r 
 
THE STUDENTS' SERIES OF 
 
 HISTORICAL AND COMPARATIVE 
 
 GRAMMARS 
 
 EDITED BY JOSEPH WRIGHT 
 
COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR 
 
 OF THE 
 
 GREEK LANGUAGE 
 
 BY 
 
 JOSEPH WRIGHT 
 
 PH.D., D.C.L,, LL.D., LITT.D. 
 
 FELLOW OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY 
 
 PROFESSOR OF COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY IN THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 
 
 ' Nur das Beispiel fuhrt zum Licht; 
 Vieles Reden thut es nicht ' 
 
 HENRY FROWDE 
 
 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
 LONDON, NEW YORK AND TORONTO 
 
 1912 
 
 [All rights reserved^ 
 
OXFORD : HORACE HART 
 PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 
 
PREFACE 
 
 
 In writing this Grammar I have followed as far as 
 possible the plan adopted in the other Grammars of the 
 Series, my object being to furnish students with a concise 
 account of the phonology, word-formation, and inflexions 
 of the language. As the book is not intended for specialists ^ 
 some more or less important details have been intentionally 
 omitted. This is especially the case in regard to those 
 dialects which have been preserved in such scanty fragments 
 as to render it impossible for us to give a full account 
 of their phonology. It must not, however, be assumed 
 that these dialects have been entirely omitted ; on the 
 contrary, I have made considerable use of them in the 
 phonology and elsewhere, wherever they have helped to 
 throw light upon the development and history of the other 
 dialects, such as Attic, Ionic, Doric, Aeolic. 
 
 Much of the time and labour spent on this Grammar 
 has been taken up with selecting examples from the vast 
 amount of material which I had collected to illustrate the 
 sound-laws of the various dialects. This selection was 
 necessary if I was to keep steadily in view the class of 
 students for whom the Series of Grammars was originally 
 planned, otherwise it would have been far easier to 
 produce a Comparative Greek Grammar at least three 
 times the size of the present one. In spite of this great 
 compression of the material, I venture to think that I have 
 included within a modest compass all that the ordinary 
 
 1 In Greek Philology. 
 
 255345 
 
vi Preface 
 
 student will require to know about the subject, and I 
 believe that the student who thoroughly masters the book 
 will not only have gained a comprehensive knowledge of 
 Comparative Greek Grammar in particular, but will also 
 have acquired the elements of the Comparative Grammar 
 of the Sanskrit, Latin, and Germanic languages. Examples 
 have been more copiously used from these than from the 
 other branches of the Indo-Germanic family of languages, 
 because it can be safely inferred that the students who 
 study this Grammar will already possess a practical 
 knowledge of one or more of them. 
 
 This Grammar makes no pretence whatever of being an 
 original and exhaustive treatise on the subject. In a book 
 of this kind there is practically no scope for a display of 
 either of these features, but I have contrived to bring 
 within a comparatively small space a great deal of matter 
 which will be new to students, and especially to those 
 who are unable to study the subject in works written in 
 foreign languages. All that I have attempted to do is to 
 furnish our countrymen with a systematic and scientific 
 treatment of Comparative Greek Grammar based upon the 
 philological books and articles of the best workers of the 
 present day in the wide field of Comparative Philology. 
 Specialists in the subject will accordingly find little that 
 is new in the book. 
 
 In Greek as in all the other Indo-Germanic languages 
 there are still innumerable points which have never been 
 satisfactorily explained, and not a few points about which 
 there is a great divergence of opinion even among the best 
 philologists. In all such cases I have carefully considered 
 the various explanations which have been proposed, and 
 have given those with which I agreed without, as a rule. 
 
Preface vii 
 
 stating my authority, but where I was unable to agree 
 with any of the proposed explanations I have generally 
 preferred to state that the phenomenon in question has 
 never been satisfactorily explained or that the explanation 
 is unknown, rather than burden the book with attempted 
 explanations with which I did not agree. I have generally 
 omitted to give the authorities for various statements made 
 throughout the Grammar, except in special cases where 
 I thought it desirable to refer the student for further 
 information to the sources which deal more fully with the 
 case in point. 
 
 I gratefully acknowledge the help I have derived from 
 the learned books and articles by the splendid band of 
 German Philologists who have done so much to throw 
 light upon the history and philology of the various Indo- 
 Germanic languages. On pp. xiv-xvii will be found a select 
 list of the books and articles which I have found most 
 useful in the writing of this book, but a mere place in a list 
 would not adequately express my indebtedness to the 
 works of Brugmann, Hirt, Gustav Meyer, Osthoff, Jo- 
 hannes Schmidt, and Wackernagel. In conclusion I wish 
 to express my sincere thanks to the Controller of the 
 University Press for his great kindness in complying with 
 my wishes in regard to special type ; to Mr. A. Davidson, 
 for his valuable, collaboration in the making of the index 
 verborum ; and lastly to the press-reader, Mr. W. F. R. 
 Shilleto, for his invaluable help with the reading of the 
 proofs. 
 
 JOSEPH WRIGHT. 
 
 Oxford, 
 January^ 1912. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGES 
 
 INTRODUCTION 1-4 
 
 Classification of the Indo-Germanic languages (§ i). 
 The Greek dialects and their classification (§ 2). 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Pronunciation and Accentuation 5-18 
 
 Vowels (§§4-18) ; Consonants (§§ 19-27). Pitch and 
 stress accent (§ 28) ; ' broken ' or acute and ' slurred ' or 
 circumflex accent (§ 29) ; word-accent (§§ 30-4) ; sen- 
 tence-accent (§§ 35-40). 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 The Primitive Indo-Germanic Vowel-sounds . 18-20 
 
 The Indo-Germanic vowel-system (§ 41). Table of 
 the normal development of the prim. Indg. short and 
 long vowels, short diphthongs, and short vocalic nasals 
 and liquids in Greek, Sanskrit, Latin, Old Irish, Gothic, 
 Old English, Lithuanian and Old Slavonic (§ 42). 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 The Greek Development of the Indo-Germanic Vowel- 
 system 21-49 
 
 The short vowels :— a (§ 43) ; e (§ 44) ; i (§ 45) ; ο 
 (§ 46) ; u (§§ 47-8) ; 3 (§ 49). The long vowels : — 
 a (§§ 50-1) ; e (§ 52) ; Ϊ (§ 53) ; δ (§ 54) ; ΰ (§ 55). The 
 short diphthongs :— ai (§§ 56-7) ; ei (§ 58) ; oi (§ 59) ; 
 au (§ 60) ; eu (§ 61) ; ou (§ 62). The long diphthongs 
 (§ 63). General remarks on the short vocalic nasals and 
 liquids (§ 64) ; short vocalic nasals (§ 65) ; short vocalic 
 
Contents ίχ 
 
 PAGES 
 
 liquids (§§ 66-7). The long vocalic nasals and liquids 
 (§ 68). The lengthening of short vowels (§ 69). The 
 shortening of long vowels (§§ 70-1) ; quantitative meta- 
 thesis (§ 72). Assimilation of vowels (§§ 73-4). Epen- 
 thesis (§§ 75-6). Prothesis (§ 77). Anaptyxis (§ 78). 
 Vowel-contraction (§§ 79-80). 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 Ablaut 49-61 
 
 General remarks on ablaut (§§ 81-5). The weakening 
 or loss of vowels (§§ 86-90). The lengthening of vowels 
 (§§ 91-4). The ablaut-series (§§ 95-6). Dissyllabic 
 bases (§ 97). 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 The Primitive Indo-Germanic Consonants . . . 62-71 
 
 Tableof the prim. Indg. consonants (§ 98). The normal 
 equivalents of the prim. Indg. explosives in Greek, 
 Latin, Old Irish, prim. Germanic, Gothic, Sanskrit, 
 Lithuanian and Old Slavonic :— the tenues (§ 100); 
 the mediae (§ ιοτ) ; the tenues aspiratae (§ 102) ; the 
 mediae aspiratae (§ 103). Consonantal sound-changes 
 which took place during the prim. Indg. period 
 (§§ 105-12). 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 The Greek Development of the I ndo- Germanic Con- 
 sonant-system 71-111 
 
 The change of mediae aspiratae to tenues aspiratae 
 (§ 114). De-aspiration of aspirates (§ 115). Assimilation 
 of consonants (^"§ 116-17). General remarks on the semi- 
 vowels (§§ 1 18-19) ; w (§§ 120-6); j (§§ 127-30). General 
 remarks on the liquids (§ 131 ) ; 1(§§ 132-5); r(§§ 136-8). 
 General remarks on the nasals (§ 139); m (§§ 140-6) ; 
 η (§§ 147-54) ; η, r) (§§ 155-6). The labials :— ρ (§§ 157-8) ; 
 b (§^ 159-60) ; ph (§ 161); bh (§§ 162-3). The dentals :— 
 t (§§ 164-70); d (§§ 171-4); th (§§ 175-6); dh (§§ 177- 
 80). The normal equivalents of the prim. Indg. palatals, 
 a3 
 
Contents 
 
 pure velars and labialized velars in Greek, Latin, 
 Old Irish, Germanic, Sanskrit, Lithuanian and Old Sla- 
 vonic (§ i8i). The palatals :— k (§§ 182-7) ; g (§§ 188- 
 91); kh (§ 192); gh (§§ 193-4). The pure velars:— q 
 (§§ 195-6); g (§§ 197-9) ; qh (§ 200); gh (§ 201). The 
 labialized velars:— q"' (§§ 202-4); g' (§§ 205-7); q"h 
 (§ 208) ; g^h (§§ 209-10), The spirants : — s (§§ 212-23) ; 
 ζ (§ 224) ; sh, zh (§ 225) ; )?, \>h, d, dh (§ 226) ; j (§ 227). 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 Sandhi 
 
 111-116 
 
 General remarks on sandhi (§ 228) 
 (§§ 229-30) ; initial sounds (§§ 231-2). 
 
 final sounds 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 The Formation of Nouns and Adjectives . . 116- 138 
 
 General remarks (§ 233). Root-nouns (§ 234). Suffixes 
 ending in a vowel :— ja- (§ 235) ; -ο-, -a- (§ 236); ■(i)jo-, 
 •(i)ja•, -ejo-, •ew(i)jo• (§ 237) ; -wo-, -wa- {§ 238) ; -mo-, 
 •ma- {§ 239) ; -meno-, -mena- (§ 240) ; -no-, -na- (§§ 241- 
 2) ; -ino-, -ina- (§ 243) ; -ino-, -ma- (§ 244) ; -s-no-, -s-na- 
 C§ 245) ; -συνο-, -συνά- (§ 246) ; -lo-, -la- (§ 247) ; -ro-, 
 •ra- (§ 248) ; -bho-, -bha- (§ 249) ; -dhlo-, -dhla- (§ 250) ; 
 ■dhro•, -dhra- (§ 251) ; -ko-, -ka-, -qo-, -qa- (§ 252) ; -sko-, 
 -ska•, -isko-, -iska- (§253) ; -tero-, -tera- (§ 254) ; -tewo-, 
 -tewa- (§ 255); -tro- (§ 257); -to-, -ta- (§ 258) ; -is- to-, -is-ta- 
 (§ 259); •ϊ• (§ 26o) ; -mi-, -ni-, -ri• (§261) ; •ti- (§ 262) ; -i- 
 (§263); -u- (§ 264); •1η•, -nu-, -ru- (§265); -tu-(§266); 
 •ΰ• (§ 267); ^eu• (§ 268). Suffixes ending in a con- 
 sonant: — en• (§ 269) ; •(i)jen• (§ 270); -wen• (§ 271) ; 
 ■d-en- (§ 272) ; -men- (§ 273) ; -t-, -dh-, -s• (§ 274) ; -nt- 
 (§ 275) ; -wrent• (§ 276) ; -er• (§ 277) ; -ter- (§ 278) ; -es- 
 (§ 279) ; -n^es-, -w^es-, -dh-es- (§ 280) ; -jes• (§ 281), -wes- 
 (§ 282) ; -3s• (§ 283) ; -tat• (§ 284) ; -t-, •k•, -d-, -g- (§ 285). 
 The formation of compound nouns and adjectives 
 (s<§ 287-92). 
 
Contents xi 
 
 PAGES 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 Declension of Nouns 139-213 
 
 The number and gender of nouns (§§ 293-5). Cases 
 (§ 296). Case-formation in the parent Indg. language : — 
 The cases of the singular (§§ 298-306), dual (§§ 307-10), 
 plural (§§ 311-17). Syncretism (§ 318). Strong and 
 weak case-forms (§ 319). 
 
 A. The vocalic declension : — Feminine a-stems 
 (§§ 320-1) ; -ja-stems (§ 322) ; masculine a-stems (§323). 
 Masculine and feminine o-stems (§§ 324-5) ; neuter 
 o-stems (§ 3261 ; the so-called Attic declension (§ 327). 
 Masculine and feminine short i-stems (§ 328); neuter 
 short i-stems (§ 329) ; the long ϊ -stems (§ 330). Mascu- 
 line and feminine short u-stems (§§ 331-2) ; neuter short 
 u-stems (§ 333) ; the long u-stems (§ 334I The diph- 
 thongal stems :— au-stems (§ 336) ; eu-stems (§§ 337-8) ; 
 ou-stems (§§ 339-40) ; oi-stems (§ 341). 
 
 B. The consonantal declension :— Stems ending in 
 an explosive (§§ 342-4) ; stems ending in -n (§§345-50) ; 
 stems ending in -nt (§§ 351-5) ; stems ending in -went 
 (§§ 356-7) ; stems ending in -1 (§ 358) ; stems ending in 
 •Γ (§§ 359-62) ; neuter stems in -as-, -os- (§§ 364-5) ; 
 nouns and adjectives of the type ^νσμΐνής (§§ 366-7) ; 
 stems in -os, -os- (§ 368) ; stems in -jes-, -jos-, -jSs- 
 (§ 369) ; neuter stems in -as- (§ 370). The r- : n-de- 
 clension (§ 371). 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 Adjectives 213-232 
 
 The declension of adjectives (§§ 372-4). The com- 
 parison of adjectives :— The comparative degree (§§ 375- 
 6) ; the superlative degree (§ 377); irregular comparison 
 (§ 378). Numerals :— Cardinal numerals (§§ 379-88); 
 ordinal numerals (§§389-93) ; other numerals (§§ 394-6). 
 
xii Contents 
 
 PAGES 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 Pronouns 232-249 
 
 General remarks on the pronouns (§§ 397-401). 
 Personal pronouns (§§ 402-3). Reflexive pronouns 
 (§§ 404-5). Possessive pronouns (§ 406). Demonstra- 
 tive pronouns (§§ 407-12). Relative pronouns f§ 413). 
 Interrogative and indefinite pronouns (§§ 414-15). Other 
 pronouns (§ 416). 
 
 CHAPTER ΧΠ 
 Verbs 249-340 
 
 General remarks on the verbs (§ 417). Number (§ 418). 
 Voices (§§419-22). Mode or manner of action (§§ 423-5). 
 Tense formation (§ 426). Moods (§§ 427-8). Reduplica- 
 tion (§ 429). The augment (§§ 430-1). General remarks 
 on the personal endings (§ 432). The personal endings 
 of the active (§§ 433-41). The personal endings of the 
 middle (§§ 442-8). 
 
 The formation ot the present : — The classification oi 
 the various ways in which the present is formed (§ 449) ; 
 the athematic and thematic conjugations (§ 450). The 
 various classes of the present : — Class I : Unreduplicated 
 monosyllabic light or heavy ablaut-bases (§§ 452-4). 
 Class Π : Reduplicated monosyllabic athematic heavy 
 ablaut-bases (§ 455). Class HI : Dissyllabic light bases 
 with or without reduplication (§§ 456-7). Class IV: 
 Dissyllabic athematic heavy ablaut-baseswithorwithout 
 reduplication (§§ 458-9). General remarks on the 
 formation of the various classes (V-VIII) of nasal- 
 presents (§ 460). Class V : Verbs of the type δύμνημι 
 (§§ 461-2). Class VI : Verbs of the type στόρννμι 
 (§§ 463-5). Class VII: Verbs which have a nasal 
 infixed before the final consonant of the root-syllable 
 (§ 466). Class VIII : The verbs in -άνω (§ 467). Class 
 IX : The s-presents (§ 468). Class X : The sko-prcsents 
 (§§ 469-71). Class XI : Presents containing one of the 
 dental suffixes -to•, -do• or -dho- (§§ 472-5). Class XII : 
 
Contents χϋί 
 
 PAGES 
 
 The various types of j-presents (§§ 476-97) :— Primary 
 thematic presents (§§ 477-80) ; primary athematic 
 presents (§ 481) ; denominative verbs (§§ 482-96) ; 
 causative and iterative verbs (§ 497). 
 
 The future (§§ 498-501). The Aorist :— General re- 
 marks on the aorist (§ 502). The root- or strong aorist 
 (§§503-6). The s-aorist (§§ 507-13). The passive aorist 
 (§ 514). The perfect (§§ 515-22). The pluperfect 
 
 (§ 523)• 
 
 The moods : — The injunctive (§ 524) ; the subjunctive 
 (§§ 525-9) ; the optative (§§ 530-8) ; the imperative 
 (§§ 539-44) ; th e infin itive- (§§545-5o)• 
 
 Participles (§§ 551-4). Verbal adjectives (§§ 555-6). 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 Adverbs (§§ 557-75) 341-345 
 
 INDEX 346-384 
 
SELECT LIST OF BOOKS USED 
 
 Bartholoniae, Chr. Studien zur indogermanischen Sprachge- 
 
 schichte. Halle, 1890-1. 
 Baunack, Johannes und Theodor. Studien auf dem Gebiete des 
 
 Griechischen und der arischen Sprachen. Leipzig, 1886. 
 Bechtel, Friedrich. Die Vocalcontraction bei Homer. Halle, 
 
 1908. 
 
 Bechtel, Fritz. Die Hauptprobleme der indogermanischen 
 Lautlehre seit Schleicher. Gottingen, 1892. 
 
 Blass, Friedrich. Uber die Aussprache des Griechischen. 
 
 Berlin, 1888. 
 Boisacq, Emile. Les dialectes doriens. Paris and Liege, 1891. 
 Britgmann, Karl. Kurze vergleichende Grammatik der indo- 
 germanischen Sprachen. Strassburg, 1902-4. 
 Griechische Grammatik. Munchen, 1900. 
 Die' Demonstrativpronomina der indogermanischen Spra- 
 chen. Leipzig, 1904. 
 
 Brugmann, Karl, und Dclbriick, BertJiold. Grundriss der ver- 
 gleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen. 
 Strassburg, 1886-1900. Vol. I (Einleitung und Lautlehre), 
 1886; vol. Π (Wortbildungslehre = Stammbildungs- und 
 Formenlehre), 1889-92, by K. Brugmann. Vols. HI-V 
 (Syntax), 1893-1900, by B. Delbruck. Second edition :— 
 vol. I (Einleitung und Lautlehre), 1897; vol. Π (Lehre 
 von den Wortformen und ihrem Gebrauch), 1906-11. 
 
 Curtius, Georg. Das Verbum der griechischen Sprache seinem 
 Bauc nach dargestellt. Leipzig, 1877-80. 
 
 Fraenkel, Ernst. Geschichte der griechischen Nomina agentis 
 auf -Tijp, -τωρ, -τηί (-T-), erster Teil. Strassburg, 1910. 
 
Select List of Books used χ ν 
 
 Giles, P. A short manual of Comparative Philology for 
 Classical Students. London, 1901. 
 
 Henry, Victor. Precis de grammaire comparee du grec et du 
 
 latin. Paris, 1908. 
 Hirt, Hermann. Handbuch der griechischen Laut- und For- 
 
 menlehre. Heidelberg, 1902. 
 Der indogermanische Ablaut. Strassburg, 1900. 
 Der indogermanische Akzent. Strassburg, 1895. 
 Hoffmann, Otto. Die griechischen Dialekte in ihrem histori- 
 
 schen Zusammenhange. Gottingen, 1891-8. 
 Jacobi, H. G. Compositum und Nebensatz, Studien iiber die 
 
 indogermanische Sprachentvvicklung. Bonn, 1897. 
 
 Johansson, K. F. De derivatis verbis contractis Hnguae graecae 
 quaestiones. Upsala, 1886. 
 Beitrage zur griechischen Sprachkunde. Upsala, 1891. 
 
 King, J. E., and Cookson, C. The principles of sound and 
 
 inflexion as illustrated in the Greek and Latin languages. 
 
 Oxford, 1888. 
 Kretschmer, Paul. Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechi- 
 schen Sprache. Gottingen, 1896. 
 Kiihner, Raphael. Ausfiihrliche Grammatik der griechischen 
 
 Sprache, dritte Auflage in zwei Banden, besorgt von 
 
 Friedrich Blass. Hannover, 1890-2. 
 Kiirschat, Friedrich. Grammatik der littauischen Sprache. 
 
 Halle, 1876. 
 Lagercrants, O. Zur griechischen Lautgeschichte. Upsala, 
 
 1898. 
 Leskien, A. Grammatik der altbulgarischen (altkirchenslavi- 
 
 schen) Sprache. Heidelberg, 1909. 
 Handbuch der altbulgarischen (altkirchenslavischen) 
 
 Sprache. Weimar, 1898. 
 Meillet, A. Introduction a I'etude comparative des langues 
 
 indo-europeennes. Paris, 1908. 
 Meister, R. Die griechischen Dialekte. Gottingen, 1882-9. 
 Meisterhans, K. Grammatik der attischen Inschriften. Berlin, 
 
 1888. 
 
xvi Select List of Books used 
 
 Meringer, Rudolph. Indogermanische Sprachwissenschaft. 
 
 Leipzig, 1903. 
 Beitrage zur Geschichte der indogermanischen Deklination. 
 
 Wien, 1891. 
 Meyer, Gustav. Griechisclie Grammatik. Leipzig, 1896. 
 Meyer, Leo. Vergleichende Grammatik der griechischen und 
 
 lateinischen Sprache. Berlin, 1882-4. 
 Monro, D. B. A Grammar of the Homeric dialect. Oxford, 
 
 1891. 
 Osthoff, Hermann. Zur Geschichte des Perfects im Indoger- 
 manischen mit besonderer Rucksicht auf Griechisch und 
 
 Lateinisch. Strassburg, 1884. 
 Vom Suppletivwesen der indogermanischen Sprachen. 
 
 Heidelberg, 1900. 
 Osthoff, Hermann, und Briigmann, Karl. Morphologische 
 
 Untersuchungen auf dem Gebiete der indogermanischen 
 
 Sprachen. Leipzig, 1878-90. 
 Persson, Per. Studien zur Lehre von der Wurzelerweiterung 
 
 und Wurzelvariation. Upsala, 1891. 
 Pezzi, Domenico. La lingua greca antica, breve trattazione 
 
 comparativa e storica. Torino, 1888. 
 Saussure, Ferdinand de. Memoire sur le systeme primitif des 
 
 voyelles dans les langues indo-europeennes. Leipzig, 
 
 1879, and Paris, 1887. 
 Schmidt, Johannes. Kritik der Sonantentheorie. Weimar, 
 
 1895. 
 Die Pluralbildungen der indogermanischen Neutra. Weimar, 
 
 1889. 
 Schulse, Gitilelmus. Quaestiones epicae. Gueterslohae, 1892. 
 Smyth, Herbert Weir. The sounds and inflexions of the Greek 
 
 dialects — Ionic. Oxford, 1894. 
 Solmsen, F. Untersuchungen zur griechischen Laut- und 
 
 Verslehre. Strassburg, 1901. 
 Summer, Ferdinand. Griechische Lautstudien. Strassburg, 
 
 1905. 
 Handbuch der lateinisciien Laut- und Formenlehre. 
 
 Heidelberg, 1902. 
 
Select List of Books used xvii 
 
 Stols, Friedricii, und Schmalz, J. H. Lateinische Grammatik. 
 
 Munchen, 1910. 
 Siitterlui, L. Zur Geschichte der Verba denominativa im 
 
 Altgriechischen. Strassburg, 1891. 
 Thumb, Albert. Handbuch dergriechischen Dialekte. Heidel- 
 berg, 1909. 
 Handbuch des Sanskrit mit Texten und Glossar, Heidel- 
 berg, 1905. 
 Die griechische Sprache im Zeitalter des Hellenismus. 
 
 Strassburg, 1901. 
 Handbuch der neugriechischen Volkssprache. Strassburg, 
 
 1895. 
 Untersuchungen iiber den Spiritus Asper im Griechischen. 
 Strassburg, 1889. 
 Thiirneysen, Rudolf. Handbuch des Alt-irischen. Heidelberg, 
 
 1909. 
 Wackeniagel, Jakob. Altindische Grammatik. Gottingen, 1896- 
 1905. 
 Das Dehnungsgesetz der griechischen Composita. Basel, 
 
 1889. 
 Vermischte Beitrage zur griechischen Sprachkunde. Basel, 
 1897. 
 Wheeler, Benjamin Ide. Der griechische Nominalaccent. Strass- 
 burg, 1885. 
 Whitney, William Dwight. A Sanskrit Grammar. Leipzig and 
 
 London, 1896. 
 Wright, Joseph. Grammar of the Gothic language. Oxford, 
 1910. 
 
ABBREVIATIONS 
 
 abl. 
 
 = Ablative 
 
 Lat. 
 
 = Latin 
 
 Aeol. 
 
 = Aeolic 
 
 Lesb. 
 
 = Lesbian 
 
 Arcad. 
 
 = Arcadian 
 
 Lith. 
 
 = Lithuanian 
 
 Arm. 
 
 = Armenian 
 
 loc. 
 
 = locative 
 
 Att. 
 
 = Attic 
 
 Locr. 
 
 = Locrian 
 
 Bait. 
 
 = Baltic 
 
 ME. 
 
 = Middle English 
 
 Boeot. 
 
 = Boeotian 
 
 NE. 
 
 = New English 
 
 Cret. 
 
 = Cretan 
 
 NHG. 
 
 = New High German 
 
 Cypr. 
 
 = Cyprian 
 
 M.Ir. 
 
 = Middle Irish 
 
 dial. 
 
 = dialect(s 
 
 OE. 
 
 = Old Enghsh 
 
 Dor. 
 
 = Doric 
 
 OHG. 
 
 = Old High German 
 
 El. 
 
 = Elean 
 
 O.Icel. 
 
 = Old Icelandic 
 
 ep. 
 
 = epic 
 
 O.Ir. 
 
 = Old Irish 
 
 Germ. 
 
 = German 
 
 O.Lat. 
 
 = Old Latin 
 
 Goth. 
 
 = Gothic 
 
 OS. 
 
 = Old Saxon 
 
 Gr. 
 
 = Greek 
 
 Osc. 
 
 = Oscan 
 
 Heracl. 
 
 = Heraclean 
 
 O.Slav. 
 
 = Old Slavonic 
 
 Herod. 
 
 = Herodotus 
 
 Pamph. 
 
 = Pamphylian 
 
 Hesych 
 
 = Hesychius 
 
 prim. 
 
 = primitive 
 
 Hom. 
 
 = Homer(ic 
 
 Skr. 
 
 = Sanskrit 
 
 Indg. 
 
 = Indo-Germanic 
 
 Thess. 
 
 = Thessalian 
 
 instr. 
 
 = instrumental 
 
 Umbr. 
 
 = Umbrian 
 
 Ion. 
 
 = Ionic 
 
 Ved. 
 
 = Vedic 
 
 Lac. 
 
 = Laconian 
 
 
 
 The asterisk * prefixed to a word denotes a theoretical form, 
 as ηα from *ησα = Indg. *esm ; στταίρω from *σπίίρ]ω = Indg. 
 *sprjo. 
 
TRANSCRIPTION 
 
 In the following remarks on transcription we shall onl^' 
 deal with such points as are likely to present a difficulty to 
 the student who is unfamiliar with the transcription used 
 throughout this Grammar. 
 
 Long vowels are generally indicated b}• ~ as a, ϊ, u ; 
 nasal vowels by ^, as §., 9 ; close vowels by . or •, as e or e ; 
 vocalic liquids and nasals by . , as 1, ψ, n, r ; = the in 
 German Gotter, and ii the ii in Mutter. 
 
 Sanskrit : — η = the palatal, and i] the guttural ng-sound. 
 j = the j in XE. just. The dot . is placed under a dental, η 
 and s, to indicate the cerebral pronunciation of these con- 
 sonants, as t, d, n, s. The combination explosive + h is pro- 
 nounced as a voiceless or voiced aspirate according as the 
 first element is voiceless or voiced, as th, ph, dh, bh. 
 c = the ch in XE. church, s is the palatal and s the cere- 
 bral sh-sound. Final -h from older -s or -s = h in NE. 
 hand. 
 
 Primitive Germanic : — In the wTiting of primitive Ger- 
 manic forms the signs ]> = the th in NE. thin ; d, tS the th 
 in NE. then; b = a bilabial spirant which may be pro- 
 nounced like the ν in NE. vine; 5 = a voiced spirant, 
 often heard in the pronunciation of German sagen ; χ = 
 German ch and the ch in Scotch loch. 
 
 Gothic :— ai = the e in NE. get; ai = nearly the i in 
 NE. five ; au = the ο in NE. lot ; au = nearly the ou in 
 NE. house; ei = i like the ie in German sie and nearly 
 like the ee in NE. feed. J» = the th in NE. thin ; medially 
 after vowels b, d = the ν in NE. hving and the th in then ; 
 medially between vowels g = prim. Germanic g, before 
 another guttural it was pronounced like the n, ng in NE. 
 
XX Transcription 
 
 think, sing; j = NE. y in you; initially before and me- 
 dially between vowels h = the h in NE. hand, but in other 
 positions it was like the ch in Scotch loch ; hr = the wh 
 in the Scotch pronunciation of when ; q = the qu in NE. 
 queen. 
 
 Lithuanian: — e= thee in NE. get; e = long close e like 
 the first e in German leben ; ο = long close δ like the ο 
 in German Bote ; e = the diphthong ie or ia ; u = the 
 diphthong uo or ua ; y = ϊ like the ie in German sie and 
 nearly like the ee in NE. feed, j = the y in NE. you; 
 ζ = the s in NE. measure and the j in French jour; 
 c = the ts in NE. cats; cz = the ch in NE. church; 
 sz = the sh in NE. ship. 
 
 Old Slavonic : — e = a long close e like the first e in 
 German leben, but in some positions it was probably 
 a diphthong ia or ea ; ϊ = a very close e nearly like the 
 e in French ete ; ϋ = a very close ο or δ ; y was probably 
 an unrounded u-sound. j = the y in NE. you; c — the 
 ts in NE. cats; c = the ch in NE. church ; ch = the ch 
 in Scotch loch. 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 § 1. Greek forms one branch of the Indo-Germanic family 
 of languages. This great family of languages is usually 
 divided into eight branches : — 
 
 I. Aryan, consisting of: (i) The Indian group, including 
 Vedic (the language of the Vedas), classical Sanskrit, and 
 the Prakrit dialects. The oldest portions of the Vedas 
 date at least as far back as 1500 b. c, and some scholars 
 fix their date at a much earlier period, see Winternitz, 
 Gescliichfe der indischen Littemiur, pp. 246-58. (2) The 
 Iranian group, including {a) West Iranian (Old Persian, 
 the language of the Persian cuneiform inscriptions, dating 
 from about 520-350 b. c.) ; ψ) East Iranian (Avesta — some- 
 times called Zend-Avesta, Zend, and Old Bactrian — the 
 language of the Avesta, the sacred books of the Zoro- 
 astrians). 
 
 II. Armenian, the oldest monuments of which belong to 
 the fifth century a. d. 
 
 III. Greek, with its numerous dialects (§ 2). 
 
 IV. Albanian, the language of ancient Illyria. The 
 oldest monuments belong to the seventeenth century. 
 
 V. Italic, consisting of Latin and the Umbrian-Samnitic 
 dialects. From the popular form of Latin are descended 
 the Romance languages : Portuguese, Spanish, Catalanian, 
 Provengal, French, Italian, Raetoromanic, Roumanian or 
 Wallachian. 
 
 VI. Keltic, consisting of: (i) Gaulish (known to us by 
 Keltic names and words quoted by Latin and Greek authors, 
 and inscriptions on coins) ; (2) Britannic, including Cymric 
 or Welsh, Cornish, and Bas Breton or Armorican (the 
 
.2•..•••:: : Λ *'*: Introduction [§ ι 
 
 oldest records of Cymric and Bas Breton date back to the 
 eighth or ninth century) ; (3) Gaelic, including Irish-Gaelic, 
 Scotch-Gaelic, and Manx. The oldest monuments are the 
 Old Gaelic ogam inscriptions which probably date as far 
 back as about 500 a. d. 
 
 VII. Germanic, consisting of: — 
 
 (i) Gothic. Almost the only source of our knowledge of 
 the Gothic language is the fragments of the biblical trans- 
 lation made in the fourth century by Ulfilas, the Bishop of 
 the West Goths. 
 
 {2) Scandinavian or North Germanic, which is sub- 
 divided into two groups : [a) East Scandinavian, including 
 Swedish, Gutnish, and Danish ; [b] West Scandinavian, 
 including Norwegian, and Icelandic. 
 
 The oldest records of this branch are the runic inscrip- 
 tions, some of which date as far back as the third or fourth 
 century. 
 
 (3) West Germanic, which is composed of: — 
 
 {a) High German, the oldest monuments of which belong 
 to about the middle of the eighth century. 
 
 [b) Low Franconian, called Old Low Franconian or Old 
 Dutch until about 1200. 
 
 [c) Low German, with records dating back to the ninth 
 century. Up to about 1200 it is generally called Old 
 Saxon. 
 
 [d) Frisian, the oldest records of which belong to the 
 fourteenth century. 
 
 {e) English, the oldest records of which belong to about 
 the end of the seventh century. 
 
 VIII. Baltic-Slavonic, consisting of: (i) The Baltic 
 division, embracing {a) Old Prussian, which became extinct 
 in the seventeenth century, {b) Lithuanian, (c) Lettic (the 
 oldest records of Lithuanian and Lettic belong to the 
 sixteenth century); (2) the Slavonic division, embracing: 
 [a] the South-Eastern group, including Russian (Great 
 
§ 2] Introduction 3 
 
 Russian, White Russian, and Little Russian), Bulgarian, 
 and lUyrian (Servian, Croatian, Slovenian); {b) the Western 
 group, including Czech (Bohemian), Sorabian (Wendish), 
 Polish and Polabian. The oldest records (Old Bulgarian, 
 also called Old Church Slavonic) belong to the second half 
 of the ninth century a.d. 
 
 § 2. The oldest Greek records exhibit clearly defined 
 dialectal peculiarities which have been treated in some 
 detail in the phonology and accidence of this book. For 
 a detailed account of the Greek dialects and of the literature 
 on the subject see Thumb, Handbuch der gnechtschen 
 Dialekie (1909). 
 
 It is to Greek inscriptions that we must look for the 
 purest forms of the various dialects. The literary language, 
 especially that of the poets, is in many respects artificially 
 constructed. Towards the end of the fifth century b. c. 
 was gradually formed on the basis of the Attic dialect 
 a literary language common to all Greeks, which almost 
 entirely excluded the use of the other dialects from the 
 later prose literature of antiquity. In this grammar Attic 
 is taken as the standard and is treated in greater detail 
 than the other dialects. It was formerly the custom to 
 divide the Greek dialects into three groups : — Ionic-Attic, 
 Doric, and Aeolic. This threefold division was both un- 
 satisfactory and unscientific, because Aeolic was made to 
 embrace all Greek dialects which were not either Ionic- 
 Attic or Doric, whereas strictly speaking Aeolic proper only 
 embraces the North-East group of dialects. The only 
 really scientific classification of the dialects must be based 
 on the lexicographical and grammatical peculiarities as 
 exhibited on the oldest inscriptions. In this manner Greek 
 can be conveniently divided into the following dialects or 
 groups of dialects : — 
 
 I. Ionic- Attic : (i) Ionic including the dialects of (a) The 
 central portion of the West Coast of Asia Minor together 
 
4 Introduction [§ 2 
 
 with the islands of Chios and Samos ; {b) The Cyclades : 
 Naxos, Ceos, Delos, Paros, Thasos, Siphnos, Andros, los, 
 Myconos ; (c) Euboea. (2) The dialect of Attica. 
 
 II. The Doric group including the dialects of (i) 
 Laconia together with the dialects of Tarentum and 
 Heraclea ; (2) Messenia ; (3) Argolis and Aegina; (4) 
 Corinth together with Corcyra ; {5) Megara together with 
 Byzantium and Selinus ; (6) The Peloponnesian colonies 
 of Sicily; (7) Crete; (8) Melos and Thera together with 
 Cyrene ; (9) Rhodes together with Gela and Acragas ; 
 (10) The other Doric islands in the Aegean : Anaphe, 
 Astypalaea, Telos, Nisyros, Cnidos, Calymna, Cos, &c. 
 
 III. The dialect of Achaia and its colonies. 
 
 IV. The dialect of Ells. 
 
 V. The North- West group including the dialects of 
 (i) Epirus, Acarnania, Aetolia, Phthiotis and of the 
 Aenianes ; (2) Locris and Phocis including Delphi. 
 
 VI. The Arcadian-Cyprian group including the dialects 
 of (i) Arcadia ; (2) Cyprus. 
 
 VII. The North-East or Aeolic group including the 
 dialects of (i) Lesbos and the coast of Asia Minor adjoin- 
 ing ; (2) Thessaly except Phthiotis ; (3) Boeotia. 
 
 VIII. The dialect of Pamphylia. 
 
PHONOLOGY 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 PRONUNCIATION 
 
 § 3. The account of Greek pronunciation given below is 
 only approximately accurate. It is impossible to ascertain 
 with perfect certainty the exact pronunciation of any lan- 
 guage in its oldest period. The Greek letters had not 
 always the same sound-value in all the dialects, and at 
 different periods the same letter was often used to express 
 different sounds. Many examples of this kind will be 
 found in the phonology. For a detailed account of Greek 
 pronunciation see Blass, Ober die Aussprache des Grie- 
 chischen, third edition (1888) ; and for the history of the 
 alphabet see Kirchhoff, Shidien ziir Geschichte des grie- 
 chischen Alphabets, fourth edition (1887), and Giles, Manual 
 of Comparative Philology, second edition (1901), pp. 517-22, 
 where other literature on the subject will also be found. 
 
 A. The Vowels. 
 
 § 4. a, I, υ were used to express both short and long 
 vowels. When long they are expressed in this grammar 
 by a, I, V. €, were short, the corresponding long of 
 which were expressed by η, ω. 
 
 § 5. α had approximately the same sound as in German 
 Mann, Gast, and northern English dial, lad, as ay/ooy, 
 τιμάω, δάκρυ, οίδα ; πατήρ, στατό^ ; δίκα, τατό^ ; βάλλω, 
 πλατύς ; θάρσος, 'ίδρακοι^. 
 
6 Phonology [§§ 6-9 
 
 α had the same sound as the a in English father, as 
 τιμάτε, μύλάς, χώρα, Dor. άδυς, ματηρ, τιμά. 
 
 § β. e was a close vowel in Attic and Ionic like the e in 
 French ete, as έ'ίω, φίρω, οϊδί. That e was close in these 
 dialects is shown by the contraction of ee to ei (§ 12) in 
 words like φιλβΐτζ from φιλί^τ^. In Aeolic and some 
 Doric dialects the e was open, hence the contraction of ee 
 to η in words like ^ί'λτ;, ηχον==Α.\Χ. φίλζΐ, (Ίχον ; and it 
 must also have been open in Elean and Locrian where 
 e partly became a (§ 44, note 2). 
 
 η was an open vowel like the ai in English air and the 
 h in French p^re, as Zrju, τίθημι, €Ϊη9 ; Att. Ion. μήτηρ, 
 'ίφηνα, σελήνη beside Dor. ματηρ, ίφανα, σβλανα. The η 
 from older ά was originally more open than the 7; = Indg. 
 e, the former was written Η and the latter Ε on old Ionic 
 inscriptions, but the two sounds fell together in Attic in 
 the fifth century b. c, see §§ 50, 51. 
 
 § 7. It cannot be determined whether ί was an open 
 vowel like the i in English bit or a close vowel like the i in 
 French fini, as ϊμ€ν, ττόλις, τρισί. 
 
 ι was probably close like the ie in German Vieh ( = Π), 
 and nearly like the ee in English see, as ιμά?, πΐθι, ττίων, 
 κΧΐνω. 
 
 § 8. ο was a close vowel which is common in some 
 English dialects in such words as coal (kol), foal (fol), and 
 in the final syllable of such words as fellow (felo), window 
 (windo). It corresponded in quality but not in quantity to 
 the ο in German Bote (b5ta), as οκτώ, πότερος, προ. That 
 ο was close in Attic and Ionic is shown by the contraction 
 of 00 to ov (§ 17) in words like δηλονμ^ν from δηλόομ^ν. 
 
 ω was an open vowel like the au in English aught, as 
 δίδωμι, δώτωρ, φίρω. 
 
 §9. In Attic, Ionic and probably also in some other 
 dialects ν ( = ϋ) had the same sound as the u in French tu, 
 as ϊρυθρός, ζυγόν, μίθυ. The original u-sound (=the u in 
 
§§ ίο-ΐ7ΐ Pronunciation η 
 
 English full) remained in Laconian, Boeotian, Lesbian, 
 Thessalian, Arcadian, Cyprian and Pamphylian, but was 
 generally written ov (see § 47, note i). 
 
 i;=u in those dialects which changed short u to ii, as 
 ίή>ντον, θυμός, μυς. 
 
 §10. The short diphthongs ai, ei, ol ; av, ev, ov ; vi = a, 
 €, o + i; a, e, o + v; v + i, but the original u quality was 
 preserved in the second element of the u-diphthongs. 
 
 § 11. tti was nearly like the i in English five, as αϊθω, 
 ψζρζται ; βαίνω, τίκταινα. 
 
 § 12. 6ί (=Indg. ei, § 58) had nearly the same sound as 
 the ai in English stain until about the beginning of the 
 fifth century b. c, it then became long close e in Attic, 
 Ionic and the milder Doric dialects, although the ei was 
 retained in writing, as ύσι, λβίπω, π^ίθω ; κτ^ίνω, φθείρω. 
 The €i was then used to express the long close e which 
 arose from contraction and from compensation lengthening, 
 as 0ί'λ€ί, rpus, u.\ov from 0i'Aee, ^rpeje?, *€-€χοΐ' ; €h = 
 Cret. ev9, τιθύς, χαρίΐΐς from *τιθζντ9, *χαρι^ζντς ; this ei 
 was written e on the oldest Attic inscriptions, whereas prim. 
 Greek et was always written ei, 
 
 § 13. 01 had the same sound as the oy in English boy, 
 as oiSa, φ^ροιμ^ν, λύκοι. 
 
 §14. L'i = ui (see υ above) was a special Greek develop- 
 ment and arose partly from the loss of an intervening con- 
 sonant and partly from contraction, as ίδνΐα, vios from 
 *fiSva/a, *σνι/θ9, loc. sing. Hom. ττληθνΐ. 
 
 § 15. αν had the same sound as the au in German Haus, 
 and was nearly like the ou in standard English house, as 
 αυξάνω, τανρος. 
 
 § 1β. ζν had approximately the same sound as is often 
 heard in the southern English dialect pronunciation of 
 house (eus), mouse (meus), as γβνω, π^νθομαι, Zev. 
 
 § 17. ov {= Indg. ou, § 62) = o + v (see ο above) until the 
 fifth century b.c, it then became long close ΰ through the 
 
8 Phonology [§§ 18-21 
 
 intermediate stage of long close δ, although the ov was 
 retained in writing. The ov was then used to express the 
 long close δ later ΰ which arose from contraction and com- 
 pensation lengthening, as νοϋ^, λύκου, 8η\ονμ^ν, from voos, 
 &c. ; δονρός from *8opfo^ ; φ^ρονσι = Dor. φίροντι, λύκους 
 = Cret. λύκονς, διδού? from *διδορτς ; this ου was written 
 on the oldest Attic inscriptions, whereas prim. Greek ov 
 was always written ov. 
 
 § 18. The original long diphthongs ai, ei, δί ; au, eu, δη 
 became short before consonants already in prim. Greek, as in 
 δραΐμ€ν,γραφ€ίμ€Ρ,λύκοίς; ναΰς,Ζ^νς,βους, from *δράιμ€ν, 
 &c. (§ 63). The second element of the long final diph- 
 thongs -άί, -ηι, •ωι ceased to be pronounced in the second 
 century b.c, and in ηι probably much earlier. The 
 modern mode of writing these diphthongs as a, u, ω (0ea, 
 χώρα, τΐμΐ\, λύκω) only dates back to manuscripts of the 
 twelfth century. 
 
 B. The Consonants. 
 
 § 19. The voiceless explosives π, r, κ, the voiced ex- 
 plosives β, δ, the nasals μ, ν and the liquid λ had approxi- 
 mately the same sound-values as in English. The remaining 
 consonants require special attention. 
 
 § 20. In the oldest period of the language y was in all 
 positions a voiced explosive like the g in English go or 
 ago, as ykvos, "γννή, αγρό?, άμ^λγω, ολίγος, but already at 
 an early period it became a voiced spirant in the popular 
 dialect medially between vowels. The guttural nasal r) 
 (=the η in English think and the ng in sing) was expressed 
 by 1^ on the oldest inscriptions, but after the combinations 
 γν, γμ had become ψι, qm in such words as γίγνομαι, 
 άγμό? (§ 155), it came to be expressed by y, as ayyeXoy, 
 άγκών, αγγω, σφίγ^. 
 
 § 21. In the earliest historic period of the language ζ 
 was a compound consonant like the zd in English blaz(e)d 
 
22-4! 
 
 Pronunciation 
 
 and arose from older dz by metathesis (§ 129, 8), as ζυγόν, 
 Zev9, ελπίζω, ττζζό^, αζομαι. The dz must have become 
 zd before the ν disappeared in words like Άθήναζ^ from 
 *Άθάνανζ-8(: (§ 153) ; cp. also forms like δι6ζοτο9, θίόζοτο^ 
 beside διόσδοτος, θβόσδοτος. ζ probably became ζ in Attic 
 some time during the fourth century b. c. Some scholars 
 assume that ζ was pronounced like the s (= z) in English 
 measure, pleasure already in the earliest period of the 
 language. 
 
 § 22. ρ had a strong trill formed by trilling the point of 
 the tongue against the gums. It was voiceless initially 
 (written p, see § 215), and medially after φ, θ, χ and probably 
 after all other voiceless consonants. In other positions 
 it was voiced like the Scotch r in hard, bearing, bear, as 
 epvOpos, ψ^ρο), αγρός, eap. 
 
 § 23. σ was voiced (= z) before voiced explosives, as 
 πρίσβυς, σβ^ννϋμι, διόσδοτος, μίσγω, but voiceless in 
 other positions, as στατ6$, θάρσος, Xvkos. It is doubtful 
 how the Ionic -σσ- and Attic, Boeotian, Thessalian and 
 Cretan -ττ- were pronounced in such words as Ion. πίσσα, 
 θάσσων, ττρήσσων beside Attic, &c. πίττα, θάττων, πραττων 
 (cp. § 129, 7). Some scholars assume that the -σσ-, •ττ• was 
 like the th in English thin or a kind of lisped s, whilst others 
 think that the sound was the same as the sh in English she. 
 
 § 24. 0, Θ, X were aspirated voiceless explosives like 
 the p, t, k in German paar, teil, kein and in the Anglo- 
 Irish pronunciation of pair, tell, kill, as ψ^ρω, re0oy, όφρν? ; 
 θβρμός, πξίθω, τίθημι, οΊσθα ; \€ίμών, λβίχω, ά'γχω. Θ 
 became a spirant (= th in English thin) at an early period 
 in some dialects, φ and χ also became spirants later, but 
 Φ, Θ, X must have been aspirated voiceless explosives at 
 the time de-aspiration took place, cp. πύφ^υγα, τρ^φω, 
 κίχυκα : φ^νγω, θρβψω, χ€ω (§ 115) ; and also when π, τ, κ 
 became aspirated before a following rough breathing, cp. 
 αφ' ων, άνβ' ov, ούχ όπως. 
 
ΙΟ Phonology [§§ 25-8 
 
 § 25. |, y\f probably represented the combinations «y, π? 
 (often written χ?, 0?), as e^co, λ€^ω, γράψω, λ^ίψω. 
 
 § 26. The spiritus asper ' corresponded to the EngHsh 
 h in house, and was originally represented by H. It 
 disappeared in the prehistoric period in Lesbian, Elean, 
 the dialect of Gortyn, and the Ionic of Asia Minor. Η then 
 came to be used in Ionic to represent the e from older a 
 (§ 51). At a later period the Η was halved \-, ■], and the 
 former was used for the spiritus asper and the latter for the 
 lenis. From these fragments came the later signs " and '. 
 
 § 27. On F and 9 see § 120 and § 47, note 2. 
 
 Accent. 
 
 § 28. By accent in its widest sense is meant the 
 gradation of a word or word-group according to the degree 
 of stress or of pitch with which its various syllables are 
 uttered. Although strictly speaking there are as many 
 different degrees of accent in a word or word-group as 
 there are syllables, yet for ordinary purposes it is only 
 necessary to distinguish three degrees, the principal accent, 
 the secondary accent, and the weak accent or as it is 
 generally termed the absence of accent. The secondary 
 accent is as a rule separated from the principal accent by 
 at least one intervening syllable. 
 
 All the Indo-Germanic languages have parti}' pitch 
 (musical) and partly stress (expiratory) accent, but one or 
 other of the two systems of accentuation always pre- 
 dominates in each language, thus in Greek and Vedic the 
 accent was predominantly pitch, whereas in the oldest 
 periods of the Italic dialects, and the Keltic and Germanic 
 languages, the accent was predominantly stress. The 
 effect of this difference in the system of accentuation is 
 clearly seen by the preservation of the vowels in unaccented 
 syllables in the former languages and by the weakening or 
 loss of them in the latter. In the early period of the 
 
§ 29] Accentuation 1 1 
 
 parent Indg. language, the stress accent must have been 
 more predominant than the pitch accent, because it is only 
 upon this assumption that we are able to account for the 
 origin of the various phenomena of quantitative ablaut 
 (^§ 86-90). It is now a generally accepted theory that at 
 a later period of the parent language the system of ac- 
 centuation became predominantly pitch with which was 
 probably connected the origin of qualitative ablaut (§ 83). 
 This pitch accent was preserved in Greek and Vedic, but 
 became predominantly stress again in the primitive period 
 of nearly all the other languages. It had also become 
 predominantly stress in Greek by about the beginning of 
 the Christian era, see Kretschmer, Kuhn's Zeitschrift, 
 XXX, pp. 591-600. 
 
 § 29. The quality of the prim. Indg. syllable-accent was 
 of two kinds, the ' broken ' or acute and the ' slurred ' or 
 circumflex. The former was a rising and the latter 
 a rising-falling accent. Long vowels with the acute accent 
 were bimoric and those with the circumflex trimoric. All 
 original long vowels including the first element of long 
 diphthongs had the acute accent. The circumflex accent 
 was unoriginal and arose in prim. Indo-Germanic in the 
 following manner : — {a) From the contraction of vowels, as 
 •as from -a-es in the nom. pi. of a-stems, -os from -o-es in 
 the nom. pi. of o-stems, -oi from -o-ai in the dat. sing, of 
 o-stems, cp. ^eo), see § 79. The circumflex also arose by 
 vowel contraction within Greek itself, as τρβΓ? from *r/)e/e9, 
 T)yov<5 from ^χόο?, ψορΰτί from φορίβτ€, φορώ from φορίω. 
 {b) When a short vowel disappeared after a long vowel, as 
 in gen. sing. Oea^ from an original form *dhwesaso (cp. 
 § 92 {a)), cp. also uav^ from an original form *nawos 
 beside Zeii? from *djewos. (c) When a medial long diph- 
 thong lost its second element, as in ace. sing, βών, Vedic 
 gam (= metrically gaam), Zfju, Vedic dyam (= metrically 
 dyaam), from *gom, "djem, older *goum, *djeum. The 
 
12 Phonology [§ 30 
 
 same change from the acute to the circumflex accent also 
 took place in prim. Indo-Germanic when a nasal or liquid 
 disappeared after a long vowel, as Lith. akmu (=-o), stone 
 beside ηγ^μών, Goth, tuggo (=-o), tongue beside hana 
 (= -on or -en), cock; Lith. ιηοΐέ (= -e), wife beside πατήρ. 
 This distinction in the quality of the accent was preserved 
 in final syllables containing a long vowel in Greek, Vedic, 
 Lithuanian, and in the oldest periods of the Germanic 
 languages. The old inherited difference in the quality of 
 the syllable-accent was also preserved in Greek in final 
 syllables which had not the principal accent, cp. loc. sing. 
 oiKOL, φ^ρομύνοί beside Ίσθμοΐ and nom. pi. οίκοι, φξρό• 
 μζΐΌί beside ισθμοί, θ^οί ; opt. XdiroL, cp. Lith. te-sukS, he 
 shall turn. The circumflexed trimoric and the acuted di- 
 moric short diphthongs of final syllables had each lost 
 a mora in prim. Greek before the trisyllabic law came into 
 operation (§ 30). 
 
 § 30. The word-accent in the parent Indg. language was 
 free or movable, that is its position was not determined 
 either by the number or the length of the syllables which 
 a word contained. This freedom in the position of the 
 principal accent of a word was better preserved in Vedic 
 than in any of the other Indg. languages. The free accent 
 was still preserved in prim. Germanic at the time when 
 Verner s Law operated, whereby the voiceless spirants 
 became voiced when the vowel immediately preceding 
 them did not bear the principal accent of the word (§100, 
 note 4). At a later period of the prim. Germanic language, 
 the principal accent became confined to the first syllable 
 of the word. And in like manner the principal accent of 
 the word became confined to the first syllable in prim. 
 Italic and Keltic, for the further history of the principal 
 accent in these branches see Brugmann, Grundriss, ar^c, 
 vol. i, second ed., pp. 971-80. 
 
 The word-accent became restricted in its freedom in 
 
§§ 31-2] Accentuation 13 
 
 prim. Greek by the development of the so-called trisyllabic 
 law whereby the principal accent could not be further than 
 the third syllable from the end of the word nor further than 
 the second syllable when the last syllable was originally 
 long, as άττότίσίί from *άποτίσί9 : Skr. dpa-citih, 0ep6- 
 /χ6ίΌ?, ψΐρομζνοω from *φ€ρομζΐΌ9, *φίρομβνοιο : Skr. 
 bharamanah, bharamanasya, γβνύων from *yiv^a(cv : 
 Skr. janasam, η8ίων : Skr. svadiyan, η8ίω from *afa8l• 
 /οσα, cp. Skr. svadiy^sam. Words of the type πόλίω? 
 from older πόληο^ by quantitative metathesis (§ 72) are not 
 exceptions to the above law, which was older than the 
 change of ηο to eo). At the time when this new system of 
 accentuation came into existence the original trimoric long 
 vowels and short diphthongs and the original bimoric short 
 diphthongs •οϊ, -ai, -ei had each lost a mora (§ 29), cp. 
 ■γ^νί^ων from Indg. *genesom, loc. sing, φ^ρομίνοί beside 
 nom. pi. φΐρόμ^νοι; φίρ^σθαι, φέρομαι. 
 
 The new system of accentuation was also extended to 
 polysyllabic enclitic words in which more than the two or 
 respectively three last morae were unaccented, as πότ^ρο^, 
 noTepoio from *-ποτ€ρο9, *-ποτ€ροιο, ημών, ημίν from 
 *'--ημων, *'-ημΙν (cp. μου, μοι) ; λίπωμ^ν, δίδορκα from *-λί- 
 πωμξν, *'-δξδορκα (§ 38). 
 
 Note. — In the Lesbian dialect the accent was in all cases 
 thrown as far back as the trisyllabic law would permit, as 
 βασίληζ, ίρνθρος, θνμος, Zev?, ττόταμοζ, σόφθζ = Alt. βασιλ€ν<;, 
 έρυθρόζ, θνμός, Ζΐνς, ττοταμό';, σοφό<;. For peculiarities of the 
 Doric dialect see § 38, note. 
 
 § 31. In words ending in a trochee with a long vowel or 
 a diphthong in the penultimate, the highest pitch went 
 from the second mora of the syllable to the first, as ημα 
 from *ήμα, νήίς from "vafi^, hence also Ιστωτ^^ from 
 eVraorey. 
 
 § 32. Dactylic oxytona or oxytona ending in a dactyl 
 
Η Phonology [§§ 33-5 
 
 became paroxytona, as ayKv\os, aloKo^, βοη8ρ6μο9, γομ- 
 φίος, θηρίον, καμπύλος, λογογράφος, οφρύος, ποικίλος, 
 τ€λ€σφ6ρος, beside αίγοβοσκός, παχυλός, &.C. This law 
 has numerous exceptions owing to analogical formations, 
 as δημοβόρος, αίσχρολόγος after the analogy of forms like 
 τ^λ^σφόρος ; άριστβρός after 8€^ιτ€ρ6ς ; αίρζτός, αΐνίτός 
 after μ^ν^τός, &c. ; λ^λνμ^ρος, ηταμίνος after π^πλη- 
 γμίρος, π^φνγμ^νος. 
 
 § 33. But apart from the above changes and analogical 
 formations like χρϋσονς for *χρνσονς after the analogy of 
 \ρΰσον, -ω, and conversely dvvov, -ω for *^ννον, -ω after 
 (^ννονς) τιθβΐσι, διδονσι for *τίθ€ίσί, *δίδονσι after ίστάσι 
 from *ίστάάσι (§ 439) ; ^μός, reoy, ίός for *ίμος, *τίρος, 
 *efoy after *μός, σος, ρός, the original Indg. accent generally 
 remained in Greek when it did not come in conflict with 
 the trisyllabic law, cp. γ^νος, γύι^ζος : Skr. jdnah, janasah, 
 μίθν : Skr. madhu, θύγατ^ρ : Skr. duhitar, φράτορ^ς : Skr. 
 bhratarah, ουθαρ : Skr. udhar, δώτωρ : Skr. data, πατήρ, 
 πατίρα, πατράσι : Skr. pita, pitdram, pitrsu. Dor. πώς, 
 ποδός, ποσί: Skr. pat, padah, patsu, γ^ι^ζτήρ : Skr. janita, 
 κλυτός : Skr. srutdh, ϊρνθρός : Skr. rudirah, βαρύς : Skr. 
 guruh, ώκύς : Skr. asuh, επτά : vSkr. sapta, &c. 
 
 § 34. As we have already seen (§ 28) there are strictly 
 speaking as many grades of accent in a word as there are 
 syllables. In Greek the principal accent of a word was 
 indicated by the acute or circumflex and all other syllables 
 were regarded as unaccented. And as papyri show an 
 attempt was sometimes made to indicate such syllables by 
 the grave accent, as in θ^όσδοτος. But in ordinary Greek 
 the grave accent became restricted to final syllables and 
 merely denoted the absence of accent as contrasted with 
 the acute, as άνδρΐ τούτω, πβρί τούτου beside τούτου πίρι. 
 
 § 35. In sentence-accent we have to do with the accentual 
 relations between the various members of a sentence or 
 word-group. No word of whatever part of speech was 
 
§§3^-8] Accentuation 15 
 
 originally alwaj's accented in every position in the sentence. 
 Any word could under certain conditions lose its inde- 
 pendent accent and thus become enclitic. Certain particles 
 were always enclitic already in the parent Indg. language, 
 as *qe = re, Skr. ca, Lat. que, *ge in e/ze-ye = Goth, mi-k, 
 OE. me-c, *de in οΐκόν-Β^, <Scc. The original distinction 
 between the accented and unaccented forms of the pronouns 
 was still preserved in the oldest periods of the separate 
 Indg. languages and in many of these languages it has 
 been preserved down to the present day (§§ 397 ff.). 
 
 § 36. The vocative was originally partly accented and 
 partly enclitic or unaccented. It was accented at the 
 beginning of a sentence and unaccented in other positions. 
 The accented form became for the most part generalized in 
 prim. Greek and thus came to have the same accentuation 
 as the nominative. Vocatives like ά$€λφ6, θνγατ€ρ, 
 πόνηρζ, μοχθηρά, Ά-γάμ^μνον probably represent the 
 original forms '-ctieX^e, "-Θνγατίρ, &c., cp. norepo? from 
 *'-noTepo9 (§ 30), and that forms like Zev = Ziv, ττάτβρ, 
 apep for *-Z€v, *'-πατ€ρ, *'-avep were accented after the 
 analogy of the trisyllabic forms which were subject to the 
 trisyllabic law. In Vedic the accent was always thrown 
 back on to the first syllable when the sentence began with 
 the vocative, as dgne, devi, vadhu, pitar, beside nom. 
 agnih, fire, devi, goddess, vadhiah, woman, pita, ace. 
 pitaram, father. 
 
 § 37. When one word defined another more closely in 
 compounds the first element was generally accented and 
 the second became enclitic, as άι/ά-βασι?, tv-vnvo'i, παρά• 
 παν, πρ6-8οσί9, ύπίρ-μορον, cp. Lat. denuo = de ηονδ ; 
 ά-δωροζ, ά-λντο9, ά-φθιτο9, cp. OE.un-cup, unknown; Nea- 
 πολΐ9, πάμ•παν, cp. Lat. decern• viri; ev -δζκα, δώ-β^κα = 
 Skr. dva-dasa, 4κατ6μ-βη, δί-φρο^ ; Αιόσ-κονροι, Δώσ• 
 δοτός, Έλλήσ•πορτο9. 
 
 § 38. In prim. Indo-Germanic the finite forms of the 
 
1 6 Phonology [§38 
 
 verb were partly accented and partly enclitic. But when 
 the one and when the other form was used, it is impossible 
 to determine for all cases because the original system of 
 verbal accentuation has not been preserved in the historic 
 period of any of the languages. It was best preserved in 
 Vedic in which the finite forms of the verb were always 
 accented in subordinate sentences and at the beginning of 
 principal sentences, but unaccented in all other positions, 
 cp. yddi pragdcchati, if he goes forward, apnoti im^ 15kam, 
 he obtains this world, beside prd gacchati, he goes forward, 
 ni padyate, he lies down, a-bharam = 'ί-φ^ρον, but the 
 fixed rule that the finite forms were always accented in 
 subordinate sentences, independently of their position in 
 the sentence, was doubtless a special development within 
 Vedic itself. The original rule in the parent Indg. lan- 
 guage probably was that the finite forms were accented 
 when they began the sentence, but unaccented when they 
 came after the subject. But after negatives and other 
 adverbs including the augment, they were partly accented 
 and partly unaccented. The type ov φημι, άπό-λαβζ, πρόσ- 
 λαβε, €:•λαβον was probably the rule at the beginning of 
 the sentence, and also after unaccented words, as παρ-ίκ- 
 δθ9, σνμ-ΤΓρ6-(9, παρ-ί-σχον, προσ-ύγον. 
 
 The original rule that the finite forms were accented 
 when they began the sentence was preserved in Greek in 
 a few aorist imperatives like eiVe, kX6e, evpe, λαβί (§ 540) 
 beside aneine, άπελθε, e^evpe, απόλαβε, and such impera- 
 tive forms became generalized for all positions in the sen- 
 tence, cp. also aor. mid. imperatives like λαβον, λιπόν, &c. 
 In other respects it became the rule in prim. Greek to 
 throw back the accent of the finite forms as far as was 
 permitted by the trisyllabic law, as εφεροι/, ψερονσι, φερό- 
 μέθα, εφερόμεθα, ελιπόμην ; ΐμεν, ΐδμεν {^ίσμεν), δίδομεν, 
 δεδορκα for older *ίμε}^, *ftδμεv, '^δίδομεν, *δεδόρκα = Skr. 
 imdh, vidma, da-d-mah, dadarsa; λίπον, λίπομεν for 
 
§§ 39-40] Accentuation ly 
 
 older *λί7ΓΟί', *λιπ6μ€ν, &c. The original unaccented or 
 enclitic forms then came to be accented after the analogy 
 of the original accented forms. The original accented and 
 unaccented forms were preserved side by side in el, eVri, 
 φτ}ς beside ΰμΐ, €<ttI, φημί, φηοΊ, &c. 
 
 Note. — Doric had a processive accent both in verbs and 
 nouns as compared with Attic, as ^λάβον, έλνσαν, εστασαν, 
 ΙφιΧαθ^ν ■=■ Att. ίλαβον, Ιλϋσαν, έστησαν, έφίληθΐν ; άγγελοι, αιγε?, 
 άνθρωποι, φιλόσοφοι = Att. άγγελοι, αΐγΐς, άνθρωποι, φιλόσοφοι. 
 
 § 39. Oxytona preserved their accent in pausa, but other- 
 wise became proclitic, as avSpl τούτω. The only exception 
 is the interrogative pronoun tls which always preserved its 
 accent. 
 
 § 40. The accented word in combinations consisting of 
 an accented word and an enclitic preserved its original 
 accentuation when the combination was in accordance with 
 the trisyllabic law, as φίλο^ τι?, πολλάκις ye, καλός τις, 
 αγαθός τις, φως re, πατήρ μου, τΐμης τ€, αγαθά τίνα, 
 καλός kaTi, ποταμοί τιν^ς, αυτός φησιν. 
 
 If the enclitic became accented by the trisyllabic law, the 
 first word was accented in the same manner as it would be 
 if followed by another originally accented word, as αϋτος 
 πότ^ρον, πατήρ ημζων, &c. Forms like ήκουσά τίνων, 
 παΐΒίς τίνων, καλών τίνων, &C. for *ήκουσα τίνων, &c. 
 were due to the analogy of ήκουσά τίνος, (Sec. ; and con- 
 versely άλγ^α ημιν for *aAyea ήμιν after the analogy of 
 aXyea ήμϊν. 
 
 In other cases where we should expect the original 
 accentuation to be regulated by the trisyllabic law, we find 
 nothing but deviations from the law. These deviations 
 were due to the tendency in the language to preserve the 
 position and individuality of the accent of the first word, 
 and partly also to prevent two acutes following each other in 
 successive syllables. The trisyllabic law only held good for 
 
1 8 Phonology [§ 41 
 
 these combinations in so far as not more than two syllables 
 were allowed to be unaccented after the principal accent:— 
 The first word, whether proparoxytone or properispo- 
 menon, got the acute accent on the final syllable in addition 
 to its own accent, άνθρωπόν τίνα, ayyeXoy xiy, πόλίμόν 
 TLva, πρώτος φν^ΐ-) σ"<»/^<^ τ^) (τώμά που, σώμα τίνος. This 
 acute was the same which unaccented words had before 
 enclitics, as ττ^ρί re, άλλα r/j/ey, ef πον, &c. 
 
 Paroxytona remained unchanged before monosyllabic 
 enclitics containing a long vowel, as άλλως πως, πολλάκις 
 πως. 
 
 Dissyllabic enclitics got a principal accent after par- 
 oxytona, as φίλος εστί, τέχνης τινός, άλλων τινών. This 
 was the same accent which enclitics had at the beginning 
 of a sentence, as τινών μίν. See Brugmann, Griechische 
 Gmmmattk, pp. 157-9. 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE PRIMITIVE INDO-GERMANIC VOWEL- 
 SOUNDS 
 
 § 41. The parent Indo-Germanic language had the follow- 
 ing vowel-system : — 
 
 Short vowels a, e, i, o, u, 9 
 
 Long „ a, e, i, 5, u 
 
 Short diphthongs ai, ei, ci, au, eu, ou 
 Long „ ai, ei, 5i, au, eu, 5u 
 
 Short vocalic 1, m, n, r 
 
 Note. — i. The short vowels i, u, a, the long vowels i, u, 
 and vocalic \, m, n, r occurred originally only in syllables 
 which did not bear the principal accent of the word. 
 
§42] Indo-Germanic Vowel-Sounds 19 
 
 The short vowels i, u, and vocaHc 1, m, n, y arose from the 
 loss of e in the strong forms ei, eu, el, em, en, er, which was 
 caused by the principal accent having been shifted to some 
 other syllable in the word. 
 
 3, the quality of which cannot be precisely defined, arose 
 from the weakening of an original a, e, or 5, caused by the 
 loss of accent. It is generally pronounced like the final vowel 
 in German Gabe, gift. 
 
 Ϊ and ΰ were contractions of weak diphthongs which arose 
 from the strong forms eis, ai, ei, oi ; eus, au, eu, ou through 
 the loss of accent. The e in eia, eua had disappeared before 
 the contraction took place. Although the si, 9u, which arose 
 from the weakening of long diphthongs, generally became 
 contracted to i, u, there are phonological reasons for assuming 
 that they occasionally became ai, au under certain unknown 
 conditions and thus fell together with original ai, au, but the 
 uncontracted forms were so rare in the parent Indg. language 
 that no further account will be taken of them in this Grammar. 
 
 The diphthongs were falling diphthongs, that is the accent 
 was on the first element (see § 98, note 4). Strictly speaking 
 the combination a, e, or ο + nasal or liquid is also a diphthong, 
 because the history and development of such combinations are 
 precisely parallel with those of the diphthongs ai, ei, oi and 
 au, eu, ou. See Ch. IV. 
 
 2. Upon theoretical grounds it is generally assumed that 
 the parent Indg. language contained long vocalic 1, m, n, r, 
 see § 68. 
 
 § 42. In the following table is given the normal develop- 
 ment of the prim. Indo-Germanic short and long vowels, 
 short diphthongs, and short vocalic nasals and liquids in 
 the more important languages, viz. Greek, Sanskrit, Latin, 
 Old Irish, Gothic, Old English, Lithuanian and Old 
 Slavonic : — 
 
20 
 
 Phonology 
 
 [§42 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Gr. 
 
 Skr. 
 
 Lat. 
 
 O.Ir. 
 
 Goth. 
 
 OE. 
 
 Lith. 
 
 O.Slav. 
 
 a 
 e 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 aB,(a) 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 e 
 
 a 
 
 e,(o,i) 
 
 e,(i) 
 
 i, (ai) 
 
 e,(i) 
 
 e 
 
 e 
 
 i 
 
 ί 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 i,(e) 
 
 1, (ai) 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 ϊ 
 
 
 
 
 
 a, (a) 
 
 o,(u) 
 
 0, (u) 
 
 a 
 
 ae,(a) 
 
 a 
 
 ο 
 
 u 
 
 υ 
 
 u 
 
 u 1 0, (u) 
 
 u, (au) 
 
 u,(o) 
 
 u 
 
 ΰ 
 
 3 
 
 a 
 
 i 
 
 a 1 a 
 
 a 
 
 ae,(a) 
 
 a 
 
 ο 
 
 a 
 
 ο-Λ-η) 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 δ 
 
 δ 
 
 δ 
 
 a 
 
 e 
 
 ν 
 
 a 
 
 e 
 
 ϊ 
 
 e 
 
 ae 
 
 e 
 
 e 
 
 i 
 
 ΐ 
 
 Ϊ 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 ei 
 
 ϊ 
 
 y 
 
 ί 
 
 δ 
 
 ΰ 
 
 ω 
 
 a 
 
 δ 
 
 a 
 
 δ 
 
 δ 
 
 fi 
 
 a 
 
 ϋ 
 
 ΰ 
 
 ΰ 
 
 ΰ 
 
 ΰ 
 
 ΰ 
 
 ΰ 
 
 y 
 
 ai 
 
 αι 
 
 e 
 
 ai, (ae) 
 
 ai,(ae) 
 
 ai 
 
 a 
 
 ai,(e) 
 
 e 
 
 ei 
 
 €1 
 
 e 
 
 ei, (Ϊ) 
 
 e, (ia) 
 
 ei 
 
 i 
 
 ei, (e) 
 
 i 
 
 oi 
 
 Οί 
 
 e 
 
 oi, (oe, 
 ΰ) 
 
 oi, (oe) 
 
 ai 
 
 a 
 
 ai, (e) 
 
 e 
 
 au 
 
 αν 
 
 5 
 
 au 
 
 δ, (ua) 
 
 au 
 
 ea 
 
 au 
 
 u 
 
 eu 
 
 ev 
 
 δ 
 
 ou, (u) 
 
 δ, (ua) 
 
 iu 
 
 eo 
 
 au 
 
 u 
 
 ou 
 
 ου 
 
 δ 
 
 ou, (u) 
 
 δ, (ua) 
 
 au 
 
 ea 
 
 au 
 
 u 
 
 m" 
 
 α, [αμ] 
 
 a, (am) 
 
 em 
 
 im,(am) 
 
 um 
 
 um 
 
 im,(im)§,(im) 
 
 9 
 
 α, [αν) 
 
 a, (an) 
 
 en 
 
 in, (an) 
 
 un 
 
 un 
 
 in, (in) 
 
 e»(in) 
 
 1 
 
 αλ, (λα) 
 
 r.(ir, 
 
 ur) 
 
 ol, (ul), 
 al 
 
 li, (al, 
 la) 
 
 ul, (lu) 
 
 ol 
 
 il,(il) 
 
 Π, (li, 
 lu) 
 
 r 
 
 αρ, {ρα) 
 
 ur) 
 
 or, (ur), 
 ar 
 
 ri, (ar, 
 ra) 
 
 aur, (ru) 
 
 or 
 
 if,(ir) 
 
 ir. (ri, 
 ru) 
 
 Note. — From the above table are omitted numerous details 
 for which the grammars of the separate languages should 
 be consulted. 
 
43-4] The Short Vowels 21 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 THE GREEK DEVELOPMENT OF THE INDO- 
 GERMANIC VOWEL-SYSTEM 
 
 A. The Short Vowels. 
 a 
 § 43. Indg. a remained in Greek as also in the oldest 
 periods of the other languages except Old Slavonic where 
 it became o, as aypoy, Skr. ajrah, Lat. ager, Goth, akrs, 
 field; άγω, Skr. ajami, Lat. ago, O.Ir, agim, / drive, 
 lead, O.Icel. aka, to drive; άγχω, Lat. ango, cp. Goth, 
 aggwus, narrow; άλλος, Lat. alius, Goth, aljis, o/her; 
 αλί, Lat. gen. salis, O.Ir. salann, Goth, salt, O.Slav, 
 soli, salt; άμφω, Lat. ambo ; aVe/zoy, zuittd, Lat. animus, 
 viifid, O.Ir anim, soul, Skr, dniti, he breathes, Goth, us-anan, 
 to breathe out, expire ; αντί, Skr. anti, opposite, before, Lat. 
 ante, before, Goth, and, along, on, Lith. ant, on ; α|ωι/, Skr. 
 aksah, Lat. axis, OHG. ahsa, Lith, aszis, axle ; από, Skr. 
 apa, Lat. ab, Goth, af, from, away from ; άρόω, Lat. aro, 
 Goth, arja, Lith. arivi, 1 plough, cp. O.Ir. arathar, plough ; 
 δάκρυ, Lat. dacruma, lacruma, Goth, tagr, tear; κάπρο?, 
 wild boar, Lat. caper, O.Icel, hafr, he-goat; οΊδα= Skr. 
 veda. 
 
 e 
 
 § 44. Indg, e ( = Skr, a, Lat. e, (o, i), O.Ir. e, (i), Goth. 
 i, (ai), OE. e, (i), Lith. O.Slav, e) generally remained in 
 Greek, as γίνος, Skr. janah, Lat. genus, race, generation ; 
 yei/i;y, Skr. hanuh, jawbone, Lat. gena, Goth, kinnus, cheek; 
 δίκα, Skr. ddsa, Lat. decern, Goth, taihun, teji ; kya>, Skr. 
 ahdm, Lat. ego, Goth, ik, 1; ΐδο<ί, Skr, sadah, seat, Lat, 
 sedere, OE. sittan, to sit; ίδω, Skr, admi, Lat, edo, OE, 
 ete, / eat; eVoy, Skr. sdnah, Lat, senex, 0,lr. sen, Goth. 
 
22 Phonology [§ 45 
 
 sineigs, Lith. senas, old; enerai, Skr. sdcate, Lat. sequi- 
 tur, he follows, Lith. seku, I follow ; Ιτττά, Skr. saptd, Lat. 
 septem, O.Ir. secht, Goth, sibun, Lith. septyni, seven; 
 έρπω, Skr. sdrpami, Lat. serpo, / creep ; kari, Skr. dsti, 
 Lat. est, Goth, ist, Lith. esti, is ; κλίπτω, Lat. clepo, Goth. 
 hlifa, / steal ; μίσσο^, μβσο^ from *μ€θ]Ό^, Skr. mddhyah, 
 Lat. medius, Goth, midjis, middle ; irivn, Skr. pdnca, 
 Goth, fimf, Lith. penki, five ; ττβρί, Skr. pari, around, 
 about, Lat. per-, O.Ir. er•, Goth, fair•, Lith. per-, through; 
 re, Skr. ca, Lat. que, and ; φίρω, Skr. bharami, Lat. fero, 
 O.Ir. berim, OE. bere, O.Slav, berg,, / bear; Cret. rpeey, 
 Att. τρβΪ9, Skr. triyah, from *trejes, three; v€{F)os, Skr. 
 ndvah, Lat. novos, -us, Goth, niujis, new; pe{F)ei, Skr. 
 sravati, it flows; aye, Lat. age; 5e5op^a= Skr. daddrsa ; 
 ίφ^ρον = Skr. abharam, XvKe = Skr. vfka, Lat. lupe ; 
 yei/eoy = Skr. jdnasah, Lat. generis ; narepe? = Skr. 
 pitarah; 0epere = Skr. bhdratha, Goth, bairij), O.Slav, 
 berete. 
 
 Note. — i. It is difficult to account for the t beside e in Χσθι : 
 Ιστί, Ιστίη, Ιστίά '. ίστίΰ, κίρνημι : κ€ράνννμι, κρίμνημι : κρίμάνννμι, 
 optyvaopai ; όρίγω, Hom. ττισυρβ? : Att. τέτταρα, πίτνημι : ττίτάν- 
 ννμι, σκί^νημι : σκί^άνννμι, χθίζό<ί : χθί<;, χίλιοι from *χίσΧιοι : 
 χ^ίλιοι from *χΙσλιοι = Lesb. χίλλιοι ; Γπττος : Lat. equos. In 
 some of the above examples the ι : c may be due to vowel- 
 assimilation, cp. §§ 73-4. 
 
 2. € became α before ρ in the dialects of Elis and Locris, as 
 fupyov, ττατάρα, φάρ-ην = tpyov, πατέρα, φίρΐΐν. 
 
 3. c became ι before guttural vowels in Boeot. Cypr. Pamph. 
 Thessal. and some of the Doric dialects (Arg. Cret. Heracl. 
 and Lac), as θιός = θίός; Boeot. /"cVia = crea ; Cret. Γωντι = 
 Att. Ιωσι. 
 
 § 45. Indg. i remained in Greek and generally also in 
 the oldest periods of the other languages, in Latin it became 
 e finally (mare beside pi. maria) and before r from older s 
 
§ 461 The Short Vowels 23 
 
 (gen. cineris beside nom. cinis), as Bi- from *Βξι-, Skr. dvi-, 
 Lat. bi•, OE. twi•, two; Horn. ^ίΒμ^^ν, Ϊ8μζ:ν, Skr. vidmd, 
 OE. witon, we know, cp. Lat. videre ; ΐμ^ν = Skr. imdh, 
 cp. Lat. itum ; Dor. ace. tv, him, Lat. Goth, is, Lith. jis, he; 
 μινύθω, Skr. minomi, Lat. minuo, / lessen, Goth, mins, 
 less; πίσσα, πίττα from *πικ]α, Lat. pix, Lith. pikis, />//ί•/ί ; 
 Ti's•, Lat. quis, who ? ; loc.pl. τρισί, Skr. trisu, Lat. tribus, 
 O.Ir. trib, Goth. J)rim, Lith. tris6, tribus; ή8ιστος, Skr. 
 svadisthah, Goth, sutists, sweetest ; ΐσταμι, ΐστημί = Skr. 
 tisthami, cp. Lat. sisto ; ύμί, Skr. ismi, Lith. esmi, am ; 
 ϊστί, Skr. asti, Lith. esti, is; Dor. 0epoi/Ti = Skr. bhiranti ; 
 πάλι?, πάλιν, cp. Skr. avih, ace. avim, sheep, Lat. turris, 
 turrim; loc. sing, μητρί = Skr. matdri, Lat. matre, O.Slav. 
 materi. 
 
 § 46. Indg. ο (Skr. a, also a in open syllables, Lat. O.Ir. 
 o, (u), Goth. Lith. a, O.Slav, o) remained in Greek, as 
 γόμφο?, nail, bolt, Skr. jambhah, tooth, OE. camb, comb ; 
 SiSopKe = Skr. dadarsa ; δόμο?, Lat. domus ; 619, Skr. 
 a\ah, Lat. ovis, Lith. avis, sheep, cp. Goth, awistr, sheep- 
 fold ; οκτώ, Skr. asta, astau, Lat. octo, O.Ir. ocht, Goth. 
 ahtau, eight ; 09, Skr. yah, who ; dual oWe, cp. Lat. oculus, 
 Lith. akis, O.Slav, oko, eye; πόρκο?, Lat. porous, O.Ir. 
 ore, OHG. farah, pig, boar; πόσις, Lith. pkts, husband, 
 Skr. patih, master, cp. Lat. potis ; πότερος, Skr. katardh, 
 Goth, luajiar, Lith. katrks, tvhich of two? ; πρό, Skr. pra, 
 before, Lat. pro•, O.Ir. ro-, Goth, fra•, Lith. pra-, O.Slav, 
 pro• ; TO, Skr. tad, Goth. J)at-a, O.Slav, to, the, this ; λύκος 
 = Skr. vrkah, Lat. lupus, wolf; yivo?, Skr. janah, Lat. 
 genus, race, generation ; ζνγόν, Skr. yugam, Lat. jugum, 
 yoke. Dor. φβρομζ?, Skr. bharamah, Goth, bairam, we bear ; 
 Dor. φίροντί, Skr. bhdranti, Lat. ferunt, Goth, bairand, 
 they bear; e0e/3oi/ = Skr. dbharam. 
 
24 Phonology [§ 47 
 
 u 
 
 § 47. Indg. u remained in the oldest Greek and generally 
 also in the oldest periods of the other languages, but already 
 at an early period it became ii in Attic and Ionic and pro- 
 bably also in many of the other dialects, as βρνθρός, Skr. 
 rudhirdh, Lat. ruber, red; ζυγόν, Skr. yugdm, Lat. jugum, 
 Goth, juk, yoke ; θνγάτηρ, Skr. duhitdr-, Goth, dauhtar, 
 Lith. dukt6, daughter; κλντός, Skr. srutah, Lat. in-clutus, 
 renowned; gen. κυνός = Skr. sunah, Lith. szuns, cp. OE. 
 hund, hound; vvos, Skr. snusa, Lat. nurus, daughter-in- 
 Ιαιυ ; βαρν^, Skr. guruh, Goth, kaurus, //i'iTirv; 8άκpυ,L•clt. 
 dacruma, lacruma ; i75i!s' = Skr. svaduh ; μίθν, wme, Skr. 
 ma,dhu, Lith. medus, honey, OE. medu, mead. 
 
 Note. — i. The original u-sound seems to have been regularly 
 preserved in the Laconian, Boeotian, Lesbian, Thessalian, 
 Arcadian, Cyprian and Pamphylian dialects. In these dia- 
 lects it is mostly represented by ov (sometimes also by o) after 
 the introduction of the Ionic alphabet at about the end of the 
 fifth century b. c. In Boeotian u became ju (lov) after dental 
 explosives and λ, ν, σ. 
 
 2. We have no means of determining the approximate date 
 at which u became ϋ (= the u in French tu) in Attic and 
 Ionic. But it is certain that Ionic υ was no longer pronounced 
 like the u in English put at the end of the fifth century b. c, 
 otherwise the Boeotians, &c., would not have taken ου to 
 represent their u-sound, when they adopted the Ionic alphabet. 
 Original u must have become a front vowel (ii) in Attic at the 
 period of the oldest inscriptions, because before γ the guttural 
 tenuis is always represented by Κ and never by 9, see Meister- 
 hans, Grammaiik der att. Ifischriften, pp. 3, 22. On the other 
 hand the Attic and Ionic change of u to U must be older than 
 the ΰ (written ov) which arose from older 00, co (§ 80), other- 
 wise this ΰ would have fallen together with original Indg. ΰ 
 (§ 55), cp. gen. sing, λόγου from *^\oyoo, yivov%, older ycVto? 
 from *γ€ν€σο5 = Skr. jdnasah, beside /xCs = Skr. miis•, Lat. 
 OE. mus. 
 
§§ 48-50] The Long Vowels 25 
 
 § 48. Indg. initial u appears as v. It is difficult to 
 account for this change unless we may assume that u 
 became ν through the intermediate stages ii, iu, ju (cp. 
 § 127), cp. the development of Old French u in words like 
 NE. use (juz, northern dial, iuz), ME. usen from O.Fr. 
 user : - υίρο?, ΰ^ρά, ivater serpent, Skr, udrah, water 
 oyiimal, Lith. udra, otter ; ί/πβρ, Skr. upari, Lat. s-uper, 
 Goth, ufar, over, above ; varepos, Skr. uttarah, latter, 
 later. 
 
 9 
 
 § 49. a, which arose from the weakening of original 
 a, e, 5 (§ 87), became a in all the Indg. languages, except 
 the Aryan branch where it became i, as πατήρ, Lat. pater, 
 O.Ir. athir, Goth, fadar, Skr. pitar-, fatlier ; στατός, Lat. 
 status, Skr. sthitah, standing, Goth. sta]3S, place ; θυγά- 
 τη ρ, Skr. duhitar•, daughter; παν-δαμάτωρ, cp. Skr. da• 
 mitar•, tamer; κάματος = Skv. samitah ; άνεμος: Skr. 
 aniti, he breathes ; γ€ν€τωρ = Skr. janitar- ; Kpias, Skr. 
 kravih,y7i'5//, raw meat ; nom. ace. neut. pi. φίροντα = Skr. 
 bhiranti. 
 
 Note. — In forms like θ^τόζ, Skr. hitah, τίθίμ^ν for *τίθαμίν : 
 τίθημι ; 8οτό<;, Lat. datus, διδο/Α€ν for *8tSayu.ev : διδω/Αΐ the 
 e, ο was due to qualitative assimilation to the η, ω, but this 
 does not account for the e in the second syllable of dissyllabic 
 heavy bases like γενετωρ :.Skr. janitar•. 
 
 B. The Long Vowels. 
 
 § 50. Indg. a (= Skr. Lat. O.Ir. a, Germanic Lith. δ, 
 O.Slav, a) remained in all the Greek dialects except Ionic and 
 Attic, as Dor. αδύς, Skr. svaduh, Lat. sua vis, OS. sw^oti, 
 sweet; Dor. ματηρ, Skr. matar-, Lat. mater, O.Ir. mathir, 
 OE. modor, O.Slav, mati, mother, Lith. mote, wife; Dor. 
 ψαγό?, a kind of oak, Lat. fagus, OE. boc-treow, beech; 
 
20 Phonology [§§ 51-2 
 
 Dor. φρατηρ, member of a clan, Skr. bhratar-, Lat. frater, 
 O.Ir. brathir, OE. br5))or, brother, Lith. broterSlis, little 
 brother; Dor. 'ίβάν, Skr. agam, / went; Dor. eVrai^, Skr. 
 dstham, / stood, Lat. stare, to stand, cp. OE. st5d, 
 / stood; nom. ace. sing. Dor. τΙμά, τίμαν, cp. Skr. asva, 
 dsvam, mare ; ending of the third pers. dual active Dor. 
 •ταν = Skr. -tam. 
 
 § 51. Indg. a became η (=long open e) in prim. Attic 
 and Ionic. In the oldest historic period this η was more 
 open than the η = Indg. e (§ 52), the former being written 
 Η and the latter Ε in the oldest Ionic inscriptions, η from 
 older a remained in Ionic, but became ά again in Attic 
 after p, e, i, as Dor. άδν^, ισταμι, μάτηρ, φάμι, 'ί:βαν, τιμά 
 = Attic, Ionic 17^1^?, ϊστημί, &c. Attic πράττω, χώρα, 
 yev^a, vf^avias, βίο., καρδία = Ionic πρήσσω, χά>ρη, y^ve^-q, 
 ν^ηνίη^, βίη, κραδίη. But η did not become ά after ρ in 
 Attic when an intervening f had disappeared, as Att. κόρη. 
 Ion. κονρη, Arcad. Kopfa ; Att. δ^ρη, Ion. δαρή, Lesb. 
 δύρρΰ, from *δepfά. 
 
 e 
 § 52. Indg. e (= Skr. a, Lat. Goth, e, O.Ir. i, Lith. e, 
 OE. se, O.Slav, e) generally remained in Greek, as άημι 
 from *ά-[ψμί, Skr. vami, / blow, Lith. vejas, wind; Hom. 
 ηα, Skr. asam, / was ; ήμί-, Skr. sami, Lat. semi•, half; 
 ace. Zfjv = Skr. dyam, sky; μήν, Lat. mensis, O.Ir. mi, 
 month, Skr. mas-, Goth, mena, Lith. menu, moon ; 
 πλήθω, I am full, Skr. pratah, Lat. \ΧΆ•^\^\λχ%, fidl, filled ; 
 τίθημί = Skr. dddhami, cp. Lith. deti, to put, place; efr/y, 
 Skr. syah, O.Lat. sies, thou may est be. 
 
 Note. — i. In the oldest Attic and Ionic η = Indg. e was 
 closer than η from Indg. a (§ 51), the former being written Ε 
 and the latter Η in the oldest Ionic inscriptions, as ME = 
 Dor. μη, but ΔΗΜΟΣ = Dor. 8αμο<:. The two sounds fell 
 together in Attic in the fifth century b. c. 
 
§§ 53-4] The Long Vowels 27 
 
 2. Indg. e became a very open sound (ee) in the dialect 
 of Elis, which was often written ΰ, as /χα, ττατΰρ = /xr^, τταττ^ρ. 
 In Boeotian, ThessaHan and Pamphylian it became long close 
 e which was written ei (§§ 12, 58) after the introduction of the 
 Ionic alphabet in the fifth century b. c, as Boeot. Thess. 
 ΐθΐΐκα, μΐί, Pamph. Μίγάλίΐς = ίθηκα, μη, Μεγάλτ??. 
 
 § 53. Indg. ΐ remained in Greek and generally also in 
 the oldest periods of the other languages, as ίμά^, leathern 
 sti-ap, Skr. siman-, parting of the hair on the top of the head, 
 OE, sima, rope, cord; irid, ivillow, Lat. vitis, vine, Lith. 
 vyti, O.Slav, viti, to wind, plait; t6<i from *flao9, Lat. 
 virus, O.Ir. ΐϊ, poison ; fy = Lat. vis; πΐθι, drink thou, 
 Skr. pitah, having drunk, O.Slav, piti, to drink; πΓ(/^)οί, 
 π'ί{β)ων, Skr. pivan•, /α/, phunp; κορακΐνο^, cp. Skr. na• 
 vinah, new, Lat. haedinus, Goth, gaiteins, belonging to 
 a goat. 
 
 δ 
 
 § 54. Indg. 5 (= Skr. O.Ir. a, Lat. and Germanic δ, 
 Lith. u, O.Slav, a) remained in Greek, as ace. sing. Dor. 
 βων = Skr, gam ; -γνωτός, Skr. jnatah, Lat. (§)ηδ1υ8, O.Ir. 
 gnath, known ; δίδωμί = Skr. dadaml ; δώρον, Skr. danam, 
 Lat. dδnum, O.Ir. dan, gift, Lith. duti, O.Slav, dati, to 
 give; δύω, Vedic duva, dva, O.Ir. άο., two ; π^ττωκα, Lat. 
 pδtavl, / have drunk, Skr. pati, he drinks ; πλωτός, swim- 
 ming, Goth, flδdus, OE. fibd, flood, tide, cp. Lat. ρΙδΓδΓθ, 
 to weep aloud; Dor. πώ? (Att. Ion. πους, the ov of which 
 has never been satisfactorily explained), Skr. pat, OE. fot, 
 foot; ώκΌΫ, Skr. asuh, quick, Lat. δοίοΓ, quicker; δώτωρ, 
 Skr, data, giver; nom. ace. dual of o-stems λνκω = Vedic 
 vrka ; τί,κτων, Skr. taksa, carpenter ; φί,ρω — Skr. bhara• 
 mi; φζρίτω = Skr. bharatad, cp, O.Lat. estδd. 
 
 Note. — δ became ΰ (written ου) in the Thessalian dialect, as 
 iSovKC, γνονμα ^ Att. Ιδωκί, -γνώμη. 
 
28 Phonology [§§ 55-7 
 
 ΰ 
 
 § 55. Indg. ΰ remained in the oldest Greek and generally 
 also in the oldest periods of the other languages, but already 
 at an early period it became u in those dialects which 
 changed u to ii (§ 47), as ίή>ντον^ Skr. dbhutam, ye two 
 were, cp. Lith. buti, to be ; θΰμό^, courage, passion, Skr. 
 dhiimah, Lat. fumus, Lith. diimai (pi.), smoke; σκντος, 
 Lat. scutum, shield ; μΰ^, Skr. mus-, Lat. OE. miis, mouse ; 
 pvy, Skr. OE. nii, now; όφρυ^, Skr. bruh, OE. bru, eye- 
 brow ; πνθω, I make to rot, Skr. puyati, he stinks, Lith. 
 puti, to rot, OE, ΐΰΐ, foul, rotten; vy, Lat. sus, OE. su, 
 sow, pig, Skr. su-kardh, boar. 
 
 C. The Short Diphthongs. 
 ai 
 § 56. Indg. ai (= Skr. e, Lat. O.Ir. ae (older ai), Goth. 
 di, OE. a, Lith. ai, (e), O.Slav, e) generally remained in 
 Greek, as αΐθω, I burn, Skr. Qah^ah, firewood, Lat. aedes, 
 sanctuary, origmsWy fire-place, hearth, O.Ir. slqA, fiire, OE. 
 2A, funeral, pile ; amv, Lat. aevum, Goth, aiws, life-time, 
 eternity; λαιό^, Lat. laevus, left; σκαώζ, Lat, scaevus, 
 left; fern. nom. pi. rai' = Skr. te, Lat. is-tae ; φύρ^ται, 
 ψβρονται = Skr. bharate, bharante. 
 
 Note. — In Boeotian at became ae in the fifth century b. c, 
 which a century later became η, and then still later long close η 
 (written ci). 
 
 § 57. The combination -aif- became -a- before e- and i- 
 vowels in Attic and Ionic, as δάήρ from *8αί[ήρ, Skr. 
 devar-, Lat. levir, Lith, deveris, broiher-in-laiv ; ad, Cypr. 
 aifd, beside αιών ; κά^ι, κλάίί from *Kaifei, *KXaif€i, 
 beside καίω, κλαίω; Ion. άίσσω, Att. αττω from *α1^ικ]ω. 
 Forms like καω, κλαω were new formations due to levelling 
 out the α in forms like Kaei, κλάβι. In Att. aUi the ai 
 was due to the influence of αιών. See §§ 75, 125. 
 
58-9I Tlie Short Diphthongs 29 
 
 § 58. Indg. ei (= Skr. e, O.Lat. ei, later i, O.Ir. e, (ia), 
 OE. i, Goth. Ϊ (written ei), Lith. ei, (e), O.Slav, i) remained 
 in Greek until about the beginning of the fifth century b.c, 
 when it became long close e in Attic, Ionic and the milder 
 Doric dialects, although ei was retained in writing. This 
 accounts for the writing of ei for older ee in such forms as 
 Att. Tpeh from *τρ€βί = Skr. trayah. The old diph- 
 thongal pronunciation was still preser\-ed at the time when 
 vowel contraction took place in such forms as Att. αδω = 
 άβίδω, νΐκας = νΐκά^ις, as compared with (f)av6s = φαβιι^ός 
 from *φα[€σι^6^, νίκαν^νΐκά^ιν from *νΙκάζ€ν. Examples 
 are : — δ^ίκρϋμι, I show, Lat. dico, / say, Goth, ga-teihan, 
 to tell, announce ; eltri, Skr. eti, Lith. eiti, eit, he goes, Lat. 
 is, thou goest; λeίVω, Lith. leku, / leave, Goth, leihran, to 
 lend; π^θω, Lat. fido, cp. OE. bidan, to remain-, στ^ίχω, 
 cp. OE. stigan, to rise. 
 
 Note. — In Boeotian ei had become ϊ already in the fifth 
 centur)' b. c, as άϊ'δω = άει'δω. 
 
 § 59. Indg. oi (= Skr. e, O.Lat. oi, oe, later ΰ, O.Ir. oi, 
 (oe), Goth, ai, OE. a, Lith. ai, (e), O.Slav, e) remained in 
 Greek, as οΐδα, Skr. veda, Goth, wait, OE. wat, / know; 
 οΐνη, οίνή, the one on dice, Lat. oinos, unus, O.Ir. oen, 
 Goth, dins, OE. an, one; masc. nom. pi. tol, Skr. te, 
 Goth. J)ai, OE. \>a., Lith. tS, the, these; XiXoine, Skr. 
 rireca, has left, Goth, laihr, OE. lah, he lent; loc. pi. 
 \ύκοι-σί = Skr. vrke-su. 
 
 Note.— In Boeotian ol became oc in the fifth century b.c, 
 which two centuries later became ΰ and then still later ΐ 
 (written ct). 
 
30 Phonology [§§ 60-2 
 
 § βΟ. Indg. au (=Skr. δ, Lat. Lith. au, O.Ir. 5, (ua), 
 Goth, au, OE. ea, O.Slav, u) remained in Greek, as αϋ^ω, 
 αυξάνω, Lat. augeo, Goth, duka, Lith. dugu, / grow, 
 increase, cp, Skr. ojas•, strength ; avo^ from *σανσο^, OE. 
 sear, Lith. sausas, dry, withered; καυλός, Lat. caulis, 
 stalk; ravpos, Lat. taurus, bull; av, av-re, again, Lat. 
 au-t, au-tem. 
 
 § 61. Indg. eu (= Skr. 5, O.Lat. ou, later u, O.Ir. 5, (ua), 
 Goth, iu, OE. eo, Lith. au, O.Slav, u) remained in Greek, 
 as €ΰω, Skr. osami, Lat. uro, / burn ; yeuoo, / give a taste 
 of, Skr. josati, he tastes, Goth, kiusan, OE. ceosan, to 
 choose ; π^νθομαι, I inquire, Skr. bodhati, he is awake, 
 learns, Goth, ana^biudan, to order, command, OE. beodan, 
 to offer ; ζ^νγμα — Lat. jumentum, ν^ΰμα = Lat. numen, 
 voc. Zev πάηρ = Lat. Jupiter. 
 
 § 62. Indg. ou (= Skr. δ, O.Lat. ou, later u, O.Ir. δ, (ua), 
 Goth. 4u, OE. ea, Lith. au, O.Slav, u) remained in the 
 oldest period of the language, but in Attic and Ionic it 
 became u through the intermediate stage of long close δ 
 in the fifth century b. c, although the ov was retained in 
 writing. This accounts for the writing of ov for older oo 
 in such forms as gen. 'ίππου from older ^'ϊπποο (§ 325) and 
 in 'ίππους from older ϊππον^ (§ 69). From our knowledge 
 of the other Indg. languages the diphthong ou must have 
 been fairly common in the parent language, but in Greek 
 there are only a few words which contain it, as ακούω, 
 Goth, hausja, I hear. It occurred originally especially in 
 the perfect active singular of verbs which have -iv- in the 
 present stem-forms and in nouns related to such verbs, as 
 
§ 63] The Long Diphthongs 31 
 
 Horn. (^ΙΚηΚουβί : fut. ^Χ^ύσομαι from *^λζνθσομαι; σπουβή: 
 σπ€ν8ω ; but in verbs like κ^ύθω, τ^ύχω, φ^ύγω the perfect 
 active κίκ^νθα, τ^τ(υ\α, πβφζυγα for *κίκονθα, Szc, was 
 formed direct from the present, see § 518. 
 
 D. The Long Diphthongs. 
 
 § 63. The parent language had the same number of long 
 as of short diphthongs, but the history of the former in the 
 separate languages differs materially from that of the latter. 
 The second element of long diphthongs often disappeared 
 medially before consonants (especially m), and also finally, 
 as ace. sing. Hom. and Dor. βώι^ = Skr. gam beside nom. 
 gauh; οκτώ, Lat. oct5, Skr. astau beside asta, Goth. 
 ahtau, Indg. *oktOu. The exact conditions under which 
 the second element remained or disappeared have never 
 been ascertained. When the second element was preserved 
 in the European languages, the first element was regularly 
 shortened before a following consonant, as Zevs from 
 *Ζην9 = Skr. dyauh, sky; λνκοις, Lat. lupis, Lith. vilkais, 
 beside Skr. vrkaih. When the second element of a long 
 diphthong disappeared or when the first element was 
 simply shortened, the resultant long vowel or short diph- 
 thong had the same further development in the different 
 languages as the original simple long vowels or short 
 diphthongs. 
 
 ai : Opt. δραΐμ^ι/ from ^δράιμ^ρ, beside indie. ^Βραμ^ν ; 
 Θηβαι-γ^ι/ής, μζσαι-πόλιος ; dat. sing, χώρα, θ^α, cp. Skr. 
 senayai, to an army, Lat. mensae, Osc. deivai, divae, Goth, 
 gibai, to a gift, Lith. rankai, to a hand. 
 
 ei : Opt. γραφίΐμξρ from *-γραφηίμ€ν, beside indie. 
 Ι-γράφην ; aor. eXeiyjra from *€ληι\Ι/α = Skr. araiksam, 
 Indg. *eleiqsm (cp. § 507); θψλή, θήσθαι, cp. Lat. fe-mina, 
 fe-lare, root dhei•, suckle. 
 
 oi : XvKois, Lat. lupis, Lith. vilkais, beside Skr, vrkaih ; 
 
32 Phonology [§64 
 
 opt. γνοΐμ^ν from ^γνοαμ^ν, beside indie, ^γνωμ^ν ; dat. 
 sing λύκω, Lat. Iup6, Lith. vilkui, beside Skr. vrkaya 
 (with the enclitic particle -a), cp. Skr. dat. sing, tasmai, 
 him. 
 
 au: vavs beside Skr. nauh, ship; loc. pi. ναυσί, Skr. 
 nausu. 
 
 eu : Zevs from *Ζην^ = Skr. dyauh, sky ; 'ίζ^νξα = Skr. 
 ayauksam, Indg. *ejeuqsm (cp. § 507); ace. Zfji/ = Skr. 
 dyam. 
 
 5u : βονς from *βων9 = Skr. gauh ; ace. Dor. βών = 
 Skr. gam ; dual of o-stems λνκω = Skr. vrkau beside 
 vrka; πλωτός, cp. OE. flod, βοοίί, tide, beside Lith. 
 plduju, / rinse. 
 
 E. The Vocalic Nasals and Liquids. 
 
 § 64. The vocalic nasals and liquids, generally written 
 m, n, 1, r in order to distinguish them from the correspond- 
 ing consonants m, n, 1, r, occurred originally in unaccented 
 syllables only. They arose in the parent Indg. language 
 through the loss of a preceding (rarely following) vowel. 
 This loss was caused by the shifting of the principal accent 
 from the syllable originally containing the vowel to some 
 other syllable in the word. Then consonantal m, n, 1, r 
 became vocalic just in the same manner as consonantal i 
 and u in the combinations ei and eu became vocalic after 
 the loss of e in such words as ίλιπον : λύπω, icpvyov : 
 φ^νγω, so also φρασί : φρίνβ^, '^παθον : niuOo^, '^8ρακον : 
 δίρκομαι. But already in the parent language or at least 
 in the prehistoric period of all the Indg. languages, the 
 vocalic nasals and liquids came analogically to have the 
 principal accent in certain words, as επτά, Skr. sapta, 
 Lat. septem, from *£eptni, older *septm, seven ; λύκο?, 
 Skr. vrkah, Lat. lupus, Goth, wulfs, Lith. vilkas, from 
 *wiqos, older *wlqos. 
 
65] Vocalic Nasals and Liquids 33 
 
 I. Short Vocalic Nasals. 
 
 § 65. In Greek and Sanskrit m, η had a twofold develop- 
 ment according to their position in the word : — 
 
 1. Finally and before consonants except semivowels 
 they became a in these two languages, and in Lat. em, en, 
 Germanic um, un, Lith. im (im), in (in), O.Slav, φ, (im, ϊη), 
 as Βίκα, Skr. dasa, Lat. decern, Goth, taihun, from *dekm, 
 beside Lith. desimt•, O.Slav, desft•, from *dekmt• ten; 
 Ι-κατόν, Skr. satdm, Lat. centum, Goth, hund, from 
 *kmtom, hundred; βάσι^, Skr. gatih, gait, step, Goth, ga- 
 qumj>s, assembly, from *gmtis; ά-ττα^, Skr. sa-krt, once, 
 Lat. sim-plex older *semplex, from *sni : eV from *sem, 
 one ; ace. sing, of consonantal stems as πόδα, φέροντα, 
 Lat. pedem, ferentem; Hom. ηα from *esm, / was. 
 
 τατό?, Skr. tatah, Lat. tentus, from *tntos, stretched-, 
 δασύς, Lat. densus; φατός, Skr. hatah, kt'l/ed: φόνος; 
 ά-γνωτος, Skr. a-jnatah, Goth, un-kunjjs, unknown, from 
 *n•: *ne, not ; όνομα, Skr. nama., Lat. nomen, name ; ace. 
 pi, of consonantal stems, as ττόδας, Skr. padah, Lat. pedes 
 from *pedens, Goth, fotuns, /^^/; loc. pi. of n-stems, as 
 φρασί : φρίνζς, in this case the regular development was 
 almost entirely obliterated in Greek by new formations 
 formed after the analogy of the other cases, as ποίμίσι for 
 *ποιμάσι, κνσί for *κνασί = Skr. svasu (§ 345) ; μζμάτω = 
 Lat. memento ; Hom. ήαται, Skr. asate, from *esntai, 
 they sit; πίφαται : φόνος, and similarly γ^γαμβν, μύμαμ€ν, 
 €παθον : γίγονα, μίμονα, πίπονθα. 
 
 2. Before vowels and semivowels m, η became am, an 
 in Greek and Sanskrit, but in Lat. Germanic and Lith. 
 they had the same development as in i. Some scholars 
 maintain that the original vowel did not entirely disappear 
 in these positions, but that it merely became reduced in 
 quality. Instead of m, η they accordingly write em, «n 
 and assume that the ^ became a in Greek and Sanskrit 
 
 D 
 
34 Phonology [h ^>^> 
 
 and the consonants ni, η remained. Other scholars write 
 the sounds in question as mm, nn before vowels and m, η 
 before semivowels. The correct interpretation of the 
 development is probably that the off-glide of the nasal 
 remained consonantal, and that this eventually became 
 a full nasal consonant, cp. the consonantal off-glide in NE. 
 seldm iz, seldom is, ritn it, written it. 
 
 άμο- (in άμόθ^ν), Skr. sama-, Goth. pi. sumai, from 
 *smo•, some one, any one ; ταμ^ΐν : τ^μνω. 
 
 τανν- (in τανν-δρομογ, τανν-πονί), Skr. tanuh, Lat. tenuis, 
 OHG. dunni, from *tnu-, stretched, thin ; Boeot. βανά, 
 Vedic gana•, O.Icel. kona, from *gna• : Goth. qin5, 
 woman; άνυδρος, Skr. anudrdh, waterless ; τάνυται = Skr. 
 tanute ; κταν^ν : κτ^νω from *κτ€ρ/ω. 
 
 Hom. ίκάνω from *tκavfω ; μαν6$, μανό^, from ^μανρός. 
 
 •αμ]- and -avj- became -αιν- (§ 75), as βαίνω from *βαν]ω, 
 older *βαμ]ω, Lat. venio from *gwenj5, older *gwemj5, 
 Indg. *gmjO, cp. Skr. opt. gamyat, he may go. καίνω from 
 *Kavj(u ; and similarly κταίνω, μαίνομαι, ττοιμαίνω, όνομαίνω, 
 πίπαίνω, σπ^ρμαίνω. 
 
 2. Short Vocalic Liquids. 
 
 § ββ. Many points connected with the development of the 
 Indg. vocalic liquids in the various languages have never been 
 definitely settled. The vowel which was developed before 
 or respectively after liquids in the prehistoric period of the 
 European languages seems to have been unstable in quality, 
 when it was preceded or followed by a labial or guttural. 
 In Greek, Latin, Keltic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages 
 the vowel sometimes appears in this position as u, as in Gr. 
 λύκο9, Lat. lupus, O.Slav, vluku, beside Skr. vrkah, Indg. 
 *wlqos, wolf; φνλλον from *φνλ]ον, beside Lat. folium ; 
 άγνρις : άγ^ίρω. For further examples, see Brugmann's 
 Grundriss, «S:c., vol. i, second ed., pp. 453-5. It will also 
 be noticed from the normal development of the vocalic 
 
§ 67' rocalic Nasals and Lk/hk/s 35 
 
 liquids given below that the vowel sometimes appears 
 before and sometimes after the liquid. The reason for this 
 twofold development is unknown. In Greek λα, pa beside 
 αλ, ap only occur before consonants. In all other posi- 
 tions we have αλ, αρ. Various attempts have been made 
 by scholars to account for the diiference in the position of 
 the vowel, but they all leave a large residuum of unex- 
 plained forms. 
 
 § 67. In several languages 1, r had a twofold develop- 
 ment according to their position in the word : — 
 
 1. Before consonants. In this position they became in 
 Gr. αλ, λα ; ap, pa, Skr. r, Lat. ol, ul ; or, ur, prim. 
 Germanic ul, ur (rarely lu, ru) = Goth, ul, aur, but ol, or 
 in the other Germanic languages, Keltic li, ri,prim. Baltic- 
 Slavonic il, ir, as πλατύς, Skr. prthuh, broad, OE. folde, 
 Skr. prthivi, earth; -πίπλαμξν, Skr. plprmah, we fill; 
 τ'ίταλμαί : τίλλω ; ^σταλμαι, στάλσις : στέλλω; ίκλάπηι^ : 
 κλέπτω, σκάλλω from '*σκαλ]ω, Ι stir up, Lith. skiliu, 
 / strike fire, Indg. *sqljO ; and similarly βάλλω, πάλλω, &c. 
 
 καρδία, Ion. κραδίη, Lat. cor (gen. cordis), O.Ir. cride, 
 Lith. szirdis, lieaH; ίδρακον ■= Skr. adrsam: δίρκομαι ; 
 θαρσυΫ, θρασύς : Aeol. θίρσος, cp. Skr. dhrsnoti, lie dares, 
 Goth, ga-daursan, to dare ; κράνος, κράνον, Lat. cornus, 
 coTnura, cornel-tree; τέταρτος, Hom. τίτρατος from *T€Tfpa• 
 T09, Lith. ketviftas, fourth ; άρσην : Ion. ίρσην ; θάρσος, 
 κράτος : Aeol. θίρσος, κράτος ; loc. pi. πατράσι, Skr. 
 pitrsu, OE. faederum, to fathers; δαρτός, δρατός, δζδαρ- 
 μίνος : δβρω ; and similarly ίπραθον, ^σπαρμαι, π^παρμαι, 
 κάρσις, ταρσός, τραπ^ΐν, τραφ^Ίν : πίρθω, σπείρω, πύρω, 
 κύρω, τύρσομαι, τρίπω, τρύφω. The combination -apf 
 became -aip- (§ 75), as σπαίρω from *σπαρ]ω, I struggle 
 convulsively, Lith. spiriu, I push with the foot ; and similarly 
 ίχθαίρω, πταίρω, σκαίρω, χαίρω, θαιρός from *θραρ/ος, 
 Indg. *dhwrjos. 
 
 2. Before vowels 1, r (cp. § 65, 2) became in Gr. αλ, ap, 
 
 D 2 
 
36 Phonology [§68 
 
 Skr. ul (= Indg. 1), ur, ir {= Indg. 1, r), Lat. al, ar, 
 Keltic al, ar, Germanic and Baltic-Slavonic as in i, as 
 ταλα?, enduring, Skr. tula, balance, scale, O.Ir. talla, he 
 takes away, Goth. J)ulan, OE. Jjolian, to suffer, endure; 
 τταΚννού, I strew, Lat. palea, chaff; καλιά, Skr, kulayam, 
 Imt, nest; βαΧύν, ^στάληρ : βύλος, στίλλω. 
 
 βαρύ^, Skr. guruh, Goth, kaurus, Indg. *cjrus, heavy; 
 πάροΫ, Skr. purdh, Goth, faura, OE. fore, before; κάρα, 
 Skr. siras-, head; έδάρηι^, πταρμό^ : δ€ρω, πτόρος. 
 
 Examples of final r in Greek are : ητταρ, Skr. yakft, 
 Lat. jecur, liver ; ημαρ : ήμβρα ; eap from Indg. *wesr. 
 
 3. Long Vocalic Nasals and Liquids. 
 
 § 68. Whilst all scholars agree that the parent Indg. 
 language possessed short vocalic nasals and liquids, there 
 is considerable difference of opinion as to whether long 
 vocalic nasals and liquids existed in the parent language. 
 Just as i, u, m, n, 1, r arose from the weakening and 
 eventual loss of e in the diphthongs ei, eu, em, en, el, er, 
 and as i, ΰ arose from the weakening and eventual loss of 
 e in the combinations ej9, ew9, it can be assumed upon 
 theoretical grounds that m, n, Ϊ, r arose in the parent 
 language from the weakening and eventual loss of e in the 
 combinations ema, eng, ela, era, where 9 represents the 
 weakening of a, e, or δ (§ 87). But whereas i and ΰ regu- 
 larly appear in the oldest stages of all the Indg. languages, 
 no language has preserved a long vocalic nasal or liquid in 
 historic times. Notwithstanding the above parallels the sub- 
 ject still requires further investigation before it can be estab- 
 lished with any degree of certainty that these sounds existed 
 in the parent language. Most of the forms which are sup- 
 posed to represent a long vocahc nasal or liquid in Greek, 
 Latin and Keltic admit of an entirely different explanation, 
 viz. as being dissyllabic heavy bases with loss of vowel in 
 the first syllable and preservation of an original long vowel in 
 
§68] 
 
 Vocalic Nasals and Liquids 
 
 37 
 
 the second syllable i§ 90), as *gnatos from the base *gena•, 
 whence Lat. (g)natus, bofu : genitor, but this would not 
 account for Skr. jatah, born, begotten, which presupposes 
 an original form *gntos ; *άΗΛνη3,108, whence Dor. Θνατό^, 
 Att. Ion. θνητός, beside Θάνατος from *dhwn9tos ; *gr5ter 
 from the base *gero•, whence Gr. βρωτήρ, beside βάραθρον 
 from *gr9dhrom. But this explanation of the Greek and 
 Latin forms would not account for the equivalents in 
 Sanskrit, Germanic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages. 
 From what has been said above it will be seen that the 
 whole subject is at present beset with unsolved difficulties. 
 Brugmann, Kurze vergleichende Grammatik, pp. 121-38, 
 regards the following as the normal development of the 
 long vocalic nasals and liquids in the various languages. 
 For the treatment of the whole subject from an entirely 
 different standpoint, the student should consult Hirt, Der 
 indogermanische Ablaut. 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Gr. (Dor.) 
 
 Skr. 
 
 Lat. 
 
 Keltic 
 
 Germanic 
 
 Lith. 
 
 Φ 
 
 μα 
 
 a, am 
 
 ma 
 
 ma 
 
 um 
 
 im 
 
 9 
 
 νά 
 
 a, an 
 
 na 
 
 na 
 
 un 
 
 in 
 
 ί 
 
 λω 
 
 ir, iir 
 
 la 
 
 la 
 
 ul, (lu) 
 
 il 
 
 r 
 
 ρω 
 
 ir, ur 
 
 ra 
 
 ra 
 
 ur, (ru) 
 
 ^^ 1 
 
 Note.— m, ή regularly became am, an before a following y 
 in Sanskrit. 
 
 Examples are : ρ^ό-δματος, -δμητο^, new-built, Lat. ma- 
 teries, from *dma• : δ€μω; δμητήρ, δμητό^, from *δμα•, 
 Skr. damyati, he tames : Lat. domitor, domitus. 
 
 κνήμη, older *κνάμα, shin-bone, leg, O.Ir. pi. cnamai, 
 bones; νήσσα from older *νάσσα, duck, Skr. ati, a kind of 
 aquatic bird : Lat. gen. anatis, Lith. antis, duck ; Skr. 
 
38 Phonology [§ 69 
 
 jatdh, Lat. (g)natus, born, Goth, airj^a-kunds, born of the 
 earth : Lat. genitor. 
 
 βλωθρός, tall, Skr. murdhan-, height, head ; Skr. urna, 
 Lat. lana, OE. wulle, Lith. vilna, from *wina, wool: Gr. 
 ov\o9 from *fo\vos, thick, fleecy; Skr. purnah,fl lied, O.Ir. 
 Ian, Lith. pilnas,/«//. 
 
 βρωτήρ, devourer, Skr. girndh, swallowed up, Lith. 
 girtas, drunken ; στρωτός, Lat. stratus, Skr. stirnah, 
 spread, strewed ; Dor. Ion. τ^τρώ-κοντα, Lat. quadra-ginta ; 
 πρώτο? from *πρωρατο?, Skr. purvyah,yir5/. 
 
 The Lengthening of Short Vowels. 
 
 § 69. Short vowels were often lengthened through the 
 loss of a following consonant. This process is sometimes 
 called compensation lengthening. In Att. and Ion. e became 
 long close e (written ei, see § 58), and ο became ΰ (written 
 ov, see § 62) through the intermediate stage of long close 5. 
 In Dor. they became η and ω. The following are the prin- 
 cipal cases in which short vowels were lengthened : — 
 
 I. In final or medial syllables in Attic and Ionic through 
 the loss of a nasal before a following s whether original or 
 developed from some other source, the long vowel having 
 passed through the intermediate stage of a long nasalized 
 vowel, as ely from *sems, Cret. eVy. Masc. nom. sing. 
 /zeAay, τάλά?, from *μ^λαν$, *τάλανς• Ace. pi. τιμάς, 
 Cret. -avs ; λύκους, Cret. -ονς, Goth, wulfans; Heraclean 
 τρις (Att. Ion. τρ€Ϊς was the nom. used for the ace), Cret. 
 rpiVy, Goth. J)rins. Masc. nom. sing, γίγας, τιθίίς, χαρύις 
 (cp. Skr. pad-vant-, having feet), δίδονς, from *γίγαΐ'τς, 
 *τιβίντς, *'\αρίρ€ΐ'τς, ^διδόι/τς. πάσα from *παντ]α ; 
 μονσα, Dor. μώσα, from *μοντ]α ; φ^ρουσι = Dor. φίροντι, 
 Skr. bharanti, Goth, bairand ; fem. participle φβρονσα, 
 from *(f)ipovTJa, see § 129, 6. The same lengthening also 
 occurs through the loss of a nasal in the combination Ion. 
 ■άσσ-, Att. -άττ-, from older •αγ\]- (§ 156), as Ion. άσσον 
 
§ 69 Lengthening of Short Voivels 39 
 
 from *άνσσον, older *άγχ/θί', cp. αγχί ; Ion. ^λάσσων, Att. 
 ^Χάττων, from *eλαγχy'ω^' ; Ion. 0ασσω^', Att. θάττων, from 
 *^ayXyou//. 
 
 2. s in the combination ms,ns + vowel became voiced 
 and then became assimilated to the preceding nasal. The 
 long (double) nasal remained in Lesbian, but in the other 
 dialects it was shortened or simplified and the preceding 
 vowel was lengthened by transferring the long quantity of 
 the consonant to the vowel, as gen. Att. Ion. χηνό^, Dor. 
 χάί/ό?, cp. Skr. h§.sa•, Lat. anser for older *hanser, Germ, 
 gans, goose; aorist Att. Ion. ίφηνα, Dor. ίφανα, from 
 *€φαι>σα ; Att. Ion. ^μανα, Dor. ίμηνα, Lesb. '^μ^ννα, from 
 *€μ^νσα ; Att. Ion. eVez/za, Dor. ίνημα, Lesb. ίν^μμα, 
 from *^νίμσα ; έκρινα from *€κρινσα. νισομαι from *νίν• 
 σομαι. 
 
 3• I'J, pj became w, pp which remained in Lesbian, but 
 became simplified in Att. Ion. with lengthening of the pre- 
 ceding 6, L, V, cp. 2, as Att. Ion. κτ^ίνω, φθείρω, Lesb. 
 κτ^ννω, φθ^ρρω, from *κτίν]ω, *φθίρ]ω ; neipa from *7re/3/'a ; 
 Att. Ion. κλίνω, οικτίρω, I pity, Lesb. κΚίννω, οικτίρρω, 
 from '^κ\ίν]ω, *οίκτίρ]ω ; οτρυνω from *6τρνν]ω. See 
 § 129, 4. 
 
 4. s in the combination S4- liquid or nasal became voiced 
 and then became assimilated to the following liquid or nasal. 
 The long (double) consonant remained in Lesbian, but was 
 simplified in the other dialects with lengthening of the pre- 
 ceding vowel, cp. 2, as Ion. τρήρων from *τρασρων ; Att. 
 Ion. χζίλιοι, Lesb. χίλλιοι, cp. Skr. sa-hasram, thousand; 
 Att. Ion. σελήνη, Dor. aeXaua, Lesb. σ^λάννα, from *ae- 
 λάσνα ; Att. Ion. ήμ^ΐ?. Dor. αμύς, Lesb. άμμ^ς, from 
 *aa/xe- = Skr. asma•, Indg. *η•5πΐθ• ; ^ίμί, Dor. ήμί, Lesb, 
 €μμί = Skr. asmi, Indg. *esmi; Att. φανός, Ion. φαξίνός, 
 Lesb. φάζννοΫ, from ^φαρ^σνός ; 'ιλαος, Lesb. ϊλλαος, from 
 *σίσλα/"ο?. 
 
 5- Intervocalic af disappeared with lengthening of the 
 
40 Phonology [§§ 70-1 
 
 preceding vowel, as Dor. vaos, Ion. νηό^, Att. ι/εώ? (§ 72), 
 from *uaaf6^ ; Horn, τβλή^ις, reXeioy, from *Te\eaf€VTs, 
 *τ€λ€σ/'09 ; 109 from *iafos. 
 
 6. -λι/- became -λλ- by assimilation, which remained in 
 Lesbian and Thessalian, but in the other dialects the long 
 (double) consonant was simplified with lengthening of the 
 preceding vowel, cp. 2, as Att. Ion. στήλη, Dor. στάλα, 
 Lesb. στάλλά, from *σταλνα ; Hom. ^ΐλομαι from *f€λpo■ 
 μαι ; οφείλω from *^οφ€λνω ; βουλή, Lesb. βόλλά, from 
 *βολνα ; βούλομαι from ^βολνομαι. See § 148. 
 
 7. Short vowels were lengthened in Ionic, but not in 
 Attic, with the loss of F in the combinations vf, Xf, pf, as 
 Ion. φθάνω, Att. φθάνω, from *φθάν[ω ; Ion. καλό?, Att. 
 καλό^, Dor. καλρό^ ; Ion. κονρη, Att. κόρτ^. Dor. Kopfd ; 
 and similarly Ion. d'vaTos, στ^ινό^, ^^Γιό?, riVco, φθίνω, 
 Sovpos, ovpo9, γοννα, beside Att. '4νατθ9, στενός, ^evos, τίνω, 
 φθίνω, δορόί, ορός, γόνατα. See § 124, 6. 
 
 The Shortening of Long Vowels. 
 
 § 70. Long vowels were shortened in prim. Greek before 
 a following nasal, liquid, or semivowels- consonant, as third 
 pers. plural 'ίβαν from *'ίβάντ, €τλαν from *€τλάντ, '^μιγ^ν 
 from *ίμίγηντ, 'iyvov from *€γνωντ, 'έφνν from *'€φϋντ, 
 beside first pers. sing, (βην. Dor. '^βάν, 'ίτλην, Dor. €τλάν, 
 €μίγην, 'ίγνων, 'ίφϋν ; forms like Hom. πλήντο, άηνται, 'ίμ- 
 πληντο for *πλαντο, *aevTai, *^πλίvτowere new formations 
 with the long vowel levelled out from the other persons ; 
 ace. pi. χώρας from -ανς (§69), older -άνς ; μ^ίς, month, 
 from *μίνς, older *μήν9, cp. Lesb. gen. μήννος from 
 *μήνσος•, τττίρνα from *πτηρσνα, cp. Skr. parsnih, Λί'ί/ ; 
 in participles like aivT-, γνόντ- from *άρηντ- (cp. άησι, Skr. 
 vati, he bloios), *γνώντ: For examples of the shortening 
 of long vowels before a semivowel + consonant, see § 63. 
 
 § 71. Long vowels were shortened before long vowels 
 especially in Attic and Ionic and partly also in Doric. 
 
§§ 72-3] Assimilation of Vozvcls 41 
 
 There was also a tendency to shorten them before short 
 vowels in Ionic and Doric, but the exact conditions under 
 which the shortening took place are difficult to determine, 
 see Brugmann, Gricch. Grammatik, pp. 56-7. Examples 
 are : — eouy, Horn, ^ώ? ; Lesb. avoa^i from *αΐ'σω9, cp. Lat. 
 aurora; Qka, Dor. Baa; Att. v^mv, Hom. vr]5iv, Skr. 
 navam; Att. βασιΚίων, Hom. βασιλήωι/ from -r/f ωΐ'. Ion. 
 Dor. βασιλ^ο^ beside Hom. βασιλήο^. 
 
 § 72. The combinations ηο, ηά became etw, €d in prim. 
 Attic and Ionic, but in later Ionic the law was greatly 
 obscured by various new formations due to analogy and 
 by dialectal differences within Ionic itself, as gen. Att. 
 ί'βώ?, Hom. νηό?, Skr. navah ; βασιλίως, Hom. -fjo?, 
 Cyprian -fjfoi ; πόλεως, Hom. πόληος ; nom. λβώ?, ueco^, 
 Hom. λαό?, Dor. ναός ; ace. βασιλέα, Hom. βασιλήα. 
 Hom. στξωμζΐ/, reco? beside στήομ^ν, τήο^. 
 
 Assimilation of Vowels. 
 
 § 73. The vowel in an originally unaccented syllable was 
 often assimilated either partially or entirely in quality to 
 the vowel of the following syllable. The examples occur 
 mostly on inscriptions in the various dialects, and show 
 how valuable inscriptional forms are for philological pur- 
 poses as compared with the forms in ordinary literature. 
 
 α to € before a following e, as Att. ΐρ^τή beside άρ€τή ; 
 eyxeXfoy from *άγχ€λι;09, cp. Lat. anguilla ; Boeot. rpe- 
 neSSa, cp. Att. τράπεζα. 
 
 α to e before a following and ω. This assimilation of 
 α to e probably took place in prim. Greek, but owing to 
 levelling the α was mostly restored again, cp. ηβ^οα beside 
 ?7/3άω with α from ήβά^ις, &c., and conversely ^/Jeeiy, ήβ^€ί 
 with e from ήβ€ω, ηβίομξ,ν ; Hom. μ^νοίνίον : μ^νοιι/άα, 
 ομόκΧίον : όμόκλα, ovSeo^ : ονδας ; Herod, όρεω : όρά^ ; and 
 similarly on inscriptions of the Cretan, Elean and North- 
 Western dialects. 
 
42 Phonology Γ§§ 74-5 
 
 α to ο before a following and ω, as δοχμό^ from 
 *δαχμ6ς ; κογωνη from *κα\ύύνη ; όμόργι^ϋμι, cp. άμίργω ; 
 Att. 6ρρω8ύν beside Ion. άρρωδ^ΐν ; σορωνίς beside σαρω• 
 viSiS ; σοφός beside σάψα ; Arcad. ^κοτόν from εκατόν. 
 
 e to α before a following a, as late Att. λακάνη = \ζκάνη ; 
 Att. ϋάρατΓίς beside Sepanii ; Corinth. Γακάβά, Att. 
 'Εκάβη; Heracl. gen. χαράδ^ος, cp. Hom. nom. χ^ραδος ; 
 Arcad. Μαλαγκόμΰ? beside Μ^λαγκόμά? ; ψακά? beside 
 
 e to ο before a following ο and ω, as όβολό?, οροβοί = 
 όββλός, *'ίροβθγ ; 'Ορχομενός beside Έργομ^νός ; Τορώνη, 
 Τροφώνιος beside Τορώνη, ΤρβφώνιΟΫ. 
 
 e to ο before a following ν, as γόργυρα from *γίργνρα ; 
 κρόμυον beside κρ^μυον (Hesych.) ; opoyvLa, cp. όρΙγω; 
 οδύρομαι from ^ίδύρομαι ; Κόρκνρα beside Κίρκϋρα, 
 
 ο to a before a following a, as αστακό?, άσταφίς = οστά.• 
 κός, οσταφίς. 
 
 ι to y before a following υ, as Att. inscription ήμυσυς = 
 ήμισυς ; Kut'ii^ei'? beside Κινδυ^νς- 
 
 υ to ί before a following i, as βιβλίον from βυβλίον. 
 
 For a detailed treatment of vowel assimilation in Greek 
 see J. Schmidt, Kuhn's Zeitschrift, vol. xxxii, pp. 321-94. 
 
 § 74. The change of α to e after / and ν is also due to 
 partial assimilation in such double forms as Upos, σκάρος, 
 σί^Χον, y\rU6os, γλαρός, φιί,Χη, πιίζω, πύίλος, ν^λος, beside 
 ίαρός, πναλος, &c. 
 
 Epenthesis. 
 
 § 75. In the combinations a, o-\-vj, pj, fj the j palatalized 
 the preceding consonant and then disappeared. The 
 palatal element in the consonant then combined with the 
 preceding vowel to form a diphthong, as βαίνω from *βαν/ω 
 older *βαμ]ω, Indg. "^gmjo, cp. Lat. venio, Goth, qima, 
 / come ; φαίνω from *φαν]ω ; fem. τίκταινα from *T€KTavja, 
 and similarly μέλαινα, τάλαινα, λίαινα; Att. ay κοινά from 
 
§§ 76-81 Prothes'is 43 
 
 *ayKovja. σπαίρω from *σπαρ/ω, Indg. *sprjO ; θαιρός from 
 *efapj09, Indg. *dhwrjos, hinge of a door; μοίρα from 
 *μορ]α, cp. μόρο^, δαίω from *8aLf(u older *8aFJa>, and 
 similarly καΓω, κλαίω. See § 129, 3. 
 
 § 76. The combinations aaj, oaj, (aj, υσ/' became ai, 01, 
 ei, VI (through the intermediate stage ahj, &c.), and then 
 the second element of the diphthong partly disappeared in 
 Attic and Ionic before a following 0, as Hom. λιλαίομαι 
 from *λίλασ/ομαι ; ι/αίω from *ι^ασ/ω, cp. aor. νάσ-σαι ; 
 Hom. τοΐο, Skr. tdsya; Hom. ^μ^ΐο, from *e/ze(r/"o ; opt. 
 ^Ίην from *ΐσ/ηι^, Skr. syam; Hom. τ^λύω, ηλίω, Att. 
 reXa, from *Τ€λ6σ/ω ; αλήθεια from *άλάθβσ/α, cp. αληθής, 
 •ey ; pf. part. fem. Hom. ίίυΓα from *fi8vaja = Skr. vidusi. 
 See § 129, 9. 
 
 Prothesis. 
 
 § 77. It used to be assumed that prothesis took place in 
 Greek before an initial liquid, nasal or f + vowel, but most 
 scholars are now generally agreed that a prothetic vowel 
 was only developed in the initial combination Indg. r + 
 vowel, as epe/3oy, Skr. rajah, Goth, riqis, darkness; ερυθρός, 
 Skr. rudhirdh, Lat. ruber, OE. read, 7-ed ; opky(u beside 
 Lat. rego. Even in these examples it is not improbable 
 that the initial vowel represents a phase of ablaut which 
 has not been preserved in these and similar words in the 
 other Indg. languages. Forms like αλείφω beside λίπος ; 
 άλινω beside Lat. lino ; άμ€λγω beside Lat. mulgeo ; άνήρ 
 beside Skr. nar-, man ; όνομα beside Lat. n5men ; ά{ρ)ησι 
 beside Skr. vati, he blotcs ; Hom. €{ρ)ίρση beside ίρση ; 
 which were formerly regarded as containing a prothetic 
 vowel, represent a different grade of ablaut. 
 
 A-NAPTYXIS. 
 
 § 78. By anaptyxis is meant the development of a vowel 
 between a liquid or nasal + a preceding or following con- 
 sonant. Vowels of this kind are found in the old and 
 
44 Phonology [§ 79 
 
 modern periods of most of the Indg. languages. No sure 
 examples occur in classical Greek, but they are not alto- 
 gether uncommon on inscriptions, &c,, as Attic (Vase) 
 Έρημης, Τίροπων for Έρμη?, Τίρπων ; βαράγχο? (Hip- 
 ponax) for βράγχοΫ, ropovos (quoted by Hesychius for 
 Tarentum) beside ropvos, σκόροδορ beside σκόρΒον. Cp. 
 Lat. pocolum, poculum beside p5clum, French canif 
 beside English knife, mod. northern dial, starak, stak 
 beside Old English styric, styrc, calf; filam, marabl 
 beside standard English film, marble. 
 
 Vowel-contraction. 
 
 § 79. In treating of vowel-contraction it is necessary to 
 distinguish three periods : (i) contractions which took place 
 already in the Indg. parent language, (2) those which took 
 place in primitive Greek, and were accordingly common to 
 all the Greek dialects, and (3) those which took place in the 
 individual dialects. 
 
 To treat in detail the question of vowel-contraction in the 
 first period would be beyond the plan and scope of this 
 grammar, because the resultant long vowels or diphthongs 
 were not merely common to Greek, but to all the Indg. 
 languages. It will therefore be sufficient to give here only 
 a few examples of such contractions : — 
 
 e 4- e > e, as ηα, Skr. asam, from *esm, older *e 
 (augment) + esm, / was. 
 
 ο + a > δ in the dat. sing, of o-stems, as θ^ω from 
 *dhweso + ai, cp. the original ending preserved in infini- 
 tives like ιδμ^ραί, Skr. vidmane, to know ; Att. δούναι, 
 Cypr. δof€uaί, Skr. davane, to give. 
 
 ο + e > δ in the nom. pi. of o-stems, as Skr. vrkah, 
 Goth, wulfos, from *λν1ςδ8, older *wlqo + es, wolves, cp. 
 
 a + e > a in the nom. pi. of a-stems, as Skr. vrkah, 
 she-wolves, from *wlqa + es. 
 
§ 8ol Voivel-coniradion 45 
 
 a + a > a in the dat. sing, of a-stems, as θ^α, cp. Goth. 
 gihki, for a gift, Indg. -a + ai. 
 
 Most of the contractions were due to the loss of inter- 
 vocaHc s (through the intermediate stage h) and j in primi- 
 tive Greek. After the loss of these consonants the com- 
 binations a, e, ο -f 1 or ύ were contracted in certain cases 
 in the prehistoric period of all the dialects. The loss of 
 intervocalic f took place at a much later period and 
 accordingly belongs to the history of the separate dialects 
 (§ 122). But the great majority of vowel-contractions took 
 place after primitive Greek became differentiated into the 
 various separate dialects. Vowels were contracted in Attic 
 more extensively than in any of the other dialects, although 
 even in this dialect there were certain combinations which 
 did not undergo contraction in all cases : — 
 
 (i) The combinations eo, βω, ea, where an intervocalic 
 s or j had disappeared, remained in dissyllables, but under- 
 went contraction in words of more than two syllables, as 
 060y from *ef€ao9, but Θονφίλος, Θούψραστο^ ; ξίω from 
 *^ίσω, but ξονμ€Ρ, ξοΰσι ; 'iap from *fiaap, but gen. ηρος 
 from *fiaapo9 ; Sios from *8fijos ; ίΐω from *8€]ω, I bind, 
 but Βοϋμ^ν, δονσι. But when the same combinations arose 
 after the loss of f they remained uncontracted in older 
 Attic even in words of more than two syllables, as ui{f)o9, 
 ν€{ρ)ο\μ6^, gen. r]8k[f)o^, πλί[ρ)ομζν ; etwy, Hom. ηο^, Dor. 
 as, from *afos, until; βασιλύω^, Hom. -ήος, Cypr. -fjFos; 
 T]8k{f)o!iv•, Kpe{f)a9, kvvi{f)a, ue{f)ap6i, r]8e{f)a. In like 
 manner the combinations ατ?, eof, oa remained uncontracted 
 after the loss of f, as ά{ρ)η8ών, y^6{f)avos, χο[ρ)άνη, gen. 
 IlepiKXiovs, from *-K\ifeaos. 
 
 (2) The combinations eα,€ωwere contracted when preceded 
 by t, but remained in other cases, as ace. άλίά, aXids, beside 
 βασιλία, -eay ; gen. άλίά?, άλίων, beside βασιλέως, -ίων. 
 
 § 80. Below is given a classification of the contractions 
 arranged according to the nature of the first vowel. 
 
46 Phonology [§ 80 
 
 a^- a > α in all the dialects, as Horn. Ion. άτη from *άράτα ; 
 
 Horn. 8ίπΰ from *8ίπασα; τάλλα = τα άλλα. 
 α + € > ά in Att. Ion., but η in Dor., as άκων from ά^κων ; 
 
 άρω from ά€/3ώ ; Att. Ion. τϊμάτ(, Dor. τϊμήτβ from 
 
 τϊμά€Τ€ ; Dor. ορτ; from o/oae. 
 a-fi >αί, as παΐς from *naFi9 ; αισθάνομαι from *afi- 
 
 σθάνομαι ; yipai from ykpai. 
 a-\-o> ω in Att. Ion., but α in Dor. Aeol. and Elean, as 
 
 άγήρω^, Horn, άγήραος ; ορώ from όράω ; τίμωμ^ν 
 
 from τϊμάομ^ν ; Dor. (Theocritus) kna^d from -ao ; 
 
 Boeot. (fivaavres from -aoj^rey. 
 a + f > au, as δαυλός from *5ασυλο?, Indg. *dnsulos. 
 α + ά > ά in all the dialects, as β^βασι, Ίστάσι, from 
 
 -αάσί. 
 α + 77 > α in Att. Ion., but η in Dor. Locr., as subj. τιμάτε, 
 
 Dor. τϊμητ€, from τΐμάητ€ ; Ion. αίτ/? from άηδή^. 
 α + τ; > α, as subj. Τί//α from τϊμάτ}. 
 α + ω > ω, as rt /ίώ from τιμάω. 
 α + €ί {= e) > α in Att., as φάν6γ, Ion. φαεινός, from *0α- 
 
 fiavo^ ; άράί from ae/pay. 
 α + 6ί (= prim. Gr. ei) > α in Att. Ion., but τ; in Dor., as 
 
 α5ω from *ά(^)6ί'5ω ; indie, τίμα from τιμάει ; Dor. όρτ; 
 
 from opaei. 
 a + oi > a>, as ω5^ from ά{ρ)οιδή ; τί//ω, τίμωμ^ν, from 
 
 τϊμάοι, τϊμάοιμ^ν. 
 α + ου > ω, as €τΐμώ, τϊμωσι, from ΐτΐμάον, τΐμάουσι. 
 € + α > τ;, as gen. ^poy from *fkaapo^•, γίνη from *yei'eaa. 
 e + e > ei (= long close e) in Att. Ion. and mild Dor., but η 
 
 in Aeolic and severe Dor., as φιλίΐ, severe Dor. φίλη, 
 
 from 0ί'λ€€ ; (ίχον, Lesb. severe Dor. ηχον, from 
 
 (Ε^χον ; TpeiY, Lesb. τρής, from *τρύ/€γ. 
 € + 1 > €1, as eZ from *6σί = Skr. dsi; 7ΓΟλ6/ from π6λ€ί; 
 
 yit'ei from ^yiveai. 
 e + o > ov (=5, later u) in Att., ω in Dor., and ev in Ion. 
 
 and Boeot., as Att. yipovs from *yep«ro9 ; δοϋμ^ν from 
 
§ Soi Virau'lcoutraciioii 47 
 
 *δί.]ομ^ν ; Θούφιλοί beside Θ^οϋ ; Dor. ΐμως from 
 
 €/i€oy ; βύχαριστώμξς from -ίομ^^ ; Ion. Boeot. βίλ^υς 
 
 from /StAeoy older *j8eAe^oy. 
 e + a > 677 > i; in Ion. (§ 51), as βορής, νη = βορίάς, via. 
 e + ££ > e?; > ?; in Ion., as dat. γβ^τ; = Att. yei^ea. 
 6 + 77 > T? in all the dialects, as φιλήτ^ from φιλίηη ; 
 
 Πβρικλης from -e?;?. 
 e + j; > 7;, as 0ίλ^ from φίλ^τ). 
 € + ω>ω in Att., as 0ίλώ, άλίώ?, beside Ion. φιλίω, 
 
 άλύως. 
 € + ai>7),a.s indie, mid. 0epi; from φίρ^(σ)αί = Skr. bhdrase. 
 € + €ί (= e, § 58) > €ί (= long close e), as κλ^ινό^ from 
 
 */ίλ€€ίί/09, older *K\if^avos. 
 e + ti (= prim. Gr. ei) > ei, as 0iAei~ from φιλ^ι. 
 ( + 01 > 01 in Att., as φίλοι, φιλοΐμ^ν, from φιλβοι, φι- 
 
 λύοιμβι/. 
 e + ου > ον, as φιλον, φιλονσι, from φιλίον, φιλίονσι. 
 ι + ι > ϊ, as Ji from Atfi, Att. -da' had its ι from the 
 
 genitive, 
 o + a >ω, as αιδώ from αίδόα, Indg. *aidosm; ωτα from 
 
 οατα; Δημωνα^ irova Δημό- + αναξ. 
 ο + e > ou in Att. Ion. mild Dor., but ω in severe Dor,, as 
 
 μισθοΰτ€, severe Dor. -are, from -oeTe ; λουτρόν from 
 
 λοίτρόν ; Att. eXarrofy, Ion. ζλάσσον^, Dor. €λασσα)ί, 
 
 from -oey, Indg. *-oses. 
 o-'rL> OL, as κοίλος from *KofiAo$• ; oly from *ofi? = Lat. 
 
 ovis, Skr. dvih. 
 + > Of in Att. Ion. and mild Dor., but ω in Aeol. and severe 
 
 Dor., as νους from i/ooy ; λύκου, Boeot. Lesb. severe Dor. 
 
 λνκω ; μισθονι/τ€9, severe Dor. -arrey, from -ooj/rey. 
 + η > ω, as 8ηλώτ€ from δηλόητί ; Ion. βωθίω = βοηθίω. 
 o + Tj > οι, as subj. δηλοΪ9, δηλοΐ, from -ότ;. 
 ο + ω > ω in all the dialects, as ίτ/λω from δηλόω, δηλώμ^ν 
 
 from δηλόωμ^ν. 
 ο + ω > ω in all the dialects, as άπλώ from άπλόω. 
 
48 Phonology [§ 80 
 
 o + ci (= long close e) > ov, as δηλονρ from δηλόβιι^, οίνους 
 
 from oluoet?. 
 o + €c (= prim. Gr. ei) > oi, as δηλοΐ from δηλόβι ; οΐγω 
 
 beside Lesb. inf. 6[ζίΎην. 
 ο + οί>οι, as 8ηλοΪ9, δηλοΐτξ, from βηλόοις, δηλ6οιτ€ ; 
 
 euroi from ^vvool. 
 ο + ου > ov, as νου from νόου, δηλονσι from δηλόουσι ; σονμαι 
 
 from σοονμαι, older *σορόομαι. 
 υ + y > ν, as Att. (inscription) a'y = ύύί•, 
 ά + α > ά, Att. Aay beside Hom. λάα? ; Dor. yd from *γαα. 
 ά + € >α in Dor. and Aeol., as Dor. olXlos, Lesb. olXlos 
 
 from aeXioy ; Dor. φωναντα from φωνα^ντα. 
 a + L > a, D, as parepos, pTJrcpoi from ράΐτβρο^, ρψτίρο^ ; 
 
 θντισκω from *θναίσκω ; γράδιον from γρά-ίδιορ. 
 ά + ο > ηο, βω (§ 72) in Att. Ion., but ά in Dor. and Aeol., 
 
 as Hom. ^0?, Att. ecoy. Dor. Boeot. ay, from Soy, until; 
 
 gen. Άτρβίδίω, Dor. •ά ; Dor. Lesb. ^νβργίτα from 
 
 -άο. See § 323. 
 α + α > ά in all the dialects, as Αθηνά from -αά ; gen. Dor. 
 
 yay from -aay, cp. § 323. 
 α + α > a, as dat. Dor. γα from *γάα. 
 α + ω > α in Dor. and Aeol., gen. pi. τάν, Att. των, from 
 
 ταωι/, older *τάσων = Skr. tasam. 
 η + € > η in all the dialects, as βασιλήζ from -rjFe?; Ion. 
 
 ace. τΐμηντα from τϊμή^ντα. 
 ί; + τ; > ?; in all the dialects, as Att. subj. ζήτ€, φανητβ, from 
 
 *ζήητ€, *φανήητ€. 
 V + V > ν ^^ all the dialects, as Att. subj. ζί} from *^J7i7. 
 η + et {= long close e) > τ^ in Att. Ion. and mild Dor., as 
 
 Ion. nom. τϊμή^ from τϊμή^ί^. 
 η + (ΐ (=prim. Gr. ei) > τ; in all the dialects, as Att. ζτ} 
 
 from *ζή€ΐ ; ^δη from *ήρ(ίδη. 
 ω+α> ω in Att. Lesb., but ά in Dor. and Boeot., as Att. 
 
 Lesb. πρώτος, Dor. Boeot. ττράτο^, from *TTp(iifaTo^ ; 
 
 ■ηρω from ήρωα ; ώι^α^ = ώ άνα^. 
 
§§ 8r-2l Ablaut 49 
 
 0) + e > ω, as ήρω^ from ήρω^ί ; Att. ρίγώτβ from -ώ^τε. 
 
 ω+< > ω, as ^ρω from ηρωί. 
 
 ω + ο > ω in all the dialects, as σω? from σώο?; plycovre^ 
 
 from -cooi/re?. 
 ω+ r; > ω, as subj. ρίγωτ^ from -ώητ€. 
 ω + η > ω, as subj. /aiyo) from -ώ?;. 
 ω + ω > ω in all the dialects, as ρϊγώ from ρΐγώω; subj. 
 
 άΧώμξρ from άΧώωμ^ν. 
 ω+6ί ί= prim. Gr. 6ί) > ω, as /ίίγω from ρίγώ^ι. 
 ω + 01 > ω, as ρίγω^ν from *-ώοί€ί/. 
 ω + Of > ω, as ρίγωσα from -ώουσα. 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 ABLAUT 
 
 § 81. Up to this point we have treated the Indg. vowels 
 and their equivalents in the more important languages 
 without any reference to the manner in which these vowels 
 stand to each other in any one language. It now remains 
 to illustrate and formulate the manner in which they stand 
 to each other, or in other words to discuss the phenomenon 
 of what is called ablaut or vowel gradation. And for this 
 purpose we shall confine our examples almost entirely to 
 Greek, partly because it is the language which concerns us 
 most intimately in this book and partly because, having 
 preserved the Indg. vowels more faithfully than any other 
 language, it is best fitted to illustrate the various phenomena 
 of ablaut. 
 
 § 82. By ablaut or vowel gradation is meant -such 
 quantitative, qualitative and accentual differences in the 
 vocalic elements of groups of etymologically and morpho- 
 logically related words as were caused by sound-laws 
 which operated in the prim. Indg. language before it 
 Ε 
 
50 Phonology [§ 83 
 
 became differentiated into the separate languages. Such 
 are e.g. the differences in the root-syllables of λείπω: 
 λύλοιπα : eXinov, 7Γ€Τομαι : ποτίομαι : ^πτόμην, φίρω : 
 φόρος : φώρ : φαρέτρα : δί-φρος, Lat. pedem : ττόδα : Lat. 
 pes : Dor. ττώ? : έπί-βδαι. άγω : ογμος. βήγνϋμι : 'ίρ• 
 ρώγα : ραγήναι. δί-δω-μι : Lat. datus ; Skr. da-d-mdh, we 
 give. Dor. φάμί : φωνή : φαμίν. Examples in other than 
 root-syllables are λύκ€ : λνκον : Goth. wulf5s, wolves, 
 φ€ρζΤ€ : Dor. φίροντι, ποιμίρα : δαίμονα : ποιμήν : δαίμων : 
 τΓοίμνη, πατίρες : ίύ-πάτορ^ς : πατήρ : ζύ-πάτωρ : πατρός, 
 δνσμ^νίς : δυσμενής, πόλις : πόλεις from *πολββς, δοτήρ : 
 δώτωρ. 
 
 § 83. According as the vowels which stand in ablaut 
 relation to each other differ in quality or in quantity only, 
 or both in quality and quantity, we have what is called 
 qualitative, quantitative or qualitative-quantitative ablaut. 
 
 Qualitative ablaut only occurs in syllables which have 
 the strong grade of ablaut and is for the most part confined 
 to the interchange of e : ο and of e : δ in the e-series of 
 ablaut (§ 96), as φ^ρω : φόρος, λίίπω : λύλοιπα, πατήρ : 
 ev -πάτωρ. άγω : ογμος. ρήγνϋμι : 'ip -ρωγα. Dor. φαμί : 
 φωνή. It is most difficult to account for this phase of 
 ablaut. The interchange between e and ο and between e 
 and 5 seems to have been so regulated that e originally 
 stood in the chief-accented syllable and ο in the next 
 following syllable, as in φρίν^ς, φρήν : άφρονας, άφρων ; 
 πατύρ€ς, πατήρ : ^ν-πάτορ^ς, €ν•πάτωρ. 
 
 Quantitative and qualitative-quantitative ablaut mostly 
 arose through the loss or weakening of vowels in un- 
 accented syllables, as ΐ-μ^ν : π-μι = Skr. i-mdh : e^mi, 
 λιπ^ΐν : Χύπω, φνγβΐν : φ^ύγω, '4δρακον : δίρκομαί, πτίσθαι : 
 πύτομαι, πατρός : πατίρα, μίμνω : μίνω. Lat. datus : δί• 
 δω-μί = Indg. θ : 5. ϊσταμ^ν : Dor. ΐσταμι = Indg. a : a. 
 The stress accent must have been more predominant than 
 the pitch accent at the time quantitative ablaut came into 
 
§§84-5] Ablaut 51 
 
 existence, because it is only upon this assumption that we 
 are able to account for the weakening and eventual loss of 
 vowels in unaccented syllables. See § 28. 
 
 § 84. Scholars are now generally agreed that the factors 
 which brought about the phenomenon called ablaut were ot 
 various kinds. Although the prime factor was doubtless 
 the system of accentuation which prevailed at different 
 periods in the parent Indg. language, there were also 
 several other factors more or less connected with accent, 
 such as vowel-contraction, lengthening of vowels by com- 
 pensation for the loss of a vowel in the next syllable, 
 rhythmical lengthening (see Wackernagel, Das Dehniings- 
 gesetz der gricch. Composita), numerous analogical forma- 
 tions, the mixing up of the various ablaut-series through 
 the influence of analogy, &c. And as all these vowel- 
 changes and probably many others connected with ablaut 
 took place long before the separate languages came into 
 existence, it is practically impossible to determine their 
 chronological order or to be certain about the precise 
 nature of some of the vowel-changes. In the following 
 account of ablaut certain more or less problematical details 
 have been omitted as being beyond the scope of this book. 
 The student who wishes to pursue the subject in greater 
 detail should consult Brugmann's Grundnss, vol. i, second 
 ed., pp. 482-505, and Kurzc vergleichende Grammatik, 
 pp. 138-50 ; Hirt's Der indogcrmanische Ablaut and the 
 excellent epitome in his Handbuch der griech. Laut- und 
 Formenlehre, pp. 84-105. 
 
 § 85. From the examples given above (§§ 82-3) it will be 
 seen that ablaut is not confined to what is generally called 
 root-syllables but that it also occurs equally in other 
 syllables. For practical purposes it is convenient to divide 
 words into root-bases and suffix-bases, as in φίρξ-τρο•ν : 
 Skr. bhari'tra-m, arm, πα•τίρ•α : ev -πά-τορ-α : πα-τήρ: 
 ev -πά-τωρ : πα-τρ-ό?, Dor. φίρο-μβς : Lat. feri-mus (older 
 
 Ε 2 
 
52 Phonology [§ 86 
 
 •mos), OHG. bera-mes. In the following paragraphs we 
 shall call root-bases simply bases or ablaut-bases, and 
 suffix-bases simply suffixes. Bases or ablaut-bases are 
 mostly monosyllabic or dissyllabic. The monosyllabic 
 bases are called heavy or light according as they contain 
 a long or a short vowel, as *dhe•, *άο•, *bha• in τί-θη-μι, 
 δί•δω•μι, Dor. φά-μί ; *es•, *ei• in ίσ-τι, Η-μι. The dis- 
 syllabic bases are called heavy when the first syllable 
 contains a short vowel and the second syllable a long vowel, 
 and light when both syllables contain a short vowel, as 
 *pele•, fill, *gen6•, know, *peta•, y7>', see § 458; *leiqe•, 
 leave, in XciVe-re : λιττΰν. The bases underwent numerous 
 vowel-changes owing to the operation of various sound-laws 
 which took place in the prim. Indg. period. The more 
 important of these changes were : — 
 
 I, The Weakening or Loss of Vowels. 
 
 § 86. Vowels were weakened or disappeared in syllables 
 which did not have the chief accent of the word. Such 
 syllables are said to have the weak grade of ablaut. The 
 weak grade is subdivided into weak grade i (wg. i) and 
 weak grade 2 (wg. 2) according as the syllable in which it 
 occurs originally had the secondary accent or was unac- 
 cented. In the former case short vowels merely became 
 reduced in quality (generally written e, o, a) and long 
 vowels became reduced in quality and quantity (generally 
 written Θ, § 49), whereas in the latter case both short and 
 long vowels disappeared through the intermediate stage 
 of reduced vowels. At a later period in the parent Indg. 
 language the reduced short vowels e, o, a regained their 
 full quality again and thus fell together with the original 
 strong grade vowels e, o, a. When the vowel e entirely 
 disappeared in diphthongs (ei, eu, em, en, el, er) the 
 second element of the diphthong became vocalic or re- 
 
§§ «7-9] Weakeuhig or Loss of Voivels 53 
 
 inained consonantal according as it was followed by a con- 
 sonant or a vowel in the next syllable. 
 
 § 87. Long vowels were reduced to a (= Aryan i but a in 
 the other languges) or disappeared in the heavy ablaut- 
 series (§ 49), as ^ero? for *θατό^ (§ 49, note), Skr. hitdh, 
 Indg. *dhatos : τί-θη-μι, Xayapos : Aiyycu, payrjvai : ρή- 
 •γνΰμι ; 8οτ6^ for *δατ6ς (§ 49, note), Lat. datus, Skr. ά -dita 
 = ί-δοτο : δί-δω-μι, Lat. d5ntim ; στατό'ί, Skr. sthitah, 
 Lat. status, Indg. '^states : Dor. ΐστα-μι, Lat. stare, φαμίν : 
 Dor. ψαμί, Skr. bhavi-tum, Indg. *bhew3-tum, to be : base 
 *bhewa•. Skr. pi. da-dh-mah : sing, da-dha-mi, τί-θψμι, 
 pi. da-d-mdh : sing, da-da-mi, δί-δω-μι, deva-ttah, given by 
 (he gods, with -ttah from older *-d-tos beside Lat. datus, 
 φνσΐί beside €-ψϋ from *e-bhw9t : base *bhewa•. 
 
 § 88. The first element of the long diphthongs ei, 5i, ai, 
 eu, 5u, au was reduced to 9. The 9i, 9u then became 
 contracted to i, ΰ before a following consonant already in 
 the prim. Indg. period. But as the second element of long 
 diphthongs often disappeared in the parent language (§ 63) 
 we thus have the ablaut relation i : e, o, a and ΰ : e, 5, a in 
 the earliest historic period of all the languages, as Skr. 
 dhitdh, pp., sucked, Lat. filius : θήσατο, he sucked, Lat. 
 felare, σκίπων : σκηπτρον, ττΐθι : πώμα beside Skr. pay- 
 ayati, he gives to drink : inf. patum, ίο drink ; Skr. mulam, 
 root : μώλυ, Skr. ildhar, udder : ονθαρ from ''ωυθαρ (§ 70), 
 μνμαρ : μώμαρ, Skr. miirah, duU, stupid : μώρος, Lat. 
 m5rus. When i and ύ became unaccented they were 
 shortened to i and u, as 6βριμογ : βρίθω, evpi -σκω : (ύρή-σω, 
 χάρι-^ : χαρή -uai, άλί-σκομαι : άλώ-ναι, Lat. di-rutus : ρντό?, 
 πλυσις : ττλωτόί. 
 
 § 89. In the light ablaut-series the short vowels e, o, a 
 were reduced to voiceless (?) e, o, a or disappeared ^through 
 the intermediate stage of e, o, a. At a later period in the 
 parent Indg. language the reduced vowels regained their 
 full quality again and thus fell together with the original 
 
54 Phonology [§ 90 
 
 strong grade vowels e, o, a, as ττ^πτό^, Indg. *peqtos, 
 gen. sing. Lat. pedis, Skr. padah, Indg. *pedes ; οπτίον 
 from *oq• : οψομαι ; -ακτό^, Indg. *aktos : άγω. In 
 Greek there are no sure examples of the loss of o, a in the 
 light ablaut-series. It should also be noted that the above 
 ο is not the same as the ο which stands in ablaut relation 
 to e, as in φόρος : φίρω. Examples of the loss of e are 
 ΐπτόμην : ττ^τομαι, έσπίσθαι : έπομαι from ^σίττομαι, Skr. 
 pi. s-mdh : ds-mi, / am = Indg. *s-mes : *es-mi, ίπί-βδαι : 
 Lat. pedem, ί'^ω from *σί-σδ-ω : e5oy from *σ€δθ9, ΐσγω 
 from *σί-σχω : έ'χω from *σΙχω. 
 
 When the vowel e entirely disappeared in the diphthongs 
 ei, eu, em, en, el, er the second element of the diphthong 
 became vocalic or remained consonantal according as it was 
 followed by a consonant or a vowel in the next syllable, as 
 i'/zei/ : (Ίμι = Skr. imdh : emi, Xtneii/, 'iXtnov : λύπω ; 
 κ€χνταί : xe(f )ω, κλντός : κλί{ρ)θ9, φυγείν, ίφνγον : φζύγω ; 
 α-παξ : el? from *σ€μ9 ; άσμ^νος from *ησμ^νος : νίομαι, 
 'ίπαθορ : πί-πονθα, μαίνομαι from *μηρμαί : μί-μονα, μξ• 
 μαμ(ρ : μ^-μονα, φρασί -.φρβνός ; βκλάπην : κλέπτω; 'ίδρακον: 
 δίρκομαι, δ^δαρμένος : δέρω, πατράσι, Skr. pitrsu : πατέρα. 
 Skr. y-inti, they go : i-mah, we go = Indg. *j-enti : *i-mes ; 
 Hom. πξίρατα from *πeρf•aτa : πρυ-μνός ; γί-γνομαι : k- 
 yeveTO, μί-μνω : μένω, veo-yvoi : yeroy ; δί-φρος : φέρω, 
 πατρός : πατέρα. 
 
 § 90. The combinations em9, ena, el3, era had in heavy 
 bases (§ 97) a threefold development in prim. Greek. 
 They became (i) άμα, άνα, άλα, άρα when the first element 
 had the secondary accent, (2) μά, να, λα, pa (see § 68) when 
 the last element had the secondary accent and the first 
 element disappeared, and (3) μα, να, λα, pa when neither 
 the first nor the last element had the secondary accent ; 
 and (e)J9, (e)w3 became i, u, as έτάλασσα (Hesych.) : τλητός, 
 Lat. latus ; θάνατος : θνητός. Dor. θνατός ; κάρηνον from 
 *καρασνον : κράτος from * κρασάτος ; κάματος : κμητός. 
 
§§ 91-2] Lengthening of Vowels 55 
 
 Dor. κμάτόζ, ν€0•8ματο^ : δίμας ; γνητός, Lat. (g)natus ; 
 Dor. λάΐΌζ, Lat. lana. ί-τμα-γον : τίμαχος, τί-τμηκα ; re- 
 θναμ^ν : βάι^ατο?; τί•τλαθι : τ^λαμών, κα•χλάζω : Κ€-χλάδα ; 
 στρατός : Ι-στόρ^σα. ιτίά : base *weje• ; e-0u : Skr. inf. 
 bhavitum, /o Z>^, base *bhewa•. 
 
 2. The Lengthening of Vowels. 
 
 § 91. Several kinds of vowel lengthening took place in 
 the prim. Indg. period, as lengthening by compensation for 
 the loss of a syllable, contraction of vowels and rhythmical 
 lengthening. See Streitberg, Indogermanische Forschungen, 
 iii, pp. 305-416. 
 
 § 92. With quantitative ablaut is connected the prim. 
 Indg. lengthening of vowels by compensation for the loss 
 of a syllable. The vowels thus lengthened have what is 
 called the lengthened grade of ablaut (Ig.). The vowels in 
 nearly all the examples which have this lengthening belong 
 to the e-series of ablaut. And the lengthened vowels e, δ 
 are respectively called Ig. i and Ig. 2. 
 
 {a) A short accented vowel in an originally open syllable 
 became lengthened if the following syllable entirely dis- 
 appeared. This occurs especially in the nom. singular of 
 nouns, as Lat. pes. Dor. πώs'from prim. Indg. *pets, *pOts, 
 *p6des or -os, *podes or -os, beside ace. pedem, πό8α, 
 Indg. *pedm, *podm; πατήρ from prim. Indg. *p9tere 
 beside πατίρα, Indg. *p3term; and similarly θήρ : Lat. 
 ferus, κήρ : base *kered•, cp. καρδία, ποιμήν : ποιμένα, 
 φρήν : φρίνα, βλώψ : βλίπω, δαίμων : δαίμονα, Hom. 
 Ιδρώς : ίδρόα, κλώψ? : κλοπός, φώρ : φόρος, ωψ : οψομαι. 
 
 Note. — Also when a short vowel disappeared after a long 
 vowel, as in gen. θ€ας from an original form *dhwesaso : nom. 
 
 {b) The e was also lengthened in prim. Indg. in the 
 active singular of the s-aorist, as *leksm from older 
 
56 Phonology [§§ 93-5 
 
 *legesm, cp. Lat. lexi : pres. legit ; Lat. vexi, Skr. 
 a-vaksam : pres. vehit, vahati. The s-aorist in Greek 
 was a new formation with the vowel from the present, as 
 e-Ae|a, ^-λ^ιψα, but Skr. i-raiksam, see § 507. 
 
 § 93. Contraction of the augment with a following vowel, 
 as in rja (§ 79), Skr. asam, Indg. *esm from older *e-esm ; 
 ^a for *ηα, Skr. ayam, Indg. *ejm from older *e-ejin ; 
 ηγον, Dor, άγοί', Skr. ajam : pres. άγω, ajami. 
 
 The contraction of case-endings with the stem, as -as 
 from -a-es in the nom. plural of a-stems ; -oi from -o-ai in 
 the dat. singular of o>stems ; -os from -o-es in the nom. 
 plural of o-stems, see § 79. 
 
 § 94. Rhythmical lengthening in the first elements of 
 compounds and before suffixes so as to avoid a long suc- 
 cession of short vowels, as πρω-πίρυσί, '^ρωσννη : Up6^, 
 Hom. ίτίρωθι, βτίρωσ^, Ιτ^ρωθ^ν : erepos. 
 
 Ablaut-Series. 
 
 § 95. The vowels vary within certain series of related 
 vowels called ablaut-series. The parent Indg. language 
 had six such series, three light and three heavy, viz. 
 
 
 
 Sg. I. 
 
 Sg.2. 
 
 Ig.^i. 
 
 lg.2. 
 
 wg. 
 
 I. 
 
 e-series 
 
 e 
 
 
 
 e 
 
 
 
 e 
 
 II. 
 
 o-series 
 
 ό 
 
 
 
 ό 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 III. 
 
 a-series 
 
 ά 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 δ 
 
 a 
 
 IV. 
 
 e-series 
 
 έ 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 V. 
 
 5-series 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 VI. 
 
 a-series 
 
 a 
 
 δ 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 Strong grade i is taken as the normal grade in all the 
 series. The three light series have three grades, strong 
 grade, lengthened grade, and weak grade, whereas the 
 three heavy series have only the two grades, strong and 
 weak. The origin of the difference between the strong 
 and the weak grade and between the strong and the 
 
§ 96] Ablaut-Series 57 
 
 lengthened grade have already been explained in the pre- 
 ceding paragraphs. And some indication of the probable 
 origin of the difference between strong grade i and strong 
 grade 2 has been given in § 83, but much still remains 
 obscure about the origin of these qualitative differences. 
 
 The first ablaut-series is by far the most important. It 
 is found in many monosyllables and alwaj's in the first 
 syllable of dissyllabic heavy bases and in the second 
 syllable of dissyllabic light bases and nearly always in the 
 first syllable of dissyllabic light bases. And one or other 
 grade of this series occurs in nearly all suffixes. The 
 second and third series are exceedingly rare. Apart from 
 a few monosyllabic heavy bases the fourth, fifth, and sixth 
 series only occur in the second syllable of dissyllabic heavy 
 bases, and even here the number of examples is not very 
 great. The e in the fourth series often came to be re- 
 garded as a formative element in prim. Greek and was 
 then extended by analogy to bases to which it did not 
 originally belong, see §§ 458, 506. 
 
 § 96. Many examples of the various grades of ablaut 
 have been given in the preceding paragraphs. In this 
 and the following paragraph are given examples of the 
 various ablaut-series, and of their application to dissyllabic 
 light and heavy bases. 
 
 
 ΐ• 
 
 The 
 
 e-series. 
 
 
 
 Sg. I. 
 
 Sg. 2. 
 
 
 Ig.i. 
 
 lg.2. 
 
 wg. 2. 
 
 e 
 
 
 
 
 e 
 
 5 
 
 — 
 
 triSa 
 
 πόδα 
 
 
 Lat. pes 
 
 ττώ? 
 
 ϊττί-βδαί 
 
 πίιτομαί 
 (ίπομαι 
 
 ποτίομαί 
 
 
 
 πωτάομαι 
 
 Ιπτόμην 
 karriadai 
 
 Ιχω 
 
 λόγος 
 
 
 
 
 ΐσχω 
 
 Dor. φίρομ^ς Lat. feri-mus OHG. bera-mes 
 
58 
 
 Phonology 
 
 96 
 
 sg. I. 
 
 φ(ρ€-Τ€ 
 
 sg. 2. 
 Dor. φίρο• 
 ντί 
 
 
 Ig. Ι. 
 
 Ig. 2. 
 
 wg. 2. 
 
 λ€ίπω 
 
 λίλοιττα 
 
 Skr 
 
 . d-raiksam 
 
 Xnreiu 
 
 ΐΓίίθω 
 
 πίτΓοιθα 
 
 
 
 
 ττιθίσθαι 
 
 ίίδομαι 
 (Ίμι 
 
 ίλ€ν{θ)σομαι 
 
 πβνθομαι 
 
 φ€νγω 
 
 οίδα 
 
 po{F)a 
 ^Ιλήλονθα 
 
 
 
 
 ϊδμ^ν 
 
 ΐμ€ν 
 
 ρυτδί 
 
 ήλνθον 
 
 ττνστί? 
 
 ίφνγον 
 
 νίμω 
 €19 from 
 
 νόμο^ 
 όμοΰ 
 
 
 
 
 αμα, ά-τταξ 
 
 *sems 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 μίνοΫ 
 7Γ€νθος 
 
 μ^μονα 
 ττίπονθα 
 
 
 
 
 μί-μα-μ€ν 
 'ίπαθον 
 
 k-yivero 
 
 γίγονα 
 
 
 
 
 γί-γνο-μαί, 
 yi-ya^iv 
 
 μίνύύ 
 
 
 
 
 
 μίμνω 
 
 ποί-μίνα 
 
 φρί,να 
 
 κλίτΓτω 
 
 δαί-μονα 
 ev -φρονα 
 κίκλοφα 
 
 ποι- 
 φρτ, 
 
 μήι^ 
 
 δαί-μων 
 ίϋ-φρων 
 
 ΤΓοί-μνη 
 
 φρασί 
 
 €κλάπην 
 
 τρίπω 
 
 δίρκομαι 
 
 φίρω^ 
 
 τροπή 
 
 δίδορκα 
 
 φορίω 
 
 
 
 τρωπάω 
 φωρ ^ 
 
 Tpanuu 
 βδρακοί' 
 δί-φρος 
 
 πα -Tep-ey 
 
 €ν-πά-τορ-€ς 
 
 πα- 
 
 τήρ 
 
 ev -πά-τωρ 
 
 ττα-τρ-όί 
 
 II. The o-series. 
 
 sg. I. 
 
 sg. 2. 
 
 Ig. I. 
 
 Ig. 2. 
 
 wg. I. 
 
 ό 
 
 
 
 ό 
 
 δ 
 
 
 
 οψομαι 
 
 
 ώψ 
 
 
 όπτίοι^ 
 
 β6{ί)^? 
 
 
 βοΰί from 
 *βων9 
 
 
 
 wg. 2. 
 
 €κατ6μ-βη 
 
97] 
 
 Dissyllabic Bases 
 
 59 
 
 III. The a-series, 
 
 sg. I. sg. 2. Ig.^ I. Ig. 2. 
 
 4 ο a δ 
 
 αγω ογμο^ Lat. amb-ages αγωγή 
 
 IV. The e-series. 
 
 sg.^i. sg. 2. 
 
 e δ 
 
 τίθημι Θωμάς 
 
 Skr. d4-dha-mi 
 
 i ρ- ρώγα 
 
 ρηγνυμι 
 
 Χήγω 
 
 ημα 
 
 wg. I. 
 
 3 
 
 ^eroy for *0aroy 
 hitah 
 ραγήΐ'αι 
 λαγαρόξ 
 έτόζ for *άτός 
 
 Wg. I. wg. 2. 
 
 a 
 -a/CToy 
 
 wg. 2. 
 
 da-dh-mdh 
 
 άφ-ί-ω-κα 
 
 V. The o-series, 
 
 wg. 2. 
 
 δίδωμί 
 
 Lat. donum, δωρον 
 
 sg. I. 
 
 sg. 2. wg. I. 
 
 δ 3 — 
 
 ^oro? for *δατό? Skr. da-d-mah 
 Lat. datus, δάνος 
 
 VI. The a-series. 
 
 Sg^2. 
 
 ό 
 
 Dor. φάμί 
 Dor. ϊστάμι 
 Dor. t -πτα^α 
 Dor, τά<ω 
 
 πτωχό? 
 
 wg. I. 
 9 
 φαμ^ν 
 
 'ίσταμ^ν, στατό<ί 
 •■πτακων 
 τακβρός 
 
 wg. 2. 
 
 Dissyllabic Bases. 
 
 § 97. In the parent Indg. language either the first or 
 the second syllable of dissyllabic bases always contained the 
 weak grade of ablaut. Both syllables could have the weak, 
 but not the strong grade. From this it follows that forms 
 
6ο Phonology [§ 97 
 
 of the type ^epe, φίρ€•τ€, Dor. φίρο-μ€9, and -γί-γνο-μαι 
 cannot be original. The prim. Indg. forms corresponding 
 to the former were *bher, *bhr.t(h)e, *bhr.mes = prim. 
 Gr. *0ep, *φρατζ, *φραμζ9, and to the latter *gi-gna-mai = 
 prim, Gr. ^yL-yva -μαι. φ^ρ^, φβρξ-τζ, φ^ρο-μζ^, γί•γρο•μαι 
 and similar forms contained the thematic vowels, e, o. See 
 §§ 450, 456. And in like manner forms of the type yeroy 
 (stem yej^ey-, Skr, jdnas•, Lat. gener•), φόρο -s, &c. were 
 new formations which came into existence long after the 
 factors which caused the phenomenon of ablaut had 
 ceased to operate. Such new formations took place partly 
 in the parent Indg. language itself and partly in the pre- 
 historic period of the separate languages. 
 
 In the following examples of dissyllabic bases the grade 
 of ablaut before the + refers to the first syllable of the 
 base and the one after the + to the second syllable. 
 
 {a) Dissyllabic light bases : — sg. i + wg. 2 Lith. lek-mi, 
 / leave, sg. 2 + wg. 2 Xi-XoLir-a, Ig. i + wg. 2 Skr. a-raiks- 
 am (§ 507), wg. 2 + sg. i e-Xi7re-y, wg. 2 + sg. 2 €-λιπο•ρ : 
 *leiq(e)•, *liq-e•. sg. i + wg. 2 φίρ-τρον, φβρτ€, Lat. fer-tis, 
 Ig. 2 + wg. 2 φώρ (§ 92 (a)), wg. 2 + sg. 2 δί-φρο-9: base 
 *bhere•. sg. i+wg. 2 Lat. genu, sg. 24-wg. 2 γόι^ν, 
 wg. 2 + sg. I Goth, kniu, Ig. 2 + wg. 2 γων-ίά, wg. 2 + vvg. 2 
 Skr. abhi-jnu, down to the knee, yvv^ : base *geneu•. 
 sg. I + wg. 2 SeKa-T09, wg. 2 + sg. 2 -/coi/Ta = Indg. *-dkomta, 
 wg. 2 + wg. 2 ^ί-Ατατί = Indg. *-dkmti : base *dekemt-. 
 sg. i+wg. 2 αν^ω, Lat. augere, wg. 2 + sg. i Lat. vegeo, 
 wg. 2 + lg. 2 OE. w5cor, progeny, usury, wg. 2 + sg. 2 
 Goth, wahsjan, to grow, wg. 2 + wg. 2 Skr. ugrdh, mighty : 
 base *aweg•, increase, wg. 2 + sg. i eap from *wesr, 
 wg. 2 + lg. I Lat. ver from *wesr•, Ig. i + wg. 2 ηώς from 
 *aus5s, wg. 2 + wg. 2 Skr. usas-, daivn : base *awes•, 
 shine, flasJi up. 
 
 (b) Dissyllabic heavy bases. The long vowel (e, 5, a) 
 in the second syllable of these bases was weakened to 3 
 
§ 97] Dissyllabic Bases 61 
 
 when the accent was on the first syllable (§ 458). When 
 the accent was on the second syllable the long vowel was 
 preserved and the short vowel of the first syllable dis- 
 appeared, as *tem9•, *gen9-, *pet9• beside *tme-, *gno•, 
 *pta•. It is therefore impossible to determine to which of 
 the long vowels the θ goes back unless forms have been 
 preserved in which the second syllable of the base origin- 
 ally had the accent. The same difficulty also exists with 
 the prim. Indg. combinations em9, ena, el9, era, which 
 became in prim. Greek μα, να, λα, pa when the last element 
 of the combination had the secondary accent (§ 90). They 
 thus fell together with the base forms of the type *pta• with 
 long a. Examples are— sg. i +wg. i τ€μα•χο^, wg. 2 + sg. i 
 τ€-τμη-κα : base *teme•, cut. sg. i + wg. i Skr. veman- 
 from *vayiman•, loom, sg. 2 + wg. 2 {f)oTaos, wg. 2 + sg. i 
 Lat. viere, wg. 2 + wg. i Iria, Lat. vitis, wg. 2 + wg. 2 ϊτυς : 
 base *weje; plait, wind. sg. i + wg. i Skr. jani-t5h, ίο beget, 
 γ€νί•σΐ9 for *y€va-aLS, wg. 2 + sg. i "γνωτό^, Ί-γνων, Lat. 
 (g)n5tus, OE. cnawan (*gne•), to know, wg. 2 + wg. i Skr. 
 jd-jnih, germinating : base *geno•, *gene•, gignere. sg. i + 
 wg. I πίτα-μαί, sg. 2 + wg. i ποτά-ομαί, Ig. 2 + wg. i ττωτά- 
 ομαι, wg. 2 + sg. i πτη-ναι : base *peta•, spread out, fly. 
 sg. i+wg. I Skr. bhavi-tum from *bhewi•tum, to be, 
 wg. 2 + sg. I Lat. -bam from *-bhwam, wg. 2 + wg. i e-0u 
 from *e-bhw9t, wg. 2 + wg. 2 φύ-σις : base *bhewa•, be. 
 sg. i+wg. I κξρα-σαι, wg. 2 + sg. i κί-κρα-μαι : base 
 *kera•, mix. sg. i+wg. i τ^Χα-μών, wg. i+wg. i e -τάλα- 
 σσα (Hesych.), wg. 2 + sg. i τλητός, Dor. τλατο?, Lat. 
 latus : base *tela•, bear, endure. 
 
62 Phonology [§ 98 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 THE PRIMITIVE INDO-GERMANIC 
 CONSONANTS 
 
 § 98. The Indo-Germanic parent language had the 
 
 following system of consonants :— 
 
 
 
 Labial. 
 
 Dental. 
 
 Palatal. 
 
 Velar. 
 
 S 1 tenues ρ 
 
 t 
 
 k 
 
 q. q^'' 
 
 'co J mediae b 
 
 d 
 
 g 
 
 9' 9" 
 
 ■^ tenues aspiratae ph 
 
 th 
 
 kh 
 
 qh, q^^h 
 
 ^ I mediae aspiratae bh 
 
 dh 
 
 gh 
 
 gh.gwh 
 
 -^ . , voiceless 
 spirants \ ^^.^^^ 
 
 s 
 
 ζ 
 
 ?j 
 
 
 Nasals m 
 
 η 
 
 η 
 
 Γ) 
 
 Liquids 
 
 1, Γ 
 
 
 
 Semivoiuels w (u) 
 
 
 j(i) 
 
 
 Note. — i. Explosives are consonants which are formed with 
 complete closure of the mouth passage, and may be pronounced 
 with or without voice, i. e. with or without the vocal cords 
 being set in action ; in the former case they are said to be 
 voiced (e. g. the mediae), and in the latter voiceless (e. g. the 
 tenues). The aspirates are pronounced like the simple tenues 
 and mediae followed by an h, like the Anglo-Irish pronuncia- 
 tion of t in tell. 
 
 The palatal explosives are formed by the front or middle of 
 the tongue and the roof of the mouth (hard palate), like g, k (c) 
 in English get, good, kid, could ; whereas the velars are 
 formed by the root of the tongue and the soft palate (velum). 
 The latter do not occur in English, but are common in Hebrew, 
 and are often heard in the Swiss pronunciation of German. In 
 the parent Indo-Germanic language there were two kinds of 
 velars, viz. pure velars and velars with lip rounding. The 
 latter are here indicated by w. The palatal and velar nasals 
 
§ 98] Primitive Indo-Gernianic Consonants 63 
 
 only occurred before their corresponding explosives, nk, ng ; 
 ijq, qg, &c. 
 
 2. Spirants are consonants formed by the mouth passage 
 being narrowed at one spot in such a manner that the outgoing 
 breath gives rise to a frictional sound at the narrowed part. 
 
 ζ only occurred before voiced explosives, e. g. *nizdos = Lat. 
 nidus, English nest ; *ozdos = Gr. 6ζο<;, Goth, asts, botigh. 
 
 3. The nasals and liquids had the functions both of vowels 
 and consonants (§ 64). 
 
 4. The essential difference between the so-called semivowels 
 and full vowels is that the latter always bear the accent of the 
 syllable in which they occur, e. g. in EngHsh cow, stdin the 
 first element of the diphthong is a vowel, the second a con- 
 sonant ; but in words like French rwd (written roi), bjer 
 (written biere), the first element of the diphthong is a con- 
 sonant, the second a vowel. In consequence of this twofold 
 function, a diphthong may be defined as the combination of 
 a sonantal with a consonantal vowel. And it is called a falling 
 or rising diphthong according as the stress is upon the first or 
 second element. 
 
 5. From the above system of consonants have been excluded 
 certain rare sounds which only existed in the parent language 
 in combination with other sounds, viz. sh and zh, J? and d, 
 Jjh and dh. 
 
 sh and zh only occurred in combination with tenues and 
 mediae and arose from the older combinations, tenues aspiratae 
 and mediae aspiratae -f- s, as tsh, psh, dzh, bzh from older 
 ths, phs, dhs, bhs. 
 
 J) and d only occurred after palatals and velars which were 
 originally unaspirated, as kj>, q]?, gd, gd. 
 
 J)h and dh only occurred after palatals and velars which 
 were originally aspirated, as kj)h, qj^h, gdh, gdh from older 
 kh)), qhj», ghd, ghd. In the present state of our knowledge 
 it is impossible to determine how these four spirants were pro- 
 nounced in the parent language. In Greek they became 
 t-sounds, and in Sanskrit, Latin, Germanic and the Baltic- 
 Slavonic languages they became s-sounds. See §§ 225-β. 
 
64 
 
 Phonology 
 
 99-100 
 
 6. The tenues aspiratae and the mediae aspiratae only 
 occurred before vowels, semivowels, liquids and nasals. When 
 they came to stand before explosives or spirants, they became 
 deaspirated, as pth, bdh, tsh, dzh from older pht, bht, ths, 
 dhs, see § 109. 
 
 7. It is doubtful whether the parent language had a spirant j, 
 see § 227. 
 
 § 99. The following tables contain the normal equivalents 
 of the Indg. explosives in Greek, Latin, Old Irish, prim. 
 Germanic, Gothic, Sanskrit and the Baltic-Slavonic lan- 
 guages. For examples see the paragraphs dealing with 
 labial, dental, palatal and velar explosives. 
 
 §100. 
 
 I. The Tenues. 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Gr. 
 
 Lat. 
 
 O.Ir. 
 
 p. Ger- 
 manic. 
 
 Goth. 
 
 Skr. 
 
 Lith. 
 
 O.Slav. 
 
 Ρ 
 
 7Γ 
 
 Ρ 
 
 — 
 
 f, b, b 
 
 f,b, b 
 
 Ρ 
 
 Ρ 
 
 Ρ 
 
 t 
 
 Τ 
 
 t 
 
 t,th 
 
 ^d.d 
 
 ]>,d,d 
 
 t 
 
 t 
 
 t 
 
 k 
 
 Κ 
 
 c 
 
 c 
 
 χ.δ 
 
 h,5, g 
 
 i 
 s 
 
 sz 
 
 s 
 
 q 
 
 κ 
 
 c 
 
 c 
 
 Χ,δ 
 
 h,S, g 
 
 k,c 
 
 k 
 
 k, c 
 
 qw 
 
 π, r, κ 
 
 qu,c 
 
 c 
 
 xw,5w 
 
 h;,5,w 
 
 k, c 
 
 k 
 
 k,c 
 
 Note. — i. On the development of the Indg. pure and 
 labialized velars in Greek, Sanskrit, Lithuanian and Old 
 Slavonic see §§ 195-210. 
 
 2. In Lat. ρ and c disappeared medially before s-f- con- 
 sonant and initially before s; pn, tn, tsn>nn; tt, ts>ss; 
 tsl>ll; tl>l initially and cl medially ; cn>gn; and ncn>n 
 with lengthening of a preceding vowel ; qu > c before u and 
 consonants. 
 
 3. In O.Ir. ρ disappeared initially and medially between 
 vowels ; sp >s, f initially and sc medially ; pt, ps, rp > cht, ss, 
 
§ ιοί] 
 
 The Mediae 
 
 65 
 
 rr ; tt, ts, st>ss; t and c disappeared before nasals and 
 liquids ; cs, ct, ret, noss, cht, rt, %z. 
 
 4. The Indg. tenues p, t, k, q, q^ became in prim. Germanic 
 the voiceless spirants f, J), χ, χ-νν = Goth, f, J), h, hr. These 
 voiceless spirants as also Indg. s became by Verner's Law the 
 voiced spirants b, d, g, gw, ζ (see § 103, note 2) medially and 
 finally when the vowel next preceding them did not, according 
 to the original Indg. system of accentuation, bear the principal 
 accent of the word. The Indg. tenues remained unshifted in 
 the combination s + tenuis, and t also remained unshifted in 
 the Indg. combinations pt, kt, qt. In some words the Indg. 
 velars, when preceded or followed by a w or another labial in 
 the same word, appear in the Germanic languages as labials by 
 assimilation, as Goth. fimf,yfw, wulfs, wolf^ Indg. *per)q^e, 
 *wlqWos. 
 
 § 101. 2. The Mediae. 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Gr. 
 
 Lat. 
 
 O.Ir. 
 
 P. Ger- 
 manic. 
 
 Goth. 
 
 Skr. 
 
 Lith. 
 
 O.Slav. 
 
 b 
 
 β 
 
 b 
 
 b 
 
 Ρ 
 
 Ρ 
 
 b 
 
 b 
 
 b 
 
 d 
 
 8 
 
 d 
 
 d 
 
 t 
 
 t 
 
 d 
 
 d 
 
 d 
 
 g y 
 
 g 
 
 g 
 
 k 
 
 k 
 
 J 
 
 ζ 
 
 ζ 
 
 9 
 
 Ύ 
 
 g 
 
 g 
 
 k 
 
 k 
 
 gj 
 
 g 
 
 g,^ 
 
 9Γ \β'^'Ύ 
 
 v,gu,g 
 
 b,g 
 
 kw 
 
 q 
 
 g,j 
 
 g 
 
 S,z 
 
 Note. — i. On the development of the Indg. pure and 
 labialized velars in Gr. Lat. Skr. Lith. and O.Slav, see 
 §§ 195-210. 
 
 2. In Lat. bn, dn, dm, dl>mn, nn, mm, 11 (but 1 initially), 
 ld>ll; initial dj, dw, gn>j, b, n. 
 
 3. In O.Ir. d, g disappeared before 1, n, r; bn>mn; mb, 
 dm>mm; db, gb>bb; dg>gg; gd>dd. 
 
 4. The Indg. mediae b, d, g, g, g^^' became in prim. Ger- 
 manic the tenues p, t, k, kw. 
 
 F 
 
66 
 
 Phonology 
 
 [§ 102 
 
 102. 
 
 3- The Tenues Aspiratae. 
 
 The tenues aspiratae were rare sounds in the Indg. 
 parent language. Sanskrit and Greek were the only 
 languages which preserved them in historic times. In 
 prim. Keltic, Germanic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages 
 they fell together with the original tenues. 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Gr. 
 
 Lat. 
 
 O.Ir. 
 
 p. Ger- 
 manic. 
 
 Goth. 
 
 Skr. 
 
 Lith. 
 
 O.Slav. 
 
 ph 
 
 
 
 f, b 
 
 — 
 
 f, b, b 
 
 f,b, b 
 
 ph 
 
 Ρ 
 
 Ρ 
 
 th 
 
 e 
 
 f, b, d 
 
 t, th 
 
 ^d,d 
 
 )',d,d 
 
 th 
 
 t 
 
 t 
 
 kh 
 
 X 
 
 h,f,g 
 
 c 
 
 χ»δ 
 
 h,g, g 
 
 ?ch 
 
 sz 
 
 s 
 
 qh 
 
 X 
 
 h,(f),g 
 
 c 
 
 X» δ 
 
 h,5,g 
 
 kh,ch 
 
 k 
 
 k,e 
 
 qwh 
 
 Φ,Ο,χ 
 
 f,v,gu 
 
 c 
 
 xw,5w 
 
 lv,3,w 
 
 kh,ch 
 
 k 
 
 k, c 
 
 Examples of the tenues aspiratae in Greek and Sanskrit 
 are : — 
 
 ph: σφαραγίομαι, I crack, crackle, Skr. sphurjati, he 
 cracks ; σφήν, Skr. sphyah, wedge ; σφίλας, Skr. phala• 
 ]s.a.m.,/ooistool. 
 
 th: οΊσθα, Skr. vettha, thou knowest ; πλάθανον, a platter 
 or mould to bake in, Skr. prthuh, broad] μόθοί, battle-din, 
 Skr. manthati, he shakes, twists. Indg. sth became στ, 
 as ϊστημι, Skr. tisthami, / stand; στύλος, pillar, Skr, 
 sthurah, strong ; superlative suffix •ιστο9 = Skr. -isthah. 
 
 kh : σχίζω, Lat. scindo, / split, Skr. chindtti from 
 *skhinatti, he splits, OE. scadan, to divide; σχάω, I slit, 
 Skr. chyati, he slits. 
 
 qh : καγάζω, I laugh, Skr. kakhati, he laughs ; κόγχο?, 
 Lat. congius, Skr. saqkhdh, muscle. 
 
§ 103] 
 
 The Mediae Asp'tratae 
 
 67 
 
 qwh : φάλλη, Ο Ε. hwael, whale; σφάΧΚομαι, I stumble, 
 Skr. skhalate, he stumbles. 
 
 § 103. 
 
 4. The Mediae Aspiratae. 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Gr. 
 
 Lat. 
 
 O.Ir. 
 
 P. Ger- 
 manic. 
 
 Goth. 
 
 Skr. 
 
 Lith. 
 
 O.Slav. 
 
 bh 
 
 Φ 
 
 f, b 
 
 b 
 
 b, b 
 
 b,b 
 
 bh 
 
 b 
 
 b 
 
 dh 
 
 θ 
 
 f, b, d 
 
 d 
 
 d,d 
 
 d, d 
 
 dh 
 
 d 
 
 d 
 
 gh 
 
 Χ 
 
 h,f,g 
 
 g 
 
 S'g 
 
 S'g 
 
 h 
 
 ζ 
 
 ζ 
 
 gh 
 
 Χ 
 
 h, (f), g 
 
 g 
 
 S'g 
 
 S'g 
 
 gh, h 
 
 g 
 
 g,2 
 
 g^h 
 
 Ψ,Θ,Χ 
 
 f, V, gu 
 
 ^ 
 
 5W, g, w 
 
 S»w 
 
 gh, h 
 
 g 
 
 g,2 
 
 Note. — i. In prim. Greek and Italic (Lat. Oscan, Umbrian, 
 &c.) the mediae aspiratae became voiceless and thus fell 
 together Avith the original tenues aspiratae. 
 
 2. The mediae aspiratae became in prim. Germanic the 
 voiced spirants, b, d, g, gw, and thus fell together with the 
 voiced spirants which arose from the Indg. tenues by Verner's 
 Law (§ 100, note 4). These sounds underwent the following 
 changes during the prim. Germanic period : — b, d initially, and 
 b, d, g medially after their corresponding nasals, became the 
 voiced explosives, b, d, g. b, d, g remained in other positions, 
 and their further development belongs to the history of the 
 separate Germanic languages. In Goth, b, d (written b, d) 
 remained medially after vowels, but became explosives (b, d) 
 after consonants. They became f, J) finally after vowels and 
 before final -s. g remained medially between vowels, and 
 medially after vowels before voiced consonants, but became χ 
 (written g) finally after vowels and before final «s. It became 
 g initially, and also medially after consonants. 
 ί Prim. Germanic ^v/ became g before u, in other cases 
 it became w. 
 
68 Phonology [§§ 104-6 
 
 § 104. From what has been said in §§ 100-3 it will be 
 seen that several of the Indg. explosives fell together in 
 the various languages. In Keltic, Germanic and the 
 Baltic-Slavonic languages the tenues aspiratae fell together 
 with the original tenues. Sanskrit is the only language 
 which preserved the original mediae aspiratae. In Greek 
 and Latin they fell together with the original tenues aspira- 
 tae. In Keltic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages they fell 
 together with the original mediae. In Greek, Latin, Keltic 
 and the Germanic languages the pure velars fell together 
 with the original palatals, but were kept apart in Sanskrit 
 and the Baltic-Slavonic languages. In Sanskrit and the 
 Baltic-Slavonic languages the labialized velars fell together 
 with the pure velars, but were kept apart in Greek, Latin, 
 Germanic and partly also in the Keltic languages. 
 
 Indg. Sound-Changes. 
 
 § 105. The consonants underwent various sound-changes 
 during the prim. Indg. period, i. e. before the parent lan- 
 guage became differentiated into the separate I ndo-Germanic 
 languages. The most important of these sound-changes 
 are given in the following paragraphs. 
 
 § 106. Mediae became tenues before voiceless conso- 
 nants, as (^vKTos, Skr. yuktah, Lat. junctus, Lith. 
 junktas, Indg. *juqtos, yoked, beside (vyov, Skr. yugam, 
 Lat. jugum, Indg. *^Vi<^om,yoke•, οίσθα, Skr. vettha, ihou 
 knowest, beside οϊδα, veda, / know ; loc. pi. ττοσσί, ποσί, 
 Skr. patsu, beside nom. pi. πόίβ?, padah ; Lat. nuptum, 
 nupsi : nubere ; rectum, rexi : regere ; Goth, giban, to 
 give, beside fra-gifts, a giving, espousal; OE. bringan, to 
 bring, beside brohte, / brought ; and similarly in Gr. ανξω, 
 αυξάνω : Lat. augeo, Lith. kvig\x, I increase, groiv ; ά-νιπτο?, 
 unwashed, Skr. niktdh, washed, ρίψω : νίζω from *nigj5 ; 
 λίξ(ύ, eAcKTo : λέγω ; τρίψω, τίτριπται : τρίβω. 
 
§§ 107-9] Indg. Sound-Changes 69 
 
 § 107. Voiceless consonants became voiced before voiced 
 explosives and z, as έβδομος : €πτά ; ΐπι-βδαι (nom. pi.), 
 i/ie day after the feast, where -/3(5- is the weak form of *ped•, 
 foot, cp. Skr. upa-bda-, stamping, trampling ; Skr. nidah, 
 Lat. nidus, OE. nest, from *ni-zdos, nest, where m-=down, 
 and -zd- is the weak form of *sed•, sit ; βδίω from *βζδζω 
 where βζδ is the weak form of *pezd• which occurs in Lat. 
 pedo ; and similarly κύβδην, πλίγδην, κλ^βδην : κύπτω, 
 πλ€κω, κλέπτω ; γράβδην, βρίγδηρ : γίγραπται, βίβρ^κται ; 
 Hom. ύββάλλω : νπο-βάλλω. 
 
 § 108. When two aspiratae came together the first one 
 became de-aspirated, as imperative πίπισθι from *bhebhid'- 
 dhi, older *bhebhidh-dhi : πίποιθα. This combination of 
 consonants was rare in the parent language. 
 
 § 109. When an aspirata came to stand before s or before 
 one or more unaspirated explosives, the aspiration became 
 transferred to the last consonant. When the aspirata was 
 voiced the whole group became voiced, as αίσχος from 
 *aighskos, Goth, aiwiski from *ai3wisk-, shame, disgrace ; 
 €σχατο9 from *eghskatos : e| ; λίσχτ; from *legzgha, 
 older *leghska : λΙχο? ; πάσχω from *patskho, older 
 *pnthsk5, Indg. *qnthsk5 : παθύν; ^kvos from *gzhen•, 
 older *ghsen-, Goth, gasts, guest, stranger, Lat. hostis ; 
 \//•ώω from *bzh6•, older *bhs5• : Skr. ba-bhasti, he chews, 
 devours. Cp. § 225. 
 
 The sound-law whereby bht, ght became bdh, gdh = 
 prim. Greek ττθ, κθ was obliterated by new formations 
 made after the analogy of forms which regularly had r, as 
 in βλβπτός : βλίπω ; τ^τριπται, ά-τριπτος : τρίβω ; πέ- 
 πλ^κται, πλζκτός : πλίκω ; '4λ€κτο, Ae/froy : λίγω. And as 
 combinations like psh, bzh, from older phs, bhs, regularly 
 became ps in prim. Greek (§ 225), the above sound-laws 
 may, so far as historic Greek is concerned, be formulated 
 as follows : φ, χ appear as vr, κ before a following τ or σ, 
 as γέγρατΓταί, γράψω : γράφω ; άΧζίψω : άλζίφω ; ροπτός : 
 
70 Phonology [§§ iic-12 
 
 ροφύω ; βζβρβκται, βρ€ξω : βρ€χω ; άν€κτ6ς : άνβχομαι ; 
 στβίξω : στβίχω. 
 
 Every Indg. dental + s became ts (§110) in prim. Greek, 
 for the further development of which see § 166. 
 
 § 110. When two dental explosives came together a 
 spirantal glide was developed between them, which is 
 generally written ^>''; as t^t, t^th, d'd, dzdh. These com- 
 binations became in prim, Greek στ (= Skr. tt, Lat. 
 Germanic ss), σθ, z8, σθ. Every original dental + t 
 appears in Greek as στ. Examples are -.—ά-ιστο^, unseen, 
 unknown, Skr. vittah, knoivn, OE. ge-wiss, sure, certain, 
 Lat. visus from *vissus ; ίστε : oiSa ; νστ€ρος, Skr. 
 uttarah, /a/ter; pp. Skr. sattah, siiten, OE. sess, seai, 
 Lat. ob'Sessor : *sed•, sit; άννστό^, ά-παστο^ : άνντω, 
 ττατίομαι ; κβστό? from *κζντ•τ6^ : κ^ντ^ω. κίκασται : 
 κίκα8μίνο^ ; 'ίψίυσται : ψβνδω. οΊσθα, Skr. vettha, thoit 
 knowest : oi8a, veda, / know, ττίπασται : πύθω. ήρ^ί- 
 σθην : βρζίδω. ^ττ^ίσθην : τηίθω. μαζός, breast, Skr. 
 medah, /at. 
 
 § 111. Tenues often alternated with mediae especially 
 before or after nasals, as σκαπάνη : Lat. scabo ; Skr. 
 dasat• : δβκάδ- ; ττάσσαλοί from *πάκ]α\ο^ : πήγννμι, 
 Lat. pango, ποικίλος : Lat. pingo, δίκη, Lat. dice : 5e5ei- 
 γμαι, ξ'ίκοσι : Lat. viginti. 
 
 The alternation between mediae aspiratae and mediae 
 was also not uncommon, as άστβμψής : στύμβω, αφρός : 
 6μβρο9 ; ττλίνθος : English flint, ττυθμήν : πννδαξ ; Skr. 
 ahdm : kya>, Lat. ego, Goth, ik ; Skr. hanuh, jawbone : 
 yevv9, Goth, kinnus, cheek ; Skr. mahan : μίγας, Goth, 
 mikils; and similarly between tenues and tenues aspiratae, 
 as πλατύς : Skr. prthuh, broad, πλάθανον, board; πάτος : 
 Skr. panthah, path. The reasons for these alternations 
 are unknown. For further examples see Brugmann, 
 Grundriss, 4'C., vol. i, second ed., pp. 629-35. 
 
 § 112. s + consonant often alternated with the simple 
 
§§ II3-T5] Indg. Consonant-System 71 
 
 consonant, as ffrkyo<i : rkyos, Lat. tego ; στίνω, I groan : 
 Lat. tonare ; σκαίρω : κόρδάξ ; σμίλη : Goth, maitan, 
 io cut, hew. 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE GREEK DEVELOPMENT OF THE INDG. 
 CONSONANT-SYSTEM 
 
 § 113. Before entering upon the history of the individual 
 consonants, it will be well to treat here several points 
 concerning the Greek consonants in general. 
 
 § 114. The Indg. mediae aspiratae became tenues aspi- 
 ratae in prim. Greek as also in prim. Italic, and thus fell 
 together with and underwent all further changes in common 
 with the Indg. tenues aspiratae (§ 103, note i). For examples 
 see §§ 162, 177, 193, 201, 209. 
 
 § 115. Aspirates became de-aspirated in prim. Greek as 
 also in prim. Sanskrit when the next syllable or the next 
 but one began with an aspirate : — 
 
 τταχιί?, thick, large, stout, Skr. bahuh, abundant) ττζίθω, 
 Lat, fide, Indg. *bheidh5 ; ττίύθίται, he asks, inquires, Skr. 
 bodhati, he learns, is awake ; ττυθμήν, Skr. budhndh, 
 bottom, depth ; άμπίγω from *άμφ4\ω. 
 
 τάχιστος : θασσων, θαττων ; τίθημί from *dhidhemi, Skr. 
 dadhami, I put, place ; τρίχω : θρ^^ομαί ; τρύφω : θ ρίψω; 
 τριχός : θρίξ. 
 
 κίχνμαι, κίχνκα : χίω ; κβχρημαι : χράομαι ; ΚίφαΧή 
 from *χβφαλά ; λικριφίς : λέχριο^. 
 
 And similarly with the spiritus asper, as άμαθος : Engl. 
 sand ; ανος from *avhos older *havho9, Lith. sausos, dry, 
 ■withered; eSeOXov : 'e8o9, Skr. sadas•, seat; 'ίχω : '4ξω, 
 σχ€Ϊν. See §213,1. 
 
 Note. — Forms like ττινσομαι, πΐίσω, ίχνθψ, έφάνθψ, &c. 
 were new formations due to the influence of forms like ΐΓ€νθομαι, 
 
 ττΐίθω, χί<ύ, φαίνω. 
 
72 Phonology [§§ 1 1 6-17 
 
 § 116. A tenuis, whether original or from an older media 
 (§ 106), was written tenuis aspirata before a following Q. 
 This was not a sound-change but merely a kind of graphic 
 assimilation, as ίκλζφθηΐ', ^π^μφθην, ^ρρίφθην, ΐτρύφθην, 
 ίττλξχθην : κλίπτω, ire μπω, ρίπτω, τρίπω, πλύκω ; 
 €τρίφθην, έλίχθηι^, ίμιχθην : τρίβω, Aeyoo, μίγνϋμι. 
 
 Assimilation of Consonants. 
 
 § 117. π, β, φ + μ > /ζ//, as βλίμμα : βλύπω; λίλ€ΐμμαι : 
 λβίπω ; όμμα from *όπμα : Lat. oculus, Lith. akis, eye ; 
 τίτριμμαι : τρίβω ; γράμμα, γύγραμμαί : γράφω ; ψάμμοΫ : 
 ψαφαρός. 
 
 βν > μν, as άμνό^ from ^άβνός : Lat. agnus ; epe/zi'oy : 
 'ίρββος ; σβμνός : σέβομαι. 
 
 δ, τ + π > ππ, as Horn, οππως from *6δ•πω9 ; κάππ€σ€ 
 from *κατ-πβσ€. 
 
 δλ > λλ, as Lac. iWa, Lat. sella, from *sedla : OE. 
 setl, seai; πβλλΰτρον from *πίδ•\ϋτρον. 
 
 γν > yv, as γίγνομαι = γίτ/νομαι. See § 189. 
 
 \v > λλ, as ολλνμί from *6λννμί ; Lesb. βάλλομαι from 
 */3όλίΌ/ίαί. 
 
 Before explosives j^ became the corresponding homor- 
 ganic nasal, as παλίμπαις, συμβάλλω, παλιγγενεσία. 
 
 ρλ > λλ, as παλίλλογο9, σύλλογο?. 
 
 νμ > μμ, as εμμένω, σύμμαχο?. 
 
 νρ > ρρ, as σνρράπτω, συρρέω. 
 
 Antevocalic μσ > μμ in Lesb. and Thess., which became 
 simplified to μ in the other dialects with lengthening of the 
 preceding vowel, as Lesb. ενεμμα, Att. Ion. ενειμα, Dor. 
 ενημα : νέμω. See § 216. 
 
 Antevocalic νσ > vv in Lesb. and Thess., which became 
 simplified to ν in the other dialects with lengthening of the 
 preceding vowel, as Lesb. μήννος, Thess. μειννό?, Dor. 
 Att, Ion. μηνό? : Lat. mensis. See § 216. 
 
 Medial σλ > λλ, which remained in Lesb., after short 
 
§ ii8] The Semivowels 73 
 
 vowels, but became simplified to λ in the other dialects, as 
 Lesb. XWao<s, Att. ιλαος, from ""aiaXafo^. See § 215. 
 
 Medial σμ > μμ in Lesb. and Thess., which became 
 simplified to μ in the other dialects with lengthening of the 
 preceding vowel, as Lesb. Thess. ^μμί, Dor. ήμί, Att. Ion. 
 ίίμί : Skr. dsmi, / am. See § 214. 
 
 Medial au > vv in Lesb. and Thess., which became 
 simplified to ν in the other dialects, as Lesb. φα^ννό^, Ion. 
 φαζίρόί, Att. φανός, from *φaf€σvόs. See § 214. 
 
 On the prim. Gr. assimilation of the combination τσ, see 
 §166. 
 
 τσν > vv, as βλ^ννος from *βλ€τσνο?, see § 223. 
 
 The Semivowels. 
 
 § 118. w and j, generally called u• and i-consonant, are 
 the consonants corresponding to the vowels u and i with 
 which they often interchange in different forms of the same 
 word, as Indg. *swepnos, Skr. svapnah, beside *supnos, 
 Gr. νττνος ; Ion. γοΰνα from *yov^a beside yovv ; φξύγω 
 beside ίφυ-γον ] Indg. *djeus, Skr. dyauh, sky, Gr. Zeiiy 
 beside loc. Skr. divi, Gr. ALfi; Indg. *jenti, Skr. yanti, 
 they go, beside *imes, Skr. imdh, Dor. fyue?, we go ; λβίπω 
 beside ίλιπον. In many philological works u- and i-conso- 
 nant are written u and i in order to indicate their close 
 relationship to the vowels u and i. In this grammar they 
 are written u and i when they form the second element of 
 a tautosyllabic diphthong, as φξύγω, λξίπω, ο'ίκ^ι, Zev, in 
 all other positions they are written w or respectively f and 
 j. It should be noted that u-consonant remained in the 
 oldest period of the language not only as the second 
 element of diphthongs but also in other positions ; whereas 
 i-consonant only remained as the second element of tauto- 
 syllabic diphthongs, in all other positions it either dis- 
 appeared or became some other sound. 
 
 Beside i-consonant it is generally supposed that the Indg. 
 
74 Phonology [§§ 119-20 
 
 parent language had a spirant j initially which is repre- 
 sented in Greek by ζ, but which fell together with i-con- 
 sonant in all the other Indg. languages, cp. ζνγόν, Skr. 
 yugdm, Lat. jugum, Goth, juk, yoke, beside νμά^, Skr. 
 yuydm, Goth, jus, Lith. jus,jv^. It is probable however 
 that this distinction is not original, but is due to a sound- 
 change which took place in prim. Greek under conditions 
 that have not yet been discovered. See § 227. 
 
 § 119. In the Indg. parent language postconsonantal w, 
 j alternated with uw, ij. The former regularly occurred 
 after short and the latter after long syllables. This original 
 distinction was best preserved in Sanskrit. In the other 
 languages it became greatly obscured owing partly to 
 special sound laws which took place in the separate lan- 
 guages, and partly to numerous analogical formations 
 whereby forms with short syllables were remodelled on the 
 analogy of those with long syllables and vice versa. Regu- 
 lar forms were : Ion. ovXos, Att. δλο?, from *o\fo9 = Skr. 
 sdrvah, whole, all; and similarly δονρός, ίορό?; μοννο^, 
 μόνος ; beside gen. οφρύος from *6(f)pvfos = Skr. bhruvah, 
 cp. OE. nom. pi. bruwa, eyebrows ; ιχθύος from *iγθύfoς ; 
 δάκρυος from *δάκρνρος : δάκρυ ; βότρυος from *β6τpvfoς : 
 βότρνς ; άγνύάσι from *ά'/νύρδ.σί, cp. Skr. asnuvanti, they 
 attain, άλλος from *άλ]ος, Lat. alius, Goth, aljis, other ; 
 μύσσος, μίσος, from Indg. *medhjos = Skr. madhyah, 
 Lat. medius, Goth, midjis, middle ; πβζός from ^π^δβς — 
 Skr. pddjah, on foot; λίαινα from *Ae/'av/'a ; beside άγριος 
 from *άγρι/ος = Skr. ajriyah ; νή{ρ)ιος = Skr. naviyah ; 
 πάτριος, Skr. pitriyah, Lat. patrius, Indg. *p9trijos, 
 paternal; άκριος from *άκρι/ος : άκρις ; gen. τριών = Goth. 
 ))rije. 
 
 w 
 
 § 120. Indg. w, which probably had the same sound- 
 value as NE. w in win, remained in the oldest period ot 
 all the Greek dialects. It was the sixth letter of the 
 
§ i2i] The Semivmvels 75 
 
 alphabet and was called digamma by later grammarians. 
 In Att. Ion. it disappeared so early that hardly any trace 
 of it is left, but in the other dialects the sound remained 
 until far into historic times, as is shown by inscriptions in 
 the various dialects. It also began to disappear in these 
 dialects about the end of the fifth century b. c. In all the 
 dialects it began to disappear earlier medially than initially, 
 and initially earlier before o, ω, ου than before other vowels. 
 Upon metrical grounds it can be shown that f must have 
 been a living sound at the flourishing period of the Greek 
 epic. It was also still in existence initially among the 
 Boeotians at the time they adopted the Ionic alphabet at 
 the end of the fifth century b. c. 
 
 § 121. Initial w disappeared in Att. Ion., but remained 
 in the oldest period of the other dialects. It also remained 
 in Latin and the old Germanic languages, but became the 
 spirant ν (= NE. v) in Sanskrit and the Baltic-Slavonic 
 languages, and f in O.Irish, as oiSa, Hom. folSa, Skr. 
 veda, OE. wat, I know, Lat. videre ; είκοσι, Dor. feiKari, 
 Boeot. fiKUTi, Skr. vjsati•, Lat. viginti, O.Ir. fiche, twenty ; 
 οΊκοί, Cypr. foLKos, Skr. vesdh, hotcse, Lat. vicus, Goth, 
 weihs, village; 6χο9 : Pamph. /^εχω, Skr. vdhami, Lat- 
 veho, OE. wege, / carry ; epyov, Cretan fepyov, Elean 
 Fapyov, OE. weorc, work; and similarly tap, Lat. ver; 
 €ποί, Lat. νδχ ; ΐσθή?, Lat. vestis ; eVoy, Lat. vetus ; 169, 
 Lat. virus ; h, U, Lat. vis ; ired, Lat. vitis ; oTvo^, Lat. 
 vinum. λάσιος from ^fXario? ; λύκος, Skr. vrkah, OE. 
 wulf, Lith. vilkas, Indg. *wlqos, wolf. Att. ρήτρα, Elean 
 fparpd, saying, maxim, Skr. wrsitkva., command ; βίζα, Ο Ε, 
 wyrt, root ; Att. βή^ις = Lesb. Fpvii?. Initial f before 
 consonants was sometimes written β in Lesbian and 
 Boeotian. But as Lesbian inscriptions of the fourth 
 century b. c. have only β it follows that the βρ in earlier 
 Lesbian wasmerely graphical. 
 
 Note. — In a few instances we have the spiritus asper where 
 
76 Phonology [§§ 122-3 
 
 we should regularly expect the lenis, as Att. 'ίνννμι from 
 *f €σνϋ/Λΐ beside Ισθή<ΐ ; Ισττερο?, Lat. vesper ; Ιστίά, Lat. Vesta ; 
 riXos, Lat. vallus ; Γστωρ beside ιστωρ ; εκών, willing, Skr. 
 vdsah, 7i'///, pleasure. A satisfactory explanation for the 
 spiritus asper in these words has not yet been found. It is 
 highly probable that it has nothing to do with the f, but is due 
 to the unsettled state of the spiritus asper in Attic of the 
 fourth century B. c. Cp. its misuse in words like ατττω, Lat. 
 apto ; έ'ω?, Hom. ηώζ, Dor. αώ? ; Γππος, Lat. equus. 
 
 § 122. Intervocalic f disappeared in Att. Ion., but is fre- 
 quently met with in some of the other dialects, as Att. Ion. 
 veos, Skr. ndvah, Lat. novus, new ; kv-via, Skr. nava, Lat. 
 novem, nine ; oi y, Skr. avih, Lat. ovis, Lith. avis, sheep, Goth. 
 awistr, sheep/old; πίων,/αί, Skr. pivan-, swelling ; ψίθίος 
 ""Tj-fLOifos, bachelor, Skr. vidhdva, O.Ir. fedb, OE. widewe, 
 widoiO, cp. Lat. vidua ; gen. Zli(f)oy, Lat. Jovis, cp. Skr. 
 divah, of the sky ; gen. Att. βασιλέως, Hom. βασίλήος, 
 Cypr. βασίλήρο9 ; icXeoy, dial, of Phocis /fAe/^oy, Skr. 
 srdvah, renown ; φαανό^ from *(f>afeavos ; χαρίας from 
 *Xapifei'T9 (§ 69, i) ; Xeaiva from *Xifauja ; piei, Skr. 
 sravati, // βows ; and similarly θβω, θρ€ομαί, νβω (aor. 
 ivevaa), πλβω, πνίω, χβω ; ρόο^, pov9, Cypr. pofos, Skr. 
 sravah, Lith. sravk, stream ; and similarly 6o6s, πλόο?, 
 χόο^. It also disappeared between a diphthong and 
 a following vowel, as Xaios, Lat. laevus ; olo's, Cypr. 
 olfos ; on forms like 8άήρ from *8αιΡηρ, aei, Cypr. and 
 dial, of Phocis atfei, see § 57. 
 
 § 123. Medial F before ρ and λ regularly combined with 
 a preceding vowel to form a diphthong, as Aeol. anovpds 
 from *άποΡράς ; ^νράγη, ανρηκτος, Att. ίρράγη, άρρηκτος ; 
 καΧανροψ : ρόπαΧον older ^fponaXov ; ταΧαύρΐνος = ταΧά- 
 fplvos, cp. Lesb. fp'ivo^, skin, hide. Forms like Att. Ιρράγη, 
 άρρηκτος, '4ρρη^α, 'ίρρωγα ; ^ρρηθην, άρρητος beside ρητός 
 had their ρρ from the initial position before pp became 
 simplified to p, see § 138. 
 
§124] The Semivowels 77 
 
 § 124. Indg. postconsonantal w. In this combination 
 it is necessary to take into consideration the nature of the 
 preceding consonant. 
 
 1. f disappeared after π, φ, θ, κ = Indg. ρ, bh, dh (gh), 
 and pure velar q (§ 195), as νήπιου from *νη•πΡίο?, infans. 
 ύπ€ρφίαλθ9, φΐτν, from *νπζρ•φΡίαλο^, *φρΐτν, root *bheu•, 
 be. Θνητός, θάνατος from *θρνάτό^, *efavaT09, cp. Skr. 
 dhvantuh, covered, dark; όρθό^, Skr. urdhvah, straight; 
 θαιρός, θολός, θίός, μ^θη from ^Ofapjos, *efo\os, *θρ€σθ9, 
 *μiθFη ; θήρ, Lesb. φήρ, Lith. zveris, wild animal, Lat. 
 ferus. καπνός, Lat. vapor, Lith. kvapas, smoke, vapour. 
 
 2. kw became ππ which was simplified later to π initially, 
 as ίππος, Skr. dsvah, Lat. equus, horse, Goth, aitua-tundi, 
 thornbush, lit. horse tooth ; Boeot. τα ππάματα beside Dor. 
 πάμα, πασασθαι, from *kwa•, cp. Skr. svatrdh, flourish• 
 tng, prosperous. 
 
 3. Initial tw- became σσ- which was simplified later to σ-, 
 as σε, Skr. tva, tvam, thee; σός, Skr. tvah, thy; σάκος 
 beside φζρ^-σσακής, cp. Skr. tvdc-, hide, skin, cover; 
 σύω beside Hom. ΐπι-σσ^ίων, cp. Skr. tvis-, to be excited ; 
 σορός, coffin, Lith. tveriu, / hold, contain. Medial -tw- 
 became -ττ- in Att. and Boeot., and •σσ- in the other 
 dialects, as Att. τίτταρξς, Boeot. πίτταρξς, Hom. τέσσαρες, 
 Skr. catvarah, Goth, fidwbr, four. 
 
 4. f disappeared after δ, as δις, Skr. dvih, O.Lat. duis, 
 later bis, twice ; δώ-δβκα, Skr. dva-d4sa, twelve, cp. Goth. 
 twdi, two ; in Homer sometimes with metrical lengthening 
 of a preceding short vowel or with doubling of the δ, as 
 Hom. voc. aieey, ουδός, δζίδιμ^ν, Att. aieey, οδός, δ^διμ^ν ; 
 Hom. θζουδής from *θξoδfής, '^δδβισ^ν, root *dwei•, to fear. 
 
 5. Initial sw• became the spiritus asper in Att. Ion., as 
 Ικυρός, Skr. svdsurah, Goth, s-waihra, father-in-law ; ήδνς. 
 Dor. άδύς, Skr. svaduh, Lat. sua vis from *swadwis, OE. 
 swete, sweet; 6ς, Skr. svah, his ; Hom. οππως from *σροδ• 
 πως; and similarly e,oI,Hom. οττί, from ''σρ^,'^σροί, *σ^ο5-Τί. 
 
78 Phonology [§§ 125-8 
 
 Intervocalic -sw- disappeared with lengthening of the pre- 
 ceding vowel, as Dor. νάό^, Ion. νηό^, Att. vi<as (§ 72), from 
 *^'ασ/^ο?; reXT^eis from*TeXeafei^Ty (§69,i); toy from ^iVfoy, 
 arrow. 
 
 6. The combinations vf, pf, Af remained unchanged in 
 some dialects until after the beginning of historic times. 
 In Ionic and some of the Doric dialects the f disappeared 
 with lengthening of a preceding vowel, and in Attic and 
 the other dialects without such lengthening, as Ion. τίι^ω, 
 Att. τίνω from *TLvfa>, cp. Skr. cinvati, cinoti, he arranges, 
 piles up ; and similarly Ion. κιγανω, φθάνω, φθίνω, beside 
 Att. Κί-γχάνω, φθάνω, φθίνω; Ion. dvaros, k^lvos, μοννος, 
 ielvo9, beside Att. evaros, Kevo^, μόνος, ^ivos. Ion. οΰλος, 
 Att. όλος, Skr. sdrvah, all; Ion. καλός, Att. καλός, Dor. 
 καλρός. Ion. κούρη, Cret. κώρα, Att. κόρη, Arcad. KOpfcL; Ion. 
 ζϊρομαι, δονρός, φάρος, ουρος, Att. 'ίρομαι, δορός, φάρος, ορός. 
 
 § 125. Medial F disappeared before j, as δΐος from *δίΡ]Ός, 
 Skr. divyah, divine, celestial; τ€σσαράβοως from ""-βορρς 
 = Skr. gdvyah, consisting of or relating to cattle ; δαίω, 
 κλαίω, from *δαΓ/ω, *κλafjω. See § 129, 5. 
 
 § 126. f disappeared between consonants, as Hom. τίτρα- 
 τος from *τίτΡρατος, Lith. ketviftas, fourth ; Ion. τ^τρώ- 
 κοντά {rom*T€Tf pay- ; fem. πολλή Ιΐονα*πολρ]α, cp. Skr. fern, 
 purvi, many, gen. purvyah. 
 
 J 
 
 § 127. Initial j became in Greek the spiritus asper through 
 the intermediate stage of voiceless j. It remained in all 
 the other Indg. languages with the exception of Old Irish 
 where it disappeared, as ήπαρ, Skr. yakrt, Lat. jecur, 
 Lith. pi. jeknos, /iwr; 6ς, Skr. yah, who, Goth, ja-bdi, if; 
 ύ-μ^ΐς, Skr. yuyam, Goth, jus, Lith. jus, jv^; άζομαι from 
 ^'αγβμαι, I honour, Skr. ydjati, he honours. 
 
 § 128. Intervocalic j disappeared in Greek, Latin and 
 the Keltic languages, but remained in Sanskrit and the 
 
§129] The Semivowels 79 
 
 Baltic-Slavonic languages and also in Gothic between 
 vowels which remained as such in the historic period of 
 the language, as τρά'5, Cret. r/Dcey, Skr. trdyah, Lat. tres, 
 O.Ir. tri, Goth. neut. J>rija, O.Slav, trije, Indg. *trejes, 
 three) δ^ω from *δ(.]ω•, (5eoy from *5feyoy ; gen. /Cioy from 
 *KLJos (§330); in adjectives denoting the material of which 
 a thing is made, as Ai'^eoy from *λιθφ9 ; and similarly 
 άργνρβος, a'Ly€09,Kvu€09, οίκ^ΐο^, cp. Lat. aureus, lapideus ; 
 in iterative, causative and denominative verbs, as ποτίομαι, 
 Skr. patdyami, / hover ; όχίω, Skr. vahayami, / let drive, 
 Goth, "wagja, / move, shake ; and similarly τρομίω, τροττίω, 
 φορίω, φοβίω, cp. verbs like Lat. doceo, moneo, noceo, 
 torreo ; τιμάω, φιλίω, from *τϊμά/ω, *0ίλ€;ω; and similarly 
 ώνίομαι, βασιλεύω, νομ^ύω (see however § 489), κονίω, 
 μαστίω, άχλνω, γηρνω, μ^θνω, cp. verbs like Skr. devaydti, 
 he honours the gods, from devdh, god ; Lat. planto, albeo, 
 finio, statue, from *plantaj5, *albej5, *finij6, *statuj5. 
 
 § 129. Indg. postconsonantal j. In this combination it 
 is necessary to take into consideration the nature of the 
 preceding consonant. 
 
 1. irj became τττ, as πτύω from *π]ν]ω, Lith. spiduju, 
 / spit out ; and similarly θάπτω, κλίπτω, πτύσσω, χαλίπτω. 
 
 2. λ/ became λλ, as aXXos, Lat. alius, Goth, aljis, other; 
 φύλλου, Lat. folium ; κάλλος, beauty, Skr. kalyah, healthy ; 
 βάλλω from *gljO beside 'έβαλαν ; and similarly άλλ^σθαι, 
 άγγίλλω, ίάλλω, μίλλω, πάλλω, ποικίλλω, σκάλλω, στέλλω, 
 τίλλω. 
 
 Note. — ι. In the Cyprian dial, the j merely palatalized the 
 λ, and the λ thus palatalized was expressed by ιλ, as αιλων, 
 Άττειλων = άλλων, Άττίλλων, cp. the similar process in O.Ir. 
 aile from *aljos, *alja, ot/ier. 
 
 3. The combinations a, o + vj, pj, fj became aiv, aip, ai, 
 OLV, oip, as δραίνω from *8ραν]ω, Indg. *drnjo ; and 
 similarly κραίνω, μαίνομαι, μελαίνω, ονομαίνω, ποιμαίνω, 
 
8ο Phonology [§ 129 
 
 ξαίνω; σπαίρω from *σ7Γαρ/ω, Indg. *sprjO ; and similarly 
 ίχθαίρω, σκαίρω ; 8αίω from '^8αρ]ω ; kolvos from *kovj6s, 
 older *κομ]ό^, cp. Lat. cum ; μοίρα from *μορ;α. For 
 further examples see § 75. 
 
 4. i^', pyj preceded by e, i, v, became vu, pp, which re- 
 mained in Lesbian, but became simplified in Att. Ion. with 
 lengthening of the vowel, as Att. Ion. κτύνω, ψθβίρω, 
 Arcad. ψθήρω, κλίνω, οικτίρω, όλοφυρομαι, beside Lesb. 
 κτίννω, φθίρρω, κλίννω, οίκτίρρω, όλοφύρρω ; and similarly 
 τ^νω, ίγ^ίρω, κ^ίρω, μ^ίρομαι, π^ίρω, τύρω, κρίνω, πλύνω, 
 κνρω, μύρομαι. See § 69, 3• 
 
 5. F disappeared in the intervocalic combination fj and 
 then the j combined with the preceding vowel to form 
 a diphthong, except in the case of ί which simply became 
 lengthened, as δαίω, cvpeia, τ€σσαράβοίθ9, from *8αΡ]'ω, 
 *evpifja, *^ofjos, but δΐο^ from Stfjos. See 3 and 4 above. 
 
 6. Indg. t, th, dh+j became τσ in prim. Greek, τσ 
 then became σ initially and medially after long vowels, 
 diphthongs, and consonants, but medially between vowels 
 it became ττ in Boeotian and Cretan (Cret. also ζ), σ in 
 Attic and Ionic, and σσ, σ in the other dialects, as σοβίω, 
 I scare away, Skr. tyajayati, lie expels ; σήμα, Dor. σαμα, 
 from *θ]αμα, sign, token, Skr. dhyaman-, thought; αίσα, 
 πάσα, δόξα, from *aWja, *παντ]α, *δοκτ/α ; nom. ace. neut. 
 pi. Att. άττα, Ion. άσσα, from *ά-τ/α ; τξτραξός from *τξτρα• 
 χθ/θ9 : τίτραχθά; Ion. διξό^, τριξός : διχθά, τριχθά; Lesb. 
 Hom. μίσσο?, Att. Ion. μίσος, Skr. mddhyah, Lat. medius, 
 Goth, midjis, middle; Hom. νβμζσσάω, Att. ν^μ^σάω, from 
 *ν€μ€τ/αω ; and similarly ττόσσο?, πρόσσω, τόσσος, Att. Ion. 
 πόσος, πρόσω, τόσος ; Boeot. όπόττος, Cret. όπόττος, Att. 
 όπόσος. 
 
 Note. — 2. The presents of verbs in -^ω, the comparatives 
 in -Jωv and feminines in -j'a, formed from dental stems, were 
 in all the dialects remodelled on the analogy of those formed 
 from K-stems (see 7 below), as λίσσομαι : aor. AireV^ai ; ipirrw, 
 
§ 129] The Si'Jjiivozvels 8i 
 
 ίρίσσω : €ρ€τηζ ; κορνσσω : κόρνζ, Stem κόρνθ•, like ττίττω, πίσσω ; 
 μαλάττω, μαλάσσω μαλακός. Att. κρίίττων, Ιοη. κρίσσων like 
 ^ττων, ^σσων : ■^κιστα. κιττα, κίσσα : κοΐται ; μίλιττα, μίλίσσα : 
 gen. μίλιτοζ ; θησσα ; ^7^9, gen. ^τ/τό?, like ανασσα : uva^ ; 
 φοίΐ'ίσσα : φοίνιξ. 
 
 η. Indg. k, q, kh, qh, gh, gh+j became rr in Att. 
 Boeot. Thessal. Cret. (Cret. also ΘΘ), but σσ in the other 
 dialects, as Att. πίττα, Ion. πίσσα, from *πικ]α, Lat. pix, 
 Lith. pikis, />//r/i ; Att. πίττω, Ion. πίσσω, I cook, ripen, 
 Skr. pacyate, // ripens ; Att. θαττων, Ion, ^άσσωί', cp. 
 ταχιί? ; and similarly Att. πράττω, πλήττω, Ιλάττων, 
 ταράττω, γλώττα = Ion. πρήσσω, πλήσσω, ίλάσσων, 
 ταράσσω, γλώσσα. 
 
 ττ, σσ were simplified to τ, σ initially, as Hom. σ€ν€ 
 beside €-σσ€υ€, cp. Skr. cydvate, /le moves himself; Att. 
 τήμίρον, Ion. σήμερον, from *κ/άμζρον ; Att. τ^ντλον, Ion. 
 σζϋτλον. 
 
 8. Indg. dj and g, g+j became in prim. Greek dz and 
 then later zd by metathesis. Initial dz became 8 in Boeot, 
 Cret. and Laconian, but ζ (= zd) in the other dialects. 
 Medially after consonants it became 8 in all the dialects. 
 Medially after vowels it became 88 in Boeot, and Cretan, 
 but ζ (sometimes written σ8) in the other dialects, as Att. 
 Ion. Zeiiy, Boeot. Cret. and Laconian Aevs, Indg. *djeus, cp. 
 Skr. dyauh, sky ; Boeot. Cret. 8ώξί = Att. Ion. ζώτ]. ίρ8ω 
 from *€ργ7ω. πβ^ό? from *πί8]6^, Skr. padyah, on foot ; 
 σχίζω, cp. Skr. chidyate, it is ait off; ρίζω, Boeot. ρί88ω, 
 from *ρί:γ]ω ; σφάζω, Boeot. σφά88ω, from *σφάγ/ω ; and 
 similarly 'ύζομαι, ίλπίζω, μιγάζομαι, άζομαι, αρπάζω, νίζω. 
 
 9- Initial σ/' became the spiritus asper through the inter- 
 mediate stage of voiceless j, as ύμήν, thin skin, νμνο^, hymn, 
 song, Skr. syuman•, string, cord, syutah, sewn. 
 
 The medial combinations ασ/', oσj, eoy', υσ] became at, oi, 
 €1, vt, but ισJ became t, as ναίω from *Γασ/'ω, cp. νάσσαι ; 
 
 G 
 
82 Phonology [§§ 130-2 
 
 λιλαίομαί from "^λιλασ/ομαι ; Horn, τοΐο from *τοσ/ο — Skr. 
 tdsya ; Horn, ηΧύω, τβλίω, Att. τελώ, from *τ6λ6σ;'ω, 
 ei'?;!/ from *ζσ/ην, Skr. syam, / mirv be ; Hom. ί'δι/Γα from 
 *fiSvaja = Skr. vidusi, gen. vidusyah ; κονίω from */<:οί/ί- 
 σ/'ω. For further examples see § 76. 
 
 § 130. j disappeared after a consonant + nasal, as ίλαννω 
 from *eXaf ι^ώ ; θβρμω from *θ€ρμ]ω ; φα^ίνω from *0α- 
 /"εσί^ώ ; and similarly μίριμνα, τόλμα. 
 
 The Liquids. 
 § 131. The Indg. parent language had two liquids : 1 and 
 r. Apart from cases of dissimilation, which are common 
 in most languages, the two sounds were regularly kept 
 apart in Armenian and the European languages, but in 
 Iranian and partly also in the Indian group of dialects 
 they fell together in r. According to Whitney, Sanskrit 
 Grammar, § 53, ' r and 1 are very widely interchangeable 
 in Sanskrit, both in roots and in suffixes, and even in 
 prefixes : there are few roots containing 1 which do not 
 show also forms with r; words written with the one letter 
 are found in other texts, or in other parts of the same text, 
 written with the other. In the later periods of the language 
 they are more separated, and the 1 becomes decidedly more 
 frequent, though always much rarer than the r.' From this 
 it may be inferred that where 1 and r exist side by side in 
 the same word, it is due to a mixture of dialects, as in 
 lehmi beside rehmi, / lick. 
 
 § 132. Indg. 1 generally remained in Greek as also in 
 the other European languages, as aWos, Lat. alius, O.Ir. 
 aile, Goth, aljis, other; aXy, Lat. sal, O.Ir. salann, OE. 
 sealt, salt; άμ^λγω, Lat. mulgeo, OE. meolce, / milk; 
 κλίπτω, Lat. clepo, Goth, hlifa, / steal; kXvtOs, Skr. 
 srutdh, Lat. in-clutus, renowned, cp. O.Ir. cloth, renown, 
 OE. hleo))or, sound, melody; λ^ίπω, Lat. linquo, Lith. 
 
§§ 133-6] The Liquids 83 
 
 leku, / leave, Skr. rinakti, he leaves, Goth, leihra, / lend; 
 pf. XiXoina = Skr. rireca ; λ^ίχω, Skr. rehmi, lehmi, Lat. 
 lingo, OE. liccie, / lick; λξχο9, Lat. lectus, O.Ir. lige, 
 bed, couch, OE. licgan, to lie down ; ι/^ψύλη, Lat. nebula, 
 OHG. nebul, cloud, mist; Ion. ούλος, Att. 6X09, Skr. 
 sarvah, ivhole, all. 
 
 § 133. In some of the Doric dialects λ became ν before 
 τ and Θ, as β^ι^τιστος, φίνταται, kvOoiv, ήΐ'θβς = βέλτιστος, 
 φίλταται, €λθώΐ', ήλθίξ. 
 
 § 134. In the Cretan dialect anteconsonantal λ became 
 U'consonant and then combined with the preceding vowel to 
 form a diphthong, as αύκά, αύγ€Ϊΐ'=άλκή, άλγ€ίΡ ; θίνγω, 
 ζύθ^ΐν, άδ€νφιαί = Hom. θζλγω, k\6dv, άδξλψβαί, sisters. 
 Cp. Mod. northern dialects aud, cud, old; kaud, koud, cold. 
 
 § 135. Occasionally λ became ρ and vice versa by dis- 
 similation. This phenomenon is common in all the Indg. 
 languages and especially in Greek and Latin, as apyaXko^ 
 from *άλγαλ€θ? ; κζφαλαργίά beside κεφαλαλγία ; Lat. 
 Aleria beside ϋλαλί'α ; Lat. caeruleus : caelum, θηλητήρ 
 beside θηρητήρ ; μορμολνττομαί : μόρμοροΫ ; Lat. culter 
 from *certros ; pelegrinus from peregrinus ; fraglo beside 
 fragro. 
 
 § 136. Indg. r generally remained in Greek, as ερυθρός, 
 Skr. rudhirah, Lat. ruber, O.Ir. ruad, OE. read, Lith. 
 raudas, red; έρεβος, Skr. rajas-, Goth, riqis, darkness; 
 έρπω, Skr. sarpami, Lat. serpo, / creep; φέρω, Skr. 
 bharami, Lat. fero, O.Ir. berim, Goth, baira, O.Slav. 
 bera, / bear; τρεΐς, Skr. trayah, Lat. tres, O.Ir. tri, 
 Goth. J)reis, O.Slav, trije, three; άρόω, Lat. aro, Goth. 
 arja, Lith. ariu, I plough, O.Ir. arathar, /)/ο«^Λ ; αγρός, 
 Lat. ager, Goth, akrs, field, Skr. ijrah, a plain ; πόρκος, 
 Lat. porous, OE. fearh, pig; πατήρ, Skr. pitar-, Lat. 
 pater, O.Ir. athir, OE. fxder, /a the}-. See § 77. 
 
84 Phonology [§§ 137-40 
 
 § 137. Indg. sr became voiceless pp which was later 
 simplified to ρ initially, as β^ω, Skr. srdvami, Lith. sraviii, 
 I flow, beside κατα-ρρίω ; ροφίω, Lat. sorbeo, Lith. srebiu, 
 I gulp down. See § 215. 
 
 § 138. Indg. wr became β initially (through the inter- 
 mediate stage of pp) in the course of the individual dialects, 
 as Att. βήτρά, Elean Fpctrpd, saying, maxim, Skr. vratdm, 
 command, saying. See § 121. 
 
 The Nasals. 
 
 § 139. The Indg. parent language had four kinds of 
 nasals — labial m, dental n, palatal n, and velar q, corre- 
 sponding to the four classes of explosives p, t, k, q. Of 
 these the palatal and velar nasals only occurred before 
 their corresponding explosives and underwent in the 
 different languages all changes in the place of articulation 
 in common with these explosives, as Indg. *per)qe = rreuTe, 
 Lesb, π€/ζ7Γ€, Skr. pdnca, Goth, fimf, Lith. penki, flve ; 
 Indg. *per)qtos = πίμπτος, Lat. quintus, Goth, fimfta•, 
 Lith. penktas, ββίι ; Indg. *angh6 = αγχω, Lat. ango, 
 cp. Goth, aggwus, OE. enge, narrow. The dental and 
 labial nasals occurred also in other positions. All the 
 nasals had in Greek a weak articulation before explosives 
 and σ which accounts for their frequent omission on 
 inscriptions and for nasals of all kinds being expressed by 
 V in archaic Greek orthography. 
 
 § 140. Indg. m generally remained initially and medially 
 in Greek, as Att. Ion. μήτηρ. Dor. μάτηρ, Skr. matar•, 
 Lat. mater, O.Ir. mathir, OE. modor, O.Slav, mati, 
 mother; μίλι, Lat. mel, O.Ir. mil, Goth, milij), honey; 
 μνς, Skr. mus-, Lat. OE. mus, mouse ; γόμφος, bolt, nail, 
 Skr. jdmbhah, tooth, OE. camb, comb; ^ίμί, Skr. dsmi, 
 
§§ 1 41-5] The Nasals 85 
 
 Lat. sum, Lith. esmi, / am ; ^//εω, Skr. vamami, Lat. 
 vomo, / vomit) η μι-, Skr. sami, Lat. semi-, OE. sam•, 
 half; φίρομ^ν, Skr. bharamah, Lat. ferimus, Goth.bairam, 
 we bear. 
 
 § 141. Final m became n, as ίκατόν, Skr. satam, Lat. 
 centum, hundred ; ζνγόν, Skr. yugam, Lat. jugum, _yo/^^ ; 
 'i(f>epov = Skr. dbharam, cp. Lat. eram ; gen. pi. λύκων 
 = Skr. vrkanam; ace. sing, of vocalic stems, asAu/coi'=Skr. 
 vrkam, Lat. lupum ; τόν = Skr. tdm, Lat. is-tum ; Skr. 
 asvam = Lat. equam, cp. χωράν ; την = Skr. tam, Lat. 
 is-tam ; βάσιν = Skr. gatim, cp. Lat. partim, sitim ; 
 ή8ύν = Skr. svadum. eV, χθων, Skr. ksam•, earth ; χιών, 
 Lat. hiem•, winter, from *€μ, *χθώμ, *χίώμ, with ν levelled 
 out into the oblique cases : eVoy, χθονός, χιόνος, &c. 
 
 § 142. mj became nj, as βαίνω from *βαν/ω, older *βαμ]ω, 
 Indg. *gmjO, Lat. venio, cp. Goth, qiman, to come; κοινός 
 from *Kovjo9, older *κομ]ο<ί, cp. Lat. cum, com•, and quon- 
 iam from *quom-jam. 
 
 § 143. mt became nt, as άντλον, cp. άμάω, I gather in ; 
 βροντή, cp. βρ^μω, I roar; yivTO, he grasped, cp. M.Ir. 
 Z^meX, fetter. 
 
 § 144. ms became ns and then the nasal disappeared in 
 all the dialects in the combination ns + consonant without 
 lengthening of the preceding vowel (see § 153), as Β^σπότης 
 from *5e/z?, gen. of *(5e/i-, house. When the ns was not 
 followed by another consonant the nasal disappeared in 
 most of the dialects with lengthening of the preceding 
 vowel, as Att. Ion. el?, Dor. ^9, but Cret. eVy, from *e/iy, 
 cp. Lat. semel, semper. 
 
 § 145. ml, mr became mbl, mbr which were simplified to 
 bl, br initially, as βλώσκω, μίμβλωκα, 'ίμολον ; βλαδαρός, 
 flaccid, Skr. mrduh, soft; βλάξ, βληχρός, beside μαλακός; 
 βλωθρός, shooting up, high groiving, Skr. murdha, head ; 
 βλίττω from *μλιττω, cp. μύλι. βροτός = Skr. mrtah, 
 mortal, beside άμβροτος = Skr. amrtah ; μεσημβρία, mid- 
 
86 Phonology [§§ 146-8 
 
 day, beside ημ^ρά. Cp. words like NE. humble, number, 
 Fr, humble, nombre, beside Lat. ace. humilem, numerum. 
 
 § 146. Prim. Greek •μν•, the weak grade of -μ^ν-, was 
 simplified to -v- after long vowels, as inf. yvwvai from 
 *'γνωμναί beside γνώμ^ναί ; and similarly άήναι, Βαηναι, 
 στηναι, &c., cp. § 546. 
 
 η 
 
 § 147. η generally remained in Greek, as reo?, Skr. 
 navah, Lat. nevus, Goth, niujis, Lith. naujas, new ; vicjios, 
 cloud, Skr. ndbhas-, Lat. nebula, OHG. nehnl, fog, mist-, 
 vv^, Skr. naktih, Lat. nox, Goth, nahts, Lith. naktis, 
 night-, όνομα, Skr. nama, Lat. nomen, OE. nama, name ; 
 '4νη, the day before the new moon, Skr. sdnah, Lat. senex, 
 O.Ir. sen, Goth, sineigs, Lith. senas, old; yivos, Skr. 
 janas•, Lat. genus, Goth, kuni, race, generation ; γι^ωτό?, 
 Skr. jnatah, knoivn; Dor. φ^ροντι, Skr. bhdranti, Lat. 
 ferunt, Goth, bairand, they bear; vwvos, Skr. svapnah, 
 sleep ; voc. κύον, Skr. svan, dog, hound. 
 
 § 148. Indg. In became 11 in prim. Greek, Latin, Keltic 
 and Germanic. In Greek it is necessary to distinguish 
 three categories all of which belong to the prehistoric 
 period of the language. 
 
 1. The Indg. In which became 11 in prim. Greek. This 
 11 remained in Lesb. and Thessalian, but in the other 
 dialects it became simplified to 1 with lengthening of the 
 preceding vowel, as Lesb. άπ4λλω, Dor. fήλcύ, Hom. €ίλω, 
 from *ρ€λνω; Lesb. βάλλομαι, Thess. βύλλομαι, Dor. 
 δήλομαι, Att. βονλομαι from *βόλνομαί : Lesb. βόλλα, 
 Att. βουλή ; Hom. oυλos from *^ολνο^, fleecy ; Lesb. Thess. 
 στάλλα, Dor. στάλα, Att. Ion. στήλη, from *στάλνά. 
 See § 69, 6. 
 
 2. When λν came together at a later period it became 
 λλ and remained as such in all the dialects, as πάλλαξ, 
 girl, Παλλά?, Pallas, epith. of Athena, to stem *τΓαλ^ν•, 
 cp. OE. fola, /ort/, gen. folan for *fulen; eXXoy, to stem 
 
§§ 149-53] The Nasals 87 
 
 *€λ€ΐ/-, cp. O.Slav, jelen•, Lith. €in\%t young deer ; ολλϋμι 
 from *ολννμι, beside όλίσαι. 
 
 3. When λ^' came together at a still later period, it 
 remained, as πίλναμαι, πίλνημι, πιλνός. 
 
 § 149. When νλ came together in composition it became 
 assimilated to λλ, as aW^yov, ^λλάμπω, σύλλογος, παλί'λ- 
 Xoyoy. 
 
 § 150. νμ became assimilated to μμ, as ίμμί^ω, σύμμετρος, 
 σνμμα\09; ρί.τίσχνμμαί : αισγύνω, Κζκοίλαμμαι : κοίλαίνω, 
 μ^μώραμμαι : μωραίνω. 
 
 § 151. Before explosives ν became the corresponding 
 homorganic nasal, as συμβάλλω, συμπλέω, σνμφξνγω, 
 παλίμπαις, παλιγγζνζσία, παλιγκαττηλ^νω. 
 
 § 152. nr became ndr which was simplified to dr initially, 
 as άρδρός from *άνρός : άνήρ; σινδρβς : σιναρός, hurt, 
 damaged; Hesychius δρώψ' άνθρωπος. Cp. words like 
 NE. gander, thunder, beside OE. ganra, Jjunor. 
 
 § 153. η disappeared in prim. Greek before s or ζ + con- 
 sonant without lengthening of the preceding vowel. This 
 sound-change took place both when s, ζ were original or 
 arose from some other source, as κόστος from *κ^νστός : 
 Κ€ντίω ; τριακοστός from *τρίάκονστ6ς ; imperative mid. 
 φζρόσθων from *-ονσθων ; ey τοϋτο beside kvs, ei'y αυτό ; 
 Άθήναζζ from "^'Αθάνανζ-δζ. πλάζω from *πλάνζδω : 
 €πλαγξα ; σαλπίζω from *σαλπίνζδω : Ισάλπιγ^α ; σύζυ- 
 γος from *συν•ζδυγος, see § 155. Here belong also the 
 various dialect forms of the ace. pi. of o- and a-stems. In 
 prim. Greek the regular endings were : -ος, -ας when the 
 next word began with a consonant and -ονς, -ανς in pausa 
 and when the next word began with a vowel, as τος λύκονς, 
 but τονς ^λζύθ^ρονς. This original distinction was fairly 
 well preserved in the dialect of Crete. The other dialects 
 generalized the •ονς, -ανς, the ν of which then disappeared 
 with lengthening of the preceding vowel, whence Att. Ion. 
 -ους, -ας, Dor. -ως, -ας, Lesb. -οις, -αις. See § 69, ι. 
 
88 Phonology [§§ 154-5 
 
 Note.— When η came to stand in the above combination at 
 a later period it disappeared with lengthening of the preceding 
 vowel in Att. Ion. and in most of the other dialects, as Att. 
 Ισπίΐσται from *£σ7Γ€νσται with ν re-introduced from the pres. 
 σπενδω, the regular form would have been *£σπ€σται; Ion. 
 πάσμα from ^ττίνσιχα which was a new formation for *π€νθμα. 
 
 § 154. I' remained in Arcad. Arg. Cret. and Thessalian 
 before final -? and the medial -σ- which arose from the 
 assimilation of consonants, but in the other dialects— except 
 Lesbian— the ν disappeared with lengthening of a preceding 
 short vowel. In Lesb. the νσ became ισ, the ί of which 
 combined with a preceding short vowel to form a diphthong, 
 as Att. Ion. eh, Dor. ης, Cret. eVy, Lesb. eh, one (§ 144) ; 
 Att. Ion. /xeXay, raXds, from *μίλαν9, *τά\ανς•, yiyds, 
 TiOds, BlBovs, from *yLyavT9, ^TiOei^rs, *SiSopts; πάσα from 
 *iTavTJa beside Lesb. τταΐσα ; δίδουσα, τιθ^ΐσα from *δι• 
 δορτ/α, *τίθ€ντ/α ; Att. Ion. ayovai, ayoiCL — Dor. and 
 prim. Gr. dyovri, aya>vTi, beside Lesb. ayoiai, ay(i>aL. 
 
 n, r) 
 § 155. The oldest mode of representing these nasals in 
 Greek was by ν which is common on inscriptions. They 
 came to be represented by γ after the combinations gn, gm 
 had become assimilated to rjn, ψα. (§ 189), as in Att. 
 yίyvoμaL, άyμ6s = ytf;voμaL, ά?;μό$. It has already been 
 pointed out that these nasals only occurred in the parent 
 language before their corresponding explosives and under- 
 went in the different languages all changes in the place of 
 articulation in common with these explosives (§ 139). η : 
 •qveyKa, I bore, Skr. an^sa, he obtained, cp. Lat. nanciscor ; 
 αγχω, Lat. ango, cp. Goth, aggwus, narroiv. η : ayKOiv, 
 O.Lat. ancus, cp. Skr. arjkah, hook, OE. din%Q\, fish-hook ; 
 7T€VTi, Lesb. πύμπβ, Skr. pdnca, Lat. quinque, O.Welsh 
 pimp, Goth, fimf, Lith. penki, five ; λιμπάνω, Lat. linquo, 
 cp. Skr. rincanti, they leave. 
 
§§ 156-9] The Labials 89 
 
 § 156. The nasal disappeared with lengthening of the 
 preceding vowel before Ion. σσ, Att. ττ from prim. Greek 
 Xy = Indg. ghj (§ 129, 7), as Ion. ασσον from *ay\jov, cp. 
 ά'γχί ; Ion. ΐλάσσων, Att. ϊλάττων, from *€λαγχ/ωι/ ; Ion. 
 θάσσων, Att. ^arrooj/, from ^θαγ^'ων. 
 
 It also disappeared, but without lengthening of the pre- 
 ceding vowel, before ζ from prim. Gr. yj, as κλάζω from 
 *K\ayyjoi : Lat. clango ; ττλάζω from *nXayyj(u : Lat. 
 plango ; σαλπίζω : gen. adXntyyo^. 
 
 The Labials. 
 
 Ρ 
 
 § 157. Indg. ρ (= Skr. Lat. Lith. O.Slav, p, Germanic f, 
 b. In O.Ir. it disappeared initially and medially between 
 vowels) remained in Greek initially and generally also 
 medially, as πατήρ, Skr. pitar-, Lat. pater, O.Ir. athir, 
 OE. f dsder, faiher ; που?, Skr. pat (gen. padah), Lat. pes, 
 OE. ΐδϊ, foot] πρό, Skr. pra, Lat. pro-, O.Slav, pro-, 
 before ; TToAiiy, Skr. puruh, O.Ir. il, Goth, filu, much, many ; 
 πλ^κω, Lat. plecto ; Ιπτά, Skr. sapta, Lat. septem, Goth, 
 sibun, seven ; έρπω, Skr, sarpami, Lat. serpo, / creep ; 
 ύπβρ, Lat. s-uper, OE. ofer, over, Skr. upari, above ; νπνος, 
 Skr. svapnah, Lat. somnus from *swepnos, O.Ir. suan, 
 sleep, OE. swefan, ίο sleep ; κάπρος, Lat. caper. 
 
 § 158. π μ became μμ, as βλέμμα : βλίπω (see § 117). π 
 became β before δ, as κλίβδηι^, bystealih : κλίπτω; 'έβδομος : 
 επτά ; ίπί-βδαι (nom. ρ1.), f/ie day after the feast, where •βδ- 
 is the weak form of *^Q6.;foot, cp. Skr. upa-bd4•, stamping, 
 trampling. See § 107. 
 
 § 159. Indg. b (= Skr. Lat. O.Ir. Lith. O.Slav, b, Ger- 
 manic p) remained in Greek initially and generally also 
 medially, as βύκτης, blustering, Skr. huk-ka.ra.h, (he roaring 
 
90 Phonology [§§ 160-3 
 
 of a lion, Lat. biicina, trumpet, O.Slav, bucati, to roar, 
 bellow ; βάρβαρος, foreign, Skr. barbarah, stammering ; 
 βαλλίζω, I dance, Skr. bal-baliti, he whirls ; λ^ίβω, Lat. 
 libo ; ομβροΫ, Lat. imber, cp. Skr. ambu, water. It should 
 be noted that b was a rare sound in the parent Indg- 
 language. 
 
 § 160. On the change of /3 to π before voiceless sounds, 
 as in τρίψω, τίτριπται : τρίβω, see § 106. βμ became μμ, 
 as τίτριμμαι : τρίβω, see § 117. 
 
 ph 
 
 § 161. ph was one of the rarest sounds in the parent 
 language. It was preserved in Sanskrit and Greek, but in 
 prim. Latin it fell together with original bh, and in prim. 
 Keltic, Germanic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages with 
 original p. σφαραγίομαι, I crack, crackle, Skr. sphurjati, 
 he cracks ; σφήν, Skr. sphyah, wedge ; σφίλα?, Skr. 
 phalakam,/oo/stoo/, see § 102. 
 
 bh 
 
 § 162. Indg. bh (= Skr. bh, Lat. f initially and b me- 
 dially, Germanic b, b, Keltic and Baltic-Slavonic b) became 
 voiceless φ in Greek, as φέρω, Skr. bharami, Lat. fero, 
 O.Ir. berim, OE. here, O.Slav, bera, / bear; φράτηρ, 
 member of a φράτρά, Skr. bhratar-, Lat. frater, O.Ir. 
 brathir, OE. bro))or, brother; όφρν^, Skr. bhruh, OE. 
 bru, Lith. bruvis, eyebrow; ν^φο^, cloud, Skr. ndbhas-, 
 Lat. nebula, OHG. nebul, mist; ομφαλός, Lat. umbilicus ; 
 γόμφος, nail, Skr. jambhah, tooth, OE. camb, comb. 
 
 § 163. φμ became μμ, as γίγραμμαι : γράφω, see § 117. 
 
 On the change of to π before voiceless sounds, as in 
 γράψω, γέγραττται : γράφω, see § 109. On the de-aspira- 
 tion of φ, as in πίφβνγα : φ^ύγω, see § 115. 
 
§§ ϊ64-6] The Dentals 91 
 
 The Dentals. 
 t 
 
 § 164. Indg. t (= Skr. Lat. Lith. O.Slav, t, O.Ir. t, th, 
 Germanic \, d, but t in the Indg. combinations pt, kt, qt, 
 st) generally remained in Greek initially and medially, as 
 rdviuy Lat. tendo, OE. )jenne, / stretch, Skr. tanoti, he 
 stretches ; Lat. tenuis, O.Ir. tana, Lith. tenvas, OE. )jynne, 
 thin; raros, Skr. tatdh, Lat. tentus, stretched; τ6, Skr. 
 tdd, Lat. is-tud, OE. ]?aet, the, that; rpeh, Skr. trdyah, 
 Lat. tres, O.Ir. tri, OE. J)ri, O.Slav, trije, three; τρ^μω, 
 Lat. tremo ; πατήρ, Skr. pitdr-, Lat. pater, O.Ir. athir, 
 OE. faeder, /rt//!^r; φβρξτβ, Skr. bharatha, Lat. (imper.) 
 ferte, Goth, bairijj, O.Slav, berete, ye bear; eros, Lat. 
 vetus ; κλντό^, Skr. srutah, Lat. in-clutus, renowned, O.Ir. 
 cloth, renown ; eari, Skr. asti, Lat. est, Goth, ist, Lith. 
 esti, he is ; κλίπτη?, Goth, hliftus, thief; οκτώ, Skr. astau, 
 asta, Lat. octd, O.Ir. ocht, OE. eahta, eight. 
 
 § 165. Τ7Γ became πττ, as Hom. κάππ^σον from κατίπ^σον : 
 καταπίπτω. 
 
 § 166. Prim. Greek τσ (§ 109) became a double spirant 
 the precise pronunciation of which is uncertain. Most 
 scholars assume that it was ]?])(= th in Engl, thin) or a kind 
 of lisped ss. Before and after consonants, and finally it 
 became σ through the intermediate stage σσ in all the 
 dialects, as Hom. Jaos, Att. ίσο?, Cret. far/^os- from *fiTafo^, 
 older *widswos ; Att. βάλλονσι, Cret. βάλλονσι, from 
 *βά\λοντσι : βάλλων ; νόσος from *ν6τσΡθ9 ; πάσχω from 
 *πάτσχω : παθξΐν ; Att. 'ίσπ^ισα, Cret. ίσπ^νσα, from 
 *ίσπίντσα : σπίνδω ; eVepcrafrom *€π^ρτσα : πύρθω; nom. 
 ννξ, νίότης, πονς, κόρνς, yiyas, SiSovy, τιθ^ίς, beside stem 
 νύκτ-, veOTt]T-, ποδ-, κόρνθ-, γίγαντ-, διδόντ-, Τίθίντ-, 
 
 Medially after long vowels and diphthongs it became σ in 
 all the dialects, as dat. pi. φωσί from *φωτσί ; σπ€νσω from 
 *σπζύτσω : σπεύδω ; '4πξΐσα from *'ίπζίτσα : πάθω. 
 
92 Phonology [§§ 167-9 
 
 Medially between short vowels it became ττ in Boeot. 
 Cret. (Cret. also ζ), σ in Att. Ion., and σσ, σ in the other 
 dialects, as aor. Horn, δάσσασθαι, Att. δάσασθαι, Cret. 
 δάτταθθαι, δάζαθαι : δατίομαι ; loc. pi. Horn, ποσσί, Att. 
 ποσί, Skr. patsu, beside nom. πόδ^ς, Skr. padah. 
 
 § 167. Indg. tj became ts in prim. Greek and then had 
 the same further development as the ts in § 168, as Hom. 
 Att. Boeot. πάσα, Lesb. παΐσα, Thess. Cret. πάνσα, from 
 *navTJa ; δό^α from *δ6κτ/α ; αίσα from *αιτ/α ; Hom. 
 τόσσος, τόσος, Lesb. τόσσος, Att. τόσος, from *tOtJos. See 
 § 129, 6. 
 
 § 168. Initial tw- became σσ- which was simplified 
 later to σ-, as σε, Skr. tva, tvam, fhcc. Medial -tw- 
 became -ττ- in Att. and Boeot., and -σσ- in the other dialects, 
 as Att. τ€τταρ€9, Boeot. πίτταρ^ς, Hom. τίσσαρ^ς, Skr. 
 catvarah,/o«r. For further examples see § 124, 3. 
 
 § 169. Ti remained initially and also in the combination 
 στι, as τίσις, 'ίστι, πίστις, στιφρός. Medially it partly 
 became σι and partly remained. The reason for this two- 
 fold treatment has never been satisfactorily explained. 
 P. Kretschmer — Kuhn's Zeitschrift, vol. xxx, pp. 565-91— 
 after investigating the subject in great detail, arrives at the 
 following result : tl remained medially when the l was 
 accented, and also finally when the accent was on the 
 penultima, but it became σι when the l was unaccented. 
 On the other hand Brugmann — Grundriss, vol. i, p. 662 — 
 assumes that the l became consonantal before vowels, as in 
 πλούσιος from *πλοντβς ; gen. Ion. βάσιος from *βάτβς 
 and then the σ was levelled out into the nom. and ace. sing. 
 βάσις, βάσιν. A careful examination of the material 
 collected by Kretschmer shows that both explanations 
 leave a large residuum of unexplained forms, even when due 
 allowance is made for a considerable number of analogical 
 formations. The ti«stems and likewise the adjectives in 
 ^'Τίος have σι, as βάσις, πόσις, δόσις, φύσις ; πλούσιος, 
 
§§ 170-5] The Dentals 93 
 
 (ΐ^ιανσιοί, άμβρόσιο^. The pres. third pers. sing, of μι- 
 verbs and the third pers. pi. of oo-verbs have -σι in Att. Ion., 
 but •τι in Dor. and Boeotian, as Att. δίδωσι, τίθησι φίρουσι 
 beside Dor. δίδωτι, τίθητι, φ^ροντί. 
 
 § 170. τ became σ before a following τ, as άπαστο^ : 
 ττατύομαι ; Κζστόί from *K€ut-t6^ : κξΐ^τίω ; νστζροί, Skr. 
 uttarah, latter. See § 110. 
 
 § 171. Indg. d (= Skr. Lat. O.Ir. Lith. O.Slav, d, Ger- 
 manic t) generally remained initially and medially in Greek, 
 as SeKa, Skr. dasa, Lat. decern, O.Ir. deich, Goth, taihun, 
 OE. tien, Lith dezimt•, fen ; δίδωμι, Skr. dddami, Lat. do, 
 I give, O.Slav, dati, to give; δό /zoy, Skr. damah, Lat. 
 domus, O.Slav, domu, house; δύω, Skr. dvau, dva, Lat. 
 duo, O.Ir. dau, d5, Lith. du, OE. twa, two; ίδω, Skr. 
 ddmi, Lat. edo, OE. ete,I eat; e^oy, Skr. sadas-, si-rt/, Lat. 
 sedere, OE. sittan, to sit; καρδία, κραδίη, Lat. gen. cordis, 
 O.Ir. cride, Lith. szirdis, OE. heorte, heart; οΊδ€, Skr. 
 veda, OE. wat, he knows, Lat. videre, to see; ace. πόδα, 
 Skr. padam, Lat. pedem, OE. fbt,/oot. 
 
 § 172. δλ became λλ, as πίλλντρον from *πίδ•λϋτρον, 
 bandage worn by runners on the ankle ; Lac. iXka = Lat. 
 sella, from *sedla, OE. setl, seat. 
 
 δπ became ππ, as Hom. οππως from *οδ•πως older 
 *σf6δ^πως, quontodo. 
 
 § 173. Indg. dj became ζ, as Zeuy, cp. Skr. dyauh, sky ; 
 πε^όί, Skr. padyah, on foot. See § 129, 8. 
 
 § 174. δ became σ before a following voiceless dental, as 
 οίσθα : οίδα ; ίψ^νσται : ψεύδομαι. See § 110. 
 
 th 
 
 § 175. th was a rare sound in the parent language. It 
 was preserved in Sanskrit and Greek, but in prim. Latin 
 it fell together with original dh, and in prim. Keltic, 
 
94 Phonology [§§ 176-81 
 
 Germanic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages with original 
 t. οΊσθα, Skr. vettha, thou knowest ; πλάθανον, a platter 
 or mould to bake in, Skr. prthuh, broad; μόθο?, battle-din, 
 Skr. manthati, he twists, shakes, see § 102. 
 
 § 176. Indg. sth became στ, as ϊστημι, Skr. tisthami, 
 / stand; στνλο?, pillar, Skr. sturah, strong; superlative 
 suffix -ιστό? = Skr. -isthah, see § 102. 
 
 dh 
 
 § 177. Indg. dh (= Skr. dh, Lat. f initially, b medially 
 before and after r, before 1 and after u (w), in other cases 
 d, Keltic and Baltic-Slavonic languages d, Germanic d, d) 
 became voiceless θ in Greek, as θήσασθαι, to suck, Skr. 
 dhayanti, O.Ir. denait, they suck, Lat. felare, Goth, 
 daddjan, to suckle ; θνμό^, courage, passion, Skr. dhumdh, 
 Lat. fumus, Lith. pi. dumai, smoke; θύρα, OE. duru, pi. 
 Lat. fores, Lith. durys, door ; τίθημι, Skr. dadhami, I put, 
 place, OE. dad, deed, Lith. deti, O.Slav, deti, to lay, cp. 
 Lat. facio, feci; μίθν, wine, Skr. madhu, O.Ir. mid, OE. 
 medu, meodu, Lith. medus, mead, honey ; ερυθρός, Skr. 
 rudhirah, Lat. ruber, OE. read, red; αΐθω, I burn, Skr. 
 edhas-, fire-wood, Lat. aedes, sanctuary, originally, fre- 
 place, hearth, OE. ad, funeral pile ; ούθαρ, Skr. udhar, 
 Lat. uber, OE. iider, udder; πύθω, Lat. fido ; imperative 
 κΧυθι = Skr. srudhi, hear thou. 
 
 § 178. Indg. dhj became σσ, σ, as μίσσος, μίσο?, Skr. 
 madhyah, middle, see § 129, 6. 
 
 § 179. Indg. dh appears as σ before voiceless dentals, as 
 πίπβισται, ίπίίσθην : ττ^ίθω, see § 110. 
 
 § 180. On the de-aspiration of θ, as in τίθημι, see § 115. 
 
 The Palatals and the Velar Gutturals. 
 
 § 181. In treating the history of these consonants in the 
 various languages it is convenient to divide the Indg. 
 family of languages into two great groups according to the 
 
§ ϊ8ιΐ The Palatals and Velar Gutturals 95 
 
 different development which these sounds underwent in 
 the two groups. The palatal explosives k, kh, g and gh 
 usually appear in Greek, Italic (Latin, Oscan, Umbrian), 
 Keltic and the Germanic languages as explosives or as 
 sounds which are directly developed from explosives, 
 whereas in the Aryan, Armenian, Albanian and Baltic- 
 Slavonic languages they usually appear as spirants. The 
 former group is generally called the centum- and the latter 
 the satsm-group of languages, where Latin centum and Zend 
 satam represent the original Indg. word *)imtom, hundred. 
 This twofold development of the palatals is probably due 
 to dialectal differences which already existed in the Indg. 
 parent language. In addition to the palatals the parent 
 language also had two kinds of velars, viz. pure velars and 
 labialized velars or velars with lip-rounding. The pure 
 velars fell together with the palatals in the centum- 
 languages, but were kept apart in the satsm-languages. 
 On the other hand the pure velars fell together with the 
 labialized velars in the satam-languages, but were kept 
 apart in the centum-languages. 
 
 The following table contains the normal development 
 of the palatals and velar gutturals in the various languages. 
 The labialized velars are here indicated by ^. In other 
 parts of this grammar the ^ is almost always omitted as 
 being unnecessary, because the Greek words themselves 
 generally indicate whether they originally contained a pure 
 velar or a labialized velar. 
 
96 
 
 Phonology 
 
 [§ '8i 
 
 
 > 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 >υ 
 
 >N 
 
 >N1 
 
 >o 
 
 >N 
 
 >N 
 
 (Λ 
 
 (75 
 d 
 
 « 
 
 Ν 
 
 Ν 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 CQ 
 
 
 
 
 Λ 
 
 bO 
 
 bo 
 
 .!:<$ 
 
 bo 
 
 bO 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 S) 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 C 
 
 ^ 
 
 Ν 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 '^ 
 
 
 •S3 
 
 •Ν 
 
 ^ 
 
 bO 
 
 bo 
 
 ^ 
 
 bo 1 bo 
 
 hJ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 g 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 fD 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 sJ 
 
 
 
 
 υ 
 
 •- ' -^, 
 
 υ 
 
 "-5 
 
 Λ 
 
 c/} 
 
 -M 
 
 ->w 
 
 "'~) 
 
 Λ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 r> 
 
 
 C/5 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 bo 
 
 bo 
 
 ^^ 
 
 bo 
 
 •s, 
 
 
 
 ___ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■P 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Cm 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 .•. 
 
 
 
 
 CJ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^^ 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 to 
 
 ^ 
 
 bB 
 
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182-7] The Palatals 97 
 
 I. The Palatals. 
 
 § 182. Indg. k (= Lat. O.Ir. c, Germanic h ; g, 5, Skr. s, 
 Lith. sz, O.Slav, s) remained in Greek initially and 
 generally also medially, as ίκατόν, Lat. centum, O.Ir. cet, 
 OE. hund, Skr. satam, Lith. szimtas, hundred) καρΒία, 
 κραδίη, Lat. cor, O.Ir, cride, OE. heorte, Lith. szirdis, 
 heart; κλίπτω, Lat. clepo, Goth, hlifa, / siea/ ; κλυτό?, 
 Lat. in-clutus, Skr. srutah, renowned, O.Ir. cloth, renown ; 
 κνων, Lat. canis, O.Ir. cu, OE. hund, Skr. sva, gen, sunah, 
 Lith. szu,gen. szuns, dog, hound; δίκα, Lat. decem, Goth, 
 taihun, Skr. dasa, Lith. deszimt-, fen ; δίδορκβ, Skr. 
 daddrsa, he has seen ; oIkos, folKos, Skr. vesah, house, 
 Lat. vicus, village; οκτώ, Lat. oct5, OE. eahta, Skr. 
 astau, asta, Lith. asztuni, eight; ώκύ?, Skr. asuh, quick, 
 Lat. 5cior. 
 
 § 183. kw became τγτγ, as ΐππο^, Lat. equus, OE. eoh, 
 Skr. dsvah, horse. See § 124, 2. 
 
 § 184. Medial kj became ττ in Att. and σσ in Ion., as 
 ήττων, ήσσων : ήκιστος ; ττάτταλος, πάσσαλος : root *pak•. 
 ττ and σσ were simplified to τ, and σ initially, as Att. 
 τήμξ.ρον, Ion. σήμερον from '^κ]α.μ(.ρον. See § 129, 7. 
 
 § 185. ks became χ before a liquid or nasal, as μνχλός 
 from *μνκσλο?, stallion-ass : Lat, mulus ; λίχριος : Ao|oy, 
 Lat. luxus ; αράχνη from *άρακσνα, Lat. aranea ; λάχνη 
 from λάκσνά ; λύχνος from *λυκσνος : Lat. luna from 
 *louksna ; πάχνη from *πακσνα ; πλοχμός : πλόκαμος. 
 See § 218. 
 
 § 186. k disappeared before sk, as δίσκος from *δικσκος : 
 δικβΐν ; ΐίσκω from *Ρ€ρικσκω : eoiKa ; λάσκω from *λακσκω : 
 λακβΐν ; διδάσκω {rom* δ ιδακσκω. 
 
 § 187. κ became γ before voiced sounds, as πλ^γδην : 
 πλίκω. See § 107. 
 
98 Phonology [§§ 188-92 
 
 g 
 
 § 188. Indg. g (= Lat. O.Ir. g, Germanic k, Skr. j, Lith. 
 z, O.Slav, z) remained in Greek initially and generally 
 also medially, as ykvos, Lat. genus, Goth, kuni, Skr. 
 jdnas-, race, generation, O.Ir. gein, birth ; y λύομαι, Lat. 
 gusto, / taste, OE. ceosan, to choose, Skr. jusate, he tastes ; 
 yovv, Lat. genu, OE. cneo, Skr. janu, ^«^^ ; γι/ωτό?, Lat. 
 (g)n5tus, O.Ir. gnath, Skr. jnatah, knoivn, OE. cnawan, 
 O.Slav, znati, to knoiv; aypSs, Lat. ager, Goth, akrs, 
 Skr. kjr&h, field, acre; ay ω, Lat. ago, O.Ir. agim, Skr. 
 djami, / drive-, kyoi, Lat. ego, OE. ic, /; 'ipyov, OE. 
 weorc, ivork ; άμiλyω, Lat. mulgeo, M.Ir. bligim, OE. 
 meolce, Lith. melzu, / milk, Skr. mrjati, he wipes, rubs. 
 
 § 189. Medial yv, yμ became yv, ^μ, as in yiyvmaKOi, 
 yίyvoμaι, arvyvo^, άyμ6s. This explains why the guttural 
 nasal came to be expressed by γ in Greek (§ 155). At 
 a later period t/v was simplified to v, as yιuώσκω, yίuoμaι. 
 The u occurs on inscriptions in Ion. already in the fifth 
 and in Att. about the end of the fourth century b. c. 
 
 § 190. gj became ζ, as άζομαι from *αγ/ομαί, I stand in 
 awe of, Skr. ydjate, he honours ; αρπάζω from *ap-nayj(u. 
 See § 129, 8. 
 
 § 191. γ became κ before voiceless consonants, as λΙ^ω, 
 XiXcKTai : λiyω. See § 106. 
 
 kh 
 
 § 192. kh was one of the rarest sounds in the parent 
 Indg. language. It was generally preserved in Greek, but 
 in prim. Latin it fell together with original gh, and in the 
 prim. Keltic, Germanic and Baltic-Slavonic languages with 
 original k. It is doubtful what simple kh would have 
 become in Sanskrit, because it only occurs in the original 
 combination skh which became ch initially and cch 
 medially. — σχί^ω, Lat. scindo, / split, Skr. chindtti from 
 
§§ 193-5] The Pure Velars 99 
 
 *skhinatti, he splits, OE. scadan, to divide ; σχάω, / slit, 
 Skr. chydti, he slits, see § 102. 
 
 gh 
 
 § 193. Indg. gh (= Lat. h medially between vowels and 
 also initially before vowels except u, f initially before u, 
 g before and after consonants, O.Ir. g, Germanic g, 5, 
 Skr. h, Lith. z, O.Slav, z) became voiceless χ in Greek, as 
 χιών, Skr. himah, snow; χβιμών, Lat. hiems, O.Ir, gaim, 
 Lith. zema, O.Slav, zima, winter, Skr. heman, in winter; 
 χαμαί, on the ground, Lat. humus, Lith. zeme, O.Slav. 
 zemlja, earth, ground; x^{F)% Lat. fundo, OE. geote, 
 I pour, Skr. hutkh, poured, sacrificed; χην, Lat. (h)anser, 
 OE. g5s, Skr. hasah, goose; λ^ίχω, Lat. lingo, O.Ir. 
 ligim, Skr. rehmi, lehmi, Lith. leziu, O.Slav, liza, / lick ; 
 Pamph. /^€χω, Lat. veho, OE. wege, Skr. vahami, Lith. 
 vezu, O.Slav, veza, / bear, carry, move ; αγχω, Lat. ango, 
 I press tight, Skr. ahas-, need, distress, OE. enge, narrow; 
 πηχνς, fore-arm, Skr. bahuh, arm. 
 
 § 194. ghj became ττ in Att. and σσ in Ion., as Att. 
 θάττων. Ion. θάσσων : ταχύ^, ταχίστου. See § 129, 7. 
 
 2. The Pure Velars. 
 
 q 
 
 § 195. Indg. q (= Lat. O.Ir. c, Germanic h ; g, 3, Skr. 
 k but c before i, and a = Indg. e, Lith. k, O.Slav, k but c 
 before palatal vowels) became κ in Greek initially and 
 generally also medially, as καρκίνος, Lat. cancer, Skr. 
 karkatah, cmo ; κάλνξ, Skr. kalika.,fower-bud ; καρπός, 
 fruit, Lat. carpo, I pluck, pick, OE. haerfest, autumn, Skr. 
 krpanah, sword, Lith. kerpu, / shear; καλίω, Lat. calo, 
 I call, call out, Lith. kalbk, speech; καλό?, Skr. kalyanah, 
 beautiful; κζλαινό^, Skr. kalah, black, cp. Lat. caligo ; 
 κ4λλω, I drive, Skr. kalayati, kalayati, he drives, Lat. 
 celer, quick; κολωνός, Lat. coUis, hill, Lith. kalnas, 
 
 Η 2 
 
loo Phonology [§§ 196-200 
 
 mountain ; Kpias, flesh, OE. hra(w), corpse, carrion, Skr, 
 kravis•, raw meat, Lat. cruor, O.Ir. cru, Lith. kraujas, 
 blood, gore; άγκώρ, oiyKos, O.Lat. ancus, Skr. arjkas-, 
 bend, hollow, Lith. anka, loop, knot ; ζ^υκτόζ, Lat. junctus, 
 Skr. yuktah, Lith. junktas, yoked ; /ζεΓρα^, Skr. maryakah, 
 boy, young man. 
 
 § 196. qj became ττ in Att. and σσ in Ion., as Att. 
 πλήττω. Ion. πλήσσω, root *plaq•. See § 129, 7. 
 
 9 
 
 § 197. Indg. g (= Lat. O.Ir. g, Germanic k, Skr. g but j 
 before i, and a = Indg. e, Lith. g, O.Slav, g but ζ before 
 palatal vowels) became γ in Greek initially and generally 
 also medially, as ykpavos, Lat. grus, OE. cran, Lith. 
 gerve, crane; ay as, guilt, Skr. agas•, offence, crime, sin; 
 ay ορά, assembly, άydpω, I assemble, Lat. grex, herd, flock, 
 O.Ir. graig, herd of horses, Skr. gramah, croivd ; (vyov, 
 Lat. jugum, Goth, juk, Skr. yugam, O.Slav, igo, yoke; 
 aTeyo?, reyoy, OE. ])aec, Lith. stogas, roof, O.Ir. teg, 
 house : στίγω, Lat. tego, I cover, Skr. sthdgati, sthagayati, 
 he hides, conceals. 
 
 § 198. gj became ζ, as στίζω from *στίyjω : στίyμa, cp. 
 Skr. tigmah, pointed, sharp, Lat. in-stigo. See § 129, 8. 
 
 § 199. γ became κ before voiceless consonants, as στε^ω : 
 στiyω; ανξω, αυξάνω : Lat. augeo, Goth, duka, Lith. 
 augu, I groiu, increase, add. See § 106. 
 
 qh 
 § 200. qh was of rare occurrence in the parent language. 
 It became χ in Greek, kh but ch before i and a = Indg. e 
 in Sanskrit ; in prim. Lat. it fell together with original gh, 
 gh, in prim. Keltic and Germanic with original k, q, in 
 Lith. and O.Slav, with original q. καχάζω, I laugh, Skr. 
 kakhati, he laughs ; Koyxos, Lat. congius [a small liquid 
 measure), Skr. sarjkhah, muscle, see § 102. 
 
The Labialized Velaria 
 
 Ό' 
 
 9h 
 § 201. Indg. gh (= Skr. gh but h before i, and a = Indg. 
 e, Lat. h initially before and medially between vowels, 
 g before and after consonants, O.Ir. g, Germanic g, 5, Lith. 
 g, O.Slav, g but ζ before palatal vowels) became voiceless 
 X in Greek, as χαλκό?, brass, Lith.gelezis, iron ; \αν8άνω, 
 I lay hold of, Lat. pre-hendo, / seize, Goth, bi-gita, I find, 
 O.Slav, gadaja, I giiess, divine; δόλιχος, Lat. longus, 
 OE. lang, Skr. dirghah, long ; λΙχο?, O.Ir.lige, ύ<?ί/, Goth, 
 ligan, O.Slav, lezati, to lie dozvn ; ομίχλη, Lith. mig,lk,/og, 
 mist, Skr, meghah, cloud; στ^ίχω, O.Ir, tisigu, I go, OE. 
 stige, / rise, O.Slav, stigna, / come. 
 
 3. The Labialized Velars. 
 qw 
 
 § 202. Indg. q^ (= Lat. qu before vowels except u, but 
 c before u and consonants, O.Ir, c, Germanic hw, h ; gw, 
 g, w ; f, b (§ 181), Skr. k but c before i, and a = Indg. e, 
 Lith. k, O.Slav, k but c before palatal vowels) had 
 a threefold development in Greek. It became π before all 
 sounds except i, e, ν andy"; r before ι and e ; κ before and 
 after v, as πό-θ^ν, whence, Lat. quis, O.Ir. cia, OE. hAva, 
 .Skr, kah, Lith, kas, who?; Tror^pos, OE, hwae)?er, Skr. 
 katarah, which of two ? ; πρίασθαι, to buy, Skr. krinami, 
 I buy; ποινή : τισι^, penalty, Skr. cayate, he avenges, pu7iishes ; 
 πάλαι, long ago, formerly, Skr. caramah, the last; λβίπω, 
 Lat. linquo, O.Ir. lecim, Lith. leku, / leave, Skr. rinakti, 
 he leaves, Goth, leihran, to lend ; έπομαι, Lat. sequor, Lith, 
 sekii, I follow, Skr, sdcate, he follows; ήπαρ, Lat, jecur, 
 Skr, ydkrt, Lith. pi. jeknos, liver; TreTrroy, Lat, coctus, 
 Skr. paktdh, cooked. 
 
 Ti'y, τι, Lat. quis, quid, Oscan pis, pid, Skr. indef. pro- 
 noun cid ; Hom. Tea, Goth, h/is, O.Slav, ceso, whose F ; 
 τίτταρ€9, τύσσαρ€9, Lat. quattuor, O.Ir. cethir, Goth. 
 
J02 Phonology [§§203-5 
 
 fidwor, Skr. catvarah, Lith. keturi, /oi/r ; re, Lat. -que, 
 Skr. ca, and ; ji.\o<i : πάλαι ; τΓσί? : ποί^^τ^ ; πΐί^τβ, Lat. 
 quinque, O.Ir. c5ic, Goth, fimf, Skr. pinca, Lith. penki, 
 five. 
 
 XvK09, Goth, wulfs, Skr. vrkah, wo/f; vv^, νυκτός, Lat. 
 nox, noctis, Goth, nahts, Skr. nakti•, Lith, naktis, night; 
 κνκλθ9, Ο Ε. hweol, Skr. cakrah, wheel; θαλνκρός : θάλπος. 
 
 Note. — r. Forms derived from the pronominal stem q^^o- 
 have κ instead of π, especially in the Ionic dialect of Herodotus 
 and Herondas, as κόσοζ, κότερο•;, κου, κοΓος, κώ?, ό'-κως, but only 
 the regular forms with π are found on Ion. inscriptions ; in 
 Thess. κΐς also occurs beside τΐ9. It is difficult to account for 
 the K-forms unless we may suppose that they first arose in 
 combination with the negative particle, as in ονκως, ovkis, where 
 the original velar would regularly become κ because of the pre- 
 ceding V. In like manner may also be explained ττολλάκις 
 a new formation for older ^ττολυκι?. 
 
 2. In the Aeolic dialects π occurs beside τ before palatal 
 vowels, as Lesb. ττίσσυρες, Hom. ττίσνρΐς, Boeot. TTCTTapcs, 
 beside Att. τίτταρα ; Lesb. Thess. ττψττΐ. beside ttIvtc ; Thess. 
 ττάσαι beside Att. τεΓσαι. 
 
 3. Forms like AetVct?, XetVct, XciVcre were due to levelling out 
 the regular π -forms λειττω, λ^ίπομΐν, λείπουσι; and similarly 
 gen. €7Γ€05 for *£τεο9, with π from etto?. 
 
 § 203. q^j became ττ, σσ, as Att. πί,ττω, Ion. πύσσω : 
 πίψω, π^πτόί, Lat. coquo, O.Slav, peka, I cook, bake, Skr. 
 picati, he cooks. See § 129, 7. 
 
 § 204. πμ became μμ, as λύλζίμμαι : λ^ίπω ; όμμα from 
 *6πμα, cp. Lat. oculus, Lith. akis, eye. See § 117. 
 
 § 205. Indg. gw (= Lat. ν but gu after n, and g when 
 the labialized element had been lost, O.Ir. b but g before 
 old j, Germanic kw, k, Skr. g but j before i, and a = Indg. 
 e, Lith. g, O.Slav, g but ζ before palatal vowels) had 
 
§ 2o6] The Labialized Velars 103 
 
 a threefold development in Greek. It became β before all 
 sounds except 6, υ and/; 5 before e ; γ before and after υ, 
 as βαίνω, I go, Lat. venio, Goth, qima, / come, Skr. gd- 
 mati, he goes, ja-gama, lie has gone; βάλανος, Lat. glans, 
 Lith. gile, acorn ; βάλλω, I throw, Skr. gdlati, Λ^ trickles 
 down; Boeot. /?«;/«, O.Ir. ben, Goth. qin5, OE. cwene, 
 O.Slav, zena, woman, Skr. gna-, wife 0/ a god ; βαρν^, Lat. 
 gravis, Goth, kaurus, Skr. guruh, heavy ; βον?, Skr. gauh, 
 ox, O.Ir. b5, OE. cu, cow, Lat. bos for *v6s is an Umbrian• 
 Samnitic loanword ; Att. βονλζται : Dor. δήλίται ; '4ρίβο9, 
 Goth, riqis, Skr. rajas•, darkness ; ^βην, '^βάν, I went, Skr. 
 dgat, he went ; τάρβος, /right, Lat. torvos, /erce, grim, 
 Skr. tdrjati, he threatens ; φίβομαι, I flee from, Lith. begu, 
 I flee, run. 
 
 δίλφνί, Skr. garbhah, matrix ; ά8ήν, gland, Lat. inguen, 
 groin; Dor. δήλξται : Att. βονλξται. 
 
 In a few words /3 occurs before ί where we should regu- 
 larly expect δ, as βία, bodily strength, force, might, Skr. 
 jya, jiya, supreme power, upper hand ; βίος, life, Lat. vivos, 
 O.Ir. biu, Goth, qius, Skr. jivah, alive; βιός, bow, Skr. 
 jya, bow-string. These forms have never been satisfactorily 
 explained. Some scholars assume that g^i regularly 
 became βι and that δκρόί is not etymologically connected 
 with Skr. jirah. 
 
 γυνή : Boeot. βάνα ; ψξύγω, 'ίφυγον : φίβομαι ; gen. 
 οΙν6•φλνγο9 : gen. φλ€β6ς ; ν-γιή?, sound, healthy, lit. well 
 living : βίος. 
 
 Note. — i. In the Aeolic dialects β occurs beside δ before 
 palatal vowels, as Lesb. β^λφίν, Boeot. β€λφ7ν- : Att. δελφΓν- ; 
 
 Boeot. βΐίλόμ€νος, Thess. βίλλΐται : Dor. Βήλίται, Att. βούλ^ται. 
 2. Forms like φοβίω, φοβίομαι were new formations after 
 the analogy of φ€βομαί ; and similarly gen. epe/3co5 for *fpe8co9, 
 with β from epc^o?. 
 
 § 206. Q^j became ζ, as νίζ^ι, O.Ir. nigid, he washes, 
 
I04 Phonology [§§ 207-9 
 
 Skr. nij•, wash ; λάζομαι : λαμβάνω, Χαβύν ; ζην : βιώναι, 
 βίθ9. See § 129, 8. 
 
 § 207. βρ became μν, as αμνός from *άβν6ς, Lat. agnus ; 
 σεμνός : σίβομαι ; ίρ^μνό? : 'ίρ^βος. See § 117. 
 
 q-h 
 
 § 208. q^h was a rare sound in the parent language. 
 In Skr. it fell together with original qh, in Lat. and Gr. 
 with 9"Ίι, in Keltic and Germanic with q"", in Lith. and 
 O.Slav, with q, q™. φάλλη, OE. hAvael, whale ; σφάλλομαι, 
 I stumble, Skr. skhalate, he stumbles. See § 102. 
 
 § 209. Indg. g"h (= Lat. f initially, ν medially except 
 that after η it became gu, O.Ir. g, Germanic gw, §, w, 
 Skr. gh but h before i, and a = Indg. e, Lith. g, O.Slav, g 
 but ζ before palatal vowels) had a threefold development in 
 Greek. It became φ before all sounds except e, υ and/; 
 θ before e ; χ before and after υ, as φατός, Skr. hatah for 
 *ghatah, killed, slam : φόνος, θίίνω ; φαιδρός, beaming, 
 radiant, Lith. gaidrus, serene, clear; αλαφρός : Ιλαχνς ; 
 άλφή older * άλφα, produce, gain, Lith. algk, pay, reward; 
 οσ-φραίνομαι, I smell, Skr. ghrati, he smells ; ace. νίφα, 
 Lat. nivem, nom. Lith. snSgas, Goth, snaiws, OE. snaw, 
 snow ; νύφξί, νίφβι with for θ from forms like νίφων, 
 νιφόμ^νος, Lat. ninguit, Lith. sninga, it snows, O.Ir. 
 snigid, it rains; όφις, Skr. dhih, Lith. angis, Lat. anguis, 
 snake, serpent. 
 
 θερμός, Lat. formus, OE. wearm,«w;;7, Skr. gharmah, 
 glow, heat, O.Ir. guirim, / heat, O.Slav, goreti, to burn ; 
 θύνω, Lat. of-fendo, / s/r/^i', O.Ir. gonim, I wound, kill, Skr. 
 hanti, he strikes, slays, ghndnti, they strike. 
 
 ίλα^ς, small, little, Skr. laghuh, light, quick : αλαφρός; 
 ^ϋγομαι, I pray, Skr. vaghat•, institutor of a sacrifice ; 
 
§§ 210-12] The Spirants 105 
 
 ονυξ, οννχο^, Lat. unguis, O.Ir. ingen, Lith. nagas, claw, 
 nail. 
 
 § 210. g'^hj became ττ, σσ, as ^λάττων, ^λάσσων : kXayv^. 
 See § 129, 7. 
 
 The Spirants. 
 
 § 211. The Indg. parent language had at least the two 
 spirants s and z. s occurred both initially, medially and 
 finally, ζ only occurred in combination with a following 
 media or media aspirata. In those languages where the 
 mediae and mediae aspiratae became voiceless the ζ also 
 became voiceless at the same time, as Goth, asts beside 
 6ζο^, Indg. *ozdos, branch, iwig ] μισθός beside Goth, 
 mizdo, O.Slav, mizda, pay, reward. See §§ 224-6. 
 
 § 212. Indg. s remained in the oldest Greek in the 
 following cases : — 
 
 1. In combination with voiceless explosives, as σπαίρω, 
 I struggle convulsively, Lith. s^^irixx, I push with the foot -. 
 Lat. spernere, to despise, OE. spornan, spurnan, to kick; 
 eWepoy, Lat. vesper; στατός, Lat. status; ean, Skr. 
 asti, Lat. est, Goth, ist, Lith. esti, is ; σκότος, darkness, 
 gloom, Goth, skadus, OE. sceadu, shade, shadow ; γιγνώ• 
 σκω, Lat. n5sco ; σφάλλομαι, I stumble, Skr. skhalate, he 
 stumbles ; σχίζω, Lat. scindo ; λ^ιψω, γράψω : λ^ίβω, 
 γράφω ; άξων, Lat. axis ; λίξω : λίγω. But τσ became 
 σσ, σ, as Hom. ποσσί, Att. ποσί beside Skr. patsu, see 
 §166. 
 
 Note. — Forms like τ€γο5, OE. )?aec, roof, O.Ir. teg, /u)use, 
 beside στεγο?, Lith, stogas, roof, probably existed already 
 in the parent language, see § 112. 
 
 2. Intervocalic σσ became simplified to σ in Attic, as aor. 
 Hom. ζίσσα, Att. ^ζ^σα : ζίω, Skr. ya.sa.mi, I seethe, bubble ; 
 Hom. 6Τ€λ6σσα, Att. ετίλεσα : reXeco from *τζ\ίσ]ω ; Hom, 
 
io6 Phonology [§213 
 
 67Γ€σσί, €7Γ€σί, Att. eVeai = Skr. vdcassu. But before and 
 after consonants σσ became simplified to σ in all the 
 dialects, as 8ύστηνο^ from *Βνσ•στανο^ ; loc. pi. Att. μησί, 
 Cret. μηνσί from *μηνσ-σί ; late Gr. aor. τβρσασθαι from 
 *Τ€ρσσασθαι : τβρσομαι. 
 
 3. In combination with a preceding liquid (see however 
 § 217), as TeXaov : reXos ; κ^λσω, ίκ^λσα : κίλλω ; Horn. 
 θάρσο9, Lesb. 6epaos ; Horn, άρσην, Ion. ίρσην ; Ion. 
 κόρση. This ρσ became pp in Att., as θάρρος, αρρην, 
 κόρρη. 
 
 4• Finally, as Ai//foy, Lat. lupus, Goth, wulfs, «ό^; 
 ήδιστον, Goth, sutists, sweetest; τι?, Lat. quis ; φίροι?, 
 Goth, bairais, /Λο^ί inayest bear. 
 
 § 213. s became h in prim. Greek initially before vowels 
 and medially between vowels, and then in the latter case 
 the h disappeared altogether. 
 
 1. Initially : αλλομαι, Lat. salio ; αλ?, Lat. sal, OE. 
 sealt, sa//; eioy, Skr. sadas•, Lat. sedes, sm^; eVoy, Skr. 
 sanah, Lat. sen-ex, Goth, sin-eigs, Lith. senas, o/d; 
 έρπω, Skr, sarpami, Lat. serpo, / creep ; επτά, Skr. sapta, 
 Lat. septem, O.Ir. secht, Goth, sibun, Lith. septyni, seven ; 
 €π€ται, Skr. sdcate, Lat. sequitur, lie follows ; ήμι-, Skr. 
 sami, Lat. semi-, ha/f; 6, Skr. sd, Goth, sa, t/ie; it is 
 difficult to account for σνς beside v?, Lat. sus, OE. su, sow, 
 pig. 
 
 Initial h- disappeared in the prehistoric period of Greek 
 when the next syllable or the next but one began with an 
 aspirate, as βχω : έ'^ω, σχτ^σω ; ί'σχω from *'ίσ\ω older 
 *σίσχ(ύ; avos from *avho<i older *havho9, Lith. sausas, 
 dry; 'iSeOXov, bottom : 'iBos, Skr. sddas-, seat; άμόθ^ν : 
 ά/ζω?. See § 115. 
 
 Note. — In the prehistoric period of some of the Doric 
 dialects and in the Lesb., Elean and Asiatic-Ionic dialects the 
 spiritus asper became the spiritus lenis. 
 
§§ 214-15] The Spirants 107 
 
 2. Medially ( = Lat. r, Goth, ζ but r in the other Germanic 
 languages): Aeol. αϋω^, Ion. r)(i>s, Att. έ'ω?, from *aus5s, 
 Lat. aurora ; gen. yei/eoy = Skr. jdnasah, Lat. generis ; 
 Hom. 77a, Skr. asam, / was ; ήδίων from ^afdSicrwu, Goth. 
 sutiza, OE. swetra, sweeter; fo?, Lat. virus; gen. //i;6y, 
 Lat. muris; νίομαι, I come, Skr. nksdiie, he joins ; οϋατ-, 
 Lat. auris, OE. eare, car; gen. pi. fern. Hom. τάων, Skr. 
 tasam, Lat. is-tarum, Goth, ^pizb, masc. Goth. ))ize, OE. 
 ))ara, of the; 0epeai, 0epf/ = Skr. bharase, Goth, bairaza. 
 
 See § 129, 9 for initial and medial sj ; and § 124, 5 for 
 initial and medial sw. 
 
 § 214. Initial sm, sn became μ, ν through the inter- 
 mediate stage of μμ, vv, as μζΐδάω, I Sfiiilc, Skr. smayate, 
 he smiles : Hom. ψιλο-μμξίδής ; μύρομαι, I receive as my 
 due, Skr. smarati, he remembers : Hom. ^-μμορβ ; μύλδω, 
 OHG. smilzu, / melt; μία from *σ//ία : eV, Lat. sem-el ; 
 ι^Ιω, I spin, O.Ir. snathe, thread : Hom. ΐ-ννς.ον; ace. νίή>α, 
 Lat. nivem, nom. OE. snaw, Lith. snSgas, snow : άγά- 
 vvi<^o<i; POOS, mind, OE. snot(t)or, prudejtt, wise; ννος, 
 Skr. snusa, Lat. nurus, OE. snoru, daughter-in-law. It 
 is difficult to account for the σμ- in σμ€ρδαλ€θγ, σμζρ8ν6<ί, 
 terrible, Ο Ε. smeortan, to smart; σμίλη, knife for cutting 
 or carving, OE. smij), smith, carpenter; σμικρός beside 
 μϊκρός ; σ-μύχω, I burn in a smouldering fire, OE. smeocan, 
 to smoke. 
 
 Medial sm, sn became μμ, vv, which remained in Lesb. 
 and Thess., but became μ, ν with lengthening of the pre- 
 ceding vowel in the other dialects, as Lesb. Thess. ^μμί, 
 Att. Ion. ζΐμί. Dor. ημί, Skr. asmi, Lith. esmi, I am; Att. 
 ημ^ν, Skr. asma, ive were ; Lesb. αμμ€9, Att. Ion. ήμ€Ϊ9, 
 Dor. Boeot. άμύς, Skr. asma•, we; Lesb. aeXdvva, Att. 
 σελήνη, from '^σζΧάσνα ; Lesb. ψά^ννος, lon^aeivos, Att. 
 φάνόί, from *<pafiavos ; Ion. ύ'ννμι from *feσvvμι. 
 
 § 215. Initial sr, si became/?, λ through the^intermediate 
 stage of pp, λλ, as pei, Skr. sr^vati, he flows : Hom. e-ppeov ; 
 
io8 Phonology [§§ 216-17 
 
 ροψ€ω, Lith. srebiu, I gulp down; λξίβω, Lat. libo, I pour 
 out, OHG. slifan, to slide, glide : Horn, οψρα λλζίψαντξ ; 
 λήγω, I cease, NE. slack : Horn, ά-λληκτος. 
 
 Medial sr, si became pp, λλ, which remained in Lesb, 
 after short vowels, but became p, λ with lengthening of the 
 preceding vowel in the other dialects, as Hom. τρήρων from 
 *τράσρων : τρ^{σ)ω ; νανκράρος from *νανκρασρο9 ; Lesb. 
 χβλλιοι, Att Ion. χβίλίοι, Skr. sa.-hu,sra.m, ihousmid ; Lesb. 
 ι'λλαοΫ, Att. 'ΐλαος, from *aia\afOY. 
 
 Medial sr, si became p, λ after long vowels and diph- 
 thongs already in prim. Greek, as avptov from *avapioy, 
 to-morrow, Skr. usrdh, matutinal; aeipSs from *σ€ίσρό? : 
 σζσξίσμαι ; 6pav\6s from *βρανσ\ό^ : θρανστό?. 
 
 § 21β. Antevocalic ms, ns became μμ, vv, which remained 
 in Lesbian and Thessalian, but became μ, ν with lengthen- 
 ing of the preceding vowel in the other dialects, as Lesb. 
 'ίνζμμα, Att. Ion. 'ίν^ιμα, Dor. ίνημα : νίμω ; ωμός from 
 *ώμσο9, Lat. umenis, Goth, ams, shoulder; €γημα from 
 *€γα/ζσα : γαμίω. Gen, Lesb. μήννος, Thess. μ^ιννός, Dor. 
 Att. Ion. μηνό^, Lat. mensis; gen. χηνό^ : Lat. anser, 
 German gans, goose ; Lesb. '^μ^ννα, Att. Ion. 'ίμ^ινα. Dor. 
 ίμηνα : μίνω; ίφηνα, 'ίψανα from *'4φανσα : φαίνω; and 
 similarly 'ύκτ^ίνα, ereiva, ΐθ^ινα, νφηνα, ζκβρδάνα, Ion, 
 ίκύρδηνα, ξ^ήράνα, ώνόμηνα. 
 
 § 217. Antevocalic Is, rs. It is doubtful what is the 
 regular development of these combinations in Greek, 
 Some scholars assume that they regularly remained in 
 prim, Greek when immediately preceded by the accent 
 and that rs then became pp in Attic, but that in other 
 cases they had the same development as antevocalic ms, 
 ns (§ 216), Other scholars assume that Is, rs regularly 
 remained except that the latter combination became pp in 
 Attic, and that aorists like '4πηλα : πάλλω, ίσφηλα : σφάλλω, 
 '4στ€ίλα : στίλλω, ήγγ^ιλα : άγγίλλω, '4τϊλα : τίλλω, eSapa : 
 δβρω, 'Ίφθζίρα : φθείρω, '4σϋρα : σύρω were new formations 
 
§§ 218-2 2] The Spirants 109 
 
 after the analogy of eVei/xa : νίμω, 'ίμανα : μ^ι^ω, &c. e/ceXaa : 
 κύλλω, €Κ€ρσα : κ^ίρω, ωρσα : ορνϋμι ; Horn, θάρσο?, Lesb. 
 θ^ρσοΫ, Att. θάρρος ; θαρσίω, Att. θαρρίω ; Horn, άρσην, 
 Ion. Cret. 'ίρσην, Att. αρρην ; κόρση, Att. κόρρη : κονρξύς, 
 ουρά : Att. ορρός. See however § 212, 3• 
 
 § 218. s between a tenuis and a following liquid or nasal 
 became h and then combined with the preceding tenuis to 
 form a tenuis aspirata, as στιφρός from *aTinap6s : στί- 
 βαρός ; λιίχι/ο? from *λΐ'/οσί/ο9 : Lat. luna from *louksna. 
 For further examples see § 185. 
 
 § 219. When intervocalic -h- from -σ- belonged to the 
 second vowel it became transposed so as to stand in front 
 of the first vowel, as Hom. €νω, Lat, uro, / burn, singe, 
 Skr. osati, he burns; Hom. Att. Upo?, Dor. Boeot. Thess. 
 Ιαρός, holy, Skr. isirdh, siuift, active, strong; ^ίττόμην from 
 *^ΐζπ6μην : έπομαι, Lat. sequor. But if the first vowel 
 was preceded by a tenuis the tenuis became tenuis aspi- 
 rata, as φρούδος from *npo-hoSos ; φρουρά, Ion. φρονρή 
 from *προ4ιορά. 
 
 § 220. When a tenuis came to stand before h, it combined 
 with the h to form a tenuis aspirata, as καθίζω : 'ίζω; ξφ- 
 ίστημι : ϊστημι ; and similarly in άφίημι : ΐημί ; έφιππος, 
 τ^θριππον : ϊππος. 
 
 § 221. Interconsonantal s disappeared when the first 
 consonant was not a nasal and the last consonant was not 
 w or j, but in the combination ksk the first consonant 
 disappeared (§ 186), as άλτο, άλμ^νος : άλλομαι, πάλτο : 
 έ'τΓί/λα, έ'σταλτο : στίλλω, άρμ^νος : ηρσα, ωρτο : ωρσα, 
 πτέρνα from *πτίρσνα ; Horn, λίκτο : eXe^a, and similarly 
 δίκτο, 'ίμικτο, κατίπηκτο ; 'έκτος : e^, ίκηίνω, εκφέρω from 
 *ξ.κστ€.ίνω, *^κσφ^ρω ; γ^γράφθαί from *y(^y ράπσθαι : 
 •γράφω, and similarly δίχθαι, πζπλίχθαί, λ^λΰφθαι, 
 τ^τράφθαι, τζτρίφθαι. 
 
 § 222. The prepositional forms e|, ΐκ, ey (Boeot. and 
 Thessal.) were due to sandhi relations, e^ regularly 
 
I ΙΟ Phonology [§§ 223-6 
 
 occurred before a following vowel, €Κ before consonants 
 (except k), and ey before κ (§ 186). 
 
 § 223. tsn became nn through the intermediate stage zn, 
 as βλίννο^ from *βλ^τσνο^, mucous matter, Skr. mrtsna, 
 clay ; Bivvos from *(5€τσ^'ο?, see § 117. 
 
 ζ 
 § 224. Indg. ζ (generally written σ before β, y) remained 
 before voiced mediae, but before voiced aspiratae it became 
 voiceless at the same time the voiced aspiratae became 
 voiceless (§ 103), as ΐζω from *sizdo, Lat. sido ; 6ζο$, Lesb. 
 vaSos, Goth, asts, from *ozdos, branch, tivig ; μίσγω from 
 *mizg5, / mix, Lith. mazgoti, to wash; and similarly 
 πρξσβν?, σβ^ννϋμι. μισθό? from *mizdhos, Goth, mizdo, 
 pay, reward; ΐσθι, Zend zdi from *zdhi, be thou; μόσχο? 
 from *mozghos, Lith. mazgas, sprout, bud; '4σχον from 
 *ezghom. 
 
 sh, zh 
 § 225. The spirants sh, zh only occurred in combination 
 with tenues and mediae and arose in prim. Indo-Germanic 
 from the combinations tenues aspiratae and mediae aspira- 
 tae + s, as tsh, psh, ksh, qsh ; dzh, bzh, gzh, gzh from 
 older ths, phs, khs, qhs ; dhs, bhs, ghs, ghs. These 
 combinations had in Greek the same development as the 
 original tenues + s, cp. fut. πύσομαι : π^νβο?, grief, sorrow, 
 Liih.'k.^siM, I suffer, prim. Indg. *qent-sh- from *qenth.s•; 
 \/Λώα), I rub in pieces : Skr. psati, he chews, prim. Indg. *bzh5• 
 from *bhs5• ; ^kuos : Lat. hostis, prim. Indg. *gzhen•, from 
 *ghsen-. 
 
 )), )>h ; d, dh 
 
 § 226. J? and d only occurred after palatals and velars 
 which were originally unaspirated, as k]?, q]?, gd, gd. J>h 
 and dh only occurred after palatals and velars which were 
 originally aspirated, as kj)h, qj)h, gdh, gdh from older 
 
§§ 2 2 7-8] Sandhi 1 1 1 
 
 khj», qh]), ghd, ghd. In the present state of our knowledge 
 it is impossible to determine how these four spirants were 
 pronounced in the parent language. In Greek they became 
 t-sounds, and in Sanskrit, Latin, Germanic and the Baltic- 
 Slavonic languages they became s-sounds : — (kf)), κτίσί^ : 
 Skr. ksitih, abode ; άρκτος : Skr. rksah, bear; τακτών : Skr. 
 taksan-, carpenter; (qjj), κτ^ίνω : Skr. ksanoti, he wounds, 
 injures; (ς)Ίι), φθίνω : Skr. ksinati, he destroys; (gdh), 
 χθων : Skr. ksam•, earth. 
 
 J 
 
 § 227. It is doubtful whether the parent Indg. language 
 had a spirant j beside i-consonant (§ 118). The initial ζ, 
 which occurs in a few Greek words where the other Indg. 
 languages have i-consonant, is probably due to a sound- 
 change which took place in prim. Greek under conditions 
 that have not yet been discovered. Examples are : — ζξΐά, 
 spelt, Skr. yavah, grain, corn ; ζέω, Skr. ydsami, / seethe, 
 OHG. jesan, to ferment; (vyov, Skr. yugam, Lat. jugum, 
 Goth. in^,yoke; ζύμη, leaven, Skr. yusam, broth, Lat. jus. 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 SANDHI 
 
 § 228. By sandhi is meant the changes which the initial 
 and final sounds of words undergo when used in a word- 
 group or sentence. The term is borrowed from the Sanskrit 
 grammarians and means combination, lit. putting together. 
 In dealing with sandhi it is necessary to distinguish between 
 the sounds which begin and end a word-group or sentence 
 and those which occur medially. In the former case the 
 sound-changes are the same as those which take place at 
 the beginning or end of a word when used alone, but in the 
 latter case the changes are subject to the same laws which 
 
112 Phonology [§ 328 
 
 obtain for the medial parts of a word. The result of these 
 twofold changes often gives rise to what are called sentence- 
 doublets. At a later period these sentence-doublets not 
 unfrequently come to be used beyond their original sphere 
 and then one of the forms becomes generalized and the 
 other dies out. Greek like all the other Indg. languages 
 has numerous examples of this kind, but for our present 
 purpose two or three examples will suffice. In prim, Indg. 
 •j alternated with -i in sandhi. The former was used when 
 the next word began with a vowel and the latter when it 
 began with a consonant, as in προ? from *7Γροτ; (§ 167) 
 beside προτί, cp. προσ4θηκα like Skr. prdty adham, but 
 προτί-θήσω like Skr. priti dhasyami. προ? then came to 
 be used before consonants and became generalized in Attic, 
 whereas ττροτί survived and προ? disappeared in other 
 dialects. Prepositional forms like av', απ, κατ, υπ, 
 regularly arose by elision when the next word began 
 with a vowel, but already in Homer they came to be 
 used before a following consonant and even underwent 
 assimilation with it, as καββάλλω, νββάλλω beside κατά• 
 βάλλω, υποβάλλω. The original ending of the ace. plural 
 of o-stems was -ons. This remained in prim. Greek in 
 pausa and when the next word began with a vowel, but 
 became -o? when the next word began with a consonant 
 (§ 153). The former became generahzed in Att. Ion. mild 
 Dor. -oy?, Boeot. and severe Dor. -ω?, Lesb. -ois, and the 
 latter in Arcad. and Thess. -o?, whereas in Cretan the -ovs 
 and -oy existed side by side. The nom. singular of n-stems 
 originally ended partly in -en, •δη and partly in -e, -o 
 (§ 29). The former became generalized in Greek, the 
 , latter in Sanskrit, Latin and Lithuanian, whereas in prim. 
 Germanic the two forms were preserved side by side. 
 We have already seen in other parts of the Phonology 
 that the sound-laws, which govern the pausa form of 
 a word, vary considerably in the different languages, but 
 
§229] Final Soimds 113 
 
 this is infinitely more so in regard to the laws of sandhi. 
 It would therefore be beyond the plan and scope of this 
 grammar to treat the subject from a comparative point of 
 view. The phenomena of sandhi can be conveniently 
 divided into two categories according as they relate to the 
 end or the beginning of a word. 
 
 I. Final Sounds. 
 
 § 229. All vowels and diphthongs remained when abso- 
 lutely final, as ol8a, dye, λνκ€, eari, προ, δάκρυ, μίθν, Dor. 
 τϊμά, Att. Ion. τϊμή, δύω, φίρω, φίρζται, λύκοι, φξρόμζνοι, 
 αν, Ζ^ν, θβα, λύκω, &:c. 
 
 The vowels -α, -e, -ο were elided before a following vowel 
 in prim. Greek, and then after the analogy of these -i was 
 also elided, as κατ' άλλο, απ' αύτων, τα δ' άλλα, ουκ εγώ 
 (ον-κί), ίπ' άνθρώπω, ίπ' αύτοΰ, λίγοίμ' άν. This rule then 
 became extended to the final vowel of the first element of 
 compounds, as δι-ίλαβον, πίντ•οζθ9, άπ-αγωγή, άπ-αιτ^ω, 
 ίππ-αγωγόί, ^π-αρωγό?. The ο in πρ6, τό was never 
 elided. The antevocalic forms of prepositions were some- 
 times used for the anteconsonantal, cp. Hom. άν, κάτ, 
 παρ for άνά, κατά, παρά. Elision also took place before 
 a following ' and after the loss off-, as νύχθ' ολην = νύκτα 
 ολην, ονδ' ety, δ' '€τος, απ' epyov, &c. 
 
 Beside elision we also find contraction with a following 
 vowel (crasis). The reason for this twofold treatment is 
 unknown. These contractions originally followed the 
 rules for contraction in medial and final syllables (§§ 79, 
 80), and then at a later period the product of the con- 
 traction was determined by the quality of the initial vowel 
 of the second word, as τάλλα = τα άλλα, τάγαθά = τα 
 αγαθά, τοϋνομα = το όνομα, προνργον = προ 'ipyov, ϊγφδα 
 = €γώ οίδα, ώγαθί =■ ώ ayaQk, Ion. Dor. oivqp beside Att. 
 avr]p = b άί/τ^ρ, and similarly Att. τάνδρό?, τάνδρί. 
 
 Consonantal -ι in the combinations -ai, -oc regularly dis- 
 
114 Phonology [§230 
 
 appeared in prim. Greek before a following vowel (§ 128), 
 and then the -a, -0 was either elided or contracted with the 
 following vowel, as Horn, βονλομ' ίγώ = βούλομαι kya), 
 OS μ' e^eXer = 6? μοι eOeXeu ; καλλως = κα{ή αλλω?, καυτός 
 = κα{ι) αυτός, καν = κα{ή αν, καπί. Dor. κηπί = κα{ι) eni, 
 τάρα = τοι άρα, αδβλφοί = οι άδβλφοί. At a later period 
 the pausa and anteconsonantal form came to be used 
 before vowels and then the -i = -j was preserved and pro- 
 nounced as the initial of the following word, as καΙ eni = 
 KU'jini, Horn, άνδρα μοι evvene = μδ j^vv^-n^. 
 
 Simple long vowels were shortened when the next word 
 began with a vowel, hence the metrical rule : — ' vocalis ante 
 vocalem corripitur,' as Hom. πλάγχθη eirel Τροίης, Att. 
 αύτή-ί, τοντον-ί, Cret. μ€ 'ίνδικον = μη 'ίνδικον, see § 71. 
 
 Long diphthongs were shortened in prim. Greek when 
 the next word began with a consonant (cp. § 70), hence -oi, 
 •ai beside -ω, -a in the dat. singular of o- and ά -stems, the 
 former of which became generalized in some dialects, and 
 the latter in others, see §§ 321, 325. 
 
 § 230. All originally final explosives disappeared, as 
 e0€/)6, Skr. abharat, ^η, Skr. syat, O.Lat. siet, μ^λι : 
 μίλιτος, voc. γίρον, χαρίβν : γίροντος, χαρίζντος. τί, Lat. 
 quid, έστω, O.Lat. est5d, τό, Skr. tad, Lat. is-tud, άλλο, 
 Lat. aliud, κήρ, cp. καρδία, Lat. cord-is, voc. παΐ : παιδός. 
 κρΊ : κριθή. voc. yvvai : "γυναικός, γάλα : γάλακτος, η 
 from *ηκτ, he spoke, voc. άνα : άνακτος. 
 
 Note. — Prepositional forms like άπ\ νπ, κατ' regularly pre- 
 served their final consonant after the apocope of the vowel or 
 else became assimilated to the following consonant (§ 228), and 
 similarly with the negative ονκ, ονχ (before a rough breathing). 
 
 Indg. final -m became -n in prim. Greek and thus fell 
 together with original -n, as 'ίφ^ρον, Skr. dbharam, €Ϊην, 
 Skr. syam, O.Lat. siem, τόν, Skr. tam, Lat. is-tum, λύκον, 
 Skr. vrkam, Lat. lupum, πατρών, Skr. pitf nam ; on eV, 
 
§§231-2] Initial Sounds 115 
 
 \θών, χιών, see § 141. Original -η and the -n from older 
 •m became -μ before labials, -γ (= -r)) before gutturals, 
 and completely assimilated to a following liquid, nasal or 
 σ-, although the -v was often retained in writing, as εμπίπτω, 
 τημ πόΧιν, ϊμβάλλω, συμβαίνω, ΐμψίρω; 'ίγκνκλοΫ, €γγξρήγ, 
 συγχίω; ελλείπω, σύλλογος, τολ λόγορ ; σνρρίω; ίμμ^ι/ω; 
 σύσσωμος. On the so-called ι^ Ιφ^λκυστίκόν, see §§ 306, 
 316. 
 
 In prim. Indg. -s alternated with -z. The former occurred 
 in pausa and before voiceless explosives, and the latter 
 before voiced explosives. The •ζ was probably preserved in 
 Greek before voiced mediae, although it was not indicated 
 in writing. On forms with and without final -y, as in 
 άμφίς, πολλάκις, ούτως beside άμψί, πολλάκι, ούτω, see 
 § 575. 
 
 Tenues became aspirates before a rough breathing, as 
 άφ' ου = άπ' ου, νύγθ' ολην = νύκτ' ολην, άφίημι = άπ- 
 ιημι, καθαίρίω = κατ-αίρίω. -5 -{-rough breathing became 
 β, as ούθζίς, ούθίν = ού8' ely, ού8' eV. 
 
 2. Initial Sounds. 
 
 § 231. On the contraction which took place when one 
 word ended in a vowel and the following word began with 
 a vowel, see § 229. On the development of prothetic 
 vowels, as in Ίρ^βος, ερυθρός : Skr. rajah, rudhirah, 
 see § 77. 
 
 § 232. Forms like ^ύν : συν, ξύλινος : σύλινος, ψβλλίζω : 
 σ^λλίζω are probably sentence-doublets, but the conditions 
 under which they arose are unknown. 
 
 Geminated consonants, which arose from assimilation, 
 were preserved in prim. Greek, but became mostly 
 simplified already in the prehistoric period of the language 
 when the words containing them were used alone or began 
 the sentence, as pd, Skr. srdvati, beside e-pp€i, Skr. 
 4-sravat, ρήγνϋμι : e -ρρηξα, ά-ρρηκτος, μύρομαι : 'ί-μμορ^, 
 I 2 
 
ii6 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§233 
 
 \r]y(u : ά-λληκτο9, μ^ί8ησαί : φιλο-μμαδή?, νίψα : άγά- 
 ννιφος, foy {fho^) : Horn, πατίρι ffco, Horn. σεΟε : β-σσευβ, 
 σάκος : φ^ρ^-σσακής, Boeot. τα ππάματα : πα μα. 
 
 On forms like άφιημι = άπ-ιημι, see § 230. The rough 
 breathing regularly disappeared after -σ, -ν, -ρ, as in 6σ-, 
 h; ντΓ€ρ•άλλομαι beside άλλομαι, but it was often restored 
 again after the analogy of the simplex. The initial rough 
 became the smooth breathing in Asiatic Ionic, Lesbian, 
 Elean and in a part of the Cretan dialect. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 THE FORMATION OF NOUNS AND 
 ADJECTIVES 
 
 § 233. In the formation of nouns and adjectives it is 
 necessary to distinguish between the so-called root-nouns 
 (§ 234) and nouns and adjectives which contain a suffix or 
 formative element (§§ 235-86). Little is known of the 
 origin of the numerous suffixes in the parent Indg. language 
 and in the oldest periods of the separate languages. It is 
 probable that most of the suffixes had originally an in- 
 dependent meaning and that in some cases they were 
 independent words which sank down to be merely formative 
 elements already in prim. Indo-Germanic. There is no 
 reason to doubt but that many of the Indg. suffixes arose 
 in the same or similar manner as we see them arise in the 
 history of the individual languages, cp. the English suffixes 
 ■dom, •hood, -ly, all of which existed as independent words 
 in the oldest period of the language, as cynedom, kingdom, 
 freodom, freedom, beside the simplex d6m, Goth, doms, 
 judgment; cildhad, childhood, preosthad, priesthood, beside 
 the simplex had, rank, grade, Goth, haidus, manner; 
 gearlic, jvi-rtr/y, mennisclic, human, beside the simplex lie, 
 
§ 234] Rooi'Nouns 117 
 
 Goth, leik, body. It should be noted that when a suffix 
 is added to a stem which already contains a suffix, it 
 is called a secondary suffix, as in φίρονσα from *φζρο• 
 VT-ja, μαντί•κ6•9 : μάντι-ί, nepvai-vo? : πέρυσι. Prior 
 to the time when case-endings, personal endings, «S:c. 
 came into existence, the only difference between nouns 
 and verbs was one of meaning and not merely of form. 
 And this is the reason why so many of the same suffixes 
 occur in the formation both of nouns and verbs, and 
 similarly with reduplication, as in βάρβαρος, yipyepo?, 
 μόρμορο?, πάππα, τάτα, τήθη, ολολυς, ΐβωδή, παιπάλη, 
 Tiravos, &:c. See § 429. 
 
 In the following paragraphs the suffixes are divided into 
 two great classes according as they end in a vowel (§§ 235- 
 68) or a consonant (§§ 269-86). 
 
 I. Root-Nouns. 
 
 § 234. Root-nouns, that is nouns in which the case- 
 endings are added to the bare root without an intervening 
 suffix or formative element. The root-nouns originally 
 had various ablaut-grades in the different cases, but already 
 in the parent Indg. language the levelling out of one or 
 other of the ablaut-grades began to take place whereby 
 one or more of the grades entirely disappeared. This 
 process of levelling went still further in the prehistoric 
 period of the separate languages with the result that one 
 or other of the grades often became generalized throughout 
 all the case-forms. In Greek the root-nouns may be 
 divided into two categories, viz. those which preserve two 
 or more ablaut-grades, and those which have the same 
 grade throughout all case-forms. 
 
 I. Nouns which preserve two or more ablaut-grades, as 
 πους, Dor. ττώ?, Skr. pat, Lat. pes, OE. fbt; ace. πόδα, 
 Skr. padam, Lat. pedem (cp. prep. niSa), OE. f5t ; gen. 
 ποδός, Skr. padah, Lat. pedis, see § 342. 
 
1 1 8 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§ 235 
 
 /SoOy from *βωνς, Skr. gauh ; ace. Dor. βών, Skr. gam ; 
 gen. βο6?, see § 339. 
 
 Z€V9 from *djeus, Skr. dyauh ; ace. Zfju, Skr. dyam ; 
 gen. Αίό?, Skr. divah, see § 337. 
 
 χθώρ from *χθωμ, χιών from *χΐύύμ, gen. χθονό^, Xlovos, 
 see § 346. 
 
 2. Nouns which have the same ablaut-grade throughout 
 all case-forms. The strong grade was generalized in κρί^, 
 φλ^ψ, δόρξ, 6ψ, φλόξ ; the lengthened grade in θώ$, κλώψ, 
 ρώξ, σκώψ, ΤΓτώξ, τρώ^, φώρ, ώψ, θήρ, κήρ from *κηρδ 
 (§ 230), ψήρ ; and the weak grade in θρίξ, h (§ 330), νίφα 
 (ace), φριξ, kU, gen. klos (§ 330), στύ|, Ιχθυς, gen. ιχθύος 
 (§ 334), and similarly μυς, όφρνς, νς. 
 
 In vav9 from *uavs, Skr. nauh the long diphthong was 
 levelled out into all the cases already in the parent Indg. 
 language, see § 336. 
 
 2. Suffixes ending in a Vowel. 
 
 § 235. -ja-. This sufSx was chiefly used in the formation 
 of feminine nouns and adjectives from the masculine of u- 
 and consonant-stems, as ήδΰα from *afd8efja : riSvs = 
 Skr. svadvi : svaduh, sweet, and similarly βαρύα, γλνκ€Ϊα, 
 πλατεία ; τίκταινα from '^τίκταν/α : τακτών = Skr. taksni : 
 taksan•, carpenter, and similarly ydraiva, Oepanaiva, 
 Xiaiva, &c. ; -aLva became extracted as an independent 
 suffix for the formation of the feminine of the names of 
 persons and animals from o-stems, as ήμιθύαινα, κάπραιρα, 
 Χύκαίνα ; φέρουσα from *φξροντ/α : φίροντ- = Skr. bha- 
 ranti : bhdrant-; χάρασσα from ^-F^Tja; Soreipa from 
 *SoT€pja : δοτή ρ = Skr. datri : datar• ; Att. Dor. yeyofela 
 from *-f€aJa, Ion, y^yovvla from *•υσ]α : Skr. -usi (§ S52) ; 
 γλώσσα from *γ\ωχ]α, θήσσα from *θητ]α, «S:c. ; in this 
 manner was also occasionally formed the feminine from 
 o-stems, as Trteipa : mepos = Skr. pivan ; pivarah; eraipa : 
 ϊταρο^, μοίρα : μόροξ. 
 
§236] Suffixes ending in a Vowel 119 
 
 On the form of the nominative singular in Greek and for 
 further examples see § 322. 
 
 § 236. The suffixes •ο•, -a•. The •ο• originally formed 
 the second syllable of dissyllabic light bases and was 
 regular in such words as λύκος, Skr. vrkah, Lat. lupus, 
 from an original Indg. form *wlqos, wolf, and similarly in 
 Cvyov, Skr. yugdm, Lat. jugum, yoke. From such words 
 the -o- became extracted as a suffix and was extended to 
 bases which had not originally the accent on the second 
 syllable (cp. § 456). The •ο• stood in ablaut relation to -e• 
 just as in the verbal forms (pepo -μζρ : ψ^ρξ-τξ, cp. λύκο-ς, Skr. 
 vfka-h, Lat. lupu-s : voc. λνκ€, vrka, lupe. In like manner 
 the -a- probably formed originally the second syllable of 
 dissyllabic heavy bases (cp. § 458) from which the -a- was 
 extracted as a suffix already in the prim. Indg. period and 
 then became used for the formation of the feminine. 
 
 With the suffixes •ο•, -a- were formed a large number of 
 nomina actionis, nomina agentis, verbal abstract nouns, and 
 adjectives, as βρόμος, γόνος, δρόμος, λόχος, πλόος, τόκος, 
 τρόμος, τρόπος, τρόχος, ψθόρος, φόβος, φόνος, χόος, and 
 with changed meaning, as δόμος (Skr. damah) : δύμω, and 
 similarly αίθος, βόλος, γόμφος, λόγος, νόμος, όγκος, οίκος 
 (Skr. vesah, Lat. vicus), πλόκος, ρόος, στροφός, στοίχος, 
 τοίχος, τόμος, τροπός, τρόχος, φόρος. 
 
 αοιδός, άρχος, κλοπός, πομπός, τροφός ; cp. Lat. procus: 
 precari. 
 
 αμοιβή, άοιδή, βαφή, βολή, γονή, νομή, πλοκή, πομπή, 
 σκοπή, σπονδή, στίγη, στροφή, τομή, τροπή, τροφή, τροχή, 
 φθορά, φορά ; δίκη, μάχη, ριπή, φυγή (Lat. fuga). βορά, 
 ίρση (Hom. Ιίρση), ροή. γυνή (Boeot. βάνα), δούλη, 
 κόρη, &:c. 
 
 αίθός, βορός, λοιπός, στραβός, τομός, φορός. 
 
 With -Ο-, -a•, as secondary suffixes, were formed nouns 
 like ιατρός : ίατήρ, ΰδρος (Skr. udrdh) : ύδωρ, adj. π'ιαρός : 
 πΐαρ. πί,δον (Skr. padam) : *ped•, foot, πίλξκκον from 
 
I20 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§237 
 
 ^π^λίκνον : niXcKvs, άστρον : άστη ρ, ητρον : ητορ. πτυχή : 
 πτνξ, φράτρα : φράτηρ, φρίκη : φριξ. 
 
 § 237. -(OJo-, -Wja•. These suffixes were chiefly used in 
 the parent Indg. language for the formation of (i) denomina- 
 tive adjectives, (2) verbal adjectives, and (3) adjectives with 
 a comparative meaning. The neuter and feminine of 
 (i) and (2) often became used as nouns in Greek. 
 
 I. Denominative adjectives, as ϊπτηο^, Skr. asvyah: 
 ίππος, dsvah, horse, θζΐο9 : ^eoy, τίμιος : τϊμή, and similarly 
 άγριος, άρτιος, γομφίος, δΐος (Skr. divydh), δόχμιος, 
 ήσνχιος, κοινός, κύκλιος, μειλίχιος, ξίνιος, ομβριος, τέσσαρα- 
 βοιος from *•βοΡ]Ός, χζίλιοι. θύον, ^νύπνιον. i^i'ia, 
 after the analogy of which were formed nouns like αγγελία, 
 σοφία. 
 
 λιμίνιος : λιμήν, δαιμόνιος : δαίμων, ΰίΐϊά similarly άγώνιος, 
 ανχύνιος, ποιμίνιος, χθόνιος, άρνίον, λιμνίον, ποίμνιον. 
 
 πάτριος, Skr. pitr(i)yah, Lat. patrius : πατήρ, pitdr•, 
 pater, σωτήριος : σωτήρ, and similarly αίθίριος, άστβριος, 
 άνακτόριος, θ^λκτήριος, μακάριος, φώριος. άνδρίον, ανριον, 
 Θ^Χκτήριον. άνακτορία, σωτηρία. From forms like θίλκτή- 
 ριος was extracted the suffix -τηριο- which became used in 
 forming words like δατήριος, δηκτήριος, διαβατήριος, ίꀕ 
 τήριος ; άκροατήριον, δζίπνητήριον. 
 
 π^ζός (Skr. padyah) from *π^δ]ος, ήμάτιος : ήμαρ (gen. 
 ήματος), φιλοτήσιος : φιλότητ-, γβρονσιος : γίροντ-,Ικούσιος: 
 έκόντ-, διχθάδιος : διχθάδ-, ληιδιος : ληΐδ-. χβρμάδιον, 
 ορνίθων, παιδίον. From forms like ασπίδων : ασπίς (gen. 
 άσπίδος) was extracted the suffix -ίδιο- which became used 
 in forming neuter diminutives like άγρίδων, άδζλφίδων, 
 αιγ ίδιον, ξιφίδων, &c. 
 
 γηραιός : γήρας, €Τ€ΐος : '4τος (gen. '4τ€ος), αίδοΐος : αιδώς 
 (gen. αίδόος), and similarly γηραιός, κνζφαΐος, έρκβΐος, ορξίος, 
 ήοΐος ; after the analogy of which were formed δίκαιος, 
 δονλ^ως, ΐππ^ως, χρνσβιος, &c. 
 
 αγοραίος : αγορά, and similarly αναγκαίος, άντιπίραως, 
 
§§ 238-9] Suffixes ending in a Vowel 1 2 1 
 
 π€τραΐο9, after the analogy of which were formed όδαΐο?, 
 νησαΐο?. 
 
 With -ejo- (= -60-, Skr. -aya-, Lat. -eo•) were formed 
 adjectives liice afyeoy, άργνρζος, κνι^ίος, λίθ^ος, σιδήρ€09, 
 φλ6γ€09, xpvaeos; cp. Lat. aureus, igneus, lapideus. 
 opveov, οστίον. 
 
 With •ew(i)jo• were formed άστζΐο^ : άστυ, yiv^Lov : 
 yeruy, χελβίοι/ : xeAf?. 
 
 Att. βασίλΕί09, χάλκζΐ09, Ion. βασιλήως, χαλκήιθ9, from 
 -»;f ioy older -ηΡιρ^, after the analogy of which was formed 
 Att. πολξμβιο?, Ion. πολβμήιο^ : πόλεμος. 
 
 2. Verbal adjectives, as άγω? (Skr. yajyah) : αζομαι, 
 πάγιος, στνγιος, σψάγιος. σφάγιον. μανία, π^νίά. 
 
 3- With originally comparative meaning, as ά\λο^ (§ 129, 
 2), Lat. alius, Goth, aljis, other ; μί{σ)σος from *μξθ/θ9, Skr. 
 madhyah, Lat. medius, Goth, midjis, middle. 
 
 4. From adverbs ending in -i, and from the locative in -i, 
 as avTLOs : άί'Τί', άρτιος : αρτί, ττρώιο^ : πρωί; kvaXi-o^, 
 €πιχθ6νι•οί, καταχθόνί-ος, ύποχ^ίρί-ο?, 
 
 § 238. •Λνο•, -wa•. These suffixes were comparatively 
 rare in the parent Indg. language, and did not become very 
 productive in any of the separate languages. Examples 
 are : iWoy (§ 124, 2), Skr. asvah, Lat. equos, horse, Att. 
 6\o9, Ion. ovXos (Skr. sarvah) from *ao\fo9, Att. areuos, 
 Ion. στ^ΐΡος from *aTevfos, ορθό? (Skr. urdhvah, Lat. 
 arduus), Hom. TeXeios from *reX€afoy, and similarly /SaXioy, 
 5e^/oy, ηίθβο^, \ai6s (Lat. laevos), οΓο?, π€λί09, πολιός, 
 σκαιό^ (Lat. scaevos), φαιός, φαλιός, Κ€νός, Ion. /c€ii/oy, 
 μανός, μόνος, Ion. μοννος, Att. ^eiOy, Ion. ^eiiOy, Att. opoy, 
 Ion. ονρος, Att. κόρος, κόρη, Ion. κούρος, κούρη, Hom. ΐσoy, 
 Att. icroy from *fιτσfoς. ποία. 
 
 § 239. -mo•, -ma- were chiefly used in the formation of 
 verbal abstract nouns, many of which became concrete in 
 Greek, as άνεμος, άρδμός, αρμός, άρπαγμός, θυμός, θωμός, 
 ίϋγμός, κάλαμος, κίραμος, κ^υθμός, κηρϋγμός, κνημός, κορμός. 
 
122 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§§ 240-1 
 
 κρνμός, λΐμό^, λοιμός, μυγμό^, ογμο9 (Skr. ajmah), όδνρμός, 
 οΊμο9, ορμο9, πταρμό^, τόρμος, φλογμός, φορμός. Adjectives 
 like δοχμός, θζρμό$ (Skr. gharmah,/im/, Lat. formus), σΙμός. 
 
 ακμή, γνώμη, θύρμη, κνήμη, λό\μη, μνήμη, όδμή, ορμή, 
 πυγμή, σκάλμη, τϊμή, φήμη, χάρμη. 
 
 Beside -mo-, -ma- there also occur -dhmo•, -dhma•, where 
 •dh- is the so-called root-determinative found in verbs like 
 πλήθω (§ 475), and more rarely -smo-, -sma-, -tmo•, -tma-, 
 as άρθμοΫ, αριθμός, βαθμός, γζυθμός, κηληθμός, κλανθμός, 
 κννζηθμός, μηνίθμός, πορθμός, ρυθμός, σταθμός ; ^Ισίθμη, 
 στάθμη, δασμός : δατίομαι, σχισμός ; οσμή for older οδμή ; 
 and with regular loss of interconsonantal -σ- (§ 185) in 
 μυχμός, πλοχμός, ρωχμός ; αιχμή, βρζτμός : Τρίτης ; 
 ϊφζτμή : ίφίτης. 
 
 •i-mo-, where -i- was of various origin, was used as a 
 secondary suffix in the formation of adjectives like αΐσιμος, 
 άλκί-μος (Horn. loc. άλκί), βάσιμος : βάσις, κάλλιμος, 
 κυδιμος, λύσιμος, μόριμος, οβριμος, όψιμος, φαίδιμος, 
 φύ^ιμος, χρήσιμος. 
 
 § 240. -meno-, -mena- were used in the formation of the 
 medio-passive participles. The original forms probably 
 were -meno• (preserved in the perfect participles, as πεττυ- 
 σμίνος, λ^λβιμμίνος), - -mono- (preserved in Sanskrit in 
 participles like bodhamanah), and -mno• (preserved in 
 Greek in forms Hke στάμνος, βίλίμνον, κρίμνον ; cp. Lat. 
 alumnus, autumnus), see § 553. 
 
 § 241. -no-, -na- occur as primary and secondary suffixes 
 in the formation of a large number of nouns and adjectives. 
 
 I, Primary in αίνος, αμνός, θρόνος, θΰνος, καπνός, κύκνος, 
 οίνος, οκνος, τόρνος, ύπνος (Skr. svapnah), φρΰνος, χρόνος, 
 ωνος ; κράνον, στίρνον, τίκνον ; α'ίνη, ζώνη, ποινή, φ^ρνή, 
 φρύνη, ώνή ; δάνος. 
 
 αγνός (Skr. yajnah), Hom. άλαπαδνός, γυμνός, δεινός, 
 λάγνος, λίχνος, ρικνός, σεμνός, σμ^ρδνός, σπαρνός, στεγνός, 
 στυγνός. 
 
§§ 242-7] Suffixes ending in a Vowel 123 
 
 2. Secondary in eapivos : loc. eapi, iancpipo?, ήμίρινό?, 
 ννκτζριι/ό?, π^ρυσινό^ : πίρνσι, χζίμζρινός, &c. φαξίνός from 
 *0afe^i/oy : φάογ, and similarly άλγζΐνό?, iXeeiuos, κζλα- 
 Seiuos ; σελήνη : σίλας. 
 
 § 242. •ανο-, -ανα- in nouns and adjectives, as κοίρανος, 
 ουρανός, βάφανος, στίφανος, γό8ανος ; Spenavov, '^Spavov, 
 θήγανον, κόπανον, πόπανον, σκέπανον, τνμπανον ; 8ρξ.πάνη, 
 θηγάνη, μη\ανή, στβγάνη, στεφάνη. 
 
 βάσκανο9, kdavos, ικανός, ολίσθανος, πιθανός, σκξπανός, 
 στεγανός. 
 
 § 243. •ΐηο•, used in forming adjectives denoting material, 
 origin, &c., as άλινος, άνθινος, ανθρώπινος, βνβλινος, γήινος, 
 ίγθυϊνός, κίρδινος, λάινος, πύρινος, φήγινος (Lat. faginus), 
 φλόγινος, γυτρινος. 
 
 § 244. •ϊηο•, -ina-, used in forming adjectives and nouns, 
 as άγχίστΓι^ο?, γ^λασίνος, ΐρνθρΐνος, καστρινός, κορακΐνος, 
 τνφλΐνος, φοξίνος, χυτρΐνος ; cp. Skr. navmah, jiew, Lat. 
 divinus, eqiiinus, suinus. 
 
 δζλφακίνη, πολυποδινη, χοίρινη. 
 
 § 245. -s-no•, -s-na-, used in forming nouns and adjectives, 
 as αράχνη from *άρακσνα, λύχνος from *λνκσνος (§ 185), 
 and similarly άχνη, πάχνη ; λάχνος, μόρφνος, συχνός, 
 δίννος from *δ€τσνος. 
 
 § 246. •σννο•, -σννα-. The origin of these secondary 
 suffixes is unknown. They were used in forming adjectives 
 the feminine of which became used as abstract nouns, as 
 γηθόσννος, δονλόσυνος, θάρσννος from *θαρσο•συνος, πίσννος 
 from *πισο•σννος ; δικαιοσύνη, δουλοσύνη, κλξπτοσύνη, μνη- 
 μοσύνη, σωφροσύνη \ after the analogy of these were formed 
 Κζρδοσύνη : κύρδος (neut.), μαντοσύνη : μάντις, &c. 
 
 § 247. •1ο•, -la-, used both as primary and secondary 
 suffixes, especially the latter, in the formation of nouns and 
 adjectives. 
 
 I. Primary, as βηλός, γαΰλος, y αυλός, καυλός, στύλος, 
 τύλος ; ξύλον, σκϋλον, φϋλον, πίταλον ; ζ^ύγλη, θηλή, 
 
1^4 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§248 
 
 ομίχλη, στρίβλη, τνλη, φυλή, άξλλα from *afiXja : άημι, 
 Κζψαλή. 
 
 δξΐλός, Εκπαγλοί, στρεβλός, τυφλό?, πίταλο$. 
 
 2. Secondary, as άγγ€λθ9, κάπηλοί ; δ^ίκίλον ; άγίλη, 
 θνμίλη, νζφίλη, πΐμ^λή, αγκύλη, ζύχωλή, πανσωλή, Τ€ρ- 
 πωλή, φζίδωλή. 
 
 ομαλός, πιαλοΫ, χθαμαλός, a(f)ei'(5eXo9, ieeXoy, στνφζλό?, 
 αγκύλος, δρΐμύλος, ήδύλος, παχυλός, απατηλός, σΐγηλός, 
 καταρΐγηλός, μϊμηλός, στρόβιλος, φξίδωλός. From forms 
 like ήδύλος, παχυλός with diminutive meaning was extracted 
 the suffix -υλο• which became extended to forms like 
 άρκτύλος : άρκτος, μικκύλος : μικκός, and similarly with the 
 extensions -νλλο•, -νλλιο-, -νλλιδ-, υλλιδιο-, as καθάρνλλος : 
 καθαρός, άνθύλλιον : άνθος, €πύλλιον : 'έπος, άκανθυλλίς 
 {•ίδος) : άκανθίς {-ίδος), μζίρακυλλίδιον : μαράκίον. πϊαλύος 
 from *πLaλ€foς : πιαλος, and similarly αίμαλίος, Ικμαλίος, 
 κρϋμαλέος, from which -aXeoy was extracted as a suffix and ex- 
 tended to forms like διψαλύος : δίψος, ύπναλέος, ψζυδαλίος. 
 
 § 248. -ro•, -ra-, used both as primary and secondary 
 suffixes in the formation of nouns and adjectives. 
 
 1. Primary, as αγρός (Skr. ajrah, Lat. ager, Goth, akrs), 
 αφρός, βόθρος, κάπρος (Lat. caper), κλήρος, νεκρός, νεφρός, 
 ομβρος, τάλαρος, ταύρος (Lat. taurus), χίμαρος ; δωρον, 
 πλζυρόν ; 'έδρα, τάφρη, χώρα. 
 
 άκρος, ερυθρός (Skr. rudhirah, Lat. ruber), λαμπρός, 
 λεπρός, λυπρός, μακρός, μικρός [σμικρός], μώρος, πικρός, 
 σαπρός, σινδρός, σκληρός, τρηρός, φαιδρός, χήρος, χλωρός, 
 χοίρος, ψυδρός, ψωρός ; βριαρός, γ^ραρός, ίαρός, λιπαρός, 
 πΐαρός, ύδαρός. 
 
 2. Secondary, as π^νθ^ρός, πτ^ρόν, άργυρος, ζέφυρος, 
 μάρτυρος. 
 
 βλαβερός, δροσερός, έλβύθ^ρος, θαλερός, κρατερός, ^^ρός, 
 στυγερός, σχ^ρός, φοβερός, γλαφυρός, έχυρός, καπυρός, 
 κινυρός, λιγυρός, μωλυρός, ψίθυρος, ανιαρός, άσηρός, όδυ• 
 νηρός, οκνηρός, ολισθηρός, πονηρός, ισχυρός, όϊζϋρός. 
 
§§ 249-54] Suffixes ending in a Voivel 125 
 
 § 249. The suffixes «bho•, -bha• became productive in 
 Greek, especially in the formation of the names of animals, 
 as άσκάλαφθ9, eAa0oy, γρίφος, κι8άφη, κίδαφο^, κίραφο<ί, 
 κόραφος, κόσσυφοί, Att. κόττνφο?, σβρφος. άλφό?, έδαφος, 
 κίραφος, κ6λαφθ9, κορυφή, κρόταφος, φΧήναφο^. άργνφο?, 
 στ€ριφθ9. From the nouns in -αφο^ was formed the 
 diminutive suffix -άφιον, as in θηράφων, ^υλάφιον, 
 ξνράφίον. 
 
 § 250. -dhlo-, -dhla•. The origin of these suffixes is 
 unknown. Examples are : yiviOXov, ίδ^θλον, θ^μ^θλον, 
 θνσθλον ; γβνίθλη, ίμάσθλη ; ^αθλός. 
 
 § 251. -dhro-,-dhra-,used in forming nouns and adjectives, 
 as μυλωθρός, oXcOpos ; άρθρον, βάθρου, βάραθρον, κήληθρον, 
 κόρηθρον, μίλπηθρορ, ττίλ^θρον, πλίθρον, peWpov, τίρθρον ; 
 κοιμήθρά, κρ^μάθρα. 
 
 βλωθρό^, λάληθρο9, σκ^θρός, σκνθρό^. 
 
 § 252. -ko•, -ka-, or •ςο•, -qa•. These secondary suffixes 
 were common in all the languages, especially in the forms 
 •iko-, -ika- which started out from i-stems {μαντικός : 
 μάντί -s) and then became extended to other kinds of stems, 
 as άγωνικόί, ανδρικός, αστικός, εθνικός, θηλυκός, Ιππικός, 
 κριτικός, μαθητικός, μερικός, νυμφικός, πηλίκος, τηλίκος, 
 τιμητικός, φυσικός ; cp. Lat. modicus. ίβράκος, πίθηκος, 
 Dor. πίθάκος ; πρόκα : πρό ; θήκη. 
 
 In derivatives of jo-formations we have -ιακος, as 
 καρδιακός, κϋριακός, πλουσιακός, σκιακός. 
 
 § 253. -sko•, -ska- are related to the presents in -sko- 
 (§ 469), as in άρςσκος : άρίσκω, βοσκή : βόσκω, δίσκος from 
 *δικσκος (§ 186). 
 
 It is doubtful whether the -sk- in •isko-, -iska- is of the 
 same origin. These suffixes became productive, especially 
 in the formation of diminutives,as άνθρωπίσκος, δ^σποτίσκος, 
 νεανίσκος, οικίσκος, παιδίσκος, γοιρίσκος ; άσπιδίσκη, 
 οΐκίσκη, παιδίσκη, ύδρίσκη. 
 
 § 254, -tero-, -tera- were common suffixes in the forma- 
 
126 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§§ 255-8 
 
 tion of comparatives from adjectives, adverbs, nouns and 
 pronouns, as κονφ6τ€ρο9, σοφώηρο^, yXvKvrepos, ά\ηθίστ€- 
 po9, χαρύστζρο^, yipairepos, μ^σαίηρος, τηπαίτξρο^, 
 σχολαίτ€ρο9, Se^irepos, see § 376. άνώτ^ρο^, άφάρτ^ρο^, 
 7Γρ6τ€ρο9, νπίρτίρο?, παλαίΤ€ρο9, νψίτβρος. άγρότ€ρο9, 
 βασίλ€ύτ€ρο9, δημότβρο^, θηλύτ^ρος, KvvTepos, opiarepos. 
 ήμζΤ€ροζ, νμ€Τ€ρο9 (see § 406), erepo^, Dor. arepoi. 
 
 § 255. -tewo•, -tewa-, used in the formation of verbal 
 adjectives, as γραπτίο^, δοτίο^, δραστίο^, XeinreoY, Xvtco?, 
 τϊμητίθ9, see § 556. 
 
 § 256. •11ο-, -tla• which are of doubtful origin, as in 
 άντλος ; σ^ντλον, \ύτ\ον ; έχβτλη. 
 
 § 257. -tro-, used especially in the formation of neuter 
 nouns denoting an implement, as άροτρον (Lat. aratrum), 
 βάκτρον, δίλ^τρον, ίλντρον, ζωστρον, κίντρον, λίκτρον, 
 λοντρόν, μίτρον, μήνΰτρον, νίπτρον, πληκτρον, στί-γαστρον, 
 τ€ρ€τρον, ψίρζτρον {(jiepTpov). 
 
 § 258. •Ιο-, -ta•. These suffixes were chiefly used in the 
 parent Indg. language in the formation of verbal adjectives, 
 and of ordinal numerals. 
 
 I. The verbal adjectives had originally the accent on 
 the suffix and the base had accordingly the weak grade of 
 ablaut, but in Greek as in other languages the verbal 
 adjective was sometimes formed direct from the present 
 with the strong grade of ablaut, as α-ίστο?, ά-κριτο9, α- 
 ι^ιπτο9, ά•πνστο9, βατός (Skr. gatah, Lat. in-ventus), 
 δρατό? (δαρτός) : δίρω, κλυτό? (Skr. srutah, Lat. in-clutus), 
 πβπτός (Lat. coctus), pvros (Skr. srutah), σχζτός : σχεΓι/, 
 τατός (Lat. tentus), φατός, φθιτός, ά-δάματος, ά-κρατο?, 
 βρωτός, γνωτοΫ (Skr. jnatdh, Lat. notus), δοτός (Lat. 
 datus), ελατός, €μ€τ09 (Lat. vomitus), θ^τός (Skr. hitdh), 
 θνητός, κμητός, στατός (Skr. sthitdh, Lat. status), στρωτός; 
 ζ^υκτός beside Skr. yuktdh, and similarly γ^νστός, φερτός, 
 φ^υκτός, πηκτός. See § 555. 
 
 The mascuUne, feminine and rarely the neuter of the 
 
§§ 259-6o] Suffixes ending in a Vowel 127 
 
 verbal adjectives often came to be used as abstract nouns 
 (sometimes with concrete meaning) in Greek as also in 
 other languages, as άμητος, βίοτοζ, βλαστός, βμβτο^, θάνα- 
 τος, κάματος, νιφζτός, νόστος, οΊτος, παγετός, πλούτος, 
 φόρτος, φόρτος, άήτη, ακτή, άρ^τή, άΰτή, βιοτή, βλάστη, 
 βροντή, γ^νβτή, €ν-βτή, κοίτη, μ^λίτη, ττινντή, σπάρτη, 
 τ^λίυτή. σττάρτον, φντόν. 
 
 The feminine abstract nouns, which came to denote 
 persons, became masculine and then took -s in the nomina- 
 tive and formed their gen. singular after the analogy of the 
 o-declension (§ 323), and similarly with the denominatives 
 in -ta-, as γ^νίτης, 8ίκτης, δζσμώτης, κλέπτης, κοσμητής, 
 κριτής, μαθητής, οίκ^της, ποιητής, υφαντής, προφήτης, 
 ψάλτης ; αγρότης, άσπιστής, δεσπότης, δημότης, ιδιώτης, 
 Ιππότης, κορνστής, πολνβοντης, στρατιώτης, τζλ^στής, 
 τοξότης, φνλζτης. After the analogy of όφιτης : όφις, 
 πολίτης : πόλις were formed όδίτης : οδός, οπλίτης : οπλον, 
 Τ€\νίτης : τίχνη. 
 
 2. In ordinals, as τρίτος, τέταρτος (Lat. quartus), 
 πίμπτος (Lat. quintus, Lith. penktas), €κτος (Lat. sextus, 
 Goth, saihsta), δίκατος, εικοστός, &c. See §§ 389-93. 
 
 On the superlative ending -τατο-, as in αληθέστατος, 
 β^λτατος, κουφότατος, μ^λάντατος, οξύτατος, σοφώτατος, 
 φίρτατος, φίλτατος, &c., see § 377, 4. 
 
 § 259. -is-to-, -is-ta- (Skr. -istha-, Goth, -ista•), used in 
 the formation of the superlative of adjectives, as in α'ισχι• 
 στος, άριστος, βέλτιστος, έλάγ^ιστος, 'ίγθιστος, ήδιστος, 
 κάλλιστος, κράτιστος, κύδιστος, μέγιστος, όλίγιστος, πάχι- 
 στος, πλΰστος, πρώτιστος, τάχιστος, φβριστος, χείριστος. 
 See § 377, 2. 
 
 § 260. -i-. This suffix is probably identical in origin 
 with the -i- which occurs in the second syllable of dis- 
 syllabic heavy bases (cp. § 481). In Greek it is fairly 
 common in nouns but rare in adjectives, as άρδις, δήρις : 
 δίρω, 'ίρις, μήνις, οις, οΊς (Skr. dvih, Lat. ovis, Lith. avis), 
 
128 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§§ 261-4 
 
 ορχΐ9, οψΐί (Skr. dhih), πόλι^, ττόρι?, στρόφις : στροψίω, 
 τρ6πΐ9, τρόχΐΫ ; τρ6φί9. On the various grades of ablaut 
 which originally occurred in the dififerent cases see § 328. 
 The oblique cases of some i-stems were often formed after 
 the analogy of stems in -iS- (§ 343), cp. epi? (Skr. arih, 
 enemy), ace. epip beside gen. epiSo?, &:c., μηνι^, τρόττι?, 
 gen. μήνιδοΫ, τρόττιδο^. 
 
 § 261. The suffixes -mi•, •ηί•, -ri- were very rare in Greek 
 as also in most of the other Indg. languages, as €\μΐ9, 
 worm, Θβμΐ9 (gen. θίμιτος, θ€μιδθ9 after the analogy of 
 stems ending in a dental), φημι? ; evyi9 ; άκρι?, οκρι^ (Skr. 
 dsrih, Lat. ocris) ; ϊδρί^. 
 
 § 262. The suffix -ti- became productive in all the Indg. 
 languages in the formation of primary verbal abstract 
 nouns of the feminine gender. The root-syllable had 
 originally the weak grade of ablaut, as βάσι^ (Skr. gdtih), 
 κλισις, κτίσΐ9, ττίστις, πλνσις, ττνστι^, ρνσις (Skr. srutih), 
 σ\€σις, σχίσις, rdais, τίσις, ψθίσΐ9, χνσις ; 6ίσΐ9, βόσις, 
 Θβσΐ9, στάσι? (Skr. sthitih), φάσις ; άησΐ9, βρώσιν, yiveai^, 
 γρωσίί (Skr. jnatih), €μ€σΐ9, κρύμασι^, ονησι^, τάρα^ι^, 
 φράσΐ9, φνσΐ9. Forms with the strong grade of ablaut in 
 the root-syllable were new formations, as άμ-πωτις, Sei^i^ 
 (cp. Skr. distih), '4κ-λ€ίψί9, ζ^νξι^ (Skr. yuktih), λήξι?, 
 πήξΐ9, pevai9 beside ρνσΐ9, τξρψις, φ^υξί^. άξίωσίΫ, 
 κ6σμησί9, οράσί9, φ6ρησί9. The masculine μάντΐ9 was 
 also originally a feminine abstract noun. See § 169. 
 
 § 263. -ϊ- (but -ij- before vowels, cp. Skr. nadih, rivet', 
 gen. nadiyah, &c.), used in forming feminine nouns and 
 adjectives. The nouns and adjectives containing this 
 suffix mostly came to be inflected after the analogy of 
 dental-stems already in prim. Greek (§§ 330, 343), cp. Horn. 
 rjvls (ace. ηνΐν), κνημΐ9, gen, κνημΙδθ9, and similarly βλο- 
 σνρώπϊς, ^νπλοκαμίΫ. 
 
 § 264. -u•. This suffix was used in the formation of nouns 
 and adjectives, especially the latter, as βαθύ?, βαρνς (Skr. 
 
§§ 26^-81 Sitffixes eud'ing in a Vowel 129 
 
 guruh, Goth, kaurus), βραδύς, βραχύ?, γλυκύς, (λαχύ?, 
 βυρύς, ηδύς (Skr. svaduh), θρασύς, κρατύς, λιγύς, τταχύς 
 (Skr. bahuh), πλατύς, πολύς (Skr. puruh), ταρφύς, τραχύς, 
 ώκύς (Skr. asuh), πηχνς (Skr. bahuh), άρκνς, -γίνυς (Skr. 
 hanuh, Goth, kinnus), γήρνς, στάχυς ; γλάψν, yovv (Skr. 
 janu), δόρυ (Skr. daru), μίβυ (Skr. madhu), πων. See 
 § 343. On the various grades of ablaut which originally 
 occurred in the different cases see § 331. 
 
 § 265. The suffixes -lu-, -nu-, -ru- were very rare in 
 Greek as also in the other Indg. languages, as θήλυς (Skr. 
 dharuh) ; λιγνύς, Horn, θρήνυς ; βότρυς, δάκρυ (Lat. 
 lacru-ma). 
 
 § 266. -tu-, especially used in the formation of verbal 
 abstract nouns which are feminine in Greek, but masculine 
 in Latin and mostly also in Aryan and the Germanic 
 languages, as άκοντιστύς, άλαωτύς, άπ-βστύς : €στί, άρπα- 
 κτύς, άρτύς (Lat. artus), άσπαστυς, βοητύς, βρωτύς, γρα- 
 πτύς, δαιτνς, ϊδητύς, ΐτυς (Lat. Vitus), κλίΐτύς (κλίτύς), 
 όρχηστύς, πίτυς (Skr. pituh), ποθητύς, ρυστακτύς, φραστύς, 
 χαλξπτνς. This type of noun became very productive in 
 Ionic. The same suffix also occurs in the neuter nouns 
 άστυ (Skr. vastu, place), φΐτν, and in feminine numerals 
 like τριττυς, τ^τρακτύς, π^ντηκοστύς, έκατοστύς, χΐλιοστύς. 
 
 § 267. •ΰ• (but -uw- before vowels, cp. Skr. tanilh, body, 
 gen. tanuvah), used in forming feminine nouns, as ιλύς, 
 ϊσχνς, οσφύς, όφρϋς, πληθύς, χύλνς. The nouns belonging 
 to this type preserved their original inflexion (§ 334) in 
 Greek, Aryan and the Baltic-Slavonic languages, but in 
 the other languages they went over into the u-declension. 
 
 § 268. Prim. Greek -eu- (but -ew- before vowels) occurs 
 almost exclusively in the formation of nomina agentis, as 
 βασιλεύς, γοι^βύς, γραφ^ύς, ήΐΊοχβύς, ίξρβύς, ίππβύς, νομούς, 
 πομπούς, τοκβύς, φον^ύς, φορβύς. For the inflexion of 
 nouns belonging to this type see § 334. The origin of the 
 ■eu-, which is not found in the other Indg. languages, has 
 κ 
 
130 Formauon of Nouns and Adjectives [§§ 269-72 
 
 never been satisfactorily explained. According to Brug- 
 mann, Griech. Grammatik (§ 182) it probably started out 
 from verbal adjectives in •η•f{o)■ to verbs in -ύω, as 
 *φορηΡ{ο)9 (cp. φορητός) : φορξω which would regularly 
 become φορζύς (§ 63). 
 
 3. Suffixes ending in a Consonant. 
 
 § 269. -en- with the various ablaut-grades -en-, -on•, -en, 
 •δη, •η• but •η• before consonants, see § 345. This suffix 
 had various functions. It was especially used in the 
 formation of nouns denoting (i) animate objects, as άρηγών, 
 Ύ^ίτων, κύων (Skr. svdn-), στίγων, τί,κτων (Skr. taksan-), 
 τρνγώρ, αρήν, άρσην {άρρην, Ion. 'άρσην); αΐθων, "γαστρών, 
 yvaOcuv, δρόμων, κόφων, στραβών, τριβών, τρήρων, ψνθών ; 
 ουρανίων : ουράνιος, from this and similar forms the -ίων 
 was extracted and extended to c-stems, as δ^ιλακρίων : 
 δίίλακρος, μαλακίων : μαλακό?. (2) Parts of the body, as 
 άγκών, βουβών, πυγών, φαγών, άδήν, αύγτιν, σπλήν, 
 φρήν. 
 
 The origin of the formation of the nouns in -ών (Ion. 
 •ίών) denoting a place is unknown, as ανδρών, δαφνών, 
 ϊππών, λασίων, παρθένων {παρθ^ν^ών). 
 
 § 270. -(iiJ^ii• with the various ablaut-grades •(i)jen•, 
 -(i)jon•, •(i)jen, -(ijjon, -in-, -in•, the •ΐη• of which became 
 generalized in Greek, see § 348. This suffix only occurs 
 in the formation of a small number of nouns, as άκτΐν-, 
 γλωχΐν-, δ^λφΐν-, ώδΐν-. 
 
 § 271. The suffix -wen• with the same ablaut-grades as 
 •en• was rare in Greek, as πιων (Skr. pivan•), ά-πβίρων 
 from *ct7Γepfω^'; δ^λίατ- from *δ€λζfaτ• : δίλ^αρ, Hom. 
 ίΐδατ- : ^δαρ, oveiaT- : oveiap, ππρατ- : πβΐραρ, see § 371. 
 Infinitive Cypr. δορ^ναι, Att. δούναι (§ 546). 
 
 § 272. -d-en- with the same ablaut-grades as •εη• 
 occurs in the formation of nouns from verbal stems, as 
 άλγηδών, άγθηδών, κλ^ηδών, μίληδών (μ^λίδών), π^μφρψ 
 
§§ 2 73-51 Suffixes ending in a Consonant 131 
 
 8ών, πρη8ών, σηπΐδώι^, σπα8ών, σχαδώι^, τηκίδώΐ', τϋψ^δών, 
 χαφηβώΐ', cp. formations like Lat. frigedo, rubedo. 
 
 § 273. -men- with the various ablaut-grades -men-, •ιηοη•, 
 •men, -mon, -mn- but -mn- before consonants (§ 845) and 
 •mn in the nominative and accusative singular of neuter 
 nouns (§ 350). This suffix was used partly in the forma- 
 tion of nomina actionis (masculine and neuter) which often 
 came to be used for the names of objects, and partly in the 
 formation of nomina agentis and adjectives, as άκμων 
 (Skr. asman•), άλήμων, -γνωμών, ήγ^μών, θημών, Κίνθμών, 
 κηδίμών, Χαμών, στήμων, ηλαμών, τίρμων (Lat. termo), 
 χξίμών, λιμήν, ποιμήν, πυθμήν, νμήν ; used as a secondary 
 suffix in άκρβμών : άκρο^, δαιτνμών : δαιτν^. Adjectives 
 like άλήμων, ίλ^ήμων, ^ύ-^ίμων, (ύ-θήμων, ΐδμων, τλήμων. 
 Neuters, as βίμα (Skr. vasma, cover), νήμα (Lat. nemen), 
 όνομα (Skr. nama, Lat. n5men, Goth. nam6), στρώμα 
 (Lat. stramen), and similarly άνά-θημα, βήμα, βλήμα, 
 γνώμα, δ^ΐμα, δίρμα, βπί-στημα, '4ρμα, ζίΰγμα, ημα, λΰμμα, 
 μίσθωμα, μνήμα, ν^ΰμα, νόημα, όραμα, ορζγμα, πνεύμα, 
 ττώμα, ρ€νμα, σίλμα, σήμα, στύμμα, σ\ήμα, τίρμα, νπό-δημα, 
 φίρμα, φλίγμα, φνμα, χ^ΐμα, χ^νμα, χρήμα. For the 
 inflexion of these nouns see § 350. 
 
 The suffix -men• also occurs in the Lesbian and Homeric 
 infinitives (dative) like ΐδμ^ναί (Vedic vidmane), δόμ^ναι 
 (Vedic damane), ίδμ^ναι, γνώμβναι, θίμ^ναι, φανήμ^ναι, 
 ζξνγννμβναι, έστάμ€ναι, τβτλάμ^ναί, Sec, see § 546 ; and 
 also in infinitives (endingless locative) like ϊδμ^ν, τιθίμ^ν, 
 θίμ^ν, δόμ^ν, έστάμ^ν, όρννμζν, Szc, see § 549. 
 
 § 274. -t-, -dh-, -s- (of various origin) +«men•, as in 
 άντμήν, λαΐτμα ; ΐθμα ; πλάσμα : πλάσσω, ίρβισμα : €ρβίδω, 
 άσπασμα : ασπάζομαι, νόμισμα : νομίζω, κλώσμα : κλώθω, 
 €πι•λήσμων : ίπι-λήθω. 
 
 § 275. -nt- with the various ablaut-grades -ent-, -ont•, 
 •nt•, «nt•. With this suffix were formed the masculine and 
 neuter of all active participles except the perfect. For the 
 
 K2 
 
132 Formatwn of Nouns and Adjectives [§§ 276-8 
 
 history of the various ablaut-grades in Greek and for the 
 inflexion of the participles see §§ 352-5. Here belong also 
 a number of verbal nomina which became nominal in Greek 
 and a few pure nominal forms, as άρχων, -γίρων, δράκων, 
 εκών, κρ^ίων, μύδων, μίλΧων, ορίζων, φαίθων, πά^, οδον^ 
 (Skr. ddnt-, dat•, Lat, dens, dentis). 
 
 § 276. -went- (= -f^vT-, Skr, -vant-), weak grade -wnt- 
 (-f er- with -e- for -a- through the influence of -F^vt-, Skr. 
 •vat-), see § 356. This suffix was used in Greek and San- 
 skrit in the formation of denominative adjectives denoting 
 possessing, endowed with, as οπόζΐ^, juicy = Skr. apavant-, 
 watery, δολ6^ΐ9, ήν€μ6€ΐ9, οίνόζΐς, στονόξΐ^, χαρίεις ; from 
 forms like *στονόρ^ντ • : στόνος the -ofevr- was extracted 
 and extended to other kinds of stems, as σκι6€ΐ9, μητιόξΐς, 
 ίχθνό^ί^, νιψόξίΫ, κλωμακ6βΐ9, Oepoecs, K€p6ei9, αίματό^ΐί ; 
 αιγλή(ί9, λαχνή€ί?, τϊμήίΐ^; from forms like *τϊμάρ€ντ- : 
 τιμά the -afevT- was extracted and extended to other kinds 
 of stems, as μβσή€ΐ9, φοινή^ΐί, δβνδρήβις, οίστρή€ΐγ, τξλή€ί9. 
 
 § 277. -er- with the ablaut-grades -er-, -or-, -er, -or, -r- 
 but r before consonants, see § 359. In Greek this suffix 
 only occurs in a few nouns, as δάήρ (Skr. devar•), άνήρ, 
 αήρ, αίθήρ. 
 
 § 278. -ter- with the various ablaut-grades -ter-, -tor•, 
 -ter, -tor, -tr- but -tr• before consonants, see §§ 359-61. 
 This suffix was especially used in the formation of names 
 of relationship and nomina agentis, as ττατήρ (Skr. pitdr•, 
 Lat. pater, Goth, fadar), μήτηρ (Skr. matdr-, Lat. mater, 
 OE. modor), θυγάτηρ (Skr. duhitdr-, Goth, dauhtar), 
 φράτηρ, φράτωρ, member of a φρατρίά (Skr. bhratar-, 
 Lat. frater, Goth. br5))ar, brother), βύ•πάτωρ, τταμ-μήτωρ. 
 άκτωρ (Lat. actor), άφ-ήτωρ, βώτωρ, γ^ν^τωρ (Skr. janitar•, 
 Lat. genitor), δώτωρ (Skr. datar-, Lat. dator), βπι-βήτωρ, 
 θηράτωρ, ϊστωρ, καλήτωρ, κτίστωρ, μήστωρ, παν-δαμάτωρ 
 (Skr. damitdr•), βήτωρ, σημάντωρ, άλ^ξητήρ, άροτήρ (Lat. 
 arator), αύλητήρ, γ^ν^τήρ, δμητήρ, δοτήρ, δωτήρ, ^λατήρ, 
 
§§ 2 79-8 1] Suffixes ending in a Consonant 133 
 
 ^π-ακτήρ, ζζυκτήρ (Skr. yoktar•), θηρατήρ, όλβτήρ, οίνο- 
 ποτήρ (Skr. patar-, Lat. p5tor, drinker), φνλακτήρ. αστήρ, 
 γαστήρ. 
 
 § 279. -es- with the ablaut-grades -es-, -os•, -es (§ 3ββ), 
 •5s (§ 368). This suffix was used in the formation of neuter 
 nouns (mostly abstract), see § 364, and compound adjectives 
 related to such nouns, see § 366, as well as in the formation 
 of a few masculine and feminine nouns, see § 368. (a) 
 Neuter nouns, as yeiO? (Skr. jdnas-, Lat. genus), /cXeay 
 (Skr. srdvas-), /ie^Όy (Skr. manas-), νβμος (Lat. nemus), 
 ρίγος (Lat. frigus), and similarly άγκος, ayoy, aWo9, άκος, 
 άνθος, άχος, βάθος, β^λος, βίνθος, δάκος, δίος, ^δος, ζίδος, 
 '4λζγχος, (λκος, e'Aoy, '4πος, βρββος, €ρκος, '4τος, ίυρος, 
 ζ^νγος, θύρος, θράσος (θάρσος), κήδος, κράτος {κάρτος), 
 κνδος, λίχ^ος, λήθος, λίπος, μήκος, νίφος, πάγος, π^κος, 
 πένθος, πλάτος, πύος, σάκος, σθένος, σκάλος, στύγος (τύγος), 
 στίρφος {τίρψος), τάφος, τάχος, τΰχος, τίκος, ψ^ΰδος. 
 {b) Compound adjectives, as ά-κλίής, ά-ληθής, άν-αιδής, 
 ά-σθ^νής, αντο-φυής, ά-ψζυδής, δνσ-κλζής, ά-μ^νής, δυσ- 
 μενής (Skr. dur-manah), εύ-μενής, εύ-γενής, and the back- 
 formations eXeyx?;?, φραδής, ψευδής, see § 366. (c) Mascu- 
 line and feminine nouns, as yeλωy, έρως, ίδρώς, αιδώς, Hom. 
 ηώς, Att. €ως, see § 368. This type of noun became 
 productive in Latin, cp. O.Lat. arbos, honos, &:c. 
 
 § 280. -n-es-, -w-es-, -dh-es-, as in the neuter nouns 
 γλήνος, δάνος, έθνος, ερνος, 'ίχνος, σμήνος ; Hom. είρος 
 from *ερΡος, πΐ{F)oς (Skr. pivas-), στεΐνος from *στενρος, 
 φάρος, Att. φάρος from *φapfoς ; βρΐθος, μέγεθος, πλήθος, 
 στήθος. 
 
 § 281. -jes- with the ablaut-grades -jes-, -jos-, -jos, -is-, 
 and -i-jes-, -i-jos•, used in the formation of the comparative 
 of adjectives. This mode of forming the comparative was 
 only preserved in Greek in the accusative singular masculine 
 and feminine, the nominative plural masculine and feminine, 
 and the nominative and accusative of the neuter plural 
 
1 34 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§§ 2S2-5 
 
 (§ 369). For the formation of the comparative in Greek 
 see §§ 375-6. 
 
 § 282. -wes• with the ablaut-grades -wes-, -wos-, -wos, 
 •us-, and -wet-, -wot-, used in Greek, Aryan and the 
 Baltic-Slavonic languages in the formation of the perfect 
 active participle, see § 552. 
 
 § 283. -as- ( = Gr. -ay-, Skr. -is•), the -9 of which probably 
 belonged originally to the second syllable of dissyllabic 
 heavy bases with the accent on the first syllable. The 
 •9S• is the weak grade of the •δ3 in paragraph 279, and 
 became generalized already in the parent Indg. language. 
 It occurs in a considerable number of neuter nouns, as 
 βρ^τα^, yipuY, γήρας, δίμας, δίττας, /cepa?, κρίας (Skr. 
 kravis-, j'aw flesh), ούδας, πύρα?, σύλας, σκύπας, σψύλας, 
 τίρας, Sec. For the inflexion of these nouns see § 370. 
 
 § 284. «tat- (Skr. and Lat. -tat•), used in the formation of 
 feminine abstract nouns from adjectives, as νιότης, Lat. 
 novitas : vios, novos ; όλότη?, Skr. sarvatat• : όλος, 
 sarvah, and similarly άπλότης, Ισότης, κακότης, όρθότης, 
 σκαώτης, φίλότης, βαρύτης, βραδυτής, γλνκντης, παγυτης, 
 ταχντή?. From forms like *vefoTdT- the -οτάτ- (cp. § 51) 
 was extracted as a suffix and extended to consonantal stems 
 Ινότης, μ^Χανότης, παντότης, γαρί^ντότης. See § 343. 
 
 § 285. In a considerable number of nouns and adjectives 
 the suffix seems to consist of a simple explosive (t, k (= Indg. 
 k and q), d, g) which in some cases at least was the weak 
 grade form of an explosive -f •ο• or -a-, cp. ά•γνώζ : ά-γνω- 
 Tos, Lat. i-gn5-tus ; γυμνής : γυμνήτης ; μ^ΐραξ : Skr. 
 maryaka-h, manikin ; &c. 
 
 •t•. It occurs especially in the formation of compound 
 verbal adjectives and in masculine nouns, as ά-γνώς, ά-δμής, 
 δορι-κμής, ηρο-βλής, ώμο-βρώς ; γυμνής, θής, κίλης, λίβης, 
 πίνης, -χ^ύρνης, πλώς, άναξ ; νύξ. It occurs as a secondary 
 suffix in θβμις, χάρις ; γάλα {γάλακτος), μύλι (μίλιτος). 
 
 •k•. It occurs in the formation of nouns, as άλώπη^, 
 
§§ 286-7] Compound Nouns and Adjectives 135 
 
 δ4λφαξ, Ion. θώρηξ, ΐβνξ, κόραξ, λ^ΐμαξ, μΰραξ, ψήληξ ; 
 ββμβϊξ, ΤΓβρδϊξ, cp. Lat. cornix, radix, &c. 
 
 •d•. It occurs especially in the formation of nouns and 
 adjectives in -άς, gen. -άδθ9, and in nouns in -ις, gen. -ιδος, 
 as yiv^id^, δρομάς, κίμά^, λαμπάς, νιφά^, πξλξΐά? ; μιγάς, 
 νομάς, τξψράς, τοκά?, φυγάς ; ασπίς, γλνφίς, δαΐς, έπιγου- 
 νίς, €ρις (ace. epn^), κάλττις (ace. κάλπιν), κληίς, ληίς, οπις, 
 cp. Lat. lapis, gen. lapidis ; ^μνς, πηλαμύς. 
 
 •g". It occurs especially in the combination -γγ- in 
 diminutives and in nouns denoting a hollow or a musical 
 instrument, as κυστιγξ, λα,ϊγξ, λάρυγξ, ραθάμιγξ, σάλπιγξ, 
 σηραγξ, σπηλυγξ, στόρθνγξ, σνριγξ, φάλαγξ, φάραγξ, 
 φάρνγξ (gen. φάρνγος), φόρμιγξ, ψάλτιγξ. κόκκϋξ, λάταξ, 
 μάστΐξ, πίμφΐ^, πτβρνξ, τίττΐ^. 
 
 § 28β. For the formation and inflexion of nouns belonging 
 to the r- : n-declension see § 371. 
 
 4. The Formation of Compound Nouns and 
 Adjectives. 
 
 § 287. Most of the Greek compound nouns and adjectives 
 consist of the compounding of two words each of which had 
 an independent existence in the historic period of the 
 language. The number of compounds, in which the first 
 or last member or both members did not exist as indepen- 
 dent words, was comparatively small, as in compounds like 
 ά-θζος, άν-6μοίος where a-, άν• (= Indg. n-, Skr. a-, an•, 
 Lat. in-, English un•) is the weak grade of the prim. Indg. 
 negative particle *ne, not; ά-παξ, ά-πλόος where a- = Skr. 
 sa•, Indg. *sm• the weak grade of *sem•, o?ic; δά-π^δον 
 where δα- = Indg. *dm. the weak grade of δομ- in δόμος ; 
 έκατ6μ-βη : βοΰς ; ν€0-χμ6ς : χθων ; 'iv -δον with -δον from 
 *•δομ in δόμος ; nip-vai where the -νσ- in -va-L from older 
 •VT-i- is the weak grade of fίτoς ; τρά-π^ζα where τρα• is 
 the weak grade of rerpa-, four, and -πίζα from *πβδ/α : 
 ηονς ; άριστον from *άβρι, in the morning, and *-στον from 
 
136 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§§ 288-9 
 
 *-8tov, the participle to ε^ω ; Ion. σήμερον, Att. τήμ^ρον from 
 *κ]άμίρον (§129,7) : *klo-, this, and ήμίροί. 
 
 § 288. The compounds may be conveniently divided into 
 four classes. In Class I the first member was the stem of 
 a declinable noun, adjective or pronoun, or an indeclinable 
 numeral. In Class II the first member was an indeclinable 
 particle which only occurred in compounds already in the 
 parent Indg. language. In Class III the first member was 
 an original adverb which also existed as an independent 
 word. In Class IV the first member was a case-form or 
 a form which came to be used as an adverb in Greek. 
 
 Class I. 
 
 § 289. To this class belongs a very large number oi 
 compound nouns and adjectives. In such compounds the 
 first member consists merely of the stem. This mode of 
 forming compounds goes back to the prim. Indg. period 
 and arose before the so-called case-endings came into 
 existence. Regular forms were : άκρό-πολις, αύτό-ματος, 
 λογο-γράφο?, ίππο-μαχίά, ίττπο-πόταμο?, μονο-γα^ής 
 ταυρο-φ6ι/ο? ; άγγ^λια-φόρος, βονλη-φόρος, μοιρη-γ^ι^ής 
 μαντι-πόλος, πτολί-πορΘοζ, τρί-πονς ; άστυ-νόμο^, ήδν 
 {Ρ)€πή^, TToXv-avOrjS, α)κν-πίτ7]9 ; σύ -aypos ; βον-νόμος 
 βον-7Γαί9, ναν-αργο^, vav-irriyos, ναν-κράτης ; άρρ^ν-ωπό^ 
 TtKTOv-ap\os, κνΐ'-ώπΐ9, ονομά-κλυτο^, πάντ-αργο^ ; άΐ'8ρ 
 α\θή^, πατρ•άδζλφθ9 ; vvKT-aUros, όρι^ίθ-αρχο^, ποδ-άρκης 
 7Γνγ-μά\09 ; €π€σ-β6λθ9, σακβσ-φόρος, κ^ρασ-βόλο^, σβλασ- 
 φόρο^, μϋσ-φόνο^, Ιωσ-φόρος. After the analogy of the 
 o-stems the -0- became extended to all kinds of stems, as 
 ήμ€ρο-δρ6μος, Νίκ6-μα)(^θζ, νλο-τ6μο9, ψν)(ο-πομπ6ξ ; φνσιο 
 λόγος ; ί\θυο-φάγος, συο -KTOvos ; βο-ό-κλίψς ; άγωνο-θίτης, 
 άκμό-θζ.τον, άρρ^νό-παις, κνρο-κίφαλος, φρ^νο-μανής, αίμο 
 βαφής, σωματο-ζίδής, τταντό-σ^μνος ; αίθρό-τοκος, άνδρο 
 φάγος, άστ€ρο•€ίδής, πατρο-φόνος, ρητορο-διδάσκαλος ; αίγό 
 βοτοΫ, άσπίδο-πηγός, νίφό-βολος, όρνίθο-σκοπος, παιδο-φόρο? 
 
§§ 290-1] Compound Nouns and Adjectives 137 
 
 Ino-noLos, ίΐρο-κόμος. The -a-, -η- of the a- stems was often 
 extended analogically to other stems, especially for metrical 
 purposes in poetr}', as άκρά-χολος, θανατη-φόρο?, v^d-yevrj^ ; 
 βο-η-νόμος; άσπι6η-φ6ρο9, Szc. Regular forms were rerpa- 
 πονς, έπτά-πονγ, SeKa-novs, after the analogy of which were 
 formed π^ντά-πον^, έ^ά-ττους, &c. Regularly contracted 
 forms were Dor. στρατάγό?, κρατ^ρώννξ, φιλήρ^τμοζ, ώμη- 
 στης, &C., after the analogy of which were formed κυν -ayos, 
 αίγ-ώννξ, πολυ-ωφβλή?, βο-ηλασίά, τταν-ήγνρις, &c. 
 
 The adjectives in •ρο• have -i- in compounds, as άργί- 
 K€pavvo9 : αργός from ^apypos, κϋ8ί-άνζίρα : κϋδρός, λαθι- 
 κήδης : λάθρτ}, γ^αλί-φρων : χαλαρός. This formation has 
 never been satisfactorily explained, see Hirt, Handbuch der 
 griech. Laut- und Formenlehre, p. 328. 
 
 There are numerous Greek compounds in which the 
 first member was either verbal or came to be felt as being 
 verbal, as άρχί,-κακος, 8ακ€-θνμος, ταΧα-ττ^νθης, φ^ρί-καρπος; 
 άρκ^σί-γνιος, λΰσί-πονος, τανυσί-πτ^ρος, τ€ρψί•μβροτος, 
 φϋσί-ζοος. These latter formations came to be associated 
 with the s-aorist and then became productive, as φθζίσί• 
 μβροτος : 'ίφθ^ισα. 
 
 Class II. 
 
 § 290. In this class the first member was an indeclinable 
 particle which only occurred in compounds already in the 
 parent Indg. language, as a-, av- fSkr. a-, an-, Lat. in•, Engl, 
 un-) the weak grade of Indg. *ne, not {§ 65, i), cp. ά-γνωτος 
 (Skr. d-jnatah), a-6eos, ά-τίμος, ά-παις, άν-νδρος (Skr. 
 an-udrdh), av-airios, άν-όμοως. a- (Skr. sa•) = Indg. *sm 
 the weak grade of *sem•, one, cp. α-παξ, ά-πλόος. δνσ- 
 (Skr. dur•), cp. δνσ-αλγής, δύσ-θϋμος, δυσ-μ^νής (Skr. 
 dur-manah), δνσ-μήτηρ, δυσ-τυ\ής, δνσ-φατος. 
 
 Class III. 
 § 291. In this class the first member was an original 
 adverb which also existed as an independent word, as 
 
138 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§292 
 
 άμφι-δύ^ΐ09, άμψί-πολθ9, ava-Xoyos, άνά-μ^σος, άπό-τισις, 
 άπ6-φονο$, kκ-y^vή9, 'ίκ-νομο^, ^πί-γαιος, eni-OeTos (Skr. 
 dpi-hitah), Ιπί-\αλκο$, κατά-χρϋσογ, παρά-λογο?, παρα- 
 χρήμα, προ-ηγβμών, πρ6-κακο9, προσ-ξσπίρο?, πρόσ-ωπον, 
 σνν-8ονλθ9, avp-Tpeis, νπζρ-άνβρωπο^, vnep-Se^ios, νπ• 
 άρχο?, νπό-θβσις (Skr. upa-hitih), νπ6-θζΤ09, ύπό-ξυλος. 
 
 Class IV. 
 
 § 292. In this class the first member was a case-form or 
 a form which came to be used as an adverb in Greek, as 
 δώ-δ€κα (Skr. dva-dasa), Nea-noXi? ; νονρ-ξχή?, παν-ημαρ ; 
 Δίόσ-δοτο?, Αιόσ-κονροι, κυνόσ-ουρα, ρβώσ-οικος, TleXonov- 
 νήσο? from IliXono? ρήσο? ; Άρηΐ-φιΧο?, δορί-πονο?, kapi- 
 δρ€πτο9, μξσαί-πόΧω?, όδοι-πόρο?, όρ^ι-βάτη?, πνρί-καυστο?; 
 δακρνσί-στακτος, νανσι-κΧυτό?, όρζσσι-γζρή?, πασί-φιΧο?. 
 άμα•τροχιά, παΧαί-φατος, παν-αίοΧο?, χαμαι-γ^ρή?. 
 
ACCIDENCE 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 DECLENSION OF NOUNS 
 
 § 293. In the parent Indg. language nouns and adjectives 
 were declined alike without any distinction in endings. 
 This system was preserved in Greek, Latin, Sanskrit and 
 most of the other languages. They are divided into two 
 great classes according as the stem ends in a vowel or 
 a consonant. In the former case they belong to the vocalic 
 and in the latter to the consonantal declension. 
 
 § 294. Nouns had originally three numbers : singular, 
 dual and plural. The singular and plural were used in the 
 same manner as in the historic periods of the separate 
 languages. The dual is in form a singular, the formative 
 elements of which originally expressed the idea of what 
 belonged naturally together in a pair or couple, as όψθαλμώ, 
 ομματζ, οσσ€, Skr. aksi, both eyes ; χ^Γρε, Skr. hastau, 
 bofh /lands ; ηήχί€, Skr. bahia, both arms ; ττόδζ, Skr. 
 padau, both feet; and similarly μηρώ, ώμω, &c. It then 
 came to be used for two objects which were associated 
 together, as Hom. βό^, Skr, gavau, a yoke of oxen ; Hom. 
 ί'πττω, Skr. asva, a pair of horses ; Hom. dpve, a pair of 
 lambs for sacrifice ; τώ β^ώ, the tivo goddesses (Demeter and 
 Persephone) ; τω ταμία, the tivo treasurers (of Demeter and 
 Persephone). When two different objects were associated 
 together only the first of them was named and put in the 
 dual. This is called the elliptical dual, as Skr. usasa, 
 morning and night ; ahani, day and night ; dyava, heaven 
 and earth; pitkrau, father and mother, parents; Hom. 
 
I40 Accidence [§ 294 
 
 A'iavre, Ajax and Teukros. In prim. Indo-Germanic the 
 words for both (Skr. ubhau, άμφω, Lat. ambo) and huo 
 (Skr. dvau, δύω, δύο, Lat. duo) were also used along with 
 the dual, the former to express collectivity and the latter 
 separate objects or two out of many, i. e. plurality. At 
 a later stage these two words came to be regarded as 
 expressing the duality and then the noun was often put 
 in the plural. This was the beginning of the loss of the 
 dual in the separate languages. In Greek and Vedic the 
 dual was rarely used without the word for fwo except when 
 the objects referred to were regarded as a pair or couple. 
 But even in prim. Indo-Germanic the dual was not a fully 
 developed number like the singular and plural. Each of 
 the latter numbers had many more case-forms than the 
 dual. The dual had only one form for the nom. voc. and 
 ace. masculine and feminine, one for the nom. voc. and ace. 
 neuter, one for the dat. abl. and instr. all genders, and 
 similarly one for the gen. and one for the locative. It was 
 preserved in Aryan, Greek, Old Irish and also to a great 
 extent in Baltic-Slavonic, but it disappeared almost entirely 
 in the prehistoric period of all the other languages. The 
 dual was fast becoming obsolescent in the oldest historic 
 period of the Greek language. In Homer objects which 
 go in pairs or couples were expressed more frequently by 
 the plural than the dual, and it is remarkable that the word 
 for parents is only used once by him in the dual— άτάρ ου 
 τι μοί aiTLOS aXXos, άλλα τοκψ δύω, τω μη ydvaadai 
 οφ^λλον, θ 312. In some dialects the dual is not found at 
 all. It occurs in Boeotian, Arcadian and also occasionally 
 in Doric. It survived longest in Attic, in the oldest period 
 of which it was used almost in the same manner as in 
 Homer. After it had become obsolete in the Attic verna- 
 cular it was later restored again artificially in literature. 
 By about the end of the fourth century b. c. it had dis- 
 appeared in the vernacular of all the Greek dialects. 
 
§295] Declension of Nouns 141 
 
 § 295. It is now η generally accepted theory that nouns 
 had the three genders— masculine, feminine and neuter— at 
 the time the parent Indg. language became differentiated 
 into the separate branches of Aryan, Greek, Italic, Keltic, 
 Germanic, Baltic-Slavonic, &c. But in an earlier period 
 of the parent Indg. language there must have been a stage 
 when there was no characteristic inherent in the form of 
 a noun which indicated whether it belonged to the masculine, 
 feminine or neuter gender ; compare for example the r-, n- 
 and other consonantal-stems in Greek, Latin and Sanskrit. 
 In the consonantal declension nouns denoting males must 
 originally have been masculine and those denoting females 
 must have been feminine, irrespective of their form. But 
 the exact process whereby inanimate objects came to be 
 masculine or feminine in this declension will probably 
 always remain an unsolved problem. And these remarks 
 also apply to the i-, u• and diphthongal-declensions. In all 
 these classes of nouns the gender could not be determined 
 by the form, but only by the meaning or by an accompany- 
 ing attribute such as a demonstrative pronoun, which in 
 the earliest period of the Indg. language had distinctive 
 forms for the masculine, feminine and neuter gender ; cp. 
 Indg. *so, *sa, *tod = b, ή, τ6, Skr. sd, sa, tat, Goth, sa, 
 s5, J)at-a. Even in the a-declension the -a of the nomina- 
 tive had originally nothing to do either with gender or case, 
 it was simply the bare stem-ending of a dissyllabic heavy 
 base. It is probable that in this declension a certain 
 number of nouns ending in -a originally denoted females, 
 as Vedic gana-, wtfe of a god, Boeot. βανά, Att. yvvrj, 
 woman, and that then by analogy all nouns ending in 
 •a became feminine. The dem. pronoun may also have 
 been an important factor in bringing it about that all nouns 
 belonging to this declension became feminine. The Greek, 
 Latin and Baltic-Slavonic masculines belonging to this 
 declension were all nouns which had changed their gender 
 
142 Accidence [§295 
 
 in these languages separately (§ 323). After the a-declen- 
 sion had become fully established as being the only 
 declension which contained exclusively feminine nouns, 
 it then came to be regarded as specially characteristic of 
 the feminine gender in general. And from this declension 
 or rather a sub-division of it (§ 322) there was formed the 
 grammatical feminine to those classes of nouns which did 
 not originally distinguish the masculine and feminine in 
 form, viz. the i•, u•, r-, n-, nt-, -s- and other consonantal- 
 stems. And it even sometimes was used to form the 
 feminine from o-stems, cp. Skr. vrki, she-wolf, devi, 
 goddess : to the masculine vrkah, devah beside asva, 
 mare, masculine dsvah. And in like manner, apart from 
 the neuter nouns about which we shall speak presently, it 
 is also probable that a certain number of nouns whose stems 
 ended in -c originally denoted males, as Skr. dsvah, Lat. 
 equus, horse ; λύκος, Skr. vrkah, Lat. lupus, Goth, wulfs, 
 Lith. viikas, he-wolf, and that then by analogy all nouns 
 whose stems ended in -o became masculine. See § 324. 
 By comparing the oldest periods of the separate languages, 
 it is clear that this development of grammatical gender in 
 the a- and o-declensions must have taken place during 
 the prim. Indg. period. Through causes which it is now 
 impossible to determine grammatical gender was further 
 developed during this period whereby ϊ- and u-stems, 
 monosyllabic abstract nouns, abstract nouns with the 
 stem-endings -ti, -ni, -den, -don, -(ijtjon, •ϊη, -t, -tat and 
 •tut all became feminine ; and abstract nouns with the 
 stem-endings -tu, -nu and nouns with the stem-endings 
 •en, •οη denoting parts of the body, all became masculine 
 (Brugmann, Grundriss, &c., vol. ii, part 2, second ed., 
 pp. 99-101). From the above account of the masculine 
 and feminine genders we have generally left out of con- 
 sideration the change of gender which took place in the 
 individual languages, such as that in Greek and Latin 
 
§295] Declension ο/ Nouns 143 
 
 grammatical gender sometimes became subordinate to 
 natural gender, as ή άνθρωποι, η ^eo?, haec lupus after 
 the analogy of nouns like η γυνή, haec femina ; or that 
 in Greek and the Germanic languages natural gender 
 often became subordinate to grammatical gender, as in 
 words like ή δάμαρ, ή 6ap, in diminutives like γνι/αιον, 
 πατρίδων, παιδίον, or in Ο Ε. neuters like cild, cht'/d; folc, 
 folk ; hers, horse ; lamb, lamb ; wif, wife ; or that o-stems 
 denoting the names of trees are feminine in Greek and 
 Latin and the names of rivers masculine, whereas in the 
 Germanic and several other languages the latter are mostly 
 feminine. 
 
 The neuter gender differed from the masculine and 
 feminine insomuch that it only had one form for the 
 nominative and accusative singular. As we have seen 
 above, there was originally no characteristic inherent in 
 the form of a noun to indicate whether it belonged to the 
 masculine, feminine or neuter gender. The grammatical 
 neuter gender, as such, only came into existence after the 
 masculine and feminine had become fully established. In 
 its earliest stage it was only used to represent inanimate 
 objects and these only in the nominative and accusative 
 singular, for which the bare stem was used in the i•, u- and 
 all consonantal-stems, and the accusative in the o-stems. 
 The other cases of the singular were formed at a later 
 period after the analogy of the masculines. The i•, u- and 
 consonantal-stems mostly denoted the names of material, 
 inert mass, or substance of being or action. The form in 
 •om, as compared with the masculine nominative in -os, 
 expressed the passive or inactive recipient, that is the 
 accusative, which practically agrees with the meanings of 
 the former classes of nouns. But as in the i•, u- and con- 
 sonantal-stems there was no distinction in form between 
 the nominative and accusative, the accusative in -cm also 
 came to be used for the nominative. Here as in the mas- 
 
144 Accidence [§ 296 
 
 culines and feminines natural gender was often made 
 subordinate to the grammatical gender in the individual 
 languages, cp. 17 δάμαρ, το yvvaiov or OE, wif, wife, cild, 
 child 
 
 What is called the neuter plural in the oldest periods of 
 the separate Indg. languages was originally a feminine 
 collective singular. This applies not only to the O'Stems 
 (§ 326) but also to the i•, u• and consonantal-stems. The 
 nominative and accusative ending -a of the o-stems agrees 
 with the nominative singular ending of the a-stems. -a 
 (Skr. -i, Gr. -a), the ending of the nominative and accusa- 
 tive of the consonantal stems, was in all probability the 
 weak grade ablaut of the above -a. The nominative and 
 accusative endings of the i- and u-stems were -i and •ΰ, 
 which may also be a contraction of -i, -u + a. The -i how- 
 ever can also be the -ϊ of the nominative singular of the 
 ja-stems (§ 322). During the prim. Indg. period these 
 feminine collective singulars ceased to be felt as such and 
 came to be regarded as plurals, and then the other cases 
 of the plural were formed after the analogy of the mascu- 
 lines just as had previously been done in the singular. 
 This accounts for the fact that in Greek and Sanskrit the 
 nominative plural takes the verb in the singular, see § 326. 
 
 § 296. The parent Indg. language had at least eight 
 cases — probably more — if we call the vocative a case, 
 which strictly speaking it is not because it does not 
 stand in any syntactical relation to the other members of 
 the sentence. These were : the Nominative, Vocative, 
 Accusative, Genitive, Ablative, Dative, Locative and In- 
 strumental, all of which were preserved in Sanskrit. The 
 original functions and uses of these cases belong to com- 
 parative syntax. Of the origin of the case-endings practi- 
 cally nothing is known. Although much has been written 
 upon the subject, it is all mere guess-work without any 
 solid foundation. It is reasonable to suppose that the 
 
§§ 297-8] Declension of Nouns 145 
 
 case-endings were originally independent words, but what 
 their precise meaning was in each particular case it is 
 impossible to determine. It is remarkable that Greek, 
 which in other respects is so archaic, should have lost so 
 many of the original case-forms. In the following brief 
 description of the formation of the case-endings in the 
 parent Indg. language many details are omitted, especially 
 such as relate to analogical formations in the individual 
 languages. For details of this kind the student should 
 consult the declensions themselves. 
 
 § 297. In order not to have to repeat in each case the 
 meanings of the Sanskrit, Gothic and Lithuanian words 
 used to illustrate the various case-endings, a list of the 
 words is given here for easy reference. Sanskrit : agnih, 
 fire ; aksi, eye ; asva, nia7'e ; avih, sheep ; bharan (stem 
 bharant•, bharat•), bearing; bhuh, earth; data, giver; 
 da vane, to give ; devi, goddess ; dhara, stream ; dhih, 
 thought; durmanah (stem durmanas•), dispirited; dyauh, 
 sky, day ; gauh, co'm, ox ; janah (stem janas•), race ; loc. 
 murdhan, on the head; n3.aih, river ; nama (stem naman•), 
 name ; nauh, ship ; pdsu, cattle ; pat (stem pad•, pad•), 
 foot ; pita (stem pitar•), father ; puru, much, many ; raja 
 (stem rajan-), king ; sunuh, son ; tanuh, body ; neut. tri, 
 three; vari, luater; vidmane, to know; vrkah, tvo/f; 
 yugam, yoke. Gothic: a.nsts, favour; hairands, bearing; 
 brojiar, brother; iaaav, father ; faihu, cattle; giha, gift; 
 guma, man ; juk, yoke ; mawi, girl ; sunus, son ; tuggo, 
 tongue ; wulfs, ivolf Lithuanian : avis, sheep ; rank^, 
 hand; vilkas, wolf 
 
 SliNGULAR. 
 
 § 298. The nominative of the masculine and feminine 
 was formed in four ways, (a) In the a• and ja-declensions 
 by the bare stem without case-ending, as χώρα ; Skr. asva, 
 Lat. equa, mare, Goth, giba, gift (§ 321) ; -i beside -(ilja, 
 
 L 
 
146 Accidence [§299 
 
 the former occurs in Skr. devi, goddess, Goth, mawi, girl, 
 and the latter in φίρουσα from *φ^ροντ]α (§ 322). {b) In the 
 n•, r- and s-stems by simply lengthening the vowel of the 
 stem-ending, as ποιμήν, δαίμων ; Goth, guma, man, Skr. 
 raja, king, Lat. homo, sermo ; Goth, tuggo, tongue (§ 345) ; 
 πατήρ, Lat. pater, Goth, fadar, Skr. pita, father (§ 360) ; 
 δώτωρ, Lat. dator, Skr. data, giver (§ 361) ; δυσμενής, 
 hostile, Skr. durmanah, dispirited (§ 366) ; γίλω?, αίδώ^ 
 (§ 368). (c) The o-, i-, u-, ϊ• and ii-stems and also stems 
 ending in an explosive (except monosyllabic or root nouns) 
 had simply the case-ending -s, as λνκο9, Skr. vfkah, Lat. 
 lupus, Goth, wulfs, Lith. vilkas, wolf (§ 325) ; πόλΐζ, oiy, 
 Skr. avih, Lat. ovis, Lith. avis, sheep (§ 328) ; πήχνς, 
 arm, Skr. sunuh, Goth, sunus, son, Lat. fructus (§ 331) ; 
 /ciy, weevil, Skr. dhih, thought (§ 330) ; ίχθό?, fish, Skr. 
 tanuh, body (§ 334) ; φνλαξ, μάστΐ^, κατήλιψ, λαμπάς, 
 Kopvs, νβότη^ from *veforaT9 {§§ 342-3) ; Skr. bhdran from 
 *bhdrants, Lat. ferens, Goth, bairands, bearing (§ 352) ; 
 διδονς from *δίδοι/τ9, and similarly δαμνα^, δξίκνύ?, τιθύ^, 
 &c. (§ 354) ; xapuLS from *xapLfevTS (§ 356). {d) The 
 diphthongal stems and the monosyllabic consonantal stems 
 had the case-ending -s and lengthening of the stem-ending, 
 as vavs, Skr. nauh, ship (§ 336) ; Zei^y, cp. Skr. dyauh, 
 sky (§ 337); βασιλ^ν^ (§ 338); βον?, Skr. gauh, cow, ox 
 (§ 339); πού?, Skr. pat, Lat. pes, OE. fot, foot {^ 342). 
 
 § 299. The vocative of the masculine and feminine had 
 no special case-ending. In the a• and o-declensions it 
 ended respectively in -a and -e which stood in ablaut 
 relation to the -a and -o of the nominative, as Horn, ννμφά, 
 δέσποτα (§ 321) ; XvKe, Skr. vrka, Lat. lupe, Goth, wulf, 
 wolf (§ 325). The original ending of the i-stems was -i 
 when the preceding syllable had the chief accent of the 
 word, and -ei or -oi when the accent was on the ending. 
 Greek and the Germanic languages generalized the former 
 and Sanskrit the latter, as πόλι ; Goth. SiXisi, favour, beside 
 
§ 30o] Declension of Nouns 147 
 
 Skr. agne : nom. agnih, fire (§ 328). And similarly -u 
 beside -eu or -ou in the u-declension, as πηγυ, Goth, 
 sunu, beside Skr. sun5 (§ 331). The long ϊ• and u-stems 
 originally ended in -i, -u beside -i, ΰ, the former became 
 generalized in Sanskrit and the latter in Greek, as Skr. 
 nddi : nom. nadih, river, tdnu : nom. tanuh, body, συ, 
 ίγθύ. In the monosyllabic i-stems the nom. was used for 
 the vocative in both languages, as kU, dhih (§ 330) ; and 
 similarly with the monosyllabic u-stems in Sanskrit, as 
 bhuh, earth (§ 334). The diphthongal and the n•, nt-, 
 went•, r- and s-stems had the bare stem-ending, as βοϋ 
 (§ 339), Zev, Lat. Ju-piter (§ 337), βασιλξΰ (§ 338) ; Βαΐμον, 
 cp. Skr. rajan {§ 345); yipov, cp. Skr. bharan from 
 *bharant (§ 352) ; \apUv from *xapLf^vT (§ 356) ; πάτ€ρ, 
 Skr. pitar (§ 360), δώτορ, Skr. datar (§ 361) ; βνσμ^νύ?, 
 Skr. durmanah (§ 366). The nominative was used for 
 the vocative of stems ending in a simple explosive 
 (§ 342). 
 
 § 300. The case-ending of the masculine and feminine 
 accusative was -m or -m (= a, Skr. -a, Lat. -em, § 65, i) 
 according as the stem ended in a vowel or a consonant, as 
 χωράν, Skr. asvam, Lat. equam, Goth, giba ; λνκον, Skr. 
 vrkatn, Lat. lupum ; ττόλιν, cp. Skr. agnim, fire, Lat. 
 sitim, partim ; πηχυν, cp. Skr. sunum, Lat. fructum ; 
 Ζην, cp. Skr. dyam, sky, from *dje(u)m ; βών, Skr. gam, 
 cow, ox, from *gO(u)m; the long ΐ• and u-stems had -im, 
 •iim beside -ijm, -uwm, as κΐν, Ιχθνν, Skr. dhiyam, tanu- 
 vam; Hom. νήα, Skr. navam, Lat. navem, ship, from 
 *nawm ; βασιλήα, -id, from *-r/f α ; πόδα, Skr. padam, 
 Lat. pedem; ποιμίνα, δαίμονα, Skr. raj ana m ; ψίροντα, 
 Skr. bhdrantam, Lat. ferentem ; χαρύντα from *χαρι• 
 fevra; naripa, Skr. pitdram, Lat. patrem; δώτορα, Skr. 
 dataram, Lat. datorem ; δυσμ^νία, -ή, Skr. durmanasam ; 
 αιδώ from *αίδοσα. The Sanskrit ending -am of the con- 
 sonantal stems had the -m from the accusative of the vocalic 
 
ΐ4δ Accidence [§§ 301-2 
 
 stems ; and similarly -av for -a in the Cyprian dialect and 
 also occasionally in other dialects. 
 
 § 301. The case-ending of the nom. voc. and ace. neuter 
 was -m in the o-declension, as ζυγόν, Skr. yugdm, Lat. 
 yx^nm, yoke (§ 326). All other neuters had the bare stem- 
 ending, as ϊδρι, cp. Skr. vari, water; άστυ, ηδύ, cp. Skr. 
 pasu, Lat. pecu, Goth, faihu, cattle ; κηρ, yaka, μίλι, from 
 ""κηρδ, *γαλακτ, *μζλίτ; όνομα, Skr. nama, Lat. nomen, 
 name ; φίρον from ^ψ^ροντ, cp. Skr. bhdrat (§ 353); bear- 
 ing-, and similarly 5α/ί^'άί/; S^lkvvv, 8l86v, tlO^v, &:c., yapUv, 
 άπάτορ ; yeuos, Skr. janah, Lat. genus, race ; δυαμς^ί?, 
 Skr. durmanah. 
 
 § 302. The original genitive case-ending was -es, -os 
 and -s, which stand in ablaut relation to each other, 
 •s occurred after vowels and -es, -os after consonants, -es 
 was originally used when it had the chief accent of the 
 word, and -os when the accent preceded the case-ending. 
 Latin generalized the former and Greek the latter. It 
 cannot be determined whether the Sanskrit ending -ah 
 represents -es or -os because e and ο regularly fell together 
 in a. Examples are : χώρα?, σκιά?, τιμής, cp. Skr. dsvay• 
 ah, o/a mare, Goth. gib5s, of a gift, Lat. familias, all from 
 -as; Skr. agneh, of fire, Goth, anstais, from -eis or ois; 
 Skr. sunoh, Goth, sunaus, of a son, from -eus or -oiis ; 
 on the Greek forms, see §§ 328, 331 ; klos from *kljos, cp. 
 Skr. dhiyah ; ιχθύος from *ίχθυροΐ, cp. Skr. tanuvah ; 
 Ion. γοννός, δονρός {rom *yovfos, *8opfos, cp. Skr. pasvah, 
 of cattle ; Ion. νηός, Att. ι^βώ?, Skr. navdh, Lat. navis ; 
 Alas, Skr. divah ; βοός, Vedic gdvah ; ποδός, Skr. padah, 
 Lat. pedis ; ποιμίνος, δαίμονος, cp. Skr. rajnah ; φίροντος, 
 Skr. bhdratah, Lat. ferentis; πατρός, δώτορος, Lat. patris, 
 dat5ris ; γίν^ος, γίνονς, Skr. janasah, Lat. generis ; 
 δυσμ^νίος, -ους, Skr. durmanasah ; αίδονς from *αίδοσος ; 
 ήπατος. 
 
 The genitive of the o-stems was formed after the analogy 
 
§§ 303-5] Declension of Nouns 149 
 
 of the genitive of the demonstrative pronoun in prim. Indo- 
 Germanic, cp. Horn. Xvkolo = Skr. vrkasya, beside τοΐο, 
 Skr. tasya, Indg. *tosjo; and also prim. Greek *ρλνκοσο 
 = Att. Ion. and mild Dor. λύκου, Boeot. Lesb. and severe 
 Dor. λύκω, beside τον, τω from Indg. *toso. 
 
 § 303. The ablative case-ending was originally the same 
 as that of the genitive in all stems, but during the prim. 
 Indg. period special case-endings for the ablative («ed, -od) 
 and the genitive (-sjo) of the o-stems were formed after the 
 analogy of the pronominal endings (§ 408). This ablative 
 case-ending was preserved in Sanskrit and Old Latin, as 
 vrkat : nom. vrkah, yugat : nom, yugam,O.Lat. Gnaivod 
 meritod, inscrip. facilumed = facillumed. But it dis 
 appeared in Greek except in isolated forms, as Delph, 
 foίκω, domo, Cret. Tco-5e, htJic, ώ, οττω, unde. Its disappear 
 ance was doubtless due to the analogy of the other declen 
 sions in which the genitive and ablative were alike in 
 form. The adverbial particle -θ^ν, which originally be- 
 longed to words like πόθ^ν, came to be used to express the 
 ablative, as oiKoOeu, ούρανόθ^ν. 
 
 § 304. The dative case-ending was originally -ai for all 
 stems. In the a- and o-declensions it became contracted 
 in prim. Indo-Germanic with the stem-ending whereby -3,+ 
 ai became -ai and -o + ai became -oi, as χά>ρα, τΐμτ}, Skr. 
 dsvay-ai, Lat. equae, Goth, gibai ; θ^ω, λνκω, Skr. 
 vrkay-a, Lat. Iup6 (O.Lat. populoi). In the other stems 
 the old dative was supplanted by the locative in Greek, but 
 the original dative was preserved in isolated forms, such as 
 inf. Att. Souuac, C3'pr. Sofevat = Skr. da vane, Hom. ϊδμζΐ^αι 
 = Skr. vidmane, adv. χαμαί, Lat. humi. It was regularly 
 preserved in Sanskrit and Latin, as agnay-e, hosti ; sun• 
 dve, fructui ; gave, bovi ; nave, navi ; pade, pedi ; 
 rajne, homini ; namne, nomini ; bhdrate, ferenti ; pitre, 
 datre, patri, dat6ri ; janase, generi. 
 
 § 305. The locative case-ending was -i in the a-, o-, ί•, u- 
 
150 Accidence [§ 306 
 
 and consonantal-stems (but see below). In the i- and 
 u-stems the locative ended in -ei (-e, § 63) and -eu which 
 were the lengthened form of the full stems. The n-, r• and 
 s-stems had -i beside no special case-ending. Forms of the 
 latter have only been preserved in isolated forms, as αίίν, 
 aiis, inf. 86μ^ν, ΐδμ€ν ; Skr. murdhan, oji the head. 
 
 In the a- and o-declensions the -i combined with the 
 stem-endings to form the diphthongs -ai and -01, -ei beside 
 •oi and -ei. The locative of the a-declension thus fell 
 together with the original dative. In Greek the locative 
 of the o-declension only occurs in isolated forms. Examples 
 are : χώρα, dea, τΐμΐ}, Lat. Rdmae, O.Lat. R5mai ; 'Ισθμοί 
 and in adverbs like ποΐ, π€Ϊ, (Κξΐ beside ο'ίκοι, ο'ίκ€ΐ, cp. 
 Skr. vrke, Lat. belli, domi. κιί from *ki.Ji, Skr. dhiyi; 
 ίχθνϊ from ' ίχθν,-ι, Skr. tanuvi; Att. Ion. νη'ι, Skr. navi, 
 Lat. nave; βασιληι from *βασί\ηΡί ; βοΐ, Skr. gdvi, Lat. 
 bove ; πο8ί, Skr. padi, Lat. pede ; ποιμίνι, δαίμονι, Skr. 
 rajani, Lat. homine ; φ^ροντι, Skr. bharati, Lat. ferente ; 
 πατβρι, Skr. pitdri, Lat. patre ; yevei, Skr. janasi, Lat. 
 genere ; δνσμζν^ΐ, Skr. durmanasi ; αίδοΐ from *αίδοσι. 
 The adverbial particle -θι also came to be used to express 
 the locative, as άλλοθι, ονρανόθι. 
 
 The locative of the i- and u-stems was remodelled in 
 prim. Greek after the analogy of the consonantal and 
 other stems where -i was regular (§§ 328, 331). The 
 regular forms were preserved in Sanskrit, Latin and Gothic, 
 as Vedic agna (see above), Lat. hosti, Goth, anstai ; Skr. 
 sunau, Goth, sunau, Lat. senatu, fructu. In the i-stems 
 the dative and locative regularly fell together in Latin. 
 
 § 306. The instrumental was not preserved in Greek 
 except in isolated forms. It is doubtful what was its 
 original ending in most of the stems, because there is no 
 clear agreement in its formation among the languages which 
 have an instrumental in historic times. In the a-, o•, i- and 
 u-declensions it ended in -a, -5 (-e), -i and •ΰ, as Vedic dsva, 
 
§§307-81 Declension of Nouns 151 
 
 with a mare ; dhara, i\.nth the stream ; κρυφή, λάθρα, -?/ ; 
 Vedic vika, Goth, wulfa, Lith. vilku, ττώ-ποτβ, Horn. 
 ίπισχ^ρώ, άμαρτή. In the other stems it probably ended 
 in -a beside -bhi and -mi which resulted from the endings 
 of three originally different cases being used for the instru- 
 mental. The -bhi is the same as the instrumental plural 
 ending in Sanskrit «bhi-h. In Greek it only occurs in the 
 epic language of Homer and his imitators, and there mostly 
 with the a- and o-stems, rarely with other stems. In 
 Homer it had more frequently a plural than a singular 
 meaning, and it was used to express both the instrumental, 
 ablative and locative, seldom the genitive and dative. The 
 •mi occurs in the Baltic-Slavonic languages in the singular 
 and the plural and in the Germanic languages only in the 
 latter. The -a occurs in adverbs like άμα, παρά, neSa, and 
 possibly also in the Latin consonantal stems, homine, 
 patre, &c., but as the locative (-i) and instrumental (-a) 
 endings regularly fell together, the -e can represent either 
 case. Examples of -bhi are : άγ^ληψι, βίηφί{ν), κ^φαλήφιν ; 
 θ€6φι{ν), ζυγόφίν, Ίλιόφιν, ίφι, ι/ανφιίν), Ιρίβ^σφι, 6ρ€σφί{ν). 
 The -u was of the same origin as in the locative plural 
 (§ 31β). 
 
 Dual. 
 
 § 307. For an account of the original case-forms and 
 uses of the dual in the parent Indg. language see § 294. 
 
 § 308. The nominative, vocative and accusative of the 
 masculine and feminine was formed differently in the differ- 
 ent stems. In the a-stems the ending was -ai, as Skr. 
 dsve, on Gr. χώρα, τιμά, see § 321. In the o-stems it was 
 •δα beside -5, Greek generalized the latter, as λύκω, Lith. 
 vilku, Vedic vrkau beside vrka. In Sanskrit the -au, -a 
 was extended by analogy to the i•, ΰ• and all consonantal- 
 stems. In the i• and u-stems it was -i and •ΰ, as Skr. agni, 
 sunu, on Gr. noXee, πάλα, see § 328, and on πήχζ€, ττήχ^ι, 
 
152 Accidence [§§ 309-11 
 
 § 331. In the ΐ•, ΰ•, diphthongal and consonantal-stems 
 Greek has -e which seems to be the original case-ending in 
 all these stems, but it is not certain because just as the -au, 
 ■a of the o-stems was extended by analogy to the i•, ΰ• and 
 consonantal-stems in Sanskrit, so also the Greek -e may be 
 a new formation after the relation of the old nom. plural 
 ending *-a)y (§ 324) : to the nom. plural ending -ey so to 
 the dual ending -ω an -e may have been formed. Examples 
 are : kU, ίχθύξ, vfje, βόξ, πόδξ, ττοιμίνί, φίροντί, \apUvTe, 
 TTaTepe, δυσμ^ν^ζ, -€Ϊ. 
 
 § 309. The nominative, vocative and accusative neuter 
 ending was -oi in the o-stems, as Vedic yuge, on Gr. ζνγώ, 
 see § 326. In all the other stems the ending was probably 
 •Ϊ, which was supplanted by the -e of the masculine and 
 feminine in Greek, as Skr. aksi, namani, jdnasi = oWe, 
 ονόματζ, yivee. 
 
 § 310. It is impossible to determine what was the original 
 case-ending of the genitive and locative in the various 
 declensions because there is no agreement among the 
 languages which have preserved the dual in historic times. 
 Some scholars assume that it was -cus = the Skr. -oh in 
 asvayoh, vrkayoh, agnyoh, sunoh, padoh, rajndh, 
 pitroh, (Sec. The dative, ablative and instrumental ending 
 contained the element -bh- (Skr. -bhyam) beside -m-, but 
 what the Indg. vocalism was it is impossible to determine. 
 In Greek Horn, -ouv, Att. Ion. &:c. -olv became used in all 
 stems except the a-stems to express the functions of all the 
 five cases. On the origin of -ollv, -olv and -aLiv, -ulv, see 
 §§ 321, 325. 
 
 Plural. 
 
 § 311. The separate languages show that the nominative 
 was used for the vocative already in prim. Indo-Germanic. 
 The original case-ending of the masculine and feminine 
 nominative and vocative was -es in all stems. The -es 
 
§§312-13^ Declension of Nouns 153 
 
 became contracted with the stem-endings of the a• and 
 O'Stems in prim. Indg. whereb}' -a + es became -as and 
 •o + es became -os, as Skr. asvah, Osc. scriftas, scriptae, 
 Umbr. urtas, ortae, Goth. gib5s. Skr. vrkah, Goth, 
 wiilfos, Osc. Nuvlanus, Nolani. On the endings in 
 Greek and Latin see §§ 321, 325, πόλ€ί9, Skr. agnayah, 
 Lat. hostes, Goth, ansteis, all from -ejes; Ion. πτ^χββ?, 
 Att. πή\€ίζ, Skr. sunavah, from «ewes ; Kies, Skr. dhiyah, 
 from -ijes ; iydve^, Skr. tanuvah, from -uwes ; Dor. vae^, 
 Att. Ion. vrj€.s, Skr. navah ; /3oe?, Skr. gavah ; πόδε?, Skr. 
 padah ; ποιμίρξς, Skr. rajanah ; φ€ροντ€ς, .Skr. bha- 
 rantah ; narepe?, Skr. pitarah ; δνσμξΐ'βξζ, -eh, Skr. dur- 
 manasah. 
 
 § 312. The case-ending of the masculine and feminine 
 accusative was -ns or -ns (= -a?, Skr. -ah, Lat. -es, Goth, 
 •uns) according as the stem ended in a vowel or a conso- 
 nant, as Cret. τιμάνε, Att. Ion. Dor. τϊμάί, Lat. equas ; on 
 the endings in Skr. asvah and Goth, gibds see § 321 ; 
 Cret. XvKot^9, Att. Ion. and mild Dor. -ous, Boeot. and severe 
 Dor. -ω9, Lesb. -019, Lat. Iup6s, Goth, wulfans; Cret. 
 noXivs, Ion. πόλΐ9, Lat. hostis, Goth, anstins; Cret. vivv<i, 
 Goth, sununs, Lat. fnictus. κία^, Skr. dhiyah ; Ιγβύα^, 
 Skr. tanuvah; Ion. vrjus, Skr. navah, Lat. naves; βόα^, 
 Lat. boves; πόδας, Skr. paddh, Lat. pedes; -ποιμίνας, 
 Skr. rajnah, Lat. homines ; φύροντα?, Skr. bharatah, 
 Lat. ferentes ; πατίρας, Lat. patres, cp. Goth, brojjruns, 
 brothers; δυσμ^ν^ας, Skr. durmanasah. The Cret. dialect 
 had -av9 after the analogy of the vocalic stems. 
 
 § 313. The ending of the nominative, vocative and 
 accusative neuter was -a in the o-stems, •ϊ in the i-stems, •ΰ 
 in the u-stems, and a ( = -a, Skr. -ij in the consonantal stems, 
 see § 295. Vedic yuga, Lat. juga, Goth, juka, yokes, on 
 ζνγά, see § 326 ; X'edic tri, tria, on τρία, ϊδρια, see § 329 ; 
 Vedic puru, ))iiic/i, ma)iy, on άστη, ηδία, see § 333. ονό- 
 ματα, Skr. namani; ψίροντα, Skr. bharanti. 
 
154 Accidence [§§ 3 Μ- 1 6 
 
 § 314. The original genitive ending was probably -am, 
 a contraction of -a + om, in the a-stems, and •δπι (= -coy, 
 Skr. -am, Lat. -om, -urn) in all other stems. In prim. Greek 
 and Latin the genitive of the a-stems was remodelled after 
 the analogy of the pronouns, cp. Hom. τάωρ from *τάσω^, 
 Skr. tasam, Lat. is-tarum, Indg. *tasom, whence Hom. 
 (Aeolic) Qdaoiv, Boeot. -αων, Ion. -koiv from older --ηων, Att. 
 •ων, Dor. -av Lesb. -av, Lat. equarum. Χνκων, θ^ων, Ο. Lat. 
 Romanom, deum, class. Lat. luporum with pronominal 
 ending ; ττολίων, τριών, Lat. hostium, trium ; Lat. fru• 
 ctuom, -uum, -urn, on πήχεων, see § 331; κιων, Skr. 
 dhiyam ; Ιγβύων; Hom. νηών, Skr. navam ; βοών, Skr. 
 gavam, Lat. bovom, boum; ποΒών, Skr. padam, Lat. 
 pedum; ποιμένων, Skr. rajnam, Lat. hominum; φερόντων, 
 Skr. bhdratam ; πατρών, Lat. patrum ; γe^/eω^', γ^νών, 
 Skr. janasam, Lat. generum ; δυσμ^νίων, -ων, Skr. 
 durmanasam. 
 
 § 315. The dative and ablative ending contained the 
 element -bh- (Skr. -bhyah, Lat. -bos, -bus) beside -m-, but 
 it is uncertain what was the Indg. vocalism. 
 
 § 316. It is doubtful what was the original case-ending 
 of the locative. Sanskrit and Lithuanian (dial.) has -su 
 and Old Slavonic -chii = su. Greek has -si. Most scholars 
 assume that -su is the original ending and that -si was 
 a new formation with the substitution of -i for -u after the 
 analogy of the -i of the locative singular. It is however 
 possible that the original ending was simply -s and that -u 
 and -i were deictic locative particles, the latter of which 
 became generalized in Greek and the former in the other 
 languages. In the vocalic and n• and r-stems the inter- 
 vocalic -s- would regularly have disappeared in Greek 
 (§ 213, 2), but it was restored again after the analogy of 
 stems ending in an explosive or «s, as in ποσσί, ποσί, Skr. 
 patsu, φνλαξι, ψλζψί, γ^νίσσι, yeveai, Skr. jdnahsu. 
 Such new formations are: θνράσι (§ 321), Skr. dsvasu; 
 
§§ 317-18] Declension of Noims 155 
 
 λνκοισι, Skr. vfkesu ; τρισί, Skr. trisu ; ττήχ^σι, Skr. 
 sunusu ; κισί, Skr. dhisu; ΐχθύσι, Skr. tanusu ; νανσί, 
 Skr. nausu; βουσί, Skr. gosu; ποιμίσι, Skr. rajasu ; 
 πατράσι, Skr. pitrsu. In the Aeolic dialect including 
 Homer the ending -βσσί later -εσί of the s-stems was ex- 
 tended by analogy to all stems except the a•, ja- and 
 O-stems, as πολί^σσι, ταχ^βσσι^ σνίσσι, νη^σσι, βον^σσι, 
 βασιλή€σσι, ποδύσσι, άγών^σσι, πάνησσι, avSpeaat, θυγα- 
 τίρίσσί. The ending -σιν had its -u from pronouns like 
 77/ZiV, ήμΐν, Lesb. άμμί{ν) ; ΰμίν, υμΐν, Lesb. νμμί{ν). 
 
 § 317. The case-ending of the instrumental was -bhis 
 (Skr, -bhih) beside -mis except in the o-stems which had 
 •δΪ8, as e^oTs, λύκοΐί, Skr, vrkaih, Lat. lupis, Lith. vilkaTs. 
 On the -bh- and -m• forms, see the instrumental singular 
 (§ 306). And on χώραι?, σκιαΪ9, see § 321. 
 
 § 318. Few Indg. languages preserved the eight cases 
 described in the foregoing paragraphs. They were all pre- 
 served in Sanskrit as also in the Baltic-Slavonic languages 
 with the exception of the ablative. Through syncretism it 
 arose in Greek that in the place oi several case-forms with 
 different meanings one case-form became used which 
 united the functions of these. Thus the case which we 
 call the dative in Greek grammar embraces both a dative, 
 locative and instrumental meaning. But the dative forms 
 of Greek grammar were originally partly old dative forms 
 as λύκω, partly locative forms, as ποβί, ποσί, and partly 
 instrumental forms as Xvkol^. Hence it arose in Greek 
 that certain dative forms had at the same time the functions 
 of the locative and instrumental ; certain locative forms at 
 the same time the functions of the dative and instrumental ; 
 and certain instrumental forms at the same time the 
 functions of the dative and locative. Also what is called 
 the genitive and dative dual in Greek grammar was used 
 to express the functions of both the genitive, locative, 
 dative, ablative, and instrumental. By syncretism it also 
 
156 Accidence [§ 319 
 
 arose in Greek that the genitive acquired both the functions 
 of the old genitive and ablative. And similarly the case, 
 which we call the ablative singular in Latin grammar, 
 embraces both an ablative, locative and instrumental 
 meaning. But the Latin ablative forms were originally 
 partly old ablative forms, as equ5(d), and partly old locative 
 and instrumental forms, as pede, patre, homine. And in 
 like manner what is called the dative singular in Gothic is 
 originally the instrumental in the a- and masculine i-stems, 
 the locative in the feminine i-, the u-, and all consonantal- 
 stems ; and the dative only in the δ -stems. And what is 
 called the dative plural is in form the instrumental. 
 
 § 319. In the declension of nouns and adjectives it is 
 not only necessary to take into consideration the case- 
 endings, but also the stem-endings which often formed an 
 important factor especially in the declension of the i•, u• 
 and diphthongal stems as well as in most of the consonantal 
 stems. These classes of nouns and adjectives originally 
 contained various grades of ablaut either in the root- 
 syllable, as in the monosyllabic consonantal stems and in 
 some of the diphthongal stems, which contained no suffix 
 or formative element, cp. ττώί, Lat. pes : πο5-, pad- (§ 342) ; 
 nom. *djeus, Zevs : loc. *djewi, Vedic dyavi : gen. *diwos, 
 Skr. divah (§ 337) ; or in the stem-ending, as in the i-, u•, 
 n•, r- and s-stems, cp. nom. sing, -i-s, -u-s : nom. pi. -ej-es, 
 ■ew-es : loc. sing, -ei, -ei, -eu, -eu (§§ 328, 331) ; ττοι-μήν : 
 ποι-μίν-α : *ποί-μν-ο^, *ποι-μα-σι (§ 345); πα-τήρ : πα -Tep-a : 
 πα-τρ-όί, πα-τρά-σί {§ 360) ; γίνο9, Hom. ίδρόα from 
 *ίδρόσ-α : yiv^a- : ίδρώ^. According as the stem-ending in 
 the diphthongal and consonantal stems originally contained 
 the strong or weak grade of ablaut, the various cases are 
 divided into strong or weak case-forms. The strong case- 
 forms were : the nominative, vocative and accusative 
 singular and dual, the locative singular and nominative 
 plural, and possibly also the accusative plural (§ 345). 
 
§§ 320- 
 
 Declension of Nouns 
 
 157 
 
 All the rest were weak case-forms. This original distinction 
 between strong and weak case-forms was most faithfully 
 preserved in Sanskrit, but in most of the other Indg. 
 languages it became considerably obliterated through new 
 formations caused by levelling out one or other of the 
 stem-forms, cp. the n-declension in Greek (§ 345). 
 
 A. THE VOCALIC DECLENSION 
 
 I. The a-DECLENsioN. 
 
 § 320. The a-declension originally contained only 
 feminine nouns as in Sanskrit and the Germanic languages, 
 but in Greek, Latin and the Baltic-Slavonic languages 
 a certain number of original abstract nouns acquired 
 a concrete meaning and then became masculine (§ 323). 
 The a-declension is divided into a-stems and ja-stems. 
 On the change of a to e in Attic and Ionic see § 51. 
 
 §32L 
 
 
 a. ] 
 
 Feminine a-sTEMS. 
 
 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Singular. 
 
 
 
 Nom. 
 
 
 -a 
 
 χώρα 
 
 σκιά 
 
 τιμή 
 
 Voc. 
 
 
 •a 
 
 χώρα 
 
 σκιά 
 
 τιμή 
 
 Ace. 
 
 
 •am 
 
 χωράν 
 
 σκιάν 
 
 τιμήν 
 
 Gen. 
 
 
 ■as 
 
 χωράς 
 
 σκιάς 
 
 τιμής 
 
 Dat. 
 
 
 -li 
 
 χώρα 
 Dual. 
 
 σκιά 
 
 τίμχι 
 
 Nom. Voc. 
 
 Ace. 
 
 -ai 
 
 χωρά 
 
 σκιά 
 
 τιμά 
 
 Gen. 
 
 Dat. 
 
 -? 
 
 χώραιν 
 Plural. 
 
 σκιαΐν 
 
 τϊμαιν 
 
 Nom. Voc. 
 
 
 •Is 
 
 χώραί 
 
 σκιαί 
 
 τίμαί 
 
 Ace. 
 
 
 •ans 
 
 χώρας 
 
 σκιάς 
 
 τιμάς 
 
 Gen. 
 
 
 •am 
 
 χωρών 
 
 σκιών 
 
 τΙμών 
 
 Dat. 
 
 
 -asu 
 
 (loc.) χώραις 
 
 σκιαίς 
 
 τϊμαΐς 
 
158 Accidence [§321 
 
 Singular: The -a, •η corresponds to the nom. endings 
 in Skr. asva, mare, Lat. equa ; Goth, giba, gift, Lith. 
 ranka, O.Slav, rfika, hand, with regular shortening of the 
 •a in all these languages except Sanskrit. 
 
 •a, the original voc. ending was preserved in Homeric 
 νύμφα and in Homeric masculines like άττα, πάπττα, 
 συβώτα, Att. δίσποτα, τοξότα, Ilepaa, and in O.Slav. 
 r^ko beside nom. r§ika. In Greek and Goth, the nom. 
 came to be used for the voc. already in the prehistoric 
 period of these languages, probably owing to the fact that 
 these two cases were alike in the plural in the parent Indg. 
 language. The regular voc. would have been *gif in 
 Gothic. As final Indg. -a and -a regularly fell together in 
 Lat. and Lith. it cannot be determined whether equa, 
 rankk represent the original voc. or whether they are the 
 nom. used for the vocative. 
 
 The -ai^, -ην (§ 141) regularly corresponds to the ace. 
 endings in Skr. asvam, Lat. equam, Goth, giba, Lith. 
 rank^, O.Slav, r^k^i. 
 
 The -as, -as, -rjs regularly corresponds to the gen. endings 
 in Skr. dsvay-ah, O.Lat. familias, fortunas, vias, &c., 
 Goth, gibos, Lith. rankos; Arcad. γαν, ζάμίάν, οΐκίάυ, &c., 
 beside -as, -as, with -av from the masc. a-stems (§ 323). 
 
 The -a, -a, -fj = Indg. -ai and the dat. endings in 
 Skr. asvay-ai, Lat. equae, Goth, gibai, Lith. rankai. 
 
 By contraction of the original case-endings with the 
 stem-vowel, the dat. (-a + ai) and loc. (-a + i) fell together 
 in -ai in the parent Indg. language {§ 79). The long 
 diphthong -ai was shortened to -ai before consonants in 
 prim. Greek (§ 63), as in μeσaι-πόλιos, Θηβαι-, πάλαι-, 
 χaμaί-γel•ήs. In some dialects, e.g. the Arcadian, Boeotian, 
 Elean, the -ai became generalized for the dat. and loc. (cp. 
 § 325), whereas the other dialects, with the exception of 
 a few isolated forms, generalized the antevocalic or pausa 
 form for both cases. 
 
§ 32i] Declension of Nouns 159 
 
 The original ending of the instrumental was -a which 
 was preserved in Vedic asva. In Greek the case-form 
 disappeared except in adverbs like Att. πη, ταύτη, Dor. 
 ταυτά, Att, κρυφή, Dor. κρυφά, Att. λάθρα, Ion. λάθρη, 
 Lesb. άλλα, οππα. 
 
 Dual : The original ending of the nom. voc. and ace. 
 was -ai as in Skr. dsve = Indg. *ekwai. Some scholars 
 assume that the Gr. nom. pi. represents the old dual form, 
 but it is highly improbable that the old dual should have 
 become used for the plural and that then a new dual was 
 created. The ending -a is doubtless a new formation 
 because it does not correspond to the dual ending in any 
 of the other Indg. languages. It must also have come 
 into existence in late prehistoric Greek, otherwise it would 
 have become -η in Ionic and partly also in Attic (§ 51). 
 The nom. voc. and ace. dual of this declension does not 
 occur in Homer except in a few masculines like Άτρξίβά, 
 ώκυπύτα. It is probable that the ending -a was an ana- 
 logical formation due to the influence of the -ω of the 
 o-declension, cp. the similar new formations in the endings 
 -aiu, -ai, •αΐ9. The fact that the Gr. o-declension contained 
 both masculine and feminine nouns (§ 324) might have 
 helped to bring about the new formations in the dual and 
 in the nom. and dat. plural. 
 
 It is quite uncertain what were the original endings of 
 the gen. dat. loc. abl. and instr. cases, as there is no 
 agreement among the Aryan, Greek, Irish and Baltic- 
 Slavonic languages which preserved the dual in historic 
 times. The Greek gen. and dat. ending -aiu, -aiiv was 
 a new formation made after the analogy oi •oci', -oliv of the 
 o-declension. 
 
 Plural : The Indg. ending of the nom. and voc. pi. was 
 -as from older -a + es, which regularly corresponds to the 
 endings in Skr. asvah, Oscan scriftas, scriptae, Umbrian 
 urtas, ortae, Goth, gibos, Lith. rankos. The Gr. nom. 
 
1 6ο Accidence [§321 
 
 pi. was remodelled after the analogy of the -oi of the 
 o-declension, cp. the similar process in Lat, equae from 
 older *equai beside equi from older *equoi. 
 
 •ans the original ending of the ace. corresponds to the 
 endings in Att. Ion. Dor. τΐμά^, Cret. τιμάνε, Lesb. -aiy 
 (§ 153), Lat. equas, Osc. viass, vias, Lith. rankks. -ans 
 was shortened to -ans in the prehistoric period of these 
 languages and then became -as in Att. Ion. Dor. Lat. Osc. 
 and Lith. through the intermediate stage of a long nasal 
 vowel. This change of -ans to -as was later than that of 
 Indg. a to 77 in Att. and Ion., otherwise we should have 
 * τιμής in these dialects. The η in -ans regularly dis- 
 appeared in prim. Greek before consonants without 
 lengthening of the preceding vowel^ as in Άθήναζξ from 
 *Άθά]/αν&-δ€, θνραζ€ (§ 153). Some scholars regard -as 
 as the original ending of the ace. in order to account for 
 Skr. dsvah, Goth, gibos, but it is far more reasonable to 
 assume that the Skr. and Goth, forms are the nom. used 
 for the ace. than to suppose that -ans was a new formation 
 in the other languages with η from the o•, i- and u-declen- 
 sions. 
 
 The original Indg. gen. ending was probably -am, a con- 
 traction of older -a + 5ih. Skr. asva-nam for *asvam was 
 a new formation with -nam from the n-declension (§ 345). 
 In prim. Greek and Italic the gen. was remodelled after the 
 analogy of the pronominal declension, cp. the Homeric fem. 
 gen. pi. τάων from *τάσω^ = Skr. tasam, Lat. is-tarum = 
 Indg. *tas5ni, whence Hom. (Aeolic) θ^αων, Boeot. -άων, 
 Ion. -ecof from older •ήων (§ 72), Att. -ων, Dor. -dv, Lesb. •άν 
 (§ 80). And similarly Lat. equarum, Osc. -azum, Umbr. 
 •arum from *-az5m older *-asom. 
 
 It is uncertain what was the ending of the loc. of this 
 declension in the parent Indg. language. Skr. has -asu 
 (asvasu), Lith. -osu (rankosu), and Gr. -ασι, -ησι ; •ασι, 
 ■ΐ]σι ; and -αισι, -ats (Hom. -τ;?). It is possible that the 
 
§32 2] Declension of Nouns i6i 
 
 original ending was -asu and that it was changed to -asi in 
 early prim. Greek through the influence of the -i in the loc. 
 singular (§ 305). This -asi would regularly have become 
 •Tj in Ion., -rj, -a in Att. and -a in the other dialects (§ 213, 2), 
 but no such endings have been preserved in the historic 
 period of any of the dialects. After the law had ceased to 
 operate whereby intervocalic -σ- disappeared, a new loc. 
 was formed by adding -σι from the loc. of the consonantal 
 stems direct to the stem, as in the inscriptional forms Ion. 
 8ζσπόνησιν, Att. δίκησι, δραχμήσι, ταμιάσί, preserved later 
 only in adverbial forms like Άθήνησι, Θήβησι, θνρασι, 
 ώρδίσι. It is generally assumed that the endings Ion. -rja-i, 
 Att. -rjai, -ασί were new formations after the analogy of 
 •οισι of the o-declension, but it is also possible that they 
 really represent double loc. endings formed by adding •σί 
 to -f], -a (see above). The endings -ησι, -rjai (Att. also 
 •άσι, -ασί) disappeared on Att. inscriptions after about 
 420 B. c. and on Ion. inscriptions after about the beginning 
 of the fourth century b. c, and their place was taken by 
 -aty. The endings -ais (Horn, -j/y), -αισι were formed on 
 analogy with the -ois, -οισι of the o-declension. Cp. the 
 similar formation in Lat. -is, Osc. -ais. 
 
 b. ja-STEMS. 
 
 § 322. In Greek the ja-stems only differ from the 
 declension of the a-stems in the nom. voc. and ace. singular. 
 The suffix -ja- was chiefly used in the parent Indg. language 
 to form feminine nouns and adjectives from the masculine 
 of u- and consonant-stems, as ηδ^ΐα from *afaS^Fja ■ ηδύ? 
 = Skr. svadvi : svaduh, siueet ; τ^κταινα from *τ€κταν]α, 
 older *η.κτη]α : τακτών = Skr. taksni : taksan-, carpenter; 
 δότ^ίρα from *δοτ€ρ/α : δοτήρ — Skr. datri : datar-, giver-, 
 φέρουσα from ^φίρορτ/'α : φύρορτ- = Skr, bharanti : bha• 
 rant•, bearing ; and similarly βαρεία, γλυκεία, ττλατΗα ; 
 
102 Accidence [§322 
 
 Seanoiva, θ^ράπαινα, Χίαινα, μέλαινα, Tepeiua ; yerereipa, 
 μοίρα, ττΗρα, σφαίρα ; Βζίκνΰσα, δίδουσα, τιθίΐσα, ίστασα, 
 λυσάσα, μοΰσα, πάσα, -γαρί^σσα. Pf. part. act. πίφννΐα 
 from *7Γβφνυσ/α : π^φνώ? = Skr. babhuvusi : babhuvas- for 
 older *-vks•, having been ; βίδνΐα, Horn, ίδνΐα : €ίδώί = Skr. 
 vidusi : vidvas•, knowing, γλώσσα from *γλωχ/α, δόξα 
 from *δοκτ/α, θησσα from *θητ/'α, ρίζα from *ρρίδ/α, φνζα 
 from *φυγ]α, άμαξα, δίψα, θάλασσα, σχίζα. The j dis- 
 appeared after a consonant + nasal (§130), as '^χιδνα, μύ• 
 ρίμνα, πτίρνα, τόλμα. Some scholars assume that these 
 words had simply the ending -a in prim. Indg., whilst 
 others regard them as being new formations from original 
 stems in -a. πότνια : πόσΐ9 = Skr. pdtni : patih, master, 
 husband; ψ άλτρια, μία from "σμια. 
 
 The nom. sing, originally ended in •ϊ beside ■(i)J9. The 
 reason for this difference is unknown. The various Indg. 
 languages generalized one or other of the two forms in 
 prehistoric times. The former occurs in Sanskrit, Gothic 
 and Lithuanian, as Skr. devi, goddess, brhati, great, svad• 
 v\, sweet; Goth.mawi,^/r/, frij5ndi,/r/iW; Lith. vezanti, 
 vehens, and the latter in Greek. In prim. Greek -(ijja regu- 
 larly became -ja after short and -la after long syllables, but 
 this differentiation was greatly obscured at a later period 
 owing to numerous analogical formations whereby forms 
 with long syllables were remodelled on the analogy of 
 those with short syllables and vice versa (§ 119). 
 
 It is uncertain what was the original ending of the voca- 
 tive. In the Aryan branch it is -i, as Skr. devi, brhati, 
 svadvi, but in the other languages the nom. was used for 
 the voc, as in Gr. ήδπα, πότνια, Goth, mawi, frij5ndi. 
 
 There is not sufficient agreement among the different 
 branches of the Indg. languages to enable us to determine 
 what was the original ending of the accusative. It was 
 probably •(i)jam beside •(i)jam, the former of which is 
 represented by Goth, mauja, frijondja, Lith. vezancz^, 
 
§323] Declension of Nouns 163 
 
 O.Slav. vezaStg., vehcniem, and the latter by Gr. rjSdav, 
 τίκταιναν, φορούσαν, πότνιαν, &c. The Aryan ending -im, 
 as in Skr. devim, brhatim, svadim would then be a new 
 formation with •ί• from the nominative. 
 
 Gen, -779, -a?=:Indg. -(iljas and corresponding to the 
 endings in Skr. devyah, svadyah, Goth, mdujos, frijond- 
 j5s, Lith. vezanczos. 
 
 Dat. -77, -a = Indg. -(ijjai and corresponding to the 
 endings in Skr. devyai, svadyai, Goth, maujai, frijondjdi, 
 Lith. vdzanczai. 
 
 c. Masculine a-sTEMs. 
 
 § 323. As we have seen above (§ 320) the nouns belonging 
 to this class were originally feminine abstract nouns which 
 acquired a concrete meaning and then became masculine. 
 In declension they only differ from the feminine a-stems in 
 the nom. voc. and gen. singular. The masculine nouns of 
 this type were declined in Latin exactly like the feminine 
 a-stems. It is however possible that in the oldest Latin, 
 as in Greek, the nominative took -s after the analogy of 
 the o-declension, and that this ending is preserved in the 
 two isolated O.Latin forms hosticapas, hostium captor; 
 paricidas, parricide. 
 
 After the change of gender had taken place the nouns of 
 this class took -s in the nom. after the analogy of the o• 
 declension, as v^dvid^, πολίτη?, Πβρσης. 
 
 In the vocative two forms are to be distinguished, viz. -a 
 and -a, -η. The former is the original voc. ending of a• 
 stems and occurs in nouns which have -τη? in the nomina- 
 tive, in names of peoples, and in compound nouns, as 
 πολΐτα, Βίσποτα beside nom. δεσπότη?, ^κύθα, Πίρσα, 
 γ€ω-μ€τρα ; and the latter is the original nominative used 
 for the vocative (§ 321) and generally occurs in all other 
 nouns, as vedvid, Κρονίδη. Forms like ίππότα (Νίστωρ), 
 νζφζληγζρίτα (Zevs), μητύτα (Zevs), which are common in 
 
 Μ 2 
 
104 Accidence [§ 324 
 
 epic poetry and occur almost exclusively in combination 
 with proper names, are probably old vocatives which came 
 to be used attributively as nominatives. And similarly it 
 is probably more correct to regard the Boeot. nominatives 
 NiariSa, Πνθίονίκά, &c. as vocatives which came to be used 
 as nominatives than to assume that the original asigmatic 
 nominative was preserved in this dialect. The genitive 
 originally ended in -ay, as in the feminine a-stems. To -ay 
 was added -0 from the old genitive {*λνκοο, λνκοιο) of the 
 o-declension. *-άσο regularly became -cto in Boeot., Thess. 
 and Hom. {Άτρύ8άο), -αυ in Arcad., Cypr., and Pamphylian, 
 -€ω from older -ηο (§ 72), -ω in Ionic, -a by contraction of 
 -άο in Dor. [Άτρύ8α), Lesb. and Elean. Att. ττολιτον, &c. 
 had -ov direct from the ο -declension. Boeot. -ay beside 
 ■do was a new formation due to the influence of the nomi- 
 natives in -a, see the voc. above. Beside Ion. -εω, -ω there 
 also occurs -eu from older *-eo with -0 for -ω re-introduced 
 from *\vKoo. 
 
 Note. — In some dialects and especially in Ionic the 
 accusative and genitive singular were often formed after 
 the analogy of the masculine es-stems (§ 366) owing to the 
 nominative singular being alike in both declensions. 
 
 2. The o-declension. 
 
 § 324. Greek and Latin are the only Indg. languages in 
 which the o-declension contains masculine, feminine and 
 neuter nouns. It is far more probable that a number of 
 originally masculine nouns became feminine in these two 
 languages than that the feminine was lost in the prehistoric 
 period of all the other languages. The mascuHnes and the 
 feminines are declined alike in Greek and Latin. 
 
§325] 
 
 Declension of Nouns 
 
 165 
 
 325. 
 
 Masculine and Feminine o-stems. 
 
 
 Singular. 
 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 
 Nom. 
 
 -OS 
 
 λύκος 
 
 Voc. 
 
 •e 
 
 λύκ€ 
 
 Ace. 
 
 •cm 
 
 XvKoy 
 
 Gen. 
 
 •osjo, -so 
 
 λνκοίο, λύκου 
 
 Dat. 
 
 ■oi 
 
 λύκω, θβω 
 
 Loc. 
 
 J -oi, -ei 
 1 -01, -ei 
 
 οίκοι, o'lKei 
 
 'Ισθμοί, €Κξΐ 
 
 
 Dual. 
 
 
 om. Voc. Ace. 
 
 •5u, -o 
 
 λύκω 
 
 Gen. Dat. 
 
 •? 
 
 Plural. 
 
 λύκοιιν, λύκοιν 
 
 Nom. Voc. 
 
 •OS 
 
 λύκοι 
 
 Ace. 
 
 •ons 
 
 λύκορς, λύκους 
 
 Gen. 
 
 •5m 
 
 λύκων, θβών 
 
 Dat. 
 
 •5is, -5is (instr.) 
 
 λύκοΐ9, θ€θΐς 
 
 Loc. 
 
 -oisu 
 
 λύκοισι 
 
 Singular: The Indg. endings were remarkably well pre- 
 served in Greek. Nom. λύκος = Skr. vrkah, Lat. lupus, 
 Goth, wulfs, Lith. vilkas, wolf. Voc. Xi/zce^Skr. vrka, 
 Lat. lupe, Goth, wulf, Lith. vilko. Ace. λύκοΐ' = Skr. 
 vrkam, Lat. lupum, Lith. vilk^. 
 
 It is impossible to determine what was the original Indg. 
 ending of the genitive. In the declension of all other 
 stems the genitive and ablative were originally alike, but 
 in the o-deelension the form of these two cases seems to 
 have been partly differentiated during the prim. Indg. 
 period, whereby a special genitive form with pronominal 
 ending was created, cp. Indg. *tosjo = τοΐο, Skr. tdsya : 
 λύκοιο, Skr. vrkasya, beside Indg. *toso = του, τω : prim. 
 Gr. ""ρλύκοσο, whence Att. Ion. and mild Dor. λύκου. 
 
1 66 Accidence [§325 
 
 Boeot. Lesb. and severe Dor. Χύκω, Goth, wulfis with -is 
 from }?is, of the. The Greek, Aryan and Germanic lan- 
 guages accordingly have pronominal endings. What cor- 
 responds to the ablative in the other languages is used for 
 the genitive and ablative in Baltic-Slavonic, as Lith. vilko, 
 O.Slav, vluka. The Latin ending •ϊ, which must also 
 have existed in prim. Keltic, is of unknown origin, -olo 
 and -ου, the latter of which can often be read as -00, exist 
 side by side in Homer. The ending -olo was however 
 archaic already in Homer, but through imitation of him it 
 is found in the language of poets of all periods. In 
 Thessalian the ending -ot occurs beside -ov, -ω, -olo. It is 
 difficult to account for the -ol unless we may suppose that 
 it arose from -olo by elision of -0. Some scholars regard it 
 as the locative ending used for the genitive, and others as 
 being of the same origin as the Latin genitive ending •ϊ, 
 but both these proposed explanations are very doubtful. 
 
 The Indg. ending of the dative was -oi, from older -o + ai, 
 corresponding to the endings in θ^ω, λνκω, Lat. Iup5, 
 O.Lat. populoi Romanoi, Numasici, Numerio, Lith. vil- 
 kui, Skr. vrkay-a for older *vrkai. -oi was shortened to 
 •oi before consonants in prim. Greek (§ 63). Anteconso- 
 nantal -oi then became generalized for the dative in 
 Arcadian, Boeotian, Elean, Thessalian and the North- 
 West group of dialects. The locative and dative thus fell 
 together in these dialects (cp. § 321). On the other hand 
 what is called the dative in these dialects may simply be 
 the original locative used for the dative. 
 
 In the parent Indg. language the locative seems to have 
 ended in -oi, -ei beside -oi, -ei. The former occur in o'lkol^ 
 OLK^L, Lat. belli, domi, humi, Corinthi, and Skr. vrke, and 
 the latter in 'Ισθμοί and in adverbs like ποΐ, ivhithcr ; e/cer, 
 there ; Dor. reT-Se, here ; τηνξ,ΐ, there ; nei, ivhere. 
 
 The original ending of the ablative was -od, -ed, which 
 was preserved in Skr. vrkad, vrkat, O.Lat. inscriptions 
 
§325] Declension of Nouns \βη 
 
 Gnaiv5d, meritod, facilumed = later Lat. Gnaed, merit6, 
 facillime. This case-form disappeared in Greek except in 
 a few isolated adverbial forms, as Delph. ροίκω, domo ; 
 Cret. ra-ie, hinc; Cret. ω, οττω, Locr. ώ, οττω, unde. It 
 probably also occurs in adverbs like οντού, οΰτω-9, σοφω•?. 
 In the Germanic languages the old ablative of adjectives 
 came to be used adverbially, as sinteino, continually, nom. 
 sinteins, continual. 
 
 The original ending of the instrumental was -5, -e, which 
 is found in Vedic vrka, Goth, wulfa (used for the dative), 
 Lith. vilku. The case-form disappeared in Greek except 
 in a few isolated adverbial forms, as ττώ-ποτβ, ον-πω, άφνω, 
 άμαρτη, οπη, Laconian πή-ποκα, ttsquain or tinquam. 
 
 Dual: The original ending of the nom. voc, and ace. 
 was •δυ beside -5 (§ 63), the latter of which was generalized 
 in Greek and Baltic-Slavonic, as λύκω, Lith. vilku, O.Slav, 
 vluka. Both endings occur in Vedic vrkau, vfka, but 
 only the former in classical Sanskrit. 
 
 It is impossible to determine what were the original 
 endings of the gen. dat, loc. abl. and instrumental, as there 
 is no agreement among the languages which preserved the 
 dual in historic times (cp. § 321). Greek -ollv, -oiv, which 
 came to be used in all kinds of stems except the a-stems, 
 has never been satisfactorily explained. The most probable 
 explanation is that it arose from -oi, the original ending of 
 the nom. voc. ace. neuter (§ 326), to which was added the 
 dual pronominal ending -lv from νώϊν, σφώϊν — Att. νων, 
 σφων (§§ 402, 404), It may possibly also have arisen 
 from -Oi -t- the ending •σί{ν) from the loc. plural of conso- 
 nantal stems, but this would presuppose that ν ^φ^λκυστίκόν 
 became a fixture in this form at a very early period, -ollv is 
 the regular ending in Homer and -olv in Attic. 
 
 Plural: The Indg. ending of the nom, and voc, was -os 
 from older -o + es, which corresponds to the endings in 
 Skr, vrkah, Goth, wulfos, Osc. Nuvlanus, Nolani. Greek, 
 
1 68 Accidence [§325 
 
 Latin and Baltic-Slavonic have the pronominal ending. 
 The Germanic languages also have it in the adjectives, cp. 
 nom. roL, Lat. is-ti, Goth. Jjdi, O.Slav, ti, Skr. te, Indg. 
 *toi, the: λύκοι, Lat. lupi, O.Slav, vluci, wolves; Goth, 
 blindii wulfos, blind wolves. 
 
 The original ending of the accusative was -ens which 
 corresponds to the endings in Lat. lupos, Goth, wulfans, 
 Cret. XvKovs beside -os, Att. Ion. and mild Dor. -ovs, Boeot. 
 and severe Dor. -ωρ, Lesb. -oiy, Arcadian and Thessalian 
 -oy. -ovs remained in prim. Greek in pausa and when the 
 next word began with a vowel, but became -oy when the 
 next word began with a consonant (§ 153). The different 
 dialects mostly generalized one or other of the sandhi 
 forms, as Att. Ion. -oi;y, Boeot. -ω?, Lesb. -ols from older 
 •0V9 through the intermediate stage of a long nasal vowel. 
 
 The Indg. ending of the genitive was -bm which corre- 
 sponds to the endings in θ^ων, λύκων, Skr. vrkan-am (with 
 -an• from the n-stems), O.Lat. R5manom, deum, modium, 
 classical Lat. Iup6rum with pronominal ending, cp. ist5- 
 rum, Osc. Nuvlanum, Nolanorum, OE. wulfa, Lith. vilku 
 with regular loss of the final nasal in the last two languages. 
 
 OeoLs, λύκοίί and Lat. lupis were originally the instru- 
 mental which came to be used for the dative. The Indg. 
 ending of the instrumental was -5is corresponding to the 
 endings in Skr. vrkaih, Lith. vilkais. On the shortening 
 of the long diphthong in Greek see § 63. 
 
 The original ending of the locative was probably -oisu 
 which corresponds to the ending in the Skr. loc. vrkesu. 
 •oisu may have become -oisi in prim. Greek through the 
 influence of the -i in the loc. singular (§ 305), and then 
 •oisi would have become *-oii during the same period. 
 λύκοισι admits of a twofold explanation. Either the ending 
 -0/9 (see above) was changed to -otai through the influence 
 of the -σί of the consonantal stems or else it was formed 
 direct from the nom. pi. λύκοι with -σι from the consonantal 
 
§ 326] Declension of Nojins 169 
 
 stems. In either case the -oiac must have come into exis- 
 tence after the law had ceased to operate whereby inter- 
 vocalic -σ- disappeared (§ 213, 2). -οισι is the regular form 
 in Homer (and then later imitated by other poets), Hero- 
 dotus, Lesbian and O. Attic. Until 444 b. c. -ο^σί beside 
 -Oiy was equally common on Attic inscriptions, but the 
 longer form had disappeared by the end of the century. 
 And in like manner -οίσί beside -oi? was common on Ionic 
 inscriptions in the fifth century b. c, but the longer form 
 had disappeared by about the beginning of the fourth 
 century, λνκοισι like λνκοι^ was used for the dative. 
 
 b. Neuter o-stems. 
 
 § 326. In Greek the declension of the neuter o-stems 
 only differs from the masculine in the nom. voc. singular 
 and the nom. voc. and ace. plural. 
 
 The original ending of the nom. voc. and ace. singular 
 was -om which corresponds to the endings in ζνγόΐ', Skr. 
 yugam, Lat. jugum, yoke. The ending regularly dis- 
 appeared in the Germanic languages, as Goth, juk, yoke. 
 
 The Indg. ending of the nom. voc. and ace. dual was -oi 
 which occurs in Skr. yuge, and in dve, Vedic duve = OE. 
 twa, two. In Greek the regular form would have been 
 *ζνγοί which was changed to ζν-γώ after the analogy of the 
 masculines. 
 
 What is called the nom. voc. and ace. plural was 
 originally a feminine collective singular which accounts 
 for the fact that in Greek and Sanskrit the nom. pi. neuter 
 takes the verb in the singular. It also accounts for the 
 double plurals like δασμοί, κύκλοι, στάδιοι beside δ^σμά, 
 κύκλα, στάδια, Lat. joci, loci beside joca, loca, the former 
 of which originally meant separate objects and the latter 
 the objects taken collectively. The original ending was 
 •a which corresponds to the endings in \'edic yuga beside 
 classical Skr. yuga-ni with -ni from the n-stems, Lat, juga, 
 
I70 Accidence [§§ 327-8 
 
 Goth, juka with regular shortening of the final vowel in 
 these two languages, ζνγά was formed after the analogy 
 of the consonantal stems. This new formation must have 
 taken place in prim. Greek, otherwise we should have had 
 the regular ending *•ή in Attic and Ionic, and *-a in the 
 other dialects. 
 
 § 327. The so-called Attic declension had in prim. 
 Greek the same case-endings as the ordinary o-declension. 
 The prim. Greek forms of a noun like i/ewy (Dor. j/aoy, 
 Ion. νηό^) were : sing. *i/aoy, *vaov, ^vdoo, *νάωι ; dual 
 *mo), *i/doiv ; pi. *udoi, *vdov9, *νΰων, *νΰωι^, which with 
 the regular change of -a- to -η- (§ 51) together with shorten- 
 ing (§ 71) and quantitative metathesis (§ 72) became in Attic 
 ν(ώ9, ν(:ών (sometimes also ν(^ώ after the analogy of ηρω 
 from *ήρωα, see § 340), ν^ώ or ν^ώ from *via>o older *νηοο, 
 
 328 
 
 Nom. 
 
 Nom. 
 
 
 3. The l-DECLENSION. 
 
 8. a. 
 
 Masculine and Feminine short i-stems. 
 
 
 Indg. ^''''^''^'''• 
 
 Nom, 
 
 . -is πόλίί 
 
 Voc. 
 
 "i, -ei or -oi noXc 
 
 Ace. 
 
 •im πόλίΡ 
 
 Gen. 
 
 •eis, -CIS πόλβο)?, ττόληος, noXeos, πολιοί 
 
 Dat. 
 
 ■ei (loc), -ei πόλ^ι, ττόλύ', ττόΧηΐ, πόλϊ 
 
 
 (loc.) 
 
 
 DjioL 
 
 Voc. 
 
 Ace, -Ϊ πόλ€6, TToAei 
 
 Gen. 
 
 Dat. ? πολίοιν 
 
 
 Plural. 
 
 Voc. 
 
 •ejes π6λ€ΐς, πόλίί?, 7Γ6λη€ζ 
 
 Ace. 
 
 •ins πόλβίί, πολιάς, πόληας, πόλϊ?, 
 
 
 πόλίΐ'ί 
 
 Gen. 
 
 (i)j5m πόλεων, πολιών 
 
 Dat. 
 
 •isu (loc.) πόλβσι, πόλισι, πολίίσσι 
 
§328] Declension of Nouns τ 71 
 
 In the original Indg. declension the stem-forms contained 
 various grades of ablaut nearly all of which disappeared in 
 Greek owing to various new formations in several of the 
 cases. 
 
 Singular : The Greek nominative ending corresponds to 
 the endings in the other languages, as Skr. agnih, fire ; 
 Skr, dvih, oiy, Lat. ovis, Lith. avis, sheep ; Goth, ansts, 
 favour. 
 
 The original ending of the vocative was -i when the 
 preceding syllable had the chief accent of the word, and 
 ■ei or -oi when the accent was on the ending. Greek and 
 the Germanic languages generalized the former and Sanskrit 
 the latter form, as ττόλί, Goth, anst, beside Skr. agne. In 
 Latin the nom. was used for the vocative. 
 
 -IV from Indg. -im (§ 141) corresponds to the accusative 
 endings in Skr. agnim, avim, Lat. sitim, partim. Forms 
 like Lat. ovem, hostem were new formations with -em 
 from the ace. of the consonantal stems. The ending -im 
 regularly disappeared in Gothic, as anst. 
 
 The endings in Skr. agneh, Goth, anstais, Lith. naktes 
 (nom. naktis, night) were regularly developed from the 
 original endings of the genitive, which disappeared entirely 
 in Greek and their place was taken by various new forma- 
 tions after the analogy of the u• and i-declensions. πολιοί, 
 which occurs in all the dialects except Attic, had -io? from 
 forms like klos (§ 330). Att. πόλ609 from *n6X€fo9 with 
 -ef- from the u-declension. Horn, πόληος with -ψ from 
 the dative. Attic πόλεω? from older *ποληο? by quantitative 
 metathesis (§ 72). Lat. ovis, partis, hostis had -is from 
 the genitive of the consonantal stems. 
 
 The original locative ending -ei became ai in Gothic, as 
 anstai. The -i in Lat. ovi, hosti can represent both 
 Indg. -ei and -ei. All the Greek forms were new forma- 
 tions. Att. and Horn. noXei, Horn, πολύ' from *π6λφ 
 with -i from the dative of the consonantal stems in all the 
 
172 Accidence [§328 
 
 Greek forms of the dative. Horn, and Att. (inscriptions 
 410-335 B. c.) πόληϊ is difficult to explain. Two solutions 
 of the difficulty have been proposed, but neither of them 
 is quite satisfactory. Some scholars assume that a locative 
 ending -e existed beside -ei in the parent Indg. language 
 (cp. § 63), and that the former occurs in the Vedic locative 
 agna beside agnau (a new formation after the analogy 
 of the u-declension) and in Greek πόλτ; + ϊ with -l from the 
 dative of the consonantal stems. If this explanation is right 
 TroXr/i'must have been formed in fairly late prehistoric Greek, 
 otherwise it would not have remained trisyllabic. Others 
 assume that πόληϊ stands for an older VoAT^f + i' with ^ηf^ 
 from the u-declension like the «au in agnau, but no trace 
 of -ηρ- exists in any of the dialects (§ 331). Ion. Cret. 
 Boeot. Lesb., (Sec. πόλϊ from *πολίί. 
 
 Dual : The nom. voc. and ace. originally ended in -i, as 
 in Skr. agni. noXee, noXei were from *n6\€j€ with -ey- 
 from the nom. plural and -e from the dual of the conso- 
 nantal stems. On the ending -oiv in the genitive and 
 dative see § 325. 
 
 P/ural : The endings in noXeis, Skr. agnayah, Lat. 
 oves, hostes, Goth, ansteis were all regularly developed 
 from the Indg. nominative ending -ejes. Ion. Cret., &c. 
 TToXies• was from forms like Ki'ey, Horn, πόληβ? had the 
 same -η- as in πόληϊ. 
 
 The original ending of the accusative was preserved in 
 Cret. πόλίΐ /y and Goth, anstins. Ion. πόλϊς like Lat. 
 ovis, turris had regular loss of the nasal and lengthening 
 of the preceding vowel (§ 69, i). Lat. eves, hostes may 
 be either the nom. used for the ace. or else have -es from 
 the ace. of the consonantal stems. Att, Ion. πόλεις was 
 the nom. used for the accusative. Hom. Dor. and Lesb. 
 πόλια? had -las from forms like Kias. Hom. πόληας (see 
 πόληϊ) with -ay from κίας. 
 
 The endings in rpiooy, Lat. trium, Ion. Dor. and Lesb. 
 
§§329-30] Declension of Nouns 173 
 
 πολιών, Lat. ovium, hostium correspond to the original 
 Indg. genitive ending -(i)j5ra. Att. πόλεων had -e- from 
 the nominative. 
 
 The original locative ending was preserved in Skr. 
 trisu, iribus, agnisu. τρισί, Ion. πόλισι had -σι from the 
 dat. of the consonantal stems, and similarly πόλισι but 
 with -€- from the nominative. Hom. πολύσσί had -eaai 
 from the dat. of the s-stems (§ 364). noXioi^ in the North- 
 West group of dialects was a new formation after the analogy 
 of the dative of the o-declension. 
 
 b. Neuter short i-stems. 
 § 329. In Greek the declension of the neuters only 
 differed from the masculines and feminines in the nom. 
 and ace. singular, and the nom. voc. and ace. plural. The 
 nom. voc. and ace. singular originally ended in -i which 
 was preserved in Skr. vari, zvafer, Ϊ8ρι, but became -e in 
 Latin, as mare, leve. The nom. voc. and ace. plural 
 originally ended in •ϊ which was preserved in Vedic tri, 
 tria. τρία, ϊδρια had -α from the plural of the consonantal 
 stems, whereas Lat. tria, Goth. ))rija, three were new 
 formations after the analogy of the o-declension. 
 
 c. The long i-stems. 
 § 330. The long i-stems originally contained mono- 
 syllabic nouns like Skr. dhih, thought, kU, \U, h, Lat. vis, 
 and nouns of more than one syllable like Vedic nadih, 
 river. The latter class of nouns went over into the con- 
 sonantal declension in prim. Greek (§ 343). 
 
 Indg. Singidar. 
 
 Nom. 
 
 ■is 
 
 K'LS 
 
 dhih 
 
 nadih 
 
 Voc. 
 
 •i, -i 
 
 kU 
 
 dhih 
 
 nadi 
 
 Ace. 
 
 •ijm, -im 
 
 κΐν 
 
 dhiyam 
 
 nadiyam 
 
 Gen. 
 
 ■ijos 
 
 Km 
 
 dhiyah 
 
 nadiyah 
 
 Dat. 
 
 •iji (= loc.) 
 
 KU 
 
 dhiyi 
 
 (nadiyam) 
 
174 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§ 331 
 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. 
 Gen. Dat. 
 
 •ije 
 9 
 
 Dual. 
 kU 
 
 KLOLV 
 
 Plural. 
 Nom. Voc. -ijes Ki'ey dhiyah nadiyah 
 
 Ace, -ijns Kia^ dhiyah nadiyah 
 
 Gen, -ij5m κιώι/ dhiyam (nadinam) 
 
 Dat. -isuf^loc.) κισί dhisu nadisu 
 •ij- = Skr. -iy- alternated with -i•. The former was 
 regular before vowels and the latter before consonants. 
 In Greek the -ij- regularly became -i- (§ 128). 
 
 All the Greek forms, except the voc. singular, gen. and 
 dat. dual, and dat. plural, were regularly developed from 
 the original Indg. forms. The nom. was used for the voc. 
 in Greek and in Skr. dhih. The regular ending of the 
 ace. singular would have been *-iya in Skr. (§ 65, i), but 
 ■m, which originally belonged only to the a-, o•, i• and u• 
 declensions, was extended to the masc. and fem. ace. sing, 
 of all declensions. Ace. ha for *h, vim, with -a added 
 from the ace. of the consonantal stems. From iVa was 
 then formed a new gen. ij/oy, pi. Ives, cp. the similar new 
 formations in Ζήι/α : Ζην {§ 337), τίνα : *τίν. The gen. 
 and dat. dual κωΐν from *κφΙν had -olv from the o-declen- 
 sion. The dat. plural κισί had -l- from the other eases of 
 the plural and -σι from the dat. of the consonantal stems. 
 
 4. The u-declension. 
 § 331. a. Masculine and Feminine short u-stems. 
 Indg. Singular. 
 
 Nom. 
 
 ■us 
 
 πήχν? 
 
 ήδύ9 
 
 Voc. 
 
 •u, -eu or -cu 
 
 ττήχν 
 
 ή8ύ 
 
 Ace. 
 
 •urn 
 
 ττήχνν 
 
 ή8ύν 
 
 Gen. 
 
 •eus, -ous 
 
 πήχξω?, πήχ(ο? 
 
 ήδίοί 
 
 Dat. 
 
 •eu (loc), 
 -eu (loc.) 
 
 πήχ^ι, πήχύ' 
 
 ήδ^ΐ, ήδίϊ 
 
33 1] Declension of Nouns 175 
 
 
 Dual. 
 
 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. •ΰ 
 
 7Γ77χ66, 7Γί7χ€ί 
 
 ήδίβ, ή8ύ 
 
 Gen. Dat. ? 
 
 Plural. 
 
 rjSioLV 
 
 Nom. Voc. -ewes 
 
 πήχα^, π77χ€€? 
 
 TjSeis, 77(5eey 
 
 Ace. -uns 
 
 πήχ^, TTT/xeay 
 
 ήδ€ΐ? 
 
 Gen. -(ujwom 
 
 πήχεων 
 
 ηδ^ων 
 
 Dat. -usu (= loc.) πήχβσι ήδ^σι 
 
 The stem-forms of the u• like the i-declension originally 
 contained various grades of ablaut nearly all of which 
 disappeared in Greek owing to various new formations in 
 several of the cases. 
 
 Singular: The Greek nominative ending corresponds to 
 the endings in the other languages, as Skr. sunuh, Goth, 
 sunus, Lith. suniis, 50;/, Lat. fructus, manus. 
 
 The original ending of the vocative was -u when the 
 preceding syllable had the chief accent of the word and 
 •eu or -ou when the accent was on the ending. Greek 
 and the Germanic languages generalized the former and 
 Sanskrit and Lithuanian the latter, as ττήχν, ηδύ, Goth, 
 sunu, beside Skr. sun5, Lith. sunau. In Latin the nom. 
 was used for the vocative. 
 
 -vv from Indg. -urn {§ 141) corresponds to the accusative 
 endings in Skr. sunum, Lat. fructum, Lith. sunu, Goth, 
 sunu with regular loss of the -m. Hom. ^ύρία for ivpvv 
 was formed after the analogy of the ace. plural. 
 
 The endings in Skr. sunoh, Goth, sunaus, Lith. sunaus, 
 Lat. fructus were regularly developed from the original 
 endings of the genitive, which disappeared entirely in 
 Greek and their place was taken by new formations. The 
 ending in τττ^χβω?, which only occurs in the nouns, was 
 formed after the analogy of πόλ6ω? of the i-declension. 
 The cause of the new formation was probably due to the 
 fact that in Greek the endings of the dat. sing. -e(y)i, -e(/^)i 
 
176 Accidence [§332 
 
 and nom. pi. -e(/)ey, ■^{F)^s fell together in these two 
 declensions. -qSios, Horn, ττήχ^ος, older *-efoy with -ef- 
 from the dative. 
 
 The endings in Skr. sunau, Goth, sundu were regularly 
 developed from the original locative ending -eu. The •ΰ 
 in Lat. fructu can represent both -eu and -eu. The Gr. 
 endings -ei, -ύ' are from older *-eFi with -i from the dative 
 of the consonantal stems, cp. the similar new formation in 
 Vedic sundvi beside sunau. 
 
 Dual : The original ending of the nom. voc. and ace. 
 was preserved in Skr. sunu. πήχ^β, πήχβί was from 
 older *-efe with -ef- from the nom. plural and -e from the 
 dual of the consonantal stems. On the ending -oiv in the 
 gen. and dat. see § 325. 
 
 Plural: The endings in Att. 7Γ77χ€ί9, Ion. πή\ζ^$, and 
 Skr. sunavah were regularly developed from the Indg. 
 nominative ending -ewes. Lat. fructus was the ace. used 
 for the nominative. 
 
 The original ending of the accusative was preserved in 
 Cret. vivvs, sons and Goth, sununs. πτ^χβί?, riSds were 
 the nom. used for the accusative. Ion. πήχias, evpias 
 were new formations after the analogy of the u-stems 
 (§ 334). Lat. fructus was from older *fructuns with 
 regular loss of the -n• and lengthening of the preceding 
 vowel. 
 
 πήχεων from older *πηχίΡων was a new formation with 
 ■ef- from the nom. plural. The normal development of 
 the original genitive ending occurs in Lat. fructuom, 
 ■uum, -urn. 
 
 The original ending of the locative was preserved in 
 Skr. sunusu. πήχ^σι, ήδίσι for older *-ι;σί with -e- from 
 the nom. plural and -σί from the dative of the consonantal 
 stems. The Hom. ending -εσσί was from the s-stems 
 (§ 364). 
 
 § 332. In the declension of the word for son two stems 
 
§§333-4; Declension of Nouns 177 
 
 are to be taken into consideration, viz. prim. Greek *suijos 
 = VLos which was declined hke an ordinary o-stem (§ 325) ; 
 and prim. Greek *suijus = vivs, Cret. vivs, ace. Arcadian 
 vivv, Cret. vivv, ace. pi. Cret. υίύν^. The remaining cases 
 of the singular, dual and plural were formed from the 
 generalized stem form vL€f-, as vUo^, υϋϊ (vU?) ; u/ee, 
 vUoLv ; vU?9 [νΐίζς), νίίων, vieai. The Hom. accusatives 
 vUa, vUas were new formations after the analogy of the 
 consonantal stems. At a later stage vi- came to be 
 regarded as the stem-form, from which was made a new 
 declension after the analogy of the inflected forms of 
 πατήρ (§ 360), as *vh, via, vh?, νΐι ; fie ; vh?, νιας, 
 *νΊων, νίάσι. 
 
 b. Neuter short u-stems. 
 § 333. In Greek the declension of the neuters only 
 differed from the masculines and feminines in the nom. 
 and ace. singular, and the nom. voc. and ace. plural. The 
 nom. voc. and ace. singular originally ended in -u which 
 was preserved in Skr. mddhu, mead; Skr. pa§u = Goth. 
 faihu, cattle; άστυ, ήδν. The origin of the ending in 
 Lat. cornu, genu, pecxi is obscure. The nom. voc. and 
 ace. plural originally ended in -u which was preserved in 
 Vedic puru, niiech, many ; madhu, beside puruni, madhu- 
 ni. Lat. cornua, genua was a new formation after the 
 analogy of the o-declension. In Greek the nouns and 
 adjectives differed in the formation of the nom. plural. 
 The former had -η, as άστη, from older *-eaa, the ending 
 of the neuter s-stems (§ 364), and the latter had -ea, as 
 ήδ^α, from older *-efa with -ef- from the masc. and fem. 
 nom. plural, and -a from the nom. plural of consonantal 
 stems. 
 
 c. The long u-stems. 
 § 334. The long u-stems contain monosyllabic nouns 
 like σΰί, V9, Lat. sus, OE. su, pig, sow; and μνς which 
 
 Ν 
 
178 
 
 Accidence 
 
 334 
 
 originally belonged to the s-declension ; Skr. bhuh, earth ; 
 and nouns of more than one syllable like ίχθν?, t6vs ; Vedic 
 tanuh, body. 
 
 Singular. 
 
 bhuh 
 
 Indg. 
 Norn, -us 
 Voc. -u, •ΰ 
 Ace. -uwm, 
 •um 
 Gen. -uwos 
 
 συς 
 
 σν 
 
 συν 
 
 σνός 
 
 bhuh 
 bhuvam 
 
 ιχθύς 
 
 ίχθν 
 
 J. 
 υν 
 
 ίχθν 
 
 tanuh 
 
 tdnu 
 
 tanuvam 
 
 Dat. 
 
 •uwi(=loc,) σνί 
 
 Dual. 
 
 bhuvdh 
 bhuvi 
 
 Norn. Voc. Ace. -uwe 
 Gen. Dat. ? 
 
 ave 
 συοΐν 
 
 ιχθύος tanuvah 
 ιχθνϊ tanuvi 
 
 ίχθύζ 
 Ιχθύοιν 
 
 Nom. Voc. -uwes 
 Ace. -u-wns 
 Gen. -uwom 
 Dat. -usui^loc.) 
 
 Plural. 
 
 σύζς bhuvah 
 σύας bhuvah 
 συων bhuvam 
 συσί bhusu 
 
 ιχθύος tanuvah 
 ίχθνας tanuvah 
 ιχθύων (tanunam) 
 Ιχθύσι tanusu 
 
 •uw- = -vf; Skr. -uv- alternated with •ΰ•. The former 
 was regular before vowels and the latter before consonants. 
 In Greek the -vf- regularly became -v- (§ 119). 
 
 All the Greek forms except the gen. and dat. dual, and 
 the dat. plural were regularly developed from the original 
 Indg. forms, σνοΐν, Ιχθύοιν from *avfo?u, *ίχθύ^οιν had 
 -oiv from the O-declension. σνσί, ιχθύσι had ν for ν from 
 the other cases of the plural and -σι from the dative of 
 the consonantal stems. Hom. σνίσσι with -ζσσι from the 
 S'Stems. In the Sanskrit monosyllabic nouns the nom. 
 was used for the vocative. Beside the regular ace. sing. 
 ιχθυν there also occurs in later Greek Ιχθύα formed after 
 the analogy of the ace. plural. On the ending in Sanskrit 
 bhuvam, tanuvam, see § 330. Beside the regular ace. 
 pi. σύας, ιχθύας there also occurs in Attic and Ionic σνς, 
 
§§ 335-6] Declension of Nouns 1 79 
 
 ίχθϋζ from older •υν^ which was formed after the analogy 
 of the ace. singular. This new formation was also occasion- 
 ally used for the nominative. For nouns which have •υ• 
 throughout all cases see §§ 265-6. 
 
 5. The Diphthongal Declension. 
 § 335. This declension contains monosyllabic nouns and 
 nouns of more than one S3dlable. It is subdivided into 
 four categories according as the stem ends in -au-, -eu-, 
 •5u- or •5ί•. The stem-forms of each category originally 
 contained various grades of ablaut, but in Greek as in the 
 other Indg. languages one or other of the stem-forms was 
 generally extended to all the cases by levelling. 
 
 
 a. au-STEMS. 
 
 § 336. 
 
 Singular. 
 Indg. 
 
 Nom. Voc. 
 
 *naus 
 
 vav^, νην^ 
 
 Ace. 
 
 *nawm 
 
 vavv, νηα, via 
 
 Gen. 
 
 *nawos 
 
 νζώί, νηό^, Vio^, νάόί 
 
 Dat. ( = loc.) 
 
 *nawi 
 
 νηΐ, ναι 
 
 
 Dual. 
 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. 
 
 *nawe 
 
 νηζ 
 
 Gen. Dat. 
 
 ? 
 
 ν^οΐν 
 
 
 Plural. 
 
 Nom. Voc. 
 
 *nawes 
 
 vfj€9, ι^€€?, mey 
 
 Ace. 
 
 *nawns 
 
 pavs, ρήαΫ, uea^, paas 
 
 Gen. 
 
 *nawOm 
 
 veSiV, νηών, ναών 
 
 Dat. (=loc.) 
 
 *nausu 
 
 ναυσί, νηυσί, νηίσσι, ι 
 
 vaeaai 
 
 •aw- = prim. Gr. -af-, Skr. and Lat. -av- regularly 
 
 alternated with «au•. The former occurred before vowels 
 
 and the latter before consonants. The au-stems seem to 
 
 have levelled out the -a- of -aw-, -au- already in the parent 
 
 N2 
 
1 8ο Accidence [§336 
 
 Indg. language. Intervocalic -f- regularly disappeared 
 in Greek {§ 122). The -e- in forms like via, vio^, vias, &zc. 
 which occur in Homer and Herodotus was due to the 
 shortening of older -η- before the following vowel (§ 71). 
 
 Singular: In the nominative vav9 the first element of 
 the diphthong was shortened in prim. Greek (§ 63), cp. 
 Skr. nauh, Lat, navis with the ending of the i-declension 
 in all its cases. The η in Hom. ρηνς and also in the dat. 
 pi. ρηνσί was due to levelling out the η of the other cases 
 where it was regular. 
 
 The accusative form vavp was a new formation from the 
 nominative. Hom. vrja from older *vrjfa, *vafa corresponds 
 to Indg. *nawm, Skr. navam (see § 330), Lat. navem. 
 
 The original genitive *nawos corresponds to Dor. vaoy, 
 Ion. ρη69 and Att. ι^βώ? with quantitative metathesis (§ 72), 
 Skr. navah, Lat. navis. 
 
 The dative Dor. vat, Lesb. ναι, Att. Ion. νηΐ were all 
 from prim. Greek *vafi=lndg. *nawi, Skr. navi, cp. 
 Lat. navi. 
 
 Dual: Nom. voc. and ace. νη€ from prim. Greek vdfe = 
 Indg. *nawe, Skr. navau probably had its ending from 
 the u-declension. Gen. dat. v^olv from older *νηΡοΐν, 
 *vafoLv (§ 325), see via, &c. above. 
 
 Plural : The nominative Dor. raey, Att. Ion. vfje^ were 
 from prim. Greek *rafe? = Indg. *nawes, Skr. navah, 
 Lat. naves. 
 
 The Attic accusative vav? was a new formation after the 
 analogy of the accusative singular. Dor. νάας, Ion. vfjas 
 = prim. Greek *vafas, Skr. navah, Lat. naves. 
 
 The Att. Ion. genitive ν^ών was from older νηών with 
 shortening of ?; to e (§ 71). Dor. νάων, Hom. νηων from 
 prim. Greek *vafS>v = Indg. ^ηδ,λνοπι, Skr. navam, Lat. 
 navium. 
 
 The dative *νανσί was shortened to νανσί in prim. Greek 
 {§ 63), cp. the nom. singular. Ion. νηνσί like νην^ had η 
 
§337] Declension of Nouns i8i 
 
 from the other cases. The ending -σί was from the dat. 
 of the consonantal stems. Dor. νάίσσι, Hom. νή^σσι with 
 ■ζσσι from the systems. 
 
 ϋ. eu-sTEMs. 
 § 337. Some of the original ablaut-grades were preserved 
 in the declension of Zev? ; Skr. dyauh, sky, day, Lat. 
 dies, Jov-, viz. djeu- in Zevs, Skr. dyauh, Lat. dies, and 
 O.Lat. Diespiter; djeu- in Zev, Lat. Ju-piter, Jov•; and 
 diw• in Αίόί, Skr. divah. 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 
 
 
 Nom. 
 
 Mjeus 
 
 Zev? 
 
 dyauh 
 
 (dies) 
 
 Voc. 
 
 *djeu 
 
 ZeD 
 
 (dyauh) 
 
 Ju-piter 
 
 Ace. 
 
 *dje(u)m 
 
 Ζην 
 
 dyam 
 
 diem, (Jovem) 
 
 Gen. 
 
 *diwos 
 
 AlOs 
 
 divah 
 
 (Jovis) 
 
 Dat. ( = loc.) *djewi Δα, Δί dyavi Jove 
 
 The nominative Ziv^ was regularly developed from the 
 original form *djeus (§§ 63, 129, 8). Latin dies was a new 
 formation from the ace. before *diem was shortened to 
 diem. 
 
 Ζζϋ corresponds to the original vocative *djeu and to 
 the Ju• in Jupiter = ZeO narep. Jupiter then came to be 
 used as a nominative. 
 
 The accusative Zrji/ corresponds to Vedic dyam, Lat. 
 diem, Indg. *dje(u)m (§ 63). From Ζψ a new ace. 
 Zfjva was formed with -a from the ace. of consonantal 
 stems. From Zfjva was then formed a new gen. Ζηνός, 
 dat. Ζηνί. 
 
 Δία from *ALfa, like classical Skr. divam beside Vedic 
 dyam, was a new formation from the gen. with -a from 
 the ace. of consonantal stems. And similarly Lat. Jovem, 
 gen. Jovis were formed after the analogy of Jove. 
 
 The genitive Διό^ from *ALfos, Skr. divah was regularly 
 developed from the original form *diwos. 
 
1 82 Accidence [§ 338 
 
 The dative Διΐ, Δί from ""Aifi, like classical Skr. divi 
 beside Vedic dyavi = Lat. Jove, was formed after the 
 analogy of the genitive. 
 
 § 338. In the declension of βασιλεύς and similar words 
 the ablaut-grade -eu- originally belonged only to the stem 
 of the nom. singular. The -eu- (= -ew- before vowels) 
 was in prim. Greek levelled out into all the cases except 
 the voc. singular which retained the old ablaut-grade -eu. 
 To this declension belonged also the Horn, proper names 
 like 'Arpevs, Πτ/λβιίί which generalized the ablaut-grade 
 •eu- (= -ew• before vowels) in the oblique cases, as voc. 
 -eO, ace. •i[f)a, gen. •^{f)os, dat. -e(f)i. The nom. ending 
 -€iiy was a shortening of older *-ην9 (§ 63). 
 
 Singular. 
 Prim. Greek. 
 
 Nom. 
 
 -ην$ 
 
 βασιλεύς 
 
 Voc. 
 
 -eu 
 
 βασίλίΰ 
 
 Ace. 
 
 ■ηίοι. 
 
 βασιλίά, βασιλήα, βασιλέα 
 
 Gen. 
 
 -VFo? 
 
 βασιλέως, βασιλήο9, βασίλ4θ9 
 
 Dat. 
 
 ■VFc 
 
 βασιλίΐ, βασιλήι, βασιλϋ' 
 Dual. 
 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. 
 
 -VF^ 
 
 βασίλ€€, βασιληβ 
 
 Gen. Dat. 
 
 ^ηFoίV 
 
 βασιλίοιν 
 Plural. 
 
 Nom. Voc. 
 
 -77fey 
 
 βασιλείς, βασιλης, βασιλήα?, 
 βασίλύ€9 
 
 Ace. 
 
 -VFas 
 
 βασιλ€ά9, βασιλήα^, βασιλέας 
 
 Gen. 
 
 ^ηFωv 
 
 βασιΧίων, βασιλήων 
 
 Dat. 
 
 •ηνσι 
 
 βασιΧ^νσί 
 
 In the nom. singular and dat. plural the -ηυ- was shortened 
 to -eu- in prim. Greek. In the Arcadian and Cyprian 
 dialects a new nom. singular in -τ;? was formed with •η• 
 
§339] Declension of Nouns 183 
 
 from the gen. and dative. The endings ^ηfa, -ηΡο?, ■η[ας 
 regularly beame -ea, •ξως, -eay in Attic by loss of -f- and 
 quantitative metathesis (§ 72). The -e- in the Ionic and 
 Doric endings -ea, -eoy, -ei", -eey, -eay vi^as due to the 
 shortening of -η- before the following vowel (§ 71) ; and 
 similarly in the Attic endings -et, -ee (nom. dual), ■ζοιΐ', 
 •ξωΐ'. The forms with -η- belong to the Horn. Cypr. Lesb. 
 and Boeotian (written -ei- in Boeot.) dialects. •ή9 contracted 
 from -i^ey (on inscriptions) was the regular ending of the 
 nom. plural in Attic until after the middle of the fourth 
 century B.C. At about this time a new nom. ending -εΓ? 
 was formed after the analogy of the nom. of the u-declen- 
 sion owing to the gen. plural being alike in both declensions. 
 From about the end of the fourth century βασίλξΐ? came 
 to be used also for the accusative. The older nom. 
 βασιλήί was used for the accusative at a much earlier 
 period. See § 268. 
 
 C. OU-STEMS. 
 
 § 339. In the original declension of the word (or cow, ox 
 the stem-forms had the three ablaut-grades gou-, gou- 
 (= gow• before vowels) and gu•. The form gu• does not 
 occur in the declension of *g6us (§ 205) in any of the 
 languages. It is therefore probable that it disappeared 
 alread}^ in the parent Indg. language and that its place 
 was taken by the stem-form gou• in the gen. singular, 
 gen. and dat. dual, and in the gen. and loc. plural. In 
 writing down the hypothetical Indg. forms the accent 
 has been omitted in the gen. and dat. of the singular and 
 plural, because of the difference in the accentuation of the 
 Greek and Sanskrit forms. The Greek doubtless re- 
 presents the original accentuation except in the dat. 
 singular. 
 
1 84 
 
 Acci 
 
 dence 
 
 
 [§ 339 
 
 
 Singular. 
 
 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 
 
 
 Nom. 
 
 *g6us 
 
 βον^, βω? 
 
 gauh 
 
 b5s 
 
 Voc. 
 
 *gou 
 
 βον 
 
 (gauh) 
 
 (b5s) 
 
 Ace. 
 
 *go(u)m 
 
 βοΰν, βών 
 
 gim 
 
 (bovem) 
 
 Gen. 
 
 *gowos 
 
 βθ09 
 
 (goh) 
 
 bovis 
 
 Dat. ( = 
 
 = loe.) *gowi 
 
 βοΐ 
 
 g4vi 
 
 bove 
 
 
 Dual. 
 
 
 
 om. Voc. Ace. 
 
 *gOwe 
 
 β6,^ 
 
 gavau 
 
 
 Gen. Dat. 
 
 ? 
 
 βοοΐν 
 
 
 
 
 Plural. 
 
 
 
 Nom. Voc. 
 
 *gowes 
 
 /30ey 
 
 gavah 
 
 boves 
 
 Ace. 
 
 *gowns 
 
 βοΰί, βόας, 
 βως 
 
 (gah) 
 
 boves 
 
 Gen. 
 
 *gow5m 
 
 βοών 
 
 gdvam 
 
 bovom, 
 bourn 
 
 Dat. ( = loe.) *gousu βονσί, β6ί€σι gosu 
 
 Singular: The prim. Greek nominative *βων5 was 
 regularly shortened to βονς (§ 63). Dor. βώς was a new 
 formation from the original accusative, and probably also 
 Lat. b6s (a loan word from one of the other Italic dialects). 
 
 The accusative βονν was a new formation after the 
 analogy of the nominative. Dor. βών = Skr. gam and 
 Indg. *g6(u)m. Lat. bovem was a new formation after 
 the analogy of bovis, bove. 
 
 The genitive βοάς corresponds to Vedie gavah beside 
 classical Sanskrit goh, Lat. bovis, Indg. *gowos. 
 
 The dative βοΐ, Skr. gavi and Lat. bove were all 
 regularly developed from the original form *gowi. 
 
 Dual : The Greek dual forms were new formations with 
 βο; older *βθΓ-, from forms where it was regular, as in 
 βοάς, ^069. The original stem *g5w• occurs in Skr. 
 gavau with the ending -au from the u-declension. 
 
§ 34ol Declension of Nowis 185 
 
 Plural : The nominative jSoey was from the original form 
 *gowes. Skr. gavah can represent a prim. Aryan form 
 *gdvas (= *gowes) or *gavas in which case the latter 
 would be a new formation. Lat. boves was the ace. used 
 for the nominative. 
 
 βοϋ^, βώ9 and Skr. gah were new formations after the 
 analogy of the ace. singular. Some scholars assume that 
 there existed in the parent Indg. language an ace. form 
 *gO(u)ms beside *QOwns, and that the former occurs in 
 Dor. βώς, Skr. gah and the latter in Hom. βόας, older 
 Skr. gavah, and Lat. boves. 
 
 βοών, Skr. gavam and Lat. bovom, bourn were all 
 regularly developed from the original genitive form 
 *gowom. 
 
 The stem in the dative βουσί corresponds to the original 
 stem *gou• and to the go- in Skr. gosu ; -at was from the 
 dat. ending of the consonantal stems. Hom. βό^σσι was 
 a new formation with βο•, older */3of-, from the other 
 cases of the plural and -eaai from the dat. plural of the 
 s-stems. 
 
 § 340. It cannot be determined with certainty whether 
 nouns like δμώς, ήρω?, μήτρων, πάτρως. Τρως were originally 
 5u-stems or whether they were o-stems which underwent 
 contraction after the loss of intervocalic -F-, as πάτρως from 
 *πaτpωfos, and then became declined like consonantal 
 stems. If they were originally 5u-stems we must assume 
 that the ablaut-grade -5u• (= •5νν• before vowels), which 
 belonged properly to the stem of the nom. singular only, 
 was levelled out into all the cases in prim. Greek, and that 
 then there were formed a new nom. singular πάτρως for 
 *πατρων9, and dat. plural πάτρωσι for *πατρωνσι, the -ων- 
 of which would have been shortened to -ov, cp. βασιλεύς, 
 βασιλίΰσι. 
 
i86 
 
 
 
 Accidence [§341 
 
 
 
 
 Singular 
 
 
 
 
 Prim. Greek. 
 
 
 Norn. 
 
 , Voc. 
 
 
 ■coi/y or -ω? 
 
 πάτρω^ 
 
 
 Ace. 
 
 
 -ω/^α 
 
 πάτρωα, πάτρω, πάτρων 
 
 
 Gen. 
 
 
 ■ωf09 
 
 πατρώος 
 
 
 Dat.i 
 
 (=loc.) 
 
 ■(X>fL 
 
 Dual. 
 
 πάτρωϊ, πάτρω 
 
 Nom 
 
 .Voc. 
 
 Ace. 
 
 -ωfe 
 
 πάτρωζ 
 
 
 Gen. 
 
 Dat. 
 
 ■ωροιν 
 
 Plural. 
 
 ττατρώοιν 
 
 Nom 
 
 .Voc. 
 
 
 -ωfey 
 
 πάτρωβς, πάτρωα 
 
 
 Ace. 
 
 
 -ω/^α? 
 
 πατρώας, πάτρως 
 
 
 Gen. 
 
 
 ■ωρών 
 
 πατρώων 
 
 
 Dat. 1 
 
 (=loc.) 
 
 •ωυσι or -ωσί 
 
 πάτρωσι 
 
 In Attic πάτρωα, πατρώας, πατρώας were generally con- 
 tracted into πάτρω, πάτρως. Att. Ion. πάτρων, πάτρω 
 were formed after the analogy of νζών, vecf : ν^ώ? (§ 327) ; 
 and similarly a gen. πάτρω beside the regular form πατρώος 
 also occurs. The Cretan ace. plural πάτρωανς was formed 
 after the analogy of the ace. plural of a•, o•, i- and u-stems. 
 
 d. 5i-sTEMs. 
 § 341. To this declension belong the feminine nouns 
 €ν€στώ, ηχώ, λζχώ, πβιθώ and proper names like Καλυψώ, 
 Λητώ. It is doubtful whether nouns like άη8ώ, €ΐκώ beside 
 αηδών, €ίκών originally belonged to this class or to the 
 n-declension. The stem-forms originally had the three 
 ablaut-grades -oi-, -oi- and -i- with regular change of -i- to 
 •j- before case-endings beginning with a vowel. All three 
 grades occur in the Sanskrit declension oi sakha, friend, 
 as singular ace. sakhayam, voc. sakhe, gen. sakhyuh ; 
 plural nom. sakhayah, loc. sakhisu. In Greek the -oi- 
 grade was generalized in the oblique eases. The nom. 
 singular may have ended in -oi beside -5 (nom. Skr. sdkha, 
 
-ω or 
 
 •ωι 
 
 πξίθώ, πζίθφ 
 
 -Οί 
 
 
 π€ΐθοΐ 
 
 'oja 
 
 
 π^ιθώ 
 
 ■OJOS 
 
 
 π€ίθοΰ9 
 
 -on 
 
 
 π^ίθοΐ 
 
 §342] Declension ο/ Nouns 187 
 
 Gr. πίΐθώ) in the parent Indg. language (§ 63), and it is 
 possible that the ending -ωι, which occurs on old Corinthian 
 inscriptions, represents the original -oi. The -t however 
 may have come from the vocative. Skr, sakha and similar 
 nouns were declined in the singular, dual and plural, but 
 few of the words belonging to this declension admit of 
 a plural in Greek. Those which do have a plural form it 
 after the analogy of the o- or n-declension. 
 
 Prim. Greek. 
 Nom. 
 Voc. 
 Ace. 
 Gen. 
 Dat. (=loc.) 
 
 The Dor. Boeot. and Lesb. dialects had the case-endings 
 ■ω, -ων, -coy, -ω after the analogy of the similar quantitative 
 endings of the a-declension. The origin of the Ion. ace. 
 ending -ovv (Herodotus Λητοϋν, «S:c.) is obscure. Ion. had 
 the gen. ending -ooy beside Att. Ion. -ovs. If nouns like 
 άη8ών originally belonged to this class the -v was first added 
 in the nom. singular and then they passed over into the 
 n-declension. 
 
 B. THE CONSONANTAL DECLENSION 
 I. Stems ending in an Explosive. 
 § 342. The stems of nouns belonging to this class end in 
 a dental, labial or guttural. The stem of the monosyllabic 
 nouns had originally various grades of ablaut in the differ- 
 ent cases, but in Greek as in the other languages one or 
 other of the grades was generally levelled out into all the 
 cases, thus the ablaut-grade 5, which originally belonged 
 only to the nom. singular, was generalized in Sanskrit vak 
 = Lat. νδχ, ολ/λ, voice ; ace. vacam, vocem, οπα ; gen. 
 vacah, vocis, onos ; loc. vaci, voce, ottl, whereas in Greek 
 
88 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§ 343 
 
 the grade o, which originally belonged to the oblique cases, 
 was levelled out into the nominative ; and similarly Lat. 
 lex, rex beside φλ^-^, φλόξ ; and conversely κλώψ, σκώψ, 
 ώψ beside Lat. nex, ops. The original ablaut-grades were 
 better preserved in the declension of the Indg. word *p5ts, 
 *pets,/oo/. See § 234, i. 
 
 Singular. 
 Indg. 
 
 Nom. Voc. 
 
 •s 
 
 novs, nos, πώς 
 
 pat 
 
 pes 
 
 Ace. 
 
 •m 
 
 πόδα 
 
 padam 
 
 pedem 
 
 Gen. 
 
 •OS, -es 
 
 ποδό? 
 
 paddh 
 
 pedis 
 
 Dat.(=loc.) 
 
 ■i 
 
 ποδί 
 Dual. 
 
 padi 
 
 pede 
 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. 
 
 •e 
 
 πόδβ 
 
 (padau) 
 
 
 Gen. Dat. 
 
 ? 
 
 ΤΓοδοΐν 
 Plural. 
 
 
 
 Nom. Voc. 
 
 •es 
 
 TToie? 
 
 padah 
 
 (pedes) 
 
 Ace. 
 
 •?s 
 
 πόδαζ 
 
 paddh 
 
 pedes 
 
 Gen. 
 
 -5m 
 
 ποδών 
 
 padam 
 
 pedum 
 
 Dat. ( = loc.) 
 
 •su 
 
 ποσσί, ποσί 
 
 patsu 
 
 
 Dor. ττώί from *p5ts represents the original form, πό? 
 was a new formation with -o- from the oblique cases. It is 
 difficult to account for πούζ which seems to be merely 
 a lengthening of πό?. Hom. ποσσί beside ποσί (§ 212). 
 Hom. πόδ^σσί was formed from the stem ποδ- with the dat. 
 ending of the s-stems. In Lat. the ace. pedes from *pedens 
 was used for the nominative. The e grade of ablaut occurs 
 in π^δον and in the Boeot. Lesb. Cret. and Arcadian pre- 
 position πξ^δά, with, after. 
 
 § 343. The stem-endings -d, -b, -g became -t, •ρ, -k before 
 the case-endings -s, -su in prim. Indo-Germanic (§ 106). 
 The original stem-endings -dh, -th, -bh, -ph, -gh, -kh like- 
 wise became -t, •ρ, -k before these case-endings in prim. 
 
§§344-5^ Decleuswu of Nouns 189 
 
 Greek (§ 109). Prim. Greek ps and ks remained in the 
 historic period of the language, ts became ss, which was 
 simpHfied to s finally. Medial ss remained in the oldest 
 Greek, but already in Homer s existed beside ss (§ 166). 
 Examples are : κλώψ, κλωψί : κλωπ-, φλύψ : φλίβ-, κατή- 
 λίψ : κατηλίφ-, φνλαξ, φνλαξί : φυλακ-, μάστϊξ : μαστίγ-, 
 σάλπιγξ : σαλπιγγ-, θρίξ, θριξί : τριχ-, ν^ότη<$ from *vefo• 
 τάΤΫ, Lat. novitas : ν^οτητ-, novitat•, ννξ : ννκτ-, cp. Lat. 
 nox : noct•, aVa| : άνακτ-, πούζ, ποσσί, ποσί : ttoS-, λαμπάς : 
 λαμπαδ-, κόρνς : κορνθ-, 6ρνϊ9 : ορνίθ-. 
 
 The nom. singular of stems ending in -ίτ, -l8, •ιθ, -vS, •νθ 
 regularly fell together with the nominative of the i• and u• 
 declensions which gave rise to various new formations 
 especially in the voc. and ace. singular, as voc. 'Άρτβμι, kXni, 
 epi, παΐ, τυραννί : Άρτβμιδ-, ίλπίδ-, kpiS-, πα{ρ)ίδ•, τυραννώ-. 
 Ace. χάριν, epiv, κλαν, νήιν, οττιν, ορνίν, φύλοπιν, κόρνν : 
 χάριτα, ίριδα, κλΰδα, νήιδα, οπιδα, ορνϊθα, φνλόπιδα, 
 κόρνθα. And similarly accusatives like πολύπονν, τρίπονν 
 (Hom. τρίποδα) were formed after the analogy of evvovv : 
 evvov9. 
 
 It is improbable that the vocatives dva, yvvai from 
 *άνακτ, *γνναικ represent an original distinction between 
 the nom. and voc. in this class of nouns. 
 
 § 344. The bare stem was originally used for the nom. 
 voc. and ace. neuter. In Greek the operation of the laws 
 of final consonants has to be taken into consideration 
 (§ 230), as κήρ from *κηρδ ; the gen. κήρος was a new 
 formation from the nominative, cp. Lat. cor, cordis ; γάλα 
 from *γαλακτ, cp. Lat. lac, lactis; μίλι from *μ^λιτ. 
 
 2. The n-DECLENSION. 
 
 § 345. The stems in -μον-, -μ^ν- {δαίμων : δαιμον-, τίρμων : 
 Τ€ρμον-, ποιμήν : ποιμβν-) and in •ον•, •€ν• [πίπων : π^πον•, 
 τίκτων : τζκτον-, τίρην : repev-, φρήν : φρζν-) originally had 
 various grades of ablaut in the stem-endings of the diiferent 
 
I90 Accidence [§345 
 
 cases, as -ηιδη, -men ; -mon•, -men• ; -«ιη• before vowels, 
 but -mn- before consonants ; -δη, -en ; -on-, -en- ; -n- 
 before vowels, but •η• before consonants. The alternation 
 between e and ο originally depended upon the position of 
 the accent of the word. The former stood in the syllable 
 containing the chief accent and the latter in the next 
 syllable following it, as ποιμήν, ποιμ^νβ? : τλημων, τλήμον^^ ; 
 φρήν, φρύΐ'ζς : άφρων, άφρονζ^ (cp. § 83). When the 
 accent was shifted to the case-ending the vowel disappeared 
 and then the η remained consonantal or became vocalic 
 according as the next syllable began with a vowel or 
 a consonant, as άρήν, κνων, gen. apvos, dat. pi. *άρασί, 
 *κυασί. In the parent Indg. language e alternated with 
 ο in the declension of the same word. This distinction 
 was preserved in Gothic, as guma, man, dat. gumin, ace. 
 guman where the endings -in, -an represent original -eni, 
 •onm ; and similarly in the Baltic-Slavonic languages. In 
 Sanskrit Indg. e and ο fell together in a (§ 42) whereby 
 the original distinction became obliterated. It may be 
 however that the two vowels only regularly fell together in 
 closed syllables, but that in open syllables the former vowel 
 became a and the latter a. This would account for the 
 long a in the ace. sing, rajanam, king, nom. pi. rajanah, 
 beside loc. sing, raj-ani = Indg. -eni. In Greek the dis- 
 tinction became entirely obliterated by the levelling out of 
 one or other of the two vowels. Then those stems which 
 levelled out the e came to have η in the nom. singular and 
 those which levelled out the ο came to have ω. In the 
 present state of our knowledge it cannot be determined 
 with any degree of certainty which of the strong cases 
 originally had e and which had o. In reconstructing the 
 primitive stem-forms we shall therefore not attempt to dis- 
 tinguish between e and ο in the declension of the same 
 word, -mon, -men, •5η, -en regularly belonged to the nom. 
 singular only ; •ηιοη•, -men•, -on•, -en- to the voc. ace. and 
 
§ 345] 
 
 Declension of Nouns 
 
 191 
 
 dat. (= loc.) singular, the nom. plural, and the nom. voc. 
 and ace. dual ; -mn-, •η• to the gen. singular and plural, 
 gen. and dat. dual, and ace. plural ; and -mn-, •η• to the dat. 
 (= loc.) plural (§ 319). In Greek e or δ regularly appears in 
 the nom. singular. The oblique cases have generally levelled 
 out the e or o, but in some words the e or 5 of the nomina- 
 tive was levelled out into the oblique cases, and in others 
 the stem-form of the weak cases became generalized, as 
 ΤΓΟιμην, ποιμένα, ποιμ^νο^ for *ποιμνος ; δαίμων, δαίμονα, 
 δαίμονος for ""δαιμνος ; π€νθήν, π^υθήνος, κλύδων, κλύδωνος; 
 κύων, κύνα, κννί for *κνονα, *κνονι ; ^ρσην regular gen. 
 άρσν09 to which was formed a new nominative άρσην, gen. 
 apaevo?. Cp. the similar levellings in Lat. homo, homi• 
 nem, hominis, homine, homines, hominura, hominibus ; 
 sermo, serm5nem, sermonis, sermone; care, carnem, 
 camis, carne; and in Goth. tugg5, tongue, ace. tugg5n, 
 gen. tuggons, dat. tuggdn. 
 
 Singular. 
 Indg. 
 
 Nom. 
 
 •en, -on l ποιμήν 
 •e, •δ J 
 
 δαίμων 
 
 raja, king 
 
 Voc. 
 
 •en, -on ποιμήν 
 
 δαΐμον 
 
 raj an 
 
 Ace. 
 
 ■en-m, -on-m ποιμίνα 
 
 δαίμονα 
 
 rajanam 
 
 Gen. 
 
 •n-os, -n-es ποιμ^νος 
 
 δαίμονος 
 
 rajnah 
 
 Dat. (= loc.) 
 
 •en-i, •οη•ί ποιμίνι 
 Dual. 
 
 δαίμονι 
 
 rajani, 
 rajni 
 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. 
 
 ■en-e, -on-e ττοιμ^ν^ 
 
 δαίμον€ 
 
 (rajanau 
 
 Gen. Dat. 
 
 ? ποιμύνοιν 
 Plural. 
 
 δαιμόνοιν 
 
 
 Nom. Voc. 
 
 ■en-es, -on-es ποιμ^ν^ς 
 
 δαίμονας 
 
 rajanah 
 
 Ace. 
 
 •n-ns ποιμένα? 
 
 δαίμονας 
 
 rajnah 
 
 Gen. 
 
 •η•5πι ποιμένων 
 
 δαιμόνων 
 
 rajnara 
 
 Dat.(=loc. 
 
 ) -n-su ποιμίσι 
 
 δαίμοσι 
 
 rajasu 
 
192 Accidence [§345 
 
 Singular: The nominative ended in the parent Indg. 
 language in -en, -on beside -e, -o. The reason for this 
 difference is unknown (cp. § 29). The former was general- 
 ized in Greek (but see § 341) and also in the Gothic 
 masculines, as guma, man, with -a from older -en or •δη ; 
 and the latter in Sanskrit, Latin and also in the Gothic 
 feminines and neuters, as homo, sermo; tuggd, tongue, 
 hairto, heart. 
 
 The vocative originally ended in -en, -on, which occurs 
 in Skr. rajan and in Gr. barytones with nominatives in -ων, 
 as Βαΐμον, κύον, πίττον. In the oxy tones with nominatives 
 in •ών and in all -μ^ν-, -ei^-stems the nominative came to be 
 used for the vocative, as ήγβμών, ποιμήν, &c. In Latin and 
 Gothic the nominative was also used for the vocative. 
 
 The accusatives ττοιμίνα, δαίμονα, Lat. hominem, Goth, 
 guman regularly correspond to the original stem- and case- 
 ending. Forms like apva for *apeua, κύνα for *κνονα — 
 Skr. svanam were new formations after the analogy of the 
 gen. singular and plural ; and similarly Lat. carnem for 
 *carinem. 
 
 Regular forms of the genitive were apvos, κννό^ (= Skr, 
 sunah), Skr. rajnah, Lat. carnis. The stem-forms άρν-, 
 Kvv- then became levelled out into all the cases except the 
 nom. singular and dat. plural ; and similarly with the Lat. 
 stem earn•, ποιμ^νος, δαίμονος, &c. were new formations 
 with -ev; -ov- from cases like the accusative ; and similarly 
 Lat. hominis, Goth, gumins. 
 
 Regular forms of the original locative were ποιμίνι, 
 δαίμονι. See, Skr. rajani, Lat. homine, Goth, gumin. 
 Skr. rajni was a new formation with -jn- from the genitive. 
 
 Dual: The genitive and dative had -en-, -on- from the 
 strong stem-forms. On the ending -οίν see § 325. 
 
 Plural : It has been assumed above that the accusative 
 had originally the weak stem-ending -n- corresponding to 
 dpvas, Kvvas and Skr. rajnah, but the Greek forms prove 
 
§§346-7. Declension of Nouns 193 
 
 nothing because the weak stem-ending of these two words 
 was generalized in prim. Greek (see gen. singular). And 
 Skr. rajnah may be a new formation after the analogy of 
 the genitive. It is therefore not improbable that the 
 accusative originally had the strong stem-ending -en-, 
 •on- as in ποιμένας, δαίμονας, Lat. homines and in other 
 languages. Goth, gumans is the nom. used for the 
 accusative. 
 
 The regularly developed forms of the genitive were 
 άρνων, κυνων, Skr. rajnam. ποιμύνων, δαιμόνων, Lat. 
 hominum, Goth, gumane were new formations after the 
 analogy of the nominative. 
 
 Skr. rajasu with -asu from -nsu represents the original 
 locative. The -a- = Indg. -n- was preserv^ed in ψρασί 
 (beside the later new formation φρξσί) which occurs in 
 Pindar and on an Attic inscription belonging to the begin- 
 ning of the sixth century b. c, and also in άρνάσι for ""άρασί 
 with •ν• from *apv6?, &:c. But in other words the dative 
 was a new formation with the substitution of the vowel in 
 the generalized stem-form for -a-, and with -σι from the dat. 
 of consonantal stems where the -σ- was not originally inter- 
 vocalic, as in ποσσί, ποσί from *ποτσι (§ 343), as ττοιμίσι, 
 δαίμοσι, κλνδωσι with -ζσι, -οσι, -ωσι for -ασι ; κυσί for 
 *κνασί after the analogy of kvvos, &c. 
 
 § 346. Here may conveniently be placed : χθων from 
 *γθώμ, cp. \αμαί, Skr. ksami, on the ground, χιών from 
 *χιώμ, cp. Lat. hiems, neut. eV from *σ€/ί, cp. Lat. sem-per, 
 where final -μ regularly became -v (§ 141) and then the -v 
 was levelled out into the oblique cases, as gen. χθονό^, 
 χιόνος, ero? for older *χθομ6^, *χι6μο^, *έμ09. 
 
 § 347. Att. μην, ^Tyl•- were originally s-stems. Nom. Ion. 
 /zet'y. Dor. μή? from *μ€ν9, older *μην9 (§ 70), gen. Lesb. 
 μηννο9, Att. Ion. Dor. μηνό? from *μηνσο9 (§ 216), from 
 which was formed a new Attic nom. μήν after the analogy 
 of the n-declension ; and similarly prim. Greek *χά? from 
 ο 
 
194 Accidence [§§ 348-50 
 
 *Xavs, gen. χάνό$, χηνό^ from *χανσοί (§ 69, 2), from 
 which was formed a new nom. Dor. χαν, Att. XTyr. 
 
 § 348. Beside the stems -men•, •πιοη•, -en-, -on• there 
 also existed in the parent Indg. language stems in -(ijijen•, 
 •(i)jon• with the ablaut-grades -(i)jen, -{ijjon ; •(i)jen-, 
 •(ijjon- ; -in-, -in- and with the same distribution of the 
 grades as in the -men-, -men-stems (§ 345). The original 
 type of inflection was preserved in the Gothic jan-stems, 
 as nom. arbja, heir, ace. arbjan, gen. arbjins, dat. arbjin. 
 In Sanskrit the weak stem-ending -in- became generalized, 
 as masc, nom. ball for *balya, strong, voc. balin, ace. 
 balinam, gen. balinah, loc. balini. In Latin the -(ijjon 
 grade became generalized, as in legio, legionem, legionis, 
 legione ; and similarly in Greek words like ϊΘυπτίων, 
 μαλακίων, ουρανίων, gen. •ίωνο9. But the weak stem- 
 ending -in- became generalized in stems like άκτΐν-, γλωχΐν-, 
 δζλφΐν-, θΐν-, ρΐν•, gen. -ΐνος ; and similarly in Gothic 
 feminine nouns like managei, multitude, gen. manageins. 
 From the stem-form in -ΐν- a new nominative was formed 
 in prim. Greek after the analogy of the nominatives in -s. 
 And then the -v• disappeared (§ 154). At a later period 
 new nominatives in -v were formed after the analogy of 
 the nominative of the -men-, -men-, -en-, -on-stems, as 
 γλωχίν, δζλφίν, θιν, ptv beside γλωχί^, SeXcpts, θίς, pis. 
 
 § 349. From the generalized stem μίλαν- (gen. μίλανο^) 
 was formed the nom. μζλα? older *μίλανς (§ 154) after the 
 analogy of the nominatives in -s. It is probable that this 
 word originally belonged to the o-declension, cp. Skr. 
 malindh, Indg. *mel9nos, Gr. *μίλανος, black, dirty, and 
 μ€λαν6-χροο9 beside μ^λάγ-χροος. μί,λαν- may have come 
 to be regarded as the stem in prim. Greek through the 
 influence of the feminine μέλαινα from *μίλαν/α (§ 322). 
 
 § 350. The neuter nouns and adjectives were originally 
 declined alike as in Sanskrit and Gothic, but in prim. 
 Greek the generalized stem-form of the masculine became 
 
§ 350 1 
 
 Declension of Nouns 
 
 195 
 
 namani 
 
 used for the nom. voc. and ace. singular of the adjectives, 
 as Tepeu, άρσ^ν, π^πον, σώφρον, μίλαν. Nom. voc. and 
 ace. plural τίρ^να, πίπονα, μίλανα, 8zc. with -α = Skr. -i, 
 Indg. .3 (§ 353). 
 
 The original declension of the nouns was preserved in 
 Sanskrit and Latin, but in Greek all the inflected forms 
 were new formations. 
 
 Smguiar. 
 Indg. 
 Nom. Voc. Aec. -mn όνομα nama n5men 
 
 Gen. -mn-cs, -es ονόματος namnah nominis 
 
 Dat. (=loe.)-men-i, -mon-i ονόματι namani nomine 
 
 Dual. 
 Nom. Voc. Aec. -en-i, -i ονόματα namani 
 
 Gen. Dat. ? όνομάτοιν 
 
 Plural. 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. -men-a, -mon-a ^ 
 
 •men-9, -mon-9 / ονόματα 
 Gen. -mn-om ονομάτων 
 
 Dat. (=loc.) -mn-su όνόμασι 
 
 The endings in όνομα, nama, n6men, name correspond 
 to the original ending of the nom. aec. singular. Latin 
 generalized the stem-form nomen•. The Sanskrit ending 
 of the nom. plural corresponds to Indg. -mon-a, and the 
 Latin ending to Indg. -men-a, except that the -a for -e was 
 from the nom. pi, of the neuter o-stems. The dual όνόματβ 
 had -e from the masculines. 
 
 Prim. Greek probably had the generalized stem-form 
 *όνομαν• except in the dat. plural, as όνομα, *6νόμανος for 
 *6νομνος = Skr. namnah, *όνόμανί ; *όνόμανα, *όνομάνων, 
 όνόμασι which can also be from *όνόματσί (§ 166). It is 
 difficult to account satisfactorily for the -r- in historic 
 Greek. It may have arisen from the Indg. adverbial 
 particle -tos which occurs in e/c-roy, ϊν-τό? =■ Lat. in-tus, 
 ο 2 
 
 n6mina 
 namnam nominum 
 namasu 
 
196 Accidence [§ 351 
 
 cp. also Skr. i-tdh, inde. In Sanskrit -tah came to have the 
 meaning of the ablative, as nama-tah, by name, with which 
 the gen. όνόμα-τος corresponds in form, ονόματος may 
 then have come to be used for the gen. instead of the 
 regular form *6νομνος = Skr. namnah, and the -r- of the 
 gen. have become levelled out into all the inflected 
 forms. But Brugmann's explanation {Grundriss, &c., 
 vol. ii, second ed., p. 237) is probably the right one. He 
 assumes that it probably arose from the blending of -men• 
 and -mn-to• into one paradigm, as Lat. stramen : strSmina, 
 straminum = *στρώμανα, *στρωμάνων beside stramen• 
 turn : stramenta, strament5rum = ^rpw/zara, στρωμάτων. 
 After the analogy of στρώματα, στρωμάτων beside *στρώ- 
 μανα, *στρωμάνων there were formed στρώματος, στρώματι 
 beside *στρώμανο9, *στρώμανι and then all the forms with 
 the stem *στρωμαν- eventually disappeared. There is 
 however a third possible explanation which has much in 
 its favour, viz. that in the parent Indg. language con- 
 sonantal and c-stems of the same word often existed side 
 by side, as τ^ρην : τίρβνος, πΐαρ : πΐαρός, πους : neSov, 
 cognomen, stramen : cognomentum, stramentum. A 
 large number of similar examples in the various languages 
 has been collected by Brugmann in Indogermanische For- 
 schungen, vol. ix, pp. 366-8. It is therefore quite possible 
 that -mnt- existed beside -mnt-o• and that some of the 
 Greek neuters in -μα originally ended in -mnt which 
 became generalized, whereas Latin generalized -mnt-o•. 
 όνομα may therefore stand for older *6νοματ (§ 230) with 
 -T- regularly preserved in the inflected forms. Cp. όνομα, 
 στρώμα, ζ^ΰγμα beside cognomentum, stramentum, ju• 
 mentum from *jouxmentom. 
 
 3. Stems ending in -nt. 
 § 351. To this class belong the masculine and neuter of 
 all active participles except the perfect (§ 552). 
 
§ 352] 
 
 Declension of Nouns 
 
 197 
 
 a. Thematic Participles. 
 
 § 352. These comprise the participles of the present and 
 second aorist together with a few isolated participles which 
 were no longer used as such in the oldest Greek, as γίρωι/, 
 εκών, Kpeiwu (κρίων), μί8ων, μίλλωρ, λίων was originally 
 an ii'Stem which passed into this class owing to the nom. 
 and voc. singular being alike in both declensions, cp. the 
 feminine Xiatva, and Lat. leo, leonis. 
 
 
 Singular. 
 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 
 
 
 Nom. -ont-s 
 
 φίρων 
 
 bharan 
 
 ferens 
 
 Voc. -ont 
 
 φί,ρων 
 
 bharan 
 
 (ferens) 
 
 Ace. -ont-m 
 
 φίροντα 
 
 bhdrantam 
 
 ferentem 
 
 Gen. -nt-os, ■ 
 
 es φζρορτο? 
 
 bhdratah 
 
 ferentis 
 
 Dat.( = loc.)-nt.i 
 
 φίροι/τι 
 Dual. 
 
 bhdrati 
 
 ferente 
 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. -ont-e 
 
 φ^ροντ^ 
 
 (bharantau) 
 
 
 Gen. Dat. ? 
 
 φξρόντοίν 
 Plural. 
 
 
 
 Nom. Voc. -ont-es 
 
 φύροντ^ς 
 
 bharantah 
 
 (ferentes) 
 
 Ace. -nt-ns 
 
 φίροντα^ 
 
 bhdratah 
 
 ferentes 
 
 Gen. -nt-oih 
 
 φβρόντων 
 
 bharatam 
 
 (ferentium) 
 
 Dat.(=loc.)-nt-su 
 
 φξρονσί 
 
 bhdratsu 
 
 
 The strong form •οηΙ- originally belonged to the nom. 
 voc. and ace. singular and dual and the nom. plural, and 
 the weak form -nt- to all the other cases. The original 
 distinction between the strong and weak forms of the suffix 
 was preserved in Sanskrit. But Greek generalized the 
 •ont- and Latin the -nt-form. Some scholars assume that 
 this class of words had •οηΙ• in all the cases in the parent 
 Indg. language, and that the Sanskrit forms with -at- = 
 
198 Accidence [§§ 353-4 
 
 Indg. -nt- were new formations after the analogy of the 
 stems in -went- (§ 356), but this would not account for 
 the Latin forms all of which point to the ablaut-grade -nt•. 
 
 The original nom. singular was *bheronts, bearing, 
 which corresponds to Skr. bhdran with regular loss of 
 the final -ts, and Goth, bairands. Lat. ferens was from 
 *ferents with -ent- from the gen., &c. φβρων was a new 
 formation after the analogy of the n-stems. The new 
 formation first took place in words like εκών, μύλλων where 
 the neuter έκόν, μάλλον from *1κόντ, *μίλλοντ was like an 
 n-stem. To έκόΐ', μίλλον a new masc. nom. εκών, μίλλων 
 was formed after the analogy of πΐον : ττιωι^. And then to 
 the neuter 0e/)oi/ a new masc. nom. φβρων was formed. 
 
 The vocative φ^ρων like Lat. ferens was the nom. used 
 for the vocative. The old voc. was preserved in forms 
 like yepov, Ικόν, &c. and in Skr. bharan. Dat. pi. φίρουσι 
 from ^φίροντσί. 
 
 § 353. The Indg. form of the nom. voc. and ace. singular 
 neuter was *bhernt which became bharat in Sanskrit. 
 Lat. ferens can also be from *bhernt, because -nt would 
 regularly become -ens in Latin. Or it may simply be the 
 masc. used for the neuter, φίρον from older *φίροντ with 
 ■ovT from forms where it was regular. 
 
 The original form of the nom. voc. and ace. plural was 
 *bheront9 = φέροντα, Skr. bharanti. Lat. ferentia like 
 ferentium was a new formation after the analogy of the 
 i-declension. 
 
 b. Athematic Participles. 
 
 § 354. Three categories are to be distinguished in the 
 participles belonging to this class, (i) Participles which 
 originally had -ent- in the strong and -nt- in the weak 
 cases (§ 319). (2) Those which had -nt- in all cases. (3) 
 Those which had -nt• in all cases. The first and second 
 categories were preserved in Sanskrit, but the third was 
 
§354] Declension of Nouns 199 
 
 remodelled after the analogy of the first. The original 
 distinctions in the three categories were almost entirely 
 obliterated in prim. Greek by analogical formations. The 
 •nt•, which originally belonged only to the third category, 
 was extended by analogy to all participles. And then the 
 vowel preceding the -nt- was made the same as the vowel 
 in the plural of the corresponding indicative. Examples 
 are : (i) Skr. krin-dnt- with -dnt- from *-ent-, krin-at- 
 with -at- from -nt• : krinami, / buy, krindnti, they buy, 
 but Gr. δαμνά^ from *δαμναντ^ for *δαμν^ντ9, gen. δαμ- 
 vdvTos for *δαμρατο9 : δάμι/ημι, δάμναμζν ; Skr. sunv-ant-, 
 sunv-at• : sunomi, / press out, sunvdnti, they press out ; 
 δίίκνύ^ from *δζΐκνυντ^ for *δ€ίκνν€ντ9, gen. δξίκννντο^ 
 for *δ^ίκνυατο^ : δίίκι/νμι, δ^κννμ^ν. The only certain 
 trace of the original ablaut-grade -ent- occurs in the Doric 
 nom. pi. eVre? from *sentes, being, with e for *! after the 
 analogy of other parts of the verb ; and similarly with the 
 smooth breathing in Ion. ιών, Att. ων. kayv, ών, stem 
 *sont•, Skr. sant•, sat-, being, and ίων, stem *iont- for 
 *jont• (with i- for j- after the analogy of ϊμ^ν, iVe), Skr. 
 yant-, yat-, going, went over into the thematic declension 
 in prim. Greek. This -ont- grade of ablaut was also pre- 
 served in the old isolated participle 6-δού^ from *6-δοντί, 
 gen. 6•δόντο^, Skr. dant-, dat-, tooth. 
 
 (2) Skr. dddat, gen. dddatah with -at- from -nt- : dd- 
 dami, / give, didati, they give, but Gr. δίδουν from * δίδοντα 
 for *διδατί, gen. διδόντο? for *δίδατο9 : δίδωμι, δίδομ^ν ; 
 Skr. dadhat, gen. dadhatah : dadhami, / put, place, 
 dddhati, they put, place, but τιθ^ίς from '^Ttdevn for *τίθατζ, 
 gen. τιθίρτος for *τίθατο9 : τίθημι, τίθ^μ^ν ; and similarly 
 ί'στάί, Ίστάντο^ : ΐσταμβν, and aorists active like λνσάΫ, 
 λυσαρτος : ϊλνσαμ€Ρ, έλυσαν ; φήνα^, φήναντο^ : ^φήναμ^ν, 
 'ίφηναρ. 
 
 (3) In this category the -nt- was originally preceded either 
 by a long vowel in all the cases or by a long vowel in the 
 
200 Accidence [§§ 355-6 
 
 strong cases and by -9- {= Gr. a, Skr. i, § 49) in the weak 
 cases. To the former belong aorist active participles like 
 yvovs from *yvovT^ older *γνωντ9 (§ 70), gen. yvovTO^ : 
 'iyvoav ; Spas from *δραντ9 older *δράντ9, gen. Βράντο^ : 
 ίδραν ; and similarly the aorist passive participles in -ciy, 
 as φανζίς : ^φάνην, φανθζίς : ^φάνθην, λυθζί^ : ^Χύθην. 
 And to the latter belong the aorist active participles 
 8ov^, 6eis (Cret. κατα-θίνί), στάζ, from *δοντς, *eeuTs, 
 *σταντ^, gen. δόντο^, θίντος, στάρτος : '4δομ€ΐ', '^θ^μ^ν, 
 'ίστημ^ν older *eara/zer. The original inflection of these 
 participles was nom. *dOnts, *dhents, *stants, gen. *d9ntos, 
 *dh9ntos, *st9ntos, and it is possible that δού^, Oeh, gen. 
 δορτος, OevTos represent the generalized forms *d6nt•, 
 *dhent• which would regularly become δορτ-, Θβρτ- (§ 70). 
 στάς, στάρτο9 can be from the strong stem *stant• or the 
 weak stem *st9nt- (§ 40) ; and similarly with the old 
 isolated participial form ττά? from *παρτς older *naPTs, 
 gen. irapTOs, Indg. *kwants, gen. *kw9ntos. The neuter 
 παρ had ά from nas, cp. πρόπάρ. 
 
 § 355. The nom. voc. and ace. neuter singular has the 
 bare stem with regular loss of the final -r (§ 230), as δαμράρ, 
 δζίκρύρ, δίδόρ, τιθίρ, Ιστάρ, λνσαρ, ypop, δορ, θύρ, σταρ, 
 παρ with α from πας. The prim. Greek ending -ρτ and 
 the vowel preceding it were of the same origin as in the 
 stem of the corresponding masculines. 
 
 The nom. voc. and ace. plural originally ended in «a = -a, 
 Skr. -i, as διδόρτα, Skr. dada(n)ti, giving. 
 
 4. Stems ending in -went. 
 § 356. The suffix of the adjectives belonging to this class 
 had originally two grades of ablaut. The strong form 
 •went-, Skr. -vant-, Gr. -fepT- belonged to the nom. voc. 
 and ace. singular and dual, and the nom. plural. The 
 weak form -wnt-, Skr. -vat-, Gr. *•ρατ- belonged to all the 
 other cases. Sanskrit preserved the original distinction 
 
§ 357] 
 
 Declension of Nouns 
 
 201 
 
 between the strong and weak form of the suffix, as ace. 
 sing, bhagavantam, blessed, gen. bhagavatah. But in 
 Greek the strong form -fivT- was levelled out into all the 
 cases except the dat. plural. 
 
 Norn. 
 
 Nom. 
 
 
 Singular. 
 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 
 
 Nom. 
 
 •went-s 
 
 XapUis 
 
 bhdgavan 
 
 Voc. 
 
 •went 
 
 XapUv 
 
 bhagavan 
 
 Ace. 
 
 •went-m 
 
 \apUvTa 
 
 bhagavantam 
 
 Gen. 
 
 •wnt-os, 
 
 •es xapUuTo? 
 
 bhagavatah 
 
 Dat.i=loc.) 
 
 •wnt.i 
 
 \apUvTL 
 Dual. 
 
 bhagavati 
 
 Voc. Ace. 
 
 •went-e 
 
 XapUvT^ 
 
 (bhdgavantau) 
 
 Gen. Dat. 
 
 
 XapiivTOLV 
 Plural. 
 
 
 Voc. 
 
 •went-es 
 
 XapUvT€s 
 
 bhdgavantah 
 
 Ace. 
 
 •wnt-ns 
 
 XapUvTas 
 
 bhdgavatah 
 
 Gen. 
 
 •wnt-om 
 
 χαρύι/τωΐ' 
 
 bhagavatam 
 
 Dat.( = loc.) 
 
 •wnt-su 
 
 χαρύσι 
 
 bhdgavatsu 
 
 The nom. singular may originally have ended in -went-s 
 corresponding to the Sanskrit ending -van. The ending 
 •€is can be from either prim. Gr. -ρηντ-^ (§ 70) or -f€i>T-9 
 (§ 69, i). The prim. Greek dat. pi. was *χαρίΡατσί which 
 became ^xaptFcTai through the influence of the e in -fej/r-. 
 Then *xapif€Tai regularly became χαρίβσι through the 
 intermediate stage *χαρι{ρ)βσσι (§ 166). Of like origin is 
 the e in the fern, χαρύσσα, prim. Gr. *χαρίΡατ/'α, and in 
 χαρΐζστ€ρο9, χαρί^στατο?. 
 
 § 357. The regular form of the nom. voc. and ace. neuter 
 singular would have been *χαρία from *χαρίρατ, cp. Skr. 
 bhdgavat, χαρύν from ^χαρι^βντ was a new formation 
 with ■f€i'T for -far as in the gen. singular, &c. 
 
202 Accidence [§§ 358-9 
 
 The nom. voc. and ace. plural χαρύντα was from *χαρι• 
 fevra, cp. Skr. bhdgavanti, with -fivra, Skr. -vanti from 
 Indg. -wenta. 
 
 5. Stems ending in a Liquid. 
 
 § 358. The only stem ending in -1 is aXy (άλα, άλόί, &c.) 
 which regularly has -y in the nominative. 
 
 Stems ending in -r. 
 
 § 359. To this class belong : (i) The nouns of relationship 
 πατήρ, μήτηρ, θνγάτηρ and δΰήρ from *δαιΡηρ (§ 57) ; 
 φράτηρ, φράτωρ = Skr. bhratar-, brother, became isolated 
 from this category owing to their change in meaning. 
 (2) The nomina agentis, as δοτήρ, δώτωρ, γξ^ξτήρ, γ^νύτωρ, 
 ρητήρ, ρήτωρ. Sec. (3) Α few other nouns which belong to 
 neither of these two categories, as αήρ, αίθήρ, αθήρ, αστήρ, 
 γαστήρ, άνήρ, and the monosyllables θήρ, φώρ. 
 
 The stem-endings originally had various grades of ablaut 
 in the different cases, as -ter, -tor ; -ter-, -tor• ; -tr- before 
 vowels, but -tr- before consonants, and similarly -er, -er-, 
 •r-, -r•. The alternation between e and ο was the same as 
 in the n-declension (§ 345). In the weak case- forms the 
 vowel disappeared and then the -r- remained consonantal 
 or became vocalic according as the next syllable began 
 with a vowel or a consonant, as πατρός, πατρων, πατράσι, 
 cp. Skr. pitrsu. -ter, -tor, -er regularly belonged to the 
 nom. singular only ; -ter-, -tor•, -er- to the voc. ace. and 
 dat. (= loc.) singular, the nom. plural, and the nom. voc. 
 and ace. dual ; -tr-, -r- to the gen. singular and plural, gen. 
 and dat. dual, and ace. plural ; and -tr-, -r- to the dat. 
 (= loc.) plural. In Greek e or 5 regularly appears in the 
 nom. singular. In the nouns of relationship the original 
 distinction between -ter, -ter-, -tr-, -tr- was preserved in 
 Sanskrit and also in Greek apart from the new formations 
 
sH 
 
 Declension of Nouns 
 
 203 
 
 explained below, but in Latin the weak stem-ending -tr- 
 became generalized in the oblique cases. 
 
 The nomina agentis were originally declined like the 
 nouns of relationship as in Sanskrit, but in Latin -tor- 
 became generalized. In Greek the -7/- of the nom. of 
 nouns ending in •τηρ was levelled out into all the cases, 
 as δοτήρ, ρητήρ, σωτήρ, gen. δοτήρο^, ρητηρος, σωτήρος 
 except that the voc. of σωτήρ was acorep ; and similarly 
 the monosyllable θήρ, θηρό^. Those ending in -τωρ 
 generalized the ablaut-grade -τορ-, as δώτωρ, ρήτωρ, gen. 
 δώτορο9, ρήτορος ; and similarly φράτωρ, φράτορο?. In 
 μήστωρ, μήστωρο9 and the monosyllable φώρ, φωρό^ the 
 -ω- of the nom. was generalized. 
 
 §360. 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Singular. 
 
 
 
 Nom. 
 
 
 •ter, -ti 
 
 πατήρ 
 
 pita 
 
 pater 
 
 Voc. 
 
 
 •ter 
 
 πάτ^ρ 
 
 pitar 
 
 pater 
 
 Ace. 
 
 
 ■ter-m 
 
 πατέρα 
 
 pitaram 
 
 patrem 
 
 Gen, 
 
 
 •tr-os, ■( 
 
 ss πατρός 
 
 pitur 
 
 patris 
 
 Dat.( 
 
 =loc.) 
 
 -ter-i 
 
 πατάρι 
 Dual. 
 
 pitdri 
 
 patre 
 
 Nom. Voc. 
 
 Ace. 
 
 ■ter-e 
 
 Trarepe 
 
 (pitdrau) 
 
 
 Gen. 
 
 Dat. 
 
 ? 
 
 Ίτατίροιν 
 Plural. 
 
 
 
 Nom. Voc. 
 
 
 •ter-es 
 
 TTaTepes 
 
 pitarah 
 
 (patres) 
 
 Ace. 
 
 
 -tr-ns 
 
 πατίρα^ 
 
 (pitfn)^ 
 
 patres 
 
 Gen. 
 
 
 ■tr-om 
 
 ττατρων 
 
 (pitrnam) 
 
 patrum 
 
 Dat. 
 
 
 -tr-su 
 
 ττατράσι 
 
 pitfsu 
 
 
 The nom. singular ended in the parent Indg. language 
 in -ter beside -te (cp. § 29). The reason for this difference 
 is unknown. The former was generalized in Greek, Latin 
 and the Germanic languages and the latter in Sanskrit and 
 
204 Accidence [§ 361 
 
 the Baltic-Slavonic languages. The Greek stem• and case- 
 endings of the inflected forms given above correspond to 
 the Indg. stem- and case-endings except the ace. and dat. 
 plural. It is possible that the accusative originally had 
 the stem-ending -ter- corresponding to πατέρας, πατράσι 
 had •σι from the dat. of consonantal stems where the -σ- 
 was not originally intervocalic as in ποσσί, ποσί (§ 342). 
 On the final -l see § 316. Beside the regular forms the 
 nouns of relationship often have analogical formations in 
 the oblique cases, especially in the gen. and dat. singular 
 and gen. plural, as Hom. πατίρος, μητύρος, Hom. and Att. 
 πατέρων, Θνγατ€ρθ9 with the substitution of -rep- for -rp- 
 after the analogy of the strong stem-endings and vice versa 
 πατρί, θνγατρα, θύγατρ^?. 
 
 Like πατήρ was also declined γαστήρ. The regular 
 inflection of άι/ήρ was άρήρ, auep, avepa, avSpo?, άνίρι ; 
 apepe, άνδροΐν ; avepi?, άνδρας or avepas, ανδρών, άνδράσι. 
 •vp- regularly became -νδρ- (§ 152) in the weak stem-forms. 
 avepos for ανδρός was formed after the analogy of forms 
 like avep, avipa ; and similarly άνδρα, άνδρί, άνδρ€, άνδρας 
 after forms like ανδρός, ανδρών. 
 
 δάήρ (voc, δά(ρ), ψράτηρ, αήρ, αίθήρ, αθήρ and αστήρ 
 generalized the strong stem-endings -re/j-, -ep- in all the 
 oblique cases, as gen. δαίρος, ψράτβρος, αίρος, αίβίρος, 
 aOepos, άστίρος, but dat. pi. άστρασι. 
 
 § 361. Singular. 
 
 Indg. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Nom. -ter, -tor ) 
 
 δοτή ρ 
 
 δώτωρ 
 
 
 dator 
 
 .tl,.to. ] 
 
 
 
 data 
 
 
 Voc. -ter, -tor 
 
 δοτήρ 
 
 δώτορ 
 
 datar 
 
 dator 
 
 Ace. -ter-m, -tor-m 
 
 δοτήρα 
 
 δώτορα 
 
 dataram 
 
 datorem 
 
 Gen. -tr-os, -es 
 
 δοτήρος 
 
 δώτορος 
 
 datur 
 
 dataris 
 
 Dat.(=loc.) 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ter-i, -tor-i δοτήρι δώτορι datari datore 
 
§ 362] Declension of Nouns 2Q5 
 
 Dual. 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. 
 
 •ter-e, -tor-e SoTfjpe δώτορζ (datarSu) 
 Gen. Dat. 
 
 ? δοτήροιν δωτόροιι/ 
 
 Plural 
 
 Nom. Voc. -ter-eSi-tor-es δοτήρβς δώτορζ^ datarah datores 
 
 Ace. -tr-ns δοτήρα^ δώτορα^ (datf-n) datores 
 
 Gen. -tr-om δοτήρων δωτόρων (datrnam) dat5rum 
 
 Dat. (=loc.) 
 
 -tr-su δοτηρσι δώτορσι datrsu 
 
 On the levelling out of the ablaut-grades •τηρ•, •τορ• see 
 § 359. On the ending of the nom. singular in Sanskrit 
 see § 360. The -a- in Skr. dataram, giver, datarau, 
 datarah is of the same origin as in rajanam {§ 345). 
 Beside the gen. case-endings -os, -es the parent Indg. 
 language had also -s (§ 302) which occurs in datur, pitur ; 
 •rs regularly became -ur through the intermediate stages 
 •rs, -rz, -rr. The ace. and gen. plural datrn, pitrn, 
 datrnam, pitrnam were new formations after the analogy 
 of the i- and u-declensions (Thumb, Handbuch des Sanskrit, 
 § 302). The regular forms would have been *datrah, 
 *pitra,h, *datram, *pitram. The old gen. was preserved 
 in Vedic naram = ανδρών. 
 
 § 362. It is difficult to account satisfactorily for Att. Ion. 
 χβφ and the inflected forms, because it is not certain what 
 was the original stem. The most probable explanation is 
 that beside the stem χβρ- there once existed a stem x^pt- 
 with nom. ace. dual χεΓρβ from *xepje. From the dual 
 a new nominative singular Att. Ion. χξίρ was formed. 
 Att. then generalized the -ct-, as χ(ΐρα, χειρός, χαρί ; 
 Xeipey, χβΐρας, χειρών, but χ^ροΐν, χ^ρσί from stem χ€ρ•. 
 And Ion. generalized the stem χβρ-, as χ^ρα, χβρο?, χ^ρί; 
 
2o6 Accidence [§§ 363-4 
 
 Xepey, xepay, χ^ρών, X^P<^h but Horn, χξίρξσί, •€σσι 
 from χ€φ-. The nom. χΙ/)? in Timocreon 9 was, like 
 Att. μάρτυ? from * μάρτυρα, a new formation after the 
 analogy of the nominatives in -s. 
 
 6. S-STEMS. 
 
 § 363. The s-stems contain masculine, feminine and 
 neuter nouns and adjectives. They can be conveniently 
 divided into five sub-divisions : {a) The large class of neuter 
 nouns with the ablaut-grades -es-, -os•. (ό) Nouns and 
 adjectives of the type βνσμζρή?. (c) Nouns with the ablaut- 
 grades -OS, -OS•, (d) The comparative of adjectives with 
 the ablaut-grades -jes-, -jos-, -jds. (e) Neuter nouns with 
 the stem-ending -as. 
 
 a. Neuter stems in -es-, -os-. 
 § 364. To this sub-division belongs a large number of 
 nouns in Greek, Sanskrit and Latin. In the Germanic 
 languages nearly all of them went over into other declen- 
 sions. They originally had either the strong grade of 
 ablaut in the root and the weak in the stem-ending or 
 the weak grade in the root and the strong in the stem- 
 ending. A comparison of the forms in the various 
 languages shows that this original distinction must have 
 become obliterated during the prim. Indg. period by the 
 ablaut-grade -es- being levelled out into all the inflected 
 forms. 
 
 Singular. 
 Indg. 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. -os yevos j^nah, race genus 
 
 Gen. -eS'OS, -es yeyeo^, yivov^ janasah generis 
 
 Dat. (=loc.) -es-i yiv^L, yivd jdnasi genere 
 
 Dual. 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. -es-i, -i yeveL, yei^ee jdnasi 
 Gen. Dat. ? yevoTv, yevioiv 
 
§ 365] Declension of Nouns 207 
 
 Plural. 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. -es-a, -os-a yivea, -γίνη (jdn^si) genera 
 Gen. -es-om yevea>v, yiv5>v jdnasam generiun 
 
 Dat. ( = loc.) -es-su yeueaai, γίν^σί janahsu 
 
 Intervocalic -s- disappeared in prim. Greek (§ 213, 2), but 
 became -r- in Latin. In Sanskrit -es- and -os- regularly 
 fell together in -as- (§ 42). The Ionic uncontracted and 
 the Attic contracted forms correspond to the Indg. stem- 
 and case-endings except yii/ei and yei/ee. The -Γ in the 
 Ionic trisyllabic form γύι/ύ' was due to the influence of 
 datives like ποδί. The dual yiuet represents an older 
 yej/ee which is common in manuscripts, yeree from older 
 *yevea6 had -e after the analog}' of forms like δνσμζΐ/€€, 
 πόδ€. Hom. has yeveaai beside yiveat (§ 212, 2). After 
 the analogy of yiueaai the ending -ξσσι became used to 
 form the dative plural of i•, u-, and of all kinds of conso- 
 nantal-stems. In Homer even forms like inieaai occur 
 owing to the stem being regarded as ene-. Sanskrit janasi 
 (with nasalized •^•) was a new formation after the analogy 
 of the nt-stems. The regular form would have been *janasi 
 or *janasi. janahsu = janassu. 
 
 § 365. Att. φως, light = Hom., &c. 0aoy from *φαρο9, 
 gen. φάονς from *φafoσo9, Hom. dat. φάξΐ from * φαράσι, 
 nom. pi. 0aea from *φαρξσα. The other cases were formed 
 after the analogy of the dental stems, as φωτός, φωτί, pi. 
 φώτα, φώτων. 
 
 There seems to have been in prim. Greek two forms for 
 the word ear, ovs from *όθ9, older *οι}σο9 and Dor. Ion. m 
 from Indg. *5(u)s (§ 63). Hom. ονατος, οϋατα, ονασι, from 
 *ονσατο9, &c. after the analogy of the stems in -μα (§ 350), 
 and Attic, &c. ώτο?, ώτί, pi. ωτα, ώτων, ώσί (also Hom.) from 
 the form ώ? after the analogy of the dental stems, ouy, 
 οϋατος. Sec. had the smooth for the rough breathing after 
 the analogy of ay, ώτός, &c. See § 219. 
 
208 
 
 Accidence 
 
 366 
 
 b. 8νσμ€ρή?. 
 
 § 3ββ. Nouns and adjectives of the type Βυσμ^νψ, ill- 
 affected, hostile, Skr. durmanah, dispirited, only exist in 
 Greek and Sanskrit. And originally they occurred only in 
 compounds. Simple forms like μιγή?, φραδήί, ψβνδής 
 beside συμμίγή^,άψραδή^, φtλoy|revδήςwere back-formations 
 made direct from the compounds. These compounds are 
 closely related to the neuter stems in -es-, -os-, the -es• 
 having become generalized in the parent Indg. language, 
 cp. άμ^νή^, δυσμ^νή^, ^νμ^νή^ : μ^νο^, ΐν-γ^νή^ : yevo^, 
 άψξυδή? : ψίΟδο?. 
 
 Singular. 
 
 Nom. 
 
 Nom. 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 
 
 Nom. 
 
 -es 
 
 δυσμενή? 
 
 durmanah 
 
 Voc. 
 
 •es 
 
 δυσμζρ^ς 
 
 durmanah 
 
 Ace. 
 
 -es-m 
 
 δυσμζρία, -ή 
 
 durmanasam 
 
 Gen. 
 
 •es-os, 
 
 •es δνσμ^ν^ο^, •ov's 
 
 durmanasah 
 
 Dat.(=loc.) 
 
 •es-i 
 
 δνσμ^ν^ΐ, 4ϊ 
 Dual. 
 
 durmanasi 
 
 Voc. Ace. 
 
 ■es-e 
 
 δυσμ€^€€, -e? 
 
 (durmanasau) 
 
 Gen. Dat. 
 
 ? 
 
 δνσμζρίοιν, •οΐν 
 Plural. 
 
 
 Voc. 
 
 ■es-es 
 
 δνσμ€ν€€9, ■€?? 
 
 durmanasah 
 
 Ace. 
 
 •es-ns 
 
 δνσμξρ^ας 
 
 durmanasah 
 
 Gen. 
 
 •es -δπι 
 
 δυσμ^νίων, -ων 
 
 durmanasam 
 
 Dat.(=loc.) 
 
 •es-su 
 
 δυσμ€νίσί 
 
 durmanahsu 
 
 The intervocalic -s- regularly disappeared (§ 213, 2). 
 The -77$• of the nom. singular is a lengthening of the stem- 
 ending -es•. It is improbable that the original ending was 
 •es-s. The Ϊ in δυσμζρβϊ is of the same origin as in yeve'i 
 (§ 364). Apart from the dat. plural all the other forms 
 
§§ 367-8] Declension of Nouns 209 
 
 both contracted and uncontracted represent the original 
 stem- and case-endings. Βυσμ^νίσι, older δυσμ^νίσσι, on 
 the final -l of which see § 316. In Attic the nom. plural 
 was used for the accusative. In Attic the compounded 
 proper names in •κράτη$, -μ^νη?, -σθίνη^, -ψάνψ and also 
 other compounds often had -ην in the accusative after the 
 analogy of the masculine a-declension. This also occurred 
 occasionally in the Ionic, Aeolic, Cretan, Arcadian and 
 Cyprian dialects. And in like manner the Attic genitive, 
 and more rarely the dative, were sometimes formed after 
 the analogy of the a-declension. The Lesbian voc. gen. 
 and dat. endings -e, •η, -rj were also similar analogical 
 formations. 
 
 § 367. The original ending of the nom. voc. and ace. 
 neuter singular was -es, as in δυσμ^νίς = Skr. durmanah ; 
 and of the plural -es-a as in δυσμ^ν^α, -η. 
 
 c. Stems in -5s, -os•. 
 
 § 368. These nouns had originally the ablaut-grades -os, 
 ■OS-, but the -OS- became generalized in prim. Greek in the 
 inflected forms. Nouns of this type occur only in Greek, 
 Latin and Sanskrit. 
 
 Nom. γΙλω?, epcoy, ίδρώ?, αίδώί, voc. αίδοΐ (or* αίδο9 a.(ter 
 the analogy of π^ιθοΐ (§ 341), ace. αιδώ from *αίδοσα, Horn. 
 Ιδρώ, gen. αΐδοΰ^ from *αίδοσο9, dat. αΐδοΐ from *αίδοσι ; 
 and similarly ace. αίώ from *aifoaa beside αιώνα : nom. 
 αιών, gen. αιώνος. Cp. O.Lat. arb5s, arborem beside 
 honos, hon5rem with -5- of the nom. levelled out into the 
 oblique cases. γΙλω?, ίρω^ and ίδρώ^ were generally 
 declined after the analogy of the dental stems (§ 342), gen. 
 γύλωτος, έρωτος, ίδρώτο? ; also Att. ace. γίλων, Hom. dat. 
 γίλω, ίδρώ after the analogy of the o-stems (§ 327), ace. 
 γβλω after the analogy of the 5u-stems (§ 340). 
 
 Hom. ηώς from *aus5s, cp. Skr. usah, dawn, Lat. 
 aur5r-a from *aus5s-a with -a from the a-declension, voc. 
 ρ 
 
2 ΙΟ Accidence [§§ 369-70 
 
 ηοΐ after the analogy of π^ιθοΐ (§ 341), ace. ηω from *ηοσα, 
 Skr. usasam, gen. r)ovs from *ήοσο9, Skr. usdsah, dat. ήοΐ 
 from *^οσί, Skr. usdsi. Attic έ'ω? from ^ώ^ (§ 71) went 
 over into the so-called Attic second declension (§ 327). 
 
 d. The Comparative of Adjectives. 
 
 § 369. One of the numerous ways of forming the com- 
 parative of adjectives in the parent Indg. language was by 
 means of a suffix with the ablaut-grades -jes-, -jos-, -jos, 
 •is•. The grades -jes- and -jos- regularly fell together in 
 •jas- (§ 42) in Sanskrit. In Latin -jos- only occurs in the 
 nom. voc. and ace. neuter, as O.Lat. majos, later majus. 
 In all the other forms of the masculine, feminine and neuter 
 •j5s, which originally belonged only to the masculine nom. 
 singular, became generalized, as O.Lat. majos, novios, 
 ace. maj5rem, novi5rem. In Greek •jes•, •jos do not 
 occur at all, and -jos• only occurs in three forms, viz. in the 
 ace. singular masculine and feminine, as μζίζω, Ion. μίζω 
 from *μ€γ]οσα, Indg. *megjosm, masc. and fem. nom. 
 plural μύζονς, μβζον? from *μύγ/οσ€9, neut. nom. ace. 
 plural μ^ίζω, μίζω from * μί•^]οσα with -α = Indg. 9. See 
 §375. 
 
 e. Neuter stems in •gs•. 
 
 § 370. Nouns of this type are found only in Greek and 
 Sanskrit, -as-, Gr. -ay-, Skr. -is- is the weak grade of the 
 •OS in paragraph 368, but the -as• grade became generalized 
 already in the parent Indg. language. 
 
 Singular. 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. -as yepa? havih, oblation 
 
 Gen. -as-os, -es yepaos, yepcoy havisah 
 
 Dat. (=loc.) -as-i ykpdi,ykpai havisi 
 
37 ι] Declension of Nouns 211 
 
 
 
 Dual. 
 
 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. 
 Gen. Dat. 
 
 ■9S-i, •ϊ 
 7 
 
 yepae, ykpa ^ 
 yepaoLv, yepcau 
 
 Plural. 
 
 havisi 
 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. 
 Gen. 
 
 •9S-3 
 
 •3S-5m 
 
 ykpaa, ykpa 
 y^pa(uv, yepoou 
 
 (havfsi) 
 havisam 
 
 Dat. (=loc.) «as-su yipaaai, yipaai havihsu 
 
 The dat. yepai' and dual yepae, yepa were new formations 
 of the same kind as in yiva' and ykyei, ykuee (§ 364). On 
 the -i in yepaaai see § 316. The remaining Ionic uncon- 
 tracted and the Attic contracted forms are normally de- 
 veloped from the corresponding Indg. stem- and case-end- 
 ings. But most of the nouns belonging to this class were 
 also declined after the analogy of the stems in -μα (§ 350), 
 as Treparoy, τβρατο^, κίρατος from *Κ€ραατο9, pi. πίρατα, 
 τίρατα, κίράτα. Poetic forms like Horn, ouieoy, ονδύ', 
 ovSei ; Kipeo9, κίρά', pi. /cepea ; Att. βρίτ^ος, pi. βρ^τη, 
 βρ€Τ€ων were formed after the analogy of the corresponding 
 cases of yevoi (§ 364). The -a in the nom. ace. plural of 
 forms Hke ykpa, Kpia beside the regular forms yepa, κρίά 
 was due to the analogy of the nom. ace. of other conso- 
 nantal stems. It is difficult to explain datives like Kpia, y-qpa 
 which occur in Attic texts. They seem to be new forma- 
 tions after the analogy of the dat. of the a-declension, but it 
 is not clear how the change could have come about. 
 
 The r- ι ii-declension. 
 §371. The parent Indg. language had a declension ot 
 neuter nouns which consisted of the blending of two stems. 
 The stem of the nom. and ace. singular generally ended in 
 one of the ablaut-grades -er (Skr. -ar, Lat. -er) ; -or (Gr. 
 -ωρ) ; and -r (Gr. -ap, Lat. -ur), but also occasionally in -r 
 + a consonant, as Skr. ahar, day, udhar, udder, Lat. iter; 
 έ'λωρ, ττίλωρ, ΰδωρ ; ήπαρ, ούθαρ, Lat. femur, jecur ; Skr. 
 P2 
 
212 Accidence [§371 
 
 ydkrt, heart, dsrk, blood. The stem of the obhque cases 
 ended in -n or -n, as gen. Skr. ahn-ah, udhn-ah, udn-dh, 
 of water, Gr. ήπα-τος, νδα•το9, Lat. feminis, *itinis, *jeci• 
 nis (femoris, iteris, itineris, jecoris, jecinoris were ana- 
 logical formations through the mixing of the two stems) ; 
 Skr. jakn-dh, asn-dh. 
 
 This declension was best preserved in Sanskrit and 
 Greek, in the other languages one or other of the stems 
 mostly became generalized, as in Lat. uber, OE. iider, 
 tedder; OE. wseter beside Goth. wat5 (dat. watin = Skr. 
 uddni), water; and similarly in the three Greek words cap 
 from *f€aap (gen. eapo?), Lat. ver ; πνρ, gen. πνρό^ beside 
 Goth, ΐοη, fire, gen. funins; Oei/ap, gen. 6euapo9• 
 
 Many of the words belonging to this declension are 
 found in Greek only in the nom. and ace. singular, as 
 άλκαρ, €Ϊλαρ, έ'λωρ, oi^ap, ττίλωρ, πΐαρ, τίκμαρ, τίχμωρ, 
 νπαρ. Inflected forms of the following nouns occur, all of 
 which were formed after the analogy of the stems in -μα 
 ί§ 350) : aXeap, from *a\ifap, άλ^ίφαρ, δύλξαρ from 
 *Se\€fap, a.8ap from *iSfap, ημαρ, ήπαρ, Hom. weiap read 
 ονηαρ from *6vafap, ονθαρ, neipap from ^nepfap, σκώρ, 
 στίαρ, ύδωρ, ψρίαρ from *φρηραρ (cp. § 72). 
 
 Many attempts have been made to explain the origin of 
 this declension, but none of them are satisfactory. The 
 original inflexions were better preserved in Vedic than in 
 classical Sanskrit. The• declension of Vedic ahar, day and 
 Greek ήπαρ will serve as models for all nouns belonging to 
 this class. The stem- and case-endings of the inflected 
 forms in both languages correspond to those of the neuter 
 n-declension (§ 350). 
 
 Singular. 
 
 
 om. Voc. Ace. ήπαρ 
 
 dhar 
 
 Gen. ήπατος 
 
 ahnah 
 
 Dat. (=loc.) ηπατί 
 
 ahani, dhan 
 
§372] Adjectives 213 
 
 
 Dual. 
 
 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. 
 
 ηπατζ 
 
 dhani 
 
 Gen. Dat. 
 
 ■ηττάτοίν 
 Plural. 
 
 
 Nom. Voc. Ace. 
 
 ήπατα 
 
 dhani 
 
 Gen. 
 
 ηπάτων 
 
 ahnam 
 
 Dat. (=loc.) 
 
 ήπασί 
 
 dhasu 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 ADJECTIVES 
 
 A. THE DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 
 
 § 372. The development of grammatical gender in nouns 
 was older than in adjectives, but adjectives had before the 
 close of the prim. Indg. period come to be inflected for 
 number, gender and case like nouns. At an earlier period 
 there must however have been a stage when the bare stem 
 of the adjective was used along with the noun without 
 anything to indicate its number, gender and case, something 
 like Modern English which has got rid of the superfluous 
 luxury of inflexion and gender. After the a-stems of nouns 
 had become characteristic of the feminine gender, and the 
 o-stems of the masculine and neuter genders (§ 295), the 
 adjectival o-stems began to have inflexions for number, 
 gender and case after the analogy of such nouns when 
 used along with them as attributes. Nouns of the type 
 γόνος : γονή, τόμος : τομή with like meaning in both 
 genders, and words like *ekwos, Lat. equus : *ekwa, 
 Lat. equa, were probably also an important factor in the 
 development. At a still later period the adjectives of the 
 type -OS, -a, -om (-oy, -ά, •η ; -ov, Skr. -ah, -a, -am, Lat. -us, 
 •a, -um) came to be used along with nouns belonging to 
 the i•, u•, diphthongal- and consonantal-declensions. The 
 
214 Accidence [§373 
 
 development of the feminine gender in the other adjectival 
 stems went parallel with the formation of the feminine 
 gender in the corresponding substantival stems, i. e. they 
 were formed after the analogy of the ja-stems (§ 322). The 
 adjectives of this type then acquired the gender and 
 inflexion of the corresponding masculine and neuter nouns 
 and became used along with all kinds of nouns. 
 
 § 373. In Greek the adjectives are declined like the 
 corresponding nouns, but as we have seen above the 
 feminine of the u•, n• and nt-stems is declined like a ja• 
 stem. There is however a large number ot adjectives in 
 Greek, which has only one ending (-os) for the masculine 
 and feminine. The adjectives of this type are partly com- 
 pound and partly simple. They were originally nouns, 
 denoting living beings possessing the characteristic implied 
 in the word, which later came to be used as adjectives, as 
 ροδοδάκτνλθ9, lit. a man with rosy fingers; θϋμοβόρο?, lit. 
 soul-devourer ] λάλο9, lit. a chatterer, babbler; ήσυχος, lit. 
 a quiet, gentle kind of man ; and similarly €κηλθ9, ήμερος, 
 'ίΧαος, λάβρος, λοίδορος, &c. After the analogy of such ad- 
 jectives, simple adjectives which were not originally nouns 
 denoting living beings came to have only the two endings, 
 -oy, -ou, as €ωλος, ννκτβρος, γβρσος, &c. The gender of com- 
 pound nouns was determined by the second element. When 
 such compound nouns came to be used attributively in 
 apposition to other nouns (cp. John Lackland) they became 
 adjectival and were inflected like ordinary adjectives, except 
 that they preserved their original masculine ending when 
 used along with a feminine noun, as ροδοδάκτνλος ηώς ; 
 and similarly neuter compounds like *καλλίσφυρον, beauti- 
 ful ankle, when they became adjectives, had -os for both 
 the masculine and feminine. But when the second element 
 of the compound was originally an adjective, it regularly 
 had the three endings. The adjectives of this type had 
 sometimes however only two endings after the analogy of 
 
§§374-5] Adjectives 215 
 
 the first type. The compound adjectives in -77? like 
 δυσμβνή? (§ 3ββ) never had different forms for the masculine 
 and feminine. On the simple adjectives like μιγήί, φραβήζ, 
 ψΐνδή^, see § 3ββ. 
 
 Note. — The inflexion of contracted adjectives like άπλονς 
 from άττλοος was regular in the masculine and neuter except in 
 the nominative and accusative neuter plural. The feminine 
 άττλη (for *ά7Γλώ from άττλο'τ;), tScc. and άττλα (for *ά7Γλώ from 
 άττλόα) were formed after the analogy of forms like σοφή, &c. 
 and σοφά. 
 
 § 374. In the following adjectives the declension is made 
 up of the blending together of two different stems : nom. 
 ace. masc. sing, πολύς, ττολνν, neut. πολύ, stem πολύ-, and 
 fern. nom. sing, πολλή from *πολ{ρ)/ά, gen. πολλή? from 
 *πολ(/Ρ)/άΓ, from which was formed a masc. and neut. stem 
 *πολ{ρ)]ο• = πολλο- for all the other forms of the masculine 
 and neuter. The old forms of the u-stem were preser\'ed 
 in Hom., as πολίος, πολζ€9, πολιάς, πολίσι. And similarly 
 nom. ace. masc. sing, /zeyay, μξγαν, neut. μ^γα, and fem. 
 nom. sing, μβγάλη from which was formed a masc. and 
 stem μζγάλο- for all the other forms of the masculine and 
 neuter. 
 
 B. THE COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES 
 
 I. The Comparative Degree. 
 
 § 375. The parent Indg. language had several suffixes 
 by means of which the comparative degree was formed. 
 But in the individual branches of the parent language one 
 of the suffixes generally became more productive than the 
 rest, and in course of time came to be the principal one 
 from which the comparative was formed, the other suffixes 
 only being preserved in isolated forms. 
 
 The oldest and most original mode of forming the com- 
 parative of adjectives in prim. Indo-Germanic was by 
 
2i6 Accidence [§375 
 
 means of the suffix -jes- with the ablaut-grades -jos-, -jos- 
 and «is-, which was added direct to the root-syllable. The 
 root-syllable originally had the strong grade of ablaut. This 
 suffix became the normal one in Latin for the formation 
 of the comparative (§ 369), but in Greek and the Germanic 
 languages it practically remained unproductive. In the 
 oldest Sanskrit it was more productive than in the later 
 language. In classical Sanskrit only a limited number of 
 comparatives occur with this suffix, -is- the weak grade 
 form of the suffix occurs in Latin adverbs like magis, 
 nimis, satis, and in Gothic adverbs like mins, less, wairs, 
 worse, from *mmniz, *wirsiz. -jes-, -jos- do not occur 
 at all in Greek, and -jos- only occurs in three forms of the 
 declension, viz. in the masc. and fem. ace. singular, as 
 μdζω, Ion. μ^ζω from *μ^Ύρσα, Indg. *megjosm, masc. 
 and fem. nom. plural μβίζον^, μβζον^ from ^/zey/oaey, and 
 neut. nom. ace. plural μ€ίζω, μίζω from *μίγβσα. And 
 similarly βάσσω, βράσσω, γλνσσω, πλάσσω, ήττω [ήσσω], 
 Θάσσω, κρί,σσω, μάσσω, ττάσσω. From these and similar 
 forms a new nom, μ^ζύον, μ^ζον, βάσσων, βάσσον was 
 formed after the analogy of ήδΐων, ήδϊον : ηδίω, which then 
 came to be declined like ηΒίων. Why the stem-vowel was 
 long in Att. μ^ίζο), κρζίττω, ίλάττω, θάττω, but short in the 
 corresponding Ionic forms, is still an unsolved problem. 
 Beside the suffix form -jes-, -jos- there was also in prim. 
 Indg. the suffix form -i-jes-, -i-jos-, the i, ϊ of which stood 
 in ablaut relation to each other. The -i- was preserved 
 in Greek, but Sanskrit generalized the -i-, as Skr. 
 svadiyas-, sweeter; masc. and fem. ace. singular 7]δίω, 
 masc. and fem. nom. plural ήδίονς (also used for the ace), 
 neut. nom. ace. plural ήδίω, from *(rfa8ljoaa, *afa8ljoa€9, 
 *afa8LJoaa, beside καλλΐω from *καλλι/Όσα, Ιχθίω, ρηΐω. 
 All the other forms of the declension in Greek were formed 
 from the weak grade -is- + an n-suffix with the ablaut-grades 
 •en-, -on-, -δη (§ 345), as ήδιωρ, ηδίονα, ηδίονο^, neut. ήδϊον, 
 
§376] Adjectives 217 
 
 from "σΡάδισων, "afaSiaova, *afa8iaoyo?, *afa8iaoi', pi. 
 ■qStoves, neut. ηδΐορα, from *afa8iaoi'e9, *afd8iaova ; and 
 similarly in Goth. masc. nom. sut-iz-a, sweeter, ace. sut-iz• 
 an, gen. sut-iz-ins. The h- was generally long in Attic 
 poetry and short in Doric and the old epic poetry. This 
 fluctuation between the long and short -l- was due to the 
 levelling out of t or ΐ in the forms where it was regular, as 
 in 77<5ίω, ήδιον^ beside ηδίων, rjStoua, &c., ^χθιω, καλλιω, 
 ρηΐω. The feminine of this type of comparative was 
 originally formed as a ja-stem (§ 322), as Skr. ηάν -jas-i, 
 newer, gdr-iyas -ϊ, heavier, but in Greek and Latin the 
 masculine became also used for the feminine. 
 
 Note. — From what has been said above it will be seen that 
 the Greek declension of words of the type 178^ is made up of 
 the two different stem-forms *σ^ άδ-ϊ/Όσ- and *af άδ-ισ-ον-, which 
 originally had different meanings. The former denoted the 
 adjectival form of the comparative, siveeter, and the latter the 
 substantival, the sweeter. But this original distinction in the 
 meaning of the two stem-forms was obliterated in prim. Greek 
 whereby the substantival form became adjectival. And simi- 
 larly in the Germanic languages, as Goth, sut-iz-a (ace. sut-iz- 
 an, gen. sut-iz-ins) which originally meant the sweeter, 
 
 § 376. The secondary suffixes -ero-, -tero- were origin- 
 ally confined to words relating to place and to certain pro- 
 nominal forms, as Skr. uparah, ddharah, lo'wer, Lat. 
 s-uperus, inferus ; Goth, unsar, our, izwar, your. Skr. 
 katarah, norepos, Goth, hrajjar, which of two ; ήμ€τ€ρο9, 
 νμίτίρος, Lat. nosier, vester ; Lat. exterus, dexterus. 
 The suffix -ero• remained unproductive in all the languages. 
 The suffix -tero• remained unproductive in Latin and the 
 Germanic languages, but in Greek and Sanskrit it had 
 become in the prehistoric periods of these languages the 
 ordinary suffix for the formation of the comparative ot 
 adjectives. The -tero- was originally added to the ad- 
 
2i8 Accidence [§ 376 
 
 verbial form, which in the i-, u• and consonantal-stems 
 was identical with the neuter singular, as ρηΐ-τβρος, νψί- 
 Tepo9 ; γλνκν-τ€ρο9, ό^ν-τ€ρο9 ; μξλάν-τ€ρο9, χαρΐ€σ-τ€ρο9 
 from ^xapifevT-repo^ ; nevia-Tepo? from *neP€T-Tepo9 ; μα- 
 KUp-Tipos ; άληθβσ-τβροΫ, ζύμζνί,σ-τ^ρο^ ; Skr. suci-tarah, 
 purer ; caru-tarah, dearer; bhagavat-tarah (stem bhaga- 
 vant-), more blessed; tavas-tarah, stronger; naXai-repo?, 
 μ€σαί•τ€ρο9 which at a later period came to be felt as being 
 formed from παλαιός, μ€σο9, and then after the analogy of 
 these were formed such comparatives as γ€ραί•τ€ρο9, ήσυ• 
 \αί•Τ€ροί, iaai-Tepos, μυ\αί-τ€ρθ9, σγο\αί-Τ€ρος, πλησιαί• 
 T€pQs. And in like manner from such comparatives as 
 χαριίσ•τ€ρο9, άληθίσ -Tepos, the -€σ-τ€ρο9 was abstracted 
 and used for forming comparatives like σωψρον-ίσ-τίρος, 
 ίύδαιμον-βσ-τβρος, άσμ^ν-ίσ-τ^ρος : aapivos, ^ύνούστξρος 
 from *evvo-ia-T€pos : evi^ovs. And similarly from compara- 
 tives like άχαρίσ-τβροζ : άχαρις, -iTos, γαστρίσ-Τ€ρος : 
 γάστρίξ, was extracted the -ίσ-τζρος, which became used 
 for forming comparatives like λαλ-ίσ-τ€ρος : λάλος, τττωχ-ίσ• 
 Tepos : πτωχός, βλάκ-ίσ-τβρος : gen. βλάκός, κλζπτ-ίσ-τβρος : 
 κλίπτης. 
 
 In the ordinary formation of the comparative of o-stems, 
 as in ά^ιώ•τ€ρος, σοφώ-τβρος beside κονφό-τ€ρος. πικρό- 
 τ€ρος, πονηρό-τ^ρος, σ^μνό-τ^ρος, κβρό-τ^ρος, στ^νό•τ(.ρος 
 from older *Κ€ΐ'Ρό-τ€ρος, *στevfό^τepoς, there is a difference 
 of opinion among scholars about the explanation of the -ω- 
 beside -0-. Some scholars assume that the -0- became -ω- 
 in prim. Greek by rhythmic lengthening when the pre- 
 ceding syllable was short, but that it remained short when 
 the preceding syllable was long by nature or position. 
 Other scholars maintain, and probably rightly, that the 
 comparative of o-stems was formed precisely in the same 
 manner as in the other stems, that is, from the adverbial 
 form which in the o-stems was originally the ablative 
 (§ 303) of the adjective used adverbially and accordingly 
 
§ 377] Adjectives 219 
 
 ended in -ω. This explanation agrees with the formation 
 of the comparative in the Germanic languages (cp. Goth. 
 swin))5-z-a : swinjjs, strong), where the -5• can have no 
 connexion with what is called rhythmic lengthening. It 
 is therefore probable that all comparatives of o-stems had 
 originally -ω- irrespective of the quantity of the preceding 
 syllable. The -ω- only remained in those comparatives in 
 which a succession of short syllables would have arisen by 
 the substitution of -o-. In other cases the comparative 
 came to be formed direct from the o-stem of the adjective 
 after the analogy of the i•, u• and consonantal-stems. Then 
 the relation of -ω- to -0- gave rise to what is improperly 
 called rhythmic lengthening. 
 
 2. The Superlative Degree. 
 
 § 377. The superlative, like the comparative degree, was 
 formed in the parent Indg. language by means of several 
 suffixes. But in the individual branches of the parent 
 language one of the suffixes generally became more pro- 
 ductive than the rest, and in the course of time came to be 
 the principal one from which the superlative was formed, 
 the other suffixes only being preserved in isolated forms. 
 The principal suffixes were : 
 
 1. -to- which was only preserved in the formation of 
 ordinal numerals^ as e/croy, Skr. sasthdh, Lat. sextus, 
 Goth, saihsta, sixth ; δβκατο? from *dekmtos. 
 
 2. -is-to•. This suffix is made up of -is- the weak grade 
 of the comparative suffix -jes- (§ 375), as in Lat. magis, and 
 the -to• which occurs in ordinal numerals like βκτο^, &c. 
 In the comparative the root-syllable originally had the 
 strong grade of ablaut, but in the superlative the weak 
 grade with the accent on the ending of the suffix -is-to-, cp. 
 κρ^ίσσωΐ', ολ^ίζων (inscriptional form) beside κράτ-ιστοζ, 
 όλίγ-ιστος. This original distinction became almost entirely 
 obliterated in Greek and Sanskrit by analogical formations. 
 
220 Accidence [§ 377 
 
 The suffix disappeared completely in Latin, but became 
 productive in the Germanic languages, and also in Greek 
 and Sanskrit for those adjectives which had -ων, -ίων, 
 •i(y)as- in the comparative, as μβίζων, μίζων : μ€γ-ιστο9 = 
 Skr. mahiyas- : mah-isthah ; ήδιωι^ : ήδ-ιστος = Skr. 
 svadiyas- : svad-isthah, Goth, sut-ists, sweetest 
 
 3. -m-o•, -m-c•, which like •Ιο• appears chiefly in ordinal 
 numerals, as Skr. dasamdh, Lat. decimus, from *dekm-os, 
 tenth; Lat. summus from *sup-mos, infimus; Skr. upa• 
 mdh, uppermost; adhamah, lowest; Goth, fruma, first ; 
 innuma, innermost. It remained unproductive in Greek, 
 and almost so in Latin, Sanskrit and the Germanic 
 languages. •πι•ο• would have become -αμ-ο- (§ 65, 2) in 
 Greek, but it was supplanted by the -ατο9 in 'ivaro^, S4• 
 KttTos, from *newntos, *dekintos, as έσχατος, μίσσατο^, 
 viaTos, ύπατος. This change of -αμ-ο- to -ατ-ο- was doubt- 
 less also partly due to the influence of the suffixal ending 
 -to-. 
 
 4. -tm-o- which appears in ordinal numbers, as Skr. 
 saptamdh, Lat. septimus, from *septm-os, seventh. Skr. 
 dntamah, next; uttamah, highest, best. In Latin and the 
 Germanic languages it was only preserved in isolated forms, 
 as Lat. intimus, extimus, ultimus, optimus, dextimus ; 
 Goth, aftuma, ne.xt, posterns ; iftuma, the following, next. 
 In Sanskrit it was productive and became the regular 
 superlative ending -tama-h to adjectives which formed their 
 comparative in -tara-h (§ 376), as carutarah, dearer : caru- 
 tamah; tavastarah, stronger : tavas-tamah. -tm-o- 
 would have become -ταμ-ο- in Greek, but •ταμ•ο• became 
 •τατ•ο• in the prehistoric period of the language through 
 the influence of forms like 'ivaro^, δέκατος and the -το•9 in 
 the superlative ending -ιστο-^. -τατ-ο- then became the 
 ordinary superlative suffix for adjectives which had -Tepo- 
 in the comparative. 
 
§ 378] Adjectives 221 
 
 3. Irregular Comparison. 
 
 § 378. It is a peculiarity of all the Indg. languages that 
 certain adjectives, especially those denoting good, bad, 
 great, small, much, little, do not admit of a comparative and 
 a superlative being formed directly from them. It is 
 usually said that such adjectives are defective or that they 
 form their comparatives and superlatives from a different 
 root than the positive or that the comparatives and superla- 
 tives have no positives with which they are etymologically 
 related. The real explanation is that such adjectives 
 escaped from being brought into the grammatical system of 
 comparison. In the early prim. Indg. period the compara- 
 tive and superlative stood in no grammatical relation to the 
 so-called positive. It was not until a relatively late period 
 of the prim. Indg. language that the comparative and 
 superlative came to be associated grammatically with what 
 we call the positive. The forms in -jes- (§ 375) and -is-to• 
 (§ 377, 2) originally partook of the nature of participles or 
 verbal adjectives and denoted that the verbal action was 
 especially prominent in the object with which they stood 
 attributively, as Vedic tdriyas-, easily piercing through, Gr. 
 φίριστο^, lit. bringing best. After such forms had also 
 become purely nominal they were brought into relation 
 with adjectives which were not comparative in form and 
 which in regard to the comparative forms were called the 
 positive. The forms in -ere-, -tero• (§ 376) were originally 
 confined to words relating to place and to certain pro- 
 nominal forms, and were primarily used to express contrast 
 of comparison, as *upero-s, above and not below, *ndhero-s, 
 below and not above, Se^irepo-^, the right and not the left 
 {apiaT€p6-s), ήμ€Τ€ρο-9, our and not your {νμ€Τ€ρο-ς), θηλύ- 
 τ€ρο-ς, feminine and not masculine (Arcad. appevTcpo-s). 
 Then e.g. forms like *newotero.s {νξώτ^ρο?), new, became 
 used not only in contrast with *senotero-s, old, but also 
 
222 Accidence [§ 379 
 
 with the contrasted meaning not so new, less new, and then 
 older. At this stage *senotero-s became associated to 
 *seno-s (eVoy). These formations thus came into the sphere 
 of gradation which the -jes- forms already possessed and 
 entered into competition with them. Although the two 
 pairs of suffixes had originally different meanings, the 
 difference entirely disappeared already in prim. Greek so far 
 as the comparison of adjectives was concerned. After the 
 three-membered series of gradation had been established 
 in which the positive was regarded as the fundamental form, 
 comparative and superlative forms began to be created 
 from all kinds of adjectives, see Brugmann, Grmidriss, 4'C•, 
 vol. ii (second ed.), pp. 654-60, and Delbriick in vol. iii, 
 pp. 411-15.^ 
 
 αγαθός : άμύνων, άρύων, β^Χτίων, βύλτ€ρο9, κρ^ίττων, 
 κρύσσων. Ion. κροσσών, φίρτ^ρο^, Χώων, Χωΐων, Χωίτ^ρο^ : 
 άριστο?, βίΧτίστος, ββΧτατος, κράτιστο?, κάρτιστο? (: κρατύ?), 
 φξρτατο?, φίριστο?, Χωστά?, άμύνων has the pure diph- 
 thong -ei- and therefore cannot be from *άμ€ν]'(ύν. It is 
 probably not a comparative in form, κρ^ττων, κρ^ίσσων 
 probably had -ci- from άμύνων. 
 
 κακό? : χζίρων from *\epσJωv, χβρζίων from stem χβρβσ-, 
 cp. χ^ρη^?, χζΐρότ€ρο?, χ€ρ€ί6τ€ρο?, ήττων, ησσων : χείρι- 
 στο?, ήκιστο?. 
 
 ποΧν? : πΧείων with -ei- from the superlative, ττΧίων from 
 stem πλ€-, Att. nXeiv (neut.) was a remodelling of *πΧ€ΐ? 
 from *pleis ζ πΧεΐστο? from *pleis-to-s. 
 
 μικρό? : μύων, ^Χαττων, εΧασσων (: kXaxv?) : μξΐστο?, 
 ίΧάχιστο?. 
 
 C. NUMERALS 
 
 I. Cardinal. 
 
 § 379. The cardinal numbers one to nineteen were 
 adjectival, one to four being declinable and five to nineteen 
 indeclinable, but in eleven to fourteen the units were 
 
§§ 380-1] Adjectives 223 
 
 originally declined. The decades and the words for hun- 
 dred and thousand were originally substantives. 
 
 §380. The parent Indg. language had several words 
 with slightly different meanings to express the idea of one. 
 In the ordinary Greek word for one four stem-forms are to 
 be distinguished : 
 
 {a) *sem•. Masc. nom. Att. Ion. ety, Dor. ^y, Cret. eVy, 
 from *σ(μ9, neut. eV from *σζμ ; masc. and neut. gen. eVoy 
 for *£/ioy with -u- from the nominative (§ 346), and similarly, 
 ei/i, cp. Lat. sem-per. 
 
 (b) *som•. oyuoy, one and the same, Skr. sama•, Goth. 
 sama, same. 
 
 (c) *sm•. άμα; ά•πα^, Lat. sem-el, Skr. sa-krt, once; 
 ά-πλοΰί, Dor. α-τβρος ; Ι-κατόι/ and Att. e-repos for *a-Kar6u, 
 *ά•Τ€ρο9 with €- for a- from eV. See § 290. 
 
 {d) *sm•. Fem. nom. sing, μία from *σμία (§ 322), cp. 
 μώνυξ for *σμωνν^, having one hoof. 
 
 Indg. *oinos, oiVoy, οίνη, ο'ίνη, the ace on dice, O.Lat. 
 oinos, later unus, Goth, ains, OE. an, one. 
 
 Indg. *oiwos, O.Pers. aiva-, one, 0Ί09, alone, by oneself, 
 Cypr. otfoy, alone. 
 
 Fem. Hom. Lesb. and Thessalian ϊα, Horn. gen. iT^y, dat. 
 ifi, and Hom. neut. dat. ίω were probably of pronominal 
 origin ; cp. § 411. 
 
 § 381. Indg. *duw5(u), *άΛνδ(υ) was inflected like a dual. 
 Hom. 8ύ(ύ (indeclinable) from *δύρω = Vedic duva(u) beside 
 *δfω = Skr. dva, in δώδεκα ; gen. dat. δυοΐν probably from 
 a plural form *δυοΐσίν. The original nom. ace. neuter was 
 *duwoi = Vedic duve, prim. Gr. *δvfoι which became δνο 
 when the next word began with a vowel (§ 229). δύο then 
 became generalized and indeclinable for all genders in Att. 
 Dor. &c. and often also in Homer. In some dialects, e. g. in 
 Herodotus, it became inflected like a plural just as in Latin 
 and the Germanic languages, as Herod, δνων, δνοΐσι, Ion. 
 also δνών, δνσί after the analogy of τριών, τρισί. 
 
224 Accidence [§§ 382-4 
 
 Indg. *dwi•, *di• in compounds with -i- after the analogy 
 of *tri•, as in Bl-ttovs, Skr. dvi-pdd-, Lat. bi-pes, OE. twi- 
 fete, two-footed. 
 
 § 382. Masc. and fern. nom. Att. &c. rpe??, Cret. rpeey, 
 Skr. trdyah, Lat. tres, from *trejes; ace. Cret. rpivs, Ion. 
 Dor. Boeot. rpU, Goth. Jjrins, from *trins, Att. rpeh Hke 
 Lat. tres was the nom. used for the accusative ; nom. ace. 
 neut. Indg. *tri, Vedic tri, on τρία, Lat. tria, Goth. J)rija, 
 see § 329 ; gen. τριών, Lat. trium, from *trij5m ; dat. τρισί, 
 Skr. trisu, Lith. tris6. 
 
 Indg. *tri• in compounds, as τρί-πον?, Skr. tri-pad-, Lat. 
 tri-pes, OE. Ipri-fete, three-footed. 
 
 § 383. The Indg. word {ox four had various grades of 
 ablaut in the stem-ending of the different cases, as masc. 
 nom. *qetwores, Skr. catvarah, Lat. quattuor, Goth. 
 fidw5r, Dor. and North-West Gr. reropey with -r- from 
 τζτρώκοντα (§ 386), Att. τύτταρ^ς, Hom. τίσσαρξς, Boeot. 
 π€τταρ€9 with -a- from the dative, Ion. τύασ^ρβ^ for -opes 
 by assimilation, Hom. πίσυρζς with ^v- from the ace. and 
 genitive ; ace. masc. *qeturns, Skr. caturah, Hom. 
 TTiavpas ; Att. τύτταρας with the first -a- from the dative ; 
 nom. ace. neut. *qetwor9, Skr. catvari, Att. τίτταρα, Hom. 
 τύσσαρα, Boeot. πίτταρα with -a- from the dative, Lesb. 
 π^σσυρα, πίσνρα with -ν- from the genitive ; gen. *qetur6m, 
 Lesb. πισνρων ; Att. τ^ττάρων with -a- from the dative ; 
 dat. = (loc.) *qetwrsu, poet, τ^τρασι from *τίτΡρασι, Att. 
 τίτταρσί. 
 
 Indg. *q(e)twr• beside *q(e)tru• in compounds, as in 
 τ€τρά-ζνγος from *τ€τρρα-, τρά-ττβζα, beside τρυ-φάλ^ια. 
 
 § 384. Indg. *per)qe, π^ντ^, Skr. pdnca ; Aeol. πύμττζ, 
 Lat. quinque, O.Ir. c5ic, Goth, fimf, OE. fif, all with 
 assimilation of consonants. In compounds π€ντβ- beside 
 πζντα- with -a- from forms like επτά, δίκα. 
 
 Indg. *s(w)eks = prim. Gr. *ef€^, Lac. fe|, beside Ve^ 
 = Att. Ion. Dor. Boeot. &c. e^, Lat. sex, O.Ir. se, Goth. 
 
§ 385] Adjectives 225 
 
 saihs, Skr. sds with unexplained initial s•. In compounds 
 e|- beside e|a- with -a- from Ιπτά, &c. 
 
 Indg. *septm, Ιπτά, Vedic saptd, classical Skr. sdpta, 
 Lat. septem, O.Ir. secht, Goth, sibun. 
 
 Indg. *okt6(u), which is dual in form, οκτώ, Elean οπτώ 
 after the analogy of Ιπτά, Lesb. Boeot. οκτό, probably like 
 8vo the old neut. form, Skr. asta(u), Lat. oct6, Goth, 
 ahtdu. 
 
 Indg. *newn beside *enwn, the former occurs in Skr. 
 nava, Lat. novem with -m for -n after the analogy of 
 septem, decern, cp. nonus, Goth, niun, and the latter in 
 Ion. dva-vv\€^, eiVa-erey, ύνα-κόσωι, from *kvfa: kvvia has 
 never been satisfactorily explained. Some scholars assume 
 that it stands for *€v vefa, lit. nine in all, and others that it 
 arose from a contamination of *kvfa and *i'€fa = Skr. nava. 
 In compounds etVa- beside kw^a-, as in dva-vv\€s beside 
 ^ννζ.ά•μηνο$• 
 
 Indg. *dekm, BUa, Skr. ddsa, Lat. decern, O.Ir. deich, 
 Goth, taihun. 
 
 § 385. In the cardinals eleven to nineteen the units 
 originally preceded the decade, as in eu-SeKa where eV- is 
 the nom. ace. neuter, Lat. un-decim from *oinom-decem, 
 Skr. eka-dasa ; δώ•δ€κα (Hom. δνώ-δίκα) where δο>• is the 
 masc. form beside Hom. δύο και δίκα {δυο-καί-δ^κά), Lat. 
 duo-decim, Skr. dva-dasa; Lat. tre-decim from *tres• 
 decern, Skr. tray5-dasa, but from thirteen onwards only 
 with και in Greek, as rpus or τρία καΐ δέκα. But in Greek 
 and Latin the units could follow the decade, as δέκα ely, 
 δίκα δύο, δέκα Tpeh, Lat. decern et unus, decern et tres, 
 decern tres, decern novem. δίκα δύο, δέκα τρζΐ?, &c. were 
 used when the substantive or a larger number preceded, 
 but δνο-καί-δξκα, τρ€Ϊ9 καΐ δέκα when the substantive 
 followed, as δραχμαΐ δέκα τρ€Ϊς, but Tpas και δέκα δρα- 
 χμαί. The units in eleven to fourteen ceased to be inflected 
 in the prehistoric period of most languages. A remnant 
 Q 
 
226 Accidence [§§ 386-7 
 
 of the inflected forms of the units occurs in τρισκαίδΐκα 
 where τρΐ9•, prim. Gr. *τριν9•, is the masc. accusative. 
 
 § 386. The Indg. word for twenty was a dual form *wi• 
 kmti, lit. both decades. The expressions for thirty to m'nety 
 originally meant three decades, four decades, &c. The unit 
 and the word for decade, a neuter substantive *komt• from 
 *dkomt• and related to *dekm, ten, were both inflected so 
 far as the units were declinable and governed the following 
 substantive in the genitive case. Regular forms were : 
 *tri komt9, thirty ; *qetwor9 komt9,/or/y ; *per]qe komta, 
 fifty. Various new formations seem to have taken place 
 already in the parent language, thus after the analogy of 
 *tri komt3 were formed *qetwr komta = Ion. Dor. τ^τρω- 
 κοντά (§ 68), Lat. quadra-ginta, ; *per)qe komts = πεντή- 
 κοντα, Skr. panca-sat-, the •η- of which was extended in 
 Greek to έξήκοντα, έβδομήκοντα, Att. όγδοήκοντα (but 
 Hom. όγδώ-κοντα = Lat. oct5-ginta), Hom. ίννήκοντα, 
 Att. Ion. also Hom. ίνβνήκοντα ; and similarly in Lat. 
 quinqua-ginta, sexa-ginta, n5na-ginta with medial -a• 
 from quadra-ginta. 
 
 Indg. *wi-kmti, Dor. Boeot. Elean, Pamphylian and 
 Arcadian ft -κατι, Skr. vi-satih, Lat. vi-ginti, O.Ir. fiche, 
 twenty ; Att. Ion. &c. e'i-Koat from *eFt-Koat with prothetic e- 
 and -0- for -a- after the analogy of the other decades. Att. &c. 
 τριά-κοντα, Ion. τρίή-κοντα, for *τριά•κοντα after the analogy 
 of τζτρώ; π^ντή-κοντα. The original form of the unit was 
 preserved in Lat. tri-ginta. The old neuter of the unit 
 occurs in τέσσαρα-, τίτταρά-, Boeot. πίτταρά-κοντα. It 
 is difficult to explain why the Greek first element of the 
 decades for seventy to ninety should contain the ordinal 
 instead of the cardinal form of the unit. With εννή-κοντα, 
 kvevrj-KovTa, cp. Lat. nona-ginta beside masc. nonus from 
 *nowenos. All the decades became adjectival in con- 
 struction in prim. Greek. 
 
 § 387. The Indg. word for hundred was *kmtom, lit. 
 
§ 387] Adjectives 227 
 
 a decade of tens, corresponding to Skr. satdm, Lat. 
 centum, O.Ir. cet, Goth, hund, and -κατόν in i -κατόν, 
 lit. one hundred, with e- for ά- after the analogy of eV. It 
 was a neuter substantive, related to *dekni, ten, and 
 governed the gen. case as in Sanskrit and the Germanic 
 languages, but in Greek and Latin it had become adjectival 
 in construction in the prehistoric period of the languages. 
 
 The hundreds from two to nine hundred were originally 
 expressed in two ways, {a) Either both members were 
 inflected for two, three and four hundred, and the second 
 member only for the others, as in Skr. dve sate = Indg. 
 dual *dwoi kmtoi, Goth, twa hunda, two hundred', Skr. 
 panca satani, Goth, fimf hnnaB., five hundred; and simi- 
 larly in the Keltic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages. 
 {b) Or both members formed a compound without either 
 of them being inflected, as in Skr. dvi-satdm, two hundred, 
 tri-satdm, three hundred; O.Lat. du-centum auri, argenti 
 ses-centum, but already at an early period the hundreds 
 became plural adjectives and were inflected as such, as 
 ducenti homines, ducentae mulieres. To this manner 
 of forming the hundreds also belong the prim. Greek 
 compound forms : *8ι-κατον, *τρί-κατον, *τ€τρα•κατοι/, 
 *πζντα-κατον, *έξα•κατον, *έπτα-κατον, *όκτω-κατον, *kvfa• 
 κατον. When the second element of these compound 
 nouns became adjectival in meaning there was formed 
 beside * -κατον an adjectival form -κατ 10 l, -ai, -a ■=■ Dor. 
 Boeot. -κατιοι, Arcad. -κασιοί, Att. Ion. Lesb. -κοσιοί with 
 -0- from -κοντά, and then various analogical formations 
 took place in the first element of the compounds, τρι- 
 became τρία-, Ion. τριη- after the analogy of τριά-κοντα ; 
 Sc- became δια•, Ion. διη- after τριά- ; and όκτω- became 
 όκτα- after Ιπτα-, &c. The forms thus became Att. δια- 
 κόσιοι, τριακόσιοι, Ion. διηκόσιοι, τριηκόσιοι, τετρακόσιοι, 
 πεντακόσιοι, εξακόσιοι, επτακόσιοι, οκτακόσιοι, kva-, είνα- 
 
 Q2 
 
2 28 Accidence [§§ 388-90 
 
 § 388. If we compare the word for thousand in the various 
 languages we see that it is practically impossible to deter- 
 mine what was the original form of the word for thousand 
 in the parent Indg. language, cp. Lat. neut. mille, O.Ir. 
 fem. mile, Goth. fem. ])usundi, Lith. masc. tukstantis, 
 O.Slav, fem. tys§§ta, Skr. neut. sa-hasram, lit. one 
 thousand, where sa• = Indg. sm- {§ 380), prim. Gr. neut. 
 =*^XeaAoi/=Skr. -hasram, Indg. *gheslom. *χ€σλοι/ became 
 adjectival in meaning in prim. Greek, and then from it was 
 formed the adjectival form *χ€σλίθί, -αί, -α = Ion. Boeot. 
 χξίλιοι, Lesb. χίλλωί, Dor. χήλιοι, Att. χίλιοι, which 
 corresponds in form to the Sanskrit adjective sa-hasriya•. 
 
 2. Ordinal. 
 
 § 389. The ordinal numbers in the various languages 
 were with few exceptions superlatives in form and were 
 formed from the cardinal numbers with the same suffixes 
 which we have already had in the formation of the super- 
 lative of adjectives (§ 377). 
 
 § 390. The word for first was not related to the word for 
 one in any of the languages, as πρώτο?, Dor. rrpdros either 
 from *npa)f-aTos with -ατο? from forms like Terparos, δίκατο? 
 and related to Skr. piirvah, purvydh, prior, first, or from 
 *wpo-aTos : ηρό, Skr. pra, before, in front of ; Lat. primus 
 from *pris-mos : adv. *pris, prius, Goth, fruma, prius, 
 first. Hom. πρώτιστο? like Goth, frumists was a double 
 superlative. 
 
 δίύτ^ρο? denoted originally standing off from anything, 
 at a distance from, inferior in rank and is related to the 
 verb δένομαι and to Skr. daviyah, farther; Skr. dvi• 
 tiyah : dvi-, two ; Lat. secundus : sequor ; Lat. alter, 
 Goth, anpar, Lith. antras all lit. meaning the other as 
 compared with one who is first, δξύτατο? with -aroy as in 
 τίτρατο?. 
 
 τρίτο?, Lesb. TepTos =La.t. tertius, Goth. Jjridja. Hom. 
 
§ 39^1 Adjectives 229 
 
 τρίτ•ατο9 after the analogy of τίτρατο^, δύκατο^, and simi- 
 larly Horn. Ιβδόματο?, όγδόατο?. 
 
 τίταρτοί from *TeTfapT09, Hom. τίτρατο^, Boeot. πίτρα- 
 T09, Skr. caturthah, OE. feo(we)rJ)a, Indg. *qetwrtos. 
 
 πίμπτος (Cret. neuron from *nePTTo^, older πύμτττο?, 
 cp. ΐττά = βπτά), Lat. quintus, OE. fifta, Lith. penktas, 
 Indg. *peqqtos; Skr. pancathah beside pancamdh. 
 
 €KT09, Skr. sasthah, Indg. *s(w)ektos ; Lat. sextus and 
 Goth, saihsta were formed direct from sex, saihs. 
 
 ξββομοί (§ 107) probably for older *e/35a//oy, Skr. sapta• 
 mdh, Lat. Septimus, Indg. *septm-os, *?sebdmos, Hom. 
 4β86ματο9, see τρίτος. 
 
 6γδοο9 from *6Y8ofo9 with the mediae -yi-after the analogy 
 oil '4βδομοί, Skr. astamah ; Hom. oyioaroy, see τρίτος. 
 
 'ivaro^, Hom. eiWro? from *iufaT09, Indg. *enwntos 
 beside Lat. n5nus, Skr. navamah with -m• from dasamdh, 
 Indg. *newn-os. 
 
 δ€κατο9 (Lesb. Arcad. δύκοτος with -0- from -κοντά), Goth, 
 taihunda, Indg. *dekmtos beside Skr, dasamdh, Lat. 
 decimus, Indg. *dekm-os. 
 
 § 391. The ordinals from eleventh to nineteenth could 
 be formed in two ways : (a) Either with the cardinal units 
 + the ordinal for tenth, as ένδίκατοί, δωδίκατο^ (Hom. 
 δνωδβκατοί), these two forms were used in all the dialects ; 
 and similarly in Lat. iindecimus, duodecimus, Skr. eka- 
 dasah, dva-dasdh or -dasamdh. In this way were also 
 formed the other ordinals in Ion. and Boeotian, as τρισκαι• 
 δίκατος, Τ€σσ€ρ€?-, τ€σσαρακαιδβκατο9, π^ντ^καίδίκατο^, 
 έκκαιδύκατο^, έπτακαιδ^κατο^, όκτωκαιδύκατο^, ζννξακαιδύ• 
 κατοί ; and similarly Skr. tray5-dasah, thirteenth, catur- 
 dasdh, fourteenth, panca-dasdh or -dasamuh, β /teenth, &c. 
 (b) Or with ordinals in both components, as τρίτος και 
 δίκατος, τβταρτο? καΐ δέκατο?, &c. ; and similarly Lat. 
 tertius decimus, quartus decimus, &c. ; Goth, fimfta- 
 taihunda, y?/?<'i'«//i, with the first element uninflected. 
 
230 Accidence [§§ 392-4 
 
 § 392. The original second element of the ordinals of the 
 tens was *-kmt-tos beside *-kmt-tm-os, the former occurs 
 in Boeot. fl -καστό^ (§ 110), Att. βίκοστός from ^eflKoarSs 
 with the first -0- for -a- after the analogy o{ τριακοστός, -κοντά. 
 The other ordinals were formed in prim. Greek either 
 direct from the stem of the corresponding cardinal + -r6y, 
 thus *τριακοντ + τ69 became *τρίακονστ69 (§110) and then 
 later τριακοστό? (§153), or else with -κοστός for *•καστ09= 
 Indg. *kmt-tos, with the first -0- for -a- after the analogy of 
 •κοντά ; and similarly τέσσαρα-, τ€τταρα•, τξτρωκοστός, 
 πεντηκοστός, εξηκοστός, εβδομηκοστός, όγδοηκοστός, €νζνη 
 κοστός ; beside Lat. vicesimus, vigesimus, tricesimus 
 trigesimus, quadragesimus, quinquagesimus, &:c. = Skr 
 visatitamah, trjsattamah, catvarisattamdh, pancasatta 
 mdh, &c., from Indg. *-kmt-tm-os. 
 
 § 393. The ordinals of the hundreds were formed in 
 prim. Greek from the corresponding cardinals with -οστός 
 from the ordinals of the tens, as έκατ-οστός, διάκοσι-οστός, 
 τριάκοσι-οστός, &c. ; and similarly in Latin, cent-esimus, 
 ducent-esimus, trecent-esimus, &c. In like manner were 
 also formed the ordinals of the thousands, as χϊλι-οστός, 
 δισχϊλι-οστός, &c., cp. also Lat. mill-esimus. 
 
 3. Other Numerals. 
 § 394. The multiplicative numeral adverbs were formed 
 differently in the different languages. Greek, Latin and 
 Sanskrit have similar words for twt'ce and tlirice, as δίς, 
 τρις, Lat. bis, ter from *tris, Skr. dvih, trih, but for the 
 other numerals they had different formations, as ά-τταξ : 
 ττήγννμι, Lat. sem-el, Skr. sa-krt (§ 380) ; τετράκις, Lat. 
 quater, Skr. catuh ; πεντάκις, Lat. quinqiiies, Skr. pan- 
 cakrtvah, &c. From four times onwards the Greek 
 numerals were formed from the cardinals by means of the 
 suffix -κις in Attic beside -κι in various other dialects, -κις 
 had its -y from δις and τρίς, and -κι- corresponds to the 
 
§§ 395-61 Adjectives 231 
 
 Sanskrit adverbial particle cid which was originally the 
 neuter of the interrogative pronoun, Indg. *qid, Lat. quid 
 (§ 202, note i), cp. Horn. πολλά•κι for older *πολλυ•Κί = 
 Skr. puru cid, many times (cp. § 202, note 2). From forms 
 like Τζτρά-κί9, 4πτά-κις, kva -Κί^, $€κά-κί9, τριάκοντά-κι^ the 
 'άκΐζ became extended by analogy to all the other numerals, 
 as πεντάκις, (ξάκις, όκτάκΐ9, ΐίκοσάκί^ ; ίκατον-τάκι^ with 
 ■τάκΐί after the analogy of τριακοντάκί^, τ^σσαρακοντάκι^, 
 Szc. ; 8ιάκοσί•άκί9, χϊλι-άκις. 
 
 § 395. The multiplicative adjectives were formed by 
 adding -71X609, -ττλοί)? : ττλβω to the forms of the cardinal 
 numerals as they appear in the multiplicative adverbs, as 
 ά-πλονς, 8ί•πλοΰ9, τρι-πλον?, Τ€τρα-πλονς, π€Ρτα-πλον9, &c. 
 And similarly ά-πλό?, δι-πλό^, the -ττλό? of which corre- 
 sponds to the -plus in Lat. sim-plus, du-plus. With -πλό? 
 is also related the -πλάσιος from *πλατι/Ό9 in δί-ττλάσίο?, 
 τρι-πλάσιοί, Τ€τρα-πλάσω9, &c. 
 
 δισσό^, τρισσός, Att. διττός, τριττός from *δίχ/θ9, *τρι• 
 χ/ο9 were formed from the stems διχ-, τριχ- in the adverbs 
 δίχα, τρίχα ; and similarly Ion. <5i|oy, τριξό^, rerpa^o^, 
 neura^os, from *δίχθ/ο9, &c. were formed from the adverbs 
 δίχθά, τριχθά, &c. The formation of these adverbs in -χα, 
 •χθα has never been satisfactorily explained. 
 
 § 396. The feminine nouns of number in -ay gen. -άίο? 
 with -a- from -m•, •η•, which was original in ύπτάς, kvveas 
 {dvds) and ie/ccty. After the analogy of these were then 
 formed, μονά^, ivds, δυά?, τριάς, rerpa^, πβντά^ {πξμττά?), 
 e^ds, ύβδομά^, oKrds, 6yδod9. It is difficult to account for 
 the •δ• suffix in the above forms unless we may suppose 
 that -d- stood beside -t- in prim. Indg., cp. the stem 5e>ca(5- 
 beside Skr. dasdt-, Lith. deszimt-, O.Slav. des§t- (§ 111). 
 It is probable however that the suffix was originally -t-, as 
 it certainly was in etVay, &:c. and that the new formation in 
 the inflected forms went out from the nom. singular where 
 t• and d-stems regularly fell together (§ 343). In LKd^, 
 
232 Accidence [§ 397 
 
 etVay, τριΰκάς with -α- after the analogy of τριάκοντα, -κά^ 
 represents Indg. *-kmt-s and the Sanskrit stem -sat•. 
 έκατορ-τά? with the second -r- from the ordinal εκατοστός. 
 For feminine numerals Hke τριττνς, τ€τρακτύ?, &c. see 
 § 266. 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 PRONOUNS 
 
 § 397. The most difficult chapter in works on compara. 
 tive grammar is the one dealing with the pronouns. It is 
 impossible to state with any degree of certainty how many 
 pronouns the parent Indg. language had and what forms 
 they had assumed at the time it became differentiated into 
 the various branches which constitute the Indg. family of 
 languages. The difficulty is rendered still more compli- 
 cated by the fact that most of the pronouns, especially the 
 personal and demonstrative, must have had accented and 
 unaccented forms existing side by side in the parent lan- 
 guage itself; and that one or other of the forms became 
 generalized already in the prehistoric period of the in- 
 dividual branches of the parent language. And then at 
 a later period, but still in prehistoric times, there arose 
 new accented and unaccented forms side by side in the 
 individual branches, as e. g. beside the accented form *me, 
 me there existed in prim. Indg. the unaccented form *me, 
 the former of which became generalized in Latin, In 
 Sanskrit the original accented form ma = Indg. *me came 
 to be used for the unaccented form and then a new accented 
 form mam was created with -m from aham, /. In Greek 
 the accented form died out and then to the old unaccented 
 form /ie a new accented form e/te was created with e- from 
 ΐγώ ; and similarly Skr. tva = Indg. *twe, thee beside 
 tvam; Gr. ae from Indg. *twe beside the new accented 
 
§ 397] Pronouns 233 
 
 form ere. And in like manner Indg. *tu, thou beside *tu, 
 both forms of which were preserved in Greek and Old 
 English, as Horn, τύ-νη, Ο Ε. ))ΰ, thou beside Dor. τύ, Att. 
 συ, OE. )>u, but the former became generalized in Latin 
 and the latter in most of the Greek dialects. The original 
 accented accusatives n5s, v5s became generalized in Latin 
 whereas Sanskrit preserved the old distinctions between 
 the accented (asman, yusman) and the unaccented (nah, 
 vah) forms. The following examples will illustrate the 
 manner in which such double forms come into existence : 
 The prim. Germanic accented form for / was *ek beside 
 the unaccented form *ik. The separate Germanic lan- 
 guages generalized one or other of these forms before the 
 beginning of the oldest literary monuments and then new 
 accented beside unaccented forms came into existence 
 again. And similarly during the historic periods of the 
 different languages. Thus, e. g. the OE. for / is ic, this 
 became in ME. ich accented form beside i unaccented 
 form, ich then disappeared in standard ME. (but it is still 
 preserved in one of the modern dialects of Somersetshire) 
 and i came to be used as the accented and unaccented 
 form. At a later period it became i when accented and 
 remained i when unaccented. The former has become 
 NE. /, and the latter has disappeared from the literary 
 language, but it is still preserved in many northern Engl, 
 dialects, as i. In these dialects i is regularly used in 
 interrogative and subordinate sentences ; the ME. accented 
 form Ϊ has become ai and is only used in the dialects to 
 express special emphasis, and from it a new unaccented 
 form a has been developed which can only be used in 
 making direct assertions. Thus in one and the same 
 dialect (Windhill, Yorks.) we arrive at three forms : ai, a, 
 i, which are never mixed up syntactically by genuine native 
 dialect speakers. This old distinction between the accented 
 and unaccented forms of the personal pronouns has given 
 
234 Accidence [§§ 398-9 
 
 rise in many of the South Midland dialects to an entirely 
 new classification whereby the old subjective form has 
 come to be used for the subject and object when accented, 
 and the old objective form for the subject and object when 
 unaccented, as she saw she, her saw her, she saw her, her saw 
 she, which have quite different meanings according as she 
 and her are accented or unaccented. Something similar 
 to what has happened, and still is happening in the modern 
 dialects, must also have taken place in the prehistoric and 
 historic periods of all the Indg. languages ; hence in the 
 prehistoric forms of the pronouns given in the following 
 paragraphs, it must not be assumed that they were the 
 only ones existing in prim. Indo-Germanic or prim. Greek. 
 They are merely given as the nearest ascertainable forms 
 from which the historic Greek forms were descended. 
 
 § 398. The pronouns are usually divided into personal, 
 reflexive, possessive, demonstrative, interrogative, and in- 
 definite pronouns. There is among the various languages 
 considerable agreement in the formation of the personal 
 pronouns of the first and second persons, and of the simple 
 reflexive, simple demonstrative and interrogative pronouns. 
 But all the other classes or parts of classes of pronouns 
 were formed more or less differently in each branch of the 
 parent Indg. language, so that the words used to express 
 such pronouns do not stand in any etymological relation to 
 each other. Owing to this great multiplicity of forms in 
 the oldest historic period of the individual languages, it is 
 impossible in most classes of the pronouns to reconstruct 
 the prim. Indg. paradigms with any degree of certainty or 
 accuracy. 
 
 § 399. In the parent Indg. language the formation of 
 most of the cases of pronouns which had special forms for 
 the masculine, feminine and neuter differed considerably 
 from that of the nouns, cp. 6, Skr. sd, Goth, sa beside 
 λνκο^, Skr. vrkah, Goth, wulfs, wolf; τό, Skr. tdt, Lat, 
 
§ 4ooj Pronouns 235 
 
 is-tud beside ivyov, Skr. yugam, Lat. jugum, jvoy^g ; nom. 
 pi. oi, τοί, Skr. te, Goth. J)ai beside Skr. vrkah, Goth, 
 wulfos. This original distinction was not so well preserved 
 in Greek as in most of the other Indg. languages. In 
 Greek there were few differences between the case-endings 
 of nouns and pronouns because of various analogical forma- 
 tions whereby the pronouns came to have noun-endings 
 and vice versa, cp. των (§ 408) : \νκ(ύν beside Skr. tesam : 
 vrkanam, but \vkol (§ 325) : oi, τοί beside Skr. vfkah : te, 
 Horn, θζάων (§ 321) : ταων beside Skr. dsvanam, of mares : 
 tasam. 
 
 § 400. In the personal pronouns we have not only to 
 take into consideration the distinction between original 
 accented and unaccented forms, but also between the 
 different stems and different words which go to form the 
 paradigms of the first and second persons. Many forms 
 had no real case-endings at all, and the so-called cases 
 were formed from entirely different words which w-ere not 
 etymologically related, as in English /, me ; we, ks ; thou, 
 you, corresponding in meaning to Skr. aham, mam ; 
 vayam, asman; tvam, nom. yiiyam, ace. yusman, but in 
 Greek and Latin the original distinction between we and us 
 became obliterated, as ήμ€Ϊ^, ace. ήμία^, ήμα,9 from the same 
 stem as the nominative, Lat. nom. and ace. n5s. The 
 reason why the plural of / was formed from an entirely 
 different word is obvious, because it not only includes the 
 speaker but also the person or persons spoken to or of. 
 But why the plural of thou should be an entirely different 
 word in all the Indg. languages is not known. The plural 
 endings of these pronouns in Greek and the other languages 
 are not original. So far as the forms for the plural were 
 inflected at all, they were originally inflected as singulars. 
 Such personal pronouns as have real case-endings have 
 them mostly after the analogy of the nouns. This is 
 especially so in Greek. The pronouns of the third person 
 
236 Accidence [§§ 401-2 
 
 were originally demonstrative in origin. In the parent 
 language as in Greek, Latin, Sanskrit, &c. the nomina- 
 tive of the personal pronouns was rarely used except to 
 express emphasis, because it was sufficiently indicated by 
 the personal endings of the verb. 
 
 § 401. In many of the Indg. languages certain particles 
 occur, which are attached enclitically to the personal pro- 
 nouns, and in some forms have become an integral part of 
 the pronoun, as in kyw-v, ίγώ-ρη, βγωγβ, e/ieye (= Goth. 
 mik, OE. mec, OHG. mih, where the particle became an 
 integral part of the word), Skr. ahd-m, /, vay-am : OE. 
 we, Goth, weis, Indg. *wei, we; Lat. ego-met; and 
 similarly in demonstrative pronouns, as o5e, οντοσι ; Lat. 
 id-em, Skr. id-am, beside Lat. id ; Lat. hie for older hi-ce ; 
 Skr. nom. fem. a-sa-u, t/iat ; and even medially in οντος 
 from *so + u + to-s (§ 411). Many of these particles are of 
 obscure origin and it is therefore impossible to determine 
 in all cases what was their original force or meaning. 
 
 I. Personal. 
 First Person. 
 
 § 402. Singular : It is impossible to determine with 
 certainty what was the original form or forms of the 
 nominative. It probably was *eg5 = βγω, '^γω-γξ, ί-γώ-ν 
 (mostly before vowels, entirely so in Homer), €γώ-νη, 
 Boeot. mu, ιών from Ιγώ-ρ through the intermediate stages 
 *ί]ων*ί]ων, beside ίών-^ι, Ο. Lat. ego, beside the unaccented 
 form *ego = Lat. ego, Goth, ik, Skr. ahd-m from *egho.m 
 with the same interchange between g and gh as in μ^γα^ 
 beside Skr. mahan, great. This interchange between 
 media and media aspirata existed in the parent Indg. 
 language under certain unknown conditions (§ 111). 
 
 The original form of the accusative was *me beside *me, 
 
§ 402] Pronouns 237 
 
 the former occurs in Skr. ma, ma-m, Lat. me, and the 
 latter in e/xe, e/^e-ye, μ\, Goth, mik = e/ze-ye. 
 
 The stem-form *me was probably used for the genitive 
 in the parent language. From *me was formed in each 
 branch of the various languages a new genitive in different 
 ways, cp. kμoϋ, Skr. mama, Lat. mei, mis, Goth, meina. 
 In Greek it was mostly formed from kμe, μ€ by means of 
 ■σ/Ό, -σο from the simple demonstrative pronoun (§ 408), 
 as Hom. (μβΐο from *€//€σ/Ό, Att. ίμον, μου, Ion. e/zeo, e/xei/, 
 μ^ϋ, from *€μ€σο, *μ€<το ; Dor. Lesb. ΐμον?, Dor. eyueoy, 
 e/ieuy, from e/xe + oy from the genitive of the consonantal 
 stems (§ 302) ; Hom. Lesb. and Dor. e/ze-^ei/ with the same 
 ablative adverbial particle which occurs in πόθβν (§ 568). 
 
 The dative βμοί, μοί, Skr. me, Lat. mi represents the 
 original unaccented form *moi which was also used for 
 the genitive. The original accented form seems to occur 
 in Skr. mdhya-m, Lat. mihi. Dor. ^μίν was formed after 
 the analogy of the dative = locative plural αμίν ; Hom. 
 ζμ€-θβν is the same as in the genitive. 
 
 Dual : The nom. and ace. ι/ώ belongs, like the Skr. un- 
 accented form nau, to the plural stem no- which occurs in 
 Skr. nah, Lat. n5s, zue ; Hom. νώϊ from *νωΡί with the 
 numeral Fh both, two (§ 386). 
 
 The gen. and dat. ι^ω^, Hom. νώϊρ from ι'ωfίu with -u 
 from the dat. plural. 
 
 Plural : The original form of the nominative was *wei, 
 which occurs in Skr. vay-am, Goth, wei-s, we. The 
 Greek nominative was formed from the stem of the ac- 
 cusative = Indg. *ns-me, and with -s after the analogy of 
 the consonantal stems {§ 311). *ns-me'S regularly became 
 *άσ/χ69 in prim. Greek, and corresponds to Hom. Lesb. 
 ά /x/iey (§ 214), Dor. Boeot. αμύς ; Att. Ion. Hom. ήμ€Ϊ9 
 with -ery after the analogy of the masc. s-stems (§ 366). 
 All the forms of the nom. ace. gen. and dat. plural with 
 the spiritus asper had it from νμξΪ9, &ic. 
 
238 Accidence [§ 403 
 
 The original form of the accusative was *ns-me, probably 
 from older *ns-sme, where ns• (= Goth, uns, us, ay-, Skr. 
 as•) is the weak grade of no•, which occurs in Skr. nah, 
 Lat. nos, wc, and -sme corresponds to the Sanskrit enclitic 
 particle sma, ever; indeed, certainly, cp. the Skr. ace. 
 asman, us. *ns-me regularly became *άσμζ in prim. 
 Greek = Hom. Lesb. όίμμζ, Dor. a/^e, but Ion. ήμίαζ with 
 -ay from the accusative of the consonantal stems (§ 312), 
 and similarly Att. ήμά^ from older -eay, the regular con- 
 traction of which would have been -^y. 
 
 The genitive plural was originally inflected like a singular. 
 In Greek it was formed from the stem of the accusative 
 plural and a pluralized form of the ending of the gen. 
 singular, as Hom. ήμξίων, Hom. and Ion. ήμίωρ, Att. 
 ημών, Dor. άμίων, αμών, Lesb. άμμ^ων. 
 
 The original locative ending was probably -smin which 
 occurs in the Sanskrit loc. sing, tasmin : nom. sa, this 
 (§ 408). The Greek dative = locative was formed from 
 the prim. Greek stem-form *άσ/ί{€)- with the addition of 
 the ending -lv, as Aeolic άμμιν beside a/zywi with -l from 
 the ending of the dat. plural of consonantal stems (§ 316), 
 Dor. αμίν, Att. Ion. ημίν beside Att. ημΐν with long -Γ- 
 after the analogy of the long vowel in the other plural 
 case-endings ; Lesb. άμμ^σιν was formed from the nom. 
 plural -i- the ending -lv. 
 
 Second Person. 
 
 § 403. Singular : The original nominative was *tu beside 
 *tu, the former occurs in Hom. Dor. τύ-νη, Lac. τού-νη 
 (ου = ΰ), Boeot. τού-ν [ου = ν), Lat. tu, ΟΕ. ))ΰ, and the 
 latter in Dor. Lesb. τύ, Att. Ion. Lesb. συ with σ- from 
 the accusative, OE. ))U. 
 
 The original accusative was *te, *twe beside *te, *twe. 
 The *te corresponds to Lat. te, and *twe to Skr. tva, 
 tva-m. *te corresponds to Dor. re, unless the τ- was from 
 
§ 403] Pronouns 239 
 
 the nominative, OE. J)e-c, OHG. di-h, and *twe to Att. 
 Ion. &c. σ€ from *rf€ (§ 168). Dor. Boeot. τίν was the 
 locative in form, cp. ^μίν (§ 402). In Dor. the nom. τύ was 
 also used for the accusative. 
 
 The original form of the genitive was *tewe, which 
 occurs in Skr. tava, of thee. In Greek, Lat. and the 
 Germanic languages it was formed in the same manner as 
 the genitive of the first person, as Hom. σύο from *Tfiajo ; 
 Att. σον, Ion. σ€0, aev, from *Tfiao ; Dor. reo, rev, from *τζσο ; 
 Dor. Boeot. t^os, reCy from re + oy from the genitive of the 
 consonantal stems (§ 302) ; Dor. Boeot. reov^ from reo + oy 
 with double genitive ending ; Dor. τ^οΰ with -eov from 
 reoCy ; Lesb. σίθζν as in ^μίθζν. Lat. tui, tis, Goth. ))eina. 
 
 The original form of the locative was *twoi beside *toi 
 which was also used for the genitive, the former occurs in 
 the Greek dative σοι from *Tfoi, and in the Sanskrit 
 accented form tve, and the latter in Hom. Dor. roi" and in 
 the Sanskrit unaccented form te. Dor. tlu and Hom. Dor. 
 re'iV were locatives formed like ίμίν. 
 
 Dual : The nominative and accusative was in prim. 
 Greek *σ^ω from older *τfω, which was changed to σφώ 
 either through the influence of the ending in άμ-φω or of 
 the σφ- in the reflexive pronominal form σφί{ν) ; Hom. 
 σφώϊ was formed like νώϊ. 
 
 The genitive and dative σφων, Hom. σφωϊν, was formed 
 like νων, νωϊν. 
 
 Plural : The original nominative was *jus which occurs 
 in Goth, jus, Lith. jus; Skr. *yus-am was changed to 
 yuydm after the analogy of vaydm, we. The Greek 
 nominative was formed from the stem-form of the accusa- 
 tive as in the first person, as Att. Ion. νμ^ΐ^, Ion. u/xeiy, 
 Hom. Lesb. νμμβς, Dor. Boeot. υ /^ey. 
 
 The original form of the accusative was *us-me probably 
 from older *us-sme, where us- is the weak grade of *wos 
 which occurs in Skr. vah, Lat. v5s. From prim. Greek 
 
240 Accidence [§ 404 
 
 *νσ-μ€ were formed with the same endings as in the first 
 person, Hom. Lesb. νμμ€ (§§ 214, 402), Dor. νμί, Ion. 
 νμίας, νμύας, Att. ύμά^. 
 
 The genitive was formed in the same manner as in the 
 first person, as Hom. νμζίων, Ion. Dor. ϋμ^ων, Ion. υμίων, 
 Att. Dor. νμων, Lesb. νμμίων. 
 
 The Greek dative = locative was formed from the prim. 
 Greek stem-form ^νσμ{ζ)• with the same endings as in the 
 first person, as Aeolic νμμιν beside νμμι, Dor. ύμίν, Att. 
 Ion. νμΐν, Ion. also νμΐν. 
 
 2. Reflexive. 
 
 § 404. The reflexive pronoun originally referred to the 
 chief person of the sentence (generally the subject), irre- 
 spectively as to whether the subject was the first, second, 
 or third person singular or plural. This usage was in 
 a great measure preserved in Sanskrit and the Baltic- 
 Slavonic languages, but in Greek, Latin and the Germanic 
 languages the original reflexive pronoun became restricted 
 to the third person, and then the reflexive pronouns for 
 the first and second persons came to be expressed differently 
 in the different languages. The original stem-forms of 
 the reflexive pronoun were *se• and *sewe• beside *swe•. 
 *se•, the strong grade form, occurs in Lat. se, si-bi and in 
 Goth, si-k, himself, ^^^ s-, the weak grade form, in σ-φί{ν) 
 where -ψί{ν) is the same suffix which often appears in nouns 
 (§ 306). After the analogy of the datives σφίν : fiv there 
 was formed σφί. beside fL At first the forms σφίν, σφί 
 were used beside fiv, f e without any distinction in meaning, 
 but at a later period the a0-forms gradually came to be 
 used more and more for the plural only, and then special 
 plural forms for the other cases were made chiefly after 
 the analogy of the personal pronouns of the first and 
 second persons. For examples of *sewe• beside *swe• 
 see below. 
 
§ 405] Pronouns 241 
 
 Singular : The original form of the accusative was *se 
 beside *sewe, *swe, the former occurs in Lat. 'se, Goth, 
 si-k, himself, and the latter in Horn, ee from *σ€^€, Att. 
 Horn. Dor. e, Lesb. fe, from *afi. 
 
 The original form of the genitive was *swe which was 
 also used for the accusative. In Greek the two cases 
 became differentiated by the creation of a new form for 
 the genitive just as in the personal pronoun of the first 
 person, as Hom. uo from *af€(TjO ; Att. Dor. ov, Hom. eo, 
 Ion. €v, from *σ^ζσο ; Dor. Boeot. eoOy, Dor. ov9, Locr. 
 feo9, from *af€ + 09 from the genitive of the consonantal 
 stems (§ 302) ; Dor. iov after the analogy of eouy ; Lesb. 
 feOey, Hom. Dor. eOeu with -θίν as in ίμύθ^ν (§ 402). 
 
 The Att. Ion. Dor. dative οι can be from prim. Greek 
 *σ/"οί or from *aoi, eius, ei, Lesb. foT, Cypr. foL from *afoi; 
 Hom. Ιοί from *aefoL ; Dor. fiv, Boeot. eiV from *aefii/ 
 were old locative forms like άμίν (§ 402). 
 
 Dual : From σφ^ and σφίu were formed the Hom. nom, 
 and ace. σφω€, and gen. and dat. σφωΐν. 
 
 Plural : The nom. σφζΐ^, ace. Ion. σφ^α?, Att. also Hom. 
 σφάς, gen. Hom. Dor. Lesb. σφζίων, Ion. σφίων, Att. also 
 Hom. σφων, were all formed after the analogy of the 
 personal pronouns of the first and second persons. On the 
 Dor. Lesb. ace. σφί, and Ion. Dor. Lesb. dat. σφί{ν), see 
 above ; the Att. Ion. dat. σφίσι{ν) was formed after the 
 analogy of the dative of the consonantal stems (§ 316). 
 
 § 405. The singular of the compound reflexive pronouns 
 was formed from the personal pronouns + αι^τό?, which in 
 Homer is always written as two separate words, as έμοί 
 αύτω, σοΙ αύτω, οι αύτω, &c., but in the other dialects as 
 one word, as ace. Att. ^μάυτόν, σξδ,υτόν, σαυτόν, Ιάυτόν, 
 αυτόν, Ion. €μ€ωυτ6ν, &zc. ; gen. Att. ίμάυτον, aedvTov, 
 σαυτον, έάυτον, αντον, Ion. €μ€ωντον, &c. ; dat. Att. ξμαντω, 
 σ€άντω, σάντω, ίάυτω, αυτω, Ion. €μβωντω, &c. Regular 
 forms were Att. έαντω, Ion. έωντω, from έοΐ (dat. of the 
 R 
 
242 Accidence [§§ 406-7 
 
 possessive pronoun) + αι^τω, Att. άύτω from 61+αντω, then 
 after the analogy of these the α and ω were extended to 
 the other cases. 
 
 In the plural the two pronouns were inflected separately 
 in the first and second persons and often also in the third, 
 as 17/xas• αυτούς, νμά^ avTovs, σψά^ αντον? beside simply 
 αυτούς. 
 
 The origin of αυτός is uncertain. Some scholars assume 
 that it is from *άσν' + the pronominal stem το-, where *άσν- 
 corresponds to Skr. asu•, life, life of the soul. Others 
 assume that it is composed of the adverb av, again + το-ς. 
 The oblique cases of avros were used to express the 
 personal pronoun of the third person. The reflexive forms 
 σφζΐς, σφάς, σφων, σφίσι were also used to express the 
 plural of the third person. 
 
 3. Possessive. 
 § 406. The possessive pronouns were inflected like 
 ordinary adjectives : e/xo? ; Att. σος, Skr. tvah, Indg. *twos, 
 thy, beside Hom. Dor. Lesb. reoy, Boeot. τώς, O.Lat. 
 tovos, later tuos, tuus, Indg. *tewos ; Att. Hom. oy, Cret. 
 fo?, Skr. svdh, Indg. *swos, his, beside Hom. Ιός, Boeot. 
 efoy, O.Lat. sovos, later sues, suus, Indg. *sewos; Hom. 
 σφός was formed after the analogy of 6ς, έός. Att. Ion. 
 ήμί-τβρος, Dor. άμ€-τ€ρος, Lesb, άμ쀕τ€ρος, Att. Ion. Dor. 
 νμ€-τ€ρος, σφβ-τβρος, Hom. νωΐ-ηρος, σφωΐ•τ€ρος, like Lat. 
 nos-ter, ves-ter, were formed with the comparative suffix 
 •terc- (§ 376) ; Lesb. άμμος, ϋμμος, Dor. αμός, νμός were 
 formed direct from the accusative stems of the personal 
 pronouns. 
 
 4. Demonstrative. 
 
 § 407. In the parent Indg. language the nominative 
 singular masculine and feminine was *so, *sa = 0, Dor. a, 
 Att. Ion. ή, Skr. s4, sa, Goth, sa, s5, this, that, the. All 
 
§ 4o8] Pronouns 243 
 
 the other cases of the singular, dual and plural were formed 
 from the stems to•, te•, fem. ta•. On the Greek case- 
 endings of the inflected forms see § 399. 
 
 a. Masculine and Neuter. 
 
 § 408. Singular : The nominative masculine b corre- 
 sponds to Skr. sa, Goth, sa, Indg. *so. The accusative 
 masculine τον = Skr. tarn, Lat. is-tum, Goth. ))an-a, Indg. 
 *tom. The nom. and ace. neuter τ6 = Skr. tat, Lat. is-tud, 
 Goth. ))at-a, OE. Jjaet, Indg. *tod. The original form of 
 the genitive was *tosjo beside *toso, *teso, the former 
 occurs in Hom. τοΐο from *Toajo, Skr. tasya, and *toso in 
 Att. Ion. τοΰ, Dor. τω, and *teso in Goth. Ipis, OHG, des. 
 The original form of the dative was *t5i beside *tosm5i, 
 the former occurs in τω, Lat. is-t5, and the latter in Skr. 
 tasmai. 
 
 Dual : The original case-endings of the nominative and 
 accusative dual were the same as those of the o-declension 
 of nouns (§ 325). Masc. *t5u = Skr. tau, beside *t5 = τω, 
 Skr. ta ; neut. *toi = Skr. te, Gr. τω for *tol was a new 
 formation like ζνγώ (§ 326). On the gen. and dat. τοΐιν, 
 τοΐν see § 325. 
 
 Plural : The original masculine nominative was *toi = 
 Dor. &c. TOL, Skr. te, Lat. is-ti, Goth. J)ai ; Att. Ion. Cret. 
 Lesb. Thess. Arcad. and Cyprian oi was a new formation 
 after the analogy of 6. The original masculine accusative 
 was *tons = Cret. tovs, Att. Ion. &c. tovs, Skr. tan, Lat. 
 is-tos, Goth. pans. Nom, and ace. neut. Indg. *ta =Vedic 
 ta, Lat. is-ta, Goth. Jj5 ; Gr. τά was a new formation like 
 (vya (§ 326). The Greek gen. των was formed after the 
 analogy of the o-declension of nouns (§ 399), the original 
 genitive was *tois5m which occurs in Skr. tesam. The 
 original form of the locative was *toisu = Skr. tesu ; τοΐσι 
 with -σ- restored as in XvKoiac (§ 325). The Greek dative 
 
 R 2 
 
244 Accidence [§§ 409-11 
 
 τοΓ? corresponds to the original instrumental *tois = Skr. 
 taih, Lat. is-tis, Lith. tais. 
 
 b. Feminine. 
 
 § 409. Singular : Nominative Indg. *sa = Dor. a, Att. 
 Ion. 7], Skr. sa, Goth. s5. Accusative Indg. *tam = τήν, 
 Skr. tam, Lat. is-tam, Goth. ))5. The Greek gen. and dat. 
 rrjs, rfj had the endings of the a-declension of nouns 
 (§ 321), the original forms were gen. *tosjas or *tesjas = 
 Skr. tdsyah, beside *tesas = Goth. ]jiz5s ; dat. *tosjai or 
 *tesjai = Skr. tasyai, beside *tesai = Goth. Jjizdi. 
 
 Dual : Nominative and accusative Indg, *tai = Skr. 
 te ; Gr. τά was a new formation like χώρα (§ 321) ; instead 
 of τά the masc. τώ was mostly used, and similarly gen. and 
 dat. τοΐν for ταΐν (see § 325). 
 
 Plural : Nominative Indg. *tas = Skr. tab, Goth. )>5s, 
 Lith. tos ; Gr. ταί, al were new formations after the analogy 
 of roi, ot (cp. § 321). Accusative Indg. *tans = Cret. Tau9, 
 Att. &c. τά?, Lat. is-tas; Skr. tab, Goth. ))5s were the 
 nom. used for the accusative. Genitive Indg. *tasam 
 (cp. § 314) or -5m = Hom. τάω^, Dor, rdv, Att. &c. των, 
 Lat. is-tanim. Locative Indg. *tasu = Skr. tasu; on the 
 Gr. dative forms ταΐς, ταΐσι, rfj?, rfjai see § 321. 
 
 § 410. The origin of the second element of o-Se, η•δ€, 
 τ6-δζ is unknown. Inflected forms of the second element 
 occur in Hom, τοΐσ-δβσσι, τοΐσ-δξσι and in the Lesb. gen. 
 pi. τών-δ€ωι^. Traces of similar compounds of the simple 
 demonstrative with particles of unknown origin occur in the 
 Thessalian neut. nom, sing, rS-ve, pi, ra-i^e and with both 
 elements inflected in the gen, sing, rot-ueo? and gen. pi, 
 Tovv-veovv ; in the Arcadian gen, sing, τω -pt, ace. fem. tup• 
 PL, neut. pi. τα-ρύ ; and in the Cyprian nom. 6-pv. 
 
 § 411. The prim. Greek forms corresponding to οντο?, 
 αΰτη, τοϋτο were : *6-ν-το, *α-ν•το, *τοδ-υ•το ; ace, *τορ-ν•το, 
 *ταν•υ-το, *τοδ•υ•το ; gen, *τοσο-ν•το, *τασ-υ-το, *τοσο-ν-το, &c., 
 
§412] Pronouns 245 
 
 consisting of the simple demonstrative + the deictic particle 
 i;, which is also common in Sanskrit pronouns (cp. nom. 
 fern, asau = a + sa (= Gr. a-) + u, that, ace. masc. amum 
 = am + u + m, that), together with the uninflected pro- 
 nominal stem TO: During the prehistoric period of the 
 language the inflexion was then transplanted from the first 
 to the last element of the compound, as ace. τούτον, ταντην, 
 τοντο, from *το-ν•τοι/, *τά•υ•ταν, *το•ν-το8 ; gen. τούτον, 
 ταύτη?, from *το-ν-τοο, *τα-ν-τα?, &c. ; and the old nomina- 
 tives *ούτο, *αύτο became ουτο9, αύτη after the analogy of 
 the nom. singular of adjectives. The Att. Ion. nom. pi. 
 ovTot, αυταί beside Dor. τούτοι, ταΰται were new forma- 
 tions after the analogy of the nom. singular. The nom. 
 ace. pi. neut. ταντα had -av- from the feminine stem. The 
 masc. forms of the dual were used for all genders ; and 
 similarly in Att. Ion. the gen. pi. τούτων beside Dor. and 
 Lesb. fem. ταντάν. 
 
 In the Boeotian dialect the stem-form of the masc. nom. 
 singular became generalized, as ace. οντον, neut. ουτο, gen. 
 οντω, nom. pi. οντοί, neut. οντά, ace. οντω?, gen. όντων. 
 
 The deictic particles -Γ, -ΐν, originally the feminine 
 nominative and accusative singular of a demonstrative pro- 
 noun, were often attached to the above compound demon- 
 stratives to express emphasis, as όδι, ήδί, τοδι, οντοσί or -tv, 
 αντηί, τοντονί, τοντωνί. This -Γ is the same as in the 
 Sanskrit fem. nom. sing, iyam from *i-am, this, and in the 
 Gothic fem. ace. ija, her, and is related to Hom. Γα, ϊαν, 
 IfJY, ifj (cp. § 380). 
 
 § 412. Att. €Κ€Ϊνο?, also poet. Keivos, Ion. ίκίΐνο?, κβΐνο?, 
 Dor. Lesb. κηνος. (Κ€Ϊνο? is composed of e = the isolated 
 pronominal particle which occurs in Skr. asau, that, and 
 K€ivo? from *Ke-evo? where /ce- corresponds to the Latin 
 particle ce in ce-do, huius-ce, and evo- is an old pronominal 
 stem (§ 416) ; and similarly Dor. τήνο? from *τ€-ϊνο9. On 
 forms like ίκ^ινοσί, ϊκανωνί see above. 
 
246 Accidence [§§ 413-14 
 
 5. Relative. 
 
 § 413. The Indg. stem-forms of the relative pronoun 
 were mascuHne and neuter jo•, feminine ja- = 6-, ή-, Skr. 
 ya-, ya•, as sing. nom. oy (Phrygian los), ή, ο, Skr. yah, 
 ya, yat, Indg. *jos, *ja, *jod ; gen. ov from */οσο, ης (a new 
 formation hke τψ, § 409), Skr. ydsya, yasyah ; the Horn, 
 gen 60V {B 325, α 70) and e??y (IT 208) are incorrect forms ; 
 pi. nom. o'i, at (a new formation like αί, § 409), α, Skr. 
 ye, yah, Vedic ya, Indg. *joi, *jas, *ja. The simple 
 demonstrative, especially the r-forms, was often also used 
 for the relative in Homer, Herodotus, Dor. Lesb. Boeot. 
 and Arcadian. 
 
 6. Interrogative and Indefinite. 
 
 § 414. The parent Indg. language had several stems 
 from which the interrogative pronoun was formed, viz. 
 qo-, qe-, fem. qa- ; qi-, qu•, with labialized q (§ 202). It is 
 impossible to determine to which cases the various stems 
 originally belonged owing to the levelling which took place 
 in the prehistoric period of the separate languages. 
 
 qo• occurs in Skr. kah, Goth, hras, Lith. kks, who ?, 
 neut. Lat. quod, Goth, hra, OE. hw^aet, what?, Indg. *qos, 
 *qod. In Greek it only occurs in pronominal adjectives 
 and adverbs, as πότερος, Skr. katar^h, Goth. hra]jar, 
 which of two ?, TTOioy, πόσος ; ποΓ, πόθ^ν, πότε, πώ-ποτ€, 
 πώς, Cret. 6-πω, 
 
 qe• occurs in the gen. sing. Goth. h;is, O.Slav, ceso, 
 Hom. rio (Att. τον, Ion. rev), from Indg. *qeso, whose Ρ 
 From τίο was formed recoi' and then further τΐω (Att. τω), 
 τίοισι ; and similarly to οτ€θ (Att. οτον. Ion. oTev) were 
 formed οτ^ων (Att. οτων), οτ^ω (Att. οτω), ότ^οισι (Att. 
 oTOLs). It also occurs in Dor. ττεΓ for *Tei and in the 
 conjunction re, Skr. ca, Lat. que, and. 
 
 qa- occurs in the fem. nom. Skr. ka, Goth, hro, luho ?, 
 
§ 415] Pronouns 247 
 
 ace. Skr. kam, Goth. Ivo, whotii ?, and in Dor. πα, 
 Att. nfj. 
 
 The stem qu• is only found in adverbs, as Dor. ο-πΰΓ 
 (Rhodes), o-ttvl (Gortyn), nvs (Syracuse), whither', Skr. 
 ku, Lith. kuf , vjhere ; Lat. ali-cu-bi, ne-cu-bi, &c. 
 
 It is probable that qi- belonged originally only to the 
 masc. and neut. nom. and ace. singular, ep. ri'y, τι, Lat. 
 quis, quid, Indg. *qis, *qid; masc. ace. *τίν, Lat. quem 
 for older *quim. In Greek the stem tl- became generalized 
 for all cases and genders. From *tlu was formed a new 
 accusative τίνα after the analogy of such words as eVa, 
 cp. also § 330. The -v- in τίνα was then levelled out into 
 the other cases, as τίνο^, τίνι ; τίνβ, τίνοιν ; riVey, τίνα^, 
 τίνα, τίνων, but τίσι : τίν€9 after the analogy of such forms 
 as ψρζσί, κνσί : φρύνζς, Kvve^. From the stem τι- were also 
 formed Lesb. τίω, τίοισιν ; Cret. 6-τΙμί from *-τισμι, Indg. 
 *qismi beside the Skr. loc. kasmin. Megarian neut. pi. 
 σά from *Tja for τίνα (Arist. Ach. 757, 784) ; indef. Att. 
 άττα, Ion. άσσα for initial *τά, *σά (§ 167), which arose 
 from a mistaken division of the words in such combinations 
 as όποΓ αττα, σμίκρ άττα for οποΐά ττα (cp. Hom. όπποΐά 
 σσα, τ 2 1 8), σμικρά ττα ; indef. rel. Att. αττα. Ion. άσσα, 
 from *a-TJa. In like manner is also declined the simple 
 indefinite pronoun which only differs from the interrogative 
 in accent. 
 
 § 415, Βύνα is always accompanied by the def. article 
 whether it remains uninfleeted for both numbers and all 
 genders and eases or whether it is inflected. It is 
 originally a compound of o5e + the pronominal stem -kvo- 
 which occurs in kKUvos from *e->ce-€i'o-y (§ 412), so that the 
 original nominative masc. was *ohuvo^, ace. ^τον^ξΧνον, &c. 
 For the explanation of Βύνα we have to start out from the 
 neut. plural form ταΒύνα = *τά8ζ4να which, by a mistaken 
 division of the compound, came to be regarded as being 
 for τα-δξΐνα. At a later period Suva in the combination 
 
248 Accidence [§416 
 
 τον 8dva came to be regarded as the accusative of 
 a consonantal stem (cp. τίνα, tlvos, § 414) to which were 
 then formed 8ξ.ΐνο$, $eivi, pi. Selves, SeTvas, δeίvωv. 
 
 7. Other Pronouns. 
 
 § 416. The parent Indg. language had several pronouns 
 besides those dealt with in the preceding paragraphs. 
 Some of these were not preserved in Greek and others 
 were only preserved in scanty fragments, as 
 
 e•. The original forms were nom. *es, ace. *em, neut. 
 *ed, gen. *esjo (Skr. asya, of this) beside *eso (OHG. es, 
 Goth, is, of it), fem. *esjas (Skr. asyah), loc. *ei (preserved 
 in ei, eJ-Tu, and the Goth, relative particle ei), instr. *e 
 (preserved in ή, ή-τοι, eTreL -η). The stem e- occurs in 
 words like e-Kelvos, e-Kei, k-Kel6ev, e-yOes, &c., cp. Skr. 
 a-sau, that, Lat. e-quidenio 
 
 eno-, one•, the former of which occurs in eKelvos, Ketvos, 
 Dor. KTJvos, from *Ke-evos, Dor. τηνο^ from *Te-evos, and 
 €νη, and the latter in Lith. anas, that, O.Slav, onu, 
 that, he. 
 
 The locative of an old fem. stem a• is preserved in the 
 Dor. conj. ai, if 
 
 i-, Lat. is, Goth, is, he ; ace. Indg. *im, Cypr. ϊν, Ο. Lat. 
 im, Goth, in-a, him, Skr. im-am, this. The stem also 
 occurs in Hom. iSe, and, Skr. i-da, now, in this moment, 
 i-hd, here. With ϊν, Ο. Lat. im are also probably related 
 Hom. μίν used for all genders but only in the singular, and 
 post-Homeric poet, viv used for the singular and plural all 
 genders. The exact formation of these two pronouns is 
 obscure. 
 
 The feminine stem ϊ• which occurs in the Skr. nom. 
 iyam from *i-am, this, and the particle •ΐ as in ούτοσ-ί, 
 eKeivoa-i, &c. ; the ace. Indg. *ijam (Goth, ija, her) beside 
 *im, *ijm (cp. § 330) occurs in the particle -ϊν, as οντοσ-ΐν. 
 With this pronoun is also related Hom. la, lav, Ifjs, ifj, 
 
§417] Verbs 249 
 
 to which was formed a masc. los, dat. ί'ω in Horn, and 
 Cretan. 
 
 The fern, pronoun *si = l, O.Ir. OHG. si, Goth, si, she. 
 
 ko-, ke•, the latter stem occurs in kKelvo<i from *k-Ki-ivo^, 
 in Lat. ce-do, huius-ce, and in k -ΚΗ, κύ-θ^ν^ κίΐ-θι, &c. 
 where κ€Ϊ is the old locative. 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 VERBS 
 
 § 417. The forms constituting the Greek verbal-system are 
 of two kinds : the finite and the infinite forms. The finite 
 forms consist of the indicative, subjunctive, optative, impera- 
 tive and the so-called injunctive (§ 524). Their special 
 characteristics are the personal endings, the augment, re- 
 duplication and the distinction of voice, tense and mood. 
 The infinite forms are the infinitive, participles, and the 
 verbal adjectives. The participles had become a part of the 
 verbal-system in the parent Indg. language, and accordingly 
 had voice- and tense-forms ; whereas the infinitive, which 
 is originally an isolated singular case-form of a nomen 
 actionis, became for the most part associated with the verbal- 
 system in the prehistoric period of the separate languages 
 (§ 545). On the verbal adjectives see §§ 555-6. 
 
 Primitive Greek inherited almost the entire verbal- 
 system of the parent Indg. language, to which it added 
 considerably by the creation of numerous new formations, 
 so that in course of time its verbal-system became more 
 extensive than that of any other Indg. language. Such 
 new formations were the passive aorist in -θην, the future 
 passive in -θησομαι, the passive participle in -θας, the 
 so-called future perfect, the pluperfect, the future optative, 
 the optative of the s-aorist, &c. 
 
 In the following paragraphs most of the remarks con- 
 
250 Accidence [§§ 418-20 
 
 cerning the finite forms of the verb properly belong to 
 the province of syntax. And only such points are men- 
 tioned here as are necessary for understanding the finite 
 forms. For the full treatment of the subject the student 
 should consult Brugmann's Griech. Grammatik, third ed., 
 pp. 458-568. 
 
 § 418. Number g The Indg. finite forms of the verb 
 had like nouns the three numbers — singular, dual and 
 plural — which were preserved in the oldest period of Greek 
 as also in the Aryan, Gothic and Baltic-Slavonic languages, 
 but the dual had practically disappeared in the prehistoric 
 period of the other languages. And even in prim. Greek 
 the first person of the dual was supplanted by the plural. 
 The second and third persons of the dual remained longer 
 in Attic than in the other dialects, but even in this dialect 
 they had become obsolete in the vernacular from about 
 the beginning of the fourth century B.C. 
 
 §419. Voices s The parent Indg. language had two 
 voices — the active and the middle. The former was 
 preserved in the historic period of all the separate lan- 
 guages, and the latter was preserved in Greek, Aryan and 
 Latin and partly also in Gothic. It had no special forms 
 which were exclusively used to express the passive, but 
 before the parent language had become differentiated into 
 the separate languages the middle forms had to some 
 extent begun to be used to express the passive. This mode 
 of expressing the passive underwent further development 
 in Greek, Sanskrit and Latin. And such middle forms as 
 were preserved in Gothic became exclusively passive in 
 meaning. The Greek second aorist passive in -ην was 
 originally active in form (§ 458), and the first aorist passive 
 in -θην was a special Greek new formation (§ 514). 
 
 § 420. The middle denoted that the action of the verb 
 was directed towards the agent. The use in which the 
 agent was the direct object was rare, as in λούομαι [λονμαι), 
 
§§ 42 1-2] Verbs 251 
 
 / wash niyselj. The original difference in meaning between 
 the middle and active was probably very slight, and this 
 would account for the fact that many verbs with only 
 middle forms have purely an active meaning without any 
 idea of the reflexive meaning, cp. ησται, Skr. aste, he siis ; 
 Skr. sacate, he follows, Gr. έπομαι, Lat. sequor ; μητίομαι, 
 Lat. metier; κείται, Skr. sete, he lies doivn ; and similarly 
 άγαμαι, άζομαι, άλλομαι, βούλομαι, ^ρ^ύγομαι, κρίμαμαί, 
 μίμψομαι, οΐγομαί, πλάζομαι, σέβομαι, σκβπτομαι, τβρσομαι, 
 φζβομαι, &C. Το such middle forms were often created 
 active forms in the historic period of the language, as 
 άζω, σίβω : άζομαι, σύβομαι. These new formations were 
 based on the analogy of verbs which originally had active 
 and middle forms side by side. 
 
 § 421. Already in the parent Indg. language middle verbs 
 sometimes had an active perfect, and some such verbs were 
 also preserved in Greek, Sanskrit and Latin, as -βίβονλα : 
 βούλομαι, ykyova : γίγνομαι, δίδορκα, Skr. daddrsa : δύρ- 
 κομαι, μίμηνα : μαίνομαι, ολωλα : ολλνμαι ; Skr. papada : 
 padyate, he falls, vavdrta : vartate, he turns; Lat. reverti : 
 reverter, assensi : assentior. 
 
 § 422. Many verbs, which are otherwise active in form, 
 have a future middle with active meaning. This is 
 especially the case with such verbs as have a second 
 aorist in use, as τίύ^ομαι : 'έτυχ^ον, πβίσομαι : ίτταθον, 
 λήψομαι : 'ίλαβον, and similarly άμαρτήσομαι, βήσομαι, 
 γνώσομαι, δραμονμαι, θανονμαι, θίγομαι, καμονμαι, λή- 
 ξομαι, φ^νξομαι, &c. This phenomenon is peculiar to 
 Greek and is connected with the intransitive use of the 
 second aorist. To aorists like (.στην, ίφϋν were formed 
 the future στήσομαι, φνσομαι, because στήσω, φνσω were 
 transitive ; βήσω became transitive after the analogy of 
 στήσω, and then to '4βην was formed the future βήσομαι. 
 This mode of forming a middle future then became extended 
 to other verbs. 
 
252 Accidence [§§ 423-4 
 
 § 423. Mode or manner of action : It is important to 
 note that tenses in the sense in which we generally use 
 that word were of comparatively late development in the 
 Indg. languages. The verbal forms — whether presential 
 or preterite — had originally in themselves no inherent 
 characteristic to indicate whether an action referred to 
 the present, past or future. If we compare together the 
 augmented tenses we see that they originally expressed 
 something other than what we generally understand by 
 the word tense. In the imperfect, aorist and pluperfect 
 the verbal form itself merely denoted the mode or manner 
 of the action according as it was durative or only momen- 
 tary, as in English seek beside find, and it was merely the 
 augment which denoted the past time, but the fact that 
 the augment does not appear in the Latin, Old Germanic 
 and Baltic-Slavonic languages shows that even the augment 
 was not originally necessary to express past time. When 
 the time of the action was sufficiently indicated by the 
 context the augment was not used in the parent Indg. 
 language, see § 430. 
 
 § 424. In the following classification of the mode or 
 manner in which the action takes place (actio verbi, or 
 Aktionsart as it is generally called in German), it is as 
 a rule only necessary to grasp clearly the difference 
 between the momentary and the durative action. The 
 mode or manner in which an action takes place can be 
 conveniently divided into five types : — 
 
 (i) An action is said to be momentary, perfective or 
 aoristic when it is practically completed at the moment 
 it begins, as in English find, strike. Since this mode of 
 action has no duration it was seldom used to express the 
 present, therefore unaugmented momentary formations 
 generally have a future meaning, as Δμι, νίομαι. A verb 
 became perfective by the addition of a preposition, cp. 
 άτΓοθντισκ^ί beside θρήσκα ; Lat. consequor beside sequor; 
 
§ 425] Verbs 253 
 
 this distinction in form and meaning was most fully 
 developed in the Slavonic languages and became one of 
 the most distinctive features of the verbal-system. The 
 aorist is characteristic of this type. 
 
 (2) An action is said to be cursive, durative or imper- 
 fective when it denotes continuous action without any 
 reference to its beginning or end, as in English I am 
 striking as compared with I strike; ίσθίω, πίνω beside 
 ίΒομαί, ττίομαι. The primary verbs in -jo- (§ 477) mostly 
 had durative action, as in χαίρω, &c. 
 
 (3) The perfect action, that is the mode of action expressed 
 by the perfect stem, denotes a state of the subject which 
 has resulted from a previous action, as in olSa, τίθνηκξ 
 as compared with γιγνώσκω, θρτ}σκςι. 
 
 (4) An action is said to be iterative when it consists of 
 repeated acts. Here belong especially the reduplicated 
 presents, as βίβημι, βφάω as compared with ^βην. This 
 meaning easily develops into the intensive, and in all 
 languages the desire for emphasis in time reduces the 
 intensive to the value of the simple verb, as in μίμνω, 
 ΐσχω beside μξρω, Ιχω. To this type also belong the verbs 
 in -ejo-, as in φορβω (§ 497). 
 
 (5) An action is said to be terminative when it indicates 
 the beginning or the end of the action, as in English aim, 
 start, throw beside hit. To this class originally belonged 
 the nasal-presents (§§ 460-7) like άγννμι, ορνΰμι, δάμι/ημί ; 
 and also the presents in -σκω (§ 469), as βάσκω, which 
 however often became iterative. 
 
 § 425. No one Greek verb has or could have all the 
 forms which are associated with the full verbal-system. 
 A present could not be formed from a base or stem which 
 expressed momentary or aoristic action unless the base 
 or stem was modified by a formative element; and on 
 the other hand no base or stem expressing cursive action 
 could occur in the second aorist. Hence arose the series 
 
2 54 Accidence [§426 
 
 of defective verbs with presents but no aorists or with 
 aorists but no presents, as φίρω : ήν^γκον, cp. Lat. fero : 
 tuli, i8a), ^σθίω : ΐφα-γον, ίργομαι : ηλυθον, λξγω : eiwov, 
 όράω : uSov. 
 
 § 42β. Tense-formation : In the parent Indg. language 
 there were strictly speaking only two tense-formations, viz. 
 the present-aorist-system and the perfect. The present- 
 aorist-system contained a present and an aorist form which 
 arose from the same base or stem through a difference in 
 accent. The forms mostly used as presents with cursive 
 meaning had the accent in the singular of the active on the 
 first syllable of the base which had the strong grade of 
 ablaut, and in all other forms the accent was on the personal 
 ending and the base had the weak grade of ablaut. The 
 forms with momentary or aoristic meaning had the accent 
 on the second syllable of the base in all forms and it there- 
 fore had the strong grade of ablaut. This is called the 
 second or strong aorist. The reason why this difference 
 of meaning should be associated with the difference in 
 accent is uncertain, see Brugmann, Kurze vergleichende 
 Grammatiky pp. 507-8. In Greek the tense-system was 
 most completely carried out in the denominative verbs, 
 because such verbs originally possessed no particular mode 
 or manner of action. 
 
 The present in the narrower sense had no special 
 characteristic to denote time unless we may regard the 
 primary personal endings as such. 
 
 The imperfect belongs to the present stem. The differ- 
 ence between this tense and the second aorist was often 
 one of syntax rather than of form, because forms of the 
 same nature were used partly as imperfects and partly as 
 aorists, cp. forms like '^φτ]ν, 'ίγραφον, 'ίγλυφον beside the 
 similarly formed aorists, ίστην, 'ίτραφον, ίφνγον. 
 
 There were originally no special forms which were ex- 
 clusively used to express the future. But forms with 
 
§ 427] Verbs 255 
 
 momentary meaning could be used for the future, as eT//i, 
 ν^ομαί. The ordinary future in Greek was originally the 
 subjunctive of the s-aorist (§ 499). The future passive 
 and future perfect were special Greek new formations 
 (§ 601). 
 
 The second aorist and the s-aorist had come to have the 
 same meaning already in the parent Indg. language (§ 502). 
 The passive aorist in -θψ was a special Greek new forma- 
 tion (§ 514). 
 
 So far as syntax is concerned the perfect was originally 
 a special kind of present which denoted a state of the 
 subject resulting from a previous action. For the special 
 characteristics of the perfect see § 515. 
 
 The Greek pluperfect is simply a preterite form developed 
 from the perfect stem. See § 523. 
 
 § 427. Moods : The parent Indg. language had four 
 moods— the indicative, subjunctive (§§ 525-9), optative 
 (§§ 530-8), and imperative (§§ 539-44)— all of which were 
 preserved in Greek and Vedic. The so-called injunctive 
 is strictly speaking not a mood, because it merely consists 
 of unaugmented indicative forms with secondary personal 
 endings (§ 524). Greek and Vedic are the only languages 
 which preserved the original distinction between the sub- 
 junctive and optative in form and meaning. But even in 
 Vedic the distinction began to disappear and with the 
 development of the sjo-future (§ 498) the subjunctive dis- 
 appeared entirely in classical Sanskrit, and the optative 
 came to be used for both. It was also supplanted by the 
 optative in the prehistoric period of the Germanic and 
 Baltic-Slavonic languages. And although subjunctive and 
 optative forms were preserved in Latin, they became con- 
 fused in usage already in the prehistoric period of the 
 language. Some scholars doubt whether the parent Indg. 
 language possessed a subjunctive with the function and 
 meaning that we usually associate with it. They are 
 
256 Accidence 
 
 42; 
 
 inclined to regard it as being originally an indicative with 
 momentary meaning which was used to express the future 
 action. In this manner they account for the fact that what 
 we call the subjunctive in Greek partly corresponds in 
 form to the future in Latin, as εω from *6σοΰ, φ€ρητ€ = Lat. 
 ero, feretis. 
 
 § 428. It is not always easy to draw a hard and fast line 
 between indicative and subjunctive forms. In Greek we 
 have the original subjunctive of the s-aorist used as the 
 future; in Homer forms like άλγήσ€Τ€, άμίίψζται, &c. 
 (§ 526) are sometimes futures and sometimes aorist sub- 
 junctives; the subjunctive of the athematic verbs corre- 
 sponds in form to the indicative of the thematic, cp. Hom. 
 ΐομίν beside φβρομξρ. 
 
 Possibly the optative (§§ 530-8) was originally merely 
 a characterized present denoting wish. The s-aorist of 
 the optative was a special Greek new formation. 
 
 Already in the parent Indg. language the imperative 
 system was made up of several distinct formations which 
 included (a) injunctive forms, (b) forms with the bare stem, 
 and (c) compound forms. See §§ 539-44. 
 
 Reduplication. 
 
 § 429. Reduplication had become a part of the verbal- 
 system already in the parent Indg. language, and was 
 originally used to express iterative or intensive action. At 
 a later period it also came to be used as a tense-forming 
 element. It was preserved in Greek, Aryan, Latin, Gothic 
 and Old Irish. There were originally three types of re- 
 duplication, type (a) with 1 in the reduplicated syllable, 
 type (b) with e in the reduplicated syllable, and type (c) 
 with the whole syllable reduplicated. The tenses which 
 had reduplication were the present, aorist and perfect. 
 
 The reduplicated presents originally had 1 beside e, but 
 the exact relation in which 1 stood to e is unknown. The 
 
§ 429] Verbs 257 
 
 i became generalized in the Greek presents except perhaps 
 in one or two isolated forms like Horn, κί-κλυ-θι, pi. 
 κ^-κλυ•τ€, whereas both types were preserved side by side 
 in Sanskrit, as -/ί-γνομαί : Lat. gigno, μίμνω, διδάσκω, ΐζω 
 from *σίσδω, ϊσ\ω from ^σισχω, πίμπλημι (Skr. pi-parmi, 
 / βίί), πίμπρημί, both verbs with -μ- after the analogy of 
 πιμπΧάνω (§ 466) ; ϊστημι from *σίστα/ζί : Lat. sistit, 
 Skr. ti-sthati, he stands; but τίθημί from *θιθημι beside 
 Skr. da-dhami, δίδωμι beside Skr. da-dami. 
 
 The aorist had e which was regularly preserved in 
 Greek, as ξ,-π^-φνον, inf. πζ-φνίμ^ν, 'ά-σπομην from *σ€- 
 σπομαν, and similarly Κ€κλ6μην, κ^γαρόμην, λ^λαθ^σθαι, 
 λίλαβίσθαι, ττίφραδον : φράζω, ττ^πίθον, Τζτυκ^ν, &c. 
 
 The perfect generally had e, as δίδορκα, ykyova = Skr. 
 dadarsa, jajana, for other examples see §§ 516-22. Beside 
 e there also existed e which is rare in Greek (cp. Hom. 
 δψδίχαται : δβχομαή but common in Vedic as va-vdrta 
 beside va-varta, he has fumed, see Whitney, Sanskrit 
 Grammar, § 786. On the consonants in the reduplicated 
 syllable of the perfect see § 517. 
 
 T}φe (c), which consisted of the reduplication of the 
 whole syllable, was the oldest mode of reduplication. Here 
 it is necessary to make two sub-divisions according as the 
 base or stem began with a consonant or a vowel, (i) When 
 it began with a consonant the reduplication was not a tense- 
 forming element but belonged to the whole verb, as γαρ- 
 γαίρω, μαρμαίρω, πορφυρω, τταμφαίνω, cp. also Lat. 
 murmurare, tintinnare. In a small number of verbs the 
 formation of the reduplicated syllable is not clear, {a) with 
 L in the reduplicated syllable, as δαιδάλλω, παιπάλλω 
 (Hesych.), μαιμάω, παιφάσσω, ττοίττννω, ποιφνσσω, (b) with 
 a nasal or liquid, as γογγνλλω, γαγγαλίζω beside γαργα- 
 λίζω ; βγρή-γορα. (2) When it began with a vowel, as 
 άρ-αρίσκω ; άκ-ήκοα, άλ-ήλξμαι, άρ-άρα, 6λ-ωλα, όμ-ώμοκα, 
 6ρ-ωρα ; ήγ-αγον, ήν•^γκον, ήρ•αρον, ώρ-ορον ; άγ-αγάν, 
 
 S 
 
258 Accidence [§ 430 
 
 ά\-α\κύν, άρ -apiiv, kv-eyK^Tv, ορ-ορ^ΐν, &c. ; kpvK-aKov : 
 (ρνκω, ηνιπ-απον : ^ίπτω. See § 233. 
 
 The reduplicated aorist was common in the language of 
 the epic, but in the later language only a few examples 
 were preserved, as ηγαγον, ήν^γκον. 
 
 The Augment. 
 
 § 430. The augment (Indg. e- = k-, Skr. a•, Arm. e•) 
 was originally a temporal adverb denoting the past, and 
 gradually became used in the so-called imperfect, aorist 
 and pluperfect indicative to express the past tense, because 
 the verbal forms as such possessed no inherent character- 
 istic which indicated the past tense. When it stood in the 
 parent Indg. language before consonants it is called the 
 syllabic augment, as in Indg. *ebheroni = (φβρον, Skr. 
 ibharam ; and when it underwent contraction with a 
 following vowel it is called the temporal augment, as in 
 Indg. *esni from *e-esm = Hom. rja, Skr. asam. The 
 augment had become an integral part of the verbal system 
 already in prim. Indo-Germanic and always had the prin- 
 cipal accent of the compound form, as in *ebherom beside 
 *bherom. It was preserved in Greek, Aryan and Armenian, 
 but in the other Indg. languages it either disappeared 
 altogether or was only preserved in isolated forms. When 
 the time of the action was sufficiently indicated by the 
 context the augment was not used in the parent language, 
 so that forms like *ebherom and *bherom existed side by 
 side without any distinction in meaning. After the analogy 
 of the augmented forms the unaugmented forms also 
 acquired in the course of time a preterite meaning in- 
 dependently of the context. This accounts for the optional 
 use of the augment in Vedic, Homer and in later Greek 
 poetry. The augmented forms became generalized in 
 Sanskrit. They had also become general in the oldest 
 
§ 43ol yerbs 259 
 
 period of Greek prose except in the pluperfect where both 
 forms existed side by side, as in ϊπ€π6ι>θη, kmnovOiLV 
 beside π^ττόνθη, π^πόνθ^ιν, and in the Ionic iterative forms 
 in -σκον which never have the augment, as φ^νγ^σκον, 
 φύγ^σκον, λάβζσκον. ^xpfju was a new formation beside 
 the regular form χρήν which was a contraction of χρη ην. 
 
 In verbs compounded with a preposition the augment 
 stood between the component parts, as in άπ4-βαλον, 
 π€ρί•ζ•βαλλον, παρ•ί-σ\ον, cp. Skr. imperf. ud-a^patat 
 beside the pres. ut-patati, he flies up. In a few cases the 
 compound verb came to be regarded as a simplex and then 
 had the augment in front of the preposition, as ^κάθιζον, 
 kKadevSov beside καθηνΒον, epic καθ^υδον with temporal 
 augment ; or with both elements augmented, as ην-αγόμην, 
 ην-ζσγόμην, ημφ-ζσβήτονν. 
 
 Verbs compounded with the inseparable particle δνσ- 
 have the augment in front of it, as ^δνστνχονι^ ; the same 
 rule also applies to verbs derived from compound nouns, 
 as €μΰθολ6γησα, but if the first element was a preposition 
 the augment was sometimes placed after it on analogy 
 with verbs of the type άπ4-βαλον, as άπ-ξ-λογησάμην. 
 
 The syllabic augment also occurred originally in verbs 
 which began with s- and j-, but these sounds disappeared 
 in prim. Greek and the loss of them gave rise to various 
 contractions and analogical formations, ee- regularly 
 underwent contraction (Att. ei-, Dor. ψ) after the loss 
 of σ- and j- in the combinations e-ae-, e/e-, as Att. (Ίχοι^, 
 Dor. ήχοι/ from *ίσ€χοι/ ; dpwou, Dor. ηρπον from *€σίρπον, 
 cp. Lat. serpo ; ΰπόμην from *^σ^πομην, cp. Lat. sequor 
 (§ 219) ; ^ίστήκξΐι/ from *ίσ€τηκ€ίΐ/ ; el/xei^ from *e/'e/x€i'. In 
 all other combinations we have the temporal augment after 
 the analogy of verbs which originally began with a vowel, 
 as ίζον for *€Ϊζον from *kaL(ov : ΐζω, and similarly vyiava : 
 υγιαίνω, ώρμησα : ορμάω, ήνυτο : οίνϋμι, &c. On the 
 double consonants in the original initial combination s + 
 
 S2 
 
26ο Accidence [§43» 
 
 nasal or liquid, see the phonology, as in Horn. eAXa/3e, 
 'ippeov (§ 215), '4μμαθ€ν, 'ivveov (§ 214). 
 
 Verbs, which originally began with Λν• = f- have the 
 syllabic augment in Homer, but contraction in Attic where 
 possible, as Horn. 'uSov, Att. eiSou, Lesb. eviSov from 
 *efiSou; Horn. 'Uinov, Att. unov ; Att. ^ίργαζόμην, Γκαζόν 
 beside ήργαζόμην, γικαζον with temporal augment ; Horn. 
 έίσσατο, IdvSavi, &c., Att. ίωνονμηΐ', katOovv beside ωθονν 
 with temporal augment. Forms like Att. ωκησα, ώργίσθην, 
 ωρθωσα, &c., Hom. ώφξλλον were new formations with the 
 temporal augment, 'ίρρίπτον from efplnrov : ρίπτω, and 
 similarly ίρρη^α. 
 
 Beside e- there seems also to have been a form e• (= Skr. 
 a•) in prim. Indo-Germanic, which occurred before verbs 
 beginning with w•, j- or r-, as in Hom. ή-ξί8η, Att. rjSeiv, 
 Hom. άπ-η-νρα from ^άπ-η -fpa, cp.Skr. impf. a-vrnak : pres. 
 vrndkti, he turns round. Some scholars assume that such 
 an η- occurs in ηβονΧόμην : βούλομαι, ήμ€λλον : μβλλω, 
 η8υνάμην : δύναμαι, but it is more probable that these were 
 new formations after the analogy of ηθ^λον : β^ελω beside 
 θέλω. 
 
 It is difficult to account satisfactorily for forms like ίάλων : 
 άλίσκομαι, έώρων, ^ώρωι/ : όράω, with the rough breathing 
 from the present, έάγηρ : άγι/ΰμι, άν-ίω^α : οιγνΰμι. They 
 contain either both the syllabic and the temporal augment 
 or else they had originally the syllabic augment η• and then 
 underwent quantitative metathesis whereby 77a-, ήο- became 
 ea-, eft)- (§ 72). 
 
 § 431. The augment became contracted in prim. Indo- 
 Germanic with verbal forms beginning with e•, as Indg. 
 *esm from *e-esm = Hom. rja, Skr. asam, / ivas; Indg. 
 ejm from *e-ejm = fja for * rja (§ 453), Skr. ayam, / went. 
 It is probable that e-o• [ωζον : o^ω)and e-a- {ηγορ, Dor. άγον : 
 άγω, cp. Skr. impf ajam s pres. djami, / drive, Lat. egi : 
 ago) also became contracted in the parent Indg. language. 
 
§ 432• Ferbs 201 
 
 After the analogy of these and similar forms there arose in 
 prim. Greek the system of simply lengthening the vowel in 
 the augmented tenses of verbs beginning with a vowel, as 
 ηθξλον : €θίλ(ύ,ηλπιζον : ζλπίζω,ήμπβδονί' : ΐμπβδόω; taiyou: 
 ίαίνω, ΐκίηυον : ίκζτζύω; ϋφηνα : υφαίνω, υγίαινον : υγιαίνω ; 
 ωδαξον : οδά^ω, ώμίλουν : όμιλίω. 
 
 The long diphthong, which occurred in the augmented 
 tenses of verbs beginning with a diphthong, was regularly 
 shortened in prim. Greek (§ 63), as in Ion. airec, αϋξίτο, 
 ξϋχ€το. Later new formations were forms like fJTeov, 
 γιτουν : αίτίω, ηύξον : αυξάνω, ηύγόμην : ζϋγομαι, ωδησα : 
 οίδίω. 
 
 The Personal Endings. 
 
 § 432. The parent Indg. language had two kinds of 
 personal endings — primary and secondary — , the former 
 occurred in the present indicative active and middle, the 
 so-called s- or sjo• future, and the indicative perfect middle, 
 and the latter in all the augmented tenses of the indicative 
 active and middle, the so-called injunctive forms of the 
 imperative, and the optative. The subjunctive had origin- 
 ally partly primary and partly secondary endings. In 
 Greek it has the same endings as in the present indicative. 
 The indicative perfect active had its own special endings 
 for the three persons of the singular. On the endings of 
 the imperative see §§ 539-44. 
 
 The original system and distribution of the personal 
 endings were better preserved in Sanskrit than in any 
 of the other Indg. languages. The original distinction 
 between the primary and secondary endings was only 
 preserved in Greek in the first and second persons of the 
 singular and in the third person of all numbers. Only 
 scanty fragments of the athematic conjugation were pre- 
 served in Latin and the Germanic languages, and even in 
 Greek many verbs passed over into the thematic conjuga- 
 
202 Accidence ί§ 433 
 
 tion, which remained athematic in Sanskrit. In Sanskrit 
 the ending -mi of the athematic conjugation was extended 
 by analogy to the thematic. 
 
 Of the origin of the personal endings nothing is known 
 with any degree of certainty or even probability notwith- 
 standing all that has been written upon the subject. It is 
 sometimes assumed that they were partly or entirely of 
 pronominal origin, but this is a theory which can neither 
 be proved nor disproved. It is also unknown which of the 
 two kinds of endings is the older or in what etymological 
 relation they originally stood to each other. And in like 
 manner the formal relation between the active and middle 
 primary and secondary endings is equally obscure. 
 
 I. The Endings of the Active. 
 Singular. 
 § 433. The primary endings of the first person were -mi 
 in the athematic and •δ in the thematic verbs, as Lesb. ^μμί, 
 Att. Ion. ζΐμί, Skr. dsmi, Goth, im, Lith. esmi, O.Slav. 
 jesmi, / am ; 8ί8ωμι, τίθημι = Skr. dadami, dddhami ; 
 ΐστημι, δζίκρνμι, δάμνημι. ψύρω, Lat. fero, Goth, baira, 
 but Skr. bhara-mi with -mi from the athematic verbs ; fut. 
 λζίψω, λύσω, θήσω, δώσω, στήσω, δ€ίξω ; subj. €ω, ω from 
 *es5 = Lat. ero (fut.), λ^ίπω, τιθώ, δίδω, δεικνύω. 
 
 Note. — In Boeot. Lesb. Thess. Arcad. and Cyprian the 
 denominative verbs in -άω, -εω, -όω often had the ending -/ai 
 after the analogy of the athematic verbs ; and similarly in 
 
 Homer in the subjunctive, as έθίλωμί, άγάγωμι, (ΐπωμι, &c. 
 
 The original secondary ending was -m or -m according 
 as the preceding sound was a vowel or a consonant, as 
 €0epoi/ (§ 141) = Skr. ibharam, cp. Lat. amabam ; ίτίθηρ, 
 (ίστην = Skr. ddadham, dstham, ίδϋν ; ^ϊην from *^σ)ην = 
 Skr. syam, Lat. stem, sim ; τιθΐίην, δίδοίην, θίίην, δοίην. 
 η, Hom. ήα from Indg. *esm = Skr. asam for *asa with 
 
§§ 434-5] Verbs 263 
 
 ■m from forms like dbharam ; eVei/ra = Skr. apaksara, 
 ^λϊ'σα ; opt. of the thematic verbs, as Skr. bhareya-m, but 
 Gr. φίροιμί for *φ€ρο/α or *(f>ipoija•, after the analogy of 
 τίθημι : τίθη^ so to φ^ροι? was formed φίροιμι, and 
 similarly Β^ίκνύοιμι, &ο. 
 
 § 434. The primary ending of the second person was 
 •si which was only preserved in Homer and Syracusan 
 βσ-σί, Indg. *es-si, beside el, Skr. dsi, Indg. *esi ; a. from 
 *€ί-σί = Skr. e-si, Lith. ei-si. In Greek the other athematic 
 verbs had the secondary ending, cp. τίθη^, SlSms beside 
 Skr. dadhasi, dadasi. The regular form of the thematic 
 verbs would have been *0epei from *φ€ρξσι = Skr. bhdrasi, 
 Indg. *bheresi; *0epei became φύρ^ίΫ with secondary 
 ending after the analogy of e^epey ; and similarly Hom. 
 ei? for d after the analogy of forms like τίθης ; the regular 
 form of the subjunctive would have been *0epi; from 
 *φ€ρησι = Skr. bhdrasi, Indg. *bheresi ; φ^ρτ}^ was a new 
 formation like φύρζΐς ; and similarly TtOfjs, SeiKvvTj^, Szc. 
 
 The secondary ending was -s, as e0epey, eVrr/y, φζροίί 
 (Goth, bairais), e^T/y (Lat. sies, sis) = Skr. abharah, 
 asthah, bhareh, syah, 
 
 § 435. The primary ending of the third person was -ti 
 which was preserved in all the dialects in ea-Ti = Skr. asti, 
 Lat. est, Goth, ist, Lith. es-ti ; it remained in the athematic 
 verbs in Dor. Boeot. and the North-West Greek dialects, 
 but became -σί (§ 169) in Att. Ion. and Lesbian, as Dor. 
 τίθητι, δίδωτι, Att. τίθησι, δίδωσι = Skr. dadhati, dddati. 
 The regular form of the thematic verbs would have been 
 Dor. *φ€ρ€τι, Att. *φ€ρ€σί = Skr. bharati, but all the 
 dialects have 0epei which was formed after the analogy 
 of φύρ€ΐς. The regular form of the subjunctive would have 
 been Dor. &c. *φ€ρητί, Att. &c. *φζρησι = Skr. bharati, 
 Indg. *bhereti; Att. &c. 0ep7; was formed after the analogy 
 of φίρ€ΐ ; and similarly Hom. φίρ^σι, ayayrjaL, eOiXrjai, 
 &c., with -σί from τίθησι, &:c. ; tarfi, Τίθη, arfj, Ofj, &c. 
 
204 Accidence [§§ 436-7 
 
 The secondary ending was -t which regularly disappeared 
 in prim. Greek (§ 230), as e0epe, 'ί^στη, φ^ροι, ^ϊη (Lat. 
 sit) = Skr. abharat, asthat, bharet, syat ; Dor. &c. ης 
 from *ηστ = Indg. *est, he was. 
 
 Dual, 
 
 § 436. The first person of the dual was preserved in 
 Sanskrit, Gothic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages, but 
 it disappeared in the prehistoric period of Greek, and its 
 place was taken by the first person plural. 
 
 The original primary ending of the second person was 
 ■t(h)es (= Lat. -tis which became used for the plural) or 
 •t(h)os, Skr. -thah can be from either form, beside the 
 secondary ending -torn = -top, Skr. -tamo The original 
 distinction was preserved in Sanskrit, but in Greek the 
 secondary ending came to be used for both kinds, cp. 
 ka-Tov, τίθζτον, φίρ^τον beside Skr. s-thdh, dhat-thah, 
 bhdra-thah, and ησ-τον, eriOeTou, ^φίρ^τον beside Skr. 
 as-tam, adhat-tam, abhara-tam. 
 
 The original primary ending of the third person was 
 ■tes = Skr. -tah, beside the secondary ending -tam = -ταν, 
 -την, Skr. -tarn. In Greek the -τον of the second person 
 came to be used for the primary ending, as ka-Tov, τίθ^τορ, 
 φβρξτον, but Skr. s-tdh, dhat-tdh, bhdra-tah, beside 
 ησ•την, ίτίθίτην, ^φζρίτην, 0epoiV77j/ = Skr. as-tam, ddhat• 
 tam, abhara-tam, bhdre-tam. Owing to the fact that 
 •τον was used both as primary and secondary ending in 
 the second person it also became used occasionally for 
 the secondary ending of the third person, and conversely 
 -τάν, -την instead οϊ -τον also became used occasionally in 
 the augmented tenses of the second person. 
 
 Plural. 
 § 437. The original primary ending of the first person 
 was -mes beside -mos, the former corresponding to Dor. 
 
§§ 438-9] Verbs 265 
 
 -/zey and the latter to Lat. -mus, Skr. -mah can be either 
 form. The secondary ending was probably -men beside 
 •mn, the former corresponding to Att. &c. -μ^ν and the 
 latter to Skr. -ma. Sanskrit preserved the original dis- 
 tinction between the primary and secondary endings, but 
 in Greek -//ey became generalized in Doric and the dialect 
 of Delphi and -μ^ν in the other dialects, as Dor. φίρομ^ς, 
 Att. &c. φίρομ^ν, Dor. €/-//€$•, Att. ίσ-μύι/ (Horn. ^Ι-μίν), 
 τίθ^μ^ν, but Skr. bhara-mah, s-mdh, dadh-mah ; Att. &c. 
 ίφίρομβρ, ίτίθ€μ^ν = Skr. abhara-ma, ddadh-ma. 
 
 § 438. The original primary ending of the second person 
 was probably -the^ Skr, -tha beside the secondary ending 
 ■te = Skr, -ta. This distinction was not preserved in the 
 other branches of the Indg. languages. In all these 
 languages -te was used for both kinds of endings, as 
 €σ-τ6 (O.Slav, jes-te), τίθβτί, φβρβτ^ (O.Slav, berete), but 
 Skr. s-tha, dhat-tha, bhara-tha, beside rj-re [ησ-τβ], kri- 
 θ€Τ€, ΐφίρ^τξ, φύροίτξ = Sk]•. as-ta, ddhat-ta, abhara-ta, 
 bhare-ta. 
 
 § 439. The original primary endings of the third person 
 were : -enti, -nti, -nti beside the corresponding secondary 
 endings -ent, -nt, -nt. 
 
 The accented form -enti only occurred after consonants 
 in the present indicative of the non-reduplicated athematic 
 verbs. It regularly became -dnti in Sanskrit, as s-anti = 
 Dor. euTi, Att. elai (both forms with the smooth for the 
 rough breathing after the analogy of the singular), Goth. 
 sind, Indg. *s-enti, they are; Skr. sunv-anti : suno-mi, 
 / press out ; krin-dnti : krina-mi, / buyy corresponding to 
 prim. Gr. ^SecKuf-euri : Β^ίκνϋ-μι, *8αμν-ζντί : 8άμνψμι. 
 The only regular form preserved in Greek was Dor, kvTi, 
 Att, eiai. In all other verbs belonging to this type -enti 
 was supplanted either by the postvocalic form -nti of the 
 thematic verbs like Dor, φύρο-ρτι, Att, φβρουσι or by the 
 analogical formation -apri (see below), and then the third 
 
266 Accidence [§ 439 
 
 person came to be formed from the stem-form of the dual 
 and of the other persons of the plural + -vtl or -avn, as 
 Dor. φα -vTL, Att. φάσί, Ion. Β^ικνϋσί from *S€lkvv-vti but 
 with the circumflex accent after the analogy of ίστάσι, 
 8αμνασί from *δαμνα-δίσί older -αντί, δζίκνν-ασι, ϊάσι from 
 *i-avTL beside Skr. y-anti from Indg. *j-enti (§ 453). 
 
 The regular prim. Greek primary ending of the present 
 of the reduplicated athematic verbs was -an — Indg. -nti, 
 as in *ίστ-ατι, *τίθ-ατι = Skr. dadh-ati, *δίδ-ατί = Skr. 
 ddd-ati. This ending was preserved in the Hom. perfects 
 πΐφύκ-άσι, λ^λόγχ-άσι, but it disappeared in the present 
 and its place was taken either by the postvocalic form -ptl 
 or by the analogical form -αντί, as Dor. τίθί-ντι, δίδο-νη, 
 ΐστα-ντι, but Att. τιθ^άσι, διδόάσί, iardat, from *τίθί•αντί, 
 *δίδο•αντί, *ίστα•αΐ'Τί, formed in both dialects from the 
 stem-form of the dual and of the other persons of the 
 plural ; and similarly Hom. τιθ€Ϊσί, δίδονσι = Dor. τίθ^ντι, 
 δίδοντι, but with the circumflex accent after the analogy of 
 Ιστάσι. 
 
 The primary ending of the thematic verbs was -nti, as 
 in Dor. φίρο-ντι, Att. Ion. φ^ρονσι, Boeot. -νθι, Arcad. -ι^σι, 
 Lesb. -οισι from -ο-ντι — Skr. bharanti, Lat. ferunt, Goth, 
 bairand, Indg. *bhero-nti ; subj. Dor. φβρού-ντι, Att. Ion. 
 φύρωσι. 
 
 The original secondary endings were : -ent, -nt and -nt. 
 The accented form -ent occurred after consonants in the 
 imperfect of the non-reduplicated athematic verbs and in 
 the optative, as Hom. ηζν, ην, Dor. Szc. ην which came 
 to be used for the third person singular = Skr. as-an with 
 regular loss of final -t, Indg. *es-ent, they were (§ 452) ; Skr. 
 dsunv-an, they pressed out ; akrin-an, they bought, corre- 
 sponding to prim. Gr. *€8eiKvf-evT, *€δαμν•€ντ, see below ; 
 opt. ehv from *€σβντ (§ 230), Ο. Lat. sient, later sint; 
 φίροίζν from *φ€ροφντ, and similarly δ€ίκννοΐ€ν, Ισταΐβν, 
 TideUv, διδοΪ€ν, σταί^ν, 6(hv, δοΪ€ν ; λίποκν, φανοΐ^ν, 
 
§ 440^ Verbs 267 
 
 λνσοίζν, λνσαΐ€ΐ/, but Xvaeiau, Sei^eiau with -au for -eu after 
 the analogy of the aorist indicative. 
 
 The secondary ending -nt = prim. Gr. -air) occurred 
 after consonants in the imperfect of the reduph'cated 
 athematic verbs and in the s-aorist, as prim. Gr. *€δι8•α{τ), 
 *ΐτιθ•α{τ), *ί8€ίξ-α{τ). The ending -air) was not preserved 
 in the historic period of any of the dialects. From the 
 stem-form of the dual and of the other persons of the 
 plural were formed 'ίτιθ^-ν, 'ίδιΒο-ν with -ν after the analogy 
 of thematic verbs like '<ίψ€ρο-ν, and similarly e^e-j^, 'i8o-v, 
 'ίστα-ν ; and in like manner ^eSei^a became eSei^ai/ after 
 the analogy of 'ίψζρο-ν, and similarly έλυσαν, ίφηναν, ήσαν 
 (for *ηαν after the analogy of ησ-τ^). Forms like ήσαν, 
 eSei^av, έλυσαν gave rise to two kinds of new formations, 
 (i) To the new secondary ending -av there was formed 
 a new primary ending -αντί = -άσι after the analogy of 
 ίφζρο-ν : (f>ipo-vTi, as δαμνάσι, δ€ίκνύάσι, Τίθίασι, 8ι86άσι, 
 ίστασι, see above. (2) The ending -σαν became extracted 
 as a personal ending and then extended to the imperfect 
 and aorist of athematic verbs and also to the optative, as 
 ΐστασαν, ΐτίθ^σαν, ίδίδοσαν, €8βίκννσαν ; 'ίστησαν, ίθζσαν, 
 'ίδοσαν/ίδϋσαν; ΐσταιησαν,τιθξίησαν, 8ι8οίησαν ; σταίησαν, 
 θ^ίησαν, 8οίησαν. 
 
 The secondary ending -nt regularly occurred after vowels, 
 as e0epof = Skr. abharan, Indg. *ebhero.nt; eXtnov, 'iyvov 
 from ""'iyvoiVT, ίβάν from *'4βάντ (§ 70). 
 
 Perfect. 
 
 § 440. Singular : The Indg. ending of the first person 
 was -a which remained in Greek, as οΊ8α, 8^8ορκα = Skr. 
 veda, daddrsa. 
 
 The original ending of the second person was «tha which 
 was regularly preserved in ησ-θα (originally the perfect), 
 Indg. *es-tha, cp. Skr. asitha; οίσθα = Skr. vet-tha, and 
 likewise originally with all stems ending in a dental, as 
 
268 Accidence [§§ 441-2 
 
 *π€7Γ0ΐσΘα, *λύλησθα (§ 110). In these and similar forms 
 the -σθα came to be regarded as a personal ending and 
 was then extended to other tenses, as Hom. τίθησθα, 
 φήσθα; ^θ^λ-ρσθα, dnrjaOa, πάθ]]σθα; βάλοισθα, κλαιοισθα. 
 The ordinary ending -α?, as in λίλοίπα?, was a new 
 formation from the first aor. indicative owing to the end- 
 ing of the first person being alike in both tenses. And 
 conversely the first aor. ending -e of the third person was 
 from the perfect for a like reason. 
 
 The original ending of the third person was -e which 
 remained in Greek, as olSe, SiSopKe = Skr. veda, dadarsa. 
 
 § 441. With the exception of the first person plural the 
 Greek and Sanskrit endings of the dual and plural are 
 entirely different, cp. Skr. dual -vd, -athur, -atur ; plural 
 ■md, -a, -ur. On Skr. -md beside Gr. -μβι^ see § 437. In 
 Greek the endings are the same as in the present indicative, 
 as ϊσ-τον, ϊσ-τον -, ΐσ-μ^ν (Hom. ί8•μ€ν, Skr. vid-ma), ϊσ-τβ, 
 ΐσ•άσι from -α^τι (§ 69) ; λ^λοίπ-α-τον, λίλοίπ-α-μ^ν, λξλοίπ• 
 α-Τ€, λζλοίπ-άσι. The -α- in these forms was of the same 
 origin as in the first aor. indicative, kXvaa-Tov, ^λνσα-μζΐ/, 
 &c. (§ 507). On the perfect ending -άσι in Hom. πβφνκ- 
 ασι, λβλόγχ-ασί see § 439. 
 
 2. The Endings of the Middle. 
 Singular. 
 § 442. It is impossible to determine what were the 
 original primary and secondary endings of the first person. 
 The Greek primary ending -μαί and the secondary ending 
 -μην, -μαν are not found in any of the other Indg. languages. 
 It is possible that -μαί was originally the primary ending 
 of the athematic verbs which became generalized in Greek. 
 The original ending of the perfect seems to have been -ai 
 which corresponds to the -e in Skr. tutud-e = Lat. tutud-i 
 (originally the middle). Sanskrit then generalized the -e, 
 cp. τίθεμαι : Skr. dadh-e, φ€ρομαι : Skr. bhdr-e, and 
 
§§ 443-4] Verbs 269 
 
 s\m.\\a.r\y 8ζίκννμαί, δάμραμαι; τιθώμαι, φβρωμαι ; δίδομαι : 
 Skr. dad-e, and similarly δβδξίγμαί, λύλνμαι, γ^γραμμαι. 
 
 Secondary ending -μηι/ : (.τιθίμην, ΐδίδόμην, ϊδ^ικνύμην, 
 βφίρόμην ; τιθ^ίμην, δίδοίμην, φ^ροίμην ; Ϊδ€δ6μ7]ν, ζδί• 
 δξίγμην, ^λ^λνμην. The origin of this ending is obscure. 
 
 § 443. The original primary ending of the second person 
 was -sai = -σαι, Skr. -se, Goth, -za, as τίθ^σαι, δίδοσαι, 
 δξδοσαι = Skr. dhat-se, dat-se, dadi-se; φ^ρ^αι, φίρυ 
 (written -ei on Attic inscriptions from the fourth century 
 B.C. onwards) = Skr. bhara-se, Goth, baira-za ; φίρηαι, 
 φίρτ} for the regular form *0€p6a ; yiypay\raL, τίτρΐψαι. 
 The intervocalic -σ- regularly disappeared, as in φ^ρ^αι, 
 φ^ρτ) (§ 213, 2), but in Attic and Ionic the -σ- was restored 
 in the present and perfect of the athematic verbs after the 
 analogy of perfects the stem of which ended in a conso- 
 nant, as in γύγραψαι, and similarly in the imperfect and 
 pluperfect. 
 
 The original secondary ending was -so in the thematic 
 and -this = -θη^, Skr. -thah in the athematic verbs. Greek 
 generalized the former and Sanskrit the latter form, cp. 
 έτίθξσο, ίδίδοσο, ίφ^ρζο, ίφ^ρον beside Skr. adhat-thah, 
 adat-thah, abhara-thah ; 'έθον, '4δον ; Tideio, διδοΐο, φύροιο; 
 €λνσω (Hom. -αο, Dor. -a), ίπρίω; έδύδοσο, ίγίγραψο, 
 ίλίλνσο. On the intervocalic -σ- see above. The secondary 
 ending -thes was preserved in the aor. passive ΐδόθης — 
 Skr. adi-thah. 
 
 § 444. The original primary ending of the third person 
 present was -tai (= -ται, Boeot. •τη, Thess. -Τ€ί, Arcad. 
 and Cyprian -rot for -ταί after the analogy of the secondary 
 ending -το, Skr. -te, Goth, -da) which remained in Greek, 
 as τίθεται, ησται, φίρζται = Skr. dhat-te, as-te, bhdra-te 
 (Goth, baira-da). The perfect had the ending -ai = Skr. 
 •e, but in Greek the ending of the present was extended to 
 the perfect, cp. δίδοται, ττίπυσται beside the Skr. dad-e, 
 bubudh-e. 
 
270 Accidence [§§ 445-7 
 
 The original secondary ending was -to = -to, Skr. -ta, 
 Lat. «tu-, as eSoTo, ίψβρζτο, τιΘητο, φίροίτο = Skr. ddi-ta 
 (Lat. da-tu-r from *da-to-r), dbhara-ta, dadhi-td, bhare-ta. 
 
 Dual. 
 
 § 445. It is impossible to determine what were the 
 original personal endings of the three persons of the dual, 
 because the Greek and the Sanskrit endings do not agree 
 in form. 
 
 ■μ^θον, the ending of the first person, is from the plural 
 ending -μ^θα with -ov from -σθον. According to Kuhner, 
 Ausfiihrliche Grammatik der griech. Sprache, vol. ii, p. 70, 
 it only occurs three times in good authors, viz, πζρί8ώμ^θον, 
 Hom. //. xxiii. 485 ; ορμώμ^θον, Soph. Ph. 1079, and λξλξίμ- 
 μ^θον, El. 950. 
 
 The origin of the Greek endings of the second and third 
 persons is unknown. 
 
 The primary and secondary ending of the second person 
 is -σθον, cp. τίθβσθον, φ^ρ^σθον beside Skr. dadh-athe, 
 bhirethe ; ίτίθ^σθον, €φ€ρζσθον beside Skr. ddadh-atham, 
 abharetham. 
 
 The primary ending of the third person is -σθον and the 
 secondary -σθην, Dor. -σθαν, as τίθξσθον, φ^ρ^σθον beside 
 Skr. dadh-ate, bharete ; ^ιθίσθην, ^φ^ρ^σθψ beside Skr. 
 ddadh-atam, ibharetam. 
 
 Plural. 
 
 § 446. The original primary ending of the first person 
 was -medhai = Skr. -mahe, beside the secondary ending 
 •medh9 = -μ^θα, Skr. -mahi. Greek generalized the latter 
 form, cp. τιθίμ^θα, φβρόμ^θα beside Skr. dddh-mahe, 
 bhara-mahe ; ^ηθ^μ^θα, ϊφβρόμ^θα = Skr. ddadh-mahi, 
 dbhara-mahi. The poet, ending -μ^σθα had its -σ- from -σθξ. 
 
 § 447. -σθβ was used for the primary and secondary 
 ending of the second person in all the dialects. The origin 
 
§ 448] Ferbs 271 
 
 of this form is unknown. In Sanskrit the primary ending 
 is -dhve and the secondary -dhvam, cp. τίθξσθξ, hieeaOe, 
 φίρξσθ€, ecpepeaOe beside Skr. dhad-dhve, ddhad-dhvam, 
 bhara-dhve, dbhara-dhvam. On forms like eanapOe, 
 'ίσταλθί from *€σπαρσθ€, *ξ.στα\σθζ see § 221. 
 
 § 448. The original primary endings of the third person 
 were -ntai (= -vrai, Skr. -nte, Goth, -nda) after vowels 
 and -ntai (= -αταί, Skr. -ate) after consonants. The 
 former ending occurred in the present of the thematic 
 verbs and the latter in the athematic, as φίρονται = Skr. 
 bhara-nte, Goth, baira-nda; Hom. ή-αταί = Skr. as-ate, 
 Indg. *es-ntai, Att. η-νται was a new formation after the 
 analogy of the thematic presents like φίρονται ; prim. Gr. 
 *τιθ-αται, *διδ-αταί = Skr. dadh-ate, dad-ate. τίθενται, 
 δίδονται, δ^ίκνυνται, &c. were new formations formed from 
 the stem-form of the dual and the other persons of the 
 plural + -νται after the analogy of the thematic verbs like 
 φέρονται ; and similarly with the stem-form of Ion. τίθί- 
 αται, δίδό-αται, &c. for *τίθ-αταί, *διδ-αται, &c. The perfect 
 had the ending -νται beside -arai just as in the present. 
 Regular forms were : δώούλωνται, βέβληνται beside 
 Τ€τράφαται, τ^τάχαται, κζκλίαται, Κ€χναταί, and then 
 after the analogy of these and similar forms were made 
 on the one hand forms like κίκρινται, XiXvvrai, and on 
 the other hand Hom. βββή-αται, Sec. After about the 
 beginning of the fourth century b.c. the perfects in -αται 
 and the pluperfects in -ατο disappeared and their place 
 was taken by periphrastic forms. 
 
 The secondary endings were -nto (= -pto, Skr. «nta, 
 Lat. -ntu•) after vowels and -nto (= -ατο, Skr. -ata) after 
 consonants, as ίφίροντο = Skr. abhara-nta, cp. Lat. feru• 
 ntu-r; 'ίμ-πληντο, cp. Lat. im-ple-ntu-r. Hom. ή-ατο = 
 Skr. as-ata, Indg. *es-nto, Att. η-ι/το was a new formation 
 after the analogy of έψύροντο, <S:c. ; prim. Gr. *€Τίθ•ατο, 
 *έδιδ-ατο = Skr. adadh-ata, ddad-ata. kriOiVTo, ίδίδοντο, 
 
272 Accidence [§ 449 
 
 iSeiKuvvTo, «Sec. were new formations of the same kind as 
 in the present ; and similarly with the aor. kXvaavTo, kSd- 
 ζαντο, errpiauTo for older *ΐλϋσ-ατο, &c. ; opt. Horn. 
 φ€ροίατο beside the new formations φίροιντο, Χύσαιντο, 
 δζίξαίντο, δζίκννοιντο, τιθ^ΐντο, διδοΐντο, &c. Regular 
 forms of the pluperfect were : ^δζδούλω-ντο beside €Τ€τράφ- 
 ατο, €τ€τάχ-ατο ; new formations after the analogy of the 
 former were kX^Xwro, ίκύκριρτο, &c. and after the latter 
 Ion. ζβξβλή-ατο, Szc. 
 
 Formation of the Present. 
 
 § 449. The classification of the various ways in which 
 the present was formed in Greek must be more or less 
 arbitrary according as we regard this or that factor as 
 being a sufficient characteristic to constitute a distinct class. 
 In this grammar the formations of the present are divided 
 into twelve classes, viz. Class I containing monosyllabic 
 athematic light or heavy ablaut-bases ; Class II containing 
 reduplicated monosyllabic athematic heavy ablaut-bases ; 
 Class III containing verbs of the type φ€ρω, formed from 
 dissyllabic light bases; Class IV containing heavy ablaut- 
 bases with and without reduplication; Classes V-VIII 
 containing the nasal-presents ; Class IX the s-presents ; 
 Class X the sko-presents ; Class XI the dental-presents; 
 and Class XII the j-presents. The characteristic elements 
 ■sko•, &c. used in forming the present stem were often 
 extended to other tense-stems. It should be noted that the 
 word present as used above not only includes the present in 
 the narrower sense but also the imperfect and aorist. 
 
 § 450. In the parent Indg. language the conjugation of 
 the present was divided into two great classes — athematic 
 and thematic. In the athematic conjugation the personal 
 endings were added direct to the bare base. In mono- 
 syllabic bases the accent was on the base in the active 
 singular and on the personal endings in the dual and 
 
s^ 450 
 
 τ Frrbs 
 
 plural. And the base had accordingly the strong grade of 
 ablaut in the active singular, but the weak grade in all other 
 forms, as *έί•πιί, / go, *ei-si, *έί•ϋ, pi. *ί•ιη68, *i-t(h)e, 
 *j.6nti. In dissyllabic heavy bases the accent was on the 
 first syllable of the base in the active singular and on the 
 personal endings in the dual and plural. The first syllable 
 of the base had accordingly the strong grade of ablaut and 
 the second syllable the weak grade in the active singular, 
 but in the dual and plural both syllables had the weak grade. 
 Thus from an original base *geno- we have the two types 
 *gen3•, *gnO• (§ 458). The present indicative was *gena-mi, 
 *gen9-si, *gen3-ti, pi. *gn3-mes, *gn9-t(h)e, *gn(3)-enti, but 
 the aorist *gn6-m, *gn6-s, *gnO-t, pi. *gn6-m• (§ 437), *gn6• 
 te, *gn6-nt = ί-γνων, &c. Only middle forms of the type 
 *gen9• were preserved in Greek, all the active forms passed 
 over into the thematic conjugation in the prehistoric period 
 of the language (see § 458). The athematic conjugation 
 was well preserved in Aryan and to a great extent in Greek, 
 but in most of the other languages, including the Latin and 
 the Germanic, the verbs originally belonging to this con- 
 jugation almost entirely passed over into the thematic 
 conjugation. 
 
 The thematic conjugation had the thematic vowels -e-, 
 •o- before the personal endings (§ 456). The accent was 
 on the root-syllable throughout the present and on the 
 thematic vowel throughout the aorist, as *leiq6, *leiq-e-si, 
 *leiq-e-ti, pi. *leiq-o-mes, *leiq-e-t(h)e, *leiq-o-nti = λ^ίπω, 
 Χζίπομ^ν, Sac, beside the aorist *liqo-m, *liqe-s, *liqe-t, pi. 
 *liqo-m•, *liqe-te, *liqo-nt = 'i-Xinov, €•λίπομ€ν, cp. Xindv 
 with preservation of the original accent. The presents of 
 primary verbs of the type λβίπω, ψ^ρω, &c. originally 
 belonged to the athematic conjugation, but already in the 
 parent Indg. language nearly all of them passed over into 
 the thematic conjugation with the -e-, •ο• from the aorist 
 t3'pe '4-\ino-u, eXiTre-y, &c. The -e-, •ο• in the aorist type 
 τ 
 
2 74 Accidence [§§ 451-2 
 
 *liqe•, *liqo• was originally an integral part of the base, but 
 in course of time *liq• came to be regarded as the base and 
 the -e-, •ο• as part of the ending. But seeing that the 
 accent was originally always on the -e-, •ο• it is difficult to 
 account for the difference in their quality. How the -o- 
 came to be confined to the first person singular and the first 
 and third persons plural, and the -e• to the other forms of 
 the singular, dual and plural, remains an unsolved problem. 
 § 451. Before beginning to compare the Greek paradigms 
 with those of the other languages the student should read 
 carefully §§ 432-48 dealing with the personal endings, 
 because what is stated there about these endings will not 
 as a rule be repeated in the following paragraphs. 
 
 Class I. 
 
 UNREDUPLICATED MONOSYLLABIC ATHEMATIC LIGHT OR 
 HEAVY ABLAUT-BASES. 
 
 §452. 
 
 Indg. 
 
 
 Gr. 
 
 Skr. 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 *es-mi 
 
 
 (Ιμι 
 
 dsmi 
 
 2. 
 
 *es.si, * 
 
 esi 
 
 e? 
 
 asi 
 
 3• 
 
 *es-ti 
 
 
 €στί 
 
 asti 
 
 Dual 2. 
 
 *s.tes, * 
 
 s-thes 
 
 karov 
 
 sthih 
 
 3• 
 
 *s.tes 
 
 
 ίστόν 
 
 stah 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 *s-mes 
 
 
 ίσμίι/ 
 
 smdh 
 
 2. 
 
 *s-t(h)e 
 
 
 ίστύ 
 
 sthd 
 
 3• 
 
 *s-enti 
 
 
 dai 
 
 sdnti 
 
 Indg. *es-mi regularly became ^ίμί, Dor. ημί, Lesb. 
 Thess. kμμί (§ 214), Skr. asmi, Goth, im, Lith. esmi. eZ 
 from Indg. *esi = Skr. asi, Lat. es, Goth, is, beside Hom. 
 €σ-σί = Indg. *es-si; Hom. el? with -s added after the 
 analogy of forms like τίθης. kari = Skr. dsti, Lat. est, 
 Goth, ist, Indg. *es-ti. In Greek the €- of the singular was 
 levelled out into the dual and plural. On the personal 
 

 Indg. 
 
 Gr. 
 
 Skr. 
 
 I. 
 2. 
 
 3• 
 
 2. 
 
 3• 
 
 *es-m 
 
 *es.s 
 
 *es.t 
 
 *es-tom 
 
 *es.tam 
 
 ηα, η, ην 
 ησθα 
 
 Τ 
 
 ηστον, ητον 
 
 ηστην, ητην 
 
 asam 
 
 as(i)h 
 
 is(i)t 
 
 astam 
 
 astam 
 
 I. 
 
 *es-men, -mn 
 
 ψ^ν 
 
 asma 
 
 2, 
 
 *es-te 
 
 ησΤ€, ητξ 
 
 asta 
 
 3• 
 
 *es-ent 
 
 ήσαν 
 
 asan 
 
 § 452] Ferbs 275 
 
 endings, see §§ 433-9. Att. ίσμίν with -σ- from ίστί, the 
 regular form occurs in Ion. (ίμ^ν. Dor, et'/il?. ύσί = Dor. 
 Boeot. ei'Ti'for *1ντί {= Skr. sdnti, Indg. *s-enti) with e- for 
 e- after the analogy of other forms of the present ; Horn. 
 e -άσί from *€σαντι (§ 439). 
 
 Imperfect. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 Dual 
 Plur. 
 
 η contracted from older (Hom.) ηα = Indg. *es-m. ην 
 was a new formation with -v from forms like ίτίθην ; η, ηα 
 regularly fell together with the perfect = Indg. *es-a, Skr. 
 asa (§ 517) ; and similarly ηστον, ημ^ν, ηστ€. ησθα was 
 the old perf. form used for the imperfect ; the regular form 
 would have been *ηγ = Vedic ah ; the late form η? was 
 a new formation, rjv contracted from older (Hom.) ψν was 
 originally the third pers. plural which came to be used for 
 the singular, see below ; the regular form was preserved in 
 Dor. ης = Vedic ah, Indg. *es-t. ητον, ητην, ητ€ beside 
 the regular forms ηστον, ηστην, ηστ€ were new formations 
 after the analogy of ημ€ν (§ 214), Dor. ημ€9 with primary 
 ending, ήσαν was a new formation with ησ- from ηστ€ and 
 the -av in forms like 'ίλϋσαν, '^Sei^av (§ 439) ; after this form 
 had come into existence the regular old plural ψν, ην (= 
 Indg. *es-ent, Skr. asan) came to be used for the singular. 
 The long e of the singular was levelled out into the dual 
 and plural already in the Indg. period, 
 τ 3 
 
276 
 
 §453 
 
 
 Accidence 
 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Gr. 
 
 Skr. 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 *ei-mi 
 
 el/.. 
 
 emi 
 
 2. 
 
 *ei-si 
 
 
 ^si 
 
 3• 
 
 *ei-ti 
 
 α,σι 
 
 έη 
 
 Dual 2. 
 
 *i.t(h)es 
 
 ϊτον 
 
 ithdh 
 
 3• 
 
 *i-tes 
 
 ΐτον 
 
 itdh 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 *i.mes 
 
 ϊμβν 
 
 imdh 
 
 2. 
 
 *i.t(h)e 
 
 ΪΤ€ 
 
 itha 
 
 3• 
 
 *j.enti 
 
 ίάσι 
 
 yanti 
 
 453 
 
 6? from older "dac = Skr. esi, Lat. eis, is, Indg. *ei-si ; 
 Horn, ζΐσθα with •σθα from ησθα (§ 452). eJai from ζΊτι 
 (§169) which was preserved in 'ίξβιτι' e^eXevaerai (Hesych.). 
 ίασί for *euTi (= Skr, ydnti, Indg. *j-enti) was a new 
 formation like '4άσι (§452). 
 
 Imperfect. 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Gr. 
 
 Skr. 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 *^j.m 
 
 la, fjeiv 
 
 ayam 
 
 2. 
 
 *ei-s 
 
 ^ei9, τ}€ίσθα 
 
 iih 
 
 3• 
 
 *#i.t 
 
 νΦ) 
 
 iit 
 
 Dual 2. 
 
 ^ei-tom 
 
 fjTOV 
 
 aitam 
 
 3• 
 
 *ei-tam 
 
 τι-^ψ 
 
 aitam 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 *ei-men, -mn ^μ^ν 
 
 aima 
 
 2. 
 
 *ei-te 
 
 fre 
 
 aita 
 
 3• 
 
 *ej-ent 
 
 fjaav, χίασαν 
 
 ayan 
 
 The stem-form of the singular was levelled out into the 
 dual and plural already in the Indg. period. Regular 
 forms were fjTov, ^την, Ιμ^ν, fJTe. fja for *ηα (§ 128) with 
 fl after the analogy of ^τορ, &c. ^ei(;^) and ^eaav were 
 aorist forms, the former of which gave rise to the new 
 formations fjeiv, fi^is, ^eiaOa. The regular forms of the 
 singular would have been *ηα, *^y, *f}. The Hom. forms 
 ^e(i'), γιομ^ν were formed after the analogy of the thematic 
 verbs. 
 
§§ 454-5] 
 
 Verbs 
 
 ιηη 
 
 § 454. Other examples of verbs belonging to Class I are 
 ή>ημί, Dor. ή)αμί with shifted accent : φαμίι^, 'ίφην : 'ίφαμ^ν ; 
 *'i8(uv : '(ί8ομ€ν — Skr. ά -da-m : 'a'di-ma; *'ίθην : Ίθ^μζν = 
 Skr. a-dha-m : *a-dhi'ma ; 'ίστην, Dor. eVrai/ : *'ί.σταμ^ν = 
 Skr. ά -stha-m : *d-sthi-ma. In Sanskrit the long vowel of 
 the singular was levelled out into the dual and plural, 
 whence ddama, idhama, asthama, and similarly 'ίστημ^ν 
 for *'€σταμξ^. Middle κ€Ϊταί = Skr. sete, he lies down, 
 ησται (with the rough breathing from iS-, sit) = Skr. aste, 
 he sits, with ei, ή from the original active singular. 
 
 Class II. 
 
 REDUPLICATED MONOSYLLABIC ATHEMATIC HEAVY 
 ABLAUT-BASES. 
 
 § 455. The presents of this class were formed from the 
 aorist of monosyllabic bases to which the original presents 
 had been lost already in the Indg. period, as τί•θη-μί : 
 *'4•θη•ρ = Skr. da-dha-mi : a-dha-m ; δί-δω-μι : *'ί-8ω-ν = 
 Skr. dd-da-mi : d-da-m. On the difference between the 
 Greek and the Sanskrit vowel in the reduplicated syllable, 
 see § 429. The inflexion was the same as in Class I 
 except in the third person plural. 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Gr. 
 
 Skr. 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 *di-dhe-mi 
 
 τίθημί 
 
 dadhami 
 
 2. 
 
 *di-dhe-si 
 
 Τίθη9 
 
 dadhasi 
 
 3• 
 
 *di-dhe-ti 
 
 τίθησί 
 
 dddhati 
 
 Dual 2. 
 
 *di-dh9.t(h)es 
 
 τίθ^τον 
 
 dhatthdh 
 
 3• 
 
 *di.dh9.tes 
 
 τίθ^τον 
 
 dhattdh 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 *di-dh9-mes 
 
 τίθίμβν 
 
 dadhmdh 
 
 2. 
 
 *di-dh9-t(h)e 
 
 τίθ€Τ€ 
 
 dhatthd 
 
 3• 
 
 *di-dh(9)-nti 
 
 τιθίάσι ($ 4 
 
 39) dddhati 
 
 In Sanskrit the -dh- of the third person plural became 
 generalized in the dual and plural, and conversely in Greek 
 
278 Accidence [§ 456 
 
 the -^e- became extended to the third person plural. Like 
 τίθημι : τίθζμ^ν, τίθεμαι are also inflected δίδωμι : δίδομ^ν, 
 δίδομαι ; ΐσταμι, Att. Ion. ΐστημι from *σί-στάμί : ΐσταμ^ν, 
 ΐσταμαι. Imperfect ^ίβψ : ίτίθ^μζΐ/ ; €τίθβις, eri'^ei were 
 formed after the analogy of the thematic verbs, and similarly 
 ίδίδονν, -oi/y, -ov, and the imperative τίθβι, δίδον. 
 
 Class III. 
 
 DISSYLLABIC LIGHT BASES WITH OR WITHOUT 
 REDUPLICATION. 
 
 a. Without Reduplication. 
 
 § 456. The verbs of this class belong to the so-called 
 thematic conjugation (§ 450). Two types are to be distin- 
 guished according as the first or the second vowel of the 
 base originally had the accent, as *leiq(e)•, *liqe•, leave, cp. 
 λίίττω : λίπύν, φ^νγω : φυγΗν, τρίπω : τραττύν, 'ίπομαι 
 from *σίπομαι : έσπόμηι/. The type *leiq(e)• with regular 
 loss of the final e {§ 450) was originally inflected like 
 a verb of Class I, as *leiq-mi, pi. *liq-mes = *λζίπμι, 
 ''λιπμίν. But already in the parent Indg. language nearly 
 all the verbs of this type passed over into the thematic 
 conjugation, as έρπω, λίγω, 0epcu, δύρκομαι, τρύφω, πξίθω, 
 (ρζίκω, €ρ€ΐπω, στζίχω, κ^ύθω, π^νθομαι, ΐρβνγομαι, Τ€νχω, 
 θήγω, &C., cp. Skr. bharati beside bhdrti, he bears, φίρ^τ^ 
 beside φ€ρτ6, Lat. fero, vole beside fert, vult. The type 
 *liqe — with preservation of the original accent in the 
 infinitive λίττεΓ^— was chiefly aorist in function, as 'ίλιπον, 
 (ίτραφον, 'άδρακον (Skr. ddrsam), ηριτνον, ηρικον, 'ύπίθον, 
 'ίστί)(ον, 'ίκνθον, ηρνγον, 'ίτυ\ον, 'άφνγον, &c. (§ 505). How 
 this difference in function between the two types originally 
 came about is unknown (cp. § 426). Side by side with the 
 type *liqe• with the function of an aorist, there exists in 
 all the Indg. languages a certain number of presents the 
 
§ 456] 
 
 Verbs 
 
 279 
 
 stem-syllable of which is aorist in form, as γλύψω, τύψω, 
 γράφω, γλύφω, Dor, τράττω, τράφω; Skr. ddsati = Indg. 
 *dnketi, he bites, jivati, he lives ; Goth, trudan, to tread ; 
 OE. cuman, to come, (Src. Such presents are usually called 
 aorist-presents in contradistinction to presents like λείπω, 
 0€ρω which are called imperfect-presents. The inflexion 
 of φίρω will serve as a model for all presents of this class. 
 On the endings in the Greek forms see the paragraphs 
 deaHng with the personal endings. 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Gr. 
 
 
 Skr. 
 
 Goth. 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 *bher5 
 
 φ€ρω 
 
 
 bhdrami 
 
 baira 
 
 2. 
 
 *bhere-si 
 
 φύρ€ίζ 
 
 
 bharasi 
 
 bairis 
 
 3• 
 
 *bhere-ti 
 
 φβρ€1 
 
 
 bharati 
 
 bairij) 
 
 Dual 2. 
 
 *bhere-t(h)es 
 
 φίρξ.τον 
 
 bharathah 
 
 3• 
 
 *bhere-tes 
 
 φί,ρξ,τον 
 
 bharatah 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 *bhero-mes 
 
 φίρομζν, 
 
 bharamah bairam 
 
 
 
 Dor. 
 
 ■μ€? 
 
 
 
 2. 
 
 *bhere-t(h)e 
 
 φ€ρζΤ€ 
 
 
 bharatha bairij? 
 
 3• 
 
 *bhero-nti 
 
 φ^ρουσι, 
 
 bharanti bairand 
 
 
 
 Dor 
 
 . -OUTl 
 
 
 
 
 
 Imperfect. 
 
 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 
 Gr. 
 
 
 Skr. 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 *e-bhero-m 
 
 
 'ίφΐρον 
 
 abharam 
 
 2. 
 
 *e-bhere-s 
 
 
 €0e/)ey 
 
 abharah 
 
 3• 
 
 *e-bhere-t 
 
 
 e06pi 
 
 
 dbharat 
 
 Dual 2. 
 
 *e-bhere-tom 
 
 
 €φ€ρ€Τ0ν 
 
 abharatam 
 
 3• 
 
 *e-bhere-tam 
 
 
 ίφ^ρύ 
 
 την 
 
 abharatam 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 *e-bhero-men, -mn 
 
 ίφίρομ^ν 
 
 dbharama 
 
 2. 
 
 *e-bhere-te 
 
 
 €φ€ρ€ 
 
 re 
 
 abharata 
 
 3• 
 
 *e.bhero-nt 
 
 
 ίφ^ρον 
 
 dbharan 
 
 In like manner is also inflected the second or strong 
 aorist, 'ίλιττοι/, &c. (§§ 503, 505). 
 
28ο Accidence [§§ 457-8 
 
 b. With Reduplication. 
 
 § 457. In the reduplicated verbs belonging to this class 
 three sub-divisions are to be distinguished according as 
 the reduplicated syllable contains i, e or a fuller reduplica- 
 tion (§ 429). 
 
 1. Verbs with ί in the reduplicated syllable have weak 
 grade stems of the type *liqe-, as γί-Ύνο-μαι, cp. Lat. gi-gno; 
 μί•μνω : μ^νω, ΐσχω from *σί-σχω : 'ίχω from *σεχω, ττί-πτω 
 with ι after the analogy of ρίπτω : ττίτο-μαι, νίσομαι from 
 *νί•νσο-μαί : νίομαι from *'νζσο•μαι, τίκτω from *τί-τκω : 
 'i-T^Kov, ϊζω from *σί-σδω : e^oy from Ve^oy ; cp. Skr. 
 ti-stha-ti, he stands, Lat. sistit. 
 
 2. Verbs with e in the reduplicated syllable, preserved 
 only in aorists like 'ί-π^-φνο-ν, inf. π^-φνί-μ^ν : base *ghen(e)•, 
 ghne• ; έ'-σπε-το, inf. έ-σπί-σθαι, cp. Skr. sa-sca-ti, Indg. 
 "se-sqe-ti, he fol/ows : Lsit. sequi-tur ; e/ce-KAe-ro : κ^λο-μαι, 
 τ€-τάρπξ-το : τίρπω, '^{ρ)ζΐπον, βίποί', Indg. *e-we-wqo-m. 
 
 3. Verbs with fuller reduplication, preserved only in 
 aorists like rjj-ayo-v, inf ay-ay^^lv : άγω ; ήρ-αρο-ν, inf. 
 άρ-αρύν ; ήν-ζγκο-ν, inf. kv-^yKHv ; ώρ-ορο•ν : pres. 6ρ•νν•μι. 
 
 Class IV. 
 
 DISSYLLABIC ATHEMATIC HEAVY ABLAUT-BASES WITH 
 OR WITHOUT REDUPLICATION. 
 
 a. Without RedupUcation. 
 
 § 458. In the dissyllabic heavy ablaut-bases the first 
 syllable contained a short vowel or diphthong and the 
 second a long vowel or a long diphthong, as *peta•, *gen5• 
 (*gene•), *menei•. According as the accent was originally 
 on the first or second syllable we get the two types *peta• 
 {πίτα-μαή, *gen9-, *ineni- (where i is a contraction of ai 
 (§ 88) and i is the weakest grade of ablaut), and *pta• 
 
§ 458] Verbs 281 
 
 (πτη -vaL, Dor. 'ί-ητά-ν), *gn5• [e-yucu-u and *gne• in OE. 
 cna-wan, ίο know), *nin-e(i) {k -μάνη-ν). 
 
 Only middle forms of verbs of the type *pet9• were 
 preserved in Greek, all the active forms passed over into 
 the thematic conjugation in the prehistoric period of the 
 language and similarly in all the other languages except 
 the Aryan branch, as πίτα-μαι, άγα-μαι, epa -μαι beside the 
 new thematic formations, πύτο-μαι, άγάο-μαι, epao -μαι (Att. 
 ΐράω), κρίμα-μαι. But on the other hand Lat. vomo, e /χΐω 
 for *ρζμα-μί or *fe//6-/xi = Skr. vami-mi, cp. e/xe -σσα, 
 ήμ€-σα ; Βαμάω for *δαμα•μί, and similarly ίλάω, γελάω, 
 άρόω, &c., cp. Skr. ani-mi, / breathe; svapi-mi, I sleep; 
 rodi-mi, / weep. 
 
 The long vowel in the type *pta•, *gnO• belonged in the 
 parent Indg. language to all numbers of the active and 
 middle. The forms of this type often had the function of 
 an aorist, as Hom. πλή•το : Skr. a-pra-t, he filled, base 
 *ple- beside ^pelg- ; πτψναί, 'i -πτη-ν : π^τα-μαι ; 'i -δρά-ν 
 beside Skr, dra-ti, he runs ; €-γνω-ν : Skr. jna-tah, Lat. 
 (g)n5-tus, known ; and similarly 'ίβλην, ίσβην, '4τληι/ Dor. 
 έ'τλάΐ', '^βηι/ Dor. eβάu = Skr. agam, Att. kyrjpav : γηρά- 
 σκω ; Hom. πλητο : πβλάζω, cp. Dor, ά-ττλάτο?. The -e• 
 formations with intransitive meaning became productive 
 in Greek in the shape of the so-called passive aorist, which 
 was originally active both in form and meaning (§§ 503, 506). 
 Examples of -e- in other than aorist forms are : άψσι = 
 Skr. va-ti, he blows ; Lat. im-ple-s, Skr. pra-si, thou 
 fillest. 
 
 Beside the type *peta•, &c. with long vowel in the second 
 syllable there also existed the type ''menei- with long 
 diphthong. These two types began to be mixed up already 
 in the parent language owing to the frequent loss of the 
 second element of long diphthongs (§ 63). It is often 
 therefore no longer possible to keep the two types rigidly 
 apart. When the Indg. accent was on the first syllable, 
 
282 Accidence [§§ 459-60 
 
 the long diphthong became weakened to -si- which 
 regularly became -i- (§ 88) and in its weakest form -i-, cp, 
 Skr. ami-ti, he injures; brdvi-ti, he says, and forms like 
 Lat. farcis beside cupis. The presents of this type partly 
 went over into the thematic conjugation already in the 
 parent Indg. language and became mixed up with the 
 jo-verbs {§ 481), as μαίνομαι, φαίνομαι, ^αίρω, τνπτω, Hom. 
 ρήσσω, from '^μαν]ομαί, *φαν/Όμαι, *\apj(u, *τνπ](ύ, *ρηκ/ω; 
 'ίζομαι from ^σβδ/ομαι : Lat. sede-re ; οζω from *6δ/ω : 
 όζή-σω for *6δη-σω. The •ί• also occurs in characterized 
 presents like €νρί-σκω : (ύρή-σω, στ€ρί-σκω : στ€ρή-σω, 
 άλί-σκομαι : άλώ-ναι. When the Indg. accent was on the 
 second syllable, the longvowel— originally long diphthong — 
 remained, whence ίμάνην beside μαίνομαι, and similarly 
 ζφάνην, ξ.\άρην, έτύπην, €ρράγην, &c. (§ 506), which as 
 we have seen above became productive in Greek and 
 eventually came to be passive aorist in meaning. 
 
 b. With Reduplication. 
 
 § 459. βί-βη-σι, Skr. ji-ga-ti, he goes ; δί-ζη-μαι from 
 *δι-δ/ά-μαι beside 8ί-ζο-μαι from *δι-δβ-μαι ; ϊλη-μι from *σι• 
 σλη-μι beside ϊλα-μαι ίτογπ^σι-σλα-μαι; κί-χρψμι : κί-χρα-μαι. 
 Presents like πίμ-πλη-μι, πίμ-ττρη-μι had the nasal in the 
 reduplicated syllable after the analogy of verbs of the type 
 λιμττάνω (§ 467), and forms like πίμπλάμ^ν : πίμττλημι were 
 new formations after the analogy of ΐστάμβν : ΐστημι (§455). 
 
 Classes V-VIII. 
 
 § 460. There can hardly be any reasonable doubt that 
 the general principle underlying the formation of the 
 various classes of nasal-presents was originally identical in 
 all the classes, cp. (i) Skr. asna-mi, / eat; asni-mah, zve 
 eat; asn-dnti, ihey eat; Gr. δάμνψμι, δάμνά-μβν = Indg. 
 *dmna-mi, = dmna-mes. (2) Skr. strno-mi, strnu-mah ~ 
 
§ 460I I/erbs 283 
 
 Gr. στόρνϋ-μί, στόρνύ•μξ.ν, Indg. *strneu-ini, *strnu-mes. 
 (3) Skr. yundj-mi, I yoke; pi. yunj-mah, we yoke, Indg. 
 *juneg-mi, *jur)g-mes ; Skr. chmka-mi, I destroy ; pi. chind- 
 mah % Lat. scindo, Gr. σχίζω from *σχιδJω. (4) Skr. 
 vinda-ti, he finds; Skr. yunja-ti, lumpa-ti = Lat. jungit, 
 rumpit, cp. also Engl, stand % stood. Besides having the 
 characteristic feature of nasal-infix it should be noted that 
 the root-syllable of all these types of verbs had originally 
 the weak grade of ablaut. In verbs of the type δάμνη-μι, 
 στόρνϋ-μί the nasal was infixed before the last element of 
 the dissyllabic base, Indg. *dm-a•, *str-eu•. The -na•, -na-, 
 and -neu-, -nu- came to be regarded as suffixes already in 
 the parent language, and then became extended by analogy 
 to root-forms to which they did not originally belong. In 
 verbs of the type Skr. yunaj-rai, -ne-, the strong grade 
 form of •η•, was infixed before the final consonant of the 
 root-syllable. This type of present was only preserved in 
 the Aryan group of languages. The types (i), (2), and (3) 
 were inflected according to the athematic conjugation with 
 the accent in the singular on the second syllable of the 
 base which had full grade vowel, and in the dual and 
 plural on the ending, as *dmna-mi, *strneu-mi, *juneg'mi, 
 pi. *dmn9.mes, *strnu-mes, *jur)g-mes. In verbs of the 
 type Skr. yunja-ti, lumpa-ti = Lat. jungit, rumpit, Indg. 
 *jur)ge-ti, *rumpe-ti the nasal was infixed before the final 
 consonant of the root-syllable. The verbs of this type 
 belonged to the thematic conjugation. 
 
 In the present state of our knowledge of the parent Indg. 
 language it is impossible to determine what was the 
 original function and meaning of the nasal-infix. It is also 
 unknown how it came about that the nasal became infixed, 
 because the infixing of formative elements is otherwise 
 unknown in the Indg. languages. 
 
284 
 
 Accidence 
 
 \h 461-2 
 
 Class V. 
 § 461. To this class belong verbs of the type βάμι/ημι : 
 δαμά-σαί, e -δάμα-σα ; ττίτνημί : π^τά-σαι, k -πίτα-σα ; Skr. 
 asnami, / eat ; krinami, / buy ; μάρναμαι : μαρα-σμόζ, 
 cp. Skr. mrnami, / crush, destroy. Sanskrit has •ηϊ• for 
 •ni- in the dual and plural after the analogy of verbs of 
 Class IV (§ 458). 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Gr. 
 
 Skr.^ 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 •na-mi 
 
 δάμνημι 
 
 krinami 
 
 2. 
 
 •na-si 
 
 δάμνη? 
 
 krinasi 
 
 3• 
 
 -na-ti 
 
 δάμνησι 
 
 krinati 
 
 Dual 2. 
 
 ■n9.t(h)es 
 
 δάμνατον 
 
 krinithah 
 
 3• 
 
 •n9-tes 
 
 δάμνατον 
 
 krinitdh 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 •n9-mes 
 
 δάμναμ^ν 
 
 krinimah 
 
 2. 
 
 ■n3-t(h)e 
 
 δάμνατ€ 
 
 krinithd 
 
 3• 
 
 ■n(3)-enti 
 
 δάμνάσι (§ 439) 
 
 krinanti 
 
 And similarly Att. πίρνημί with -6- after the analogy of 
 π€ράω, ζ-πίρα-σσα. The -ι- in the root-syllable of the 
 following verbs has never been satisfactorily explained : — 
 κίρρημι : κ^ράω, e-Ke pa -σα ; κρίμνημι : e/c/oe /ζα-σα ; ττίτνημι : 
 €-7Γ€τα-σα ; *όρίγι^αμαι : όρίγω ; πίλναμαι : ί-πίλα-σα ; 
 σκίδναμαι : ^-σκ^δα-σα (cp. § 44, note ι). In δνναμαι the 
 •να- was levelled out into all forms of the verb. 
 
 § 462. Most of the verbs which originally belonged to 
 Class V went over into the thematic conjugation with 
 preservation or loss of the -a- in -va-, as δαμνάω, Κίρνάω, 
 ορίγνάομαι, πιΧνάω, πίτνάω beside δάκνω, κάμνω : κάμα- 
 τος, πίτνω, Hom. Dor. τάμνω, πίνω. It is difficult to 
 account for the strong grade vowel in the root-syllable 
 of Att. τίμνω, Dor. δήλομαι from *δ€λνομαι beside Att. 
 βονλομαι from *βολνομαι, Lesb. άπ-ίλλω, Hom. ίΐλομαι 
 from *feXiO/zai. Some verbs went over into the jo-con- 
 jugation (§ 478), as Lesb. κλίννω, Hom. Att. ;cλiί'ω from 
 
§463] VcThs 285 
 
 *κλίν]ω : Lat. in-cli-na-re ; κριΐ'ω from ''κριν]ω : Lat. cerno 
 from *crin5 ; ότρύνω from *6τρυν]ω. This change from 
 the athematic to the thematic conjugation probably began 
 already in the parent Indg. language, cp. Skr. grnd-ti, 
 he calls, min4-ti, he lessens, mrna-ti, he destroys, beside 
 grna-ti, mina-ti, mrna-ti ; Goth, and-bundnis, thou becomest 
 unbound, beside Skr. badhna-si, Indg. *bhndhna-si, thou 
 bindest ; Lat. sternit beside Skr. strna-ti, he strews. 
 
 Class VI. 
 
 § 463. To this class belong verbs of the type στόρννμι, 
 Skr. strnomi, / strew : Goth, straujan, to strew; ορνϋμι, 
 Skr. rnomi, / move ; Hom. τάνυ-ται = Skr. tanu-te : Skr. 
 tanomi, Indg. *tn-nO-mi, / stretch. In Greek the singular 
 had -uv- for -i/ev- : -vv- after the analogy of •ρά-, Att. Ion. 
 ■ρη- : -να- in Class V. 
 
 Gr. Skr. 
 
 στόρνϋμί strnomi 
 
 στόρνΰ? strnosi 
 
 στόρνϋσί strnoti 
 
 στόρνυτον strnuthah 
 
 στόρνυτον strnutdh 
 
 στόρννμ^ν strnumah 
 
 στόρνυτ€ strnutha 
 στορνύασί (§ 439) strnvanti 
 
 And similarly Hom. άνϋμι, ηνυ-το : Skr. sanomi, I gain, 
 acquire ; άρννμαι, άχννμαι, κίνυμαι, πτάρνυμαί : Lat. 
 sternuo. 
 
 This type of present became productive in Greek which 
 gave rise to numerous new formations. The -νϋμι came to 
 be used — irrespectively whether the root-syllable had the 
 weak or strong grade of ablaut — to form the present of bases 
 ending in a guttural, when such bases had an s-aorist, as 
 Βίίκνϋμι : ^Sii^a, and similarly ζίύ-γνϋμί, μίίγι^ϋμι {μίγ^ϋμή. 
 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 I. 
 
 *str-neu-mi 
 
 
 2. 
 
 *str-neu-si 
 
 
 3• 
 
 *str-neu-ti 
 
 Dual 
 
 2. 
 
 *str-nu-t(h)e 
 
 
 3- 
 
 *str-nu-tes 
 
 Plur. 
 
 I. 
 
 *str-nu-mes 
 
 
 2. 
 
 *str.nu.t(h)e 
 
 
 3• 
 
 *str-nw-enti 
 
286 Accidence [§§ 464-5 
 
 όμόργννμί, όρίγΐ'νμι, πήγνϋμι, ττλήγι^νμι, ρήγνϋμι, φράγρϋμι. 
 Other examples of new formations were : δαιρΰμί : ύαισα, 
 Ion. €ΐΊ^νμι, Att. 'ίννϋμί from *Ρξσννμί : 'ίσ-σα, ολλϋμι from 
 *όλνϋμι : ώλβσα, ομνϋμι : ώμοσα, τύνϋμι : 'ire ίσα ; ορννμι 
 for *άρνΰμι, στόρνϋμι for *στρα• or *σταρ-ννμί. 
 
 § 464. The regular form ζΐνϋμι from prim. Gr. ^ρ^ανϋμι 
 (§ 214) was preserved in Ionic, but in the prehistoric period 
 of Attic a new present *Ρ€σΐ'ΰμί was formed with -σ- from 
 forms like '4σ-σα, έσ-θήναι. This •σι^- became assimilated 
 to -py- (§ 214), whence '4ννυμί, and similarly σβίννϋμι, 
 ζώννϋμί. And then after the analogy of these verbs were 
 formed presents like κορξ.νννμί : eKopeaa, στορ^ννϋμί, 
 ρώννϋμί, στρώνννμι, κ^ράννϋμί, κρξμάννϋμι, ττζτάννϋμί, 
 σκζΒάνννμι. 
 
 § 465. Α large number of the verbs which originally 
 belonged to Class VI went over into the thematic con- 
 jugation partly in the historic and partly in the prehistoric 
 period of the language. The presents in -νύω are common 
 in Att. Ion. and Doric, as άννω, δεικνύω, μιγνυω, ομνύω, 
 όρννω, τανν(ύ, κ^ρανννού, στρωνρνω. These presents mostly 
 came into existence in the historic period of these dialects. 
 But many verbs passed over into the thematic conjugation 
 in the prehistoric period of the language, as Hom. ανομαι, 
 Att. άγομαι from ^άνρομαι : Skr. sanomi, I gain, acquire; 
 θύνω : Skr. dhunomi, / shake; Hom. ίκάνω, κιχανω from 
 '^'ίκανρω, *κίχανρω; Hom. τίνω, Att. τίνω from *τίνρω : Skr. 
 cinomi, / collect; Hom. φθάνω, φθίνω, Att. φθάνω, φθίνω 
 from *φθανρω, ^φθιν^ω. In the verbs θϋν€{ρ)ω (Hesiod), 
 ικν€{ρ)ομαι, κΙνί{ρ)ω : κίννμαι, οΙχν^[ρ)ω the change from 
 the one conjugation to the other probably took place at the 
 time when the singular still had *-ν€νμι, *-veva, *-vevTi for 
 later -νϋμι, -vv?, -νϋσι. This explains the -e- which it would 
 be difficult to account for otherwise. As in the verbs of 
 Class V the change from the athematic to the thematic 
 conjugation probably began already in the parent Indg. 
 
§§ 466-7] Verbs 287 
 
 language, cp. Skr. cinva-ti beside cinO-ti,/i^cO//i'i:/s; rnvd-ti 
 beside rno-ti, he moves ; mina-ti beside mino-ti, he lessens. 
 In Latin and the Germanic languages all the verbs originally 
 belonging to this class went over into the thematic con- 
 jugation. 
 
 Class VII. 
 § 466. To this class belong the verbs which have a nasal 
 infixed before the final consonant of the root-syllable 
 (§ 460). This type of verbs was well preserved in Sanskrit 
 and Latin, cp. Skr, vinddti, he finds ; yunjati, lumpdti = 
 Lat. jungit, rumpit ; krntdti, he cuts ; limpati, he smears ; 
 Lat. findo, fundo, linquo, pango, scindo, tango, vinco, &c. 
 But in Greek the original formation was only preserved in 
 ρίμβομαί, σφίγγω, and possibly in άτίμβω, στίμβω. All 
 the other verbs originally belonging to this class went over 
 either into Class VIII or into the jo-conjugation (§ 478), cp. 
 λιμπάνω : *λιμπω, Lat. linquo; πννθάνο μαι : *πννθω, π^νθο- 
 μαι ; κλαγγάνω : *κλαγγω, Lat. clango, beside κλάζω from 
 *κλαγγ/ω ; πλάζω from *πλαγγ^ω : *πλαγγω, Lat. plango 
 (§ 156) ; πτίσσω, τττίττω from *πτιΐ'σ;ω : Lat. pinsio, pinso ; 
 λνζω from *λνγγ/ω. The type of present like άνδάνω : aSeiu, 
 Χαγγάνω : ίλαγον, λανθάνω : 'ίλαθον, τυγχάνω : '4τνχον, 
 χανδάνω : βχαδον, all of which occur in Homer, became 
 productive in the post-Homeric period. After the analogy 
 of these verbs were formed many new presents to strong 
 aorists, as δαγκάνω : 'έδακον, βρνγγάνω : βρνγξΐν, and 
 similarly θιγγάνω, λαμβάνω, μανθάνω, πανθάνω, φνγγάνω. 
 After the analogy of λιμπάνω were also formed πιμττλάνω, 
 πιμπράνω. 
 
 Class VIII. 
 
 § 467. To this class belong the verbs in -άνω. The 
 original type was probably denominative verbs like θηγάνω : 
 θηγάνη, θήγανον (Hesych.) ; όλισθάνω : όλίσθανος, as 
 similarly formed denominative presents are also found 
 
288 Accidence f§ 468 
 
 in Sanskrit, Armenian, and Lithuanian. Tiie suffix -ανω 
 then became productive in the formation of new presents, 
 partly to forms which were already present, and partly to 
 forms with the function of aorist, as αίσθάνομαί : άίσθω, 
 άλνσκάνω : άλνσκω, άπ-ΐγβάνομαι : 'ίγβομαι, αυξάνω : αν^ω, 
 άμβΧισκάνω : άμβλίσκω, ^ρϋκάνω : βρϋκω, ίζάνω : ΐζω, ίστάνω : 
 ϊστημι, ίσ\άνω : ί'σχω, Κ€νθάνω : Κ€νθω, ληθάνω : ληθω) 
 άλφάνω, κϋ8άνω ; άμαρτάνω : ημαρτον, βλαστάνω : 'ύβ\α• 
 στον, Βαρθάνω : eSapdou. It can hardly be an accident 
 that in all verbs of this class the root-syllable is long either 
 by vowel quantity or by position. After the analogy of 
 verbs like ληθάνω : λήθω, Ισγάνω : ίσχω were formed 
 λιμπάνω : *\ίμπω, κλαγγάνω : *κλαγγω, and then -άνω 
 became extended to nearly all the verbs of Class VII 
 (§ 466). 
 
 Note. — In a few verbs beside -άνω there are also forms in 
 -ανάω (with -άω after the analogy of denominative verbs like 
 τΙμάω, δαπανάω : δαττάνη), and in -αίνω from -avj'u), as ίρϋκανάω, 
 Ισχανάο) beside ίρνκάνω, Ισχάνω \ κϋδαινω, οίδαινω, ολίσθαίΐ'ω 
 beside κν8άνω, οΙΒάνω, οΧισθάνο). See § 478. 
 
 Class IX. 
 
 § 468. To this class belong the original s-presents. The 
 presents of this type were not numerous in the parent 
 Indg. language nor did they become productive in the 
 separate languages. The -s- was of the same origin as 
 the -s- which occurred in the aorist (§ 507) and in the 
 future {§ 499), and possibly also in the sko-presents 
 {§ 469), and was doubtlessly closely connected with the -s 
 in the s-stems of nouns, but it is unknown what was the 
 original function or meaning of the -s•. 
 
 This class originally contained both athematic and 
 thematic presents. The athematic forms except in the 
 aorist were not preserved in Greek, but were well pre- 
 
§ 469] Verbs 289 
 
 served in Sanskrit where however the -s- was levelled out 
 into all forms of the verb, as dve-s-mi, / hate, pi. dvi-s- 
 mdh, we hate, dvi-s-tah, hated : Gr. *8f€L; *8fi; fear. Of 
 the thematic presents several were preserved in Greek, 
 as Skr. rdk-s-a-ti, he rescues, pi. rdk-s-a-nti, they rescue, 
 Gr. άλβξω : άλ-αλκ-ΰι^, άλκ•ή ; Skr. uk-s-a-ti, he grows, 
 Gr. αΰξω : Skr. 6j-as•, strength, Lat. augere ; Skr. tra- 
 s-a-ti, he trembles, Gr. τρ^ω from *τρ€σω : τρίμω, Lat. 
 tre-mo ; ά{^)ίξω, δύψω beside δίφω, '^-^ω, κλάω cp. Κ€- 
 κλασ-ται, όδά^ω : δάκ-νω, ^6ω cp. ^ia-aai, σζίω cp. σί•σ€ίσ• 
 ται, σπάω cp. €-σπασ•ται. It should be noted that no 
 sharp line of distinction can be drawn between primary 
 s-verbs and denominative verbs formed from s-stems, cp. 
 τελεω from *τ€λ€σ/ω, γελάω from *γ€λασ/ω (§ 492) : reXia- 
 σαι, γζλάσ-σαι, beside κλάω from *κλασω : κύ-κλασ-ται. 
 
 Class Χ. 
 
 § 469. To this class belong the verbs the present of 
 which was originally formed by the addition of the formative 
 suffix -sko• to the weak grade form of the base which 
 could be either monosyllabic or dissyllabic. The presents 
 of this tjpe were rare in Sanskrit and the Germanic 
 languages, but became productive in Greek and Latin. 
 They appear in Greek both with and without reduplication, 
 the former do not appear in Sanskrit, and Latin has only 
 the one example disco from *di-dc-sco. The accent was 
 originally on the suffix in all forms of the present, as sing. 
 •sko, -ske-si, -ske-ti, pi. -sko-mes, -ske-tihje, -sko-nti. 
 It is doubtful whether the suffix in the Ionic imperfect 
 and aorist iterative forms like φάσκζ, 0eιίyeσ>ce^/, ^iXeea/ce, 
 δόσκον, φνγξσκξ. Sec. is of the same origin, because the 
 meaning of the suffix and the absence of the augment 
 {§ 430) in such forms have never been satisfactorily ex- 
 plained. 
 
290 Accidence [§§ 470-2 
 
 a. Without Reduplication. 
 
 § 470. I. Monosyllabic heavy bases, as φάσκω : φημί 
 (§ 454), βόσκω : βώ•τωρ. 
 
 2. Dissyllabic light bases, as βάσκω, βάσκα, Skr. gac• 
 cha-mi, I go, gu.ccha.-ti, he goes, Indg. *gmskO, *gmske-ti : 
 βαίνω from */3α/ί/ω (§ 142), Indg. *ginjO, beside Goth. qimi]>, 
 he conies, Indg. *geme-ti ; Skr. prcchd-ti, Lat. poscit from 
 *porc-scit, Indg. *prk-ske-ti, he asks ; ϊσκω from *Ρίκ-σκω 
 (§ 186) : €•οικα, Χάσκω from *\ακ-σκω : 'ίλακον, μίσγω from 
 *μικ•σκω, with -γ- for -κ- after the analogy οί μι-γνΰμι, ζμίγην, 
 cp. Lat. misceo ; πάσχω from ^παθσκω : 'ίπαθον (§ 109). 
 
 3- Dissyllabic heavy bases, as άρίσκω : ηρ^σα, -γηράσκω : 
 γηράω, θνήσκω (Dor. θνάσκω), βλώσκω, θρώσκω. In 
 presents like ευρίσκω ; ουρήσω, στίρισκω : στίρήσομαι, 
 άλίσκομαί : άλώναι, άμβλίσκω : ήμβλωσα, the •ι• was the 
 weak grade form of an original long diphthong -ei-, •δί• 
 (§ 458). After the analogy of such presents were formed 
 Att. θν-ησκω, μι-μνησκω (§ 471), θρωσκω, Ion. κληΐσκω, 
 χρηΐσκομαι. 
 
 b. With Reduplication. 
 
 § 471. In the reduplicated verbs belonging to this class 
 three sub-divisions are to be distinguished according as the 
 reduplicated syllable contains -i-, -e-, or a fuller reduplication. 
 
 1. βιβρώσκω, γιγι/ώσκω : Lat. (g)n5sco, 8ί8άσκω from 
 *δι•δακ-σκω : Lat. disco, διδρασκω, ίλάσκομαί from *σί-σλα- 
 σκομαι : ϊλαθί from *σί•σλα•θί ; κικλήσκω, μιμνήσκω beside 
 κικλ^σκω, μιμντίσκω (§ 470, 3)> ηιπράσκω, τιτνσκομαι, 
 τηπίσκω. 
 
 2. δζδίσκομαι, ϊίσκω from *f€■Fικ-σκω beside ϊσκω : ζ-οικα. 
 3• άραρίσκω, άτταφίσκω. 
 
 Class XI. 
 § 472. Το this class belong the verbs the present of which 
 contains a dental suffix -to•, •άο•, or -dho•. The presents 
 of this type were rare in the parent Indg. language and 
 
§473] Verbs 291 
 
 remained unproductive in the various individual languages 
 with the exception of the -dho- presents in Greek. In 
 Sanskrit, Latin and the Germanic languages the dental was 
 generally levelled out into all forms of the verb, and 
 occasionally also in Greek. It is sometimes difficult to 
 determine how far the dental can be regarded as a formative 
 verbal suffix and how far it is merely a so-called root- 
 determinative. The -to- presents are rare in all the Indg. 
 languages. In these presents the -to• was closely con- 
 nected with the nominal suffix -to•, cp. Lat. plecto, πλεκτό?: 
 πλίκω, πίκτω : πεκτό?, (βλαστον : βλαστός. It is doubtful 
 what was the origin and original function of the dental in 
 the -do- and -dho- presents. Some scholars regard it as 
 being connected with the -d-, -dh- of the roots *d5• in 
 δί-δω-μι, and *dhe• in τί-θη-μι. 
 
 •to-presents. 
 § 473. Att. άι^ύτω : άνύω, άνϋμί ; Att. άρντω : άρύω ; 
 π^κτω, Lat. pecto, cp. Ο Ε. feohtan, to fight : πίκω; Lat. 
 plecto : πλύκω. In forms like ^βλαστον : βλαστάνω, 
 ημαρτον : άμαρτάνω the dental is not a present suffix but 
 belongs to all forms of the verb, τίκτω is from older 
 *τίτκω (§ 457). All or nearly all the other -to-presents in 
 Greek are of a different origin, as in άστράπτω from 
 *άστραπ/ω (§ 129, i) : αστραπή ; and similarly δάπτω : 
 δαπάνη, κλέπτω : Lat. clepo, Goth, iuifa, I steal ; χαλίπτω : 
 χαλεπό?; κόπτω, σ/ίάπτω, τιίπτω, and many others. These 
 and similar presents, where the -πτ- was regularly developed 
 from older -π/- (§ 129, i), gave rise to numerous new forma- 
 tions. After the analogy of the future and aorist in verbs like 
 τύψω, (ίτυψα : τνπτω from *τυπ]ω, new presents in -πτ- 
 were formed to stems ending in -β and •φ, as καλύπτω : 
 καλύψω, €κάλυψα, cp. καλύβη ; βάπτω : βάψω, '4βαψα, cp. 
 ίβάφην ; and similarly άπτω, βλάπτω, δρύπτω, έρίπτω, cp. 
 ίρύφω, θάπτω, κρύπτω, κύπτω, &c. And in like manner were 
 
 υ 2 
 
292 Accidence [§§ 474-6 
 
 formed new presents to stems originally ending in a velar 
 guttural (§§ 202, 205), as πβτΓτω : πίψω, eneyjra, beside the 
 regular form πίσσω, Att. πίττω from Indg. *peqj5, cp. Lat. 
 coquo, Skr. pdcami, / cook ; νίπτω : νί^ω, 'ivL^a, beside 
 the regular form νίζω from Indg. *nigj5. 
 
 •do-presents. 
 
 § 474. άλδομαί, άΧδαίνω : άν-αλ -ros, Lat. alo ; 'ίλδομαί 
 from *ρ€λδομαί : Lat. vel-le ; μ^λδομαι : μαλακός. 
 
 ■dho-presents. 
 
 § 475. άλήθω : αΚί,ω, άλθομαι, άΧθαίνω : av-aX-Tos, Lat. 
 alo ; άΧκαθύν : άΧκω, άχθομαι : άγννμαι, βαρνθω : βαρύ?, 
 βρίθω : βρι-αρός, γήθομαι, Dor. γαθομαι from *γάΡαθομαί : 
 γαίω from *γafJω, cp. Lat. gaudeo from *ga video ; ^μίθω : 
 €μύω, €σθω, ΐσθίω : έ'δω, Lat. edo ; aor. βσχβθον : 'έσχον, 
 θαΧύθω : θάΧΧω, κνήθω : κνάω, πξΧάθω : πίΧας, πΧήθω : 
 πίμπΧημί, ττόθω : Skr. puyati, Λ^ stinks, ττύον ; φΧβγίθω : 
 φΧίγω, μινύθω : Skr. mi-no-mi, / lessen, Lat. minuo ; 
 φθινύθω : Skr. ksi-no-mi, / destroy. 
 
 Class XII. 
 
 § 476. To this class belong the various types of j-presents 
 which from the point of view of Greek can be conveniently 
 divided into the so-called primary verbs, the denominative 
 verbs, and the causative together with the iterative verbs. 
 In the so-called primary verbs two originally distinct types 
 of presents fell together in Greek, viz. the thematic jo- 
 presents and the athematic i-presents (§ 481). Before read- 
 ing the account of the history of the j-presents in Greek, 
 the student should consult §§ 127-30, because what is 
 stated there about j will not be repeated in the following 
 paragraphs. 
 
477-8] Verbs 293 
 
 I. Primary Verbs. 
 a. Thematic Presents. 
 
 § 477. The thematic presents were formed by adding 
 •jo•, -je• direct to the root-syllable which could have either 
 the strong or the weak grade of ablaut, as λ^ύσσω from 
 *λ€νκ/ω; πίσσω = Indg. *peqjo : Skr. pacyate = Indg. 
 *peqjetai, /le cooks ; Skr. pasyati, he sees : Lat. specie ; 
 beside βαίνω from *βαν]ω, Lat. venio (§ 142), Indg. *gmjO ; 
 σχίζω from *σ\ι8/ω : Goth, skaidan, ίο divide. The 
 original inflexion of the present was : sing, -jo, •je-si, -je^ti, 
 pi. •jo-mes, •je-t(h)e, -jo-nti, and the thematic vowel had 
 or had not the accent according as the root-syllable con- 
 tained the weak or the strong grade of ablaut, as *gmjeti, 
 he goes, beside *peqjeti, he cooks. But the accent in 
 presents of the type *gmjeti probably became shifted on to 
 the root-syllable already in the prim. Indg. period, cp. 
 Skr. kupjati, he t's angry, Lat. cupio ; divyati, he plays ; 
 hrsyati, he rejoices, beside pasyati, he sees. The oldest 
 stratum of both types was the denominative presents formed 
 from monosyllabic root-nouns. A distinction in the accent 
 between them and the ordinary denominatives thus arose 
 insomuch as all presents of the former type came to 
 have the accent on the root-syllable, whereas the latter 
 type had it on the thematic vowel •ίό•, 'je•. Greek, 
 Sanskrit, and the Baltic-Slavonic languages regularly 
 preserved the primary -jo^presents, but in Latin and the 
 Germanic languages they became mixed up with the 
 originally athematic i^presents (§ 481). 
 
 § 478. The root-syllable of the primary jo-presents 
 could end in a vowel or in a consonant, as 8ράω, δρω 
 from *δρόί/ω, Att. ^ώ, κρω, χρω from *ζη/ω, ^κνη/ω, *χρη/ω ; 
 δύω from *δ€/ω ; φνω, Lesb. ψνίω from *ψν/ω ; πτύω from 
 Indg. *spjuj5, Lith. spiauju, / spit. 
 
294 Accidence [§§ 479-80 
 
 δαίομαι, κναίω from *3αι/ομαί, *κναι/ω. γαίω, δαίω, 
 κλαίω from ^yafj(£>, *8afja), *κλafjω. 
 
 άλλομαι from ^σαλ/ομαι : Lat. salio ; βάλλω from *βαλ^ω, 
 and similarly θάλλω, πάλλω, σκάλλω, σφάλλω, μίλλω, 
 στέλλω, τίλλω, σκνλλω, &c. 
 
 σπαίρω from *σπαρ]ω, Indg. *sprjo : Lith. spiriii, I push 
 ivith the foot, and similarly σκαίρω, Dor. φθαίρω beside Att. 
 φθζίρω, άγ€ίρω, αίρω from *^αρ]ω, ά^ίρω, Lesb. άβρρω from 
 *ά[€ρ]ω, δβίρω, Lesb. δίρρω, κύρω, Lesb. κύρρω, μζίρομαι, 
 ττύρω, σπείρω, φθείρω, Lesb. φθίρρω, κύρω, μύρομαι, φόρω. 
 
 βαίνω from *βαν]ω, Indg. *gmj5 (§ 65), φαίνω from *φαν]ω, 
 and similarly δραίνω, καίνω, κραίνω, Lesb. κταίνω beside 
 Att. κταίνω, Lesb. κτίννω, σαίνω, χραίνω. 
 
 β ράσσω, Att. β ράττω from *βρατ/ω, and similarly λ/σσο/ζαί, 
 ττάσσω. βλνζω from *βλνδ]ω, and similarly κνίζω, σχάζω, 
 γάζομαί, &c. 
 
 δράσσω, Att. δράττω from *δρακ/ω, and similarly θράσσω, 
 τάσσω, φράσσω, λβνσσω, ττάσσω (Indg. *peqjo), πρασσω, 
 ττλήσσω, φρίσσω, άμνσσω, όρνσσω, πτύσσω. 
 
 άζομαι, βάζω from *ά-γ]ομαι, *βαγ/ω, and similarly κράζω, 
 λάζομαί, σκάζω, σφάζω, ρέζω, βρίζω, κρίζω, λίζω, νίζω (Indg. 
 *nigjo), στίζω, τρίζω, μνζω, τρύζω, &c. 
 
 ναίω from *νασ]ω : νάσ-σαι, and similarly μαίομαι, κβίω. 
 
 On the presents ending in -πτω from -ττ/ώ see §§ 129, i, 
 473. 
 
 § 479. The -jo- in primary verbs was sometimes a second- 
 ary suffix added to other present-formative elements, as 
 κλίνω, Lesb. κλίννω, from *κλιν/ω : κλίσις, κρίνω : κρίσιν, 
 πλύνω : πίπλνται, οτρύνω. κλάζω from *κλαΎΎ]ω : Lat. 
 clango, πλάζω from *πλαγγ/ω : Lat. plango, λνζω from 
 *λι;γγ/ω (§ 460). κϋδαίνω from *κνδαν/ω : κνδάνω, and 
 similarly οίδαίνω, ολισθαίνω (§ 467, note). 
 
 § 480. The reduplicated presents of this division generally 
 have a fuller reduplication, and rarely -i- in the reduplicated 
 syllable, as νψνίω, μαι•μάω. παι-πάλλω. γαρ-γαίρω, καρ- 
 
§ 48il Verbs 295 
 
 καίρω, μαρ-μαίρω, μορ-μνρω, πορ-φνρω. βαμ-βαίνω, παμ- 
 φαίνω, άίσσω, Att. άττω, from *fai-fLK-j(u, παι•φάσσω. 
 ίάλλω from *σί•σαλ-]ω (cp. § 213, ι) : άλλομαι, Lat. salio, 
 τι-ταίνω, λι-λαίομαι from *λι•λασ•/ο•μαι. 
 
 b. Athematic Presents. 
 
 § 481. To this division belong the primary presents 
 which were formed from dissyllabic heavy bases containing 
 the long diphthong -ei- in the second syllable (cp. § 458). 
 The presents of this type originally belonged to the 
 athematic conjugation. In the singular the accent was on 
 the first syllable of the base and in the dual and plural 
 on the personal endings, as base *menei•, f/iwk, sing. 
 *πΐ6ΐιϊ•ιηί, *meni-si, ^mem-ti, pi. *ιηηϊ•ιη68, *mn^t(h)e, 
 *mnj-enti. The original athematic inflexion was not 
 preserved in all forms of the present in any of the 
 Indg. languages in historic times. Judging from the 
 Baltic-Slavonic languages (see below) it is probable that 
 the first person singular went over into the jo-presents 
 already in the parent Indg. language. In Greek all the 
 presents of this type went entirely over into the thematic 
 conjugation and thus fell together with the jo-presents. 
 And the weak stem-form of the dual and plural became 
 generalized, as μαίνομαι from ''μανρμαί, older '^mnjomai : 
 ^μάνην, \αίρω : ^γάρην, '4ζομαί from *σ€8]ομαί : Lat. 
 sede-re, 6ζω from *68]ω : όζήσω for '^όδησω. Also in 
 Sanskrit most of the presents of this type went over into 
 the thematic conjugation, whereas in Latin and the Ger- 
 manic languages the two types of presents became mixed, 
 cp. Lat. capio from *capj5, capis, capit, capimus, capitis, 
 capiunt from *capjont, beside farcio from *farcj5, farcis, 
 farcit from older *farcit, farcimus, farcitis, farciunt from 
 *farcjont, where the first person singular and the third 
 person plural belong to the thematic conjugation and all 
 the other forms to the athematic. The original distinction 
 
296 Accidence [§ 482 
 
 between the inflexion of the two types of presents was best 
 preserved in the Baltic-Slavonic languages, cp. O.Slav, 
 sing, minj^, I think, mini-si, mini-tu, pi. mini-mu, mini-te, 
 min-f tu, beside sing, borj^, / fight, borje-si, borje-tu, pi. 
 borje-mu, borje-te, borjaitu. Whether a present origi- 
 nally belonged to the athematic or to the jo-presents can 
 generally be determined by the fact that the former type 
 of present usually has an e- or an i-stem beside it in the 
 non-present forms, cp. μαίνομαι : €μάνην, μζμανηώς, μ€μά- 
 νημαι, μανία ; γαίρω : ^γάρην, χάρΐ9. 
 
 2. Denominative Verbs. 
 § 482. The formation of the denominative presents was 
 in principle the same as that of the so-called primary jo- 
 presents (§ 478). Apart from the position of the accent in 
 the two types of presents they were identical in formation. 
 In the denominative presents the accent was originally on 
 the -jo-, -je-, thus sing, -jo, -je-si, -je-ti, pi. -jo-mes, -je-tihje, 
 •jo-nti. This system of accentuation was preserved in 
 Sanskrit, as sing, deva-ya-mi, / cultivate the gods, am pious, 
 deva-ya-si, deva-ya-ti, pi. deva-ya-mah, deva-ya-tha, 
 deva-yd-nti, formed from aQ\k•, god ; but in prim. Greek 
 the accent was shifted from the -jo-, -je- on to the stem, cp. 
 ψιλίω, τιμάω, μηνίω, φϊτνω, τζκταίνω, τβλβω, ΐλπίζω, from 
 prim. Gr. *φιλ€/ώ : φίλος, *τΐμα]ώ : τιμά, -ή, *μηνί]ώ : μήνις, 
 *φϊτν]ώ : φΐτυ, *τ€κταν]ώ (where -αν- = Indg. *•η•, the weak 
 grade of -ων, •ορ-) : τίκτων, *τ€λ€σ/ώ : reAos, TeXea••, ^έλττίδ/'ώ : 
 iXmS: By comparing the various languages with one 
 another it can be shown that denominative presents were 
 capable of being formed from all kinds of nominal stems 
 already in the parent Indg. language, and that such presents 
 were formed by the addition of -jo-, -je- to the bare stem. 
 The denominative verbs can be conveniently divided into 
 two great groups according as they were formed from 
 stems ending in a vowel or a consonant. 
 
§ 483] Verbs 297 
 
 a. Vocalic Stems. 
 
 § 483. The formation of denominative verbs in -ajo, -ejd, 
 •ij5, and -ujd, from a•, o-, i-, and u-stems, was common in 
 the parent Indg. language, and making allowance for the 
 special sound-laws of the individual languages, this type of 
 verb was preserved and often became very productive in 
 the oldest period of all the languages. The Greek verbs 
 in -00) (see below), formed from the o-form of o-stems, was 
 a special Greek formation which does not occur in any of 
 the other languages. Before reading the following para- 
 graphs dealing with the contract verbs the student should 
 consult §§ 79-80 on vowel contraction. In Greek as also 
 in other Indg. languages the denominative verbs, formed 
 from a-, o-, i•, and u-stems, have a long vowel in the non- 
 present forms and in the nomina derived from them, as 
 τιμήσω, ίτίμησα, τΐμητό^, τίμησις : τιμάω, cp, Lat. plan- 
 tarem, plantatus : planto ; φιλήσω, ^φίλησα, φιλητόξ : 
 φίλβω, cp. Lat. alberem : albeo ; ^δηρΐσάμη^, ά-δήρίτο^ : 
 δηρίομαι, cp. Lat. finirem, finitus : finio ; ά-δάκρϋτο^ : 
 δακρνω, cp. Lat. statiitus : statuo ; μισθώσω, ^μίσθωσα, 
 μισθωτός : μισθόω, cp. Lat. aegr5-tus. This development 
 of the verbal system took place in prehistoric Greek partly 
 through the influence of the verbs in Class IV (§§ 458-9) 
 and partly through the influence of the verbal adjectives in 
 -7/roy, -ωτος, -Iros, -vtos, which themselves were new 
 formations formed after the analogy of the denominative 
 and verbal adjectives in -aroy. In some dialects the 
 long vowel in the non-present forms was levelled out into 
 the present. This was especially the case in Boeot. Lesb. 
 and Delph., and also with the verbs in 4ω, -νω for •ίω, •ύω 
 in Attic and Ionic. In the Boeot. Lesb. Thess. Arcad. 
 and Cyprian dialects the denominative presents in •άω, 4ω, 
 ■όω often went over into the athematic conjugation after the 
 analogy of the original athematic presents (§ 433, note). 
 
298 Accidence [§§ 484-5 
 
 § 484. The verbs in -άω were originally formed from 
 a-stems, as τιμάω, older *τίμά/ω, Indg. -ajo : τϊμα, -ή, cp. 
 Skr. prtana-ya-mi, I fight, prtana-ya-ti, he fights : prtana-, 
 fight, battle ; Lat. planto, older *plantaj5 : planta. Some 
 verbs have a long vowel in the root-syllable as compared 
 with the vowel in the corresponding nouns, as νωμάω : 
 νομή, στρωφάω : στροφή, πωτάομαι : ποτή, Sic. a-stems 
 with collective and abstract meaning existed in the parent 
 language by the side of o-stems, whence verbs like άρτιάω : 
 avTios, ά•τϊμάω : ά-τϊμοζ, γοάω : γόος, ιδρύομαι : Upo?, 
 λοχάω : λ6\ογ, μωμάομαι : μώμος, φοιβάω : φοΐβοί. The 
 short -α- in τιμάω, Szc. was due to the analogy of the short 
 vowel of the verbs in -eoo, -όω, -ίω, •νω and partly also to verbs 
 formed from ja-stems, as τολμάω : τόλμα. Cp. §§ 73-4. 
 
 § 485. In the parent Indg. language the denominatives 
 in -ejo (Gr. -Ιω, Skr. -aya-, Lat. •6θ) were formed from 
 the e-form of the o-stems, cp. Lat, albeo : albus, lenteo : 
 lentus, Skr. deva-ya-mi, / am pious, amitra-ya-mi, / am 
 hostile, 3, pers. sing, deva-ya-ti, amitra-ya-ti : deva-, god, 
 amitra-, enemy, Gr. φιλ^ω, άριθμίω, from *φιλ€;'ω, *άριθ- 
 //€/ώ : φίλος, αριθμός ; κοιραν^ω : κοίρανος, οίκίω : οίκος, &c. 
 Through the shifting of the accent in prim. Greek the 
 denominatives in 4ω fell together with the causative and 
 iterative verbs φοβίω, τροπβω, &c, from Indg, -ejo (§ 497), 
 Beside the more general form in -ejo there was also a form 
 in -jo with omission of the final -e of the stem. This was 
 probably due to the fact that numerous vocalic and con- 
 sonantal stems existed side by side in the parent Indg, 
 language, cp. Skr, turan-ya-mi, / hasten, adhvar-ya-mi, 
 /sacrifice, 3. pers. sing, turan-yd-ti, adhvar-ya-ti : turand-, 
 hasty, quick, adhvara•, sacrifice ; Gr. άγγίλλω from *ay- 
 γ€λ;'ω : άγγβλος, and similarly αίόλλω, βαιδάλλω, καμπύλλω, 
 ποικίλλω, &c, ; φα^ίνω from *φαΡίσν]ω : φαεινός from 
 *φαρζσνος, μβιλίσσω from *μ€ΐλιχ^/ω : μ€ίλΐ)(ος, )(αλύπτω 
 from *χαλ€π/ω (§§ 129, ι, 473) : χαλεπός. 
 
§§ 486-9' Verbs 299 
 
 § 48β. The denominatives in -όω, which are generally 
 factitive in meaning, were a special Greek new formation 
 and came to be formed from the o-form of o-stems already 
 in the prehistoric period of the language, as δουλόω : 
 δονλθ9, 8ηλ6ω : δήλος, μισθόω : μισθός, ν^όω : νίος, πολ€- 
 μόω : πολβμ^ω : πόλεμος, \ρνσ6ω : χρυσός, &ο. This type 
 of present became productive and was extended to other 
 than o-stems, as ζημώω : ζημία, γ^φΰρόω : γίψνρα, πλατόω : 
 πλατύς, όρνϊθόω : ορνϊθ-, 
 
 § 487. κονίω from *κο^ι/ω (Indg. -ijo, Skr. -lya•) : κόι^ις, 
 μητωμαι, Lat. metier : μήτις, and similarly δηριομαι, μα• 
 στίω, μηνίω, &c., cp. Skr. jani-yd-ti, he seeks a ivife : jani-, 
 wife; sakhi-ya-ti, lie desires friendship : sakhi•, friend; 
 Lat. finio, grandio, lenio : finis, grandis, lenis. 
 
 § 488. δακρνω from ''δακρν/ω (Indg. -ujo, Skr. -uya•) : 
 δάκρυ, and similarly άχλύω, γηρύω, ίθνω, μ^θνω, ψΐτύω, &c., 
 cp. Skr. gatu-ya-ti, he sels in motion : gatu•, motion ; satni• 
 ya-ti, he treats as an enemy : satru•, enemy; Lat. acuo, 
 statuo : acus, status. 
 
 § 489. The denominatives in -ζύω, prim, Gr. ■ηΡ]ω, were 
 formed from the stem of nouns of the type of βασιλεύς from 
 ^βασιληνς : *βασιληρ- (§ 338). The -ηΡ]α> would regularly 
 have become -eiO) (through the intermediate stages -τ/ί/^ω, 
 ■ζίfω) which is found in the dialect of Elis. In βασιλζύω 
 for *βασιλ€ίω the -ev- was introduced into the present after 
 the analogy of the other tenses, and it may also in part be 
 due to the influence of the nominative singular of the 
 corresponding noun, and similarly αριστεύω, ίβρ€ύω, ιππεύω, 
 νομζύω, πομπ^ύω, τορ^ύω, φονεύω, γαλκζύω, &c. This type 
 of present became productive in the oldest period of the 
 language and was extended to other than -eii-stems, as 
 θηρεύω : θήρα, βουλώνω : βουλή, αγορεύω : αγορά, οίνο- 
 χο^ύω : οΐΐΌχόος, μαντ^ύομαι : μάντις, δραγμ^ύω : δράγμα, 
 άληθζύω : αληθής. 
 
300 Accidence [§§ 490-3 
 
 b. Consonantal Stems. 
 
 § 490. From n-stems, as ονομαίνω from *ονομαν](ύ {= 
 Indg. -njo) : όνομα, ττοίμαίνω from ^ττοιμαν^ω : ποιμήν, and 
 similarly ευφραίνω : ζϋψρων, κυμαίνω : κνμα, μελαίνω : 
 μβλαν-, ΤΓΪαίνω : πίων, σττ^ρμαίνω : σπέρμα, τ€κταίνω : 
 τύκτων, &c. This type of present became productive in 
 the oldest period of the language and after the analogy 
 of it were formed a large number of verbs from other than 
 n-stems. These new formations generally had a factitive 
 meaning, as βασκαίνω : βάσκανο^, κ^ρΒαίνω : κίρ8ο^, and 
 similarly λξίαίνω, Χ^υκαίνω, λίταίνω, πικραίνω, &c. ; γλυ- 
 καίνω : γλυκύς. After the analogy of the verbs in -αίνω 
 were formed those in -ννω from u-stems, as άρτύνω : άρτυς, 
 and similarly βαρύνω, βραδύνω, ήδύνω, θρασύνω, ιθύνω. 
 And then further after the analogy of these were formed 
 new denominatives like αίσγύνω : αίσχος, κακύνω : κακός. 
 
 § 491. From r-stems,as τεκμαίρω from *τ€κμαρ/ω (= Indg. 
 ■rjo) : τβκμαρ. Analogical formations from other than r• 
 stems were γ^γαφω : γ^γαρός, βχθαίρω : εχθρός, καθαιρώ : 
 καθαρός, &c. μαρτύρομαι from *μαρτνρ]ομαι : μάρτυ-ρ-, 
 and similarly κινύρομαι : κιννρός, μινύρομαι : μιννρός. 
 
 § 492. From s-stems, as τ^λβω, Hom. τβλζίω, Att. reXa 
 from *TeAeoy'cu : τίλος, stem τζλΐσ-, cp, Skr. apas«ya-mi, 
 / am active, apas-ya-ti, he is active : apas•, Lat. opus, 
 work; Goth, riqizjan, to become dark : riqis, darkness; 
 and similarly άκ€ομαι : άκος, άνθ^ω : άνθος, π^νθ^ω : ττίνθος, 
 νβικ^ω : νίΐκος, &c. αίδίομαι from *αίδ€σ^ομαι : αίδ^σ- : 
 αιδώς. Forms like ίδρόω from '^σριδροσ]ω, ρΐγόω, Hom. 
 γζλώω, ίδρώω were formed direct from the nominative 
 Ιδρός, ρίγος, ΐδρώς, γβλως. 
 
 § 493. From dental stems, as αίμάσσω from *αίματ;ω : 
 αΐματ; βλίττω, βλίσσω (§ 129, 6) : μίλιτ-, κορνσσω from 
 *κορυθ]ω : κόρνθ-. ελπίζω from *€λπίδ/ω : ΐλπίδ-, and 
 similarly όπίζομαι, λιθάζω, μιγάζομαι, &ic. 
 
§§ 494-71 Verbs 301 
 
 § 494. From guttural stems, as κηρύσσω from *κηρνκ/ω : 
 κήρυξ, -νκος, βήσσω from *βηχ/ω : βήξ, βηχός, θωρήσσω : 
 θώρΰξ, -aKos, &C. αρπάζω from *άρπα-γ]ω : άρπαζ, -ayos, 
 and similarly μαστίζω, σαλπίζω from *σαλπί'/γ]ω (§ 156). 
 
 § 495. The denominatives in •άζω, -ίζω from -α8]ω, -αγ/ω, 
 -ίδ/ω, -ίγ/ω became productive and gave rise to a large 
 number of analogical formations from all kinds of stems, 
 as ά•γαπάζω : ά-γαπάω, πειράζω : παράω, 8ικάζω : δίκη, 
 καναγίζω : κανα\ή, δοκιμάζω : δόκιμος, ησυχάζω : ήσυχος, 
 δ^ιπνίζω : δύπνον, ακοντίζω : άκων, μακαρίζω : μάκαρ, 
 αϊ ματ ίζω : αίμα. 
 
 § 496. The formation of the denominatives in -ώσσω, 
 •ώττω is uncertain insomuch as it cannot be determined 
 whether it originally arose from dental or guttural stems. 
 It is possible that this type of verb started out from 
 άμβλυώσσω from '^άμβλυωκ/ω : άμβλυωπός, τυφλώσσω : 
 τυφλώψ, and that they were formed before the velar gut- 
 tural became π in -ωπ-, cp. the parallel forms Skr. aksi, Gr. 
 oWe from *OKje, Indg. *oqi, both eyes, Lat. oc-ulus, beside 
 ο-^ομαι, οπτίον. The -ώσσω in these verbs may have 
 become productive and extended by analogy to other than 
 guttural stems, as λίμώσσω : λιμός, ον^ιρώσσω : oveipos, 
 ύγρώσσω : υγρός, ύπνώσσω : ύπνος, &c. 
 
 3. Causative and Iterative Verbs. 
 § 497. Causative and iterative verbs were common in the 
 parent Indg. language and were also preserved in the 
 oldest period of all the separate languages. This type of 
 present was formed by the addition of the formative suffix 
 •ejo•, -eje- to the root-syllable which contained the ο grade 
 of ablaut (= Gr. 0, Lat. o, Goth, a, Skr. a), as Indg. sing, 
 *soa-eic>, I cause to sit, set, *sod-eje-si, *sod.eje-ti, pi. *sod 
 ejo-mes, *sod-eje"t(h)e, *sod-ejo-nti = Skr. sad-aya-mi 
 sad-aya-si, sad-aya-ti, sad-dya-mah, sad-dya-tha, sad 
 aya-nti, Goth, sat-ja, sat-jis, sat-jij), sat-jam, sat-ji)), sat 
 
302 Accidence [§ 498 
 
 jand : root *sed-, sit; φοβίω from *φοβ€;ω : φίβομαί, and 
 similarly σοβ^ω : σέβομαι, cp. Lat. noceo : neco, moneo : 
 memini ; Engl, fell, set : fall, sit. 
 
 ποτ€ομαι from *ποτ€/ομαί, Skr. pat-aya'ini : ττύτομαι, 
 Skr. pata-mi, /yTy, and similarly /SpoyLteco : βρίμω, όχίομαι: 
 Lat. veho, σκοπβω : σκίπτομαι, στροφίω : στρέψω, τρομίω: 
 τρ€μω, τροπίω : τρίπω, φοβξομαι : φ^βομαι, φορβω : φ^ρω, 
 Szc. 
 
 After the shifting of the accent in the denominative 
 presents formed from o-stems, as φιλύω from *φί\^;ω, older 
 •ζ]ώ {§ 482) verbs like φοβίω, φορίω came to be regarded 
 as being formed from the nouns φόβος, φόρο?, and then 
 after the analogy of φιλ^ω : φιλήσω, ^φίλησα, φιλητός, to 
 φορίω were formed φορήσω, ϊφόρησα, φορητός for *φορίτός 
 where -ιτός was the regular Indg. ending of the verbal 
 adjective belonging to this type of present, cp. Lat. moni- 
 tus : moneo, Goth. satij)s : satjan, to set, Skr. vartitdh : 
 vart-dya-mi, / turn. 
 
 The Future. 
 
 § 498. It it doubtful whether the parent Indg. language 
 had special forms which were exclusively used to express 
 future meaning. By comparing together the oldest periods 
 of the different languages we are forced to the conclusion 
 that it must have been expressed in various ways. In 
 Sanskrit and Lithuanian the future was formed by means 
 of the formative element -sjo-, -sje• which was'an extension 
 of the -s- element occurring in Class IX of the presents 
 (§ 468). This -sjo- future belonged to the thematic conju- 
 gation and was inflected like a present, as Skr. da-sya-mi 
 (Lith. du-siu), I shall give, da-sya-si, da-sya-ti, pi. da-sya- 
 mah, da-sya-tha, da-sya-nti = Indg. *d5-sjO, *d5-sje-si, 
 *d5-sje-ti, pi. *d5-sjo-mes, *d5-sje-t(h)e, *d5-sjo-nti. This 
 formation may also exist in Greek in the future formed 
 from bases or stems ending in an explosive, as δίίξω, Skr. 
 
§ 499] Verbs 303 
 
 dek-sya-mi, Indg. *deik-sjO, but it is far more probable that 
 such is not the case, because the future formed from the 
 other bases or stems cannot be explained as being of this 
 origin. 
 
 The present with momentary meaning was also originally 
 used with a future meaning, and a few such forms also 
 occur in Greek, as 8ήω, ζίμι, νίομαί (§ 424). This mode ot 
 expressing the future became productive in the old Germanic 
 and Slavonic languages. And in like manner the subjunctive 
 of a presential or second aorist stem was also used with 
 a future meaning, as '4δομαι (Skr, pres. indie, ad-mi, / eat), 
 πίομαι, χίω, Horn, βζίομαι, cp. also Lat. ere = ζω, ω, Indg. 
 *es5. 
 
 § 499. The ordinary Greek future was originally the 
 subjunctive of the s-aorist which came to be used for the 
 future, cp. also the similar forms in Lat. capso, dixo, faxo, 
 &c. This subjunctive of the s-aorist had the same root- 
 vowel as the present indicative. It belonged to the the- 
 matic conjugation and was inflected like a present, as sing. 
 •so, -se-si, -se-ti, pi. -so-mes, -se-tihje, -so-nti, whereas the 
 indicative of the s-aorist belonged to the athematic con- 
 jugation (§ 507). The Greek future can be conveniently 
 divided into two great categories according as it appears 
 with or without the medial -σ-. The medial -σ- regularly re- 
 mained in bases or stems ending in an explosive, as λ^ίψω, 
 οψομαι, πίψω, τ^ρψω ; βλάψω, βλάψομαι, τύψω ; πλίξω ; 
 α^ω, ζζύ^ω, πράξω, φζνξομαι ; ψράσω : φράζω from *φρα8]ω, 
 σπ^ίσω : σπί.ν8ω, π^ίσω : π^ίθω ; γλύψω, γράψω, γράψομαι, 
 θρίψω, θρίψομαι : τρίφω ; τίύξομαι ; διδάξω, ποιφύξω ; 
 αρπάξω, κηρύξω, σαλπίγξω, &C. After the analogy of these 
 and similar forms the medial -σ- was restored in all verbs the 
 base or stem of which ended in a long vowel or diphthong 
 (see § 213, 2), as θήσω, δώσω (Hom. also διδώσω), στήσω ; 
 λύσω ; άμαρτήσομαι, βοσκήσω, βονλήσομαι, γβνήσομαι, 
 ζίδήσω, ζύδήσω, μανήσομαι, μνήσω, οζήσω, ποιήσω, σ\ήσω, 
 
304 Accidence [§§ 500-1 
 
 τνπτήσω, γαφήσω, "γνώσομαι ; τιμήσω, φιλήσω, δηλώσω ; 
 τ^ίσω, πλ€νσομαι, ο'ίσω. In the primary verbs the long 
 vowel had its origin in monosyllabic (§§ 454-5) and dis- 
 syllabic (§ 458) heavy bases. 
 
 The medial -σ- generally disappeared (§ 213, 2) in the 
 future formed from dissyllabic heavy bases with a short 
 vowel in the second syllable, as ίλάω, κρεμάω, όμόομαι, 
 καλίω, όλίω, βαλίω, γαμίω, τ^νίω, Hom. π^σίομαι from 
 *π€Τ€σομαί = Att. €λω, κρ^μώ, όμοΰμαι, καλώ, όλώ, βαλώ, 
 γαμώ, τ^νώ, π€σονμαι (§ 80), and similarly στβλίω, στζλίο- 
 μαι, ρβμβω, τβμίω, θ^ν^ω, μ^νίω, φανίω, ψθ^ρίω, &C. The 
 -σ- was sometimes restored again, especially in epic Greek, 
 as δαμάσω, βλάσω, κρβμάσω, όλίσω ; κίλσω, ορσω, φθίρ• 
 σω, &C. (cp. §§ 212, 3, 217). 
 
 After the analogy of forms like καλίω, rei^etw, φθ^ρίω 
 were formed futures to denominative verbs with stems 
 ending in a nasal, liquid, dental or -s, and to verbs with 
 a nasal suffix in the present, as Ion. οννομανίω : ονομαίνω, 
 ayyeXeo) : άγγίλλω, Τ€κμαρίομαί : τεκμαίρομαι, δικάω, δικώ 
 beside δικάσ{σ)ω : δικάζω from *δικαδ]ω, κομιώ beside 
 κομίσ{σ)ω : κομίζω from *κομιδ]ω, τελεω, τελώ beside Hom. 
 τξλεσσω : Τ€λ6ω from *τ€λ(σ/ω ; κλινεω : κλίνω from 
 *κ\ιν]ω, κρινίω : κρίνω, Horn, άννω, τανύω beside άννσω, 
 τανύσω. 
 
 § 500. The so-called Doric future, which also occurs in 
 a few Attic verbs, was a new formation and arose from the 
 contamination of the futures in -σω with those in -εω from 
 -6σω, as δει^'εω, Ιδησώ : Att. δείξω, είδήσω, νενσοΰμαι : νεω, 
 ττλενσονμαι : πλέω, ττνευσονμαι : ττνεω, also Att. κλανσονμαι : 
 κλαίω, φενξοΰμαι beside φενξομαι, χεσονμαι : χέζω. 
 
 § 501. Special Greek new formations were the futures 
 formed from the perfect and from the passive aorists in -ην 
 (§ 506), -θψ (§ 514), The futures formed from the perfect 
 active are rare, but those formed from the perfect middle 
 are common, as Att. έστήξω : εστηκα, τεθνήξω : τεβνηκα. 
 
§§ 50 2-3] Verbs 305 
 
 γ€γράψομαι, λβλζίψομαι, μβμνήσομαι, Τίτρίψομαι, &c. 
 This formation came to be regarded as a reduplicated 
 future and then futures like δζ8ήσομαι, λξλυσομαι, t€T€v- 
 ξομαι were formed direct from the simple future δήσω, 
 λύσω, τ^υξω. Examples of futures formed from the passive 
 aorists in -ην, -θην are φανήσομαι : ζφάνην, σβήσομαί : 
 ίσβην, and similarly βλαβήσομαι, γραψήσομαι, μανήσομαι, 
 σταλήσομαι, στραφήσομαι, &c. ; 8οθήσομαι : ^δόθην, τϊμψ 
 θήσομαί : ίτϊμήθηρ, and similarly κλιθήσομαι, λνθήσομαι, 
 π^ισθήσομαί, ταθήσομαι, φίληθήσομαι, δηλωθήσομαι, &c. It 
 should be noted that the future in -θησομαι does not occur 
 in Homer and that in Doric both types of futures have 
 active personal endings, as άναγραφησ^ΐ, ίπίμ^ληθησζΰρτι^ 
 Att. άναγραφήσζται, ^ττιμ^ληθήσονται. 
 
 The Aorist. 
 
 § 502. The parent Indg. language had two kinds of 
 aorists, the root-aorist, also called the strong or second 
 aorist, and the s-aorist. Although there was doubtless 
 originally a difference in meaning and function between 
 the root- and the s-aorist, the difference had disappeared 
 before the parent language became differentiated into the 
 separate languages. These two kinds of aorists were 
 preserved in Greek, Aryan and the Slavonic languages, 
 but in the other languages they either disappeared entirely 
 or came to be used for other tenses. The aorist in •Θη^ 
 (§ 514) was a special Greek formation which does not occur 
 in the other languages. 
 
 I. The Root- or Strong Aorist. 
 
 § 503. The strong aorist has for the most part been 
 already dealt with in the formation of the present with 
 which it is morphologically closely related, but even at the 
 risk of repetition it is advisable to treat it here in a con- 
 
 X 
 
3o6 Accidence [§ 504 
 
 nected manner. In the dissyllabic bases the only distinction 
 between the base of the aorist and of the present was that 
 caused by the original difference in the position of the 
 accent and the consequent difference in the ablaut-grade, 
 cp. AeiVe- : λίττΙ-, Indg. *leiq(e)• : *liqe-, in XeiVco : Xineip ; 
 πίτα- : τττά-, πτή-, Indg. *pet9- : *pta•, in πίτα-μαι : πτηναι, 
 Dor. ίπτάν (§ 458). On the other hand it is not always 
 possible to draw a hard and fast line between the forma- 
 tion of the aorist and the imperfect in Greek, cp. aor. 
 'ίβην, ίστην, ίΒρακον beside impf 'ίφην : φημί, '4γραφον 
 (and similarly with other aorist-presents, § 456). ereKOP, 
 ^Ύ^νόμην were properly the imperfect of the lost verbs 
 *τίκω, *Ύ^νομαι, but they came to be regarded as the 
 aorist of τίκτω and γίγνομαι. In the strong aorist we 
 have to distinguish three types : — 
 
 a. Monosyllabic heavy Ablaut-bases (§§ 454-5). 
 
 § 504. In the aorists of this type the root-syllable had 
 the strong grade of ablaut in the active singular, but the 
 weak grade in the dual, plural and the whole of the middle, 
 as *'i8wv, *'έθην, 'ίστην, Dor. '^σταν : pi. 'ύ8ομξν, 'έθβμξρ, 
 Ησταμ^ν = Skr. adam, ddham, astham, pi. ddama, 
 ddhama, dsthama (for *adima, *adhima, *asthima) with 
 •a• levelled out from the singular, and similarly 'έστημ^ν 
 for *eVrayLier. The regular form with •ί• occurs in the 
 middle, as adita = ί8οτο. The Greek third person plural 
 iSoaav, eOeaau, ίστησαν had the ending -σαν from the s• 
 aorist (§ 507), and similarly iSuaav : δβίκνϋμι. €$ωκα, 
 €θηκα with the same -κα which occurs in the v-perfect 
 (§ 520) were used for the sing. *€δωι^, *'4θηΐ' in Old Attic 
 until the fourth century b. c. and from then onwards the 
 -κα became extended to the dual and plural ; cp. also 
 ηκα : Lat. je-ci, pi. ζΐμίρ from *€βμ€Ρ. 
 
§§ 505-6] Verbs 307 
 
 b. Dissyllabic light Bases (§§ 456-7). 
 
 § 505. This type of aorist, without and with reduplication, 
 belonged to the so-called thematic conjugation, as λιπ^ΐν, 
 ΐλιπον : λβίττω, πιθίσθαι, ίπίθον : ττζίθω, ηρικον : βρβίκω, 
 ■ήριπον : ξρ^ίπω, 'ίστιχον : στύχω ; 'ίκυθον : κβνθω, πυθύσθαι : 
 πβνθομαι, kpvy^lv, ήρνγον : ίρ^νγομαί, τνχ^€Ϊι^ : τ^ύχ^ω, 
 (φυγον : φίύγω; eSpaKou = Skr. adrsam : βύρκομαι, 
 τρατΓ^ΐν : τρίπω, 'Ίτραφον : τρίφω. Το verbs with charac- 
 terized presents, as Χαβ^ν, 'ίλαβον : λαμβάνω, λαθ^ΐν, 
 ΐλαθον : λανθάνω, 'ίλαγον : λα-γγάνω; δακβΐν, '4δακον : 
 δάκνω, καμξΐν, ίκαμον : κάμνω; Baveiv, 'ίθανον : θνήσκω; 
 βαλβΐν, (.βαλον : βάλλω from *βαλ;ω. 
 
 έ-σπύ-σθαι, €-σπ€-το : 'έπομαι, ^.-κί-κλ^-το, κί.-κλζ-το : 
 κίλομαι, π€-πίθ-€Ϊν, πβττιθον : π^ίθω, τξ-τνκβΐν : τΐνχω, 
 τ€-τάρπ€το : τίρπω, Horn, βξίπον from *k-fe-fnov = Skr. 
 dvocam from *d-va-uc-am, Indg. *e-we-wqom ; '4-τ€-τμο-ν, 
 €•π€-φνο•ν. ήγ-αγον : άγω, rfv-^yKov, inf kv-^yK^v ; ήρ-αρον, 
 inf άρ•αρ€Ϊν ; ώρ-ορον : ορ-νϋμι. 
 
 c. Dissyllabic heavy Bases (§§ 458-9). 
 § 506. The aorists of this type belonged to the athematic 
 conjugation and originally contained a long vowel or the 
 long diphthong -ei- in the second syllable of the base. 
 The long vowel including the -e- from older -ei- (§ 458) 
 belonged to all forms of the active and middle, but it was 
 regularly shortened in the third person plural in prim. 
 Greek (§ 70), as πτήναι, Dor. 'ίτΓτΰν : πίταμαι, eSpdv : 
 Skr. dra-ti, he runs, Horn, πλήτο : Skr. d-pra-t, he filled, 
 Hom. πλήτο : πβλάζω, Att. kyrjpav : γηρά-σκω ; 'άτλην, Dor. 
 €τλάν, €σβην, '4γνων ; 'ίβλην, ^μάνην, ϊφάνην, ^γάρην ; 
 '(ίφΰν, 'άφϋ = Skr. ά -bhu-t, from *e-bhu-t, older *e-bhwa-t, 
 he was : base *bhewa-, be. It is not clear in what relation 
 ίβην (Dor. ^βΰν), 'ίβη = Skr. dgam, agat, stands to βαίνω, 
 Lat. venio. These aorists in -ην = Indg. -em with in- 
 X 2 
 
3o8 Accidence [§ 507 
 
 transitive meaning became productive in Greei< and came 
 to be used as passive aorists (§ 514), as €κλάπην : κλέπτω, 
 ίγράφψ : γράφω, βμίγην : μίγ-ννμι, ^ρρνην : yoeco, ^σάπην : 
 σήπω, €τάκην : τήκω, ^τάρπην : τ^ρπω, €τράπην : τρίπω, &c. 
 
 2. The s-Agrist, 
 
 § 507. The s-aorist, also called the weak or first aorist, 
 belonged to the athematic conjugation and originally had 
 the following endings : — sing, -s-m, -s-s, -s-t, pi. -s-men or 
 •S'lnn (§ 437), -s-te, -s-nt. In formation it was morpho- 
 logically related to the s-presents of Class IX (§ 468) and 
 stood in the same relation to those presents as the strong 
 aorist did to its corresponding presents {§ 456). The 
 s-aorist was preserved in Greek, Aryan and the Slavonic 
 languages, whereas in Latin it came to be used for the 
 perfect (cp. e-Sei^a, ω -pe^a, Skr. a-vaksam beside dixi, 
 rexi, vexi), and in the other languages it disappeared 
 entirely except in a few isolated forms. This type of 
 aorist became very productive in Greek, especially as an 
 aorist-formation for denominative verbs and for those verbs 
 which did not have a root-aorist. The inflexion of an 
 aorist like eiei^a was in the parent Indg. language : — sing. 
 *e-deik-s-m, *e-deik-s-s, *e-deik-s-t, pi. *e-dik.s-men (-mn), 
 *e-dik-s-te, *e-dik-s-nt. In Sanskrit the long diphthong 
 or long vowel of the singular was levelled out into the 
 dual and plural, cp. Skr. draiksam, draiksma = eXeiyjra, 
 €λζίψαμ€Ρ ; dyauksam, ayauksma = '^ζ^νξα, ^ζ^ν^αμ^ν ; 
 dksarsam, dksarsma = 'ίφθβιρα from *€φθίρσα (§ 217), 
 ΐφθ^ίραμ^ν ; cp. the similar levelling in Latin diximus, 
 reximus : dixi, rexi. The long diphthong of the singular 
 was regularly shortened in prim. Greek (§ 63) and then 
 levelled out into the dual, plural and extended by analogy 
 to the whole of the middle which originally contained the 
 weak grade of ablaut, cp. Skr. middle ddiksi, dyuksi beside 
 Gr. ίδίΐ^άμηι^, ΐζ^υξάμψ. The old weak grade of ablaut 
 
§ 507] 1/erbs 309 
 
 was preserved in Ισαν, and fjaav from ""ηΡιτσαν, they knew, 
 but apart from a few such isolated forms the vowel in the 
 stem-syllable of the active and middle of the s-aorist to 
 dissyllabic bases was due to the analogy of the present 
 stem and the stem of the aorist subjunctive = s-future 
 (§ 499). This is especially clear in such forms as έγλυψα, 
 έγραψα, ώμορξα, 'έστιξα, ^σχ^ισα : γλύφω, γράψω, 6μόρ• 
 γνϋμί, στίζω, σ\ίζω, '^ττηλα from *€παλσα : πάλλω. Aorists 
 like eSei^a, 'ίζ^νξα can represent the original forms with 
 long diphthongs or be new formations with -ei-, -ei/- from 
 the present. The prim. Greek inflexion of the active and 
 middle of eSet^a, €λϋσα and similar aorists was :— 
 
 Sing. *eS€iKa-a *€λϋσ-α "ίδ^ικσ-μάι/ '^^λΰσ-μάν 
 
 *k8iiKa-9 *€λΰσ-9 *€δ€ίκσ-σο *ΐλνσ-σο 
 
 *€δζΐκσ•{τ) *ζλϋσ-{τ) *ίδ€ΐκσ-το *€λνσ•το 
 
 Plur. *€δ€ίκσ-μζν *€λϋσ•μζν *ίδ^ικσ-μ^θα '^^λνσ-μζθα 
 
 *eS€iKa-T€ *€λνσ•Τ€ *ΐδζΐκσ•σθζ ''^λΰσ-σθ^ 
 
 *€δ€ΐκσ-α{τ) ''ζλν(Τ-α[τ) *ξδ€ΐκσ-ατο *€λνσ•ατο 
 
 The -α in the first person singular of the active regularly 
 corresponds to Indg. -m (§ 65, i) and in the third person 
 plural to Indg. -n (§ 65, i). The ending of the first person 
 singular thus fell together with the ending of the perfect 
 {οΊδα, λύλοιπα). After the analogy of οΊδα : οΐδβ to ίδξΐξα 
 was formed eiei^e, and then the -a of the first person 
 singular was levelled out into the second person, and at 
 a later period the -a? was extended analogically to the 
 perfect (λ^λοιπας). The -a of the third person plural 
 was levelled out into the dual and the other persons 
 of the plural. Hence arose the usual forms : eiei^a, 
 βδξίξας, €δ€ΐξζ ; ίδύ^ατον, ΐδβι^άτην ; ίδξίξαμξν, ίδ^ίξατξ, 
 ίδΐίξαν (with -ν from imperfects like ίφβρον, § 439) ; 
 βλϋσα, ξλνσα^, €λϋσ€ ; έλυσατοί', ^λϋσάτην ; ξλυσαμζΐ^, 
 ϊλνσατξ, έλυσαν. From the active the •α• was then ex- 
 tended to all forms of the middle {ϊδζί^άμηΐΊ ^λϋσάμηι^ ; 
 
310 Accidence [§§ 508-9 
 
 kSd^avTo, eXvaauTo with -ντο from thematic verbs like 
 ίφίροντο ; ^ββίξω, ίλόσω with -ω from older -ασο), including 
 the optative, imperative, infinitive and participle. 
 
 Before this levelling out of the -a- took place the -σ- in 
 the dual and the first and second persons plural of the 
 active and in the whole of the middle except the third 
 person plural regularly disappeared in prim. Greek when 
 the stem ended in a consonant (§§ 214, 221), but it was 
 generally restored again at a later prehistoric period after 
 the analogy of forms where it regularly remained. The 
 regular old middle was preserved in Homeric forms like 
 άλτο, άλμβνοί : άλΧομαι, άρμ€νο9 : ηρσα, δίκτο : δύχομαι, 
 κατίπηκτο : κατίπηξα, λ^κτο : 'ίλ^ξα, 'ίμικτο : '^μιξα, πάλτο : 
 €πηλα from *€παλσα ; ώρτο : ώρσα, Szc. 
 
 § 508. When the base ended in a nasal the •μσ- and -νσ- 
 became assimilated to -μμ-, -vv- which remained in Lesb. 
 and Thess. but became simplified with lengthening of the 
 preceding vowel in the other dialects as eVei/ia, Lesb. 
 'ίν^μμα : ν^μω ; 'ίμ^ινα, Lesb. 'ίμ^ννα : μίρω (§ 21β) ; 'ίφηνα 
 from *k^avaa : φαίνω, ϋφηνα from *υφανσα : υφαίνω ; and 
 similarly with the verbs in -αίνω, as kXe^a : λ^αίνω, Hom. 
 λ^ιαίνω, ώνόμηνα : ονομαίνω, έξήράνα (§ 216) : ξηραίνω ; 
 knkpava : περαίνω. 
 
 § 509. When the base or stem ended in a liquid assimi- 
 lation also generally took place, with simplification of the 
 double liquid and lengthening of the preceding vowel in 
 Att. Ion., as '^πηλα from *€παλσα : πάλλω; eareiXa, Lesb. 
 'iareXXa : στίλλω ; 'έσφηλα, ήγγαλα, ίτΐλα ; βφθξίρα, Lesb. 
 '4φθ€ρρα from *kφθζpσa : φθείρω ; ίσϋρα (§ 217), <S:c., 
 beside ίκ^λσα, 'ίκξρσα, ωρσα. In bases or stems ending 
 in a dental the dental + -σ- became -σσ- which was 
 simplified to -σ-, as '^βλισα : βλίττω, βλίσσω from *βλίτ/ω ; 
 'έπ^ρσα : πβρθω, eneiaa : π^ίθω; '4ψ€νσα : ψ^νδω, kφ€ισάμηv : 
 φζίδομαι, ήλιτισα : kλmζω from *kλπίδJω (§ 166). The 
 ζ in presents ending in -^ω came from -δ)- and -y/ (§ 129, 8). 
 
§§ 5I0-II] Verbs 311 
 
 When it came from the former the aorist regularly had -σ- 
 from older •σσ-, and -|- when from the latter, but in conse- 
 quence of the presents being alike confusion arose in the 
 aorist, cp. Horn, ήρπασα beside ήρπαξα : αρπάζω from 
 *apTTayj(u ; Att. βσάλτησα beside ίσάλπιγξα : σαλπίζω 
 from *σαλπιγγ/ω. In Doric the -|- became generalized 
 for both kinds of aorists. On forms like Horn, e^eaaa, 
 €τρζσσα, eriXeaaa beside Att. ίζ^σα, ξτρ^σα, ereXe^a : ζ4ω, 
 τρίω, τελίω from *ζ€.σω, *τρ€σω, *Τ€\ζσ-]ω, see § 212, 2. 
 This -σσ- from bases or stems ending in σ became pro- 
 ductive in the oldest period of the language and is common 
 in Aeolic, Homer and his imitators, as eyiXaaaa, 'ίμ^σσα, 
 ζπύρασσα, δαμάσσαι, ϊλάσσαι, κρβμάσσαι, όλύσσαι, όμόσ- 
 σαι, &C. 
 
 § 510. The -σ- also regularly disappeared in prim. 
 Greek in several of the forms of bases or stems ending in 
 a vowel, viz. in the first person singular of the active, the 
 third person plural of the active and middle (§ 213, 2), in 
 the first person singular of the middle and the first person 
 plural of the active and middle (§ 214), but here again the 
 -σ- was mostly restored after the analogy of those forms of 
 the vocalic and consonantal bases and stems where it 
 regularly remained. In aorists like ήλ^νατο : ήλ^νσα, 
 ίσσ^υα (eVeua), e^ea (Horn, also 'iyjeva), άλίασθαι the old 
 σ -less form became generalized. Apart from a few such 
 isolated aorists without -σ-, all the vocalic bases and stems 
 had intervocalic -σ- already in the oldest historic period of 
 the language, as ημβσα, ^Βάμασα, ωμοσα, έχρησα (§ 512) ; 
 ίτιμησα, ίφίλησα, ^μίσθωσα (§ 483); ^φόρησα (§ 497). 
 
 § 511. The stem-syllable of dissyllabic light bases had 
 originally a lengthened vowel or diphthong in the singular 
 of the active and weak grade vowel in the dual, plural and 
 the whole of the middle (§ 507), but this original distinction 
 was not entirely preserved in any of the languages in 
 historic times. As we have already seen the Greek stem 
 
312 Accidence [§§ 512-13 
 
 of the aorist was a new formation formed direct from the 
 present-stem and the stem of the aorist subjunctive (§ 507), 
 as έβλαψα : βλάπτω, βπβμψα : πίμπω, eAe|a : λίγω, 
 'ίττλίξα : πλίκω, and similarly 'ίγραψα, d^a, 'ύκοψα, erep- 
 ψα, 'ίτη^α, eOpeyj/a, &c. ; middle έγραψάμην, ^κο-^άμψ, 
 ΐθρζψάμηι^, βπλβξάμην, &C, 'ίδ^ιξα : Lat. dixi, 'ίλζίψα : 
 Skr. draiksam ; e^et^a : Skr. ajauksam, erev^a : τίύχω, 
 eXea (Horn, also exef a) : χ^ω ; middle (.δζΐ^άμψ, ίζ^νξάμην, 
 βχξάμην, &c. In forms like ereiaa : Skr. dcaisam, 'ίπλζνσα 
 the intervocalic -σ- was restored after the analogy of forms 
 like ^Sei^a, &c. where the -a- was not intervocalic. Ίσφηλα, 
 €ψθ€ΐρα from Ησφαλσα, "βφθ^ρσα (§ 217), and similarly 
 (τϊλα, eSeipa, ΐσϋρα, &c. beside 'ίκζλσα, ΐκίρσα, ωρσα. 
 'ireLva from *€Τ€νσα (§ 21β), and similarly 'ίκτζίνα, 'ίμανα, 
 'ίνζίμα, W(.Lva ; 'ίσπ^ισα from *ίστηνσα : σπίνδω. 'ίπασα : 
 ττύθω, €ψ€υσα : ψζύδω (§ 166). e^eaa : ζίω {§ 212, 2), 
 ίυσα : ζΰω. 
 
 § 512. The aorists formed from dissyllabic heavy bases 
 belong to the presents of Class IV {§ 458) and may be 
 divided into two types according as the second syllable of 
 the base contained the weak or the strong grade of ablaut. 
 To the former belong aorists like ήμ^σα : e/xeco, ώλβσα ; 
 (δάμασα : δαμάω, έκίρασα, 'ίκΧασα, (κρίμασα, ηλασα, eni- 
 λασα, kyrjpaaa ; ηροσα, ώμοσα ; 'ίφνσα : ίφϋν. And to the 
 latter ΐδ^ησα, (δόνησα, ^θίλησα, 'ύμνησα, 'ίνησα, 'ίχρησα ; 
 (ίδράσα ; άν-ίγνωσα : Skr. ajnasam. The intervocalic -σ- 
 in all these and similar aorists was restored after the analogy 
 of aorists like 'έδξΐξα, &c. 
 
 § 513. The formative element of characterized presents 
 was often extended to the aorist, as ίκΧΐνα from "έκλινσα : 
 κλίνω from *κλί-vJω ; ήμΰνα, ημϋνάμην : άμύνω ; 'ίπλαγξα : 
 ττλάζω from *πλαγγ/ω, cp. Lat. plango, planxi; ^δίδαξα, 
 έποίφυξα, ίτίτρηνα : διδάσκω, ποιφνσσω, τ^τραίνω, &c. 
 
§ 514] Verbs 313 
 
 The Passive Aorist in -βψ. 
 
 § 514. The parent Indg. language had no special forms 
 which were used exclusively to express the passive voice, 
 but already at that period the middle came to have also 
 a passive meaning which was preserved in Greek in such 
 forms as k-86 -θη^, ϊ-τ^-θη?, k -κτά-θη^ — Skr. a-di-thah, 
 d-dhi-thah, d-ksa-thah. The forms of the passive voice 
 are accordingly expressed variously in the different Indg. 
 languages. In Greek the only passive forms distinct from 
 the middle are the second aorist in -ψ and the first aorist 
 in -Βψ. The aorist in -ην is, as we have already seen 
 (§ 458), originally an active athematic formation with in- 
 transitive meaning which came to be used to express the 
 passive in Greek. This aorist in -iqv was also an important 
 factor in the origin and development of the aorist in -Βψ 
 which was a special Greek new formation and probably in 
 part of the same origin as the preterite of denominative 
 verbs in the Germanic languages. The origin of the aorist 
 in -Βην is difficult to account for satisfactorily. It is 
 probable that several factors played an important part in 
 its origin and development. Starting out from the second 
 person singular of the aorist middle with the secondary 
 ending -Qris (= Indg. -thes, Skr. -thah, § 443) which occurs 
 in such forms as €-δ6-θη^, k-re -θη^, e -στά-θης, k -κτά-θη^ = 
 Skr. d-di-thah, a-dhi-thah, a-sthi-thah, d-ksa-thah, there 
 was formed ^-δό-θην, k -δό-θη, tS;c. : k -δό-θη^ after the analogy 
 of aorists like k -μάν-ην, ζ-μάν-η, &c. : k-μάu-η9, thus creating 
 a complete new aorist out of a single form. But it is 
 improbable that the aorist in -θην had its origin solely in 
 the -θη? of forms like k^δ6-θη9, &c. In part at least it was 
 probably also a periphrastic formation which was originally 
 confined to denominative verbs, as in k■τϊμή-θηu, k-φιλή-Θηu, 
 k -δηλώ-θην, ^δύσ-θην, &c., and then at a later period became 
 extended to primary verbs as well. In this respect it 
 
314 Accidence [§515 
 
 corresponds exactly in formation with the preterite of 
 denominative verbs in the Germanic languages, as Goth. 
 salb5-da, / anointed, salb5-des, salb5-da, where -da, -des, 
 ■da = Indg. -dhem, -dhes, -dhet, which was originally an 
 aorist of the root *dhe• which occurs in τί-θη-μι. If the 
 assumption is right that the aorist in -θην was in part 
 a periphrastic formation, there must have been a time 
 when two types of the dual and plural existed side by side, 
 viz. k-80 -θην : €-δ6-θημ€Ρ, &c. and k -τΐμή-θην : *€-τϊμή-耕μ€ν 
 (cp. e-^e-/ier), &c. and that then the form -θημ^ν with •η• 
 became generalized. The periphrastic formation was 
 originally active both in form and meaning as in the 
 Germanic languages, but in Greek it became passive in 
 meaning through the influence of the aorists of the type 
 ^δόθην, €μάνην. The aorist in -θην became very pro- 
 ductive in the prehistoric period of the language and 
 already in Homer it was far more common than that in 
 -ην. Its great expansion was doubtless due to the large 
 mass of denominative verbs. 
 
 The Perfect. 
 
 § 515. The perfect had originally certain well-defined 
 characteristics which clearly distinguished it from the other 
 tenses. The more important of these characteristics 
 were : — 
 
 [a) The personal endings in the active singular, as Indg. 
 *woid-a, *woit-tha, *woid-e = οιδ-α, οΐσ-θα, οΊδ -e, Skr.ved-a, 
 vet-tha, ved-a. What the original endings of the dual and 
 plural were cannot be determined, because there is little or 
 no agreement amongst the languages which have preserved 
 the perfect forms in historic times (see §§ 440-1). {b) Re- 
 duplication with e (rarely e) in the reduplicated syllable, 
 (c) A different grade of ablaut in the active singular as com- 
 pared with the active dual, plural, and the whole of the 
 middle, {d) A special participial ending (§ 552). 
 
§§5i6-i7] yerbs 315 
 
 § 516. The perfect generally had reduplication with e in 
 the reduplicated syllable, as δβ-δορκα = Skr. da-ddrsa ; 
 π€•πηγα — Lat. pe-pigi. Beside e there also existed e 
 which is rare in Greek (cp. Horn, δψδύχαταί : δύχομαή but 
 common in Vedic. Latin and especially the Germanic 
 languages show that unreduplicated perfects were also 
 common in the parent Indg. language. But the reason why 
 the perfect was originally formed partly with and partly 
 without reduplication is unknown. The forms with redu- 
 plication became productive in Greek and Sanskrit and 
 those without it in Latin and the Germanic languages. 
 Already in the prim. Germanic period the old perfect active 
 came to be used as a simple preterite and then a new 
 periphrastic perfect was formed. What is called the per- 
 fect in Latin was a mixture of various kinds of formations, 
 e. g. old perfects, as tu-tudi, de-di, veni, legi ; old strong 
 aorists, as te-tigi, pe-puli, fidi, scidi ; and old s-aorists, as 
 dixi, lexi, &c. (§ 507). 
 
 Greek, Old Latin and Gothic show that the reduplicated 
 syllable originally contained e, cp. O.Lat. me-mordi, pe• 
 pugi, te-tuli, classical Lat. ce-cidi, de-di, &c. ; Goth, hai- 
 hait, he called, ga-rai-roj), he reflected upon : inf. haitan, 
 ga-redan. But in classical Latin the vowel in the redupli- 
 cated syllable became assimilated to that of the root-syllable 
 when the present and perfect had the same vowel, as mo• 
 mordi, pu-pugi : mordeo, pungo. In Sanskrit the redupli- 
 cated syllable generally had a = Indg. e (§ 42), as da-darsa 
 = δ€-δορκα, but when the root-syllable contained the ablaut 
 e : i = Indg. oi : i ; 5 : u = Indg. ou : u, the vowel in the 
 reduplicated syllable became assimilated to that in the root- 
 syllable of the active dual and plural, and of the middle, as 
 ri-reca = λί-λοιπα, pi. ri-ricima; tu-toda, I have pushed = 
 Goth, stai-staut, pi. tu-tudima. 
 
 § 517. In dealing with the reduplicated syllable it is 
 necessary to distinguish between bases or stems which 
 
3i6 Accidence [§517 
 
 began with a consonant and those which began with 
 a vowel. When the base or stem began with a single con- 
 sonant the reduplication consisted of this consonant + e, as 
 Se-SopKa, λ€-λοιπα, but with dissimilation of aspirates, as πε- 
 φ€νγα, Ti -θζΐκα, κί-χνμαι {§ 115). When the base or stem 
 began with an explosive plus a nasal or liquid, the redupli- 
 cation generally consisted of the explosive + e, as ττί-πΐ'βνκα, 
 τί-θνηκα (with dissimilation of the aspirate), •γί-•/ραφα, 
 γβ-γλνμμαί. But combinations like γρ-, βλ-, ζ-, ξ-, ψ•, κτ-, 
 πτ- generally had simply e- for the reduplicated syllable, as 
 €γνωκα, ίβλάστηκα beside βΐβλάστηκα, 'ίζηκα, (ίξαμμαι, 
 ζψαλκα, ίκτορα, 'ίπταισμαι. In these and similar perfects 
 the form of reduplication was due to the analogy of perfects 
 like 'ίσχηκα, '4σχημαί : '^χω. In bases or stems originally 
 beginning with s, w; s or w + a consonant we have 
 (σχηκα : €χω from *σ€χω ; 'ίοικα from *f^-foiKa, έ'ολπα ; 
 ίΐμαρταί from *σ€-σμαρται, ξ'ίληχα from *σ€-σληχα, ^ΐληφα, 
 ά'λοχα ; βϊωθα from *σζ-σρωθα, βσταλκα from *σ€•σταλκα, 
 ίστηκα from *σ€-στηκα ; βρρωγα, πρηκα, from *f β-^ρωγα, 
 
 In bases or stems originally beginning with a vowel the 
 e would regularly become contracted in the parent Indg. 
 language, but it is not certain what were the rules governing 
 this contraction in all cases, cp. ηχα (with prim. Greek a) : 
 άγω beside Lat. egi : ago ; ησ-θα which is properly the 
 perfect of ei/xi(§ 452). In Greek it became the rule that 
 the perfect had a long vowel. This occurs in the perfects 
 with the so-called Attic reduplication, as Horn, ^δ-ηδώζ : 
 Skr. ada, Lat. edi ; 6δ-ωδα, 6λ-ωλα, 6π-ωπα, 6ρ•ωρα, eA- 
 ήλακα, €λ•ήλαμαι ; after the analogy of which were formed 
 Att. άκ-ήκοα, άλ-ήλιψα, άλ-ήλιμμαι, €λ•ήλνθα, &c. This 
 type of perfect with the so-called Attic reduplication was 
 a special Greek new formation, and the reduplication was 
 based on the analogy of the reduplicated presents and 
 aorists. 
 
$51^1 Verbs 317 
 
 § 518. The perfect belonged to the athematic conjugation 
 and accordingly had a difference of ablaut in the active 
 singular as compared with the active dual, plural, and the 
 middle. In verbs belonging to the e-series of ablaut the 
 active singular had the strong grade ο in the root-syllable, 
 and the weak grade in all other forms, as ol8a, Skr. veda, 
 Goth, wait, / know : pi. 'ί8-μ^ν (Att. ΐσ-μ^ν), Skr. vid-md, 
 Goth, wit-um ; yk-yov-a. : yk-ya -μ^ν, irk-irovQa : π^-παθνΐα, 
 τί-τροφα : τ€•τράφαταί. Other examples with ο in the 
 active singular are : δ^δορκα, δί4φθορα, ζίλήλουθα, '^κτονα, 
 βμμορα, ίοικα, βολπα, eopya, βστροφα, κ^κλοφα, κίχ^οδα, 
 λίλογχα, XiXoina, πίποιθα, τίτοκα. Or a long vowel in 
 the active singular and 9 (= Gr. a, § 49) in all other forms, 
 as λ€-ληθα : λί-λασμαι, λί-λασταί, \ζ•\ασμ^νο^. In the 
 active singular the accent was originally on the root- 
 syllable, as in Skr. da-darsa, ja-jana beside Gr. δί-δορκ€, 
 yk-yovf.. Sanskrit and the old Germanic languages pre- 
 served almost entirely the original distinction between the 
 strong grade of ablaut in the active singular and the weak 
 grade in the dual and plural, but in Greek the original 
 distinction was in a great measure obliterated by levelling 
 and new formations already in the oldest period of the 
 language. Regular old forms were οίδα, ίοικα, yk-yova, 
 μk^μova beside ϊδμ^ν, 'Ilktov from *f€-fiKTov, yk-ya -μξν, but 
 yeyόvaμev with -0- from the singular, and similarly Horn. 
 ζΐλήλουθμζν beside (ίλήλνθμζν : ζίλήλονθα. In nearly all 
 other verbs either the vowel of the singular was levelled 
 out into the dual and plural, as in ξοίκαμ^ν, λ^λοίπαμ^ν, 
 π^ποίθαμξ,ν, ητρόφαμ^ν, kppώyaμζv : ΐοικα, XkXoina, 
 TrknotOa, τkτpoφa, kppωya ; and similarly with a large 
 number of other verbs. Or more rarely the vowel of the 
 dual and plural was levelled out into the singular, as in 
 Att. kXrjXvOa, τkτpaφa. In many verbs the perfect active 
 had its vowel direct from the stem of the present, as πkφeυya 
 for *πkφovya : φeύyω, and similarly βkβXξφa, ykypaφa, 
 
i8 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§ 519 
 
 XeXeya, ττεπλβχα, βίβρίθα, γ^γηθα, 'ipplya, κίκλαγγα : 
 κλάζω from *κλαγγ/ω. 
 
 The weak grade of ablaut was mostly preserved in the 
 middle, as δ^δαρμαί, δ^Βαρμ^νο^ : 8epw, and similarly 
 (ίσπαρται, πίπαρμαι, π^παρμί,νο^, πίπνσμαι, τύταμαι, 
 τζτράφαται, τίθραμμαι, πίφαται, π€φνγμ€ΐΌγ, &c. But 
 the middle had also sometimes its vowel direct from the 
 stem of the present, as λίλξίμμαι, λβλίίπταί, λ€λ€ΐμμύΐΌ9 : 
 λύπω, and similarly γίγ^υμαι, ykyivrai, τίτ^ισμαι, rirei- 
 σται, Hom. τίΤζύχαται : τβτνγμύνο^. 
 
 § 519. The original inflexion of the active was fairly well 
 preserved in a perfect like οΊδα, as 
 
 Sing. 
 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Skr. 
 
 Goth. 
 
 T. 
 
 οίδα 
 
 veda 
 
 wdit 
 
 2. 
 
 οίσθα 
 
 vettha 
 
 waist 
 
 3• 
 
 οΊδζ 
 
 veda 
 
 wait 
 
 I. 
 
 ϊδμίν {'ίσμ€ν) 
 
 vidma 
 
 witum 
 
 2. 
 
 ίστ€ 
 
 vidd 
 
 wituj> 
 
 3• 
 
 ϊσάσι 
 
 vidur 
 
 witun 
 
 Plur. 
 
 On the Greek personal endings of the plural see § 441. 
 The -σ- in ϊσμ^ν, ϊσασι from *ίσαντί was due to levelling 
 out of the -σ- in iWe, and in the dual ϊστον where it was 
 regular (§ 110). This mode of inflexion was only preserved 
 in a few verbs in Greek. All others had an -a- between 
 the stem ending in a consonant and the personal ending 
 beginning with a consonant, as λίλοίττα, λίλοιττ-α-Ϋ, XeXonre, 
 \ζ\οίπ-α-τον , λ^λοίττ-α-μξν, XeAotV-a-re, λζλοίπάσι, cp. also 
 the Ionic new formations οΊδ-α-9, οϊδ-α-μ^ν, οϊδ-α-τβ, οΐδάσι. 
 The most commonly accepted explanation of this -a- is that 
 it first arose in the s-aorist (§ 507) and then became extended 
 by analogy to the perfect. The -ασ of the second pers. sing, 
 λίλοίτταί was undoubtedly of this origin. On the discus- 
 sion of other explanations which have been proposed see 
 Brugmann, Kurze vergl. Grammatik, pp. 544-5. 
 
§§ 52o-il Verbs 319 
 
 § 520. The /c-perfect, nlso called the first or weak perfect, 
 was a Greek new formation which does not occur in the 
 other Indg. languages. Although much has been written 
 upon the subject, no really satisfactory explanation has 
 ever been given of the origin of this formation. The κ is 
 generally regarded as being a root-determinative, found 
 in the aorists ί-θηκα = Lat. feci : facio, ηκα = Lat. jeci : 
 jacio, which became productive in Greek, cp. ζδωκα : ίδομ^ν 
 after the analogy of €θηκα : 'ίθ^μίν. Then after the analogy 
 of these aorists were formed the perfects τέθηκα, δίδωκα, 
 'ίστηκα : ^σταμβν, uKa from ye-je<a, Dor. άφ-ίωκα ; πίφΰκα, 
 τίτληκα : πβφνάσ-ι, τ^τλαμβν. From perfects of this type 
 the K-formation became extended in the first instance to all 
 bases or stems ending in a vowel, and the κ was levelled 
 out into the dual and plural, as τίθηκα, τ^θήκαμβρ (later 
 τίθζίκα, τζθ^ίκαμζν with -et- after the analogy of eiKa), and 
 similarly βββηκα, βίβληκα, βββρωκα, γβγάμηκα, δίδράκα, 
 κίκμηκα, ίγνωκα, ν^ν^μηκα, τβτίμηκα ; δβδίκα : δβδξμαι, 
 τ€τακα : τίταμαι, &:c. It was afterwards extended to those 
 verbs which in the future and s-aorist had bases or stems 
 that came to be felt as ending in a vowel, as πίττακα : 
 πίίσω, eneiaa, π^ίθω, and similarly ^σττακα, ίσπ^ικα, 
 τζτίλ^κα, &c. And then lastly in the post-Homeric period 
 it was extended to bases and stems ending in a consonant, 
 as ίφθαρκα, ((τταλκα : ^φθαρται, ίσταλται ; ήγγ€λκα, 
 7Γ€φαγκα, (Sec. So that in the classical period the perfect 
 of the majority of Greek verbs was formed with the suffix 
 ■κα and the original difference of ablaut-grade between the 
 active singular, and the dual and plural was disregarded. 
 
 § 521. The aspirated perfect was also a Greek new 
 formation and consisted in the aspiration of κ, γ, π, β 
 when the perfect stem ended in one of these consonants. 
 This new formation took place earlier in the third person 
 of the middle than in the active. In Homer it is only 
 found in the middle, as '4ρ\αται, ^ρχατο : €ργω; δηδί- 
 
^20 Accidence 
 
 522 
 
 χαται : δ^κομαι ; τζτράφαται, τίτράφατο : τρύπω. With 
 the exception of πβπομψα : πίμπω and τβτροφα : τρίπω 
 it is not found in the active in the early classical period. 
 From about the time of Aristophanes and Plato onwards 
 it became more and more common, as ττβττλβχα : ττλίκω, 
 ηχα : άγω, βίβλβφα : βλ^πω, and similarly δίδοχα, ίπτηγα, 
 Κίκήρνχα, /ίΙ/ζαχα, πίπρα\α, 'έζξυ\α, βϊλο\α, λύλ€\α ; 
 βββλαφα, 'ίρρίφα, κίκλοφα, κύκοφα, τίτριφα, &c. Both the 
 middle and the active forms were analogical formations, 
 starting out from verbs originally ending in an aspirate 
 (χ, 0) which regularly fell together with those ending 
 in K, γ, π, β in all the middle forms except in the third 
 person ending in -αται, -ατο, as γίγραμμαι, γίγραψαι, 
 γίγραπται : τίτραμμαι, τζτραψαι, τίτραπται after the 
 analogy of which were formed τζτράφαται, τίτροφα beside 
 γξγράφαται, γ^γραφα. 
 
 § 522. Various phonological changes took place in the 
 middle which have already been mostly dealt with in the 
 Phonology. When the stem ended in a labial the labial 
 became assimilated to a following μ, as λύλ^ιμμαι, τίτριμ- 
 μαι, γίγραμμαι : λ^ίπω, τρίβω, γρά0ω(§117). Stems ending 
 in κ, χ have γ before a following -μ, as πίπλ^γμαι, άφΐγμαι, 
 π^φύλαγμαι, τίτυγμαι : πλέκω, άφικνίομαι, φυλάσσω from 
 *φνλακ/ω, τ€ύχω. This γ was due to the analogy of forms 
 like λίλξγμαί beside XiXe^ai, XiXeKTai where y regularly 
 became κ before σ and τ and thus fell together in these 
 forms with stems ending in κ, χ. Stems ending in σ and 
 a dental generally have the endings -σμαι, -σμξθα, -σμ^νοΫ 
 with σ restored (§ 214) after the analogy of endings like 
 -σται where the σ was regular, as 'ίζ^σμαι for *βζβιμαι : 
 'ίζ^σται, and similarly 'έσπασμαι, 'ίζωσμαι, τβτ^λζσμαι, 
 &c. beside the regular forms '4ζωμαι (Attic inscriptions), 
 γίγ^υμαι from which was formed γίγ^νται for ^yeyef- 
 σται; ΧίΧασμαι for *ΧζΧαΘμαί after the analogy of 
 ΧύΧασται : Χίληθα, and similarly πίττασμαι, ττ^πυσμαι. 
 
§ 523] Verbs 321 
 
 πίφρασμαι for ^π^φραδμαι, cp. -πίψραδμ^ΐΌς. The σ was 
 also introduced analogically into stems ending in i/ or 
 a vowel, as πίψασμαι : ττίφανται, έξήρασμαι, ϋψασμαι, 
 beside the regular forms ^σχνμμαι, ωξνμμαι with assimila- 
 tion of ι^μ to μμ (§ 150) ; Τ€Τ€ΐσμαι, reTeiarai, 'ίγνωσμαι, 
 κύκλανσμαι beside the regular forms κ ζ κλαυμ^ΐΌ 9, κίκλανται. 
 
 The Pluperfect. 
 § 523. The parent Indg. language had no special forms 
 which were used exclusively to express the pluperfect. 
 It accordingly came to be expressed differently in the 
 different languages. Greek had two distinct formations 
 of the pluperfect. 
 
 1. The augmented perfect forms together with secondary 
 personal endings. In this formation the active dual and 
 plural were athematic, but the singular was thematic after 
 the analogy of the imperfect, as Horn. '4στατον, ίΐκτην, 
 γβγάτην, ^πύπίθμίΐ^, ίδξίδιμζρ, 'έσταμ^ν, βστατβ, βίβασαν, 
 ίδζίδίσαν, 'άστασαν, μ^μασαν, ϊσαν from *ρίδσαν, &c., but 
 singular Hom. βμίμηκον, ΐπeπληγou, kyiyoav^, δ€ίδί€, &c. 
 Middle Hom. τ^τύγμην, κεχόλωσο, ίτίτακτο, erirvKTO, 
 τζτάσθην, βίβλήατο, ήλήλατο. 
 
 2. But the usual mode of forming the active pluperfect 
 started out originally from dissyllabic heavy bases ending 
 in -e in Greek (§ 458), to which were added in the singular 
 the personal endings -a, -ay, -e of the perfect, contracted 
 with the -e in Attic into -η, -η9, -ci (= Herodotus -ea, -eay, 
 -ee) ; but dual -€-Toy, -ζ-την, pi. -e -μζν, -e-re, -e -σαν where 
 the -e- belonged to the base as in ώλώλ€-μ€Ρ. The -e then 
 became extended to other verbs, as ίλβλοίπη, ίλβλοίπης, 
 eXeXoiTrei ; eXeXoinerop, ίΧβΧοιπίτηρ ; ίΧζΧοίττβμξν, iXeXot- 
 Trere, kXeXoin^aav. At a later period in Attic were formed 
 the endings -^iv, -eiy with ei from the third person singular, 
 and then the €i was levelled out into the dual and plural. 
 
 Note. — The prim. Greek preterite to οΤδα was formed from 
 Υ 
 
322 Accidence [§524 
 
 the stem f€ih]- (cp. dh -ησω, and Lat. vide-re) with -ψ in all 
 forms of the tense, as ^ήρ^ιδην, -ψ, -η (Hom. ψίΒη), pi. 
 *'ηΡ€ΐ8ημ€ν (= Hesych. τί^ημίν). •^Sc/xev, -^δΐΤΐ, ySeaav were 
 new formations after the analogy of ΐλΐλοίττ-ε-μίν, &c. The 
 regular form of the first person singular would have been 
 *'^8ψ. The form -^Bea, Att. ^δτ; was either a new formation 
 after the analogy of AeXotVea, -η or else it was an aorist forma- 
 tion corresponding to a prim. Greek form *rjf etSeaa (§ 430). 
 
 The Injunctive. 
 
 § 524. Beside the subjunctive there also existed in the 
 parent Indg. language the injunctive which in appearance 
 consisted of unaugmented indicative forms with secondary 
 personal endings, cp. 0e/oe, 0eper€ = Skr. bharat, bhdrata, 
 beside the imperfect e-0epe, e^epere = Skr. a-bharat, 
 ά -bharata ; 6e?, δόί for *θήζ, *Sa>9 = Skr. dhah, dah, 
 beside the aorist a-dhah, a-dah. This mood, also some- 
 times called the impure subjunctive, was fully developed 
 in Vedic and was used with an indicative and subjunctive 
 meaning, but in classical Sanskrit it was only preserved 
 in imperative forms and in combination with the negative 
 particle ma = μή to express prohibitions, as ma krthah, 
 do not do, ma dhah, do not place, beside the aorist a-krthah, 
 a-dhah. The injunctive was originally used partly with 
 a present meaning, e.g. when the verbal form was un- 
 accented, as in *pro bheret beside *bheret = 0ep^> partly 
 with a past meaning, and partly also with a voluntative or 
 future meaning. But already in the prim. Indg. period 
 the second and third persons (except the second pers. sing, 
 active) had become part of the imperative system in making 
 positive commands (§ 539), as 4Veo, eVoi» = Lat. sequere, 
 Indg. *seqeso ; 0ep6re, φ^ρ^τον, φζρίτων for *φ^ρ^τάν = 
 Skr, bhdrata, bhdratam, bharatam; middle φβρξσθζ, 
 φ^ρ^σθον, φ^ρ'^σθων. In Sanskrit and prim. Greek the 
 
§§ 525-6] Verbs 323 
 
 second pers. sing, of the aorist active also came to be used 
 for the imperative, as dhah, dah = ^ey, Sos, and similarly 
 €$•, kvL-ane^, σχ€$•, &c. 
 
 The Subjunctive. 
 
 § 525. The original subjunctive, also called conjunctive, 
 was preserved in Greek, Latin and Vedic, but in classical 
 Sanskrit it had practically disappeared and its place was 
 taken by the optative. It was also supplanted by the 
 optative in the prehistoric period of the Germanic and 
 Baltic-Slavonic languages. The original personal endings 
 were partly primary and partly secondary. In the parent 
 Indg. language the subjunctive was formed in various ways 
 according as the stem of the indicative ended in [a) a. con- 
 sonant or (b) in -e, -o (dissyllabic light bases) or (c) in 
 a long vowel (monosyllabic and dissyllabic heavy bases). 
 
 § 526. Type (a). The subjunctive to indicative stems 
 ending in a consonant had the characteristic formative 
 element -e-, •ο•. The -e-, -o- was doubtless of the same 
 origin as the -e-, -o- in the present and strong aorist of the 
 thematic verbs, as λύπο-μ^ν, AeiVe-re, ^λίττο-μ^ν, eXiTre-re, 
 so that the subjunctive of this type was the same in form 
 as the present indicative of the thematic verbs. To this 
 type belong presents and strong aorists like βω, ώ = Lat. 
 fut. ere, Indg. *es5, Hom. ϊομζΐ' : indie, fywei', άλίται : αλτο, 
 φθίβται, φθίόμβσθα : φθιτο ; the verbs βδομαι, πίομαι, χΙω, 
 &C. which came to be used as futures (§ 498). s-aorists, 
 common in Homer and his imitators, as άλγήσζΤ€, άγξί• 
 ρομζν, βήσομζν, τ^ίσομ^ν, άμ€ίψ€ται, Ion. ποιήσει, Cret. 
 SeLKaei, όμόσβι ; fut. άξω, ο'ίσω, οψομαί (§ 499) ; the im- 
 peratives d^€T€, οΊσ€, 6ψ€σθ€, Ae^eo, Sec. Perfects like 
 Hom. ζΐδομΐν, uSere : oJSa, but ζΐδώ from *f€ι8€σω, πξποί- 
 θομ^ν. 
 
 From the time of Homer onwards the -e-, -o- began to 
 be supplanted by -η-, -ω- in all tenses except in those forms 
 
 γ 2 
 
324 Accidence [§527 
 
 which became used for the future and imperative. This 
 change in Greek as in other Indg. languages was doubtless 
 due to the fact that the latter was a more distinctive forma- 
 tion of the subjunctive, cp. ιωμ^ν beside Hom. ιομ^ν, 
 τίίσωμ^ν, πξποίθωμζν, Szc. 
 
 § 527. Type {b). The subjunctive to thematic indicative 
 stems (dissyllabic light bases) had in Greek -η-, -ω- corre- 
 sponding to the ■€-, -0- of the indicative. It is uncertain 
 whether this •η- and -ω- existed in the parent Indg. language 
 or whether the -η- alone belonged originally to all forms of 
 the subjunctive. So far as Greek is concerned the -ψ, -ω- 
 might be a contraction of the -e, -o in dissyllabic light 
 bases like 0ep€-, 0epo- with the -e-, -0- which occurs in the 
 subjunctive of type [a], but this explanation does not account 
 for the long -a- in forms like Lat. fera-mus, fera-tis beside 
 the fut. fere-mus, fere-tis. Sanskrit unfortunately throws 
 no light upon this difficult point, because in this language 
 Indg. e, δ, a all fell together in a (§ 42). It is, however, 
 far more probable that the -ψ originally belonged to all 
 forms of the singular, dual and plural, and that ^φβρηΐ', 
 ^φ^ρημίν, *φίρηντί then became φίρω, φύρωμ^ι^, φίρωντι 
 {φβρωσή after the analogy of the present indie, φβρω, 
 φ€ρομβν, φίροντί {φίρονσή. This •η- had its origin in 
 dissyllabic heavy bases ending in -e (§ 458), cp. subj. ϊδη-τ€ : 
 Lat. vide-te, πίθψται : ττ^πιθή-σω, βάλτ) : 'i -βλη-ν, and it is 
 probable that the whole formation originally started out 
 from the injunctive forms of the strong aorist of such bases 
 as regularly had η in all forms of the singular, dual and 
 plural (§ 528). And in like manner the a, which occurs in 
 Latin, Keltic and the Slavonic languages, probably started 
 out from the injunctive forms of dissyllabic bases ending 
 in -a (§ 458). The inflexion of type {b) in Vedic was 
 sing, bhara-ni, bhara-s(i), bhara-t(i),pl. bhara-ma, bhara- 
 tha, bhara-n, but in Greek φύρω, φίρτ)ζ, φίρχι, φίρω-μβΐ', 
 φζρη-τ^, φ^ρω-ντι {φ^ρω-σή, where φ^ρτ]^, φ^Ρΐι from older 
 
§ 528] Verbs 325 
 
 *ψ€ρη•ζΐ^, *φ€ρη-ξΐ had ei from the endings of the present 
 indicative. The regular forms would have been *φίρη-^, 
 *φ^ρη. For φίρω-ντι (φίρω-σή we should have expected 
 *φ^ρο-ντί {*φίρονσή with shortening of the -ω- (§ 70), but 
 either the -ω- was introduced into the third person plural 
 after the law for the shortening of long vowels in this 
 position had ceased to operate, or else it was re-introduced 
 from φ€ρω-μ€ν in order to preserve the distinction between 
 the subjunctive and indicative. 
 
 In like manner was formed the subjunctive of denomina- 
 tive verbs from vocalic stems, as τΐμάωμ^ν, τΐμάητβ, φιλίω- 
 μζν, φιλύητβ, Att. τΐμωμ^ν, &c. The contracted forms of the 
 subjunctive and indicative of τιμάω regularly fell together 
 in Attic in the second and third persons singular, and then 
 after the analogy of these the indicative forms δηλοΐ^, δηλοΐ 
 also came to be used for the subjunctive οίδηλόω. 
 
 § 528. Type (c). The subjunctive to indicative stems 
 ending in a long vowel. Here a distinction must be made 
 according as the final long vowel of the indicative stem 
 originally belonged (i) to all forms of the singular, dual and 
 plural or (2) belonged only to the active singular. The 
 regular old subjunctive forms of (i) were preserved in 
 some Doric dialects, as Mess, γράφηντι beside Att. 
 γράφωσι, Heracl. οίκοδόμηται : indie, οίκοδομβΐται, Cret. 
 π^πάται, Then πίπράταί. But already in Homer the 
 original forms were remodelled after the analogy of types 
 (a) and (b), as δαμήω, δαμή^τ^ : k -δάμην, τραττήομ^ν : 
 k -τράπην, -γνώομ^ν : 'ί'-^νων, &c. beside δαμήτ]^, φανήτ^, 
 ■γνώτι, γνώωσι, &c. Prim. Greek had in (2) the long vowel 
 in all forms, but it cannot be determined what were the 
 original Indg. forms of the dual and plural active and of the 
 middle. A few such forms have been preserved in various 
 dialects, as Cret. δύνάμαι, νύνάταί, νννάντί, ΐθθαντι 
 = ΐστάντι, Mess, προ-τίθηντί, Arcad. ^πιαυι^-ίστΰτοι, δίάτοι 
 (§ 444), &ic. But already in Homer the prim. Greek forms 
 
326 Accidence [§§ 529-31 
 
 were also here remodelled after the analogy of types (a) 
 and {b), as δώομζρ, θήομ^ν, στήομ^ν, στή^τον, and with 
 quantitative metathesis, Hom. θ^ωμ^ν, στίωμζρ, &c. (§ 72), 
 beside δώωσι{ι^), στηωσι, δώτ]σι{ρ), στήτ)^, θήχι, &c. Attic 
 regularly has the contracted forms, as 8ίδω, διδω^, δίδω, 
 δίδωμ^ν, διδώτβ ; τιθω, τιθτ}?, TiOfj, τίθωμ^ν, τιθητ€, &c. 
 
 § 529. In some verbs Attic and Ionic had new formations 
 in the middle. After the analogy of φύρωμαι : φβρηται 
 was formed τίθωμαι : τίθηται. After a had become η in 
 Attic and Ionic (§ 51) we then also have ^πίστωμαι : ent- 
 στηται, and similarly δννωμαι, κρίμωμαι, μάρνωμαι. The 
 circumflex in τιθώμαι, διδωμαι, ίστώμαι was due to the 
 analogy of the active. 
 
 The Optative. 
 
 § 530. The optative was originally formed in two ways 
 according as the corresponding tense-stems of the indica- 
 tive were athematic or thematic. The optative to the 
 athematic indicative stems had the formative element •(i)je•, 
 •i- where •ΐ• was the weak grade of -je• (§ 90), and the 
 optative to thematic indicative stems had -ϊ• which com- 
 bined with the thematic vowel •ο• to form the diphthong •οί•. 
 Both types of optatives had secondary personal endings. 
 
 § 531. In the first type of optative the active singular 
 had ■{i)je• and all other forms of the active and the whole 
 of the middle had -i- before endings beginning with a con- 
 sonant, but •(i)j• before endings beginning with a vowel. In 
 the active singular the accent was on the -e-, but in all other 
 forms on the personal endings, and the stem had accordingly 
 the weak grade of ablaut. The weak form of the stem was 
 however generally supplanted by the strong form already in 
 prim. Greek, i.e. the optative came to be made direct from the 
 strong grade form of the stem. The original manner of 
 forming this type of the optative was only preserved in the 
 historic period of the language when the stem originally 
 
§ 532] Verbs 327 
 
 ended in a vowel or came to end in a vowel after the loss 
 of intervocalic -σ- (§ 213, 2), as στα-ίψ, θ^-ίψ ; (.-ϊψ, ζ-Ίμ^ν 
 from *ίσ-]ψ, *ίσ•ΐμίν ; ζίδί-ίηι/, ^ίδ^-ΐμίν from '^fiiS^a-j^, 
 *Ρ^δζσ•Ιμζν. The original inflexion of ^ην was : — 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Gr. 
 
 Skr. 
 
 O.Lat. 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 *s-(i)je-m 
 
 ζΐην 
 
 syam 
 
 siem 
 
 2. 
 
 *s.(i)j^.s 
 
 (ΐη? 
 
 syih 
 
 sies 
 
 3• 
 
 *s-(i)je.t 
 
 V 
 
 syat 
 
 siet 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 *8-ϊ•ηι^ 
 
 βίμίΐ' 
 
 syama 
 
 simus 
 
 2. 
 
 *s-i.te 
 
 dre 
 
 syata 
 
 sitis 
 
 3• 
 
 *s.(i)j-ent 
 
 ehu 
 
 [syur] 
 
 sient 
 
 In Greek the stem had the strong grade of ablaut which 
 occurs in βσ-τί, so that the prim. Greek forms were 
 *ka-j^v, *ka-j-q-^, *kcr-jV-{T), pi. *€σ-ΐ-μ€ν, *e(T-L-Te, *ka-j4v[T). 
 From the time of Homer onwards the •ίη- of the singular 
 became levelled out into the dual and plural, as ζΐητον, 
 ^ήτψ, ζ'ίημζν, efi/re, ^η-σαν, and similarly σταίημ^ν, θύψ 
 μξν, δοίημ^ν. Α similar levelling out of the -ya- also took 
 place in the prehistoric period of Sanskrit, as syama for 
 *simd, whereas in classical Latin the •ϊ• of the plural was 
 levelled out into the singular, as sim, sis, sit, and similarly 
 in prim. Germanic, as in Old High German si, sis, si, 
 pi. Sim, sit, sin. 
 
 But the optative to indicative stems ending in a con- 
 sonant came to be formed after the analogy of the thematic 
 type already in prim. Greek, ΆΒλξ-λοίττ-οί-μί, λ^-λοίττ-οι-μ^ν : 
 λ€-λθί7Γ-α; δ^ί^-αι-μί, δύ^-αι-μ^ν, δ^ί^-αι-το : e-(5ei|-a ; λι;σ- 
 αι•μι, λύσ-αι-μζν : 'i -λϋσ-α ; cp. on the other hand Skr. 
 vid-ya-t : indie, ved-a = oJSe ; ri-ric-ya-t : indie, ri-rec-a 
 = λ€-λθί7Γ-€ ; third pers. sing, of the s-aorist middle diks- 
 i-ta : indie, a-diks-i, cp. Lat. dix-i-mus. 
 
 § 532. The regular optative to dissyllabic heavy bases, 
 which had a long vowel in the second syllable of all forms 
 of the indicative, was in prim. Greek *8ρα]ψ, *yv(uj^v, pi. 
 
328 Accidence [§§ 533-4 
 
 *δράιμ€Ρ, *γνωιμζν : indie, 'i -δραν, ί-γνων, pi. '^-δράμ^ρ, 
 'i -γνωμξν, which would regularly have become *δραην, 
 *•γνωην (§ 128), pi. *δραιμ€ΐ^, *yi^oi/zer with shortening of the 
 long vowel (§ 63). The historic forms δραίψ, γι/οίην were 
 new formations either after the analogy of θβίην, δοίην, 
 σταίψ or else with ai, oi from the plural *δραιμ€Ρ, *γΐΌίμ€ν•, 
 and similarly άλοίψ, βαλάψ, βλβίψ, γηραίην, κιχπψ, 
 φανζίην, &C. The circumflex in the pi. δραΐμ^ν, "γνοΐμ^ν, 
 άλοΐμ€Ρ, βαλίΐμζν, βλ^μ^ν, κιχ^ΐμ^ν, φανύμ^ν, &C. as also 
 in forms like τίθ^ΐμ^ν, Θύμ^ν (§ 533) has never yet been 
 satisfactorily explained, see Brugmann, Griech. Grammatik, 
 third ed., p. 338. 
 
 § 533. The optative to monosyllabic heavy ablaut-bases 
 had the weak form of the base, as τι-θζ-ίη-ν, θζ-ίψν, pi. 
 η-θζΐμ^ν, Θ€Ϊμ€ν : indie, τί-θη-μι, τί-θξ-μ^ν. The l in the 
 sing, θίίην, &c. was either due to levelling out of the l of 
 the dual and plural (except the third person which was 
 also a similar new formation) into the singular or else it 
 represented Indg. -ij-, as *dh3-ije-m corresponding to San- 
 skrit dheyam. An Indg. form *dh9-je-m would have 
 become *θ^ην in Greek. The circumflex in β^ΐμ^ν, τιθβΐμξΐ^, 
 θύτο, τίθζΐτο presents the same difficulty as in δραίμ^ν for 
 ^δραίμβρ (§ 532) ; and similarly διδοίψ, δοίψ (Skr. deyam), 
 ίσταίην, σταίην (Skr. stheyam), φαίην, pi. δίδοΐμ^ν, δοΐμ^ν, 
 ίσταΐμ^ν, σταΐμ^ν, φαΐμ^ν ; pf. Ισταίην, Ισταίμ^ν, τ^θναίην. 
 In Herodotus and later Attic the -ίη- of the active singular 
 was levelled out into the dual and plural, as θ^ίημ^ν, 
 δοίημζν, σταίημ^ν (cp. § 531). 
 
 § 534. The original formation of the optative to dis- 
 syllabic heavy ablaut-bases was not preserved in Greek. 
 The original optatives of this type were remodelled after 
 the analogy of the thematic type, as κρύμαιτο : indie, κρί- 
 μαται ; δ^ικνύοιμι, δ^ίκνύοίμ^ν, δ^ικνυοίμην, δξίκννοίμίθα, 
 the optative to presents in -νΰμι would regularly have had 
 ^■νυ{])ην, pi. *■vυfΐμζv, cp. Skr. r-nu-ya-t, middle r-nuv- 
 
535-6] 
 
 Verbs 
 
 329 
 
 i'ta : indie, r-no-ti, he moves ; μαρνοίμην, μαρνοίμ^θα : 
 indie, μάρναται, SvuaiTO : indie, δύναται, cp. Skr. middle 
 sr-ni-ta : indie, sr-na-ti, he breaks in pieces. 
 
 § 535. The Greek optative to the s-aorist was a new 
 formation after the analogy of the thematie type, as in 
 λνσαιμί, λύσαις, λνσαι ; Χυσαιτον, λϋσαίτην ; Χυσαιμ^ν, 
 λυσαιτί, λυσαι^ν ; middle Χϋσαίμην : e -λνσ-α, ^-Χϋσ-ά-μην, 
 where the -α- of the s-aorist indicative (§ 507) eame to be 
 regarded as a thematic vowel like the -0- in φίροιμι, φ€ροί- 
 μην ; and similarly δ^ίξαιμι, δ^ίξαιμ^ν, δβιξαίμην : β-δ^ιξα, 
 φήναιμι, φήναιμβν, φηναίμην : 'i -φηνα from ^k -φανσα, &e. 
 
 The so-called Aeolic optative of the s-aorist which occurs 
 in Homer and Attic was also a Greek new formation with 
 reduplication of the s-element of the aorist and with e from 
 the original s-aorist of the subjunctive, as δ^ί^^ια?, δίίξβίξ, 
 third pers. pi. δ^ί^ζίαν from *δζίκσ€σ]αν, and similarly in 
 Lat. dixerim, dixerimus beside the regular old forms 
 dixim, diximus. 
 
 § 536. The optative to thematic indicative stems had 
 originally •ϊ• which combined with the thematic vowel •ο• to 
 form the diphthong -oi-, but -oj- before endings beginning 
 with a vowel. This type of optative was preserved in 
 Greek, Sanskrit and also in the old Germanic languages, 
 but with the function of the subjunctive, whereas in Latin 
 it disappeared already in the prehistoric period of the 
 language. The original inflexion of this type of optative 
 
 Sing. 
 
 Dual 
 
 Ph 
 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Gr. 
 
 Skr. 
 
 Goth. 
 
 I. 
 
 *bheroj.m 
 
 φζροιμι 
 
 bhareyam 
 
 bairau 
 
 2. 
 
 *bheroi.s 
 
 φβροις 
 
 bhareh 
 
 bairais 
 
 3• 
 
 *bheroi-t 
 
 φξροι 
 
 bharet 
 
 bairai 
 
 2. 
 
 *bheroi.tom 
 
 φίροίτον 
 
 bharetam 
 
 
 3• 
 
 *bheroi-tam 
 
 φζροίτην 
 
 bharetam 
 
 
 I. 
 
 *bheroi-m• 
 
 φίροιμ^ν 
 
 bharema 
 
 bairaima 
 
 2. 
 
 *bheroi-te 
 
 φ€ρθίΤ€ 
 
 bhareta 
 
 bairai|> 
 
 3• 
 
 *bheroj-nt 
 
 φύροίξν 
 
 bhareyur 
 
 bairaina 
 
330 Accidence [§§ 537-9 
 
 The regular forms of the first pers. singular and the 
 third pers. plural were not preserved in the historic period 
 of any of the languages. Both forms would regularly 
 have become *06ρω from older *(j>epoja. φίροιμι had the 
 stem φ^ροί- from the other persons where it was regular 
 and -μι after the analogy of the athematic presents, and 
 similarly φίροί-^ν with -iv from the optative of the athematic 
 type (§ 531). And in like manner both forms would 
 regularly have become *bhdraya in Sanskrit, but the stem 
 bhdrey- had -e- from the other forms. 
 
 § 537. In the -eoo class of contract verbs the optative 
 plural φιΚ^οιμ^ν, &c. regularly became contracted into 
 φιλοΐμξΐ', &c., and thus fell together with the athematic 
 type Βίδοίμζν. And then after the analogy of 8ιδοΐμ€^ : 
 δίδοίψ to φιλοΐμζν a new singular φίλοίην was formed, 
 and at a later period the •οίψ of the singular was levelled 
 out into the dual and plural. After the analogy of the 
 optative of this type were also formed new optatives to the 
 contract verbs in -άω, -οω. 
 
 § 538. The prim. Greek forms of the middle were 
 *φ€ροιμάΐ', *φ€ροισο, *0e/3o/ro (=Skr. bhareta); ^φ^ροισθον, 
 *φ€ροίσθάν ; *φ€ροιμ€θα, *φ^ροίσθζ, *φ€ρο/ατο (= Indg. 
 *bherojnto), on the personal endings see §§ 442-8. *φ€ρο/- 
 ατο would regularly have become *φζρωτο. φίροιρτο was 
 a new formation with the stem φζροί- from the other forms 
 and the ending -uto from forms like k -φίροντο. The old 
 ending -ατο is found in Homer, Herodotus and the Attic 
 dramatists in the combination -οι-ατο where -oi- was from 
 the other forms. 
 
 The Imperative. 
 § 539. Already in the parent Indg. language the im- 
 perative system was made up of several distinct formations 
 which included (a) injunctive forms, as φ^ρ^τβ, Skr. bhdrata; 
 {b) forms with the bare stem, as 0epe, Skr. bhdra, e^-ei, Lat. 
 
§ 540] Verbs 331 
 
 ex -ΐ ; and (c) compound forms, as ΐσ-θι, ίσ-τω = Skr. vid-dhi, 
 vit-tad. It had injunctive forms for the second person 
 singular of the middle, the second person plural of the 
 active and middle, and the second and third person dual 
 of the active and middle, as eVeo = Lat. sequere; 0e/)ere, 
 φίρζσθί ; (pipeToy, ψ^ρίτωι^ for older *φ^ρίτάν after the 
 analogy of φ^ρίτω, φίρ^σθον, φ^ρ^σθων, see § 524. To 
 these were added in prim. Greek the injunctive forms of 
 the second aorist active, as eia-0pey, eV-0p€y, eui-ane^, 
 σχ€9, di?, 809, ey, «S:c. (§ 524). The active forms of the 
 injunctive require no further comment and will therefore 
 be omitted in the following paragraphs. 
 
 I. The Active. 
 
 § 540. The second person singular was expressed (a) 
 by the bare stem, as 0epe, Skr. bhara, Goth, bair; aye, 
 Lat. age ; βάσκ€, Skr. gaccha ; τιμά, φίλ€ΐ, δήλου, from 
 τιμα€, φίλ€€, δήλοξ ; reAei from *reAea/'e, φαΐν€ from *φαν]ζ) 
 aorists like €iVe, k\6e, evpi, ISi, λαβί beside λίπ€, &c., 
 where the former preserved the old accent when such 
 imperatives were originally used at the beginning of the sen- 
 tence, and the latter represented the original enclitic form 
 (§ 38). e|-ei, Lat. ex -ϊ: ίί-σι, ΐστη : ΐστψσι, and similarly 
 δίίκνϋ, κρήμνη, Lesb. πω beside πώ-θί. At a later period 
 the -e in 0e/)e, &c. came to be regarded as an ending and 
 was then extended to athematic verbs, as καθ•ίστά from 
 *-ίστα€, τίθίί from *Tt6e€, and similarly δίδον, κατά•βα, 
 ομννβ, &c. 
 
 (Ζ») By the addition of the accented adverbial particle 
 •dhi {= Skr. -dhi, later -hi) to athematic stems. This 
 formation only occurs in Greek, Aryan and the Baltic- 
 Slavonic languages, but the fact that the stem had the weak 
 grade of ablaut shows that it was very old. Examples are 
 ϊ-θι, Skr. i-hi : etai, Skr. e-ti; ΐσ-θι from *fίδ■θι, Skr. vid-dhi; 
 κλΰ-θί, Skr. sru-dhi ; πΐ•θι beside πώ-θι, Skr. pa-hi. Heavy 
 
332 Accidence [§541 
 
 ablaut-bases, as φά-θι : φψσί, ϊλα-θί from *σί-σλα-θι, opuv-Oi, 
 perfects '^στα-θι, κίκλυ-θι, τίτλα-θί, τίθνα-θι, Horn. SeiSi-Oi 
 from *SeSfc-ei. Heavy bases with a long vowel (§ 458), as 
 γνώ-θι, τλη-θι, φάνη-θι. After the analogy of second aorists 
 like τλή-θι, φάνη-θι it was added to the new first aorist 
 passive (§ 514) with dissimilation of the θ after the pre- 
 ceding aspirate, as λ^ίφθη-τί, λνθη-τι, &c. At a later 
 period such imperatives were also formed from the strong 
 grade stem of heavy ablaut-bases, as ϊλη-θι beside the 
 regular form ϊλα-θι, πώ-θί beside πΐ-θι, στή-θι, Horn. 
 δίδω-θι, &c. 
 
 The ending -ov of the second person singular of the 
 s-aorist SeT^-oi^, \νσ-ον, φην•ον : 'ί -Sei^a, έ'-λϋσα, ί-φηνα, has 
 never been satisfactorily explained. 
 
 Note. — Att. ttUl (also extended to met-? after the analogy of 
 injunctive forms like σχε?), διδοι (Pindar), and Dor. ayct 
 probably contain the deictic particle ι Avhich occurs in such 
 forms as οντοσ-ί, vvv-i (§ 411). 
 
 § 541. In Greek the third person singular was formed by 
 the addition of -τω to the bare stem. This -τω ( = Skr. -tad, 
 Lat. -to, Indg. *-t5d) was not originally a personal ending, 
 but simply the ablative singular of the neuter demonstra- 
 tive pronoun *tod (= Gr. τό, Skr. tad, Lat. is-tud, Engl. 
 that) used adverbially with the meaning/ro/« that time, after 
 that, then. The combination was originally used to express 
 the second and third persons of all numbers, but already 
 in prim. Greek it became restricted to the third person 
 singular, and in Latin to the second and third person 
 singular, whereas in Vedic it was almost exclusively 
 restricted to the second person singular, but it also 
 occurred occasionally for the third person singular, and the 
 second person dual and plural. In Vedic it had the func- 
 tion of a kind of future imperative, expressing an injunction 
 
§ 542] Verbs 333 
 
 which was to be carried out at a time subsequent to the 
 present. Originally the -tod had the principal accent and 
 the stem of ablaut-bases had the weak grade of ablaut, as 
 ίσ-τω from *Ριτ-τω, Skr, vit-tad, 8ό-τω, Lat. da-t5, Skr. 
 dat-tad, and similarly διδότω, τιθίτω, ίστάτω, ϊτω, φάτω, 
 ομνντω, δαμνάτω, δράτω, γνώτω, &c. ; perfects like Ιστάτω, 
 τζθνάτω, μβμάτω, Lat. memento. This formation was 
 probably confined originally to athematic verbs, but it must 
 have been extended to thematic verbs at a very early period 
 as is shown by examples like ψ^ρύτω, ζίπύτω, Lat. vehito 
 beside Skr. bharatad, v6catad, vahatad, άγετω beside 
 Lat. agitd. 
 
 § 542. The third person plural. The restriction of the 
 formation with -tod to the third person singular in prim. 
 Greek gave rise to several new formations for expressing 
 the third person plural. The exact chronological order in 
 which these new formations took place cannot be determined 
 with certainty. The oldest type seems to be φβρόντω which 
 occurs in Doric, Boeotian and Arcadian. This tj'pe pro- 
 bably arose in prim. Greek by the addition of -τω to the 
 injunctive form *φ€ρον, cp. the similar formation in Lat. 
 ferunt-5. From φ^ρόντω was formed φερόντων by the 
 addition of the secondary plural ending -v of the third 
 person. The type φερόντων occurs in Homer, Attic, Ionic 
 and some Doric dialects, and was the only good one in 
 Attic until Aristotle's time. The type ίστων, ϊτων, &c., 
 which occurs in Homer, Attic, and Ionic (on inscriptions), 
 arose from the pluralizing of the singular by the addition 
 of -v, cp. the similar process in Latin agit6-te with -te after 
 the analogy of agi-te. After the analogy of forms like 
 ^δίδοσαι^ : ίδιδον was formed the type φ^ρόντωσαν : φερόν- 
 των, which is found on Attic inscriptions of the fourth 
 century b. c. And then lastly arose the type φβρύτωσαν, 
 δίδότωσαν from a pluralizing of the singular by the addition 
 of the plural ending -σαν. This type occurs in Attic prose 
 
334 Accidence [§§ 543-4 
 
 since the time of Thucydides and on Attic inscriptions from 
 300 B. c. onwards and also on inscriptions in the later Doric 
 and North-Western dialects. 
 
 2. The Middle. 
 
 § 543. For the second person singular of the present and 
 second aorist the injunctive forms were used, as eVeo, eVou 
 from *€7Γ€σο = Lat. sequere, and similarly λβίττον, λιποΰ, 
 θον, δον, &c. In forms like τίθ^σο, δίδοσο, ϊστασο, δ^κνυσο 
 the -σ- was restored after the analogy of the other forms, 
 τιθύσθω, &c. 
 
 The second person singular of the s-aorist δζΐξαι, λνσαι, 
 φψαι from *φανσαι, &c. is difficult to account for, because 
 this form does not occur in any of the other languages. 
 Most scholars are inclined to regard it as being originally 
 the active infinitive which came to be used for the impera- 
 tive through the influence of the personal ending -(σ)αί (as 
 in φύρ€αί, τίθβσαή of the second person singular of the 
 present indicative, cp. also the Latin passive imperative 
 plural legi-mini which in form corresponds to the infini- 
 tive λ€γί-μ€ναι (§ 546). 
 
 § 544. The other forms of the middle contain the element 
 -σθ- which is of the same origin as in the infinitive φύρβσθαί, 
 τίθΐσθαι, &c., but in other respects they have the same 
 endings as the active. In prim. Greek the form ψ^ρίσθω 
 arose beside the active form φ^ρύτω after the analogy 
 of φβρβσθζ : φ€ρ€Τ€. The history and development of the 
 middle forms of the third person plural went parallel with 
 those of the active, but with regular loss of the -f- in the 
 combination -νσθ- (§ 153), cp. φ^ρύσθωι^, τίθίσθων beside 
 the active φζροντων, τιθίντων. 
 
545] l^erbs 335 
 
 The Infinitive. 
 
 § 545. The infinitives of the Indg. languages were 
 originally isolated singular case-forms of nomina actionis, 
 and as with other kinds of nouns the case-form used 
 depended upon the construction of the sentence. Such 
 isolated forms became associated with the verb as soon as 
 they were no longer regarded as being connected with the 
 declension of the type to which they originally belonged. 
 This isolation took place with some nomina actionis 
 already in the parent Indg. language. The original Indg. 
 nomina actionis were best preserved in the Aryan, Old 
 Germanic and Baltic-Slavonic languages, whereas in 
 Greek and Latin they became in a great measure asso- 
 ciated with the verbal system. The infinitive being a noun 
 in form had originally nothing to do with the distinction 
 between active, passive, and middle. The association of 
 particular forms to particular voices took place at a much 
 later period. 
 
 As there were in the parent Indg. language a large 
 number of suffixes which were used to form nomina 
 actionis, there are accordingly a large number of diff"erent 
 forms of the infinitive in the separate languages, cp. Lat. 
 regere from *reges-i; Goth. OE. nim-an, to take; Lith. 
 du-ti, O.Slav, da-ti, to give ; Vedic yudh-am, to fight, 
 at-tum, to eat, yuje, to yoke, da-man-e (Hom. Βό-μ^ν-αι), 
 da-van-e, to give, dt-tav-e, to eat, sak-s4n>i, to abide. Of 
 all these and various other Vedic forms only the one in 
 •turn— identical with the Latin supine in -turn — was pre- 
 served in classical Sanskrit. In Vedic the case-form of 
 the infinitive could be the accusative, dative, locative, 
 and ablative-genitive. In classical Sanskrit and the Old 
 Germanic languages the case-form was restricted to the 
 accusative, in Latin to the dative, locative and accusative 
 
336 Accidence [§§ 546-7 
 
 (= the supine in -turn), and in Greek to the dative and 
 locative. Datives were the infinitives in -μ^ναι, -ναι, 4vai, 
 ■σαι, -σθαι, and locatives those in -μξ^, -clu, &c. 
 
 I, Datives. 
 
 § 546. -μζναι is the dative ending of a -//ei'-stera (§ 345). 
 This form only occurs in Homer and the Lesbian dialect 
 and was originally confined to athematic verbs, as Hom. 
 Βόμ^ναι, Ved. damane, ΐ^μ^ναι, Ved, vidmdne, and 
 similarly -γνώμ^ναι, ίΒμ^ναι, ζ^νγνύμ^ναι, θύμ^ναι, Ιστά- 
 μζναι, τίτλάμ^ναι ; and then later extended to thematic 
 verbs, as Hom. άβιδ^μζναι, ά^^μ^ναι, ^ίπίμ^ναι ; Aeye/zei/ai 
 which corresponds in form to the Latin second person 
 plural of the passive imperative (legimini). 
 
 The dative ending -vat in Attic, Ionic, Arcadian and 
 Cyprian probably arose from older -μναι where -μν- was 
 the weak grade form of -μ^ν- (§ 273) and which became 
 simplified to -v- after long vowels (§ 146), as άή-ναι, yv5>• 
 ναι, δν-ναι, στή-ναι, beside άή-μ^ναι, γνώ•μ€ναι, δυ-μζναι, 
 στή-μζναι. The -ναι then came to be used after short 
 vowels and supplanted the old locative ending in •μ€ν 
 (§ 549), as SeiKvvvai, διδόναι, Ιστάναι, ψάναι, τιθύναι, 
 τβθνάναι. 
 
 After the analogy of -μ^ναι {δόμξναι, &c.) : -ύ-μζναι 
 {λ€γβμ€ναι, &c.) to -ναι a new ending -ivai was formed 
 which became productive especially in the perfect infini- 
 tive, as eiSivai, SeSiivai, όλωλβναι, γ^γραφβναι, XeXoinivai, 
 y^yovivai, &c. In Cypr. Sofevai, Att. δούναι it is doubtful 
 whether the f belongs to the stem or to the suffix, cp. also 
 Ved. davane. 
 
 § 547. The infinitive of the s-aorist δβΐξαι, λΰσαι, φήναι, 
 &c. is an old dative of an s-stem which became associated 
 with the verbal system after the analogy of '4δίΐ^α and the 
 participle δ^ί^ά^. It corresponds in form to Vedic infini- 
 tives like jis-e, to conquer, stus-e, to praise, and to the Latin 
 
§§ 548-50I Verbs 337 
 
 passive infinitive dari from *das-ai, cp. also τΐμησαι, 
 φιλήσαι beside Lat. amari, haberi. 
 
 § 548. The ending of the middle infinitive in -σ-θαι is 
 probably related to the Vedic infinitives in •dhyai, -dhye, 
 as in dhiyd-dhyai, to deposit, gamd-dhye, to go, beside 
 which there was originally a form in -dhe corresponding 
 to Greek •θαι. The origin of the formation of this type 
 of infinitive is uncertain. The most commonly accepted 
 theory is that it was a compound consisting of an es-stem, 
 as in dSea- : dSo? (§§ 279, 364), and the dative of a root- 
 noun *dhe•, *dh• : τί-θη-μι, and that from forms like elSia• 
 Oat : ύ'δζ-ται the -σ-θαι came to be regarded as the ending 
 and was then extended to all kinds of tense-stems, as 
 XveaOai, λνσ€σθαι, Χυσασθαι, XeXvaOat, and similarly 
 δίδοσθαι, τίθ^σθαι, ΐστασθαί, δύκνυσθαι, ησθαι, δόσθαι, 
 θίσθαι, Χίπίσθαι, πζπύσθαι, &c. δίχθαι, γ^γράφθαι from 
 *δ€κσθαι, *γ€γραπσθαί (§ 221), and similarly ττίπΧίγβαι, 
 Χ^Χβΐφθαι, τ€τράφθαι, ^στάΧθαί, ττζψάνθαι, &c. This type 
 of infinitive became medio-passive in meaning through the 
 influence of the middle personal endings -a^e, -σθον, &c. 
 
 2. Locatives. 
 
 § 549. The ending -μ^ν, which occurs in Homer and in 
 the Aeolic, Doric, Thessalian, Boeotian, Elean, Arcadian 
 and the North-Western group of dialects, is an endingless 
 locative of a -//ei^-stem (§§ 273, 345), as in ϊδμζν, τιθίμ€ν, 
 θύμ^ι^, δόμ^ν, ορννμ^ν, ίστάμ^ν, «Sec. Cretan infinitives like 
 δόμην, ήμην had -ην after the analogy of ψβρην = φ^ρ^ιν ; 
 and similarly δόμ^ιν, θύμζΐν in the dialect of Rhodes were 
 formed after the analogy of (pipeiu. 
 
 § 550. It is difficult to account satisfactorily for the 
 formation of the infinitive in -eiv. The difference between 
 the ending -eiv in Attic, Ionic, Szc. and the •ην in Doric, 
 Lesbian and Elean shows that the -eiv, -ην is the result 
 of contraction. This contraction probably arose from -€σ€ί/ 
 ζ 
 
33δ Accidence [§§ 551-2 
 
 and represented an old endingless locative, but as this 
 exact type of infinitive ending does not occur in the other 
 languages, it is uncertain whether the -eaer represents an 
 original formation -e-sen- or -es-i. In the former case it 
 would correspond to the Vedic forms in «san-i, as ne-san-i, 
 to lead, sak-sdn-i, to abide ; and in the latter to Vedic 
 forms like jes-i, to conquer, st5s-i, to praise, and to Lat. 
 dare from *das-i, which are locatives of s-stems. We 
 should then have to assume that prim. Greek ^φβρζσι 
 became *φ€ρ€σ€ΐ^ through the influence of the -eu in the 
 ending -/zer. 
 
 The Doric and Arcadian ending -cv in φ^ρζν, '^χ^ν, 
 τράφ^ν, &c. was due to the analogy of the ending -μ^ν. 
 
 Participles. 
 
 § 551. All active participles except the perfect had 
 originally the formative element -ent- with the various 
 ablaut-grades •οηΙ•, -nt-, -nt-. For the declension of these 
 participles see §§ 352-5. 
 
 § 552. The formative element of the masculine and 
 neuter of the perfect active participle consisted of the 
 blending of the two distinct elements -wes- with the ablaut- 
 grades -wos-, -wos, -us-, and -wet-, -wot-. The relation in 
 which the elements -wes-, -wos-, and -wet-, -wot- origin- 
 ally stood to each other is unknown. It is also uncertain 
 which cases originally had the -s-form and which the 
 •t-form. In Greek the -w^ot- became generalized in the 
 oblique cases, whereas in Sanskrit it only occurred in 
 the instrumental, dative and ablative dual and plural 
 (vidvddbhyam, vidvddbhih, vidvadbhyah), the locative 
 plural (vidvdtsu), and the nominative and accusative neuter 
 singular (vidvat, knoiving). This mode of forming the 
 perfect active participle was preserved in Greek, Aryan 
 and the Baltic-Slavonic languages, but in the other 
 
§ 553] Verbs 339 
 
 languages only scanty fragments are found. For a similar 
 blending of two distinct formative elements see § 371. 
 
 In the masculine nominative singular the -wos- was 
 regularly lengthened to -wos (§ 368), cp. eiSa)s beside 
 eiSora, eiSoro?, &c., neut. (Ιδός. In forms like Horn. 
 τ^θνηωτα, /xe/xacore?, π^φνώταζ the -ω- of the nominative 
 singular was levelled out into the oblique cases. The 
 stem-syllable had originally the weak grade of ablaut, but 
 in Greek it generally had either the strong grade vowel 
 of the present indicative or the stem-syllable was formed 
 direct from the perfect indicative, cp. €1869 beside Skr. 
 vidvdt, λξ-λοίπ-ώς : λί-Χοιπ-α beside Skr. ri-rik-vas- : 
 ri-rec-a ; and similarly €ίώ?, έστηώς ; γίγονώς, δ^δορκώς, 
 π^πονθώς, Τ€Τθκώγ, λελυκώ?, ^δ-ηδώς, ίρρωγώ^, ίληλονθώ^ 
 beside ^ληλυθώς ; and in all /c-perfects, as Ιστηκώς, Terl- 
 μηκώ?, &c. The weak grade of ablaut occurs in έσταώ^ : 
 'ύσταμ^ν, βξβαώς : β^βαμ^ν, yeyaws : γ^γαμζν, μζμαώί : 
 μίμαμ^ν. 
 
 The feminine of the perfect active participle had also 
 originally the weak grade of ablaut in the stem-syllable, as 
 in ίδ-νΐα = Skr. vid-usi, λ^λακυΐα, π^παθυΤα : λβληκώ^, 
 πζποΐ'θώς, Hom. άραρνΐα, τβθαλυΐα : άρηρώ?, τβθηλώς. 
 Forms like ^ίδνΐα, λ^λοιπνΐα, γζγον^ΐα were new forma- 
 tions from the stem-form of the masculine. Both in Greek 
 and Sanskrit it belonged to the ja-declension (§ 322). 
 The original sing. nom. was -wes-ja, gen. -us-jls which in 
 Greek would regularly have become -da, gen. -υιάς. Level- 
 ling then took place in both directions whereby partly -eta 
 and partly -fiay became generalized, as yeyoveia, &c. beside 
 ίδυΐα, &c. 
 
 § 553. The formative element -μ^νο- was used in forming 
 all Greek middle participles, as λ^ιπόμ^νο^, λίπόμ^νο^, 
 λ€ίψ6μ€ΐΌ9, λζίψάμ^ι^Οί, λίίφθησόμ^νο^, XeXei/z/xetOS•, Ae- 
 λζίψόμ^ΡΟΫ ; ίστάμί,νο^, Τίθύμβρος, διδόμζνο^, δ^ίκνύμ^νο^, 
 θζμξνοί, δόμ^νοί, Sec. The formative element originally 
 
340 Accidence [§§ 554-6 
 
 had the three grades of ablaut -meno-, -mono-, -mno- (cp. 
 § 240). The first became generalized in Greek, and pro- 
 bably also in Latin in the second person plural of the 
 passive (legimini = λξγόμξνοή, the second in Sanskrit 
 thematic verbs, as bodha-mana-h = ΐΓ^υθό-μ^νο-^, and the 
 third occurs in isolated forms like Latin alumnus, autu- 
 mnus. 
 
 § 554. The passive participle in -Ods, as in XvOds, &c. 
 (cp. § 514) was a special Greek new formation formed 
 after the analogy of participles like <pavds. 
 
 Verbal Adjectives. 
 
 § 555. The verbal adjectives in -to- originally denoted 
 completed action, but they were not passive in function. 
 They preserved their original function and meaning in 
 Greek, but in the Sanskrit, Latin, Old Germanic and Baltic- 
 Slavonic languages they generally came to be used as 
 perfect or past participles, mostly with a passive meaning, 
 especially when related to transitive verbs. The accent in 
 Greek and Sanskrit shows that the stem-syllable originally 
 had the weak grade of ablaut, c^.kXvtSs, Skr. srutah, Lat. 
 in-clutus ; στατό^, Skr. sthitah, Lat. status, ^τό<ί, Lat. 
 datus ; and similarly κριτό^, Xvtos, χυτό?, a\er6s, τακτός, 
 φαντό^, «S:c. beside new formations like XetnTos, στρ^πτό^, 
 Tp^TTTos formed from the stem of the present. See § 258. 
 
 § 556. The verbal adjectives in -reoy from older *-re/^o?, as 
 in δοτύοζ, dandiis, γραπτβος, scribendus, σταΧτίο^, evpereos, 
 Χντί.09, Xeinreo^, π€ΐστ€θί, τίμητίος, 8zc. (§ 255) were a 
 special Greek formation which has no parallel in the other 
 languages. 
 
J§ 557-9] Advet^s 341 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 ADVERBS 
 
 § 557. Greek adverbs are for the most part of twofold 
 origin. They are partly isolated case-forms of pronouns, 
 nouns, substantivized adjectives, and occasionally predica- 
 tive adjectives used adverbially, and partly formed by 
 means of suffixes the origin of which is often unknown. It 
 is probable that some at least of these suffixes were the 
 remnants of case-endings which became isolated from the 
 inflexional system already in the parent Indg. language and 
 were then crystallized as adverbial suffixes. 
 
 I. Case-forms. 
 
 § 558. The nominative occurs in άναμίξ, άλλάξ, αλι^, 
 Xe^piy, /χόλίί, χωρίς, eyyi/y, ζύθνς, &c., cp. also Skr. parih, 
 far off, Lat. prorsus, satis. 
 
 § 559. The accusative was often used adverbially in all 
 the Indg. languages, as αύρων, 8ηρ6ν, μόνον, viov, σήμερον, 
 Att. τήμζρον, πλησίον, πρώτον, χθιζόν, cp. Skr. kamam, at 
 pleasure, willingly, Lat. domum, rus, multum, OE. ealne 
 weg, always, άκμήν, αρχήν, 8ήν, Dor. 8άν from *8fav, 
 δωρ€αν, μακράν, πρώην, σχβδίην, ταχίστην. πρόφασιν, 
 χάριν, cp. Skr. kim, why F, Lat. furtim, partim, facile. 
 ev6v, πολύ = Skr. puru, Goth. filu. Att. τήτ€9. Ion. σήτ€9, 
 X^ey = Skr. hyah. προίκα, ovap, /zeya, &c., cp. Skr. 
 nama, by name, άλλα, πολλά, πρόκα, πρώτα, μάλιστα, 
 τάχιστα, &c. Here belong also the adverbs in -δον, •δην, 
 •δα (neut. pi.), the -δ- of which was probably the same as in 
 verbal abstract nouns like χρόμαδος, and Skr. samad-, 
 fight, battle. Examples are : άγίληδόν, άμφαδόν, άνασταδβν, 
 αναφανδόν, βοτρϋδόν, μονναδόν, ρυδόν, σχεδόν, ώρϋδόν ; 
 
342 Accidence [§§ 560-4 
 
 άν^Βην, βάδην, βληδην, κΧήδην, κρνβδηρ, λίγδην, σποράδην, 
 στάδην, συλλήβδην, χύδην ; άγβληδά, άναφανδά, άποσταδά, 
 κρνβδα, μίγδα, φύγδα, χανδά, &c. 
 
 § 560. The genitive occurs in adverbs of time and place, 
 as ianepd?, ήμβρΰς, '^νης, Dor. eVa?, νυκτός = Goth, nahts, 
 OE. nihtes. άγχον, τηλον, πανταχού, νψον, έπιπολής ; 
 αύτον, όμον, που, πού, οπον. 
 
 § 561. The adverbial use of the dative was rare, as in 
 χαμαί, Lat. humi, καταί, παραί. The dative supplanted 
 the original instrumental in forms like Attic, Ionic ανάγκη, 
 δίκη, ίδια, κοίνη, σπονδή, κύκλω ; άλλη, ταύτη, η, πη, τη-δξ, 
 Cret. άλλα, οπα. As the dative and locative regularly fell 
 together in the a-declension it is possible that some of the 
 above forms may be originally locative (§ 305). 
 
 § 562. The locative was common both in nominal and 
 pronominal forms, as οίκοι, οϊκζΐ, cp. Lat. domi, belli, 
 'Ισθμοί, Πΰθοΐ, πανταχοΐ, aOed, πάνδημοι, cp. Skr. ake, 
 near at hand, dure, at a distance ; o\, ποϊ. Dor. αύτ^Λ, οπύ, 
 π€Ϊ, τ€Ϊ-δ€, την€Ϊ, τουτ€Ϊ, Att. ίκ€Ϊ, Cret. διπλοί, Θηβαι• 
 γζνής, Elean Όλυμπίαι ; Άθήνησι, Πλαταιάσι, θνρασι, 
 ωράσι. aUi from *αίρ^σί, ήρι from *aJ€pi, Μαραθώνι, Dor. 
 nepvTi, Att. πέρυσι = Skr, parut ; endingless locatives 
 were aUv, Dor. a/ey, νύκτωρ, cp. the similar -r in Lith. 
 kuf, where, Lat. cur, why, Goth, hrar, where, Lat. noctur- 
 nus. 
 
 § 563. The ablative {= Indg. -od, -Id) was mostly pre- 
 served in pronominal forms, as ούτω. Dor. ω, οπω, ττώ, 
 unde, τώ-δί, τουτώ, hinc, τηνω, istinc, Locr. ω, οπω, tmde, 
 cp. Skr. tat (= Indg. *tod), then, in this way, kasmat, why, 
 yat, in so far as. Delph. foLκω, donio, cp. O.Lat. meritod, 
 rected, Goth, sinteino, cotttinua/fy, J)iubj5, secretly. 
 
 § 564. The instrumental occurs in both nominal and 
 pronominal forms, as βπί-σχβρώ, Dor. κρυφά, Att. Ion. 
 κρυφή, άμαρτή, Att. λάθρα, Ion. λάθρη. οϋ-πω, πώ-ποτζ, 
 cp. Lat. qu5, rco-ie. Ion. ω-δζ, Lesb. άλλα, οππά. Dor. α-τ€. 
 
§§ 565-6] Adverbs 343 
 
 ταυτά, Att. ταύτη, ή, if, πή, Cret. 6-πή, Lac. πή-ττοκα, cp. 
 Goth. Yue,whcrewiih ; Dor. α-χί, Horn. ^-χί. Instrumental 
 were also the adverbs in •ω like άι/ω, β^ω, >ίάτω, πρ6σ{σ)ω ; 
 άν(ύ•τίρω, άνω-τάτ(ύ, €καστ€ρω, έκαστάτω, προτίρω, &c. It 
 probably also occurs in the adverbs in -a, as αίψα, άμα, 
 άρα, ήκα, θαμά, κάρτα, λίγα, λίττα, μάλα, παρά, neSa, πνκα, 
 σάφα, σίγα, τάγα, ώκα. 
 
 § 565. The so-called positive of adverbs of quality is 
 originally the ablative singular of the adjective used ad- 
 verbially to which was added the particle -y (§ 575). The 
 ending -ω? belonged originally to c-stems only, as in KaXm, 
 σοφώζ, φίλω^, δικαίως, &c. From these it became extended 
 to all kinds of stems, as ήδίωζ, αληθώς, ττάι^τως, ζύδαίμόνω^, 
 χαριύρτως, &c. 
 
 In the comparison of adverbs it is necessary to distin- 
 guish between the adverbs derived from adjectives and 
 those derived from adverbs. For the comparative of 
 adverbs derived from adjectives the accusative neuter 
 singular of the corresponding adjective was used, as 
 σοφώτ€ρον, ηδίον, and similarly in Sanskrit and Latin. 
 And for the superlative the accusative neuter plural was 
 used, as σοφώτατα, ηδιστα, and similarly in Sanskrit, 
 whereas in Latin we have the ablative singular of the 
 corresponding adjective, as O.Lat. (inscription) facilu- 
 med = facillumed, later facillime. 
 
 The comparative and superlative of adverbs derived 
 from adverbs had the instrumental ending -ω just as in the 
 so-called positives, as άνω, ανωτέρω, άνωτάτω ; κάτω, κάτω- 
 τίρω, κατωτάτω. 
 
 2. Suffixes. 
 § 566. •Θι {= Indg. *-dhi, cp. Skr. d-dhi, above, upwards, 
 and the -b• in Lat. ubi, ibi) denoting where, as in Κορινθ6•θι, 
 οϊκο-θι, ονρανό-θι ; άλλο•θι, αν-θι, αντό-θι, κύ-θι, ο-θι, πό-θι, 
 τ6•θι ; (Κτο-Θι, ίνδο-θί. 
 
344 Accidence [§§ 567-75 
 
 § 567. •θα beside -θ€[ν) denoting place. The relation in 
 which these suffixes stand to each other is unknown, but 
 they are doubtless related to the -ha in Skr. i-ha, here, 
 ku-ha, where. Examples are : 'iv -θα, kvTav -θα, νπαι-θα, 
 Dor. Lesb. evep -θα, πρόσ-θα beside Horn. 'ivep-6e[v), πρ6σ• 
 6e{v), 6πι-θ€{^), 6τΓίσ-θ€{ν), νπβρ-θφ). 
 
 § 568. -θζ^ denoting ivhejicc, as άκρο-θ^ν, Aio-Oei^, ηοο-θ^ΐ', 
 Ιππό-Θ^ν, κΧίσίη-θ^ν, ovpavo-Oev ; άΧλο-θ^ν, άμφοτ^ρω-θ^ν, 
 αύτό-θ^ν, 6-6ev, ττάντο-θ^ν, ττό-θ^ν, Dor. τουτω-θίν ; kKU-6ev, 
 ev-Oev, €^ω-θβν, vy\ro-6ev. 
 
 § 569. -ie denoting whither is originally a preposition 
 and is related to Lat. de, O.Slav, do, OE. t5, to, Indg. 
 *de, *do, as aypa-Se, aXa-Se, Meyapd-Se, oiKa-Se (ace. neut. 
 pi.) beside Horn. οΊκόν-δ^, πόλ^μόν-Βί, φύγα-δβ, Άθήναζζ 
 from *Άθανανζ•8^ (§ 153), and similarly θύραζξ. 
 
 § 570. -ae with the same meaning as -Se, as κνκλό-σβ, 
 ιτάντο•σ€, τηλ6-σ€ ; dXXo-ae, άμφοτίρω-σξ, αύτ6-σ€, Κξΐ-σ€, 
 όμ6-σ€, no-ae. The -σβ may be the same as Goth -J), cp. 
 άλλο-σβ, no-ae beside Goth, aljaj», elsewhere, hraj), whither, 
 but it is difficult to see why the *-re became -ae in adverbs 
 of place whilst it remained in adverbs of time. 
 
 § 571. -re denoting time, as άλλο-τζ, av-re, ο-τ€, ττάντο-τ^, 
 7ΓΟ-Τ6, To-re. Lesbian has -τα, as άλλο•τα, 6-τα, πό-τα, cp. 
 also Att. Η-τα, ίπ-^ιτα. 
 
 § 572. -roy (= Skr. -tah, Lat. -tus), as ίκ-τό^, kv-Tos, cp. 
 Skr. i-ikh., from here, ta-tah, from there, Lat. in-tus, caeli• 
 tus, fundi-tus. 
 
 § 573. -κα the origin of which is unknown, as in αύτί-κα, 
 ηνί-κα, τηνί-κα, Dor. ο-κα, άλλο-κα, ττό-κα, τό•κα. 
 
 § 574. -κα? in e -κά? from ^afe-Ka^, άνδρα-κά^ is probably 
 the same suffix as in Skr. deva-sah (= Indg. *-kns), god 
 for god. 
 
 § 575. Quite a number of adverbs have forms with and 
 without a suffixal -y, as άμφί-ς, οντω-9, πίρντί-^ beside άμφί, 
 οντω, nepvTi {πβρυσή, Delph. ol-s beside the usual form οΊ, 
 
§ 5751 Adverbs 345 
 
 Elean άν^ν; for άν^υ, Hom. άτρομα? beside άτρομα, &c. 
 The -? became generalized in adverbs of quality formed 
 from adjectives already in the prehistoric period of the 
 language. The origin of this -y is uncertain. It probably 
 arose from various sources, such as the adverbial forms 
 where the -y was originally a case- or stem-ending, as 
 nom. αλί? ; gen, vvktos ; ace. neut. sing, x^e?, and the 
 -y in multiplicative numerals, as 8is, Skr. bhih, Lat. bis. 
 See Brugmann, Grundriss, &c., vol. ii, second .ed., p. 737. 
 
INDEX 
 
 The numbers after a word refer to the paragraphs in the Grammar. 
 
 ayayeip 457• 
 
 άγάγωμι (Hom.) 433 
 
 note. 
 αγαθός 40, 378. 
 αγαμαι 420, 458. 
 'Α.•γαμ(μν(ύν 36• 
 άγάΐΊ'ίφο! 214, 232. 
 άγάομαι 458. 
 άγαπάζω 495• 
 αγαπάω 495• 
 άγγίλίω 499• 
 αγγελία 237• 
 άγγ(\ιάφόρο! 289• 
 άγγίλλω 129, 217, 485» 
 
 499• 
 
 αγγίλοί 20, 38 nOte, 40, 
 247, 485• 
 
 αγίΐ (Dor.) 540 note. 
 
 άγ(ίρομ(ν (Horn.) 526. 
 άγ€ίρω 66, 197, 478. 
 άγίλη 247• 
 άγίληδά 559• 
 dyeXjjSof 559• 
 άγίληφι 3θ6. 
 αγετω 541 • 
 αγηραος (Horn.) 80. 
 άγήρως 8θ. 
 αγιοί 237• 
 αγκοινα 75• 
 αγκοί 195, 279• 
 d-yKUX?; 247• 
 ηγκύλοί 32, 247• 
 άγκών 20, 155, ^95? 
 
 269. 
 άγμός 20, 1 89. 
 αγνός 24 1. 
 
 αγρΰμι 1 1 9, 424, 43°• 
 ίίγνώί 285. 
 
 «■yrcuToy 65, 290. 
 
 αγορά 2S7, 489- 
 
 α•)Όριΰοί 237• 
 
 αγορεύω 489• 
 
 ayoy 1 97• 
 
 αγοί 279• 
 
 άγραφε 569. 
 
 αγρίδιον 237• 
 
 άγριος 119, 237• 
 
 αγρό? 5>20, 22,43, ^3^> 
 
 ι88, 248. 
 
 άγρότίροϊ 254• 
 
 αγρότης 258. 
 
 αγνρις 66. 
 
 αγχί 69, 156. 
 
 άγ;^(στίΐΌί 244• 
 
 άγχον ζόο. 
 
 ΰγχω 2θ, 24, 43, Ι39> 
 
 155» ΐ93• 
 «γω 43> 44, 82, 83, 89, 
 
 93,96, 154, ι88, 229, 
 
 431» 457, 505. 5Ι7> 
 
 521, 540. 
 άγωγί] g6. 
 άγώρ 3ΐ6. 
 άγωνικός 252. 
 άγώνιος 237• 
 άγωνοθΐτης 289• 
 άδάκρϋτος 483• 
 άδάματος 258. 
 αδ6)7? 124. 
 άδΐΐν 466. 
 άδίλφβαί 1 34• 
 άδΐλφίδιον 237• 
 άδβλφό? 3^• 
 (ίδευφιαί (Cret.) Ι34• 
 uSiji' 205, 269• 
 αδήριτος 483• 
 
 αδι^ί (Ιοη.) 8θ, 
 άδμής 285. 
 
 αδύί (Dor.) 5, 50> 5 Ι- 
 α δω 58, 8ο. 
 ηδωρος 37• 
 aei 57, 122. 
 ά{ρ)ίίδ(λος 247• 
 άειδεμεΐΌΐ (ΗοΓΠ.) 54^• 
 άείδω ζ8. 
 άείράς 8θ. 
 α«'ρω 478• 
 άΐκων 8θ. 
 n'fXXa 247• 
 άΐξω 468. 
 
 αίρρω (Lesb.) 478• 
 άερω 8θ. 
 
 afopat 21,127, 129,190» 
 ^ 237. 420, 478. 
 α^ω 420. 
 αηδής 8θ. 
 α^δώ 34 1 • 
 α»7δώζ' 79, 341 • 
 άήμεναί (Hom.) 546• 
 /Ιημι 52, 70, 77, 247, 
 
 ,-458• 
 
 άήναι 146, 546. 
 ί'ίηνται (Horn.) 70. 
 αήρ 276, 359, 36ο. 
 
 αησις 262. 
 
 dijT?; 258. 
 
 aOefL 562. 
 
 a^fos• 287, 290. 
 
 ^ Αθήνα 8θ. 
 
 'A^»;mfe 21, 153» 321» 
 
 569. 
 Άθήνησί 321, 562. 
 
 "^νΡ 359, 36ο. 
 πί (Dor.) 416. 
 
Index 
 
 347 
 
 Atajrre 294. 
 atyfOi 128, 237. 
 axy'ih\.ov 237. 
 ai-yXijfii 276. 
 αίγοβοσκο! 32. 
 ai-yoiSoTOf 289• 
 αι-γωννξ 289. 
 α18εομαί 49^- 
 niSotof 237. 
 
 άΓδω (Boeot.) 58 note. 
 
 αιδώς 237, 279, 298, 
 
 300, 302, 305, 368, 
 
 J92. 
 
 *"'^' 57' 562. 
 
 oiiV 305, 562. 
 
 aiVj (Dor.) 305, 562. 
 
 m'fei (Cypr.) 57, 122. 
 aWepios 237. 
 αΙθήρ277, 359, 36o. 
 αΐ^οί 236, 279. 
 ai^poroKoy 289. 
 αί^ω II, 56, 177. 
 αϊθων 269. 
 
 αΓλωι/ (Cypr.) 1 29 note 
 
 I. 
 αίμα 493, 495. 
 αίμαλΐος 247. 
 πίμάσσω 493. 
 αίματίζω 495• 
 «ίματόίΐί 276. 
 αίμοβαφής 289• 
 cui/eros 32• 
 at^Jj 24 1 • 
 alvos 241. 
 
 αι^ 38 note. 
 
 αίολλω 485• 
 
 αΐόλοί 32. 
 
 a'lptTOs 32. 
 
 αίρω 478• 
 
 atVa 129, 167• 
 
 αισθάνομαι 8θ, 4^7• 
 
 άΐσθω 467• 
 
 αίσίμοΓ 239• 
 
 αί'σσω (Ιοη.) 57» 48θ• 
 
 αιστος ΙΙΟ, 258. 
 
 αΐσχιστοί 259- 
 
 αίσ;^ο$ Ι09, 49°• 
 
 οίσ;^ρολόγοί ^2. 
 
 αίσχϋνω 1 50, 49°• 
 
 αιτίω 43 1 • 
 «^ΧΜ"? 239• 
 αιψα 564• 
 
 αίώμ 56, 57) 368. 
 
 άκανθίί 247• 
 άκαϊ/^υλλίί 247• 
 ακίομαι 492• 
 tiicijicoa 429, 5^7• 
 άκλ(ης 279• 
 «*Α"7 239• 
 
 oK/i^i/ 559• 
 
 άκμόθΐτον 289• 
 oK/icor 273• 
 άκοιτίζω 495• 
 (ϊκοι/τίστύί 266. 
 όκοϊ 279> 492• 
 ακούω 62. 
 άκρατος 258. 
 £ΐκρα;^ολοϊ 289• 
 άκρΐμών 273• 
 "Kpty 119, 261. 
 άκριτος 258. 
 άκροάτηριον 237• 
 άκροθίν 568. 
 ίΐκρόπ-ολίϊ 289• 
 ακροΓ 248, 273• 
 α<(τΐ7 258. 
 ακτωρ 278. 
 άκων 8θ, 495• 
 αλαδί 569• 
 'Αλαλία 1 35• 
 dλαλίCf tj/ 468. 
 σλαπαδι /ds (Hom.) 24Ι. 
 άλαωτχϊ 266. 
 άλγίΐι/ 1 34• 
 dXyfii/os 241 • 
 aKyηbi>v 272. 
 άλγΐ7σίΤ6 (Horn.) 428, 
 526. 
 
 ά\•γος 40. 
 αλδαίνω 474• 
 αλδομαί 474• 
 αλίαρ 371 • 
 aXeaaOai 5 1 0. 
 άλ(ΐφαρ 37 1 • 
 αλείφω 77> Ι09• 
 άλίξητηρ 278. 
 αλίξω 468. 
 αλεται 526. 
 
 ίλεω 475• 
 άλτ^^εια 76• 
 άλ;;^ίθτατοί 258. 
 άΧηθίστίρος 254) 376• 
 άλϊ^^ίϋω 489• 
 άλτ;^);? 76, 279) 489• 
 αλτ/^ω 475• 
 αληθώς 565• 
 αλ)7λί^ι 429• 
 αλΐ7λιμ;^αι 5Ι7• 
 αΧηΧιφα ζΐ"/. 
 άΧημων 273• 
 άΧθαίνω 475• 
 άΧθομαι 475• 
 άλίει'ί 79• 
 αλίΐΌί 243• 
 άλινω 77• 
 αλιοί (Lesb.) 80. 
 aXtoy (Dor.) 80. 
 αΧις 558. 
 άΧίσκομαι 88, 43°) 45^) 
 
 , 47θ•_ 
 
 αλκα^εΓν 475• 
 ηΧκαρ 37 1 • 
 αλκν 134) 469• 
 άΧκί (Horn.) 239• 
 
 αΧκιμος 239• 
 αΧκω 475• 
 άλλα 40, 559• 
 
 άλλα (Cret.) 561• 
 αλλ5 (Lesb.) 32Ι) 
 
 564. 
 
 άΧΧάξ 558• 
 (IXXeyov 149- 
 αλλ»; 561 • 
 αλλί;κτθί 215, 232• 
 αΧΧο 230. 
 αΧΧοθ€ν 568. 
 
 αλλο^ί 305, 566. 
 άλλοκα (Dor.) 573• 
 
 αΧΧομαι 129, 213, 221, 
 
 232, 420, 478, 48ο, 
 5θ7• 
 ολλοί 4°) 43) ιΐ9> 129, 
 132, 237• 
 
 aXXoaf 57°• 
 
 αλλοτα (Lesb.) 571• 
 
 αΧΧοτ€ 571 • 
 άλλωί 40. 
 
348 
 
 Index 
 
 αλμΐνος (Hom.) 221, 
 
 507. 
 άλοίψ 532, 
 άΧοιμΐν 532• 
 αλί 43, 132, 213, 
 
 358. 
 
 άλτο (Horn.) 221, 507. 
 
 άλιΚΓκάνο) 4^y . 
 
 άλνσκω φ'] . 
 
 Άλυτος 37• 
 
 άλφύνω 467• 
 
 άλφί] 209. 
 
 άλφόί 249• 
 
 άλω 8θ. 
 
 άλώι/αι 88, 458, 47θ• 
 
 άλώπηζ 285• 
 
 αμα q6, 380, 564. 
 
 άμαθος ΙΙ5• 
 
 αμαζα 322. 
 
 ά/χαρτάί'ω 4^7, 473• 
 
 άμαρτη 306, 325, 504• 
 
 άμαρτησομαι 422, 499• 
 
 ά/ιατρο;(ΐα 292• 
 
 ίίμ/ίίλισκάΐ'ω 467• 
 
 άμβλίσκω φ7, 47°• 
 
 ομβλυωττόί 49^• 
 
 άμβ\νώσσω 49^• 
 
 άμβρόσιος 1 69• 
 
 αμβροτος Ι45• 
 
 a/if (Dor.) 402. 
 
 άμ^ίνων 378• 
 
 djuei't/zfTnt (Horn.) 428, 
 
 526. 
 ά/*6λγω 20, 77, ^32, 
 
 άμίνής 279, 3^6. 
 ά/ί€>γω 73• 
 
 a/iff (Dor. Boeot.) 69, 
 214, 402• 
 
 αμΐτίρος (Dor.) 406. 
 αμητος 258. 
 a/Liii' (Dor.) 402. 
 αμμ( (Hom. Lesb.) 
 
 402. 
 αμμ(ς (Hom. Lesb.) 69, 
 
 214, 402. 
 
 αμμεσιρ (Lesb.) 402. 
 άμμίτ(ρος (Lesb.) 406. 
 αμμι (Acol.) 402. 
 
 αμμιν (Aeol.) 402. 
 άμμι{ν) (Lesb.) 3 1 6. 
 άμμος (Lesb.) 406. 
 αμνός 117, 207, 24 1. 
 άμο- 65. 
 αμόθΐν 65, 213. 
 αμοιβή 236. 
 αμός (Dor.) 406. 
 άμπίχω 1 1 5 . 
 (ίμπωτις 202. 
 άμυνω 5Ι3• 
 άμνσσω 478• 
 άμφα8όν 559• 
 αμφί 230, 575• 
 άμφι8(ξιος 29Ι• 
 άμφίποΧος 29 1 • 
 αμφίϊ 230, 575• 
 άμφοτΐρωθΐν S^7• 
 άμφοτίρωσΐ ζ^Ο. 
 αμφω 43, 294• 
 άμώς 2Ι3• 
 άι/ά 228, 229• 
 άράβασις 37• 
 aj/ayxaiof 237• 
 om-yfCJ/ 561 • 
 άράθημα 273• 
 aratSijy 279• 
 αναίτιος 290. 
 άνακτορία 237• 
 αι^ακτόριοί 237• 
 ανάλογο? 29Ι• 
 (Ίναλτος 474» 475• 
 αΐ'ίί/:χίσοϊ 291- 
 άναμίξ 558• 
 
 iW^ 129 note 2, 285, 
 343• 
 
 ανασσα 129 note 2. 
 άνασταδόν 559• 
 άναφανδά 559• 
 αΐ'αφαί'δόΐ' 559• 
 άι/δάι/ω 466. 
 πΐ'δρακη'ί 574• 
 άνδραχθής 289• 
 ανδρικό'? 252. 
 άνδρίον 237• 
 άνδροφάγος 289• 
 ανδρών 209• 
 ανί'γνωσα 512. 
 άνΐδην 559• 
 
 άνίκτό? Ι09• 
 
 avf/Lios 43, 49, 239• 
 avtv 575• 
 avevr (El.) 575. 
 ανέχομαι log. 
 dvecp^a 430, 
 
 άν,7Ρ 34, 36, 39, 152, 
 277, 3i6, 359, 360, 
 , 3^1• 
 
 άνθίω 492. 
 
 άνθινος 243• 
 
 ην^οϊ 247, 279, 492• 
 
 αν^ρώτΓίνο? 243• 
 
 άνθρωπίσκος 253• 
 
 άνθρωπος 38 note, 295• 
 
 αν^ύλλιον 247• 
 
 ανιαροί 248. 
 
 ανιπτος 1θ6, 258• 
 
 ανομαι φζ. 
 
 άνομαι (ΗοΓΠ.) 4^5• 
 
 ανόμοιος 287, 290. 
 
 ανη 24, 43, 237• 
 
 άντιάω 484• 
 
 άντίος 237, 484• 
 
 dvTin-epaios 237• 
 
 αντΧον Ι43• 
 
 (ϊντλο? 256. 
 
 Άνυδρος 6ζ, 290. 
 
 Hvu/it (Horn.) 430, 463, 
 
 , 473; 
 
 άνυστόϊ Ι ΙΟ. 
 άνΰσω 499• 
 ανύτω 1 1 0, 473• 
 
 (ΐνΰω 465, 473, 499• 
 
 «νω 564, 5^5• 
 
 άνωτάτω 564, 5^5• 
 
 άνώτΐρος 2 54• 
 
 άνωτίρω 564. 5^5• 
 
 άξΐμεναι (Hom.) 546- 
 
 άξ'ιωσις 202. 
 
 άξιώτερος 37^• 
 
 ά^ω 499, 526. 
 
 Αξων 43, 212. 
 
 (ίοίδ)} 236. 
 
 αοιδός 236. 
 
 απαΐί 290. 
 
 (ϊτΓα^ 65, 89, 90, 287, 
 
 ^ 290, 38ο, 394• 
 
 Άπαστος Ι ΙΟ, 170. 
 
Index 
 
 349 
 
 άπατηΚός Ίύ,"] . 
 απάτωρ 30Ι• 
 άτταφίσκω 47 1 • 
 απΐβαΧον 43^• 
 Άπύλων (Cypr.) 129 
 
 note I. 
 απ fine 38. 
 άπΐίρωρ 27 1. 
 απίλθ( 38. 
 άπίΚλω (Lesb.) 148, 
 
 462. 
 
 ΆπίΚλων 129 note ι. 
 άπιστύς 266. 
 απεχθάνομαι 467. 
 άπ»7ΐ'ρα 43°• 
 απλατος (Dor.) 458. 
 άπλόος 8θ, 287, 290. 
 άπλόί 395• 
 άττλοΓ?;? 284. 
 άπλον! 8ο, 373 note, 
 
 380, 395• 
 από 24, 43> 228, 230 
 
 note. 
 αποθνήσκω 424. 
 αττόΧη^ε 38• 
 άτΓολογβο/ζαι 43°• 
 αττοσταδά 559• 
 αττότισίί 30> 29 1. 
 άτΓούράί (Aeol.) 123. 
 άπόφονο! 291. 
 
 ατΓτω 121 note, 473• 
 
 απνστος 258. 
 αρα 564. 
 αραρα 4-9• 
 άραρΐΐν 457) 505• 
 άραρίσκω 429» 47 1 • 
 άραρυία 552• 
 αραί 8θ. 
 
 άράχι/Γϋ 1 85, 245- 
 apyaXeos Ι35• 
 άρ-γικίρηυνοί 289• 
 άργόί 289. 
 αργΰρεοί 128, 237• 
 αργυρής 248. 
 αργνφοί 249• 
 αρδί? 200. 
 σρδ /ioy 239• 
 ape ίων 378. 
 άρΐσκος 2 53• 
 
 άρίσκω 253» 470• 
 
 aper;? 73, 258. 
 
 άρτγώ»/ 269. 
 
 ΆρηΐφιΧοί 292. 
 
 αρ'ίί' 269, 345• 
 
 άρηρώ: 552. 
 
 άρθμός 239• 
 
 άρθρον 251. 
 
 άριθμίω 485. 
 
 αριθμός 239» 485• 
 
 ηρισΓ6ρόί 32, 3/8. 
 
 αριστεύω 489• 
 
 άριστον 287. 
 
 άριστος 259, 378. 
 
 άρκίσι'γΐΊοί 289. 
 
 άρκτος 220, 247• 
 
 αρκτνλοί 247• 
 
 άρκιΐί 264. 
 
 "ιρμΐνος (Horn.) 221, 
 
 507. 
 άρμο'ί 239• 
 αρίΊο;; 237• 
 dpror 294• 
 άρνυμαι 463• 
 άροτήρ 2j8. 
 άροτρον 257• 
 
 άροω 43, 136, 458• 
 
 άρπ-αγμοΓ 239• 
 
 αρπάζω 1 29, 19°, 494, 
 
 , 509•, 
 
 άρττακτνί 266. 
 άρπαξ 494• 
 αρπάζω 499- 
 άρρινόπαις 289. 
 appiWepos (Arcad.) 378. 
 αρρενωπός 289. 
 άρρηκτος 123, 232. 
 άρρην (ΐρσην Ιοη.) 212, 
 
 217, 269. 
 
 άρρητος 123. 
 αρρωδίΐν (Ιοη.) 73• 
 (ϊρσί?»' (Horn.) 67, 212, 
 
 217, 269, 350. 
 \\ρτ(μις 343• 
 άρτι 237• 
 άρτιος 237• 
 πρτ-ϋΐ'ω 490. 
 aprt;s• 266, 49Ο• 
 αρύτω 473• 
 
 αρνω 473• 
 άρχί κακός 28g. 
 
 °ρχγ 559• 
 
 σρ;(ΟΓ 236. 
 άρχωι/ 275• 
 άρω 8θ. 
 
 ar (Dor.) 79, 80. 
 άσηρός 248. 
 ασ^εΐΊ^ϊ 279• 
 άσκάλαφος 249• 
 άσμίνίστΐρος 37^• 
 άσμινος Sg, ^76. 
 ασπάζομαι 274• 
 άσπασμα 274• 
 άσπαση'ί 266. 
 αστΓίδτ^φοροί 289• 
 ασπίδιοί' 237• 
 άσπιδίσκη 253• 
 άστΓίδοπτ/γόί 289• 
 άσπ/ί 237, 285. 
 άσπιστης 258. 
 ασσα (Ιοη.) 129, 4Ι4• 
 ασσον (Ιοη.) 69, 15^. 
 αστακός 7^. 
 ασταφίς y^. 
 άστΐΐος 237• 
 άστίμφης III. 
 άστίριος 237• 
 άστεροειδ,)^' 289. 
 αστνρ 236, 278, 359> 
 
 36ο. 
 αστικός 252. 
 αστραπή 473• 
 αστράπτω 473• 
 άστρον 236. 
 
 άστυ 237, 266, 30Ι, 3Ι3> 
 , 333; 
 
 αστυνόμος 289. 
 are (Dor.) 564• 
 άτίμβω 466. 
 arepor (Dor.) 254• 
 ατη (Horn.) 80. 
 άτΤμάω 484• 
 άτιμος 290, 484• 
 \\τρ(ί8ης 8θ, 321, 323• 
 arpepa 575• 
 άτρίμας (Hom.) 575• 
 'Arpevy 338• 
 άτρί TjTOi 109. 
 
350 
 
 Index 
 
 αττα 129, 4 1 4• 
 
 αττα 321. 
 
 αττω (Att.) 57) 480• 
 
 αυ 6θ, 229. 
 
 ανγύν (Cret.) 134• 
 
 άνθι 566. 
 
 ανκά (Cret.) 134• 
 
 ανλητηρ 278. 
 
 αυξάνω Ι ζ, 6θ, Ιθ6, 199) 
 
 431) 467• 
 αΰξω 6θ, 97) ιο6, 199) 
 
 467, 468. 
 avos 60, 115, 213. 
 ανρηκτοί (Aeol.) 123• 
 αΐιριον 215, 237) 559• 
 αυτΐ 6θ, 57Ι• 
 αντύ (Dor.) 562. 
 άϋτή 258. 
 αυτή 411. 
 avrijt 411. 
 αγτίκα 573• 
 αϋτμι^ΐ' 274• 
 αυτόθΐν 568. 
 αυτόθι 566. 
 αυτόματος 289• 
 αΰτόί 4°) 405 • 
 αύτόσε 57°• 
 nuroO 560. 
 αυτοφυής 279• 
 αυχίνιος 237• 
 au^ijj' 269. 
 
 ai'cuf (Aeol.) 71, 213• 
 
 άφάρτΐρος 254• 
 άφίωκα (Dor.) 96, 
 520. 
 
 άφητωρ 27δ. 
 αφθιτος 37• 
 άφΐγμαι 522. 
 άφιημι 220, 230, 232. 
 άφικνίομαι 522. 
 αφνω 325• 
 άφραδης 366. 
 αφροί III, 248. 
 πφρωι. 83, 345• 
 ^χορίί 376• 
 άχαρίστ(ρος 376• 
 αχ^ί^δώι/ 272. 
 αχ^ομαι 475• 
 
 αχι (Dor.j 564• 
 
 α;^λύω 128, 488. 
 "Χΐ"7 245• 
 αχι/υμαι 463, 475• 
 αχός 279• 
 αψευδ;;^ 279; 366. 
 
 βάΒψ 559• 
 /3ά^ω 478. 
 
 βαθμός 239• 
 3ά^οί 279• 
 βάθρον 251. 
 iSa^us 264. 
 
 /SatVo) II, 65, 75) 142, 
 205, 470, 477, 478, 
 506. 
 
 βάκτρον 257• 
 
 /3αληΐΌϊ 205• 
 
 βαλΐίην 532• 
 
 βα\€Ϊμ(ν 532• 
 
 βαλβίι; 67, 5θ5• 
 
 βα\(ω 499• 
 
 βαλίόί 238. 
 
 /3ολλί^ω 1 59• 
 
 βάλλω 67, 129, 205, 
 
 478, 505, 527• 
 
 βάλλων 1 66. 
 βαμβαίνω 480. 
 
 βανά (Boeot.) 65, 205, 
 236, 295• 
 
 βάπτω 473• 
 βαρά-γχος jZ. 
 βάραθρον 68, 251. 
 βάρβαρος 159, 233- 
 βαρύα 235• 
 βαρΰθω 475• 
 βαρϋνω 49*^ 
 
 βαρύί 33) 47, 67, 205, 
 264,322,475• 
 
 βαρίιτης 284• 
 
 βασίλ(ΐος 237• 
 
 βασιλΐύς 3° note, 7Ι) 
 72, 79) 122, 268, 298, 
 299) 300, 305) 316, 
 338, 340, 489• 
 
 βασιλ(ύτ(ρος 254• 
 βασιλίύω 128, 489• 
 βασιληιος (Ιοπ.) 237• 
 βάσιμος 239• 
 
 /3άσΐΓ 65, 141, 169,239, 
 
 262. 
 βασκαίνω 49*^• 
 /3άσκαί/οί 242, 49°• 
 /ίίάσκω 424, 47°, 540• 
 βάσσω 375* 
 /3ατόϊ 258. 
 βαφ,? 236. 
 βδίω 1 07. 
 
 βίβασαν (ΗοΓΠ.) 523. 
 β€βάσι 8θ. 
 βφαώς 552. 
 βΐβηκα 520. 
 βφλάστηκα ^IJ . 
 βΐβ\αφα 521. 
 βΐβλΐφα 5ΐ8, 521. 
 βφλήατο (Horn.) 523. 
 
 βφληκα 520. 
 βίβρΐκται 107. 
 βεβρΓ^α5ΐ8. 
 βίβρωκα 520. 
 
 βίΐλόμΐρος (Boeot.) 205 
 note I. 
 
 βΐίομαι (Horn.) 498• 
 βίλΐμνον 240. 
 
 βίλλ(ται (Thess.) 205 
 
 note I. 
 βάλλομαι (Thess.) 148. 
 /3ελο? 67, 8o, 279. 
 
 βΐλτατος 258, 378. 
 β(λτ€ρος 378. 
 βίλτιστος 259, 378. 
 βΐλτίων 378• 
 βΐλφ'ιν- (Boeot.) 205 
 
 note I. 
 βίλφϊν- (Lesb. ' 205 
 
 note I. 
 
 βίμβϊξ 285. 
 |3eV^of 279. 
 βΐντιστος (Dor.) 133. 
 βηλός 247. 
 βήμα 273. 
 
 3^ξ 494• 
 
 βησομΐν (Horn.) 526. 
 
 βησομαι 422. 
 
 βησσω 494• 
 
 β,^σω 422. 
 
 βία 51, 205. 
 
 βιβάω 424• 
 
Index 
 
 351 
 
 βίβημί 424, 459. 
 βιβλ'ιον 7^. 
 βιβρώσκω 47 1• 
 
 βί»;(Ιοη.) 51. 
 
 βίηφι{ΐ') 3θ6. 
 βιός 205. 
 βίος 205, 2θ6. 
 βιοτι; 258. 
 βίοτος 258. 
 βιώναι 2θ6. 
 βλαβίρός 248. 
 βλαβησομαι ζΟΙ, 
 βΧαδιφός Ι45• 
 βλακίστΐρο! 376. 
 βλα^ 145, 376. 
 βλάπτω 473> 51 Ι• 
 βλασται^ω 467, 473. 
 βλάστη 258. 
 βλαστό? 258, 472. 
 βλάψομαι 499• 
 βλά\|/^ω 499• 
 
 βλίΐ»?!' 532. 
 
 βλύμ€ν 532. 
 
 βλίμμα 1 1 7, Ι5δ• 
 
 βλίννος 117, 223. 
 
 βλ€7ΓτΟΓ 109. 
 
 βλίττω 92, 109, 117 
 
 158, 521. 
 βλήδ»?!^ 559- 
 
 βλ^μα 273• 
 βληχρ05 Ι45• 
 βλίσσω 493, 509• 
 βλίττω 145, 493 J 509• 
 βλοσυρώπΐί 263. 
 βλύ^ω 478. 
 
 βλωθρός 68, 145, 251. 
 βλώσκω 145, 470• 
 βλώ>/Λ 92. 
 βοη8ρόμο5 32. 
 βοηθίω 8θ. 
 βοηλασίά 289• 
 βοηνόμος 289. 
 βοητνς 266. 
 βό^ροΓ 248. 
 βολΐ7 236. 
 
 βόλλα (Lesb.) 69, 1 48. 
 
 βάλλομαι (Lesb.) 1 1 7, 
 
 148. 
 βόλοΓ 236. 
 
 βοόκλ(•ψ 289. 
 βορά 236. 
 βοριάς 8 Ο. 
 
 βορΓ^Γ (Ι on.) 80. 
 
 βοράς 236. 
 βοσ/«7 2 53• 
 βοσκήσω 499• 
 /3όσκω 253, 470. 
 βοτρϋδόν 559• 
 
 βότρυ? 119, 265. 
 
 βουβών 209• 
 βουλ(ύω 489. 
 βουλ,? 69, 4δ9• 
 βονλήσομαι 499• 
 βουληφόρος 28g. 
 βοΰλομαι 6g, Ι48, 2θ5; 
 
 205 note ι, 420, 421, 
 430, 402. 
 
 βουνάμος 289. 
 βούπαις 289• 
 
 βοΰϊ 1 8, 29, 63,96,205, 
 234, 28;, 294, 298, 
 299, 300, 302, 305. 
 3ο8, 311, 312, 314: 
 3ΐ6, 339• 
 
 βραγχος y8. 
 βραδύνω 490• 
 βραδύς 264. 
 βραδντής 284. 
 βράσσω 375, 478. 
 βράττω 478. 
 βραχύς 264. 
 βρίγδην Ιθ7• 
 βρερω 143, 497• 
 βρεταϊ 283, 370. 
 βρβχω 1 09. 
 βριαράς 248, 475• 
 βρι'ίω 478• 
 βρί^οϊ 28ο. 
 βρίθω 88, 475• 
 βρομΐω 497. 
 βρόμας 236. 
 βροι/τΐ7 1 43, 258. 
 βροτάς 145• 
 βρώσις 262. 
 βρωτήρ 68. 
 βρωτός 258. 
 βρωτύς 206. 
 βύβλινος 243• 
 
 βυβλίον 73. 
 βύκτης 1 59• 
 βωΐίί'ω (Ιοπ.) 8θ. 
 βώι/ (Dor.) 54, 63. 
 βώτωρ 278, 470. 
 
 γα (Dor.) 80. 
 γαγγαλί'^ω 429. 
 γαίω 475, 478. 
 γάλη 230, 285, 30Ι, 
 
 344- 
 
 γαμίω 2 1 6, 499• 
 γαργαίρω 429, 48θ. 
 γαργπλι^ω 429• 
 γαστΐ7ρ 278, 359- 36θ. 
 ■γάστρις 376. 
 γαστρίστίρος 376. 
 γάστρωι/ 269. 
 γαΰ (Arcad.) 321. 
 γαΰλοί 247• 
 ye 40. 
 
 γ€γα('ρω 49 ϊ• 
 γίγαμ^ν g6, 5 1 8. 
 yeyap»7/<a 520. 
 γί-γαρός 49 1 • 
 yfytiTT;!/ (Hom.) 523• 
 ■γίγιιώς 552• 
 γί'γευραι 518, 522. 
 ■γΐγηθα 5 1 8. 
 γίγλνμμαι 5Ι7• 
 •yi-yova 65, 96, 421, 429, 
 518. 
 
 yeyoi/eta 235, 546, 552- 
 
 yeyoi'uta (Ion.) 235. 
 
 γ€γονώς ζζ2. 
 
 ■γί•γραμμαί Ι IJ. 
 
 yiy ραπται 1 07. 
 
 γί'γραφα 5 1 7, 5ΐ8, 521. 
 
 γ€γραφ(ναι 546• 
 
 ■γ€γρύφθαι 221, 548• 
 
 yeypux/zopnt 50Ι• 
 
 yeiVati/a 235• 
 
 ■γάτων 269• 
 
 γελίΐσίΐΌί 244• 
 
 γίλάω 458, 468. 
 
 γελωί 279, 298, 368, 
 492. 
 
 γελώω (Hom.) 492. 
 
352 
 
 Index 
 
 ytvia 51. 
 
 
 y^pui 264. 
 
 γομφίος 32, 237. 
 
 ytvii) (Ion.) 51. 
 
 
 yi^p^M 128, 488. 
 
 yo>0oi, 46, 140, 162, 
 
 γΐνίθλη 250. 
 
 
 yiyas 69, 1 54, 1 66. 
 
 236. 
 
 ■yeVe^Xoi' 250. 
 
 
 γίyvoμaι 20, 89, 96, 97, 
 
 γόνατα 6g. 
 
 yevfias 285. 
 
 
 117, 189, 421, 429, 
 
 γονενς 267. 
 
 yffHou 237. 
 
 
 457, 503• 
 
 γονή 236, 372. 
 
 yeveais 97, 262. 
 
 
 yιyί'ώσκω 189, 212, 354, 
 
 yoiO? 236, 372. 
 
 yeveTfipa 322. 
 
 
 424,471• 
 
 γόνν 97, 1 1 8, 188, 264. 
 
 yei^er^ 258. 
 
 
 yίvoμat 1 89. 
 
 yooi 484. 
 
 γίί /er^p 33, 278, 359. 
 
 γινώσκω 1 89. 
 
 γόργνρη 7^. 
 
 yfveτηs 258. 
 
 
 γλάφυ 264. 
 
 γοίνα (Ion.) 69, 118. 
 
 y(V(τωp 49, 49 
 
 note, 
 
 yXa(f)vpos 248. 
 
 γοννο! (Ion.) 302. 
 
 278, 359- 
 
 
 γλάφω 456. 
 
 γράβ^ην I07. 
 
 ytprjaopni 499. 
 
 
 yXTjj/of 280. 
 
 γράδιον 8θ. 
 
 yeVoy 20, 30, 33, 44, 46, 
 
 yλvκaίι>ω 490. 
 
 ypnppa 117. 
 
 47 note 2, 80,89,97, 
 
 yXvKf'ia 235. 
 
 γραπτίο! 255, 556. 
 
 147, 188, 213, 
 
 279. 
 
 y\u(ci;s• 264, 322, 490. 
 
 γραπτνς 266. 
 
 301, 302, 305 
 
 309, 
 
 yXuKUrfpoy 254, 376. 
 
 γραφζΰς 267. 
 
 314, 316, 319 
 
 364. 
 
 yAi'Kijr/jr 284. 
 
 γράφηντι (Mess.) 528. 
 
 366, 370. 
 
 
 γλύσσω 375. 
 
 γραφησομαι 501. 
 
 yeVro 143. 
 
 
 yλvφίς 285. 
 
 γράφω ΐ8, 25, 63, Ι09, 
 
 yeVuf 44, III, 
 
 237, 
 
 y\^(j6w 426, 456, 507. 
 
 117, 163, 212, 221, 
 
 264. 
 
 
 γλύψω 499. 
 
 426, 456, S03, 5ο6, 
 
 yepai 80. 
 
 
 γλώσσα (Ion.) 129,235, 
 
 S07, 522. 
 
 yfpaios 237. 
 
 
 322. 
 
 γράψομαι 499• 
 
 yepairfpos 254, 376. 
 
 γλώττα 129. 
 
 ΤΡ'ίΝί'ω 499. 
 
 ■yepai/of 1 97. 
 
 
 yXcu;^iy 348. 
 
 γυμνής 285. 
 
 yt papas 248. 
 
 
 γνάθων 269. 
 
 γνμνήτης 285. 
 
 yi>i 283, 370. 
 
 
 yi/r^Tos 90. 
 
 yupvoi 241. 
 
 yepy^poi 233. 
 
 
 yiOi'r/j^ 532. 
 
 ywat 230. 
 
 γβρούσιοί 237. 
 
 
 γνοΐμΐν 532. 
 
 ywatoi/ 295. 
 
 y^pf^v 230, 275, 
 
 299, 
 
 yj/o^/ia (Thess.) 54 
 
 γυνή 20, 205, 236, 295, 
 
 352. 
 
 
 note. 
 
 343- 
 
 yeu^^oy 239. 
 
 
 yrovs354, 355. 
 
 γωνιά 97• 
 
 yfύoμaι 1 88. 
 
 
 γνύξ 97 
 
 
 yevarof 258. 
 
 
 γνώθι 540. 
 
 δαγκάι/ω 466. 
 
 y(ίιω 16, 61. 
 
 
 yi/a/ia 273. 
 
 δάζαθαι (Cret.) 166. 
 
 ye(j>vpa 486. 
 
 
 γνώμεναι (Hom.) 1 46, 
 
 δα^νοι 146. 
 
 yeφvρόω 486. 
 
 
 273, 546. 
 
 δαήρ 57, 122, 277, 359, 
 
 γεωμίτρης 323. 
 
 
 γνώμη 54 note, 239. 
 
 36ο. 
 
 yηθoμaι 47ζ. 
 
 
 γνωμών 273. 
 
 δαιδάλλω 429, 485• 
 
 γηθόσνίΌς 246. 
 
 
 γνώναι ΐφ, 546. 
 
 Satpowof 237• 
 
 yiyiVoy 243. 
 
 
 yi/QJois 262. 
 
 δαίμων 82, 92, 96, 237, 
 
 y»7pa(V 532. 
 
 
 γνώσομίΗ 422, 499. 
 
 298-300, 302, 3°5ι 
 
 yvpaidf 237. 
 
 
 V^ros 54, 97, 147, 1 88, 
 
 345• ^ 
 
 y^paj 237, 283. 
 
 
 258. 
 
 δαινϋμι 463• 
 
 yl7pάπ■ιfω 458, 
 
 470, 
 
 γνώτω 54 I. 
 
 δαίομαι 478. 
 
 506. 
 
 
 yoa«484. 
 
 δαίϊ 285. 
 
 yr /ράω 4 70. 
 
 
 yoyyvXXw 429. 
 
 δαίτνμών 273• 
 
Index 
 
 353 
 
 baiTvs 266, 273. 
 
 ίαίω 75, 125, 129, 478• 
 
 ίίακίθνμοί 289. 
 ίακί Γι^ 5^5 • 
 δά<ί/ω 462, 468, 505• 
 ίάκος 279• 
 
 δάκρυ 5. 43, 47. "9. 
 
 229, 265, 488• 
 ^ακρνσίστίίκτος 292. 
 ^ακρΰω 483» 488. 
 δάμαρ 295• 
 δα/χύσαι 46 1. 
 δαμάσσαι (Hom.) 509• 
 δαμάσω 499• 
 ίαμάω 458, 512. 
 50^1-05298,301,354,355• 
 δαμνάτω ζ^"^• 
 δαμνάω φ2. 
 8άμνημι 424, 433, 46θ, 
 
 46ι. 
 δάμοί(ΌθΓ.) 52 note ΐ• 
 
 δάΐΌί 9^, 241, 28ο. 
 δαπανάω φ"] note. 
 
 δαπάντ] φη note, 473• 
 
 δάττίδομ 287• 
 
 δάπτω 473• 
 
 δαρθάνω φΤ• 
 
 δαρτόί 67. 
 
 δάσασ^αι ΐ66. 
 
 δασμοί 239• 
 
 δάσσασ^αι (Horn.) 166. 
 
 δασύ? 65. 
 
 δατίομαι ΐ66, 239• 
 
 δατηριος 237• 
 
 δάττα^(9α4 (Cret.) 166. 
 
 δαυλοί 8θ. 
 
 δαφνών 209• 
 
 δ£ατοι (Arcad.) 528. 
 
 δίδαρμαι 5 1 8. 
 δίδαρμίνο! 6y, 89, 5^8. 
 δβδ^ίγ/χαι III. 
 δίδίκα 520. 
 δίδΐμαι 520. 
 δ(δησομαι 5© Ι. 
 δίδι/ναι 54^• 
 δ(5ίσκομαι 47 1 • 
 δίδορκα 3θ, 38, 44,46, 
 
 96, ι82, 421, 429, 
 
 5ΐ6-ι8. 
 
 δΐδορκώς 552. 
 δίδοχη 521. 
 δίδράκα 520. 
 δίδωκα 520. 
 δίίλόί 247• 
 δίίδΐί (Horn.) 523• 
 δ€ίδι(9ι (Horn.) 540. 
 δίίδιμίν (Horn.) 124. 
 
 δ€/κ€λϋΙ/247• 
 
 δίίκνυμΕΐΌΓ 553• 
 
 δύκνΰμι 58, 354, 433, 
 434, 463, 504, 54θ• 
 
 δ(ΐκνίναι 546. 
 
 δ€ίκννοίμι 534• 
 
 δίίκνυ? 298, 30Ι, 354, 
 355• 
 
 δίίκννσα 322. 
 
 δΐίκννσβαι ζ/^8. 
 
 δΐίκννσο 543• 
 
 δβικνυω 465• 
 
 δ€ύσfι (Cret.) 526. 
 
 δ(ΐ\ακρίων 269. 
 
 δύλακρο! 269. 
 
 δίΐλϋί 247• 
 
 δ«/χα 273• 
 
 δίίίΌ 41 5 • 
 
 δείΐ'όί 24Ι• 
 
 δβϊξαι 543, 547• 
 
 δί/^αιμι 535• 
 δίΐ'^αί 547• 
 δίίξίω 500. 
 δίίξΐϊ 202. 
 δΐίξω 498, 5°°• 
 δίίπνητήριον 237• 
 δείττί-ί^ω 495• 
 δίΐπΓοι/ 495• 
 δ€φη (Ion.) 5Ι• 
 δείρω 478• 
 
 δΐκα 5, 44,65. 171, ι8 2, 
 384• 
 
 δίΐίάκΐί 394• 
 δίκάπου? 289• 
 
 δ«ά! III, 396. 
 δίκατοΓ 97, 258, 377,390. 
 
 δίκομαι 521 • 
 
 δίκοτος (Lesb. Arcad.) 
 
 ^390• 
 
 δΐκτη! 258. 
 
 δεκτό (Horn.) 221, 507. 
 Α a 
 
 δ€\€αρ 271, 37 1 • 
 δελετροι/ 257. 
 δ(\φακίνη 244• 
 δίλφαξ 285. 
 
 δ(\φΊν- 2ο5 note ι. 
 δίλφΓί 348. 
 
 δελφυί 205. 
 
 δε/^οΓ 9°, 283. 
 
 δερω 68, 236. 
 
 δει-δρ,^"^ 276. 
 
 δε'ί/ΐΌί 223, 245• 
 
 δε^ίΟΓ 238. 
 
 δε|ιτεροί 32, 258, 378- 
 
 δΐος 79, 128, 279• 
 
 δε'ττα (Horn.) 80. 
 
 δε'παί 283. 
 
 δίρη 51. 
 
 δίρκημαι 64, 67, 83, 89, 
 
 96, 421, 456, 5θ5• 
 
 δίρμα 273• 
 
 δίρρά (Lesb.) 51. 
 δίρρω (Lesb.) 478. 
 δε'ρω 67, 89, 217, 258, 
 
 26ο, 51 8. 
 δε'σΐί 262. 
 δεσρόί 326. 
 δΐσμώτηί 258. 
 δίσποινα 322. 
 δ€σπόνησίν (Ιοη.) 321. 
 δΐσπότης 144> 258, 299, 
 
 321, 323• 
 δεστΓοτίσκοί 253• 
 Δευί (Boeot. Cret. Lac.) 
 
 129. 
 δ(ίτ(ρο! 39°• 
 δε'φω 468. 
 δε'χ^αι 221, 548. 
 δίχομαι 429, 507, 5^6. 
 δεψω 468. 
 δε'ω 79, 128, 478. 
 δηδ€χαται (Hom.) 429. 
 
 516, 521. 
 δηκτήριος 237• 
 δήλομαι (Dor.) 148, 205, 
 
 205 note I, 462• 
 δήλος 486• 
 δ^λόω b', 17, 80, 486, 
 
 527, 540• 
 δηΧωθήσομαι 501. 
 
354 
 
 Index 
 
 ^ηΚώσω 499• 
 δημοβόρος 32. 
 δημότΐρος 254• 
 δημότης 258. 
 ΔημίύΡαξ 8θ. 
 
 δ,^ν 559• 
 
 δηρίομαι 483) 4^7• 
 Βηρις 26ο. 
 
 δ^Ρ"*' 559• 
 
 δησω 50Ι. 
 
 δ^-45•, 
 
 διαβατηριος 237• 
 διάκοσιήκΐΓ 394• 
 διακόσιοι 387• 
 διακοσιοστόϊ 393• 
 διδάξω 499• 
 διδάσκω 1 86, 429> 47 1 5 
 
 5ΐ3• 
 δι'δοι 54° note. 
 8ι8οίην 533• 
 
 Βίδόμΐρος 553• 
 δίδομαι 546• 
 δίδοσθαι 548. 
 8ίδοσο 543• 
 διδότω 541 • 
 διδότωσαν 542• 
 διδου 540• 
 
 διδούί 17, 69, 154, ι66, 
 298,301,354, 355• 
 
 διδοίσα 154, 3^^. 
 διδράσκω 47 1 • 
 
 δι'δω^ι 8, 33, 38, 49 i^ote, 
 54,82,83,85,87,96, 
 169, 171, 354, 429, 
 433, 434, 455. 472, 
 529. 
 
 διδώσω (Hom.) 499 
 
 δΐίρόί 205. 
 
 διίφθορα 5 1 8. 
 
 δίζημαι 459• 
 
 δίζομαι 459• 
 
 Δ» 337• 
 
 δικάζω 495, 499• 
 δίκαιο: 237• 
 δικαιοσύνη 246. 
 δικάσ(σ)ω 499• 
 δικάω 499• 
 δικεϊ;; ΐ82. 
 
 δίκ^ 111,236, 495• 
 
 ίκτ] 56ι. 
 
 δίκησι 321. 
 
 διξόί (Ιοη.) 129, 395- 
 
 διόζοτος 21. 
 Aio^ei» 568. 
 
 Γοί 125, 129,234,237, 
 302, 337• 
 
 Διόσδοτοί 21, 23, 37: 
 
 292. 
 Διόσκουροι 37, 292. 
 διττλίί (Cret.) 562. 
 
 διττλό? 395• 
 
 διπλούς 395• 
 
 διττού? 38 1 • 
 
 δις 124, 394, 575• 
 
 δίσκος ΐ86, 253• 
 
 δισχίλιοστόί 393• 
 
 διττός (δισσόϊ) 395• 
 
 δι'φροί 37, 82, 89, φ 
 
 97• 
 δί> 395• 
 διχθά 129, 395- 
 
 διχ^ίίδιοΓ 237• 
 δίψα 322. 
 διψαλί'οί 247• 
 δίψος 247• 
 δ/χ7?η7Ρ 68, 278. 
 δμητός 68. 
 
 δ/χώί 34°• 
 
 δορΐναι (Cypr.)79. 271 
 
 304, 546. 
 δοθησομαι ζΟί. 
 δοίημίν 531" 
 
 δοι'»?!^ 532, 533. 
 
 δοκιμάζω 495• 
 δόκιμο? 495• 
 δόλιχος 20Ι. 
 SoXoeis 276. 
 
 δό/χβΐί- (Rhodes) 549• 
 δόμ€ν (Horn.) 273, 305» 
 
 549• 
 δόμίΐΌΐ (Horn.) 273, 
 ,545, 546. 
 
 δόμΐνος 553• 
 δόμην{€τ&ί.) 549• 
 δόμος 46, 17 1» 236, 
 
 287. 
 δόξα 129, ΐ67, 322. 
 δορικμης 285. 
 
 οοριπονος 292. 
 δόρΙ 234- 
 
 δορός 69, ΙΙ9> 124• 
 δόρυ 264. 
 
 δόί 524, 539• 
 
 δόσ^αι 548• 
 δόσΐϊ ΐ69, 262. 
 δόσκοί' (Ιοη.) 469. 
 δότίφα 235, 322. 
 δοτίος 255, 55^. 
 δοτηρ 82, 235, 278, 322, 
 
 359,361. 
 δοτός 49 note, 87, 96, 
 
 258,555• 
 δότω 54^• 
 
 δοΟ 543• 
 
 δονλΐίος 237• 
 
 δούλη 236. 
 
 δοΟλοί 486. 
 
 δονλοσύνη 246. 
 
 δουλόσυίΌί 246. 
 
 δουλόο) 486. 
 
 δοΰμςν 8θ. 
 
 δοΰί/αι 79> 271, 304, 
 
 546. 
 δονρός (Ιοη.) 17, 69, 
 
 119, Ϊ24, 302. 
 δούί 354, 355• 
 
 δόχμιοΓ 237• 
 δοχμός ητ,, 239• 
 δράγμα 489• 
 δραγμίνω 489• 
 δραίηρ 532• 
 δραΐμίΐ/ 532• 
 δραίνω 129, 47^• 
 δράκων 275• 
 δραμονμαι 422. 
 δρ«ϊ 354• 
 δράσσω 47^• 
 δραστίος 255• 
 δρατόί 67, 258. 
 δράττω 478• 
 δράτω 54 1• 
 δραχμησι 321. 
 
 δράω ι8, 63, 354,478. 
 
 δρίττάνη 242, 
 δρίπανον 242. 
 δρϊμυλος 247• 
 δρομύς 285. 
 
8ρόμος 236. 
 
 δρόμων 269. 
 
 δροσΐρός 248. 
 
 δρύπτω 473• 
 
 δρώψ (Hesych.) 152. 
 
 δνάς 396. 
 
 δνμΐναι (Horn.) 546. 
 
 δνναι 546. 
 
 δυνπιτο 534• 
 
 δυναμαι (Cret.) 528. 
 
 δνναμαι 43<^) 46ΐ. 
 
 δίνωμαι 529• 
 
 δΐΌ 294, 381. 
 
 δύο καί 6efca (δυοκαίδίκα) 
 
 (Horn.) 385. 
 δυσαλγης Zgo. 
 δνσθνμο! 290. 
 δυσκλ(ηί 279• 
 δυσ/χίν^? 82, 279, 290, 
 
 298-302, 3θ8, 312, 
 
 314, 363, 364, 366, 
 
 367, 373. 
 δνσμητηρ 29Ο. 
 δνστηνος 212. 
 δυστνχΐω 43°• 
 δυστυχής 290. 
 δΰσφητος 290. 
 δύω 54, 171, 229- 
 δώδβκα 37, 124, 292, 
 
 38ι, 385. 
 
 δωδίκατος 39 L 
 
 δώίί (Boeot. Cret.) 
 
 129. 
 δώομΐν 528. 
 δωρίαι; 559• 
 δωρον 54, 96, 248. 
 δώσω 499• 
 δωτήρ 278, 
 
 δώτωρ 8, 33, 54, 82, 
 278, 298-300, 302, 
 359, 36ι. 
 
 e J24, 354, 404• 
 
 (ά-γην 43°• 
 
 έάλων 43<^. 
 
 iavdavf (Hom.) 43°• 
 
 eap 22, 67, 79» 97, 121, 
 
 . 371• 
 
 eap( 241. 
 
 Index 
 
 €αρίδρ{πτο5 292. 
 (apivos 241. 
 e^aXo;/ 129, 505. 
 
 e3oi/ (Dor.) 50, 51, 506, 
 
 708. 
 ίβδομάς 396. 
 ΐβδόμητος (Hom.) 390. 
 ίβδομήκοντα 3S6. 
 (βδομηκοστός 392. 
 (βδομος lOJ, 158, 39°• 
 e^i^i/ 70, 205, 422, 424, 
 
 458, 503, 506. 
 εβλάστηκα ζϊ"/. 
 'έβλαστον 467, 472- 
 {β\α•^α 511. 
 
 €/3λ>;ί' 458, 5ο6. 
 
 ΐβλισα 509. 
 iyyevrji 230. 
 
 e'vyi? 558. 
 
 βγίγωνε (Hom.) 523. 
 €γ(ίρω 129. 
 
 (γίΚασσα (Hom.) 509• 
 (γ(νόμην 503. 
 ("/ημα 2 1 6. 
 ίγηραρ 458, 5°6. 
 ('γήράσα 512. 
 Ιγκυκλοί 230. 
 «■)/λυψα 507. 
 €-^νωκα 517, 520. 
 «γνωι/ 63, 7°, 97» 45°, 
 458, 5ο6, 528. 
 
 (■γνωσμαί 522. 
 €•γράφην 5θ6. 
 eyparj/a 507, 5ΙΙ• 
 (γρήγορα 429• 
 e-yXeXvoi 73• 
 
 e> 44, III, ι8δ, 397, 
 
 402. 
 (γωγ€ 4° Ι, 402. 
 {γών 401, 402• 
 ΐγώνη 401, 4^2• 
 εδσισα 463• 
 6 δάκοι» 466, 505 • 
 (δάμασα 5 1 0, 512. 
 (δάμην 528• 
 (δανός 242. 
 (δάρην 67. 
 (δαρθον 467. 
 (δαφος 249• 
 
 355 
 
 εδδεισίΐ; (Hom.) 1 24. 
 (δεησα 512. 
 
 (δ(θλον 115, 213, 250. 
 (δ(ίδιμ(ν (Horn.) 523. 
 (δ(ίδισαν (Hom.) 523. 
 ?δεί^α 463, 507, 511, 
 
 531, 547. 
 
 εδίίρα 217, 5"• 
 
 (δενησα ζϊ2. 
 
 (δηδώς (Horn.) 517, 
 
 552. 
 (δηλώθην 5Ι4• 
 (δητνν 206. 
 (δίδαξα 5Ι3• 
 (δμ(ναί (Horn.) 273, 
 
 546. 
 
 (δόθψ 50Ι, 514• 
 
 εδομαί 424, 498, 526. 
 
 (δομίν 454, 5θ4• 
 ίδοί 44, 89, 115, 171, 
 ^ 213, 279, 457• 
 (δοσαν 504. 
 εδοΓΟ 504. 
 
 εδουκε (Thess.) 54 note. 
 
 (δρα 248. 
 
 (δρακον 64, 67, 83, 89, 
 
 96, 456, 503- 5θ5• 
 (δράν 458, 5ο6. 
 
 (δρανον 242. 
 
 (δ ράσα 512. 
 
 (δνσαν 5 04. 
 
 €δω6,44, 171,287,425, 
 
 , 475• 
 
 εδωδ)7 233• 
 
 έδωκα 54 note, 504, 
 
 520. 
 ie (Horn.) 404. 
 ((ΐτΓον (Horn.) 505• 
 (έσσατο (Horn.) 43Ο• 
 ({Ρ)ίρση (Horn.) 77. 
 (fos (Boeot.) 406. 
 (ζ(σα 511. 
 (ζ(σμαι 522. 
 (ζ(σσα (Hom.) 509. 
 (ζ(νξα63, 507, 511. 
 
 (ζ(υχα 521, 
 
 (ζη<α 5ΐ7• 
 
 (ζομαι 129, 458, 48 1. 
 (ζωσμαι 522. 
 
356 
 
 Index 
 
 'ίθανον 505. 
 
 'ίθηκα (Boeot.) 52 note 
 
 2. 
 (Qiiva 216, 511. 
 ΐβΐΚησα 512. 
 ίθΐΚω 430, 431. 
 (θΐλωμι (Horn.) 433 
 
 note. 
 (θίμιν 454, 504. 
 
 eOev (Dor.) 404. 
 ί'θ(σαν 504. 
 
 ΐθηκη 52 note 2, 504, 
 
 520. 
 
 (βνικόί 252. 
 e^fos 280. 
 eOpf^a 511. 
 et 40, 416. 
 ei 80. 
 fldap 271, 371. 
 
 (18ίίην 531• 
 
 (Ιδΐραι 546. 
 (Ιδίσθαι 548. 
 Εΐδί/σω 499> δ*-"-*• 
 itSo/uai 96. 
 ίί'δο/Λ€ί/ (Horn.) 526. 
 ttSor 425^ 43*^• 
 ί'δοί 279• 
 6Ϊδυία 322, 552• 
 el8m 122, 322, 552• 
 (ΐην 76, 129, 230, 433, 
 „53ΐ. 
 
 €ΐηί 6, 52. 
 «Γκα 520. 
 ΐΐκαζον 43•^• 
 eiKtiy 396• 
 ίίκοσάκίί 394• 
 €ΐί(οσι IIIj 121, 386. 
 εικοστοί 258, 392• 
 €Ϊκτην (Horn.) 523• 
 
 euTOP 518. 
 ΐϊκώ 34 1 • 
 (Ικων 34 1 • 
 eiXap 37 1 • 
 
 (ϊληλουθα (Hom.) g6, 
 ,518• 
 
 €'ίληφα 517• 
 βϊλι^χα 517- 
 
 ίΐλομαι (Horn.) 69, 462. 
 ίΐλο;(α 5Ι7> 52 1 • 
 
 ■'ιλω (Horn.) 148. 
 
 ίΐμα 273• 
 (ϊμαρτηι Sly. 
 ΐϊμ(ν 430. 
 
 e£/it38,4o, 44>44note ι, 
 45, 69, 85, 89, ιΐ7, 
 Ι40, 104, 169, 212, 
 214, 229, 427, 433> 
 434, 452, 49δ, 526. 
 
 €ΐμι 7, 12, 38, 58,83, 85, 
 96, 424, 428, 453» 
 498, 524- 
 
 €ΐν (Boeot.) 404. 
 
 (IvafTes 384• 
 
 (Ινακόσιοί 384, 3^7• 
 
 ξΐνάνυχις (Ιοη.) 384• 
 
 (ϊνατοί (Ιοη.) 69, 124, 
 39ο• 
 
 (ϊνΰμι (Ιοη.) 214, 463, 
 464• 
 
 (Ιξα 5 1 1 • 
 eh (Horn.) 404. 
 fiVe 38, 540• 
 (Ιπίμίναι (Hom.) 546. 
 (Ιπίτω 54 1 • 
 ύπόμην 219, 43°• 
 ihrov 425, 430, 457• 
 ίί'πωμι (Horn.) 433 note. 
 €lpyaζόμηv 430. 
 ΰρηκα 517. 
 (Ιροκόμος 289. 
 (ΐρομαι (Ion.) 1 24• 
 ίφΟί• 28ο. 
 ΐΐρπορ 430. 
 
 fiV 153• 
 
 eis 12, 69, 89, 96, 144, 
 
 , 154, 38ο. 
 
 ΐΐσίθμη 239• 
 ε'ι'σκω ΐ86, 47Ι• 
 ίίστ^κίΐΓ 43θ• 
 ('ίσφρα 539• 
 eiro 416, 57Ι• 
 «χοι/6, 12, 8ο, 43θ• 
 
 ΐ'ίωθα 5Ι7• 
 6ίώ? 552• 
 ίκ 222. 
 
 'Εκάβί, 73• 
 
 eKopop 505. 
 fKoy 574• 
 
 €καστάτω 564• 
 fKaarepa» 564• 
 ίκατόμβη S7, 96, 287. 
 eKaroV 65, 73> 141, ΐ82, 
 
 , 38ο, 387• 
 ίκατορτάκΐί 394• 
 6ΚατοντηΓ 396• 
 ίκατοστό? 393, 396• 
 ίκατοστυί 266. 
 (KjfpTjS 291. 
 
 eVe? 305, 325, 416, 562. 
 fKcWev 416, 568. 
 fKUvos 412, 415, 416. 
 eKdvoai 412, 416. 
 (ΚΐκΧΐτο 457. 
 ίκβλσα 212, 217, 509, 
 
 (κέρασα 512. 
 fKepbava 2ΐ6. 
 ίκίρδηνα (Ion.) 216. 
 έ'κίρσα 217, 509, 5ΙΙ• 
 6κ;?λοί 373• 
 ΐκκαιδίκατος 391 • 
 ΐκλάπηρ 6y, 89, 96, 5θ6• 
 έκλασα 512. 
 6κλίΐ-ψ•ΐί 262. 
 (κΚέφθηρ II 6. 
 eKXiiO 513• 
 'ίκνομος 2^\, 
 (κόρίσα 464. 
 
 ίκοτόν (Arcad.) 73• 
 
 (κονσίοί 237• 
 
 (κοψα 511. 
 
 ΐκπαγλοί 247• 
 
 (κρέμασα 512. 
 
 'ίκρϊρα 69• 
 
 ΐκτάθηρ 5Ι4• 
 
 eKTfipa 2 1 6, 5ΙΙ• 
 
 ΐκτίίνω 221. 
 
 ΐκτοθι 566. 
 
 e/CTOJO 517, 518. 
 
 €κτοί 221,258,350,377, 
 
 572. 
 έ'κυ^οι/ 456, 5θ5• 
 ίκνρός 124• 
 (κφίρω 221. 
 eK0pes 539• 
 
 ίκώί; 121 note, 275, 
 
 352. 
 
Index 
 
 357 
 
 ίλαβον 38, 38 note, 422, 
 505. 
 
 (Καθον 466, 505. 
 (Κακόν 470• 
 (Χάσσαι 509. 
 ί'λάσσω 375• 
 (Χασσων (Ιοπ.) 69. So, 
 
 129, 156, 210. 
 Αάσω 499• 
 ΐλατηρ 278. 
 Αοτόϊ 258. 
 {\άττωι> 69, 80,129,156, 
 
 210, 378• 
 Ααι'ί'ω 130. 
 ΐλαφος 249• 
 ΐλαφρόί 209. 
 ΐλάχιστος 259) 378. 
 ?λα;;^ο»' 466, 505• 
 (λαχνς 209,210,264,378. 
 /λάω 458, 499• 
 ΐλδομαι 474• 
 ίλίγχ^^ϊ 279• 
 iKeyxos 279• 
 eXeiii/os 24 1. 
 ίΚ(ημων 273• 
 ΐλίηνα 5θ8. 
 6λ€£λ//•α 63, 507• 5 II• 
 eXi^a 507, 51Ι• 
 ίΚΐΰθΐροί 248. 
 €\€νσομαί 02, 96. 
 ΐλίχθην 1 1 6. 
 €'λ)7λακα 5Ι7• 
 (Κί]λαμαι 5Ι7• 
 ίλτ^λου^ών 552. 
 ίΚηλνθα 517. 5ΐ8• 
 (ληλνθώί 552. 
 
 ίλ(9€ 38, 540. 
 A(9fii^ 139• 
 
 ίλιτΓοζ/ 38, 82, 97. ιι8) 
 450, 456, 5ο5• 
 
 ίλκοΓ 279• 
 
 ί'λλα (Lac.) 117, 172. 
 ίλλαβε (Horn.) 430. 
 eX λάμπω 1 49• 
 (Χ\(ίπω 230. 
 Έλλι^στΓοι/ΓΟί 37• 
 (Was 148. 
 ίλμίϊ 201. 
 eXos 279• 
 
 ΑτΓί'^ω 21, 1 29, 43 1 J 482, 
 
 493. 509• 
 ελπι'ί 343. 393. 482. 
 €λϋσα 507, 53 1 • 
 ίλντροί/ 257• 
 ίλωρ 371. 
 
 ΐμάνψ 458, 481, 5°6, 
 514- 
 
 ψβάλλω 230. 
 €>/ 397, 402. 
 fVfyf 35. 401. 402. 
 ΐ'μΐθ(ν (Hom.j 402. 
 
 ΐμίθω 475• 
 
 eMftj/a69, 216,508, 5 II• 
 f'/xeio (Horn.) 76, 402. 
 εμίμηκον (Hom.) 523. 
 
 f^fwa (Lesb.) 69, 216, 
 508. 
 
 €μ€ο (Ion.) 402. 
 
 €μεθ! (Dor.) 80, 402. 
 €μΐσΐί 262. 
 
 ϊμΐσσα (Horn.) 509. 
 ΐμ(τος 258. 
 ί'μίΰ (Ion.) 402. 
 f/xeii (Dor.) 402. 
 (μίω I40, 458, 475, 
 
 512. 
 €μηνα (Dor.) 69, 2l6. 
 
 ^Ι^ΙΨ 70, 5o6. 
 
 ΐμικτο (Hom.) 221, 507. 
 
 ΐμίν (Dor.) 402. 
 'ΐμι^α 507. 
 (μίσθωση 5 I Ο. 
 €μίχθην II 6. 
 €μμαθ€ν (Hom.) 43Ο. 
 (μμίνω 117, 150, 230. 
 ΐ'μμί (Lesb.) 69, 214. 
 
 ΐμμορα 5 1 8. 
 
 €μμορ€ (Horn.) 2 14, 232. 
 
 'ίμνησα 512. 
 
 /μοί 402. 
 
 ίμολοί» Ι45• 
 
 ί'μΟΓ 33) 4θ6. 
 
 ί'μοΰ 402. 
 
 ('μονς (Dor. Lesb.) 402. 
 
 €μπ(8όω 43 1 • 
 εμπίπτω 230. 
 ΐμπΚηντο yo. 
 €μύς 285. 
 
 ίμφίρω 23t). 
 
 βμώί (Dor.) 80. 
 
 ej/ 65, 141. 214, 230, 
 
 , 346, 387. 
 
 ('νάκις 394• 
 
 eVciXior 237. 
 
 eVar 396. 
 
 ?ΐ'ατοί69, 124,377.390. 
 
 evSeKa 37. 385• 
 
 (ΐ/δίκατος 391 • 
 
 Εί/δο^ι 566. 
 
 ΐν8οι> 287. 
 
 ΐνΐ-γκΐΐν 429. 45 7> 505 • 
 
 ει/είμη 69, 117, 2 16, 5θ8, 
 
 511. 
 ΐνψμη (Lesb.) 69, 117, 
 216, 508. 
 
 (ΐ'ίνήκοντα 386. 
 (νΐρηκοστός 39~• 
 ΐνΐρθα (Dor. Lesb.) 567. 
 
 €1>(ρθί(ν} 567. 
 ΐν(τή 258. 
 
 {"Τ 1 47• 
 
 '('νη 4 1 6. 
 
 εϊ/ί^μα (Dor.) 69, 117, 
 
 216. 
 
 evtjs 560. 
 
 'ίνησα 512. 
 
 ei'^a 567. 
 
 ei'^ev 568. 
 
 €νθών (Dor.) 133• 
 
 eVtauaioi 169. 
 
 evi -πτω 429. 
 
 eViWef 524, 539. 
 
 eVrea 79, 122, 384. 
 
 (VveaKaibiKajos 39^• 
 
 ΐννΐάμηνοί 384. 
 
 ei'1'eay 396. 
 
 ei'i'eoi'(Hoin.) 2 1 4, 43O. 
 
 ΐννήκοντα (Horn.) 386. 
 
 f ΐΊ/ϋμι 1 2 1 note, 463, 464. 
 
 (vos 44, 213, 378. 
 
 ίνότηί 284. 
 
 ivs 153. 
 
 eiT fCret.) 12, 69, 154, 
 
 380. 
 ΐντανθα 567. 
 (VTfS (Dor.) 354. 
 eWoi 350, 572. 
 
358 
 
 Index 
 
 fvvnviov 237. 
 fwnvos 37• 
 f'l 109, 222. 
 ίξ 221, 384. 
 e^OKty 394. 
 (ξηκόσιοι 387. 
 ίξαμμαι 5 1 7. 
 ίξάπονί 289. 
 e|a? 396. 
 
 fi" 539, 540. 
 
 (ζΐνρΐ 38. 
 (ζηκοντα 386. 
 (ζηκοστός 392. 
 (ξηρανα 2 1 6, 508• 
 (ξηρασμαι 522. 
 ί^ω IIS- 
 ί^ω 564. 
 «Ιω^ίν 568. 
 
 eo (Horn.) 404• 
 e'oi (Horn.) 404. 
 eotKal86, 470,471, 517, 
 
 S18. 
 «Όλπα 517, 5 1 8. 
 f'opya 518. 
 e'oi (Horn.) 33, 406. 
 fov (Dor.) 404. 
 eoCs (Dor. Boeot.) 404. 
 ΐπαθον 64, 65, 89, 422, 
 
 . 470; 
 
 (πακτηρ 278. 
 eVa^a (Dor.) 8o. 
 eVfii; 416. 
 eneiaa 1 66, 509, 5 II, 
 
 520. 
 ίπΐίσθην no, 179. 
 {'neira 57 1. 
 (πίλασα 46 1, 5 12. 
 ίπίμφθην II 6. 
 ΐπ€μ\Ι/α 511. 
 βπίο 543. 
 
 (π(πιθμ(ν (Horn.) 523. 
 (7Γ(πληγον (Horn.) 523• 
 inenovddv 430. 
 (πΐπόνβη 430. 
 inep&va 5 08. 
 (πίρασσα (Horn.) 509. 
 enepaa 1 66, 509. 
 ίπΐσβόλης 289. 
 ΐπίτασα 46 1. 
 
 ΐΤΓΐφνον 429, 457, 505. 
 
 ίΤΓϊ^λα 217, 221, 507, 
 
 509. 
 ('πίβδαι 82, 89, 96, Ι07, 
 , ^58. 
 
 ΐΤΓίβητωρ 278. 
 επίγαιος 29 1. 
 ΐπιγοννίς 285. 
 €πίθ(Τ05 291. 
 effi^oj/ 456, 505• 
 (πιληθω 274• 
 ΐπιλησμων 274• 
 eViTToX^f 560. 
 ίπισσΐίων (Hom.) Ι24• 
 (πίστη μα 273• 
 (ττίστωμαι 529• 
 ('πισυρίστάτοι (Arcad.) 
 . 528. , 
 
 ίπίσχ€ρω 306, 564. 
 ϊπίχαλκος 29 1 • 
 eVip^^drtos• 237• 
 fVXay^a 1 53, 5Ι3• 
 en-Xe^a 51Ι• 
 €πλ€υσα 51Ι• 
 (πΧίχθην Ιΐ6. 
 ('ποίφυζα 513• 
 ίπομαι 44) 89, 96, 202, 
 
 213, 219, 420, 456, 
 , 505,^524, 539• 
 ϊποποιός 28g. 
 eVoy 121, 202 note 3, 
 
 212, 247, 279• 
 'ίπραθον 67• 
 /πτά 33, 44, 64, Ι07, 
 
 157,158,213,384• 
 
 ίπταισμαι ^IJ. 
 ίπτακαώίκατοί 39 1• 
 ετΓτάκίί 394• 
 ίΤΓτακόσιοι 387• 
 ίπτάι/ (Dor.) 458, 506. 
 ΐτΓταξα (Dor.) 96. 
 ετττάπου? 289• 
 ετΓτά? 396• 
 'ίπτην 458• 
 'ίπτηχα 521. 
 Εττΰλλιοί/ 247• 
 ΐραμαι 4S8• 
 epaopni 458• 
 β'ράω 458. 
 
 epyoi; 44 I^Oie 2, 121, 
 
 188. 
 Εργω 521. 
 ερδω 1 29• 
 (ρ€β(σφι 3θ6• 
 ΐρφος 77,117, 136,205, 
 
 205 note 2, 207, 231, 
 
 279• 
 
 ερ^ίδω Ι10, 274• 
 ΐρείκω 456, 5°5• 
 6ρ6(πω 456, 5^5 ■ 
 ΐρΐΐσμα 274• 
 'Epe/irjs 78• 
 epepvos 1 1 7, 207. 
 ('ρίπτω 473• 
 ΐ'ρίσσω 129 note 2. 
 f'peTij 73. 
 
 fper?;? 129 note 2, 239. 
 ('ρίτμός 239. 
 ?'ρΐττω 129 note 2. 
 
 ΐρίύγομαί 420, 456, 505. 
 
 φίφω 473. 
 
 fpii 260, 285, 343. 
 
 'ίριφοί 249. 
 
 ipKilos "iyj . 
 
 epKos 279. 
 
 f'p/ia 273. 
 
 'Ερμ^ί 78. 
 
 ?ρζ/θϊ 28ο. 
 
 ΐρομαι 124• 
 
 έρπω 44, 136, 157, 213, 
 
 ^ 430, 456. 
 
 ίρρά-γη 123- 
 
 ϊρρά-γην 458• 
 
 eppfoi; (Hom.)2l5, 43°• 
 
 βρρηθην Ι 23• 
 
 fpp»7|a 123, 232, 430• 
 
 i^ppiya 518. 
 
 'ίρριπτον 43°• 
 
 'ίρρΧφα 521. 
 
 ίρρίφθην 1 1 6. 
 
 ΐρρνην 5θ6. 
 
 ερρωγα 82, 83, 96, 123, 
 
 , 5ΐ7•, 
 
 €ρρωγώί ζ $2, 
 ΐρση 77, 236• 
 €ρσ;7ν(Ιοη.)67, 212,217, 
 
 . 345; 
 €ρυγ7άΐ'ω 466. 
 
Index 
 
 359 
 
 ('pvyt'iv 466, 505. 
 (ρνθρϊνο: 244, 
 fpvdpos 9, 22, 30 note, 
 33, 47,77, 136, 177, 
 ^231, 248. 
 fpvKQKov 429. 
 €ρνκανάω φ"] note. 
 ίρ\)κάν(ύ 467. 
 fpvKfu 429, 467. 
 ίρχαται 521. 
 ep^o/xat 425. 
 *Ερ;^ομ€»'θί 73. 
 epwf 279, 368. 
 « 524, 539. 
 " 153• 
 
 fi (Boeot. Thess.) 222. 
 εσάλτΓίγΙα 1 53, 5 09. 
 εσάλτησα 509. 
 ίσά-πψ 5θ6. 
 εσ3»?ΐ' 458, 501, 5ο6. 
 e'ff^ijy 121, 121 note. 
 %σθι 44 note I. 
 βσ^ίω 424, 425, 475• 
 ίσθΧόί 250. 
 (.αθω 475• 
 ΐσκ(δασα 46 1. 
 (σπακα 520. 
 ΐσπαρμαι 67. 
 (στταρται 5 1 8. 
 ΐσπασμαι 522. 
 ΐσπασται 468. 
 ίσπίΐκα 520. 
 ΐσπίίσα 1 66, 5ΙΙ• 
 (σπίΐσται 153 note. 
 'ίσττΐνσα (Cret.) 1 66. 
 ίσπΐράς 560. 
 eVrrepii'di 24Ι. 
 eanepos 121 note, 212. 
 ίσπίσθαι 89, 9^, 457, 
 
 , 505• 
 
 ΐσπομην 429• 
 
 «σσα 463• 
 
 ίσ(σ)ειια 5ΙΟ• 
 
 ίσσβυε (Hom.)l29, 232. 
 
 ΐστάθην 5Ι4• 
 
 ίσταθι 540• 
 
 €στάλ/;ι/ 67. 
 
 «στάλ^αι 54^. 
 
 €σταλκα 517, 520. 
 
 ΐσταλμαί 67. 
 
 «σταλτο 221. 
 
 ίστάμ(ν (Horn.) 273, 
 
 , 549• 
 
 ΐσταμ(ΐ> (Horn.) 523. 
 
 ί'στα^ίΓαι (Hom.) 273, 
 
 546. 
 
 ίστί»/ (Dor.) 50, 504• 
 ΐστατ€ (Horn.) 523. 
 (στατον (Hom.) 523• 
 ίστάτω 541 • 
 ίσταώί 552. 
 {"στίίλα 217) 5θ9• 
 ίστΐΧΚα (Lesb.) 509• 
 ΐστηκα 5θΙ, 517, 520. 
 (στηκώί 552. 
 'ίστην 422, 426, 454, 
 
 , 5?3, 504. 
 
 ΐστήξω 50Ι. 
 
 έστησαν 38 note, 504• 
 
 ίστηω! ζζ2. 
 
 ίστί 266. 
 
 εστία 44 note Ι, Ι2Ι 
 
 note. 
 ΐστιξα 507. 
 εσηχοι/ 456, 505• 
 iuTOptaa 90. 
 εστροφα 5 1 8. 
 έστω 230. 
 'ίστων 542. 
 ίστωτ€ς 3 1, 
 έ'σϋρα 217, 509, 5^1- 
 ΐσφηλα 217, 509, 5^1• 
 ΐσχατοί Ι09, 377• 
 'ίσχ^θον 475• 
 εσχί;κα 5Ι7• 
 6σχ,7/ίαι 517- 
 ΐσχισα ^OJ. 
 'ίσχον 224, 475• 
 εταίρα 235- 
 ΐτάκην 5θ6. 
 ετάλασσα (Hesych.) 90, 
 
 . 97• 
 
 ΐταρος 235• 
 ΐτάρπην 5θ6. 
 ετεα 44 note 3• 
 ΐτίθψ 514• 
 
 ετεΐί/α 2ΐ6, 5ΙΪ• 
 ετειοί 237• 
 
 ετεισα 463, 5 1 1 • 
 ετεκοί' 457, 5θ3• 
 (Τΐ\(σσα (Hom.) 509. 
 ετεροΓ 94, 254, 3^0. 
 (τερψα 511. 
 έτίρωθΐν (Horn.) 94• 
 (τίρωθί (Horn.) 94• 
 ε'τε'ρωσε (Horn.) 94• 
 erf τακτό (Hom.) 523. 
 ΐτΐτμον 505. 
 (τίτρψα 5Ι3• 
 (Τΐτυκτο (Horn.) 523. 
 €Τίνξα 511. 
 ΐτηξα 511. 
 έ'τϊλα 217, 509, 5ΙΙ• 
 (ΤΪμηθην 50Ι, 5Ι4• 
 ('τίμησα 5 ΙΟ. 
 ετλα;- (Dor.) 70, 506. 
 
 ετλί^ι/ 7ο, 458) 5ο6. 
 
 ΐτμαγον go. 
 
 ετόί 96. 
 
 ετοΓ 121, ΐ64, 
 
 , ^?9• 
 
 ίτράπψ 5θ6, 528. 
 
 ΐτραφον 426, 456, 505 • 
 
 ΐτρισσα (Hom.) 509. 
 
 (τρίφην 1 1 6. 
 
 (τρίφθην 1 1 6. 
 
 εττά (=eVTa) 390. 
 
 (τύπην 458• 
 
 ετυ;(οι/ 422, 456, 466. 
 
 ευ (Ιοη.) 404• 
 
 (υγΐνηί 279, 366. 
 
 εΰδαιμοί/εστερο? 376• 
 
 (ν8αίμόνωί 565. 
 
 {ν8ησω 499• 
 
 (ύΐίμων 273• 
 
 (ν(ργ€τηί 8θ. 
 
 εύεστώ 34 Ι • 
 
 εϋ^είν (Cret.) Ι34• 
 
 ΐνβήμων 273• 
 
 εύ^ύ 559• 
 
 εύ^ι;ί 558• 
 
 ευιδον (Lesb.) 430. 
 
 ίνμ(νίστ€ρος y]b. 
 
 (υμ^νης 279, 366. 
 
 είίΊί 26 1. 
 
 evvoos 80. 
 
 fvrovy 33, 80, 343, 376. 
 
36ο 
 
 ΐΐνοΰστίρος 37^• 
 (υπάτωρ 82, 83) 85, 9^» 
 
 278. 
 (υπΚοκαμις 263. 
 (υράγη (Aeol.) 1 23. 
 eiipe 38, $4°• 
 fvpfla 129. 
 edpeTiOf 556• 
 (νρίσκω 88, 458, 47θ. 
 (vpos 279• 
 ίΰρύί 264, 33 ϊ• 
 «ίσα 511. 
 (νφραίνω 49'^• 
 (ΰφρων 96, 49°• 
 ΐνχηρίστ€(ύ 8θ, 
 (ϋχομαί 2θ9, 43 1 • 
 ίΰχωλΐ} 247• 
 «υω 6ΐ, 219, S"• 
 (φαγον 425. 
 ί'φανα (Dor.) 6, 69, 
 
 216. 
 (φάνην 458, 5°!» 5ο6. 
 ίφάνθην 115 note. 
 
 ΐφΐΐσάμην 509. 
 (φίτη: 239• 
 €φίΤ/Λ^ 239• 
 
 έ'φ;;ι/ 426, 503• 
 
 έ'φ^ΐ'α 6, 69, 2ΐ6, 5ο8. 
 
 ίφθαρκα 520. 
 
 (φθ(ΐρα 217, 507, 509, 
 
 5"• 
 
 ίφθίίσα 289. 
 ΐ'φθ(ρρα (Lesb.) 509. 
 ίφιΧάθ^ν (Dor.) 38 
 note. 
 
 (φιΚηθψ 5Ι4• 
 f φίλησα 5 1 0, 
 ίφιΤΓΤΓοΓ 220, 
 (φίστημι 220. 
 (φόρησα 5 ΙΟ. 
 (φν-γον 96, 1 1 8, 426, 
 
 456, 505. 
 ίφΰΐ' 70, 87, 9θ> 97, 422, 
 5ο6, 512, 
 
 'έφΰσα 512. 
 '4φντον 9, 55• 
 «;^αδον 466, 
 
 €χάρην 458, 48 1, 5ο6. 
 
 e^fa 510, 511. 
 
 Index 
 
 'ixey (Dor.) 550. 
 ίχίτΚη 256. 
 ΐχθαίρω 6y, 129, 49ϊ• 
 e'X^iV 416. 
 (χθιστοί 259• 
 
 fX^i"*" 375• 
 
 'ίχθομαι φ"], 
 (χθρόί 49 1 • 
 εχιδί^α 322. 
 
 f'xp'ji' 430• 
 
 €\ρ»7σα 5 ΙΟ, 512. 
 
 (χΰθην 1 1 5 note. 
 
 f'xvpos 248. 
 
 e> 25, 89, 96, 1 15» 424, 
 
 ,, 457, 5ΐ7• 
 
 ΐψαλκα 5Ι7• 
 
 ?\//•ίυσα 509, 51^• 
 
 6\//•Ευσταί ΧΙΟ, Ι74• 
 
 ί\|^ω 468. 
 
 εώ^ουν 43°• 
 
 €ωλοί 373• 
 
 ΐωνονμην 43°• 
 
 ίώρων {(ώρων) 43*-*• 
 
 fcor (Att.) 79> 8ο. 
 
 ecor 71, 121, 213 note, 
 
 279, 368. 
 ε'ωσι 44 note 3• 
 ίωσφόρος 289• 
 
 Ρακάβά (Corinth.) 73• 
 fapyov (El. Locr.) 44 
 
 note 2, 121. 
 f e 404. 
 
 fediv (Lesb.) 404. 
 ftUari (Dor.) 121. 
 fios (Locr.) 404. 
 
 fepyov (Cret.) 121. 
 
 firia (Boeot.) 44 note 
 3• 
 
 firos 287. 
 
 ρίχω (Pamph.) 121, 
 
 193• 
 ΡηΚω (Dor.) 148. 
 fίbμ(v (Horn.) 45. 
 flKnaros (Boeot.) 392. 
 ftKan (Boeot.) 97, 121, 
 ftV (Dor.) 404. 
 fiafos (Cret.) 166. 
 
 fo'i (Lesb.) 404. 
 
 f οίκος (Cypr.) 121. 
 
 foί/cω(DeIph.)303,325, 
 
 563• 
 {f)o'iaos 97• 
 Fos (Cret.) 33, 404• 
 fparpd (El.) 121, 1 38. 
 Ρρηξίί (Lesb.) 121. 
 fplvos (Lesb.) 123. 
 
 ζάμίάυ (Arcad.) 321. 
 
 ζάω 8o. 
 
 ζ(ΐά 227. 
 
 ζ€νγμα 6l, 273, 350. 
 
 ζ(νγννμ(ναι{Η.ΟΤη,) 273» 
 
 546. 
 
 ζίύγνΰμι 463. 
 ζίΰγος 279• 
 ζίνκτηρ 2J8. 
 levKTOs 106, 19s, 258. 
 
 ζ(νξΐ! 262, 
 
 ζίύξω 499• 
 
 Zeis 6, 16, 18, 21, 29, 
 
 30 note, 36, 52, 61, 
 63, 80, 118, 122, 
 129, 173, 229, 234, 
 298-300, 319, 330, 
 ,337. 
 
 ζίφνρος 248. 
 ζΐ(ύ 212, 227, 5θ9> 5ΐΐ• 
 ζημιά 486. 
 ζημιήω 486. 
 ζην 2θ6. 
 
 ζν-γόν 9, 21, 46, 47, ΐο6, 
 ιι8, 141, 197, 227, 
 236, 30Ι, 3ο6, 309, 
 ,313,326. 
 
 ζύμη 227- 
 
 ζ^ 478. 
 
 ζώτ, 129. 
 ζώνη 241. 
 ζώννΰμι 464• 
 ζωστρον 257• 
 
 ν 8ο, 141, 213, 407- 
 4θ9• 
 
 fj 564. 
 
'7 413• 
 V433- 
 
 η 230. 
 
 .-7 56 1. 
 
 ^α (Horn.) 52, 6s, 79. 
 
 93, 213, 430, 431, 
 
 433• 
 
 ηαται (ΗοΐΏ.) 65. 
 ήβά(ύ 73• 
 
 ψί<ύ τι. 
 
 ηβουλόμηρ 43*^• 
 ήγαγοι^ 429, 457, 5^5• 
 ηγγΐΐλα 217, 5°9• 
 
 vyyiXica 520. 
 ίνίμώι^ 29, 273, 345• 
 ^δε 4 1 ο. 
 ηδΐΐα 235- 
 jyoeti' 43°• 
 ηδίσθην 5Ι4• 
 ήδί'ωΓ 5^5• 
 Πδί? 8θ. 
 ηδί 411. 
 ^διον 565• 
 ηδιστα ζ6ζ. 
 ηδιστοί 212, 259• 
 
 ^δΓωι/ 30, 213, 375» 377• 
 
 η8υ{Ρ)(πψ 289. 
 ΐ7δύλοϊ 247• 
 ηδυνάμην 430• 
 ηδννω 49°• 
 
 -ϊδυί 45. 47, 5ΐ> 79, 
 124, 141, 235, 264, 
 301, 313, 322, 331, 
 333• 
 
 ψίδη (Horn.) 430, 523 
 note. 
 
 ηίθ(ος 122, 238. 
 ηκα 504, 520. 
 ηκα 564• 
 {}Καζον 43°• 
 
 ηκιστα 129 note 2. 
 ηκιστος 183, 37^. 
 ηκουσα 40. 
 ηλασα 512. 
 ήλίύατο 5 1 0, 
 ^βυσο 5 ΙΟ. 
 ήλ»7λατο (Horn.) 523. 
 
 ζλοί 121 note. 
 ^ΤΓίσα 509• 
 
 Index 
 
 ήλνθον 96, 425. 
 ημα31, 96, 273• 
 ^^,ιαρ67, 237, 37ΐ• 
 
 ημαρτον 467• 
 
 i7/ii5f (Att.) 402. 
 
 ημάτιος 237. 
 
 i7)ueay (Ion.) 400, 402. 
 
 ημΰς 6g, 2 1 4, 4OO, 
 
 402. 
 ημ(λλον 430. 
 ήμίρα 67, 145, 287. 
 ήμίράί 560, 
 ήμΐρινός 24Ι. 
 ημΐροδρόμοί 289. 
 ^μψΟΓ 373• 
 7ίΧ6σα 5 ΙΟ, 5Ι2• 
 
 ήμίτΐρος 254, 376, 378, 
 4ο6, 
 
 ημΐων 404• 
 
 ^>7?ί/ (Cret.) 549• 
 17/11- 52, 140, 213. 
 ^/xt (Dor.) 69. 
 
 ημίθίαινα 235• 
 
 ,^/χίν (ij/iii'j 316, 402. 
 
 ^μιν 40. 
 
 ημΧν 30. 
 
 ,ίμισνί 73• 
 
 7/χυνα 5Ι3• 
 
 ημυσνς 73• 
 
 ημφίσβητουν 43°• 
 
 ημωρ 30. 
 
 ηνεγκα 1 55• 
 
 ^WyKoi/ 425, 457, 505• 
 
 ψΐΐχόμψ 430. 
 
 ηνΐμόΐΐί 276. 
 
 ^νίσχόμί^ΐ' 43°• 
 
 Vi-^ey (Dor.) 133• 
 
 νζ'ίκα 573• 
 
 ΐ7ΐΊθ;^€ύί 267. 
 
 ηνίπαπον 429. 
 
 νζ/ϊί (Horn.) 263. 
 
 rjoios 237. 
 
 ^or (Horn.) 79, 80. 
 
 ^τταρ 67, 127, 202, 302, 
 
 371. 
 
 ηραρον 457, 5θ5• 
 ηpyaζ6μψ 430. 
 ηρΰσθψ Ι ΙΟ. 
 νρι 562. 
 
 36ι 
 
 ηρικον 456, 505 • 
 ήρΐΊτον 456, 5^5• 
 ^pof (gen.) 80. 
 
 7ροση 512. 
 
 ηρπαξα 509. 
 
 ηρπασα (Horn.) 509• 
 
 ^ρσα 221, 507. 
 
 fjpvyov 456, 505• 
 
 ηρω 327. 
 
 ΐ7ρω$• 8θ, 340. 
 
 ης (Dor.) 154, 380. 
 
 ^σαι/ 507. 
 
 ησθα ζίγ. 
 
 ησθαι 548. 
 
 ησσων 1 29 notC 2, 183, 
 
 , 378• 
 
 ^σται 420, 454• 
 
 ησυχάζω 495• 
 
 ησνχαίτ€ρος 376• 
 
 ήσνχιος 237• 
 
 ^συχοΓ 373, 495• 
 
 ησχνμμαι 522. 
 
 ν'τοι 4 1 6. 
 
 ^τορ 236. 
 
 7Γροι/ 236. 
 
 ijTTO) (ησσω) 375• 
 
 ι^ττων 129 "0^6 2, 183, 
 
 378• 
 h^ 517, 521. 
 
 ^χι (Horn.) 564. 
 ήχον (Lesb.) 80. 
 ήχον (Dor.) 430• 
 ηχονς 29. 
 ηχ<^ 341. 
 
 ηώθ^ν 568. 
 
 νώί (Horn.) 71, 97, 213, 
 279, 373• 
 
 θάα (Dor.) 70. 
 Θαφ05 6γ, 75, Ι24• 
 θάλασσα 322. 
 θαΚίθω 475• 
 θαλερός 248. 
 ^άλλω 475, 478. 
 ^άλποΓ 202. 
 θαλνκρός 202. 
 ία/χά 564. 
 θανατηφόρος 289. 
 ^afoTOs 68, 90, 124, 258. 
 
302 
 
 Index 
 
 θανύν 5θ5• 
 
 θηνονμαι 422. 
 
 θάπτω 129, 473• 
 
 θαρρίω 2\J. 
 
 θάρρος 212, 217. 
 
 θαρσέω 2\y. 
 
 θάρσος 5, 23, 6;, 212, 
 
 217• 
 
 θάρσννος 246. 
 
 θαρσνς 67. 
 
 θάσσω 375• 
 
 θάσσων (Ιοπ.) 23, 69, 
 
 115, 129, 156, 194. 
 
 θαττων 23, 69, 115, 129, 
 
 156, ΐ94• 
 ^«« ι8, 29, 63, 71, 79. 
 92 note, 229, 305• 
 
 θήημΐν 53 1• 
 
 ^"V 531, 532, 533• 
 θύμ^ν 532, 533• 
 
 θ(ίνω 209. 
 ^etoi/ 237• 
 Oe'ioi 237. 
 
 f"5^ 354, 355• 
 
 θίΚγω Ι34• 
 θίλκτηριον 237• 
 θ(\κ.τήριος 237• 
 ίί'λω 43°• 
 θίμΐθλον 250. 
 
 ^eVeiv (Rhodes) 549• 
 ^f'/xei/ (Horn.) 273, 549. 
 θίμΐναι (Horn.) 273, 
 
 546. 
 θίμ^νοί 553• 
 befits 261, 285. 
 θίναρ 371. 
 ^eve'w 499. 
 θΐόζοτοί 21. 
 
 ^fcii 29, 44 note 3, 79, 
 80, 124, 294, 295, 
 304, 314, 325. 
 
 ^ίοσδοτοί 34• 
 θΐονΒης (Horn.) 124. 
 θ(όφι(ν) 3ο6. 
 
 θίράπαινα 235, 322. 
 θΐρμη 239- 
 θ(ρμός 24, 209, 239• 
 θίρμω 130. 
 ^epofif 276. 
 
 ^e'pof 279• 
 
 ^epaof (Aeol.) 67, 212, 
 217. 
 
 θ^^ 524, 539• 
 
 θ{σθαι 548. 
 (9eVii 262, 
 
 ^€τόί 49 note, 87, 96, 
 
 258. 
 θίύγω (Cret.) 134• 
 
 θίω 122. 
 
 &ηβαι•γίνηί 63, 321, 
 
 502. 
 θηβησι 321. 
 θηγάνη 242, 467• 
 θηγανον 242, 467. 
 θηγάνω 467. 
 ^);γω 456. 
 (9ΐ7Κί? 252. 
 ^»?λ,7 63, 247. 
 ^ί?λί;τ^ρ 135. 
 θηλυκό: 252. 
 ^^λυί 265. 
 θηλύτ(ροί 254) 378. 
 Θηβών 273• 
 θηομ(ν 528. 
 
 % 92, 124, 234. 359• 
 
 ^^ρα 489. 
 θηράτήρ 278. 
 θηράτωρ 278. 
 θηράφιον 249• 
 θηρίύω 489. 
 θηρητηρ Ι 35- 
 θηρίον 32. 
 
 ^ijy 129 note 2, 285. 
 
 θήσασθαι χηη. 
 
 θησατο 88. 
 
 θησθαι 63. 
 
 ^^σσα 129 note 2, 235, 
 
 322. 
 ^;^σω 499• 
 ^ίγγάι/ω 466, 
 θίγομαι 422. 
 
 ^ιό? (Boeot. &C.) 44 
 
 note 3. 
 ^r? 348. 
 
 ^mroy (Dor.) 68, 90. 
 θνησκω 8o, 424, 470, 
 
 505. 
 ^r^rof 68, 90, 124, 258. 
 
 θολός 124. 
 θοός 122. 
 ^οί) 543. 
 
 θονφιλος 79» 8θ, 
 θονφραστος 79• 
 θράσσω 478. 
 θρασννω 49^• 
 θρασνς 67, 264, 279. 
 Τραυλοί 215• 
 θρανστός 2 1 5. 
 θρί^ομαι 115. 
 θρίομιη 122. ^ 
 
 θρίψομαι 499• ' 
 
 (5ρίψω 115, 499• 
 θρηννς 264. 
 
 ^pipiS, 234, 343• 
 
 θρόνος 241. 
 
 θρωσκω Δ,ηο. 
 
 θνγάτηρ 33. 36, 47, 
 
 49, 278, 3ΐ6, 359. 
 
 36ο. 
 
 θυμΐλη 247- 
 θΰμοβόρος 273• 
 
 ^ϋρόί 9, 3° note, 55, 
 
 177, 239. 
 
 θϋνίω 465. 
 ^ΰνοί 241. 
 ^υι»ω 465. 
 5ύρα 177, 3ΐ6. 
 %α^6 321, 569• 
 θύρασι 321, 562. 
 θνσθλον 250. 
 θωμός 96, 239• 
 θώράξ 494• 
 (9ώρ7;| 285. 
 θωρήσσω 494• 
 ^ώί 234• 
 
 t 4ΐ6. 
 
 ί'α (Horn. Lesb. Thess.) 
 380, 411, 416. 
 
 ίοίΓω 43 ϊ. 
 
 ίάλλω 129, 4δθ. 
 
 Ίαρός (Dor. Boeot. 
 
 Thess.) 74.219,248. 
 
 tarr}p 236. 
 Ιατρός 236. 
 i^u| 285. 
 
Index 
 
 363 
 
 ί'δε (Horn.) 416, 540. 
 
 Ιδησω 500. 
 
 ίδια 56ΐ. 
 
 ιδιώτης 258. 
 
 ίδμβκ (Horn.) 38, 45 > 
 
 . 96, 273, 305, 549• 
 
 ιδμ€ναι (Horn.) 79» 273) 
 
 304, 546. 
 
 ΐδμων 273• 
 ?δρι 329. 
 
 ιδρΐ! 26ι, 30Ι) 3Ι3• 
 
 ίδρόί 492• 
 Ίδρόω 492• 
 ίδμώί (Horn.) 92, 279) 
 
 319, 368, 492. 
 Ίδρωω (Horn.) 492. 
 
 Ιδυ'ια (Horn.) 14, 76, 
 
 ^ 129, 552. 
 
 ίΐ ράκος 252. 
 ί^ράομαι 484• 
 ίίρίύϊ 268. 
 tf /κύω 489• 
 
 icpos 74, 94) 219, 484• 
 
 'κρωσύρη 94• 
 
 ίζάνω φη. 
 
 ΐζ(ύ 89, 220, 224, 429, 
 
 „ 430, 457, 467• 
 
 ιημι 220. 
 
 Ιθθάντι (Cret.) 528. 
 ΐ(9ι 540. 
 
 Κμα 274• 
 
 Ιθννω 49°• 
 
 ιθντΓτίων 348• 
 
 ί^ύω 488. 
 
 ίκαι/όί 242. 
 
 ίκάνω (Horn.) 65, 465• 
 
 ίκ€Τ€υω 43 1 • 
 
 ίκ€τψίος 237• 
 
 (K/zaXeof 247• 
 
 ίκρίομαι 465. 
 
 ίλα^ι 471, 54θ• 
 
 ιλα/χαι 459• 
 
 ιλαοϊ 69, 117, 215, 
 
 , 373• 
 
 ϊλάσκομαι 47 1 • 
 ίλ»7μί 459• 
 'ίλιόφιν 3θ6• 
 ϊλλαοί (Lesb.) 69, 117, 
 215. 
 
 IXvs 267. 
 'Vof 7, 53• 
 
 Ιμάσθλη 250. 
 rpfv 38, 45• 
 
 Φίί (Dor.) 118. 
 Γι; (Cypr.) 416. 
 ϊν (Dor.) 45• 
 'ομ(ν (Horn.) 526. 
 
 toy 53, 69, 121, 124, 
 
 , 213. 
 
 tmreios 237. 
 
 ίττπΐίί 268. 
 
 Ίττπίΰω 489• 
 
 ίππικο! 252. 
 
 Ιππιοί 237• 
 
 /7Γ7Γ0^6ί' 568. 
 
 Ίππομαχίά 289. 
 
 Ιττποπόταμοί 28g. 
 
 Ίππος 44 note ι, 
 62, "ΐ2ΐ note, 124, 
 183, 220, 237, 238, 
 294• 
 
 ίππότα (Νέστωρ) 323• 
 
 ιππότης 258. 
 
 ίππων 209• 
 
 ff (Γϊ) 53, 121, 234) 
 33ο• 
 
 Ισαίτΐρος 376. 
 ισαι/ (Horn.) 507, 523• 
 Ίσθι 224, 539, 540. 
 ΊσθμοΊ 29, 305) 325) 
 
 562. 
 
 Ισθμός 29. 
 
 Γσκω 470, 47 1 • 
 
 ύτμΐν 38. 
 
 ίσοί ΐ66, 238. 
 
 ίσος (Horn.) 166, 238. 
 
 Ισότης 284• 
 
 ισταίην 533• 
 
 Ιστάμΐνος 553• 
 
 ΐστα/ίΐί (Dor.) 51,83,87, 
 
 . 96. 
 
 Ίστάναι 546. 
 
 ιστάνω 467• 
 
 ίσταί354, 355• 
 
 ίστασα 322. 
 
 "ιστασβαι 548• 
 
 ίστάσί 8θ. 
 
 Ιστασο 543• 
 
 ίστατω 54 1 • 
 
 «TTf no. 
 
 Γστν/χι 32, 45) 51, 102, 
 
 176, 220, 354, 429, 
 433, 455) 459. 467, 
 540. 
 
 Ιστία 44 note Ι. 
 
 ΊστΊη 44 note ΐ. 
 
 Ιστω 539, 54ΐ• 
 
 Ίστώμαι 529. 
 
 Ιστωρ, Ιστωρ 121 note, 
 
 278. 
 ίν;^αΐ'άω 467 note. 
 ισ;^ά;'ω 467. 
 Ισχυρός 248. 
 ισ;^? 267. 
 
 ΐσχω 89, 96, 213, 424, 
 , 429, 457, 467. 
 Γτί'α 53, 90, 97, 121. 
 ϊ'τυί 97• 
 ΐτω 54Ι• 
 ίτων 542. 
 ιϋγμός 239• 
 'φι 3θ6. 
 ί'χΐΌΓ 28ο. 
 Ιχθνινος 243• 
 ϊ;)(βυο6ΐΓ 276. 
 ιχθυοφάγος 289. 
 
 ί'χ^υ? 119, 234) 298- 
 300, 302, 305, 3ο8, 
 311, 312, 314, 3ΐ6, 
 334• 
 
 ΐωμ€ν 526. 
 
 ιών, ιών (Boeot.) 354» 
 
 402. 
 Ίώνει (Boeot.) 402. 
 ΐωι/τι (Cret.) 44 note 3• 
 
 καββάλλω 228. 
 καθαιρίω 23Ο. 
 καθαιρώ 49 ϊ• 
 καθαρός 247, 49 1 • 
 καθάρυλλος 247• 
 καθΐίιδω 43°• 
 καΛ'^ω 220, 430. 
 καθίστα 54°• 
 καύ'ω 65, 478. 
 καίω 57, 75• 
 
364 
 
 κακός 378, 490• 
 
 κακότψ 284• 
 
 κακννω 49^• 
 
 κάλαμο! 239• 
 
 καλαϋροψ 122,• 
 
 καλίω 195) 499• 
 
 KaXfas (Dor.) 124• 
 
 καλητωρ 278. 
 
 κάλια 6y. 
 
 κάλλιμος 239• 
 
 κάλλιστοί 259• 
 
 καλλιω 375• 
 
 κάλλοί Ι29• 
 
 καλός 40, Ι95• 
 
 καλοί 69, Ι24• 
 
 κάλίΓίς 285. 
 
 καλνβη 473• 
 
 κάλυ| 195• 
 
 καλύτΓτω 473• 
 
 Καλυ\/^ώ 34^• 
 
 καλώς 565. 
 
 κάματος 49; 9°) 258, 
 
 402. 
 κημ(1ρ ζοζ. 
 κάμνω 462, 5θ5• 
 κημονμαι 422. 
 καμπΰλλω 485• 
 καμπύλος 32. 
 «αΐ'αχ^ 495• 
 κανα;^ί^ω 495• 
 κάπτ^λοί 247• 
 καπνοί 124, 24Ι• 
 κάππίσΐ 1 1 7. 
 κάπτΓίσοί' (Hom.) 1 65. 
 κάπραινα 235• 
 κάπρος 43, 157, 248. 
 καπνρός 248. 
 κάρα 67. 
 καρδία 5 1, 67, 9^, 171, 
 
 ι82, 230. 
 
 καρδιακός 252. 
 
 κάρηνον 90. 
 
 καρκαίρω 480. 
 
 καρκίνος Ι95• 
 
 καρπός Ι95• 
 
 κάρσις 6y. 
 
 κάρτα 564. 
 
 κατά 228, 229, ^30 
 
 note. 
 
 Index 
 
 κατάβα 540• 
 καταβάλλω 228. 
 καταθίνς (Cret.) 354• 
 καταί 56 1. 
 καταπίπτω 1 65. 
 καταρίγι^λόί 247• 
 καταρρέω Ι37• 
 κατα;^5οΐΊο$• 237• 
 κατάχρυσος 29 1. 
 κατίπηκτο (Hom.) 221, 
 
 507. 
 κατίπηζα 507. 
 κατηλιψ 298, 343• 
 κάτω 564, 5^5• 
 κατωτάτω 5^5• 
 κατωτέρω ζόζ. 
 καυλός 6θ, 247• 
 κα;^λά^ω 90, Ι02, 200. 
 καω 57• 
 κέδρινος 243• 
 κίί^ίΐ» 4ΐ6. 
 Kft^i 416, 566. 
 κίΐνός (Ιοη.) 124, 238. 
 κΐϊνος 412, 4ΐ6. 
 κε/ρω 67, 129, 217,478. 
 κΐΐσΐ 570. 
 ΚΕίται 420, 454• 
 κί/ω 478. 
 κΐκαδ μένος 1 1 0. 
 κέκησται Ι ΙΟ. 
 κίκηρυχα 521. 
 κ€κλα-)/γα 5 1 8. 
 κέκλαστηι 468. 
 κ(κλανμένος 522. 
 κέκλανσμαι 522. 
 κέκλίτο 505. 
 Κΐκλόμην 429. 
 κέκλοφα 96, 5 1 8, 521. 
 κέκλνθι (Horn.) 429? 
 
 540. 
 
 κέκμηκα ζ20. 
 κέκοφα 521. 
 κέκράμαι 97• 
 Κίλαδίίΐ/όί 241. 
 κίλαΐί/ο'ί Ι95• 
 κίλτ/ί 285. 
 Κίλλω 212, 217. 
 κέλομαι 457, 5°5• 
 κέλσω 499• 
 
 Kf/LMis 285. 
 κα-οί 124, 238. 
 κΐνότ^ρος 376. 
 Κΐντέω Ι ΙΟ, 153, 170. 
 κέντρον 257• 
 κέραμος 239• 
 κΐράννϋμι 44 note 1, 464^ 
 Κ€ραννύω φζ. 
 κέρας 283, 370. 
 Κίράσαι 97• 
 κίρασβόλος 289. 
 κέραφος 249. 
 κίράω 46 1. 
 κίρδαίνω 490• 
 κέρδος 246, 490• 
 Κΐρδοσννη 2φ. 
 Κέρκυρα 73• 
 Kfpoeis 276. 
 
 κβρρω (Lesb.) 478• 
 
 κεστόί Ι ΙΟ, 153, ^70• 
 κεστρίνος 244• 
 κβυ^άι^ω 467. 
 Κΐνθμός 239• 
 κΐυθμών 273• 
 κεύ^ω 62, 456, 467» 505' 
 κΐφαλαλγία Ι35• 
 Κ€φαλαργίά Ι35• 
 Κ€φαλη 115, 247• 
 κίφαληφιν 3θ6. 
 κΐχαρόμην 429• 
 κέχλάδα gO. 
 κέχοδα 5 1 8. 
 κί;)^όλωσο (Hom.) 523. 
 Κ€'χυ/χαι 5Ι7• 
 κηδ(μών 273• 
 κ^δοΓ 279. 
 κηληθμός 239• 
 κηληθρον 251. 
 
 κ^ζ/οί (Lesb.) 412. 
 κ^ΐΌί (Dor.) 416. 
 Κ7Ρ 92, 230, 234, 30Ι: 
 343• 
 
 κηρΰγμός 239• 
 'ί^ρΐ'έ 494• 
 κ;;ρυ|ω 499• 
 κηρύσσω 494• 
 κιδάφτ; 249• 
 κίδαφος 249• 
 κικλήσκω 47 1• 
 
 1 
 
κικλήσκω 47 1 • 
 
 Kirfivetii 73. 
 
 κϊνίω 465. 
 
 κιννμαι 463, 4^5 • 
 
 κιννρομαι 49 1 • 
 
 κίνυρόϊ 248, 49^• 
 
 κίραψος 249• 
 
 κιρνάω 402. 
 
 κίρνημί 44 note ι, 461. 
 
 Act'f 300, 305, 308) 31 1) 
 
 312, 314,316, 328. 
 κΊς (Thess.) 202 note ι. 
 Kis 128, 234) 298, 299, 
 
 ,33ο. 
 κίσσα 129 note 2. 
 κίττα 129 note 2. 
 κιχάνω 1 24. 
 Κ4;\;άΐ'ω 124, 465 • 
 κιχ^ίην 532. 
 κιχίΓμίΓ 532. 
 κίχραμαι 459• 
 t'XPW' 459• 
 κλατΎαΓω 4^6, 4^7• 
 κλά^ω 156, 466, 479> 
 
 5ΐ8. 
 κλαίω 57, 75, 125, 478, 
 
 50Ο, 
 κΧανθμόί 239• 
 κλαυσοίμπι 500. 
 κλάω 468. 
 κλαω 57• 
 
 κλίβδην Ι07, 158. 
 κλ6ΐ?δών 272. 
 kXcivos 8ο. 
 κλβιϊ 343• 
 κλίΐτύϊ 266. 
 κλίΟί 89, 122, 279• 
 κλίπτης 1 64, 258, 376• 
 κλίπτίστεροί 376• 
 κΧΐπτοσννη 246. 
 κλετΓτω 44, 67, 89, 96, 
 
 Ι07, 129, 132, 158, 
 
 ι82, 473, 5ο6. 
 
 κληδην 559• 
 κληίί 285. 
 κληΐσκω (Ion.) 47°• 
 κλήροΓ 248. 
 κλιόι^σομαι 5°!• 
 κλινίω 499• 
 
 Index 
 
 κλίιω 7, 69, 129, 462, 
 
 479, 499, 5Ι3• 
 κλ/ί/ί-ω (Lesb.) 69, 129, 
 
 462, 479• 
 
 κλισ'ιηθίν 568. 
 κΚίσΐί 262, 479• 
 κλοττόί 236. 
 κΚνδων 345• 
 κλν^ί 177, 540. 
 κΚντόί 33, 47, 89, 132, 
 ΐ64, ι82, 258, 555• 
 
 κΚωθω 274• 
 κλωμακόΐΐί 276. 
 κΧώσμα 274• 
 κλώψ• 92, 234, 342, 
 
 343• 
 
 κμητός gO, 258. 
 
 κΐΌΐ'ω 478• 
 
 κνάω 475• 
 
 κνΐφαϊοί 237• 
 
 ^ή^ω 475• 
 
 Kfij^y 68, 239• 
 
 κνημις 203• 
 
 κνημός 239• 
 
 Acvt^ta 478. 
 
 KJ/u^rj^pos 239• 
 
 κνώ 478• 
 
 /<d-y;;^os Ι02, 200. 
 
 κοιΚα'ινω 150. 
 
 κοίλοΓ 8θ. 
 
 κοιμηθρα 25 1. 
 
 κοίν,^ 56 1 • 
 
 /coiTOS 129, 142, 237• 
 
 KOiof (Ion.) 202 note 
 
 I. 
 
 κοιρανίω 485. 
 Kolpavos 242, 485. 
 κοίται 129 note 2. 
 KOtV?; 258. 
 κόκκνξ 285. 
 κόλαφοί 249. 
 κολωι/όί 195• 
 κομίσ{σ)ω 499• 
 »ίορίώ 499• 
 KOvis 487• 
 κοίΊ'ω 128, 487. 
 κορίω 1 29• 
 κοττσίΌΐ/ 242. 
 κότΓτω 473• 
 
 365 
 
 κορακΊνος 53, 244• 
 κόραξ 285. 
 κόραφοί 249• 
 κόρδά^ 112. 
 κορίνννμι 464. 
 /copfd (Dor.) 69. 
 Kopfa (Arcad.) 5 1, 124. 
 κ-όρη 51, 69, 124, 236, 
 238. 
 
 κόρηθρον 251. 
 Kopti^^o^t 566. 
 Κόρκϋρα 73. 
 κορμός 239• 
 Kopoy 238. 
 κόρρη 212, 217. 
 κο'ρσί? (Ion.) 212, 217. 
 Ko'pny 129 note 2, 166, 
 
 298, 343, 493• 
 κορίισσω 1 29 note 2, 
 
 493•^ 
 κορνστης 258. 
 κορυφή 249. 
 κόσμησα 262. 
 κοσμητής 258. 
 
 κόσοί (Ion.) 202 note ι. 
 κόσσνφος 249• 
 
 KoTepoi(Ion.) 202 note I. 
 
 κόττυφος 249• 
 
 KoO (Ion.) 202 note I. 
 Kovpfvs 21. 
 
 Kovpr; (Ion.) 51,69,124, 
 
 238. 
 Kovpoy (Ion.) 238. 
 κουφότατο! 258. 
 κουφότ(ρος 254. 
 κοχώι^ν 73• 
 κραδι'ν (Ion.) 51,67• 
 κρά^ω 478• 
 κραίνω 129, 478• 
 (cpciroi' 67, 241 • 
 κράνος 6y. 
 κρατερός 248. 
 κρατ(ρωνυξ 289• 
 κράτιστοί 259, 377, 378• 
 κράτος 6y, 90, 279• 
 κρατύς 264, 378. 
 «peas 49, 79, 195, 283, 
 
 370. 
 κρήσσων 377• 
 
366 
 
 κρείττωΐ' 1 29 note 2, 378. 
 κρ(ίων 27 S, 352. 
 κρ€μάθρά 251. 
 κρίμαιτο 534• 
 κρίμαμαι 420, 458• 
 
 κρίμανννμι 44 note Ι, 
 
 464. 
 κρίμασί! 202. 
 κρΐμάσσαι (ΗοΐΏ.) 509• 
 κρίμάσω 499• 
 κρΐμάω 499• 
 κρΐμνον (Hesych.) "JJt• 
 κρίμωμαι 529• 
 *cpe^ 234• 
 κρΐσσω 375• 
 κρεσσωι/ (Ion.) l29note 
 
 2. 
 
 Kpiros (Aeol.) 67. 
 
 κρΐ 230. 
 
 κρΊζω 478. 
 
 κρί^;, 230. 
 
 κρίμνημί 44 nOtC Ι, 4^1• 
 
 κρ'ιμνον 240. 
 
 κρινίω 499• 
 
 /«ρίί'ω 129,462,479)499• 
 κρίσις 479• 
 κριτής 258. 
 κριτικοί 252. 
 
 '<Ρ«'•ό? 555• 
 
 κρόμνον 73• 
 ΚρονίΒηί 323• 
 κρόταφος 249• 
 κρύβδα 559- 
 κρύβδ/,>;559• 
 KpvpaXfos 247• 
 κρϋμός 239• 
 κρύπτω 473• 
 κρυφά (Dor.) 564• 
 κρυφ^ 3ο6, 321, 564. 
 κταΐί/ω (Lesb.) 65, 478• 
 
 κταΐΈΐί/ 65. 
 
 κτί/νω 12, 65, 69, 129, 
 
 226, 478. 
 κτίννω (Lesb.) 69, 129, 
 
 478. 
 
 κτίσις 226, 262. 
 κτίστωρ 278. 
 κύβδί)!^ Ι07. 
 
 KuSaiVft) 467 note, 479• 
 
 Index 
 
 κϋδάι/ω 467, 479• 
 κϋδιάνίίρα 289• 
 κύδιμος 239• 
 ΰδιστο! 259• 
 Οδοί 279• 
 ΰδρός 289. 
 κύκλιοί 237. 
 κύκλοί 202, 326. 
 κνκλόσί 570. 
 κύκλω 561. 
 κύκνος 241. 
 κυρα 49°• 
 κυμαίνω 49*-•• 
 κνι/άγόί 289. 
 Κυΐ'δυ6υί y^. 
 κύνΐος 128, 237• 
 κννοκίφαλος 289• 
 κυ^σουρα 292. 
 κύντΐρος 254• 
 κννώτΓίς 289. 
 κύπτω loy, 473• 
 κϋριακός 252. 
 κυρω 129, 478• 
 κύστιγζ 285. 
 κύφων 269. 
 κύων 47> 65, Ι47> Ιδ2 
 
 269, 345• 
 κώρα (Cret.) 124• 
 κώί (Ion.) 202 note ι. 
 
 λάαί (Horn.) 80. 
 λαβε 38, 54ο• 
 λαβίΐν 2θ6, 5ο5• 
 λάββσκομ 43'-'• 
 Χαβον 38. 
 λάβροί 373• 
 λαγαρόί 87, 96• 
 λαγχάνω φ6, 505• 
 λή^οραι 2θ6, 478• 
 λαθειν 505. 
 λαθικηδης 289• 
 λά^ρα 3θ6, 321, 564. 
 λάθρτ) 289. 
 λάϊγϊ 285. 
 λάινος 243• 
 λαιόί 56, 122, 238. 
 
 λάλος 373» 376. 
 
 λαρβάκω 2θ6, 466, 5^5• 
 
 λαμπάς 285, 298, 343• 
 
 λαμπρός 248. 
 
 λαν^άί/ω 466, 505• 
 
 λάνος (Dor.) 90. 
 
 λαός (Horn.) 72. 
 
 λάρνγξ 285. 
 
 λάί 8θ. 
 
 λάσιος 121. 
 
 λάσιων 269. 
 
 λάσκω 1 86, 47°• 
 
 λάταξ 285. 
 
 λά;^^^ 185. 
 
 λα;^ΐ'^€ΐί 276. 
 
 λό;^ΐΌί 245• 
 
 λ€αινα 75, ΙΙ9> 122, 
 
 235. 322. 
 λΐαίνω 5θ8. 
 λίβης 285. 
 λ(γ(μ(ναι 543) 546• 
 λ6γόρ6ΐΌΐ 553• 
 λί'γω 25, 92, Ιθ6, 109, 
 
 191, 212, 425, 456, 
 
 511, 522. 
 λ€ΐαίνω 49<^) 5'-'8• 
 λβίβω 159, 212, 215• 
 λΐΐμαξ 285. 
 λί'ιμμα 273" 
 λίΐρώί/ 273• 
 λίΐπόρε^Όί 553• 
 λ€ίπον 543• 
 
 λ€ΐ7ΓΤ€Όί 255, 556• 
 
 λίίπτόί 555• 
 
 λείττω 12, 25, 29, 3°) 
 
 58,64,82,83,85,89, 
 
 92, 96, 117) ιι8, 132, 
 202, 202 note 3, 204, 
 433) 450, 456, 503. 
 505, 518, 522, 523, 
 526. 
 
 λΐίφθησόμίνος 553• 
 λΐ'ιφθητι 540• 
 λείχω 24, 132, Ι93• 
 
 λίΐψάρΕίΌί 553• 
 
 λΐΐ^όμίνος 553• 
 λύψω 499• 
 λίκάνη 73• 
 
 λ€κτο (Horn.) 221, 
 
 507. 
 λίκτός log. 
 
Index 
 
 367 
 
 \ίκτ()ον 257. 
 \ϊΚα^ίσθα\. 429. 
 \(Καθ(σθαι 429. 
 XfXnAciita 55^• 
 λίλασμαι ζΐ8, 522. 
 λελασμίνοί 5 1 8. 
 λίλίγα 5 1 8. 
 λίλαμμαι 117, 204- 
 
 λίλίΐμμ€νοί 240, 553• 
 
 λίλίίφ^αι 221, 548. 
 Χΐλΐίψομαί 50Ι. 
 λ?λίΐ\//•όμίί/θί 553• 
 λελίχα 521. 
 λελ»7(9α 5 1 8, 522. 
 λίλογχα 5 1 8. 
 λΕλογχασι (Hom.) 439• 
 λΐλοιπα 59» 82, 83, 96, 
 
 97, 5Ι6-Ι9, 53ΐ• 
 
 λΐλοίΤΓΐναι 546• 
 λίλοιπυΐα 552• 
 λίλυκώί 552• 
 Χ€\νμ(νος 32. 
 λίΧύσομαι 50 1, 
 λίπροί 248. 
 Χίσχη log. 
 λίυκαίνω 49°• 
 λ€υσσω 477» 478• 
 \fXos Ιϋ9, 132, 201, 
 
 279• 
 
 Xexpios 115, 185. 
 
 Xe'w'f 558. 
 
 λεχώ 34 1 • 
 
 λΐωι^ 352• 
 
 λίώί 72. 
 
 λήγω87, 96, 215, 232. 
 
 λ»)^άνω 467• 
 ληθος 279• 
 λΐ7^ω 467• 
 ληΐδιοί 237• 
 λτ;/? 285. 
 λήξΐΓ 202. 
 Χήξομαι 422. 
 Λ»7τώ 34 1 • 
 \ηy|^oμaι 422. 
 λίγα 564. 
 XiySr;i/ 559- 
 Xtyvvs 265. 
 λιγυρό? 248. 
 λιγΰί 264. 
 
 λι'^ω 478. 
 λι^ά^ω 493• 
 XiOfos 128, 237• 
 λικριφίς 115- 
 λιλαίομαι y6, 1 29, 48θ. 
 λιμίνιο! 237• 
 λίμι}»/ 237, 273• 
 λι^ί'ίο»' 237• 
 
 Xr^cif 239, 496• 
 λίμτΓίίΐ'ω 155, 459, 466, 
 467• 
 
 λιμώσσω 496• 
 
 λι'ττα 564• 
 
 XiTrapcJi 248. 
 
 Xine'iu 85, 89, 96, 456, 
 
 5ρ3, 5ο5• 
 
 λιπεσθαί 548. 
 λίπομβίΌί 553• 
 
 λίπος ηη, 279• 
 λ(7ΓοΟ 38, 543• 
 λΓ? 33ο• 
 
 λίσσομαι 129 note 2, 
 
 478. 
 λιταίι/ω 490• 
 λιτεσθαι 129 I^Ote 2. 
 λίχνος 241. 
 Χογογράφος 32, 289. 
 
 λόγοί 47 note 2, 230, 
 236. 
 
 λοΐτρόν 8θ. 
 λοίδοροί 373• 
 
 λοιμοί 239• 
 λοιτΓοί 236. 
 λο|όί 185. 
 λούομαι 420. 
 λουτροί/ 8θ, 257• 
 λοχάω 484• 
 λοχμ'? 239• 
 λόχος 236, 484• 
 λυεσ^αι 548• 
 λν^ω 466, 479• 
 
 λνθίίς 354, 554• 
 
 λνθησομαι 50Ι. 
 λνθητι 540. 
 λύκαινα 235• 
 λύκοΐί 3^8. 
 
 λύκο»/? (Cret.) 312,325• 
 
 λίικοί 13, 17, ι8, 23, 44, 
 
 46, 54, 59, 63, 64, 
 
 66, 69, 8ο, 82, 121, 
 
 141, 153, 202, 212, 
 
 229, 230, 236, 295, 
 298-300, 302, 304, 
 3θ8, 314, 3ΐ6, 323, 
 325• 
 
 λύκψ 3 1 8. 
 
 λύκως (Boeot.) 312. 
 
 λυττροΓ 248. 
 
 λΰσαι 543, 547• 
 
 λϋσαιμι 535• 
 
 λνσάς 354, 355• 
 
 λνσάσα 322. 
 
 λύίΤίμος 239• 
 
 λνσίπονος 28g. 
 
 λύσω 433, 499, 5°^• 
 
 λντίος 255, 556• 
 
 λυτός 555• 
 
 λύχνος 185, 2ΐ8, 245• 
 
 λϋω 38 note, 354, 
 
 433• 
 λωίτίρος 378• 
 λώστος 378. 
 λωων (λωΐων) 378. 
 
 μα (ΕΙ.) 52 note 2. 
 
 μαζός Ι ΙΟ. 
 μαθητής 258. 
 μαθητικός 252. 
 μαιμάω 429, 48θ. 
 μαίνομαι 6ζ, 8g, 1 29, 
 
 421, 458, 48ΐ• 
 
 μαίομαι 47^• 
 
 μάκαρ 495• 
 
 μακαρίζω 495• 
 
 μακάριος lyj. 
 
 μακάρτ(ρος 376. 
 
 μακράν 559• 
 
 μακρός 248. 
 
 μάλα 564. 
 
 Μαληγκόμαί (Arcad.) 
 
 73•, 
 
 μαλακίων 269, 34δ. 
 μαλπκόί 129 note 2, 
 
 145, 269, 474• 
 
 μαλάσσω 129 note 2. 
 μαλάττω 129 note 2. 
 μύλίστα 559• 
 
368 
 
 Index 
 
 μανήσομαι 499, 5^1 • 
 μανθάνω 466. 
 μαν'ια 237, 48ΐ. 
 μανοί 65, 238. 
 μαντ(νομαι 489• 
 μαντίκο! 233> 252. 
 /χανηπόλοί 289• 
 μάντί! 233» 246, 252, 
 
 202, 489• 
 μαντοσννη 246. 
 Μαρα^ώίΊ 562. 
 μαρασμοί 46 1. 
 μαρμαίρω 429, 48Ο• 
 μάρναμαι 46 1. 
 μαρνο'ιμψ 534• 
 μάρνωμαι 529. 
 μαρτύρομαι 49^• 
 μάρτυρος 248. 
 μάρτυς 362. 
 μάσσω 375• 
 μαστίζω 494• 
 /ιάστΓ^ 285, 298, 343• 
 μαστίω 128, 486. 
 ματ/?ρ (Dor.) 5, 6, 50, 
 
 51, 140. 
 Μάχ'? 236. 
 με 4^2. 
 /xf'ya 559• 
 MfyaXits (Pamph.) 52 
 
 note 2. 
 
 MeydX?;? 52 note 2. 
 Meyapade 569. 
 μ/γαί III, 374. 
 μέ-γΐθος 28o. 
 μίγιστος 259. 
 /ιΐίδωι/ 275, 352• 
 /ii'^ij 124. 
 
 M«^^9,33>47, 177, 229, 
 264. 
 
 μ(θΰω 128, 488. 
 
 μεί (Boeot.) 52 note 
 
 2. 
 μύγνϋμι 463. 
 μαδάω 2I4. 
 μειδ^σαί 232. 
 μ^'ίω 369, 375• 
 Μ«Τωι/ 377• 
 μ(ΐΚΊσσω 485. 
 ^ft\t';(fiof 237• 
 
 μείλιχοί 485• 
 μΐΐράκιον 247• 
 μ(ΐρακυλ\ί8ιον 247• 
 μεΓρα^ 195) 285. 
 μάρημαι 129, 214, 232, 
 
 478• 
 fiei'y 70, 117, 216, 347• 
 μύστος 378. 
 μΐίων 378• 
 Μελαγκόμαϊ 73• 
 μελάγχροοϊ 349• 
 μίΧαινα 75• 
 μίληίνω 129, 49*^• 
 μίλονότΓ^ί 284• 
 μελαί/ό_γροοί 349• 
 μ()^άντατος 258. 
 μ€λάντ€ρος 37^. 
 /ieXai 5» 69, 154, 322, 
 
 349, 350, 490• 
 
 μΐλδομαι 474• 
 μίλδω 2Ι4• 
 μΐλίτη 258. 
 μελτ^δών 272. 
 μίλι 129 "Ote 2, 140, 
 145, 230, 285, 301, 
 
 344, 493• 
 
 μίλισσα 129 ^lOtC 2. 
 μ(\ιττα 129 note 2. 
 μέλλω 129, 43°, 478• 
 με'λλων 275, 352• 
 μΐΚπηθρον 25 1. 
 με'μαμεν 96. 
 μίμασαν (Hom.) 523. 
 μεμάτω 65, 54 1 • 
 μίμαχα 521. 
 μεμαώ? 552• 
 μΐμαώτίς (Hom.) 552• 
 μ^μβλωκα Ι45• 
 μίμηνα 421. 
 μΐμνησομαι 50Ι. 
 με'μοζ/α 65, 89, 96, 5 1 8. 
 μίμφομαι 420. 
 μεΓ 40• 
 μει/ετόί 32. 
 μεί/ε'ω 499• 
 
 μ(νοΊν(ον (Hom.) 73• 
 
 με'ΐΌΓ 96, 279) 366. 
 μει/ω 83, 89, 96) 2 1 6, 
 
 424, 457, 5ο8. 
 
 292, 
 
 6. 
 
 129, ι 
 
 24• 1 
 
 μερικό; 252. 
 μίριμνα Ι30, 322 
 μεσαίττόλιοί 63 
 
 321. 
 μ€σαίτΐρος 254, 376 
 μ^σψις 276. 
 μΐσημβρΊά 145 
 μίσσατος 2)77• 
 με'σ(σ)θ5• 44) 119, ^29 
 ^178) 237,376 
 
 μίτρον 257• 
 μεΟ (Ιοη.) 402. 
 
 μ)} 52 note Ι, 2, 524 
 
 μήκος 279• 
 
 μ;}»' 52, 117, 212, 2ΐ6, 
 
 347•^ 
 
 μηνίθμός 239• 
 
 μί^ΐ'ίί 26ο, 482. 
 
 μηνίω 482, 487. 
 
 μψντρον 257• 
 
 μΐ7ροί 294• 
 
 μήστωρ 278. 
 
 MiJ^iiP 6, 45, 140, 278, 
 
 359, 360. 
 
 μητίΐτα (Ζει'ί) 323• 
 μητίόΐΐς 276. 
 μητιομαι 420, 487• 
 μ^Τίϊ 487- 
 μητρως 34°. 
 Μ'?Χ«*"7 242. 
 μ/α 214, 322. 
 μίγά^ομαι 129, 493• 
 μιγάς 28ζ. 
 μ/γδα 559• 
 μιγης 366, 373• 
 μίγννμι 463, 47°, 5*-'6. 
 μιγνύω 4^ζ. 
 μικκός 247• 
 μιΐίκνλος 247• 
 
 μΓκροΓ 214, 248, 378. 
 
 μϊμηλός 247• 
 μιμντίσκω 47°) 47 1• 
 μίμί/ω 83, 89, 96, 424, 
 
 429, 457• 
 μίν (Horn.) 416. 
 
 μιννθω 45, 475• 
 μιννρομαι 49^• 
 μιννρός 49^• 
 ρίσγω 23, 224, 47°• 
 
 ^ 
 
Index 
 
 369 
 
 μισβόί 211, 224, 486. 
 
 μωνυξ 380. 
 
 
 μισθό<ύ 8θ, 4δ3, 486. 
 
 μωρηινω Ι 50. 
 
 
 μίσθωμα 273• 
 
 μώροί 88, 248. 
 
 
 μισθωτό! 483• 
 
 μώσα (Dor.) 69. 
 
 
 μρήμα 273. 
 
 
 
 μνήμη 239• 
 
 «/αίω 76, 129, 478. 
 
 
 μνημοσύνη 246. 
 
 ναοί (Dor.) 69, 72, 
 
 124. 
 
 μί/^^σω 499• 
 
 νάσσαι 76, 129• 
 
 
 μό^οί Ι02, Ι75• 
 
 ναναρχοί 289. 
 
 
 μοι 402. 
 
 ναΰκράρο! 21 5• 
 
 
 Μθψ« 75. 129, 235, 
 
 ναυκρατήί 289• 
 
 
 322. ^ 
 
 lOtin-ijyos 289. 
 
 
 μοψη-γΐνής 2S9. 
 
 mis• 18, 29, 31, 63, 71, i 
 
 μολίΓ 558. 
 
 72,234,298,302 
 
 305, 
 
 μονοί 396. 
 
 308, 311, 312, 
 
 314, 
 
 μοΐΌγ6νΐ7ί 289. 
 
 316, 335- 
 
 
 μόνον 559. 
 
 ναυσικΚυτόί 292. 
 
 
 μο'ι/οί 119, 124, 238. 
 
 ναΰφι{ν) 3θ6. 
 
 
 μόριμοϊ 239• 
 
 ve5 80. 
 
 
 μορμο\νττομαι 135. 
 
 vfayfi'ijy 289. 
 
 
 μόρμορος 135, 233• 
 
 vedvidt 51, 323• 
 
 
 μορμύρω 480. 
 
 νίαΐΊσκοΓ 253• 
 
 
 Mopof 75, 235. 
 
 ΝίατΓολίί 37, 292. 
 
 
 μόρφνοί 245. 
 
 vfapos 79• 
 
 
 μόσχοΓ 224• 
 
 fearo? 377• 
 
 
 μου 40. 
 
 v({f)os 44. 
 
 
 μοϋ 402. 
 
 νεηνίης (ΙοΠ.) 51• 
 
 
 μονναδόν 559• 
 
 νΐΐκέω 492. 
 
 
 μοΟίΌΓ (Ιοη.) 1 19, 124, 
 
 i/eiKoy 492. 
 
 
 238. 
 
 νείφίΐ 209. 
 
 
 μοΰσα 69, 322. 
 
 veKpos 248. 
 
 
 μοχθηρό: 36. 
 
 ΐ'ίμεσ(σ)άω 1 29. 
 
 
 μνγμο! 239• 
 
 ι-εμίω 499• 
 
 
 μΟ^ω 478• 
 
 νεμοί 279• 
 
 
 μϋθολογίω 430• 
 
 νίμω 96, 117, 2 1 6, 
 
 5ο8. 
 
 μυλω^ρο'ί 25 1 • 
 
 νΐνέμηκα 520. 
 
 
 μνμαρ 88. 
 
 i/ioyros 89. 
 
 
 μύρομαι 129, 478• 
 
 ν^όδματοί (Dor.) 68, 90• ] 
 
 μΟί 9, 47 note 2, 55, 
 
 νί'ομαί 89,213, 424, 
 
 457, 
 
 140, 213, 234• 
 
 498• 
 
 
 μνσφόνος 289• 
 
 viov 559• 
 
 
 μνχαίτΐρο! 376• 
 
 V(QS 122, 147, 284, 
 
 486. 
 
 μυ;(λο'Γ ΐ85• 
 
 I'eor/jf 166,284,298 
 
 343• 
 
 μυχμόί 239• 
 
 ν^οχμός 79. 287• 
 
 
 μώλυ 88 
 
 νίοω 486. 
 
 
 μωλυρόϊ 248. 
 
 Νίστι'δα (Boeot.) 323• ι 
 
 μωμάομαι 484. 
 
 νΐΰμα 6ΐ, 273• 
 
 
 μώμαρ 88, 
 
 νΐυσονμαι 500, 
 
 
 μώμοΓ 484• 
 
 ΐ'ίφε'λτ? 132, 247- 
 
 
 Bb 
 
 νΐφΐληγερίτα (Ziur)323. 
 νίφος 24, 147, ΐ62, 279• 
 νίφρόί 248. 
 ι/ί'ω 122, 214, 500. 
 
 ^ίώί 69, 72, 124, 327» 
 
 340. 
 νιώσοικο! 292. 
 νΐωηρος 378. 
 ν^ (Ιοη.) 8θ. 
 νηα (Horn.) 300. 
 VTjifjios 119. 
 "ψ! 343' 
 ι/^μα 273. 
 νηνίω 480. 
 
 ι/ί?ό? (Ιοη.) 69, 124. 
 νήπιο! 124. 
 ι/^σαίοϊ 237. 
 νήσσα 68. 
 i/i^ei 206. 
 
 i/tCuJ 106, 129,473,478. 
 
 νικάω 58. 
 
 ΝΓκόμα;^οί 289. 
 
 νίτΓτρον 257• 
 
 νίπτω 473. 
 
 νισομαι 6g, 4S7• 
 
 ν'ιφα 209, 214, 232, 234. 
 
 ηφάί 285. 
 
 νίφΐΐ 209. 
 
 νιφ€τός 258. 
 
 νιφόβολοί 289. 
 
 νιφόΐΐς 276. 
 
 νιφόμΐνοί 209. 
 
 νίφων 209. 
 
 ί'ίλ//•ω Ιθ6. 
 
 "όί/μα 273- 
 
 νομάί 285. 
 
 νομίν! 268. 
 
 νομ(ύω 128, 489• 
 
 ΐΌμ^ 236, 484• 
 
 νομίζω 274• 
 
 νόμισμα 274• 
 
 ι/όμοί 96, 236. 
 
 vooy 214• 
 
 ΐ'όσοί ΐ66. 
 
 νόστοί 258. 
 
 νουν(χής 292. 
 
 ιόΟ? 17, 8θ. 
 
 j/uKTaicrof 289• 
 
 ΐΊ,κτερινό? 24 1 • 
 
370 
 
 Index 
 
 vvKTfpot 373. 
 νυκτόί 560. 
 ννκτωρ 562. 
 νύμφη 299• 
 νυμφικός 252. 
 ί'ϋί' 55• 
 
 νύνάται (Cret.) 528. 
 ρύξ 147, ι66, 202, 285, 
 
 343• 
 was 47, 214• 
 
 νώ 402. 
 
 νώϊ (Horn.) 402. 
 ρωΐτίρο! (Horn.) 406. 
 νωμάω 4^4• 
 
 ξαίνω 129. 
 
 ΙίίίΌί (Ion.) 69, 124, 
 238. 
 
 ^6κ'α 237• 
 
 ξίνιος 237• 
 
 ^iVoy 69, 109, 124, 225, 
 
 238. 
 ^epos 248. 
 ^ί'σσπί 468. 
 ΐί'ω 79, 468. 
 ξηραίνω 5θ8. 
 ξιφίδιον 237• 
 ξυλάφιον 249• 
 ^ύλι;/0Γ 232. 
 ^ύλον 247• 
 ^υν 232. 
 ξνράφιον 249• 
 
 ο 129, 141, 213, 230, 
 295. 325, 399, 4θ7-8. 
 δ4ΐ3• 
 
 οαρ 295• 
 
 οβΐλο! 73• 
 6βο\0! y^. 
 
 οβριμοί 88, 239• 
 
 oy5oar 396• 
 
 ογδόατοΓ 39°• 
 
 o-ySo;y/<oi/Tit 386. 
 
 όγδθί;κοστόί 392• 
 
 oy8oos 39•^• 
 
 ίΐ-^δώκοί^τα (Hom.) 3S6. 
 
 όγκος 236. 
 
 oyjUOi 83, 96, 2^9• 
 
 όδαϊοΓ 237• 
 όδάξω 431, 468. 
 o5e 401, 4ΙΟ• 
 όδί 411. 
 όδίτη! 258. 
 οδ /i^ 239• 
 όδοιττόροΓ 292. 
 όδοί 124• 
 όδοΓ 258. 
 od^ois 275, 354• 
 οδυνηρός 248. 
 όδυρμόί 239• 
 οδύρομαι 73• 
 οδωδα 5^7• 
 όρ^ίγην (Lesb.) 80. 
 
 οζησω 499• 
 
 o^of 98 note 2, 211, 
 
 224. 
 3^ω 431, 458, 48 1. 
 οθίν 568. 
 οθι 566. 
 οΓ 124, 404, 562, 575• 
 
 οΐγνυμι 43°. 
 oiycu δο. 
 
 οίδα 5, 13, 43, 59, 96, 
 ιο6, no, 121, 171, 
 229, 424, 515, 518, 
 519, 523 note, 526, 
 527. 
 
 οίδαίνω φη note, 479• 
 
 οίδίίι^ω 467 note. 
 
 ο'δί 6. 
 
 οϊδεω 43 1 • 
 
 οΐρος (Cypr.) 122, 380. 
 
 υϊζϋρός 248. 
 
 ο'ίκαδΐ 569. 
 
 o'Uei I1S, 305, 562. 
 
 οιΚ€ΐος 128. 
 
 οικίτης 258. 
 
 οίκί'ω 485• 
 
 οίκίαυ (Arcad.) 32 1. 
 
 οϊκίσκη 253• 
 
 οικίσκος 253• 
 
 οίκοδόμηται (Heracl.) 
 
 .528. 
 
 οικοθιν 3^3• 
 
 oiKo^t 566. 
 
 o'i«ot 305, 325, 562. 
 
 oiKOv8f (Horn.) 35,569. 
 
 οϊκος 29, 121, l82, 236, 
 
 485. 
 οίκτίρρω (Lesb.) 69,129. 
 
 οικτίρω 6g, 129. 
 οιμος 239• 
 
 otVij, οίνη 59, 380. 
 
 oiVoeti 80, 276. 
 
 οίνοποτηρ 2y8. 
 
 οινός 380. 
 
 οίνος 121, 241. 
 
 oiVouf 80. 
 
 οΐνόφλυξ 205. 
 
 οιι/ο;^θίΐ'ω 489• 
 
 oti/o;^oos 489• 
 
 otoy 122, 238, 380. 
 
 οις 46, 122, 26ο, 298, 
 
 328. 
 οΐς 8θ, 26ο. 
 
 oh (Delph.) 575• 
 
 οΐσθα 24, Ι02, 1θ6, Ι ΙΟ, 
 
 ,174, 175, 5Ι5• 
 οίστρψις 276. 
 οίσω 499, 526. 
 οιτος 258. 
 οίχνία 465• 
 o?;^o/i(U 420, 
 οκα (Dor.) 573• 
 οκνηρός 248. 
 οκνος 241. 
 oVptf 261. 
 όκτάκις 394• 
 οκτακόσιοι 387• 
 όκτάί 396• 
 
 όκτό (Lesb. Boeot.) 
 384• 
 
 οκτώ 8,46,63, 164, ΐ82, 
 
 , 384. 
 
 όκτωκηιδίκατος 39^• 
 οκω? (Ιοη.) 202 note ΐ. 
 
 οΚΐθρος 251. 
 
 ό\(Ίζων 2)77• 
 
 ολί'σαι 148. 
 
 ολίσσαι (ΗοΐΏ.) 5θ9• 
 
 όλί'σω 499• 
 
 ολίτηρ 278. 
 
 όλί'ω 499• 
 
 ολι'γιστοΓ 259, 377• 
 
 oXi'yoi 20. 
 
 ολισθαίνΐύ 467 note, 479• 
 
 1 
 
 J 
 
όλίσ^ανος 242, 467• 
 ολισθάρω 467, 4^7 note. 
 
 ολισθηρός 248. 
 ολλνμαι 421. 
 ολλνμΐ 117, 148, 463. 
 ΰλολνς 233• 
 
 ολοί 119, 124, 132,238, 
 284- 
 
 όλότηί 284. 
 υλοφϋρομαι 129• 
 
 ολοφνρρω (Lesb.) 129. 
 
 Όλνμπίαι (ΕΙ.) 562. 
 ολωλα 421, 429» 5^7• 
 όλωλίναι 546. 
 όμαλόί 247• 
 ομβριος 237• 
 
 ομβροΓ III, 159) 248. 
 
 όμΐΧΐω 43 1 • 
 ο/χι;^λ>; 20Ι, 247• 
 όμμα 117, 204, 294• 
 ομννι 54°• 
 ομννμι 403• 
 ομνύτω 54 Ι • 
 ομνύω 465. 
 όμόκλά 73• 
 όμόκλβοί' 73• 
 ομόομαι 499• 
 o/xop-yw/xi 73j 463» 507• 
 ό /xoy 38Ο• 
 όμόσ€ 57°• 
 ό/χόσίί (Cret.) 526. 
 ομόσσαι (Ηοηι.) 509. 
 όμοΰ 96, 560. 
 ομφαΧόί 102. 
 όμώμοκα 429• 
 ο»'αρ37Ι, 559• 
 oveinp 27Ι, 37Ι• 
 oviipos 496• 
 όνίΐρώσσω 49^• 
 ονηαρ 37 ϊ• 
 o^/ijats 262. 
 
 δ^ομα 65, 77, 147, 273, 
 30Ι, 309, 3^3> 350, 
 , 49θ• 
 
 ονομαίνω 6ζ, 129, 49°, 
 
 , 499, 5θ8. 
 
 όνομάκλυτος 289• 
 οι/υ (Cypr.) 410• 
 ονυζ 209• 
 
 Index 
 
 οξύτατο! 258. 
 
 ό^ύτβροΓ 37^. 
 
 οττα (Cret.) 561. 
 
 όπ -ei (Dor.) 562. 
 
 όττΓ; (Cret.) 564. 
 
 οπη 325. 
 
 όπί 342. 
 
 οπίζομαι 493• 
 
 07rt^e(i/) 567. 
 
 onis 285, 343• 
 
 07Γλίτ,;ί 258. 
 
 οπλον 258. 
 
 orroet? 276. 
 
 όττόσοΓ 129• 
 
 όπόττοί (Boeot.) 129. 
 
 οπόττοί (Cret.) 129. 
 
 οπού 560. 
 
 οππά (Lesb.) 32 1, 564. 
 
 οππωί (Horn.) 117, 124, 
 
 172. 
 οπίΐον 89, 9^, 496• 
 οτΓτώ (Elean) 384. 
 οπνι (Gortyn) 414• 
 onus• (Rhodes) 414• 
 δττω (Locr.) 325, 563• 
 οπω (Dor.) 563. 
 οπω (Cret.) 303, 325, 
 „ 414• 
 οπωπα ζΐ^. 
 όπως 24• 
 όραμα 273• 
 ορασις 202. 
 
 όράω 73, 8ο, 425, 43°• 
 6ρ(γμα 273• 
 ορίγρνμι 4^3• 
 όρί'γω 44iiote Ι, 73, 77, 
 
 401. 
 ορείβάΓ/7? 292. 
 opeioy 237• 
 6ρ(σσιγ(νης 292. 
 ορίστ^ρος 254• 
 ορ€σφι(ί/) 3θ6. 
 όρ/ω (Herod.) 73• 
 ορτ; (Dor.) 80. 
 όρ.ν (Dor.) 80. 
 ορθός 124, 238. 
 ορ^ότ^ί 284. 
 όρι•γνάομαι 44 note Ι, 
 
 402. 
 
 Β b 2 
 
 ορίζων 275• 
 
 ορμάω 43°• 
 
 όρμ»? 239• 
 
 ορ/^ο? 239- 
 
 opvfov 237• 
 
 όρνιθαρχος 289. 
 
 όρνϊθιον 237• 
 
 ορνϊθοσκόπος 289• 
 
 όρνΐθόω 486. 
 
 ορνϊΓ 343, 486. 
 
 ορνυθι 540• 
 
 ορνυμΐν (Hom.) 273, 
 
 549• 
 ορ,^ϋμι 217, 424, 457, 
 , 463, 505. 
 
 όρνΰω 465. 
 οροβος 73• 
 ορόγυια 73• 
 ορορΰν 429• 
 οροί 69, 124, 23δ. 
 oppof 217. 
 όρρωδείν (Att.) 73• 
 ορσω 499• 
 όρύσσω 478. 
 όρ;(,?στι;ϊ 266. 
 ορχις 26ο. 
 Όρ;^ομει/οί 73• 
 ορώ 8θ. 
 ορωρα 429, 5Ι7• 
 
 5? 46, 127, 4ΐ3• 
 
 δ? (Horn.) 124, 406. 
 
 οσμή 239• 
 
 οσσ( 46, 294, 3^9, 
 
 , ^^96; 
 
 οστακό? y^. 
 όσταφίς y^. 
 6στ€ον 237• 
 όσφραίνομαι 209. 
 οσφύς 267. 
 
 ora (Lesb.) 57Ι• 
 
 ore 571• 
 
 Oreo 414. 
 
 οτϊμι (Cret.) 414. 
 
 ότρϋνω 6g, 462. 
 
 οττι (Horn.) 124. 
 
 ου 38. 
 
 ου (Att. Dor.) 24, 
 
 404. 
 οΰατ- 213. 
 
%Ί^ 
 
 Index 
 
 ovha^ 73, 283, 370. 
 ohhoi (Horn.) 124. 
 
 oWap 33, 88, 177, 371. 
 
 ovK 24, 230 note. 
 οΰκΐί 202 note I. 
 QVKm 202 note i. 
 olXos (Ion.) 68, 119, 
 124, 132, 148, 238. 
 
 οννομανίω (Ion.) 499. 
 ονπω 325, 564. 
 ουρά 217. 
 ovpafios 269. 
 ουρανίων 269, 348. 
 ουρανόθεν 303, 568. 
 ουρανόθι ^Οζ, 566. 
 ουρανό: 242. 
 ovpos (Ion.) 69, 124, 
 
 238. 
 ους (Dor.) 404• 
 ους 365• 
 ουτοί 40Ι, 41 1• 
 οΰτοσί 40Ι, 411) 41 6. 
 οΰτοσίν 411; 4 1 6. 
 οντω 230, 325) 563) 
 
 575• 
 ουτωΓ 230, 325, 575• 
 ουχ 230 note. 
 οφύλω 69. 
 οφθαλμός 294• 
 οφΐΓ 209, 258, 200. 
 οφίτης 258. 
 όφρϋί 24, 32, 55) "9) 
 
 ι62, 234. 267. 
 
 όχί ο/χαι 497• 
 οχίω 128. 
 ο;^0ί 121. 
 ο•ψ• 234, 341 • 
 όψιμος 239• 
 
 δ\//Ό/χαι 89, 92) 96, 496) 
 499) 526. 
 
 πά (Dor.) 414• 
 τταγΐτός 258. 
 ττάγιοί 237• 
 ■καθύν Ι09, 1 66. 
 τταίδιομ 237) 295• 
 παώΐσκη 253• 
 παώίσκος 253• 
 τταιδοφόι/ΟΓ 289• 
 
 τταιττάλτ; 233• 
 παιτταλλω 429) 4^0• 
 παΙς 40, 8θ, 230, 343• 
 τταΐσα (Lesb.) 167. 
 πηιφάσσω 429, 4^0, 
 πάλαι 202. 
 ffaXai-yfj/iji 32Ι. 
 παλαιός 376. 
 παλαίτΐρος 254) 376• 
 παλαίφατος 292. 
 τταλιγγίί/ίσί'α 1 1 7. 
 77αλιγκα7Γΐ;λεΐίω 15 Ι• 
 παλίλλογοΓ 1 1 7, Ι49• 
 παλίμπαις 117, 15 Ι• 
 πάλλαξ 148. 
 Παλλάϊ 148. 
 ττάλλω 67, 129, 217, 
 
 478, 507, 5θ9• 
 πάλτο (Horn.) 221, 
 
 507• 
 παλϋνω 67• 
 πάμα (Dor.) 124, 232. 
 παμμητωρ 278. 
 παμπ αν 37• 
 παμφαίνω 429) 4^0• 
 παναίολος 292. 
 πανδαμάτωρ 49) 278. 
 πανΒημΐί 562. 
 πανήγυρις 289. 
 πανημαρ 292. 
 ΤΓΟΓ^άί'ω 466. 
 7Γάΐ'Τπρ;γθί 289• 
 παΐ'τα;^οΐ 562. 
 παι/τα;^οϋ 560. 
 πάντοθΐν 568. 
 πάντοσΐ 57°• 
 τταΓτόσψΐΌί 289• 
 πάντοτε 57 1 • 
 παντότης 284• 
 πάί^Γωί 565• 
 πάππα 233) 32Ι• 
 τταρά 229, 564• 
 παραί 56 Ι. 
 τταράλογοί 29Ι. 
 παράπαν 37• 
 παραχρήμα 2gi. 
 παρίκδος 38. 
 παρίσχον 38, 43°• 
 παρβΐνών 269• 
 
 πάρος 6"/. 
 
 πάς 275, 3ΐ6, 322, 354) 
 .355• 
 
 ττάσα 69, 129, 1 54, 
 
 ι67. 
 πασασθαι (Dor.) 124• 
 πάσιφιλος 292. 
 ττάσσαλοί III, 184. 
 ττάσσω 375, 478. 
 7Γάσ;(^ω 1 09, 1 66, 47°• 
 τταταρ (ΕΙ.) 52 note 2. 
 πατάρα (ΕΙ. Locr.) 44 
 
 note 2. 
 
 πατίομαι II Ο, 170. 
 
 τταταρ 5) 29, 33) 36) 40, 
 44) 44 note 2, 49) 52 
 note 2, 61, 67, 79) 82, 
 83, 85, 89) 92) 96, 
 136, 157, ι64) 230, 
 237, 278, 298-300, 
 302,305,308,311-12, 
 314) 3ΐ6) 319, 332, 
 ^359) 36ο. 
 
 πάτος III. 
 πατράδΐλφος 289• 
 πατρίδων 295• 
 πάτριος 1 1 9, 237• 
 πατροφόνος 2S9. 
 πάτρως 340. 
 πάτταλος 1 84• 
 παυσωλη 247• 
 πάχιστος 259• 
 ττάχι»»; 185, 245• 
 πάχος 279• 
 πα;(υλόί 32, 247• 
 παχύς 1 15, 264. 
 παχύτης 284• 
 πίδα 96, 342, 564• 
 πίδον 236, 342, 350• 
 TTefos 21, 119, 129, 173, 
 237. 
 
 τΓίί (Dor.) 305) 325» 
 414, 562. 
 
 πΐίθω 12, 24) 58) 96, 
 
 ιιο, 115, 115 note, 
 166, 177) 179) 341, 
 456, 499) 505) 509) 
 511, 520, 526-7. 
 πύρα 69) 322. 
 
 Ι 
 
Index 
 
 373 
 
 π(ΐ.ράζ(ύ 495. 
 
 πΰραρ 271, 37 1• 
 
 neipara (Hom.) 89. 
 
 π€ΐράω 495• 
 
 πύρω 67, 129, 478. 
 
 Tiflaai (Thess.) 202 
 
 note 2. 
 ■κασθήσομαι 50I. 
 πΰσμα 1 53 note. 
 πΐίσομαι 225, 422. 
 πΐκττίος 556. 
 
 τΓίί'σω 115 note, 499• 
 
 πί'κο? 279• 
 πίκτό? 472• 
 ίΓ€κτω 472, 473• 
 πίκω 473• 
 ττίλά^ω 45 8, 5θ6. 
 πίλά^ω 475• 
 πελοΓ 475• 
 πίΚΐθρον 251. 
 ΤΓίλίΐάί 285. 
 wfXtKKOv 236. 
 ne\€Kvs 236. 
 ΤΓβλιόί 238. 
 rreXXvr^of 1 1 7, 1 72. 
 IleXoTroi'i'ijaof 292. 
 πίΚωρ 371. 
 TTi/iTre (Lesb. Thess.) 
 
 139, 155, 202 note 2. 
 πίμπτος 139, 258, 390. 
 πίμπω 5II, 52I. 
 πεμφΐξ 285. 
 π€μφρη8ών 272. 
 ntvearepoi 37^• 
 ττίντ;? 285. 
 ntvOfpos 248. 
 ττΐνθΐω 492• 
 TTfV^os 64, 225, 279, 
 
 492. 
 πβνι'α 237• 
 TTiVre 44, 139, 155, 202, 
 
 384• 
 τίβι/τάκι? 394• 
 πεντακόσιοι 387• 
 πεντα^όί 395- 
 πίίταπλοΟϊ 395• 
 τΓίντάτΓουί 289. 
 ntvras 396. 
 πει/τ€κα{δ€κατο5 39^• 
 
 πεντήκοντα 386. 
 7Γ6»τ;;((οστοΓ 392• 
 πίντηκοστνς 266. 
 πίντοί (Cret.) 39°• 
 πεπαθν'ια 552. 
 πΐπαίνω 65. 
 πεπαιτΐρος 254• 
 ττίπάί/^αι 548• 
 πίπαρμαι 67, 5^8• 
 πεπαρμίνος 5 1 8. 
 πίπάται (Cret.) 528. 
 πίπΐΐκα 520. 
 πίπασμαι 522. 
 π f πήγα 5 1 6. 
 ττεπι^ίί;' 505. 
 πίπιθον 429, 5*^5• 
 πίπισθί Ιθ8. 
 πΐπλίχα 5 1 8, 521. 
 πεπλίχθαι 221, 548. 
 ΤΓΕΤτλ/^γμίΐΌί 32. 
 ΤΓίττλυται 479- 
 ΤΓΕΤΓΓίυκο 5Ι7• 
 πίποιθα φ, ΙοΒ, 5ΐ8• 
 πίπομφα 521. 
 πίπονθα 65, 89, 5 1 8. 
 πεπόνθη 43°• 
 πεπόνθειν 43°• 
 πεπονθώί 552• 
 πίπράται (Ther.) 528. 
 πίπραχα 521. 
 fffirroff 89, 202 
 
 258. 
 ττέπτω 473• 
 πεπύσθαι 548. 
 πίπυσμαι 5 1 8, 522. 
 πεπυσμίνος 240. 
 πΐπωκα 54• 
 πίπων 345> 35°• 
 περαίνω 508. 
 Tre'paf 283, 37°• 
 περάω 46 1. 
 περδΐξ 285. 
 7Γ/ρ(9ω 67, 1 66, 509. 
 7Γ6ρί 34, 40, 44• 
 περιίβαλλον 43°• 
 nepi/cXfijs• 79• 
 Πίρικλ^? 8θ. 
 περνημι 46 1. 
 Πί'ρσνΓ 321, 323• 
 
 203: 
 
 πέρυσι 233, 241, 287, 
 
 562, 575• 
 ττίρυσινό? 233, 24Ι• 
 περυτι (Dor.) 562, 575• 
 ττερντις 575• 
 πεσευμαι (Hom.) 499• 
 πεσσνρες (Lesb.) 202 
 
 note 2. 
 πεσσω (Ion.) 1 29, 1 29 
 
 note 2, 203, 433, 
 ,473, 477, 478• 
 ττ/ταλον 247• 
 ΤΓί'ταλοί 247• 
 πεταμαι 97, 458, 503) 
 
 5ο6. 
 ττίτάΐΊ/ϋμι 44 note ι, 
 
 464• 
 πίτάσα* 46 1. 
 πετομαι 82, 89, 96, 457> 
 
 458, 497• 
 Trerpaio? 237• 
 πετρατο! (Boeot) 39°• 
 πεττηράκοντα (Boeot.) 
 
 386. 
 πετταρες (Boeot.) 1 24, 
 
 1 68, 202 note 2, 
 
 383- 
 πεττω 129, 129 note 2, 
 
 203, 473• 
 πενθην 345• 
 πεύθομαι ΐ6, 6ΐ, 96,115, 
 
 115 note, 456, 466, 
 505• 
 
 πενθόμενος 553• 
 πεΰσομαι Ιΐζ note. 
 πεφαγκα 5 2 Ο. 
 πεφασμαι 522. 
 πέφαται 65, 5 1 8. 
 πεφευ-γα 5 1 7, 5^8• 
 πεφνεμεν 429, 457• 
 -πεφραδμενο! 522. 
 πεφραδον 429• 
 πεφρασμαι 522. 
 πεφνγμενος yi, 5 1 8. 
 πεφϊκα 520. 
 πεφύκΰσι (Hom.) 439- 
 πεφυυΐα 322. 
 πεφυως 322. 
 ΤΓίφυώταί (Hom.) 552• 
 
374 
 
 πίψω 203, 499• 
 
 πη 321, 564. 
 
 πη 414) 56ΐ. 
 
 πηγννμί 111,394)463• 
 
 πηκτό: 258. 
 
 πηΧαμυς 285. 
 
 Πηλ(ΰ! 338• 
 
 ττηλίκοί 252. 
 
 πή^ΐί 202. 
 
 πηποκα (Lac.) 325, 5^4• 
 
 π^χυ? 193, 204, 294) 
 
 298-300, 3θ8, 3") 
 
 314, 3ΐ6, 33ΐ• 
 πϊαίνω 490• 
 ηΐάλίος 247• 
 ΤΓϊαλοί 247• 
 πίαρ 236, 350, 371. 
 πϊαρόί 236, 248, 35°• 
 πΐΐζω 74• 
 TTiei 540 note. 
 
 πί(ΐρα 235• 
 
 nit pas 235• 
 
 "■t(f)os 53, 280. 
 
 ΤΓΐ(Ρ)ων 53- 
 
 πίθηκος (Dor.) 252. 
 
 πιθανός 242. 
 
 πιθίσθαι φ, 505. 
 
 πίθηκος 252. 
 
 πΓ^ι 7, 53) 88, 54θ. 
 
 πικραίνω 49*^• 
 
 πικρός 248. 
 
 πίΧναμαι 1 48, 46Ι• 
 
 τΓίλνάω 462. 
 
 πίλνημι 148. 
 
 ΤΓίλΐ'όί 148. 
 
 πϊμ€λη 247• 
 
 ΤΓΐ/χττλάι^ω 429, 466. 
 
 πίμπΚημι 429, 459• 
 
 ,475• 
 
 πιμπρημι 429, 459• 
 πινντη 258. 
 πίί'ω (Dor.) 424> 462. 
 πίομαι 424) 498, 5^6. 
 πιπίσκω 47 1 • 
 -πίπλημΐν 6y. 
 πιπράσκω 47 1 • 
 πίπτω 457• 
 
 τΓΐ'σσα (Ιοη.) 23, 45 
 129- 
 
 Index 
 
 π'ιστις 169, 262, 
 
 τη'συΐΌ? 246. 
 
 πίσνρ(ς (Horn.) 44 note 
 
 I, 202 note 2, 383. 
 πιτνάω 462. 
 
 πίτνημι 44 note I, 461. 
 πίτνω φι, 
 πίττα 23, 45, 1 29. 
 πι'τυί 266. 
 ττίωι/ 7) 122, 271, 352, 
 
 490. 
 πΧάζομαι 420. 
 
 πλίί^ω 153, 156, 466, 
 479) 5ΐ3• 
 
 πΧάθανον Ι02, III, 
 
 175- 
 
 πλάσμα 274• 
 
 ττλάσσω 274• 
 
 Πλαταίάσι 562. 
 
 πλατ6ία 235• 
 
 ττλάτοί 279• 
 
 πΧατόω 486. 
 
 πλατύ? 5) 67) III, 264, 
 
 322, 486. 
 πλί-γδην Ι07, 1 87. 
 πΧίθρον 251. 
 ττλίίι/ 378• 
 πΧΰστος 259, 378• 
 πλείων (πλίων) 378. 
 πλεκτοί 109, 472• 
 πλΐκω Ι07, Ι09, 157, 
 
 ΐ87, 472, 473) 5ΐι, 
 
 521, 522. 
 πλίξω 499• 
 πλίνρόν 248. 
 πΧίνσομαι 499• 
 πλευσοίί/χαι 500. 
 πλ/ω 79) 122, 395, 
 
 5θΟ. 
 πΧη-γννμι 463. 
 πΧηθος 28ο. 
 πΧηθνς 14, 267. 
 πλ^^ω 52, 239, 475• 
 πΧηκτμον 257• 
 πλ^ι/το (Horn.) 70. 
 πΧησιαίτ€ρος yjb. 
 πλησίον 559• 
 πλησσω (Ιοη.) 129, 1 96, 
 
 478. 
 
 πλ^ΓΟ (Horn.) 458, 506. 
 πΧητο (Horn.) 506. 
 πλήττω 129, 196. 
 πλι^^οί III. 
 πλόκαμος 185. 
 πλοκή 236. 
 ττλόκοί 236. 
 πλόος 122, 236. 
 πλουσιακοΓ 252. 
 πλούσιος ΐ69• 
 ττλοΟτοϊ 258. 
 πλοχμός 1 85, 239- 
 πλννω 129, 479• 
 πλύσις 88, 262. 
 πλώί 285. 
 πλωτός 54, 63, 88. 
 πν(νμα 273• 
 Tnifuaoi/ioi 500. 
 ΤΓΐ'εω 122, 5θΟ. 
 πο^άρκης 289• 
 πόδι 3 1 8. 
 πόθ(ν 202, 303, 414, 
 
 568. 
 
 ποθητνς 266. 
 
 πό^ι 566. 
 
 ποί 305, 325, 414, 
 562. 
 
 ποία 238. 
 
 ποιήσΐΐ (Ιοη.) 526. 
 
 ποιήσω 499• 
 
 ποιητής 258. 
 
 ποικίλλω 129, 485• 
 
 ποικίλος 32, III. 
 
 ποιμαίνω 65, 129, 49•^• 
 
 ποιμΐνιος 237• 
 
 ποίμι^ΐ' 65, 82, 92. 96» 
 273, 298, 30Ι, 302, 
 305, 3θ8, 3ΙΙ-Ι2, 
 314, 3ΐ6, 319, 345. 
 490. 
 
 ποίμνη 82, 96. 
 ποίμνιον 237• 
 ποιι»)} 202, 241. 
 ποΊος 4Ι4• 
 ποιπ^'ύω 429• 
 ποιφνσσω 429, 5Ι3• 
 πό /ca (Dor.) 573• 
 
 πολίμαος 237• 
 πολΐμίω 486. 
 
 ^ 
 
Index 
 
 375 
 
 πολΐμψος (Ion.) 237. 
 
 πό\fμό^'^e 569. 
 
 πόλίμοί 40, 237, 486. 
 
 τΓολίμοω 486. 
 
 noXivs (Cret.) 3 1 2, 
 328. 
 
 πολιοί 238. 
 
 πόλΐί 7, 30, 45, 72, 80, 
 82, 230, 258, 260, 
 298-300, 308, 311, 
 314, 316, 328, 331. 
 
 πόλϊ: (Ion.) 312. 
 
 πολίτης 258, 323. 
 
 ΤΓολλά 559• 
 
 πολλάκί 230. 
 
 πολλάκις 40, 202 note Ι, 
 230. 
 
 πολλή 126. 
 
 πολν 559• 
 
 πολνανθή: 289. 
 
 πολνβοντης 258. 
 
 πολυποδινη 244• 
 
 πολνπονε 343• 
 
 πολύς 157, 204, 374, 
 378. 
 
 πολνωφΐλης 289• 
 
 πομπινς 268. 
 
 πομπίύω 489• 
 
 πομπή 236. 
 
 πομπός 236. 
 
 πονηρός 36, 248. 
 
 πόπανον 242. 
 
 πορθμός 239• 
 
 ττόρΐί 26ο, 
 
 ττόρκοΓ 46, 136. 
 
 πορφΰρω 429, 48θ• 
 
 πόσ€ 570. 
 
 ΤΓοσί 3 1 8. 
 
 ΤΓο'σίί 46, 169, 322. 
 
 πον(σ)οί 129) 414• 
 
 πότα (Lesb.) 57^• 
 
 ποταμός 30 note, 40. 
 
 ποτάημαι 97• 
 
 πότί 414) 57Ι• 
 
 ποτΐομαι 82, 9^, 128, 
 
 497• 
 πότίροΓ 8, 3°) 3^5 4°, 
 
 46, 202, 376, 4Ι4• 
 πότη 484• 
 
 ττάτνια 322. 
 
 πού 40, 560. 
 
 ΤΓον 560. 
 
 πους 54, 65, 82, 92, 96, 
 ΐο6, 157, ι66, 171, 
 212, 234, 287, 294, 
 298, 300, 302, 305, 
 3ο8, 3Π, 312, 314, 
 3ΐ6, 342, 343, 345, 
 3SO, 364• 
 
 πράξω 499• 
 
 πράσσω 478. 
 
 πράτος (Dor. Boeot.) 
 80, 390. 
 
 πράττω ζ1, 1 29. 
 
 πράττων 23. 
 
 πρίσβυς 23, 224- 
 
 πρηδών 272. 
 
 πρήσσων (Ιοη.) 23, 51, 
 129• 
 
 πρίασθαι 202. 
 
 πρό 8, 46, 157, 229, 
 252. 
 
 προβλης 285. 
 
 πρόδοσις 37• 
 
 προη•γ(μών 29 1. 
 
 προΊκα 559• 
 
 πρόκα 252, 559• 
 
 πρόκακος 29 Ι. 
 
 πρόπάν 354• 
 
 rrpdf 228. 
 
 προσΐ'ιχον 38. 
 
 προσίσπιρος 29 1. 
 
 πρόσθα (Lesb.) 567. 
 
 προσ5ί(ν) 567. 
 
 ττρόσλαβί 38• 
 
 π-ρόσ(σ)ω 129, 564• 
 
 πρόσωπον 29 1. 
 
 πρότΐρος 254• 
 
 προτΐρω 564. 
 
 ττροτί 228. 
 
 προτίθηντι (Mess.) 528. 
 
 πρόφασιν 559• 
 προφήτης 258. 
 πρνμνός 8g. 
 πρώην 559• 
 ττρωί 237• 
 πρώιος 237• 
 πρωπίρνσί 94• 
 
 πρώτα 559• 
 
 πρώτιστος 259, 39°• 
 
 πρώτον 559• 
 
 πρώτος 40, 68, 8θ, 390• 
 
 πταίρω 6"/. 
 
 πταρμός 67, 239• 
 
 πτάρνυμαι 463. 
 
 πτίρνα 70, 221, 322. 
 
 ΤΓΤίρόν 248. 
 
 πτίρνξ 285. 
 
 πτίσθαι 83. 
 
 πτ^ίΌ* 97, 458, 5°3, 
 
 5ο6. 
 πτίσσω 466. 
 πτΊττω 466. 
 TTToXiTTop^of 289. 
 πτόροί 67. 
 πτνξ 236. 
 πτύσσω 129, 478. 
 πτυχή 236, 
 πτίω 129, 478. 
 πτώ| 234• 
 πτωχίστίρος 376. 
 7Γτω;(0Γ 96, 376. 
 πύαλοΓ 74• 
 πυγμάχος 289• 
 πυγ/χ^ 239• 
 πυγών 269. 
 πΐ'ίλοί 74• 
 πνθΐσθαι ζοζ. 
 πνθιονικα (Boeot.) 323. 
 πυθμήν III, 1 1 5, 273• 
 Πϋ^οί 562. 
 πυ^ω 55, 475• 
 rri'/ca 564. 
 τΓνι/δα^ III. 
 πνί/^άΐΌμβί 466. 
 πύξινος 243• 
 ττυον 475• 
 πυοί 279• 
 ττίρ 371. 
 πνρίκανστος 292. 
 ττν? (Syrac.) 414• 
 πίστίί 96, 262. 
 πώ (Dor.) 563. 
 ττώ^ι 54°. 
 πώμα 88, 273• 
 πώτΓΟΤί 3θ6, 325, 414, 
 
 564. 
 
376 
 
 Index 
 
 πω! (Dor.) 33, 54, 82, 
 92, 96, 234, 319, 
 342. 
 
 πω: 414. 
 
 πωτάομαί 96, 97j 484• 
 
 πώυ 264. 
 
 ραγηναι 82, 87, 9^• 
 
 ραθάμιγξ 285• 
 
 parepos 80. 
 
 ράφανοί 242. 
 
 /5ίδ3ω (Boeot.) 129. 
 
 pefw 129, 478. 
 
 peiepav 25 1. 
 
 ρίμβομαι 466. 
 
 ρΐϋμα 273• 
 
 ptvais 262. 
 
 ρ/ω 44, 96, 122, 137, 
 
 232, 5θ6. 
 ρηγνΰμι 82, 83, 8/, 96, 
 
 232, 463• 
 ρηΐτ(ρος 376. 
 ρ,^ίω 375- 
 pij^t? 121. 
 
 ρησσω (Hom.) 458- 
 pjJTepos 80. 
 
 ρνι-ΐϊΡ 359• 
 
 ρητοροΒώάσκίίΧος 289• 
 ρ^τόί 123. 
 pr/r/jo 121, 1 38. 
 ρντωρ 278, 359• 
 ρΐγο5 279, 492• 
 ρϊγόω 8θ, 492• 
 ρίζα 121, 322. 
 ρικνός 241. 
 ρϊπ)7 236. 
 ρίπτω 43°, 457• 
 ptf^348. 
 
 ροά 96. 
 
 ροδοδάκτυλοί 373• 
 pofos (Cypr.) 122. 
 
 ροη 236. 
 
 ρόος 122, 236. 
 
 ρόπαΚον Ι23• 
 
 ροπτόί log. 
 
 poOf 122. 
 
 ροφί'ω Ι09, 137, 2Ι5• 
 
 pu(W 559- 
 
 ρυθμοί 239• 
 
 ρΰσίί 202. 
 ρυστακτίί 266. 
 purc5f 88, 96, 258. 
 ρώιτϋρι 464. 
 ρώί 234• 
 ρωχμο! 229• 
 
 σά (Megar.) 414• 
 σαίνω 478• 
 σακΐσφόρος 289• 
 σάκοί 124, 232, 279• 
 σάλπιγί 285, 343• 
 σαλπι'γξω 499• 
 σαλπ/ί'ω 153» ^ 56, 494, 
 
 509. 
 σάρα (Dor.) 129• 
 σαπρός 248. 
 ΣάρατΓΐΓ (Att.) 73• 
 σαρων'ώ(5 73• 
 σάφα 73, 564• 
 σβΐννϋμι 23, 224, 464• 
 σβησομαι ζοΐ. 
 σί 124, ΐ68, 397, 4θ3• 
 σίβομαι 117, 207, 420, 
 
 497• 
 σίβω 420. 
 ae^ei^ (Lesb.) 403- 
 σεΊο (Horn.) 403• 
 aeipos 215. 
 σύω 124, 468. 
 aeXava (Dor.) 6, 69. 
 σίλάΐ'ί'α (Lesb.) 69, 
 
 214. 
 (T(\as 241, 283. 
 σ(\ασφόροί 289. 
 σελήνη 6, 69, 214, 241. 
 σίλλί^ω 232. 
 σίλμα 273• 
 σίρΐ'όΓ 117, 207, 241. 
 σίο, σβϋ (Ιοη.) 4θ3• 
 Σίραπί! 73- 
 σΐρφοί 249• 
 σί'σίΐσραι 215• 
 σίσασται 468. 
 fffCe (Hom.) 129, 232. 
 σβΰτλομ (Ion.) 129, 
 
 256. 
 σνρα 129, 273- 
 σημάιτωρ 278. 
 
 ff^pepof (Ιοη.) 129, 184, 
 287, 559• 
 
 σηπ(8ά>ν 272. 
 
 σήπω 506. 
 
 σ^ραγί 285. 
 
 σήτίί (Ιοη.) 559• 
 
 σθ(νο: 279• 
 
 σίγα 564• 
 
 σΓ•)/,;λΟΓ 247• 
 
 σιδ,^Ρίοί 237• 
 
 σύλοί/ 74• 
 
 σΐρόί 239• 
 
 σιναρόί 152. 
 
 σινδρο! 152, 248. 
 
 σκά^ω 478. 
 
 σκαιόί 56, 238. 
 
 σκαιότης 284. 
 
 σκαίρω 67,112, 129,478. 
 
 σκάλλω 67, 129, 47^• 
 
 σκάλμη 239• 
 
 σκαπάνη III. 
 
 σκάπτω 473• 
 
 σκίδάί/νϋρι 44 note ι, 
 
 464; 
 σκ(θρός 251. 
 σκίλοί 279• 
 σκίπανον 242. 
 σκίττανόί 242. 
 σκίπαί 283• 
 σκέπτομαι 420, 497• 
 σκηπτρον 88. 
 σκιά 302, 321. 
 σκιακόϊ 252. 
 σκίδναμαι 44 note Ι, 
 
 401. 
 σκίίρόί 74• 
 σκιόίί? 276. 
 σκϊττωΐ' 88. 
 σκληροί 248. 
 σκοπίω 497• 
 σκοπή 236. 
 σκόρδοι/ 78. 
 σκόροδον 78. 
 σκότοί 212. 
 Σκύ(9>?ί 323• 
 σκυ^ρόί 251. 
 σκύλλω 478. 
 σκΟλοι/ 247• 
 σκΰτοΓ 55• 
 
Index 
 
 2>n 
 
 σκωρ 371. 
 σ«ώ>/. 234, 342. 
 σμ(ρδα\ΐος 214• 
 σμίρδνόΐ 214, 24 1 • 
 σμηνο! 28ο. 
 σμικροί 214- 
 σμίλ7 214. 
 σ^υ;^ω 214• 
 σο0(ω 129, 497• 
 σοί 403• 
 σορό{ 124• 
 σορωνίί 72• 
 σόί 22, 124, 4θ6. 
 σοΟ 403. 
 σονμαι 8θ. 
 σοφία 337• 
 
 σοφοί 30 note, 73, 373 
 note. 
 
 σοφως 325, $65• 
 σοψώτατα 565. 
 σοφώτατοί 258. 
 σοφώτΐρον 565. 
 σοφώτβρος 376, 254• 
 στΓαδώι/ 272. 
 σπαφω67, 75> 129,212, 
 
 478.^ 
 σπαρνός 24 1. 
 σπάρτη 258. 
 σπάρτο ν 258. 
 σττάω 468. 
 σπί'ιρω 6y, 478. 
 σπίνδω 153 note, 166, 
 
 511. 
 
 σπίρμα 49°• 
 σττίρμαίνω 65, 49•^• 
 σπίύδω 02, ΐ66. 
 σπ^λυγ^ 2S5. 
 σπλήν 209• 
 σποράδϊ}!/ 559• 
 στΓουδ/; 02, 236. 
 σπονδή ζβΐ. 
 στάδην 559• 
 στάδίοι 326. 
 στάθμη 239• 
 σταθμός 236. 
 σταίημιν 53 1 • 
 στα/ί^ν 531-33• 
 στάλα (Dor.) 69, Ι48• 
 σταλήσομαι 501. 
 
 στάλλα (Lesb. Thess.) 
 
 69, 148. 
 στάλσίί 67. 
 σταλτίΟΓ 55^• 
 στάμίΌΓ 240. 
 
 σταί 354, 355• 
 
 στάσΐϊ 202. 
 
 στατόί 5, 23,49, 87, 9^, 
 
 212, 258, 555• 
 
 σΓά;^ΐ'ί 264. 
 
 στίαρ 37 1 • 
 
 στ(•γάνη 242. 
 
 στίγαΐΌ'ί 242. 
 
 στ(γαστρορ 257• 
 
 στεγ»; 236. 
 
 στίγνόί 241 • 
 
 στί'γοΓ 112, 197, 212 
 
 note, 279• 
 
 στί-γω 197, Ι99• 
 στίΐΐΌ'? (Ιοη.) 69, 238, 
 28ο. 
 
 στ6ί;^ω 58, Ι09, 20Ι, 
 
 456, 505. 
 στίλίομαι 499• 
 στίλί'ω 499• 
 στίλλω 67, 129, 217, 
 
 221, 478, 509• 
 
 στίμβω III, 466. 
 στίμμα 273• 
 στίίΌ'ί 69, 238. 
 στ(νότ€ρο5 376. 
 στ(νω 112. 
 στΐρίσκω 458, 47°• 
 στίριφο: 249• 
 στίρνον 241. 
 στίρφοί 279• 
 στίφάνη 242. 
 στΐφανος 242. 
 στίωμΐν (Horn.) 72. 
 στ^^ί 540. 
 στηθοί 28ο. 
 στ?7λ,7 69, 148. 
 στημων 273• 
 στϊ/^αι 146, 546. 
 στηομΐρ 72, 528. 
 στησομαι 422. 
 στήσω 422, 499• 
 στφαρόί 2 1 8. 
 στίγμα 1 98. 
 
 στίγων 269. 
 
 στί^ω 198, 478, 507. 
 
 στιφρός 169, 2 1 8. 
 σΓοΐ;^οί 236. 
 στονόί»? 276. 
 στο'νοΓ 276. 
 στορίνννμι 464. 
 στόρθυ-γξ 285. 
 στόρννμί 460, 463. 
 στραβοί 236. 
 στραβών 269• 
 στραταγο? (Dor.) 289• 
 στρατιώτης 25 Ι. 
 στρατό: 9θ• 
 στραφησομαι 501. 
 στρίβλη 247. 
 στρ(β\όί 247• 
 στρΐπτόί 555• 
 στρίφω 497• 
 στροβϊλ05 247• 
 στροφίω 26ο, 497• 
 στροφή 236, 484. 
 στρόφΐί 26θ. 
 στροφός 236. 
 στρώμα 273, 35°• 
 στρώνννμι 464• 
 στρωνννω 465. 
 στρωτ-όί 68,258. 
 στρωφάω 484. 
 στυγερό? 248. 
 στν-γιος 237• 
 σΓυγίΌ'ί 189, 24 1 • 
 στΟλοί Ι02, 176, 247• 
 στύ| 234• 
 στνφΐλός 247. 
 σύ 397, 403. 
 σΰ 299. 
 σύαγροί 289• 
 σν/3ώτ/?ί 321. 
 συ7';^ί'ω 230. 
 σύ^υγοί 1 53• 
 σι/λιΐΌί 232. 
 συλλήβδην 559• 
 συλλογοϊ 117, 149, 230. 
 συμβαίνω 230. 
 συμβάλλω 117, 15 1 • 
 σύμμαχος liy, 1 5 Ο. 
 σύμμΐτρυς \ζΟ. 
 σνμμιγής 366. 
 
378 
 
 Index 
 
 συμπΧίω 15 1. 
 σνμπρΟ€ς 38. 
 σνμφίίγω 1 5 1. 
 σύν 232. 
 σύνδουλο? 29 I • 
 avvrptis 29 1. 
 συοκτόΐΌί 289. 
 σΰριγξ 285. 
 σνρράπτω liy. 
 σνρρίω 117, 230. 
 σύρω 217. 
 
 σϋϊ 213, 3ΐ6, 334- 
 
 σύσσωμος 230. 
 
 συχνοί 245• 
 
 σφάγιον 237• 
 
 σφά -yior 237• 
 
 σφάδδω (Boeot.) 1 29• 
 
 σφάζω 129, 478• 
 
 σφαίρα 322. 
 
 σφάλΧομαι 102,2θ8,2Ι2 
 
 σφάλλω 217, 47^• 
 
 σφαραγ(θμαι Ι02, ΐ6ΐ. 
 
 σφ€ 404. 
 
 σφία! 404• 
 
 σφίίί 404• 
 
 σφεΤ^,αί 102, ΐ6ΐ, 283• 
 
 σφίηρος 4c6. 
 
 σφι?»' Ι02, ΐ6ΐ. 
 
 σφίγγω 466. 
 
 σφίγξ 2θ. 
 
 σφί{ν) 404. 
 
 σφίσί{ν) 404. 
 
 σφώ 403. 
 
 σφωί 4θ4• 
 
 σφωϊ (Horn.) 403. 
 
 σφωίν (Horn.) 325, 403• 
 
 σφωΐτΐρος (ΗοΓΠ.) 406. 
 
 σφων 325. 
 
 σχαδών 272. 
 
 σΑ^ά^ω 47^• 
 
 σ;(άω Ι02, 1 92. 
 
 σχίδίν 559• 
 
 σ;^ίδοΐ' 559• 
 
 σχΐΐν 115, 258. 
 
 σχ(ρόί 248. 
 
 σχί> 524, 539• 
 σχίσΐί 202. 
 
 σ;^ίτΟΓ 258, 555• 
 σχΓ^η 273• 
 
 σχησω 499• 
 
 σχί^α 322. 
 
 σχίζω Ι02, 129, 192, 
 
 212, 46ο, 477, 507• 
 σχίσΐί 202. 
 σχισμοί 239• 
 σχολαίτ(ρος 254, 37^• 
 σώμα 40. 
 σωματο(ί8ης 289. 
 σώϊ 8θ. 
 
 σωτηρ22,7, 359• 
 σωτηρία 22,7. 
 σωτήριοι 237• 
 σωφρονίστίρος 376. 
 σωφροσύνη 246. 
 σώφρων 350• 
 
 ταθησομαι 50Ι. 
 ταί 56, 409. 
 TOKepos 96. 
 τακτοί 555• 
 Γακω (Dor.) 96• 
 τάλαίΐ/α 75• 
 ταλαπβί'^ήί 289• 
 τάλαροί 248. 
 τάλαί 67, 69, Ι54• 
 ταλαύρΓι/οί Ι23• 
 ταλλα 8θ. 
 ταμι'ιν 65. 
 ταμίας 294• 
 ταμίάσι 321. 
 τά/χ^ω (Dor.) 462. 
 TOi/e (Thess.) 410. 
 
 τανύδρομοί 6 ζ, 
 τανύπονς 65. 
 ταννσίτΓΤίροί 289• 
 τανύσω 499• 
 τάΐΊ^ταί (Horn.) 65; 
 
 463. 
 ται/υω 465, 499• 
 τάραξί! 262. 
 ταράσσω (Ιοη.) 129• 
 ταράττω Ι 29. 
 τάρβος 205. 
 ταρσό? 67. 
 ταρφνς 264. 
 Τίίσίί 262. 
 τάσσω 47^. 
 τάτα 233• 
 
 τατός 5, 65, ΐ64, 258. 
 Tavpos Ι 5, 60, 248. 
 τανροφόνος 289. 
 ταντά (Dor.) 564. 
 ταύτη 321, 564. 
 ταύττ) 561. 
 τάφος 279• 
 τάφρη 248. 
 τάχα 564. 
 τάχιστη 559• 
 ταχίσττ;^ 559• 
 τάχιστο? 115, 259• 
 τάχος 279, 3 1 6. 
 ταχύί 129, Ι94• 
 ταχντης 284• 
 ταων (Hom.j 314, 321. 
 
 Te 35, 40, 44, 202, 414• 
 τ€ (Dor.) 403• 
 
 τέγος 112, 197, 212 
 
 note, 279. 
 
 Τί^αλιΰα 552. 
 τίθακα 517, 520. 
 Τΐθηκα 520. 
 Τ6^7;λώί 552• 
 τίθναθι 540. 
 τίθναίηρ 533• 
 τίθναμ(ν 90• 
 τΐθνάναι 546• 
 τΐθνάτω 541 • 
 τίθνηκα 501, 5Ι7• 
 τίθνηκ( 424• 
 Τΐθνηξω 501. 
 
 τί^ΐΊ^ώτη (Horn.) 552• 
 τέθραμμαι 5 1 8. 
 τΐθριππον 220. 
 ταδί (Dor.), 325, 562. 
 TciV (Horn. Dor.) 403. 
 
 τΐίννμι 463. 
 
 Τίίνω 129, 164. 
 
 Τίΐ'ρω 129• 
 
 Τίίσαι 202 note 2. 
 
 τήσομ^ν (Horn.) 526. 
 
 τ(ίσω 499• 
 
 τ(ίσωμ(ν 526. 
 
 Τίΐχοί 279• 
 
 τεκμαίρομαι 499• 
 
 τΐκμαίρω 49 ϊ• 
 
 Τΐκμαρ (τ(κμωρ) 371, 
 
 491. 
 
Index 
 
 379 
 
 τ(κμαρ(θμαι 499• 
 
 τίκνον 24 1 • 
 
 T«os 279. 
 
 Τίκταινα 1 1, 75,235,322. 
 
 τίκταά-ω 4S2, 490. 
 
 τΐκτόναρχοί 289. 
 
 τίκτων 54ι 226, 235) 
 
 269, 322, 345> 482, 
 490. 
 
 Τΐλαμώι/ 90» 97» 273• 
 
 TfXftor 69, 238. 
 
 τίλίίω (Horn.) 76, 129• 
 
 TfXcanji 258. 
 
 τίλ£σφόροί 32. 
 
 τελίντ^ 258. 
 
 τίΚάω 76, 129,212,468, 
 
 482, 492, 499, 5θ9> 
 540. 
 τίΚψις (Horn.) 69, 124» 
 276. 
 
 τίΚΚω 67, 129• 
 
 τίΚος 202, 212, 482, 
 
 492. 
 ΤΐΚσον 212. 
 τ(\ω (Att.) 76. 
 τίμαχος go, 97- 
 τ(μίω 499• 
 τίμνω 65, 4^2. 
 τ«ι/εω 499• 
 
 Te'o (Horn.) 202, 414• 
 τ€ο, Tfv (Dor.) 403. 
 τίόί (Horn.) 33, 404• 
 τΐος, Tfis (Dor. Boeot.) 
 
 403. 
 Ttoi (Dor.) 403. 
 ripas 283, 370. 
 repfvos 35°• 
 reperpov 257. 
 ripijj/ 322, 345, 350. 
 τΐρθρον 251. 
 Tf'p/ia 273. 
 τίρμων 273, 345• 
 Tf ροπών 78. 
 τ/ρττω 457, 505, 5o6. 
 τ^ρττωΧή 247• 
 Τερπ-ωί/ 78. 
 τίρσασθαι 212. 
 τίρσομαι 67, 212, 420. 
 
 TepToj (Lesb.) 390• 
 
 τίρφος 279• 
 τ€ρ^ίμβροτος 289• 
 Ηρψΐί 262. 
 Τ(ρψω 499• 
 Τίρώι/»; 73• 
 τίσσηράβοιοί 125, 129, 
 
 237• , 
 τ€σσαράκοντα {τ(τταρά- 
 
 κοντα) 386. 
 τΐσσαρακοντάκκ 394• 
 Γίσσαρα(τ€τταρα-)κοστΟΓ 
 
 ,392. 
 reaaapts (Hom.) Ι24, 
 
 168, 202. 
 Γ6σσίρ€σ(τ6σσαρ6σ-)κ<ΐί- 
 
 8ΐκατοί 391. 
 reraypfvos 32. 
 Τΐτακα 5 2 Ο. 
 Τΐταλμαι 6y. 
 τϊταμαι 5ΐ8, 520. 
 τίτανοΐ 233• 
 τ€τάρπ€το 505. 
 τέταρτος 67, 258, 39°. 
 τ(τάσθην (Horn.) 523. 
 Τ(Τ€ΐσμαι 5 1 8, 522. 
 rereXfica 520. 
 rereXeapai 522. 
 τ(Τ(νξομαι 50Ι. 
 τίτίΰχαταί (Hom.) 5 1 8. 
 τίτϊμηκα 520. 
 Τΐτίμηκώς ζζ2. 
 Τΐτλαθι go, 54Ο• 
 τίτλά /iei/at (Hom.) 273, 
 
 ^546. 
 Τ€τ\ηκα 520. 
 τίτμηκα go, 97• 
 τίτοκα 5 1 δ. 
 Τίτοκώί 552• 
 
 TeVopis- (Dor.) 383• 
 
 τ€τρά^υγοί 383• 
 Τ€τραίνω 5Ι3• 
 rerpaici? 394• 
 Γίτρακοσίοι 387• 
 τ(τρακτνς 266, 39^• 
 τΕτρα^όί 129, 395• 
 TeTpaneTo 457• 
 ΓίΓραττλοΰί 395• 
 τίτράτΓουϊ 289. 
 Τίτράί 39^• 
 
 TfTparos (Hom.) 67, 
 
 126, 390. 
 Τΐτραφα 5 1 8. 
 Τίτράφαται 5 1 8, 521. 
 Τ(τράφθαι 221, 548. 
 Τ€τραχθά 129- 
 Τίτριμμαι 1 1 7• 
 τίτριφα 521. 
 τίτρΐφθαι 221. 
 τ(τρίψομαι 501. 
 Τΐτροφα 5 1 8, 521. 
 τ6Γρώ*:οι/τα (Dor. Ion.) 
 
 68, 126, 383, 386. 
 τίτρωκοστοΓ 392• 
 TCTTapes 44 note I, 1 24, 
 
 168, 202, 202 note 2, 
 
 383• 
 
 Terrt^ 285. 
 
 Tfrirypfi/ (Hom.) 523. 
 ΤίτυΤίμίίΌί 5 1 8. 
 TervKili/ 429, 505. 
 τ(νξομαι 422, 499. 
 τ(ίιξω 50I. 
 Τίΰτλο;/ 129• 
 
 τεΰχω 62, 456,505, 5", 
 
 522. 
 τΐφρά! 285. 
 re;^;/;; 40, 258. 
 τΐχνίτης 258. 
 reW (Horn.) 72. 
 T^3f 561. 
 rV^'? 233. 
 TJjKifiwv 272. 
 Tij«w 506. 
 τηΧίκος 252. 
 rrjXoae 570. 
 T/jXoC 560. 
 τήμ(ρον 129, 1 84, 287, 
 
 559• 
 rjji/e: (Dor.) 325, 562. 
 τηνίκα 573. 
 
 τηνοί (Dor.) 412, 416. 
 τηνω (Dor.) 563. 
 rijof 72. 
 T^rfs 559. 
 τί 230. 
 Tt'^et 540. 
 τιβήην 533. 
 
 τι^ίίμί»/ 532, 533. 
 
3δο 
 
 Index 
 
 τιθύς 12, 69, 154) 
 
 ι66, 298, 30Ι, 354, 
 .355• 
 
 τιθίίσα 154» 322. 
 τιθίμίν (Horn.) 273) 
 549. 
 
 τιθ€μ(νος 553• 
 
 τιβίναι 546. 
 
 τίθίσθαι 548. 
 
 ηθίσθων 544• 
 
 τΙΘ(σο 543• 
 
 τιθίτω 541 ■ 
 
 Ti^f;/Lit 6, 24, 33, 49 note, 
 52, 85, 87, 96, 115, 
 169, 177, 180, 354) 
 429, 433, 434, 455, 
 472, 529• 
 
 τιθώμπι 529. 
 
 τίκτω 457, 473, 503• 
 
 τίλλω 216,478. 
 
 τϊμά (Dor.) 50,51, 276. 
 τΐμάνς (Cret.) 312. 
 τϊμάω 5, 40, 8ο, 128, 
 
 467 note, 482-4, 527, 
 
 540. 
 
 Τϊμη 5, 18,69,229,237, 
 
 239, 302, 304, 305, 
 3ο8, 312, 321, 482, 
 484• 
 
 τΐμψις 276. 
 τϊμηθησομαι 50Ι. 
 τΐμησαι 547• 
 τίμησις 483• 
 τιμήσω 499• 
 τϊμητΐος 255, 556• 
 τιμητικός 252. 
 τΐμητόί 483. 
 Ti/itof 237• 
 
 rtV (Dor. Roeot.) 403. 
 
 τι^ω 69. 
 
 τίνω (Ion.) 69. 
 
 τίΐ'ω 124, 4^5• 
 
 Tios (Boeot.) 406, 
 
 Tis 40, 414. 
 
 '■'ί 39, 45) 202, 212, 
 
 4Ι4• 
 
 τίσις 169, 202, 262. 
 τιταίνω 480. 
 τιτύσκομαι 47 1 • 
 
 τλατόί (Dor.) 97• 
 τλ^^ι 540. 
 τλήμων 273) 345• 
 τλ,^Γοϊ go, 97• 
 ro 46, 76, 164, 230, 399: 
 408. 
 
 T08e 410. 
 
 To8t 411. 
 
 τ(5^ι 566. 
 
 roi 59, 325, 399• 
 
 Tot (Horn. Dor.) 403. 
 
 τοΐχο! 236. 
 
 τόκα (Dor.) 573. 
 
 tokUs 285. 
 
 TOKsvs 268. 
 
 TOKOf 236. 
 
 τόλμα 130, 322, 484. 
 
 τολμάω 484. 
 
 τομή 236, 372. 
 
 Γομόί 236, 372. 
 
 TOve (Thess.) 410. 
 
 τοξότης 258, 321. 
 τορΐνω 489• 
 τόρμος 239• 
 τόρι /of 78, 241. 
 Toporoy 78. 
 Ύορώνη y^. 
 τόσ{σ)οΐ 129, 1 67. 
 τότ( 57Ι• 
 
 TOW (Boeot.) 403. 
 τοννη (Lac.) 403• 
 τοντύ (Dor.) 562. 
 τοΰτο 411. 
 τούτω (Dor.) 563. 
 τοντωθΐν (Dor.) 568. 
 τράπΐζα 73, 287, 383• 
 τραπύν 67, φ, 45^, 
 
 5ο5• 
 τράττω (Dor.) 456• 
 τραήχ'ιν by. 
 τράφίν (Dor.) 550. 
 τράφω (Dor.) 456• 
 τραχύς 264. 
 Tpits (Cret.) 44) 
 
 382. 
 τρύς 7, 12, 29,44,45) 
 
 58, 69, 119, 128, 
 136, ι64, 313-14, 
 316,328-9,381,385• 
 
 128, 
 
 τρψω 164, 468, 497• 
 τρ/τΓίδδα (Boeot.) 73• 
 τρεπτός 555• 
 τρ4πω 67, 96, 456, 497, 
 
 505-6, 521. 
 τρί(σ)ω 215• 
 τρ/φω 24, 67, 115,456, 
 
 499, 5θ5• 
 
 Τρ(φώνίος 73• 
 τρ(χω 115. 
 τρ/ω 468, 5θ9• 
 
 τρηρός 248. 
 
 τρήρων 69, 215, 269. 
 
 τριακά? 396• 
 
 τριάκοντα 386, 387, 392, 
 
 396. 
 
 τρια/ίοντάκΐϊ 394• 
 τριακόσιοι 387• 
 τριάκοσιοστός 393• 
 τριακοστός 153, 392• 
 τριάς 396. 
 τρίβω Ιθ6, 109, 117, 
 
 ΐ6θ, 532. 
 τριβών 269. 
 τρι'^ω 478. 
 
 τρι'ι/ϊ (Cret.) 69, 382. 
 τρι^όί 129, 395• 
 τριπλούς 395• 
 τρίπους 289, 343, 382. 
 τρις (Heracl.) 69, 394• 
 τρισκαίδεκα 385. 
 τρισκαιδίκατος 391 • 
 τρίτατος (Hom.) 390. 
 τρίτος 258, 390• 
 τριττνς 266, 396. 
 ΐ"Ρ''χ« 395• 
 τριχθά 129, 395• 
 τρομίω 128, 497• 
 τρόμος 236. 
 τροπίω 128, 485, 497• 
 τροπή 96, 236. 
 τρόπις 26ο. 
 τρόπος 236. 
 τροφή 236. 
 τρόφις 26ο. 
 τροφός 236. 
 Τροφώνιος y^• 
 τροχή 236. 
 Tpo;)(if 260. 
 
Index 
 
 381 
 
 ΊρόχΟί 236. 
 
 τρϋγώΐ' 269. 
 
 τρνζω 478. 
 
 τρνφαΚΐΐα 383. 
 
 τρώξ 234- 
 
 τρωπάω 96. 
 
 Τρώί 340. 
 
 τυ (Dor. Lesb.) 397) 
 
 403• 
 τν-γχάνω 466. 
 τΰλ>^ 247• 
 τνΚος 247• 
 τνμπανον 242. 
 TUi'ij (Horn. Dor.) 397j 
 
 403• 
 τνπτησω 499. 
 τύπτω 45 8> 473• 
 τυραννί? 343• 
 τϋφΐδών 272. 
 τυφλϊι /os 244• 
 τυφλοί 247• 
 τνφΧώσσω 49^• 
 τυφλώψ• 496• 
 τίφω 45^. 
 τυρ^ίΐι/ 505. 
 τύψω 499' 
 
 τώδί (Cret.) 303, 325• 
 τώδί (Dor.) 563, 564• 
 τωνί (Arcad.) 41°• 
 
 νββάλλω (Horn.) 107, 
 
 228. 
 υγιαίνω 43°} 43 ^ ■ 
 ΰγιηί 205. 
 ίιγρόί 49^• 
 ίγρώσσω 49^• 
 νδαρός 248. 
 υδρα 48. 
 ν8ρίσκη 253• 
 νδρο? 48, 236. 
 ύδωρ 236, 37 1 • 
 ZfXos 74• 
 υίόί 14, 332• 
 vlvps (Cret.) 3 1 2, 33 1 • 
 
 υ'ιύί 332. 
 vlvs (Cret.) 332. 
 υλοτόμος 289. 
 υμά5 (Att.) 403. 
 
 υ/[Χ€ (Dor.) 403. 
 
 νμ(ας, νμίας (Ιοη.) 403• 
 υμύς 1 1 8, 127, 403• 
 
 νμίί (Dor. Boeot.) 403. 
 υμίτίρο! 254, 37^, 378, 
 4θ6. 
 
 i'piji' 129, 273• 
 
 νμίν (Dor.) 316, 403• 
 
 υμίν, νμ'ιν (Ιοπ.) 403• 
 
 ϋμμ€ (Horn. Lesb.) 4θ3• 
 ΰμμίί (Horn. Lesb.) 
 „ 403•^ 
 
 νμμιν, νμμι (Aeol.) 3 1 6, 
 
 4θ3• 
 
 ϋμμοΐ (Lesb.) 406. 
 ύμνος 1 29. 
 νμός (Dor.) 406. 
 ΰπαίθα 567. 
 ΐιπαρ 2ι7^• 
 ύπαρχος 29 1. 
 ΰπατος ^yy. 
 ύττερ 48, 1 57• 
 νπ€ράλλομαι 232, 
 νπΐράνθρωπος 29Ι. 
 νπ(ρ8ίξιος 2gi. 
 ΰπ(ρθ({ν) 567. 
 νπίρμορον 37• 
 νιΤΐρτ(ρος 254• 
 νπΐρφίαλος 1 24. 
 ντΓ^αλεοί 247• 
 
 ίττνοί 1 1 8, 147, 157. 
 
 241, 496• 
 νπνώσσω 496. 
 ύττό 228, 230 note. 
 
 υποβάλλω 228. 
 ΙπόΒημα 273• 
 ύττό^ίσΐί 291 • 
 ύττό^ΕΤΟί 29 1 • 
 ΰπόξυλος 29Ι. 
 νποχΐίριος 237• 
 υί 8θ. 
 
 ίί 55, 213, 234, 334• 
 υσδοί (Lesb.) 224• 
 ΐιστζρος 48, II ο, 170. 
 υφαίνω 43^ > 5°8• 
 ΰφάντης 258. 
 νφασμαι 522. 
 νφηνα 2 1 6, 5^8. 
 
 ύψ•ιτ6ροΓ 254, 376. 
 
 ύψο^ίΐ/ 568. 
 ύ\|/•οΟ 560. 
 
 φά^ίίί (Dor.) 50. 
 
 φα-γών 269. 
 φαίθων 275• 
 φαα,νός (Ιοπ.) 58, 69, 
 8θ, 117, 122, 214, 
 
 241, 485• 
 φαύνω 130, 485• 
 φάίί/ί/οί (Lesb.) 69, 1 17> 
 
 214. 
 φά^ι 540. 
 φαί8ιμος 239• 
 φαιδρός 2og, 248. 
 Φ«'ν 533• 
 
 φαίνομαι 458• 
 
 φαιι/ω 75, 8ο, 115 note, 
 216, 354, 478, 508, 
 540. 
 
 φαιός 238. 
 
 φάλαγξ 285. 
 
 φαλιός 238. 
 
 φάλλί? Ι02, 2θ8. 
 
 φαμί (Dor.) 51, 82, 83, 
 
 85, 8y, 96, 454• 
 
 φάναι 546. 
 
 φανύην 532• 
 
 φανύμΐν 532• 
 
 φαί /et? 354, 554• 
 
 φανίω 499• 
 
 φάνηθι 54°• 
 
 φανήμ(ναι 273• 
 
 φανησομαι 501. 
 
 φανθΐίς 354• 
 
 φα«/ΟΓ (Att.) 58, 69, 80, 
 
 117, 214. 
 φαντός 555• 
 φάοΓ 241. 
 φάραγξ 285. 
 φαρίτρά 82. 
 
 φάρ^ϊ' (ΕΙ. Locr.) 44 
 note 2. 
 
 φάρος 124, 28ο. 
 
 φάρο? (Ιοη.) 124, 28ο. 
 
 φάρνγξ 285. 
 φάσις 202. 
 φάσκί (Ιοη.) 469• 
 
382 
 
 Index 
 
 φάσκω 470, 
 φατός 65, 209, 258. 
 φάτω 54Ι• 
 
 φίβομαι 205, 420, 497• 
 φΐίδομαι 509. 
 φ(ΐ8ω\η 247• 
 φβιδωλό? 247• 
 φΐρίκαρπος 289. 
 ^epfv (Dor.) 55°• 
 φίρίσθων 153) 544• 
 φ(ρ(σσακψ 124, 232. 
 φ{ρ(τρον [φίρτρον) 85, 
 
 257• 
 φΐρίτω 54 1 • 
 φίριστος 259, 378. 
 
 ΦψΜ« 273• 
 
 φίρ»/)? 241. 
 φίροιμι 535-6• 
 φίροιντο 538• 
 φερόμενος 29• 
 φΐρόντω 542. 
 φερόντων 542• 
 φερόντωσαν 542• 
 φέρουσα 69, 233, 235) 
 
 298, 322. 
 φερτατοΓ 258, 378. 
 φέρτερος 378. 
 φερτός 258. 
 φερτρον 97. 
 φέρω 6, 8, II, 13, 17) 
 
 22, 24, 29, 30, 44, 44 
 note 2,45,46,49)54, 
 56, 69, 80, 82-83, 85, 
 89,96-97,136)140-1, 
 147, 162, 164, 169, 
 212-13,229,230,236, 
 425,427-8,430,433- 
 4, 449, 456, 497) 
 524, 527, 529, 539) 
 540. 
 φέρων 65, 30Ο-02, 305, 
 3θ8, 3Ι1-Ϊ4, 352- 
 53• 
 
 φεύγεσκεν (Ιοπ.) 469. 
 φείγεσκον (Ιοη.) 430. 
 φεύγω 24, 62, 64, 83, 
 
 89, 96) ιι8, 163,205, 
 
 456, 5ο5)5ΐ8. 
 
 φενκτός 258. 
 
 φενξις 202. 
 φευξομαι 422, 5θΟ. 
 φηγινος 243• 
 φήμη 239- 
 
 φημί 38, 40, 454) 470, 
 5θ3• 
 
 φήμΐς 201. 
 
 0^mt 543, 547• 
 
 φήναψι 535• 
 φ,^ι/αί 354• 
 
 φήρ (Lesb.) 124. 
 φθαίρω (Dor.) 478• 
 φθάνω 69, 124, 465• 
 φθείρω 12, 69, 129,217, 
 
 578) 5θ9• 
 
 φθεισίμβροτος 289• 
 
 φθερεω 499• 
 
 φθέρρω (Lesb.) 69, 129, 
 
 478. 
 φθέρσω 499• 
 φ^ι^ρω (Arcad.) 129. 
 φθίεται 526. 
 φθιννθω 475• 
 φΛ'ι/ω 69, 226. 
 φθίνω (Ιοη.) 69. 
 φθίνω 124, 465• 
 φθίσις 202. 
 φθιτός 258. 
 φθορά 236. 
 φθόρος 236. 
 φΐ€λ,; 74• 
 
 φιλέεσκε (Ιοη.) 469. 
 φιλί» 6, 12, 8θ, 128, 
 
 482-3, 485, 497, 527) 
 540. 
 
 φιληθήσομαι 50Ι. 
 φιλήρετμος 28g. 
 φιλήσαι 547• 
 φιλήσω 499• 
 φίλητός 483) 497• 
 φίλοίην 537• 
 φιλορ /if ιδ^5•(Ηοηι.) 214, 
 
 232. 
 
 φίλο? 40, 482, 485• 
 φιλόσοφος 38 note. 
 φιλότης 284• 
 φΐλοτήσιος 237• 
 φιλοψευΒής 366. 
 φίλτατος 258. 
 
 φίλως ζβζ. 
 φίνταται (Dor.) 133• 
 
 φΐτυ 124, 482. 
 φϊτυω 482, 488. 
 φλεγέθω 475• 
 φλίγμα 273• 
 φλέγω 475• 
 
 φλε> 205, 234, 3ϊ6, 
 342, 343• 
 
 φλήναφος 249• 
 φλόγεος 237• 
 φλόγινος 243• 
 φλογμός 239• 
 φλό^ 234, 342. 
 φοβέομαι 205 nOtC 2, 
 
 497•^ 
 φοβερός 248. 
 
 φο/3εω 128, 205 note 2, 
 
 485, 497• 
 φό/3οΓ 236, 497. 
 
 φοιβάω 484. 
 
 φοΐβος 484. 
 
 φοινήεις 2j6. 
 
 φοίνιξ 129 "ote 2. 
 
 φοίνισσα 129 note 2. 
 
 φονεύς 268. 
 
 φονεύω 489• 
 
 φόνοί 65, 209, 236. 
 
 φοξ'ινος 244• 
 
 φορά 236. 
 
 φορεύς 268. 
 
 φορί'ω 29, 96, 128, 268, 
 
 424, 497• 
 φόρησις 262. 
 φορητός 268, 497• 
 φόρμιγξ 285. 
 φορμός 239• 
 
 φόρο? 82-3, 97, 236, 
 
 497• 
 φόρτος 258. 
 φράγνϋμι 463• 
 
 φραδ^ί 279, 366, 373• 
 
 φράζω 429• 
 φράσις 262. 
 φράσσω 478. 
 φραστύς 266. 
 φράτηρ (Dor.) 50, 162, 
 236, 278, 359, 360. 
 
 φράτρά 236. 
 
Index 
 
 383 
 
 φράτωρ 33, 278, 359. 
 φρψρ 371. 
 φρίν€ί 64, 6$. 
 
 φρίνομαι/η! 289. 
 
 φρψ 13, 89, 92, 96, 
 269, 345• 
 
 φρ^κη 236. 
 
 φριί 234, 236. 
 φρίσσω 478. 
 φροΰδο! 219. 
 φρουρά 219• 
 φρϋνη 241. 
 φρΰνοί 241. 
 φύ•γαδ( 569• 
 φυγάί 285. 
 φΐ'γγάΐ'ω 466. 
 φι,'νδα 559• 
 φυγΐ^ν 83, 89, 456• 
 φί^γΐσκΐ (Ιοη.) 469• 
 φν-^ίσκον (Ιοη.) 53°• 
 φυγΐ} 236. 
 φυ^η 322. 
 φυίω (Lesb.) 478. 
 φυλακτήρ 278. 
 
 φύλα| 298, 3ΐ6, 343• 
 φυλάσσω 522. 
 φνΧίτης 258. 
 
 φολ^ 247• 
 
 φΰλλον 66, Ι29• 
 φϋΧον 247• 
 
 φύλοτΓίί 343• 
 
 φύξιμοί 239• 
 φϋρω 478. 
 
 φϋσωτεί (Boeot.) 80. 
 φϋσίζοο! 289. 
 φυσικοί 252. 
 φυσιολόγοΓ 229. 
 φύσΐΓ 87, 97> 169, 202. 
 φύσομαι 422. 
 φυσώ 422. 
 φυτόν 2 58. 
 φι'ω 478. 
 
 φωι/άντα (Dor.) 80. 
 φύ,»/;; 82, 83, 96. 
 φώρ 82, 92, 96, 97, 234ι 
 359• 
 
 φώριο! 237• 
 
 φώί 4°, 1 66, 365• 
 
 458, 
 
 χάνομαι 478• 
 χηιρηδών 272. 
 χαφΓ/σω 499• 
 χαψω 67, 424 
 
 48ΐ. 
 χάλαρο? 289. 
 χαλίΤΓΟΓ 473, 485• 
 χαλίτττυ'ί 266. 
 χαλίπτω 129, 473, 485• 
 χαλίφρωι/ 289. 
 χάλκίΐΟΓ 237• 
 χαλκίνω 489• 
 χάΚκηιοΐ (Ιοη.) 237• 
 
 χαλκοί 20Ι. 
 
 χαμαί 193, 304, 346, 
 
 56ι. 
 
 χαμαι-γΐνη! 292, 321. 
 χαν (Dor.) 69• 
 χανδά 559• 
 χανδάνω 20Ι, 466. 
 
 χαράδΐοί (Heracl. gen.) 
 
 χαρηναι 88. 
 
 χαριΈΐΓ 12, 69, 230, 276, 
 
 298-301, 3θ8, 322, 
 
 356, 357• 
 
 χαρκντότης 284. 
 χαρίΐντως ζ6ζ. 
 χαρί(σσα 235• 
 χαριίστατοί 356• 
 χαρι4στΐρο5 254 
 
 376. 
 Xfiptf 559• 
 χάρΐΓ 88, 285, 343j 481. 
 
 χάρμη 239• 
 χ€^ω 500. 
 
 χίίλίοι 44 note ι, 69, 
 215, 237, 388. 
 
 χ(Ίμα 273• 
 
 χ(ίμ( ρινός 24 1 • 
 
 χειμών 24, 193) 273• 
 
 Xfip 294, 362. 
 
 χβί'ρισΓΟΓ 259, 378. 
 
 Xeiporepos (χΐρ€ΐότ(ρος) 
 378• 
 
 χίίρωι/ (xepeiav) 378• 
 ' χΛίΐον 237• 
 
 χίΚλιοι (Lesb.) 44 note 
 f 1,69,215,388. 
 
 356, 
 
 216, 
 
 Xf'XDs 237, 267. 
 XepaSof 73. 
 χΐρμάδιον 237. 
 χίρνη! 285. 
 χί'ρσοί 373• 
 χβσοΰρ,αι 50Ο• 
 Xei>a 273• 
 χ€ω 24, 89, 115, "5 
 
 note, 193, 498, 511, 
 
 526. 
 χήλιοι (Dor.) 38 
 χην 69, 193» 
 
 347• 
 XVpoy 248. 
 χθαμαλός 247• 
 
 χθες 44 note ι, 559• 
 χθιζόν 559• 
 χθιζόί 44 note ι. 
 
 χ^όίΊΟί 237- 
 
 χθων 141, 226, 230, 234» 
 
 287, 346. 
 χϊλιάκις 394• 
 χίλιοι 44 note ι, 388. 
 χιλιοστοί 393• 
 χϊλιοστύί 266. 
 χίμαρος 248. 
 
 χιώί/ 141, 193) 230, 234, 
 
 346. 
 χλΐίροΓ 74• 
 χλωροί 248. 
 χοάνη 79• 
 χόαΐΌί 79• 
 χόδανος 242. 
 χοίρινη 244• 
 χοιρίσκος 253• 
 χοίρος 248. 
 χοοί 122, 236. 
 χόρτοί 258. 
 χραινω 478• 
 χράομαι II ζ. 
 χρηΐσκομαι (Ιοη.) 47°• 
 χρήμα 273• 
 χρην 430. 
 χρήσιμος 239- 
 Xpovoy 241. 
 χρΟσ«θί 237• 
 χρϋσ(ος 237• 
 χρυσοί 486. 
 χρϋσοϋί 33• 
 
384 
 
 χρνσόω 486. 
 
 χρω 478. 
 
 χν5ψ 559• 
 
 χΰσΐί 202. 
 
 χντλον 256. 
 
 χυτός 555• 
 
 χντρινοί 243> 244• 
 
 χώρα 5, ι8, 5ΐ>63, 70, 
 141, 248, 298, 3οο> 
 302, 304, 305> 3ο8, 
 
 321. 
 
 χώρί? (Ion.) 51. 
 χωρίί 558. 
 
 ^^α/cάy 73• 
 ^^αΚτηί 258. 
 ψάληγ^ 285. 
 ψάλτρια 322, 
 ψάμμοί ΙΙ7• 
 ψηφαρόί ΙΙ7• 
 ψβκάϊ 73• 
 ψ(\λίζω 232. 
 •ψ•ίυδαλ€Όί 247• 
 Λ/Λίυδ^ϊ 279, 366, 373• 
 
 Index 
 
 ψΐύΒομΜ 1 74• 
 
 ψίΰδοΓ 279, 366. 
 >//•ίυδω Ι ΙΟ, 509) 5 II• 
 
 ψ,^λτ,Ι 285. 
 ψ^Ρ 234• 
 ψί(θο! 74• 
 
 ψίθυρος 248. 
 λ//•υδρ09 248. 
 \//-ι;^ώΐ' 269. 
 \//•ΰχο7Γθμ7ΤΟί 289• 
 ψωρός 248. 
 \ί/'ώω Ι09, 225• 
 
 ω (Cret.) 303, 325• 
 ω (Locr.) 325, 563 
 ώ (Dor.) 563• 
 ωδ6 (Ion.) 564• 
 
 ωδτ; 8θ. 
 ωδί/σα 43 1• 
 ώ^ουι/ 43°• 
 S)Ka 564• 
 ώκνπίτης 2 
 ώκύς 33) 54 
 
 », 321. 
 
 ι82, 264. 
 
 ώλβσα 463, 512. 
 
 ώμηστης 289. 
 ώμοβρως 285• 
 ωμορξα 507. 
 ώ /ior 2ΐ6, 294• 
 ωμοσα 463, 5Ι'-'> 5^2 
 ων 24. 
 ώί- 354• 
 2)ΐ/α| 8θ. 
 ώνΐομαι 128. 
 ώϊ/?7 241. 
 
 ώι/ό/Ατ^ι/α 2ΐ6, 508, 
 ωνος 241. 
 ωξυμμαι 522. 
 ώρασι 321, 562. 
 ώργίσθην 43°• 
 ώρεξα 507. 
 ώρ^ωσα 43°• 
 ωρορον 457) 5θ5• 
 α)ρσα 217, 221 
 
 509, 5"• 
 
 Spro 221, 507• 
 ώρϋδιίι/ 559• 
 Ζίτα 8θ. 
 
 ωφίλλον (Horn.) 430 
 &f 92, 96, 234, 342. 
 
 507, 
 
 CORRIGENDA. 
 
 § 44 riote I /or σκ.ί8νημι 
 73 
 96 
 97 
 
 ii8, 127 
 
 129 
 
 153 
 
 237 
 287 
 289 
 
 402 
 431 
 
 σθων 
 
 όμόκλα 
 
 (σπίσθαι 
 
 κίρασαι 
 
 νμύς 
 
 αΚ\(σθαι 
 
 φ(ρόσθων, *■ 
 
 χρύσ€ΐος, χρύσΐος 
 
 άριστον 
 
 ναυκράτης 
 
 λαθικηδης 
 
 (μΐβ^ν 
 
 αμΐ 
 
 ώμίλουν : όμιλ' 
 
 read σκί^ναμαι, 
 
 „ όμόκΚά. 
 
 „ (σπίσθαι. 
 
 ,, Κΐράσαι. 
 
 „ ϋμύς. 
 
 ,, αΚίσθαι. 
 
 ,, φΐρίσθων, *-ίνσθων. 
 
 „ χρύσΐίος, χρυσ(ος. 
 
 „ άριστον. 
 
 „ ναυκρατης. 
 
 „ \αθικη8ης. 
 
 „ eptOev. 
 
 406 (last two lines) _;i?r were also formed read was also formed, 
 
 and delete πιμπράνω. 
 50I /or ίστηκα read ΐστηκα. 
 512 ,, fyrjpaaa „ (γηράσα. 
 517 ,, κΐχΰμΜ ,, κεχνμαι. 
 
A