refufes to another, 
 the appellation or the rank, which is due 
 to him ; can only be deemed as a coun- 
 terpart to furly Diogenes, trampling, with 
 Cynic arrogance upon the carpets of that 
 Plato; who was as much fuperior to the 
 philofophers of old, and alfo, of this enlight- 
 ened age, in the manners of a gentleman ; 
 as, in the brilliancy, and copioufnefs of 
 his imagination ; the vivacity, and extent 
 of his fagacity ; and the importance, and 
 profundity of his difcoveries. 
 i(y- t kNJ- -i ^rtifffiWjjq - i a*. 
 
 As to that expreflion, which is fo great 
 a favourite with fome philofophers, and 
 undoubtedly, not lefs fo with the VUL- 
 K k 2 GAR
 
 ( 260 ) 
 
 AR, for it is to them, the title belongs, 
 1 mean, "THE MAJESTY OF THE PEO- 
 "PLE;" had you undertaken the tafk, of 
 which I lament the want of execution ; 
 the explanation of this term, would foon 
 have been very eafy to you ; and you 
 would, I doubt not, readily have feen, the 
 abfurdity and contradiction, which, it in- 
 volves. For, though I do not think, that 
 any dictionary -maker t has ytt been fo en- 
 lightened, as to join thefc words together, 
 as a well-known title; or even quoted any 
 paflage, from any enlightened writer, to au- 
 thorife fuch a junction ; yet, to have dif- 
 covered the beautiful ANTITHESIS, which 
 they form both in fenfe 'and found, there 
 would have been no occafion for you, to 
 have had recourfe to the ingenious Cham- 
 bers, nor the ftill more valuable Scotch 
 Encyclopa:dia t now publifhing; but, you 
 might have made the difcovery, from the 
 very firft fchool-boy's dictionary, you had 
 
 taken
 
 taken up; if, his moiftened thumb, had 
 not torn off, or obliterated, the words. 
 
 For at what time, could this fame 
 much-talked of MAJESTY, be breathed into 
 the people ? Not furely, in a Jlate of na- 
 ture, when no government exifts, but each 
 man is enjoying his NATURAL RIGHTS of 
 
 FREEDOM and EQUALJTY, for the DE- 
 STRUCTION of each other? Was it then, 
 when no longer able to fupport, fo mife- 
 rable a flate of exiftence, they were feek- 
 ing to get /rid of THEIR OWN SELF-DI- 
 RECTION, by fubmitting, to almoft any man, 
 who would take upon him the labour, of 
 GOVERNING them ? Was it in either of 
 thefe fituations ? If it were. However 
 glorious, fuch flates may appear to mo- 
 dern philofophers, in thefe enlightened times, 
 THEY, the PEOPLE, evidently preferred 
 fubmijfion to a GOVERNOR, to any SUCH 
 MAJESTY. Experience, having foon taught 
 them, from THEIR OWN INCAPACITY, for 
 
 fuch
 
 ( 262 ) 
 
 fuch a choice; that it was much better to 
 truft, to the feeming cafual fucceflion of 
 nature, than to their own ignorant fele&ion. 
 Little dreaming I ween, at that time, that, 
 they were thus furrendering up THEIR 
 -MAJESTY, of which, they had never 
 heard. 
 
 ' 
 
 Or was it, AFTER THEY HAD SUBMIT- 
 TED, and were BOUND to OBEY the WILL,. 
 or WILLS of others? If this be the TIME 
 meant; had you, but taken the method I 
 have propofed, and which I lament, did 
 not occur to your thoughts ; had you but 
 looked out, only, the words, majejly, fo- 
 vcreignty, government, obedience, and fubje&s, 
 you would have feen clearly, the abfurdi- 
 ty, and contradiction, of fuch a phrafe. 
 When therefore, you had heard, fuch an 
 exprefiion ufed, at the revolution fociety ; 
 your eye-brows, would fpontaneoufly have 
 exprefled the contempt, you inwardly felt; 
 and you would have been more difpofed, 
 
 had
 
 had it been confiftent with -your good 
 manners, to have hiffed the perfons, who 
 gave fuch nonfenfe for a toatt ; than to 
 applaud it, and drink it, perhaps, " WITH 
 
 *' THREE TIMES THREE." 
 
 . 
 
 By this time I think, even YOU, Sir, 
 muft fee clearly, how very neceflary it is^ 
 that men, mould moft accurately examine, 
 and moft precifely conceive the MEANING 
 of WORDS; before they can pretend, to 
 lay any claim to the character of REA- 
 SONERS; or can form any pretence, to 
 rank themfelves, in the number of WRI- 
 TERS, SPEAKERS, or of CRITICS. From 
 the want of this habit, which muft be the 
 Jubftratum of every good competition, it is, 
 that we may often hear a man fpeaking 
 fluently for an hour, when to all the pur- 
 pofes of inftru6lion, he has really been 
 faying nothing; or read a folio, which 
 though it coft the author, the labour of 
 years to write, truly eftablifhes no other 
 
 proof,
 
 ( =64 ) 
 
 proof, than this; -that the writer, ha$ 
 proved nothing. For, when by an accurate 
 fcrutiny, into a fundamental proportion, 
 we have once found, that the fpeaker, or 
 the writer, had no clear conception of 
 the terms, by which, it was compared, 
 and we have ourfelves difcovered, their 
 true and proper fignification, we fhall 
 fee the fpeech, or the book, at once lofe 
 it's only principle of cohefion, and crum- 
 ble into duft. 
 
 That you were not indeed muck fooner 
 aware of the neceffity for this practice, 
 and did not mod feduloufly endeavour to 
 cultivate it; I have the pleafure of think- 
 ing, was owing in no fault in me, but is 
 wholly to be imputed, to your own neg- 
 left. For, above twenty years ago, I not 
 only pointed this, out to you, but alfo, 
 moft ferioufly advifed and intreated you, 
 to give a clofe attention, to the Jludy of 
 every branch of the art of LOGIC, not 
 
 indeed,
 
 indeed, that you might improve, but that 
 you might acquire a talent for ratiocina- 
 tion. And, the more clearly to evince to 
 you, the extreme want, and abfolute ne- 
 ceflity you 'were under, of following this 
 advice, I exhibited to you, the mod diretf t 
 and Jlongeft proof; by writing a little ef- 
 fay, entitled PRIESTLEY, again/I PRIEST- 
 LEY, and mowing, from your deficiency 
 in thefe refpe&s, in your ejfay upon govern- 
 ment, HOW YOU YOURSELF, CONFUTED 
 
 YOURSELF. 
 
 Upon this occafion indeed, a perfon who 
 called himfelf Eberacenjis, threw down his 
 gauntlet, and denied, that I had proved 
 the charge. He certainly advanced to the 
 combat, with much feeming fpirit, but with 
 great real weaknefs ; with a confidence, which 
 nothing but ability, could have juftified, but 
 with fuch powers, as only the moft bafh- 
 ful modefty, could have fuited. The very 
 L 1 firft
 
 ( 266 ) 
 
 firft onfet brought him breathlcfs, and fehfe- 
 lefs, tp the ground j never more to rife. 
 And I fuppofe, that by this time, at leaft, 
 you recognize in me, if you did not 
 before, a certain writer, who formerly 
 aflumed, the name, of Arijlarchus. 
 
 But perhaps, you miftook me for an enemy, 
 and therefore were refolved, not to pay any 
 regard, to my advice. Should you however, 
 plead this as an excufe, you muft yourfelf 
 be fenfible, that it can not by any means, 
 prove your j unification. For, you can not 
 poflibly, have fo far forgotten the rudi- 
 ments of your education, as not to remem- 
 ber, that -fas fjl tt ab hojle doccri. Your 
 conduct therefore, was as impolitic, as your 
 fuppofition was ill-founded. For, what pof- 
 fible advantage could accrue to any ene- 
 my, by recommending any thing, which, muft 
 neceflarily conduce to your good; and pof- 
 fibly, to his own injury. But with the moft 
 
 unfeigned
 
 unfeigned truth, I can affure you ; that 
 if you did really, or do nozv, fo efteem me, 
 you do me great injuftice, and are your- 
 felf much miftaken. I can moil folemnly 
 affirm, that there never was, that man ex- 
 ifling in the world, for whom I ever en- 
 tertained the leaft diflike, becaufe, we 
 differed in opinion, or difagreed in fentiment. 
 For, it is almoft impofiible to conceive, a 
 greater contrariety of opinions, to fubfift 
 between two men, who were both warmly 
 attached, to the truth of chriftianity, than 
 between me, and my late moft excellent 
 friend, Dr. John Jebb ; whom I believe 
 you well knew, and highly valued ; yet, 
 we lived in the moft uninterrupted har- 
 mony with each other, from the com- 
 mencement of our acquaintance in the 
 univerfity, to the day of his death ; though 
 we never met without difputing, and by the 
 account of his life, I find, we were once 
 warmly engaged againft each other, in a 
 L 1 2 public
 
 public controverfy. Which, had I at thai 
 time known, fhould have borne fomc marks 
 of the fincere afFeftion, with which, I lov- 
 ed the man, whatever might be the ear- 
 neftnefs, with which I attacked the argu- 
 ments of the writer. 
 
 For, never fhall I ceafe to cherifh the 
 fweet remembrance of him here," and,- O ! 
 that I may be deemed worthy to live with 
 him, in eternal friendfliip hereafter. Many 
 there were, who did injuftice to his cha- 
 racter, whilft living, and who, now ftill 
 know not, one half of his real worth, 
 for, he having early in life, imbibed fome 
 ftrong prejudices on religious fubjefts, 
 his habits and connections, led him rather 
 to cherifh them ; than afterwards, to em- 
 ploy his own excellent understanding, in 
 examining, and eradicating them. And, as 
 his honeft heart, was always warm in de- 
 fence of the femiments which he embra- 
 ced;
 
 ced ; he was fometimes led by his attach- 
 ment to others, to appear to fome as a 
 fiery zealot for his opinions ; who in re- 
 ality, would not defignedly have given a 
 moment's pain to any, the meaneft fenfi* 
 live creature. For, no man ever pofleffed, 
 more " of the milk of human kindnefs," and 
 never did I know, amongft men, (for I 
 muft mark that diftin&ion) a purer fpirit, 
 - wafted to heaven. Pardon this digref- 
 fion, and permit me, that> 
 
 His faltem accumuhm donis> et fungar inani 
 Munere, 
 
 But, Sir, from this pleafing, fad remem- 
 brance, I muft once more turn my fteps, 
 to the thorny paths of controverfy ; though 
 they will not at prefent be detained, but 
 for fome few minutes, longer. 
 
 Pardon me then, Sir, that if,-r-well know- 
 ing the " rapid glances," you are wont to 
 
 take
 
 ( 270 ) 
 
 take of books, I requeft the favour of 
 you, and can aflure you, that this requfjl 
 is made, as much for your benefit, as, my 
 own; that, when you do me the honour, 
 of reading thefe letters, you would be fo 
 good, as moft attentively to- perufe them, 
 TWICE at LEAST, before, you undertake 
 to anfwer them. Becaufe otherwife, moft 
 probably, your ftatement of my opinion, 
 will, through inattention, be a mifreprefen- 
 tation, and then inftead of engaging with 
 me, you will be fighting only with the 
 air. For, as it is impoffible for you, to 
 reply to MY ARGUMENTS, if you have not 
 allowed yourfelf, TIME fufficient to under- 
 fland them ; and fuch a reply, conftitutes 
 the very ESSENCE of all CONTROVERSY; 
 YOU will be under the NECESSITY, of 
 having recourfe to your moft ufual mode, 
 of calling THAT an ANSWER, which, 
 without even aiming, at a REFUTATION 
 of your opponent's REASONING, contains 
 
 merely,
 
 ( 271 ) 
 
 merely, a RE-CAPITULATION, and RE- 
 ASSERTION, of your own opinions. A mode 
 of proceeding, which I can afiure you, has 
 fuch an effeft upon fome acute reafoners, 
 as to produce in them inftantly, a naufea, 
 at the very fight of any of your works. 
 
 Be fo good therefore, I befeech you, as 
 to exert your own utmoft endeavours, and 
 even call to your aid, all the afliftance you 
 can procure, that inftead of taking the 
 meaning of my terms for granted, you 
 may be enabled, moft attentively to invef- 
 tigate the fignification of every word I have 
 ufed,, in every proportion, which I have ad- 
 vanced ; and inftead of contenting your- 
 felf, with REPROBATING my CONCLUSIONS, 
 
 WITHOUT PROOF of THEIR being DESERV- 
 ING of CENSURE, be pleafed with the 
 utmojl fevcrity to fcrutinife the chain which 
 connefts, the CONCLUSIONS, WITH THEIR 
 RESPECTIVE PREMISES. For, thefe are 
 
 the
 
 tbe only effectual means, by which, you 
 can either DESTROY my fyftem, or that you 
 can REBUILD Mr. Locke's. 
 
 It is to ereft, or repair, a fit habitation 
 for TRUTH, that is, or ought to be, our 
 primary objecl. And though fhe is then 
 placed in a manfion moft fuitable to her 
 dignity, when it is like thofe, which a Plato or 
 a Burke has erefted for her, ornamented with 
 the fined polifhed marble pillars of the Co- 
 rinthian order; yet, will fhe notwithftand- 
 ing, fometimes deign to dwell in an humble 
 cottage, fupported merely by wooden pillars 
 roughly hewn out of oak, and wrought 
 only in ruftic work. 
 
 * 
 That I might, the fooner, give you an 
 
 opportunity of attempting to execute this 
 work, fo far at leaft as relates to CIVIL 
 GOVERNMENT, well knowing how impati- 
 ent you are, under any deprivation of la- 
 bour ;
 
 ( 273 ) 
 
 bour ; I have divided this correfpondenc'e, 
 into TWO PARTS; that you might not 
 be robbed of the pleafure of returning an. 
 anfwer, 'till that ti'me was elapfed, which, 
 it would be requifite for me, to employ in 
 writing the fecond part. 
 
 I well know, with what agility and plea- 
 fure, you always advance to the fight ; and 
 with what tardinefs, and reluQancy, you 
 retire. The nimblenefs of the one, I have 
 been fometimes induced to think, mows 
 more fpirit, than policy. But the flownefs 
 of the latter, can not be accufed of want 
 of art; however, fome may have fufpecl:- 
 ed it of the appearance of vanity. For, 
 often have we feen you, not only like 
 Antceus, as foon as you have been thrown 
 upon the earth, inftantly rebound, with re- 
 newed flrength : But even, when your ad- 
 verfary, has like another Hercules, really 
 vanqui/Jied you, and fuffered your lifdefs 
 corpfe, to fall to the ground; we have 
 M m likewise
 
 ( 274 ) 
 
 likewife feen you rife once more, re-anima- 
 ted with your former confidence ; and 
 when you knew the conqueror was certain- 
 ly retired from the field, never more mean- 
 ing to return ; we have heard you challenge 
 him again to the combat, fing a triumphal 
 fong, and claim the wreath of victory, as if 
 you were really the vi&or, not the van- 
 quiihed. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 Your very humble Servant, 
 
 5. COOPER. 
 
 ND OF THE FIRST PART. 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 Page 2, 1. 18, between the words, to and even, infert ' almojl? 
 Page 18, 1. 4, in the note, infert, between when and they, 'even.*
 
 Shortly will be publifhed, by the fame Author. 
 
 An INTRODUCTION to the STUDY of the 
 NEW TESTAMENT, in which, amongft feveral 
 other fubjefts of Enquiry,, the true diftin&ion 
 between the INTERNAL and EXTERNAL 
 EVIDENCES of Chriflianity, is, (in oppofition 
 to the opinions of fome very eminent writers) 
 endeavoured to be more accurately explained 
 then it has hitherto been, and the PRINCIPLES 
 of Mr. Hume's Philofophy, from which he 
 .deduced his Arguments againft MIRACLES as 
 proofs of a Divine Revelation, are mown to 
 be contrary to the firft Principles of our Know- 
 ledge, as deduced from EXPERIENCE and 
 TESTIMONY. 
 
 Publifficd by the fame Author. 
 
 I. The Neceffity and Duty of the early In- 
 flruftion of Children, in the Chriftian Religion, 
 evinced and enforced ; Preached in the Parifh 
 Church of Great Yarmouth, on Sunday, June 
 the 2oth, 1790; For the Benefit of the Cha- 
 nty and Sunday Schools. Printed at the Requeft 
 
 of the ReprefenUtives in Parliament, for that 
 Burgh, 
 
 II.
 
 II. The Confiftency of Man'*, Free-Agency, witl\ 
 God's Fore-knowledge in the Government of 
 the World, proved and illuftrated. In a Dif- 
 courfe; Preached in the Parifh Church of 
 Great Yarmouth, on Thurfday, April 23d, 
 1789; being the Day of General Thankfgiv- 
 ing, for his Majefty's Happy Recovery. 
 
 III. The One Great Argument for the truth of 
 Chriftianity, from a fingle Prophecy, evinced, in 
 a new Explanation of the Seventh Chapter 
 of Ifaiah : and in a general Refutation of the 
 Interpretations of former Commentators. 
 
 IV. Confolation to the Mourner, and Inftruftion 
 both to Youth aud Old Age, from the early 
 Death of the Righteous. In Two Difcourfes; . 
 occafioned by the Death of his eldeft Daugh- 
 ter, who had only juft entered into her Twenty- 
 firfl Year ; To which is fubjoined, an Appendix, 
 containing her Character, and two Elegies op 
 her Death. Preached at the Parifh Church of 
 Great Yarmouth. 
 
 V. Erroneous Opinions concerning Providence 
 refuted, the true Notions ftated, and illuftra- 
 ted by the Events which have lately happened 
 
 tq
 
 to this Nation. Preached at the Parifh Church 
 of Great Yarmouth, on Friday, February 8th, 
 1782. 
 
 VI. An Addrefs after Confirmation : Pointing 
 out the Means of attaining Chriftian Perfection, 
 and true Happinefs. Delivered at the Parifh 
 Church of Great Yarmouth, on Sunday, Augufl 
 24th, 1783. 
 
 VII. The Power of Chriftianity, over the ma- 
 lignant Paffions afferted; the real Caufes ot 
 Perfecutjons ampngft Chriftians are point- 
 ed out, and the true Grounds of mutual 
 Forbearance in religious Opinions explained. 
 Preached Nov. 3d, 1776. 
 
 VIII. The Neceflity and Truth of the Three 
 Principal Revelations, demonftrated from the 
 Gradations of Science, and the Progrefs of the 
 mental Faculties. Preached on Commencement 
 Sunday, June 29th, 1777. 
 
 IX. A Letter to the Clergy of Norfolk, upon 
 the Abolition of Tythes. In which, the Schemes 
 propofed for an Equivalent, are examined. 
 
 X. A full Refutation of the Reafons advanced 
 in Defence of the Petition, for the Abolition 
 
 of
 
 of Subfcription to the Articles and Liturgy. By 
 no Bigot to, nor againft the Church of England. 
 
 XI. Explanations of different texts of Scriptures, 
 in four Diflertations ; ift. On eternal Punilh- 
 ments. ad. On Chrift's curfing the Fig-Tree. 
 gd. On Miftranflations. 4th. On Chrift's Temp- 
 tation; in which, the Notions of a Vifion, 
 and the perfonal Appearance of Satan, are 
 refuted. 
 
 A Letter to the Bifhop of Gloucefter ; 
 in which his Lordfhip's DIVINE LEGATION 
 is defended, both from the Mifapprehenfions of 
 his Lordfhip's Friends, and Mifreprefentations 
 of his Enemies. 
 
 Definitions and Axioms, relative to Charify, 
 Charitable Inftitutions, and the Poor's Laws. 
 In which, Houfes of Induftry were firfl recom- 
 mended to the Attention of the Public.
 
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