\ 
 
 TV 
 
NARRATIVE 
 
 OF 
 
 THE MILITARY ACTIONS 
 
 OF 
 
 COLONEL MARINUS WILLETT, 
 
 TAKEN CHIEFLY FROM HIS OWN MANUSCRIPT. 
 
 PREPARED BY HIS SON, WILLIAM M. WILLETT. 
 
 Neln^Yorft : 
 PUBLISHED BY G. & C. & H. CARVILL. 
 
 1831. 
 
W/W/ 
 
 Entered according to the Act of Congress, In the year one thousand eight hundred and 
 thirty-one, by G. & C. & H. C ARVILL, in the Clerk s Office, of the District Court of the 
 United States for the Southern District of New- York, 
 
 *** - 
 
 LUDWIG TOLEFREE, PRINTERS. 
 
DEDICATION. 
 
 TO GENERAL LA FAYETTE, 
 
 SIR, 
 
 The following pages contain a plain and un 
 adorned narrative of the principal military actions in 
 which Col. Willett was engaged during the French 
 and Revolutionary wars : together with an account 
 of his Mission to the Creek Indians. The whole 
 narrative is little more than a transcript of what he 
 himself wrote, after he had attained his seventieth 
 year. In it, will be found a few incidents of an in 
 teresting nature, connected with our Revolutionary 
 war, which heretofore have been but slightly, if at 
 all, touched by the pen of the traveller or the histo 
 rian : while the circumstances that these pages con 
 tain the otherwise perishing memorials of one of our 
 oldest Revolutionary Soldiers, will, it is hoped, im 
 part to them a peculiar interest. 
 
DEDICATION. 
 
 Allow me, Sir, in giving this narrative to the pub 
 lic, to dedicate it to you, as one of those few surviving 
 patriots who connect past struggles with present 
 triumph and prosperity : and one, for whom Colonel 
 Willett entertained the highest esteem, and the 
 warmest sentiments of friendship. 
 I remain, 
 
 Sir, 
 with sentiments of great respect, 
 
 WILLIAM M. WILLETT. 
 New-York, August 15/A, 1831. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 FAGE. 
 
 Introductory remarks, 6 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Expedition to Ticonderoga. Capture of Fort Frontenac, 9 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Affair of Broad-Street, - 26 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Expedition to Canada. An attack upon the enemy at 
 Peekskill, - 33 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Siege of Fort Stanwix, - 43 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 Battle of Monmouth, 65 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Mohawk Campaign s. Battle of Johnstown, 72 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Expedition to Oswego, - 90 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The Creek Mission, - 94 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Conclusion, - - - 114 
 
 Appendix, - 129 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 
 
 THE Revolutionary War, though an event not sufficiently 
 remote to produce that mingled feeling of awe and venera 
 tion with which we regard great occurrences that have 
 long, since transpired, is still of not so recent date, but that 
 time already begins to throw a deeper shade of interest over 
 the numerous and remarkable transactions which distin 
 guish that eventful period. The banks of the Delaware : 
 the plains of Saratoga and of Monmouth : the environs of 
 York-town ; grow dearer to us with the lapse of years ; and 
 as the course of time renders the actions which were per 
 formed on these memorable spots still more and mors 
 remote, our admiration will continue to increase : until, like 
 the plains of Marathon, and the straits of Thermopylae, they 
 will be viewed as classic ground by every lover of civil free 
 dom. They will be spoken of with veneration : they will 
 be approached with the deepest interest : while the recollec 
 tions of former achievements, consecrating these hallowed 
 scenes, will awaken within the bosom the liveliest feelings 
 of emulation and patriotism. 
 
 This war, of so much importance to the future welfare of 
 our country, was peculiarly distinguished for the patriotism 
 which was displayed throughout every stage of the pro 
 tracted and arduous struggle. Acting from an enlightened 
 
conviction of fheirjust rights : suppressing rather than giv 
 ing way to the full burst of indignation which would natu 
 rally arise in generous minds from unmerited oppression, 
 the patriots of the Revolution proceeded to take their pre 
 liminary measures with the utmost coolness, deliberation, 
 and firmness : and when they discovered that it was utterly 
 impossible to adjust existing differences without relinquish 
 ing rights which were esteemed essential to the enjoyment 
 of liberty, they then pledged themselves not to abandon a 
 cause with which they conceived their own honour and 
 happiness, and that of their posterity, to be forever, after 
 inseparably connected. Engaging thus in so important a 
 cause, from a clear conviction of its justice, and not merely 
 from a sense of oppression, they displayed a spirit of steady 
 resistance to the most vigorous efforts of their powerful and 
 inveterate adversary. They were undismayed by misfor 
 tune ; undaunted by numbers. They rose with every re 
 verse of fortune ; and plucked the laurels of victory almost 
 in the very moment of defeat. Unsubdued by every variety 
 of suffering, they would have preferred retiring beyond the 
 Alleghany, rather than to have submitted to the government 
 of their oppressors. In the midst of portending ruin, their 
 valour and patriotism, confined to neither rank nor place, 
 opened a way for their deliverance, and ultimately crowned 
 their efforts with complete success. 
 
 Among the number of those brave patriots, who espoused 
 the cause of freedom, fought in her ranks, and were ready 
 to lay down their lives in defence of her violated rights, 
 Colonel Willett was not the least zealous. It is true he 
 was engaged in but few of the principal actions throughout 
 the war. The battle of Monmouth was the only general 
 action in which he took a part, and in this he served as a 
 volunteer. It was his fortune to be stationed cliieily on the 
 
frontiers; but perhaps this very circumstance may heighten 
 the interest of his services. To the more prominent events 
 of the Revolution, little or nothing remains to be added ; but 
 as its leading outlines are filled up and crowded with facts, 
 many a feat of gallantry may still be gleaned from this rich 
 field of adventure, heretofore in part or wholly hidden, on 
 account, perhaps, of their remoteness from the principal scene 
 of action. Indeed, it is the enterprising and intrepid valour 
 which Colonel Willett displayed, in rude and wild scenes- 
 of warfare, which has encircled his name, in the annals of 
 his country, with an imperishable wreath of glory. His 
 sortie from Fort Stanwix ; his passing afterwards, through 
 the enemy s camp, in company with Major Stockwell, and 
 traversing the wilderness for fifty miles, exposed every in 
 stant to a cruel and enraged foe, have been the theme of 
 high encomium even by British historians. His services 
 along the Mohawk river, the entire security which he 
 afforded to that rich frontier settlement, were considered of 
 great utility and importance by General Washington and 
 Governor Clinton, and are perhaps remembered to this day 
 by a few of the old inhabitants. 
 
 As a patriot, I do not think my filial love and veneration 
 will incur censure, for having led me into extravagant praise, 
 when I say that no man could love his country with more 
 intense affection. Enlisting in her service early on the 
 morning of that day, so lowering and overcast with clouds, 
 it was plain that the risk he ran, in common with others, 
 was forgotten in the love he entertained for his country, and 
 in a feeling of indignation against those who would have 
 oppressed her, and robbed her of her rights. In the very 
 commencement of the contest he was anxious to take a 
 part so bold and decided, that all hope of compromise, so 
 as he was personally concerned, should be cut off. 
 
8 
 
 Throughout every stage of the arduous struggle, his heart 
 remained true to the cause of freedom, and it was not until 
 peace was proclaimed that he laid down his arms. 
 
 At the close of the war, Colonel Willett returned to civil 
 pursuits. Under the administration of General Washington, 
 he negotiated terms of peace between the Creek nation and 
 the United States ; an event in which General Washington 
 was deeply interested. 
 
 In addition to negotiating this treaty, Colonel Willett 
 filled several other civil offices; and after his retirement from 
 public life, 1 he frequently appeared among his fellow- 
 citizens, on interesting occasions, always manifesting a lively 
 interest in the honour and prosperity of his country. 
 
 Thus he lived, growing old amidst the esteem and affec 
 tions of his fellow -citizens ; and as time continually dimin 
 ished the number of his old associates in arms, becoming 
 like one of a few noble trees of a once large and flourishing 
 forest, more and more an object of respect and veneration. 
 
 At length Colonel Willett sunk under the weight of years. 
 The numerous public testimonials to his character, and the 
 tribute of respect paid to his remains, by an immense con 
 course of his fellow-citizens, showed the degree of honour 
 in which in his old age, and in the retirement of private life, 
 he was still held. 
 
 "So sleep the brave, who sink to rest 
 By all their country s honours blest." 
 
 All that now remains to his country, is the recollection of 
 his services in her cause ; his ardent attachment to her wel 
 fare. And having devoted the fulness and strength of his 
 days, to promote the glory and prosperity of his country, his 
 name perhaps will not soon be forgotten, but in a later 
 period still of her history, be found adorning some page in 
 the annals of that eventful period in which he lived. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 EXPEDITION TO TICONDEROGA. CAPTURE OF FORT 
 
 FRONTENAC. 
 
 COLONEL Marinus Willett was born on the 31st of July, 
 (old style) 1740, in Jamaica, Long Island, in the State of 
 New York. He was of a respectable family : his grand 
 father Samuel Willett, held the office of Sheriff of Queen s 
 county, Long Island : his father, Edward Willett, born in 
 the year 1701, lived on a farm on the island a number of 
 years, though he afterwards removed to New York, w r here 
 he continued to reside until his death. He died in his son s 
 house at the advanced age of 93. 
 
 Colonel Willett was one of thirteen children : he survived 
 them all. Elbert Willett, who died at his residence in Al 
 bany a few years since, at the age of 90, was, with the ex 
 ception of Colonel Willett, the sole surviving member of the 
 family. Of six brothers, of whom Colonel Willett was the 
 youngest, but one besides himself engaged in either the 
 colonial or revolutionary war : this- was Isaac, the fourth 
 brother, who went as a lieutenant in a privateer in the French 
 war, in the year 58, was cast away in a hurricane, and, 
 with all on board, perished. 
 
 Colonel Willett was between fifteen and sixteen years of 
 age, when an impressment took place in the city of New 
 York, which was the first circumstance of a public nature 
 that left a serious impression on his mind. The follow- 
 
 2 
 
10 
 
 ing is his own account of the transaction. "A number 
 of marines belonging to the English men-of-war, then lying 
 in the harbour, were employed in impressing men for those 
 ships. They commenced their business very early in the 
 morning ; and though it was afterwards said that their orders 
 were to impress only such as had the appearance of sea 
 faring or labouring men, yet several respectable citizens were 
 seized by those press-gangs, who scrupled not to enter into 
 whatsoever house they pleased, without regarding the ter 
 ror or protestations of the occupants. Such was the conduct 
 of the British government in this City, at a time Avhen the 
 least disloyalty would have been deemed an unpardonable 
 offence : strange as it may appear, these outrages upon the 
 inhabitants were perpetrated without the shadow of oppo 
 sition." 
 
 In the year 58, a great degree of military excitement per 
 vaded the colonies, in consequence of the vigorous efforts 
 of Mr. Pitt, to retrieve the losses and disgrace which had 
 attended the British arms for several preceding campaigns in 
 the war, which at that period raged with great violence, be 
 tween France and Great Britain. Colonel Willett, prompted 
 by the ardour of youth, and fired by a natural enthusiasm, 
 caught the general flame ; and a relation of the family who 
 was in the public service, offering his assistance to procure 
 him a commission in the army, he eagerly embraced the 
 offer : shortly after, he received a second lieutenant s com 
 mission in a colonial regiment. 
 
 The regiment with which Colonel Willett was con 
 nected had been raised in the colony of New-York. It 
 consisted of three battalions of nine hundred men each ; 
 and was commanded by Oliver Delancy, brother to James 
 Delancy, at that time Lieutenant Governor of the colony of 
 New-York. The company to which Colonel Willett was 
 
11 
 
 attached, was composed of men raised on Long- Island, 
 and was placed under the command of Thomas Williams, 
 a man of activity and courage. 
 
 Colonel Willett has left the following description of the 
 dress which, as a lieutenant, he wore upon this his youthful 
 campaign. It may be gratifying to those who are fond of 
 the most common reliques of past times, to preserve it in this 
 place. It consisted of a green coat, trimmed with silver 
 twist, white under clothes and black gaiters ; also a cocked 
 hat, with a large black cockade of silk ribbon, together with 
 a silver button and loop. 
 
 Thus equipped, between the age of seventeen and eighteen, 
 on the seventh of May, Lieutenant Willett left New -York 
 with his regiment. Upon the arrival of the regiment at 
 Albany, orders were received to march up the Mohawk river, 
 in order to guard the settlements which had already been 
 formed along that rich tract of country, against the in 
 cursions of the French and Indians. The inarch from Al 
 bany to Schenectady was the first he ever made ; and as 
 the day was warm, and the road sandy, he was excessively 
 fatigued; more so, he says, than upon any other march, 
 though he afterwards made many a heavy and fatiguing one. 
 After remaining for the space of two. weeks as a guard to 
 the inhabitants along the river, the regiment was ordered to 
 join the main army, under General Abercrombie, comman- 
 der-in-chief, which was assembling at the south end of 
 Lake George. Arriving at the general place of rendezvous, 
 the utmost activity was found to prevail throughout every 
 department of the army, owing chiefly to the spirited exer 
 tions of the gallant and amiable Howe. This most promis 
 ing and heroic English nobleman, appears to have quickly 
 gained the universal esteem and affection of the army. His 
 manners were easy ; his carriage unassuming ; his dress 
 
n 
 
 very plain. In the midst of the most unceasing activity in 
 receiving and inspecting the troops, disciplining them, 
 introducing a reform in their dress, and looking into the 
 minutiae of every department of the army, his deportment 
 was uniformly gentle and modest. In fine, the ability and 
 industry which he displayed, marked him out, to use Colonel 
 Willett s expression, as the life and soul of the army as the 
 individual upon whose exertions the success of the cam 
 paign mainly depended. 
 
 The diligence and activity with which the necessary pre 
 parations were made, enabled the commander-in-chief .to 
 open the campaign at an early period in the season : a circum 
 stance of the utmost importance, as perhaps to this cause 
 was owing the utter failure of several preceding campaigns. 
 Accordingly, on the fifth day of June, soon after day-break, 
 the army, consisting of sixteen thousand troops, embarked 
 inbatteaux, whale-boats, and flats, and proceeded with much 
 beauty and regularity along the Lake.* 
 
 At sunset the troops reached a place called Sabaday s 
 Point, where they landed. Fires were lighted along the 
 shore, as far as the troops extended. Here the army re 
 mained until midnight; when, re-embarking and pursu 
 ing their course, they arrived at the north end of the 
 Lake, at the dawn of day. At this spot the enemy had a 
 post : the landing of the army was however effected with 
 but a slight opposition ; and the troops formed along the 
 
 * This passage across Lake George is thus described in Dr. D wight s 
 Travels : " On the fifth the whole army, except a reserve, left for the protection 
 of this spot, embarked in a thousand and thirty-five boats, with all the splen 
 dour of military parade. The morning was remarkably bright and beautiful ; 
 and the fleet moved with exact regularity to the sound of fine martial music : 
 the ensigns waved and glittered in the sunbeams; and the anticipation of 
 future triumph shone in every eye ; above, beneath, around, the scenery was 
 that of enchantment ; and rarely has the sun, since that luminary was first 
 lighted up in the heavens, dawned on such a complication of beauty and 
 magnificence." 
 
13 
 
 margin of the shore in good order, and with expedition. 
 Two French regular soldiers who happened to lie near 
 where Lieutenant Willett landed, were the first persons he 
 ever saw scalped. They were killed in the slight rencontre 
 that ensued at the disembarkation of the troops ; and their 
 scalps were taken off by some Indians of the Stockbridge 
 tribe, who crossed the Lake with the army. 
 
 After a, short halt, the troops began to move towards 
 Tieonderoga through woods in columns by regiments. Good 
 order prevailed throughout the army ; and the prospect of 
 success was flattering. 
 
 The eve of battle is a moment of breathless anxiety ; not 
 perhaps always unmixed with fear. Colonel Willett pre 
 served a distinct recollection of his feelings when about to 
 engage for the first time in battle. He says, that neither 
 at this time, nor upon any subsequent occasion, did he ex 
 perience the least degree of fear. On the contrary, he 
 uniformly found his spirits elated, as the crisis approached. 
 And that now, when expecting every instant to come in 
 contact with the enemy, though young and unacquainted 
 with danger, his spirits were highly exhilarated. 
 
 The army had not proceeded above two miles on their 
 march, when an ambush of the enemy was discovered, not 
 far from the column in which Lieutenant Willett marched. 
 Lord Howe was soon in front of the column. But at the 
 very moment when this gallant officer had placed himself 
 in a most conspicuous situation, and was employed in anima 
 ting the troops, he received a shot which put an instant pe 
 riod to his life. Thus fell this interesting nobleman. The 
 ambuscade was formed principally of French regular troops, 
 said to be under one thousand, who were soon dispersed, kil 
 led or made prisoners. But the confusion which followed this 
 unexpected attack was extremely great : indeed after the 
 
14 
 
 death of Lord Howe the troops in general seemed to be des 
 titute of command. Wandering parties from different quar 
 ters were firing on each other when there was not an enemy 
 to be found. The shaking of a leaf would set a whole 
 line of troops firing, and frequently running. In one in 
 stance, through a false alarm, upwards of a thousand men, 
 including officers, ran into the river, where they w r ere in 
 danger of drowning. 
 
 This disorder continued throughout the remainder of the 
 day. The different corps intermixed with each other ; and 
 the whole army was little better than a wandering rabble, 
 moving from place to place, without appearing to have any 
 definite object in view. Not an officer of distinction ap 
 peared to direct their movements. 
 
 During this state of disorder, Lieutenant Willett con 
 nected himself with one Muncey, an Irishman by birth, an 
 adjutant in his regiment, and who had seen regular service. 
 The exertions of this officer, together with his commanding 
 appearance, enabled him to collect several hundred men 
 in a body, of whom he assumed the command. With the 
 utmost difficulty these men were made to move in tolerable 
 order. While this party were pursuing their devious course 
 through the woods, they accidentally fell in with the com- 
 mander-in-chief. The poor old gentleman was standing 
 under a huge tree, wrapped in a large cloak, with two regu 
 lar regiments drawn up around him to defend his person. 
 This was the only instance in which Lieutenant Willett saw 
 troops under regular command, after the disorder occasioned 
 by the first attack. One would be ready to suppose that the 
 body of troops with which Lieutenant Willett was connected, 
 having fallen in with the commander-in-chief, would have 
 received directions for their movements ; but no orders were 
 given, and they continued to wander about among the 
 
15 
 
 woods, under the idea of clearing them of the enemy, until 
 night overtook them. They halted when they could no 
 longer see ; then wrapping themselves up in ihe best man 
 ner they were able, they lay down close together in order to 
 keep each other warm. The fatigue and weariness of the 
 day, and having had no sleep the preceding night, soon 
 threw Lieut. Willett into a deep sleep ; so that he passed the 
 night with some degree of comfort. On rising jn the morn 
 ing, he perceived that his party had passed the night near 
 the spot where the action commenced, as a number of 
 naked corpses were lying around them. 
 
 It was ten o clock in the morning before Muncey with his 
 party reached the place of their former landing. The 
 greater part of the troops had arrived at this place before 
 them. It was past noon before the army recommenced 
 their march towards Ticonderoga. When within three 
 miles of the Fort, they halted, and encamped for the night 
 in the woods, without tents. 
 
 Early the following morning, the army was increased by 
 the arrival of about six hundred Indians, under the command 
 of Sir William Johnson. These Indians crossed the river, 
 and went on the hill opposite the Fort, where they made a 
 great yelling and firing, which appears to have been a 
 needless manoeuvre, for they could hardly hope by this 
 course to intimidate the enemy, as they were perfectly 
 familiar with the Indian yell and war-whoop. 
 
 By nine o clock in the morning, every part of this large 
 and well-furnished army was in motion. The regiment 
 with which Lieutenant Willett was connected, moved in 
 files towards Lake Champlain, intending to strike the lake 
 between the Fort and Crown Point, at a distance of two 
 miles from the Fort. On their march, they fell in with other 
 bodies of troops, who appeared to be at a loss respecting the 
 
16 
 
 ground they were ordered to occupy, for the want of expe 
 rienced guides. It was just noon, when the guide who had 
 undertaken to direct the regiment to which Lieut. Wil- 
 lett belonged, conceiving that he was too far to the left, 
 inclined suddenly to the right. Lieut. Willett was with the 
 advanced guard of his regiment, when some French regulars 
 were discovered in a thicket, who, on being challenged, began 
 to run, when .they were fired at and pursued. In the eager 
 ness of pursuit the regiment became entangled among fallen 
 trees ; and at that moment, a cleared field opening to their 
 view, they saw the enemy striking their tents. Endeavour 
 ing still to advance, with all possible expedition, they were 
 suddenly checked by a very heavy fire of musketry and 
 grape-shot. It was then for the first time discovered, that 
 they were directly under the enemy s breast-work ; and that 
 the fallen trees were intended as abbatis. Though taken by 
 surprise, the regiment supported their ground, by returning 
 as effective a fire as was in their power. In a short time 
 several regiments were seen moving towards the enemy s 
 works on their right. The regiments which Lieut. Willett 
 noticed particularly, were the 55th, Gage s light infantry, 
 and the Highland Watch. These troops moved on very 
 rapidly, until they became entangled among the fallen trees ; 
 when they made sudden halts, and commenced an ineffec 
 tual firing. 
 
 The greater part of the army appeared now to be engaged 
 in endeavouring to force the enemy s works. In the mean 
 while the enemy s fire was doing immense execution. The 
 English and Colonial troops fell in every direction, while, 
 to add to their mortification, it was impossible for them, 
 under their present mode of attack, without artillery, to 
 make the least impression upon the enemy. The troops 
 laboured also under another difficulty in consequence of 
 
17 
 
 the order in which they marched. In the exercise then 
 in use, a file consisted of three men : one filing 1 to what 
 was termed the front, one the centre, and one the rear rank. 
 In such files, the troops marched to the attack. They were, 
 therefore, not in a condition to support each other, neither 
 were they able to force the enemy s works. Some of the 
 troops, where the abbatis were not so thick, advanced close to 
 the enemy s breast work ; and a few individuals, with the 
 utmost gallantry, mounted them : but not being sufficiently 
 supported, they were instantly cut down, or made prisoners. 
 This was the case with the sergeant major of Lieut. Willett s 
 regiment, who was taken prisoner, and carried to Canada ; 
 and with whom Lieut. Willett conversed after his release. 
 
 In the mean while, the ranks of the British and the colo 
 nists continued to lessen very fast. The wounded were 
 every moment carried off: the dead strewed the ground. 
 A severe firing was kept up upwards of five hours ; and it 
 was near sun-set before it entirely ceased. The troops with 
 drew without order, and night overtook them before they 
 were able to carry off all their wounded. 
 
 Lieutenant Willett s inexperience rendered him entirely 
 ignorant of what was next to be done. Under the impres 
 sion that the Fort was to be taken at all hazards ; and hav 
 ing that morning seen some heavy artillery moving in flats, 
 along the shore, he drew the conclusion, that another attack 
 was to be made the next day, aided by heavy artillery. 
 With this expectation, and being very much fatigued, he 
 retired with about thirty men of his regiment to a hill, not 
 above a mile distant from the ground where the attack 
 was first made. Here they kindled a fire, and having col 
 lected some canteens of water and a few biscuits, they re 
 freshed themselves and lay down to rest. A number of 
 
 fires, lighted in various directions around them, showed that 
 
 3 
 
18 
 
 others were following their example, and, after the fatigues 
 and perils of the day, were retiring for repose. 
 
 In a few minutes Lieut. Willett was fast asleep. He was 
 awakened before morning by some one pulling him violently, 
 and informing him, that the troops were already on their 
 march back to the place of landing. He, of course, with 
 the rest of his company, set out for the old spot, by making 
 towards the river, and then keeping near its shore. They 
 reached the landing about eight o clock in the morning, and 
 found the troops embarking in a very confused manner. As 
 there was no enemy to interrupt them, all the troops wha 
 arrived, were placed in safety on board the boats. But as to 
 the wounded, some were left in the woods, and no incon 
 siderable number in the field where the action occurred, not 
 far from the enemy s works. 
 
 This last fact was fully proved by subsequent accounts. 
 Among others, a very tragical one respecting Colonel Beaver, 
 who was a lieutenant colonel in a regular British regiment. 
 He was a young gentleman of a distinguished family in 
 England : much respected and beloved. His loss was 
 greatly lamented ; and he was supposed to have been killed 
 in the action. But it afterwards appeared, that he remained 
 on the field badly wounded ; and was discovered the morn 
 ing after the action, by a French officer, who was sent out 
 with a small detachment to reconnoitre. Colonel Beaver 
 was sitting on the stump of a tree when the party came 
 along ; and having made himself known to the French 
 officer, requested to be taken under his protection. The 
 officer informed him that this was not in his power, until he 
 had gone to the top of a hill, not more than a hundred yards 
 distant : he assured him, however, that upon his return, 
 which would be in a very short time, he might depend up 
 on his protection, and upon a safe conveyance to the Fort. 
 
19 
 
 The officer, however, had proceeded but a short distance, 
 when, hearing a cry, he turned around and saw an Indian 
 scalping the unfortunate colonel. It was said that the offi 
 cer, upon his return, informed the French commandant, 
 General Monte aim, of this distressing case ; and endeavoured 
 to have the Indian, who perpetrated the deed, punished, on 
 the ground that the Indian was present, and witnessed the 
 surrender of Colonel Beaver. But Montcalm replied, " that 
 in their situation it would not do to offend the Indians."* 
 
 In such haste and confusion did the English army retreat, 
 after the failure of the ill-concerted attack upon the Fort at 
 Ticonderoga. This retreat was the more ignominious, for 
 though General Abercrombie had sustained a loss of nearly 
 two thousand men in killed and wounded, yet there still 
 remained fourteen thousand effective troops : a force so 
 much superior to that of the enemy that there was no reason 
 
 * A piece of poetry which appeared some time after this disaster in a British 
 Magazine, and which was said to have been enclosed in a letter to the father 
 of Col. Beaver, made such an impression on Col. Willett s mind as induced 
 him to commit it to memory. The reader perhaps will be pleased to see it 
 in this place. 
 
 " Tell me," says Cato, " where you found 
 
 " My boy ; and how he fell ? 
 " In front ; and in his breast the wound. 
 
 " I thank the gods, tis well. 
 " Thus the stern Stoic sooth d his grief, 
 
 " And check d the rising moan, 
 " By making honour his relief, 
 " And common good his own." 
 
 " May you on such reflections dwell, 
 
 When you behold this urn ; 
 And as he like a Roman fell, 
 So like a Roman mourn. 
 
 " True he was young, and brave as young, 
 
 And generous as brave ; 
 Yet every virtue could not long 
 Or him, or Marius save. 
 
 " Save not even Howe, in arms so great, 
 
 By all admired, adored ; 
 While nations trembled at the fate 
 Depending on his sword." 
 
20 
 
 to apprehend an attack from them, while the remaining 
 force was sufficiently large to invest the Fort. Reinforce 
 ments too might undoubtedly have been obtained if neces 
 sary : so that a siege might with safety have been com 
 menced, which, if conducted with any degree of vigour, 
 would doon have compelled the garrison to surrender. But 
 to abandon the project altogether, and to retreat in so 
 precipitate and disorderly a manner, leaving a number of 
 brave men wounded to be cruelly sacrificed, evinced such 
 terror as must have destroyed for a time even the power of 
 reflection.* 
 
 The army having safely re-crossed the Lake, landed at 
 the south end of it, early in the evening, where they en 
 camped on their former ground. 
 
 The day after the army had returned to their encampment, 
 the regiment to which Lieut. Willett belonged, received 
 orders to march up the Mohawk river ; and in about two 
 weeks they arrived at the portage, between the waters of the 
 Mohawk and Ontario, at the head of Wood Creek. At this 
 place an army of about six thousand men was assembled, 
 under the command of General Stanwix ; and a plan was 
 laid out for a fort, which was afterwards erected, and 
 called Fort Stanwix. 
 
 It was evident that preparations were making for a. secret 
 expedition. Parties were employed in erecting a dam at the 
 head of Wood Creek ; conveying batteaux and provisions to 
 the same place ; and removing various obstructions to the 
 navigation of the stream. These measures were conducted 
 with great despatch by Colonel Bradstreet, who in two 
 weeks from the time of his arrival at the portage, com 
 menced his march with about three thousand men. The 
 
 * See Appendix, No. 1. 
 
21 
 
 whole of this force consisted of provincial troops, with the 
 exception of one independent regular company, commanded 
 by Captain Ogilvie ; and a company of artillery, under the 
 command of Captain Stevens. One thousand men were cho 
 sen from the regiment to which Lieut. Willett belonged, to be 
 employed in this expedition. The captain of his company 
 remaining behind, he was annexed with thirty men to 
 another company, commanded by Captain Thomas Arrow- 
 smith, an active, good officer. 
 
 Colonel Bradstreet, who commanded this expedition, was 
 well qualified for the enterprise : the success of which 
 depended very much upon the celerity of his movements. 
 The troops passed down Wood Creek with all the expedition 
 in their power, though they were greatly impeded by the 
 lowness of the water, and obstructions occasioned by trees, 
 which the year before had been felled across the Creek 
 by order of General Webb, after the loss of Fort William 
 Henry : a measure which savoured more of timidity than 
 skill. 
 
 Although Colonel Bradstreet used the greatest exertion, 
 yet six days elapsed before he reached Oswego. At this 
 place he remained a few hours, inspecting the troops, their 
 arms and ammunition, and repairing the injuries the boats 
 had received in their portage at the falls, and passage 
 down the rapids. It was near dusk when the troops 
 embarked on board vessels, provided to transport them over 
 Lake Ontario. Keeping near the shore of the Lake during 
 the night, on account of the danger to which the boats would 
 be exposed by crossing at a distance from the land, caused 
 some delay, so that they did not arrive in sight of Fort 
 Frontinac, the place of destination, until the evening of the 
 third day, after leaving Oswego. 
 
They landed in the night, within two miles of the Fort. 
 The day following, the greater part of the men were em- 
 ployeb in the woods, in making gabions and fascines. 
 During this day, their ordnance, consisting of two small 
 mortars, was also landed, and having been erected about 
 three quarters of a mile from the Fort, shells were fired at 
 intervals, the greater part of the day. The enemy also 
 kept up a constant fire from the Fort ; but their fire as well 
 as ours was without effect. Towards evening, the enemy 
 had the misfortune to blow up one of their magazines, by 
 which a breach was made in one of their bastions. 
 
 Shortly after it was dark, a detachment of nine hun 
 dred men marched towards the Fort. Every man had a 
 bundle of fascines in his hand, or every two men carried 
 between them a gabion on a pole. Advancing in this 
 order, through a hollow way, they took possession of a 
 small eminence, only a hundred and seventy-five yards 
 from the Fort, where they commenced the erection of a 
 breastwork, with two embrasures. Colonel Bradstreet was 
 himself present when this work was laid out, and remained 
 to inspect its progress, until it was in a state of considerable 
 forwardness. Five hundred men of the regiment with 
 which Lieut,. Willett was connected, were chosen for this 
 service, and placed under the command of Lieut. Colonel 
 Curea. Lieut. Willett, whose fortune it was to be placed 
 in exposed points during the various scenes of the campaign, 
 was one of this detachment. The unavoidable noise, occa 
 sioned by the erection of these works, soon discovered to the 
 enemy what was going on, who directed against them a con 
 stant fire of grape-shot and musketry during the whole of the 
 night. Such, however, was the diligence and celerity which 
 had been used during the night, that by day-light, the breast- 
 
23 
 
 work was sufficiently high to cover the men, together with 
 two brass twelve-pounders. As soon as the cannon were 
 mounted, a fire was commenced against the Fort, and kept 
 up as briskly as possible. A brig which lay under the Fort 
 got under sail, but was soon made to run on shore by the 
 fire of a few shot from the twelve-pounders. By nine o clock 
 the beating of the chamade by the enemy brought on a 
 parley, which terminated in a surrender of the garrison with 
 all its contents before twelve o clock at noon. The enemy 
 who were made prisoners of war, were suffered to go into 
 Canada on the promise of the commandant to send an 
 equal number in exchange.* 
 
 The afternoon of the day on which the Fort was taken, 
 was spent in destroying the works, sending off the most 
 valuable articles, setting fire to the buildings, blowing up 
 the magazines, and burning all the vessels of the enemy, 
 (of which they had nine) with the exception of two, in 
 which had been deposited the most valuable articles taken 
 from the Fort. The design of the expedition being thus 
 accomplished, the detachment set out on its return, having 
 lost but one man, and eleven wounded, but none of them 
 dangerously. They proceeded to the island where they 
 halted when they first came in view of the Fort. Early 
 the next morning all the troops were on board the boats on 
 their way back to Oswego. At Oswego the batteaux Avere 
 loaded with the goods which had been placed in the 
 enemy s vessels : after which the vessels themselves were 
 set on fire. The troops then proceeded with as much expe 
 dition as possible to Oswego Falls. 
 
 At Oswego Falls they had a portage of a mile or more. 
 
 * Appendix, No. 2. 
 
24 
 
 The excessive fatigue of getting the boats, stores, and goods 
 across the carrying place, at this portage, added to the great 
 exertions they had already undergone, and the short time 
 allowed for cooking their provisions, consisting of pork and 
 flour, had produced violent dysenteries. Unaccustomed to 
 such fare, and without proper stores or attendance, the men 
 began to die very fast. During the three days that the men 
 were employed in dragging the boats up the rapids, and car 
 rying them across the portage, there were near one hun 
 dred deaths. And by the time the troops arrived at Fort 
 Bull, which was four miles from the place where they were 
 building Fort Stanwix, at least one half of their number 
 were unfit for duty. Removing the boats into the Mohawk 
 river, and carrying the goods over the portage, was a work 
 of four days. 
 
 Hare ended with Lieut. Willett the active part of this 
 campaign. On the night of his arrival at Fort Stanwix, in 
 consequence of the incessant fatigue and exposure, which 
 with the rest he had sustained on this last expedition, he 
 was taken very ill ; and confined to a tent in the camp until 
 the begining of November. Having gained a little strength, 
 he was put on board a batteau, and after a most painful 
 journey of three days, arrived at Schenectady ; from thence 
 he was conveyed to Albany. Here he remained at the 
 house of Mr. Sullivan, by whom he was most hospitably en 
 tertained, until the first of December. The weather having 
 become more moderate, and the river which had been frozen 
 over having broken up, he commenced his passage for New- 
 York ; where he arrived early on the morning of the seventh, 
 having been just seven months from home. 
 
 In consequence however of the feeble state of Lieut. Wil- 
 lett s health, after his return home, together with the disin- 
 
25 
 
 clination of his parents, he did not serve any more during 
 the French war. Indeed, the great success which followed 
 the British arms in Europe as well as in North America the 
 two ensuing years, brought about a speedy peace between 
 France and England. The campaign, however, was not 
 wholly without its use to Lieut. Willett, as it gave him 
 some insight into a mode of warfare, in which at a late 
 period of his life he was peculiarly successful. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 AFFAIR OF BROAD-STREET. 
 
 IN the regular British army, left in America, and quar 
 tered in the greater part of the large cities and towns, after 
 the close of the French war, we see proofs of the design 
 of the English ministry on the colonists. It appeared, 
 that the army which had been sent over to the Colonies, to 
 protect them from a foreign foe, and in conjunction with 
 which force, the colonists themselves had very materially 
 aided in obtaining important conquests for the British go 
 vernment, was now in its turn to be employed, in forcing the 
 assent of the Colonies to unconstitutional taxation. The 
 measures of the ministry soon discovered their hostile in 
 tentions, and excited the vigilance of the citizens. The 
 memorable Stamp Act, which followed, met with the 
 most determined opposition. In the city of New York, 
 the inhabitants assembled in a very tumultuous manner. 
 Several persons, who had beei: particularly instrumental 
 in procuring the passage of that obnoxious measure, 
 were hung in effigy, and then burnt. The citizens 
 burnt also the governor s coach, and entering the dwell- 
 ; ng of Colonel James, the officer who commanded the 
 troops, at that time quartered in the city, and who, with the 
 governor, had shut himself up in the Fort, they destroyed 
 
27 
 
 all the furniture found in his house. The person who had 
 been employed to issue the stamped paper, was obliged to 
 enter into the most solemn engagements not to act under 
 the appointment. The tumult continued to rage for several 
 days ; nor did it subside, until the most satisfactory assur 
 ances were obtained, from all persons suspected of having any 
 agency in supporting, or executing the act, that they would 
 desist from the execution of it, and join in an application 
 for a repeal of the law. In the mean time, all law proceed 
 ings were suspended, and a total stagnation of every kind of 
 business ensued, which could not legally be pursued without 
 the use of stamped paper. 
 
 Similar acts of opposition and violence breaking out, 
 in every part of the Union, procured, as is w T ell known, 
 a sudden repeal of that obnoxious measure. A variety 
 of methods were, however, afterwards devised, by the 
 British parliament, to force a revenue from the Colonies, 
 which finally resulted in the battle of Lexington. 
 
 The news of this memorable event was received at New 
 York, the Sunday after it took place, and occasioned a general 
 insurrection. The people assembled ; and finding themselves 
 unable to procure the key of an arsenal, where a number of 
 arms belonging to the colonial government were deposited, 
 they forced open the door, and took possession of these arms. 
 By taking this course, they procured about six hundred mus 
 kets, with bayonets and cartridge-boxes to each, filled with 
 ball-cartridges. These arms were distributed among the 
 most active of the citizens, who formed themselves into a 
 voluntary corps, and assumed the government of the city. 
 They took possession of the keys of the custom-house, 
 together with all the public stores. There was a general 
 stagnation of business. The armed citizens were constantly 
 parading about the city, without seeming to have any defi- 
 
28 
 
 nite object in view. Part of the eighteenth British regi 
 ment, called the Royal Irish, garrisoned in the city, and 
 under the command of the major of the regiment, confined 
 themselves to their barracks. 
 
 The unsystematic manner, however, in which measures 
 were conducted, shewed the necessity of forming some regu 
 lar plan of government. To accomplish this object, a meeting 
 of the citizens was called at the Merchants Coffee IJouse, 
 where it was unanimously agreed, that the government 
 should be placed in the hands of a committee. At the 
 same time, solemn resolutions were entered into, to support 
 the measures of the committee, until further provision 
 should be made by the continental congress. The sacred 
 honor of the citizens was also pledged to support the mea 
 sures of congress. 
 
 Tiiis committee was limited to one hundred ; and being 
 instantly chosen, and entering upon the discharge of their 
 duties, restored as much order in the city, as, under circum- 
 stances 1 so new and extraordinary, could reasonably be ex 
 pected. As however in the city of Newr-York, at this time, 
 there was a very large portion of personal influence in favour 
 of the British government, many of the members of the 
 committee belonged to this party ; but the very strong cur 
 rent of popular feeling in favour of the proceedings of con 
 gress, prevented that influence from interfering essentially 
 with the acts of the committee. 
 
 In the midst of this state of general excitement, the 
 British troops garrisoned in the city were ordered to join the 
 army in Boston. This order could easily have been pre 
 vented, and the troops made prisoners ; but the timidity of 
 the committee led them to suppose that such a step could 
 not be taken without the loss of a number of lives. They 
 therefore agreed to allow them to depart, with their arms 
 
29 
 
 "and accoutrements, without molestation. The troops ac 
 cordingly marched from their barracks with the intention of 
 embarking for Boston, about 10 o clock in the forenoon of a 
 fine pleasant day. There was a public-house in Water- 
 street, near Beekman-slip, kept by a Mr. Jasper Drake : 
 noted as a place of daily rendezvous for the warm friends of 
 congress. It happened that Col. Willett, in company with 
 a half dozen more of the same sentiments and spirit as him 
 self, were together at this house, when word was brought 
 to them, that the British troops were marching to the place 
 of embarkation ; and that in addition to their own arms and 
 accoutrements, they were also carrying off with them, on 
 carts, chests filled with arms. Col. Willett and those at 
 that time with him at Drake s, had been opposed to the per 
 mission granted the troops to depart at any rate ; and being 
 further aroused, by the circumstance of their taking with 
 them spare arms, not included in the grant of the com 
 mittee, they suddenly determined to hazard the conse 
 quences of seizing these arms. 
 
 In pursuance of this bold and spirited determination, the 
 company present set out by agreement on different routes 
 through the city to alarm their friends. The route Col. 
 Willett took led him to pass the Coffee House, where he 
 stopped to give public notice of the course which was in 
 tended to be taken. He next proceeded through Water- 
 street to the Exchange, which then stood at the lower end 
 of Broad-street. At this place he observed the troops com 
 ing down the street ; upon which he walked up to meet 
 them. Coming close to the troops at the corner of Beaver- 
 street, in Broad-street, and discovering several carts, loaded 
 with chests of arms in front, under a small guard, Col. 
 Willett, without a moment s hesitation, or waiting for any of 
 his company to arrive, stopped the horse that was drawing 
 
30 
 
 the front cart-load of arms. An immediate bait in the 
 whole line of march, of course, followed. This unexpected 
 check brought the major of the regiment, who was for the 
 time the commanding officer, in front, to inquire into the 
 cause of the delay. Col. Willett had the horse by the head 
 when he came up, and upon the major s enquiring into the 
 meaning of the delay, he informed him that it was done 
 with the intention of preventing the spare arms from being 
 carried off, as the committee had not granted permission for 
 the troops to take away with them any other than the usual 
 arms and accoutrements. While Col. Willett was engaged 
 in making this statement to the major, David Mathews, 
 Esquire, who was at that time mayor of the city, came up, 
 and accosted him in the following words : " I am surprised, 
 Mr. Willett, that you will hazard the peace and endanger 
 the lives of our citizens, when you know that the commit 
 tee have directed that the troops shall be permitted to de 
 part unmolested." It appears that Mr. Mathews was a tory, 
 and a zealous supporter of the British government. This 
 opposition therefore did not intimidate Col. Willett in the 
 least, who at once replied, " that the committee had not 
 authorized the troops to carry off any spare arms ; and that 
 considering the bloody business which had taken place 
 among our brethren in Massachusetts, whom they were 
 bound by the ties of honor as well as interest to support, he 
 deemed it his duty to prevent these arms from being used 
 against them, by detaining them for the defence of his in 
 jured country." 
 
 At this juncture Mr. Governeur Morris came up, arid to 
 Col. Willett s great astonishment joined with the mayor 
 in his opinion. This circumstance rather staggered Colonel 
 Willett, as Mr. Morris was a whig himself, of very respect- 
 uble connections; and though young, of brilliant talents. 
 
31 
 
 The Colonel doubted whether all his zeal and enthusiasm 
 would have been sufficient to support him, had it. not been 
 for the arrival at that critical moment of John Moriu Scott, 
 who was an influential member of the committee, and 
 whose reputation for talent was not surpassed by that of any 
 other individual in the city. He reached the spot, just as 
 Colonel Willett was repeating to Mr. Morris the reason of 
 his conduct, and exclaimed with a loud voice, "You are 
 righ t, Willett : the committee have not given them permis 
 sion to carry off any spare arms !" 
 
 The throng of people which had been all this whilo 
 increasing, now pressed in on every side. Mr. Scott had no 
 sooner declared his approbation of the course Colonel Willett 
 had taken, when the Colonel turned the front cart to the 
 right, and directed the carman to drive up Beaver-street : 
 the other carts, loaded with arms, were ordered to follow. 
 
 Mr. Scott having suggested to Col. Willett the propriety of 
 his addressing the troops, the Colonel leaped up on a cart, 
 and invited such of the troops as felt a repugnance to shed 
 ding the blood of their countrymen, to quit their ranks, and* 
 come over to their side : assuring them in such case of pro 
 tection. Upon this one of the soldiers, stepping out of the 
 ranks, came over, and was received with three hearty huzzas. 
 This soldier, together with the carts, five in number, were 
 conducted with the continual huzzas of the citizens, through 
 Beaver-street, and up Broadway as far as John-street. 
 
 There was in John-street a ball-alley and a large yard 
 belonging to Mr. Abraham Van Wyck. Mr. Van Wyck 
 was a good whig, who afterwards, when the British took 
 the city, was made prisoner, and suffered a long and cruel 
 captivity. In his yard the arms were deposited. These 
 arms, and those taken possession of immediately after the 
 account of the battle of Lexington reached the city, were 
 
32 
 
 used by the first troops raised in New-York under the orders 
 of congress. The British troops meeting with no other 
 impediment, agreeably to the order of the committee, 
 marched to the wharf, and embarked amid the hisses of the 
 citizens. It was Colonel Willett s opinion then and since, 
 that it would have been as easy to have made prisoners of 
 all the troops, as it was to seize upon these spare arms. But 
 the thoughts of a compromise with the British government 
 pervaded our councils and checked the adoption of spirited 
 measures. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 EXPEDITION TO CANADA. AN ATTACK UPON THE ENEMY 
 AT PEEKSKILL. 
 
 DURING this period of general excitement, in the city of 
 New York, the spirit of the sons of liberty, as the firm and 
 warm friends of freedom were then denominated, struck 
 dismay and confusion among the adherents to the British 
 government. An enthusiastic emulation warmed the bo 
 soms of the greater part of the citizens. It was owing to 
 this happy turn in the state of public feeling, not only in the 
 city, but throughout the colony of New York, that the re 
 cruiting of the troops for the defence of the country, which 
 soon after commenced, agreeably to the orders of congress, 
 was successfully executed. 
 
 The colony of New York was ordered to raise four regi 
 ments, each regiment to consist of ten companies. The 
 companies were directed to contain each seventy-two, rank 
 and file, four sergeants, a drum and fife, and to be placed 
 under the command of a captain and two lieutenants. Each 
 regiment was to be commanded by a colonel, a lieutenant- 
 colonel, and a major. Of the three regiments, the city of 
 New York was to furnish one. 
 
 Alexander McDougall, one of the prominent characters of 
 the day, and a man of considerable talents, was appointed 
 
 colonel of one of these regiments. The lieutenant-colonel 
 
 o 
 
34 
 
 was Adolph. Ritzma, the son of a respectable minister of the 
 Dutch congregation of the city of New York, who, it was 
 understood, had been in the Dutch service in Europe. The 
 
 major of the regiment was Sedwitz, said to have 
 
 been an officer in the service of Switzerland, his native 
 country. Both these men, Ritzma and Sedwitz, proved to 
 be, not only disqualified for the commands which they re 
 ceived, but traitors to the cause they professed to espouse. 
 
 After having, upon a variety of occasions shewn their in 
 capacity, and having engaged in traitorous combinations, (for 
 which one of them, the major, was apprehended and con 
 fined,) they both, finally, made their escape to the enemy. 
 In the commencement of the revolution, the inexperience 
 of the citizens led frequently to injudicious appointments. 
 We were crowded with foreign impositions, and domestic 
 ignorance. On this account, it is a greater cause of sur 
 prise, that the country should be able to support itself at all, 
 than that it should meet with frequent disappointments and 
 defeats ; especially, when the almost total want of arms, am 
 munition, and money, is taken into consideration. The suc 
 cessful result of the war, under providence, is chiefly to be 
 attributed to that happy enthusiasm, under the direction of 
 the immortal Washington, which pervaded the great body of 
 the people. 
 
 To the first New York regiment, commanded by Colonel 
 McDougall, Colonel Willett was appointed the second cap 
 tain. The first captain was Frederic Wisenfelts, a Prussian, 
 who had been engaged in the Prussian service. In the 
 war between Great Britain and France, he had been a lieu 
 tenant in the royal American regiment. Wisenfelts was a 
 good officer, and had served with reputation during the 
 greatest part of the war. So nice were his feel in gs of honour, 
 as it respects the rank he held in the army, that he became 
 
35 
 
 deranged when the reform took place in the army, in the 
 year 1780, by which his regiment became incorporated with 
 another, the colonel of which was older than himself, and 
 consequently assumed the command. 
 
 Colonel Willett received his appointment to the command 
 of a company on the 28th of June, in the year 1775. He 
 was in his thirty-fifth year. His health, his strength, the 
 buoyancy of his spirits, his enthusiasm, were his principal 
 qualifications. His company was one of the first that was 
 recruited, and ready to take the field. On the 8th of Au 
 gust, he embarked on board of a sloop, with his company, 
 for Albany, armed with those muskets which had been taken 
 from the enemy. He arrived at Albany after a passage of 
 four days. Three other companies arrived at the same time, 
 under the command of colonel Ritzma. They were review 
 ed together by General Montgomery. After remaining a 
 few days at Albany, they marched to Half-moon Point, from 
 whence, after a half of a week, they proceeded to Ticonde- 
 roga, by the way of Skeeriesborough. Here they were 
 joined by a regiment of troops from Connecticut, commanded 
 by Colonel Waterbury, and some other small detachments 
 from New England. 
 
 On the twenty-ninth of August the troops, amounting to 
 about one thousand men, under the command of General 
 Montgomery, embarked on board batteaux, having an 
 armed sloop and two other vessels of less force, to escort 
 them over the Lake. On the 4th of September they landed 
 on the Ile-aux-Noix, where they were joined by General 
 Schuyler : upon whom, as the senior officer, the command 
 then devolved. September the 6th, all the troops, with the 
 exception of a detachment of one hundred men, who were 
 left as a guard to the island, set out for St. John s, with the 
 intention of investing and taking the fort at that place. 
 
36 
 
 The troops having landed, had proceeded but a few 
 hundred yards towards the fort, when they received a fire 
 from an ambuscade of Indians. The fire was quickly re 
 turned ; and the Indians soon fled. It was afterwards ascer 
 tained, that the loss of the Americans and that of the Indians 
 was nearly equal. They had six killed and ten wounded. 
 
 At present, however, nothing of importance was at 
 tempted. The fort was found to be too well fortified to 
 attempt to take it by storm. The troops remained under 
 arms during the night ; and the next day returned to the 
 Ile-aux-Noix. Here they were daily reinforced by small 
 detachments. On the tenth day of the month, one thou 
 sand troops, under the command of General Montgomery, 
 proceeded again towards St. John s ; and landed just at dusk, 
 about two miles from the fort. From this place, Colonel 
 Ritzma was detached with five hundred men to take post 
 below the fort, in order to cut oft the supply of the enemy. 
 Captain Willett was with this detachment. As they were 
 marching along the river, a few Indians from a log-house, 
 which they had to pass, gave them a fire without doing any 
 injury ; two of the Indians were killed. This trifling im 
 pediment, owing to the conduct of Colonel Ritzma, balked 
 the design of the expedition. General Montgomery, exceed- 
 dingly chagrined and mortified, returned the following day 
 to Ile-aux-Noix. 
 
 Here they remained until the seventeenth : when having 
 received a small supply of ammunition, two nine-pounders, 
 and two small mortars ; and their force being augmented 
 to near two thousand men, the army once more embarked 
 under the command of General Montgomery, (General 
 Schuyler on account of ill health having returned to Ticon- 
 deroga,) and landed late in the day at the place where the 
 troops first disembarked. They passed the night without 
 
37 
 
 interruption. The next morning a detachment of five 
 hundred men passed the fort, and took their station at the 
 post which Colonel Ritzma had heen formerly ordered to oc 
 cupy. General Montgomery accompanied this detachment, 
 and having succeeded in stationing it to his mind, returned 
 to the place of landing. At this spot, ground was marked 
 out for the troops to encamp. The distance from the fort 
 being about a mile and a half, it was now regularly 
 invested. In three or four days two batteries were erected : 
 one between eight and nine hundred yards from the fort, 
 on a point of land which overlooked it. On this battery 
 two long iron nine-pounders were mounted. The other bat 
 tery was erected about six hundred yards from the fort, in 
 the woods ; on which two small mortars were placed. 
 
 During the greater part of the time that these > works 
 were going on, the enemy sent shot and shells. Four or 
 five men were killed and wounded : but on account of their 
 scanty supply of ammunition, the Americans were obliged to 
 practice a rigid economy, so that little effect was produced 
 by their fire : while the enemy, who were well furnished, 
 returned ten shot for one. 
 
 About this time, General Montgomery was joined by a com 
 pany of artillery, from New-York, under the command of 
 Captain John Lamb. This company brought with them a 
 small assortment of ordnance, stores, and some ammunition. 
 A few days after they received a thirteen inch-mortar ; so 
 that some shot and shells were fired every day. The fire of 
 the enemy, however, annoyed even their camp ; while their 
 elevated shot reached beyond it. Few were the means of 
 the American northern army ; but they made the most of 
 them. After a sufficient trial, finding that but little was 
 effected by their present position, a battery was erected on 
 the opposite shore, nearer the fort, on the night of the sixth 
 
38 
 
 of October, consisting of three guns, which considerably 
 annoyed the enemy. 
 
 At Chambly, twelve miles lower down the river, was a 
 fort, garrisoned with upwards of one hundred and forty 
 men, and commanded by Major Stopford. As soon as Gen. 
 Montgomery was enabled, by re-inforcements, which were 
 daily arriving, to lay siege to this place, its untenable 
 situation soon brought on a capitulation, by which the gar 
 rison became prisoners of war. The stores taken at Cham 
 bly, and particularly the ammunition, were of great assis 
 tance.* This timely acquisition enabled the General to 
 open a powerful battery against the fort at St. John s, from 
 the north side. On the 3d of November the enemy were 
 compelled to enter into articles of capitulation, surrendering 
 themselves prisoners of war. The fort contained, besides 
 the cannon mounted on it, a handsome train of artillery. 
 
 These successes deservedly procured General Montgomery 
 the high encomiums of his country. Hard indeed was the 
 work in which he was engaged. With awkward, undisci 
 plined troops, difficult to control, to lie six weeks exposed 
 to severe weather, on marshy, damp ground, without the 
 means of making any serious impression upon the enemy, 
 until he had supplied himself from their arsenals, required 
 no common share of address, fortitude, and patience. 
 
 After the capture of Fort St. John s, Captain Willett was 
 ordered with his company to escort the prisoners taken at 
 Chambly, to Ticonderoga, so that he did not reach Montreal 
 until the 22d of November. Having waited upon General 
 Montgomery, he was directed to take command of Fort St. 
 John s, where he remained until January ; when the term 
 for which his men were enlisted expiring, he was relieved, 
 
 * ** A hundred and twenty-four barrels of powder were obtained on this 
 occasion, besides a few pieces of cannon." 
 
39 
 
 and again returned to Montreal. On the 18th of February 
 he once more left that city for Albany, having the charge of 
 some British officers and their families, who had been per 
 mitted, for their accommodation, to remain at Montreal until 
 this time. He arrived at Albany towards the close of Feb 
 ruary, from whence, on the 1st of March, he set out on horse 
 back for New York, which place he reached the evening of 
 the fifth day of the month. 
 
 The war having now assumed a more severe and threat 
 ening aspect, and every circumstance conspiring to render 
 it likely that it would be of long duration, the importance of 
 a regular and permanent army appeared daily more and 
 more apparent. Congress at length determined upon 
 that measure ; and issued orders at first for the enlistment 
 of men for the whole war; but finding afterwards that 
 the army recruited slowly for a term so indefinite, they 
 ordered enlistments to be made for a term not less than 
 three years. 
 
 According to this new arrangement, the different pro 
 vinces were required to furnish eighty-eight battalions. Of 
 this number, New York was to furnish four. Among the 
 number of appointments that were made for the troops thus 
 newly raised, Colonel Wnlett received, towards the end of 
 November of this year, ( 76,) that of Lieutenant Colonel to 
 the third New York regiment. Along with this appoint 
 ment, he received orders to repair to Fishkill, in order to 
 recruit for the regiment. He was diligently employed 
 during the winter in raising recruits, who, as they arrived, 
 were drilled and clothed, as well as the situation of things 
 would admit. 
 
 At the opening of spring, he was directed to march the 
 troops to Fort Constitution, which garrison was placed under 
 his command. The second and fourth New York regiments, 
 
40 
 
 which, with his, had rendezvoused during the winter at 
 Fishkill, having previously marched to the lines, in West 
 Chester County, and the fifth regiment having been sent 
 to garrison Fort Montgomery, Colonel Willett s station, 
 in the rear of the whole, left him a poor prospect of being 
 soon called into active service. This interval of leisure was 
 not lost; but was diligently employed in disciplining his 
 troops. An unexpected opportunity of action, however, soon 
 occurred. 
 
 On Sunday, the 22nd of March, just as the troops were 
 parading for a field review, according to their usual custom 
 every Sunday, Colonel Willett was informed, by express 
 from General McDougall, (who commanded in this depart 
 ment, and was stationed at Peekskill, with the second and 
 fourth New York regiments, and a detachment of Colonel 
 Lamb s regiment of artillery,) that the enemy, having landed 
 at that place, had caused him to retire to the high ground, 
 at the entrance of the high lands. Colonel Willett was 
 directed, after leaving a guard to take charge of the fort, to 
 march the remainder of the troops to barracks, near where 
 General McDougall had taken his quarters. Accordingly, 
 the troops, with the exception of the guard, left to defend 
 the fort, were immediately marched from the parade ground 
 to the scene of action. They arrived at the barracks assign 
 ed them, about three o clock, p. in. Colonel Willett reported 
 himself, without delay, to .the general, whom he found on 
 the top of a hill, which overlooked all the country around 
 Peekskill. 
 
 Just after Colonel Willett had made his report to the 
 general, he saw the enemy set fire to a house near which 
 they had posted a guard of about one hundred men. This 
 small detachment of the enemy was stationed on a hill, six 
 or seven hundred yards before their main body, while a con- 
 
41 
 
 siderable ravine lay between them. Conceiving it probable, 
 that by a quick movement to the rear of this advanced body 
 of the enemy, they might be attacked with advantage, 
 and perhaps all of them taken, he proposed to General 
 McDougall to make the experiment, with the troops which 
 had arrived with him, provided the general, by a movement 
 on Colonel Willett s left, would attract the attention of the 
 enemy s main body. The proposal was objected to by 
 General McDougall, who was of opinion that the enemy s 
 force was too great for the hazard : he also expected con 
 siderable re-inforcements of the militia by the next morning, 
 when he intended to advance upon the enemy. Colonel 
 Willett, however, continuing to be a spectator of the depre 
 dations the enemy were committing, and feeling an earnest 
 desire to check them, then requested permission to make the 
 attack with his own troops. After a considerable time, and 
 with much entreaty, General McDougall granted the re 
 quest. But though Colonel Willett formed and marched his 
 troops with the utmost, celerity, yet, having two fences to 
 cross, the sun was set before he could get sufficiently near 
 the enemy, to make a charge with bayonets. In making 
 this movement, they had received several fires from the 
 enemy, but as soon as they rushed upon them with their 
 bayonets, they fled. Their escape was aided by the darkness 
 which followed. 
 
 Col. Willett was of the opinion, that if the attack had 
 been made earlier, and followed up with resolution, there 
 was but little doubt that the greater part of the ene 
 my, the whole of whose force did not exceed six hundred 
 men, might have been destroyed or taken. So great was 
 their alarm, that in the course of two hours they were all 
 on board of their shipping. What baggage the enemy had 
 Was left. It consisted only of a few blankets and cloaks. 
 
 6 
 
42 
 
 CoL Willett had but two men killed, and four or five wound 
 ed. A blue camlet cloak, taken here, served afterwards to 
 make the blue stripes of the flag which was hoisted during 
 the siege of Fort Stanwix.* 
 
 The day after the hasty departure of the enemy from 
 Peekskill, Col. Willett returned with his troops to Fort Con 
 stitution, where he remained until the 18th of May, em 
 ployed in disciplining his recruits. Having been ordered to 
 remove to Fort Stanwix, he set out for Albany with his re 
 giment on board of three sloops, which place he reached the 
 21st. From Albany he went to Schenectady, and from 
 thence to Fort Stanwix : but, owing to the number of 
 loaded batteaux they had to take with them, they did not 
 reach the Fort until the 29th. 
 
 * Appendix, No. 3. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 SIEGE OF FORT STANWIX. 
 
 UPON Colonel Willett s arrival at Fort Stanwix, of which 
 Colonel Gansevoort was the commandant, and himself the 
 second in command, the fort was in a weak and untena 
 ble state. This fort, built where the village of Rome 
 now stands, about half a mile from the Erie canal, was 
 considered to be at that early period the principal key to the 
 whole of the Mohawk country. It had been built, as we 
 have seen, by General Stanwix, in the year 1758. It was 
 a square fort,* with four bastions, surrounded by a ditch of 
 considerable width and depth, with a covert way, and 
 glacis around three of its angles ; the other being sufficiently 
 secured by low, marshy ground. In front of the gate there 
 had been a drawbridge, covered by a salient angle, raised 
 in front of it on the glacis. In the centre of the ditch, a 
 row of perpendicular pickets had been erected, with rows 
 of horizontal pickets fixed around the ramparts under the 
 embrasures. But since the conclusion of the French war 
 the fort had fallen into decay ; the ditch was filled up, the 
 pickets had rotted and fallen down. 
 
 * See in Appendix No. 4, a plate of the fort. 
 
44 
 
 The engineer who had been employed to repair the forti 
 fications was a French gentleman ; but was wholly incom 
 petent to his task. Instead of repairing the works after the 
 manner of their original construction, which could easily 
 have been done, for though in a state of decay, the princi 
 pal outlines of the old fort were still sufficiently visible, 
 the engineer sent out large parties to procure logs from a 
 swamp. Having ordered them to be drawn near the fort, 
 he began to erect them in the covert way, and not in the 
 centre of the ditch, where they had formerly been placed. 
 After having with much labour procured the logs, it appear 
 ed that each log was seven feet longer than was necessary ; 
 the logs being seventeen feet in length, when the pickets 
 that were to be made of them only required ten feet. This 
 blunder of the engineer, together with the general remiss- 
 ness he shewed at so critical a moment, led Col. Willett to 
 suggest to Col. Gansevoort the propriety of discharging him 
 from the office he filled. Col. Gansevoort, however, from 
 the circumstance that the engineer had been appointed 
 by the commander in chief of the northern department, 
 General Schuyler, to superintend the fortifications, was 
 reluctant to take this step. 
 
 The fortifications consequently continued to go on under 
 the superintendance of the engineer. The barracks were 
 repaired within the fort, and a large and commodious build 
 ing, intended for this purpose, was erected a little beyond the 
 foot of the glacis. But all these works were of secondary 
 importance: indeed the barrack out of the fort, at the foot 
 of the glacis, could be of no use in case of investment, 
 but rather an injury. And so it actually proved : for the 
 enemy set fire to this very building, at a time, when the wind 
 blowing fresh towards the fort, occasioned considerable in 
 convenience to the garrison In the meanwhile little was- 
 
45 
 
 done to strengthen the fort, though there was every reason 
 to expect the instant arrival of the enemy. 
 
 The anxiety of Col. Willett, arising from a conviction of 
 the incompetency of the engineer, in connection with the 
 critical state of the fort, led him closely to inspect the pro 
 gress of the fortifications. The engineer had begun to 
 erect a salient angle to cover the gate, with two embrasures 
 in it. He was also engaged in erecting pickets along the 
 covert way. The pickets were placed about three feet from 
 the parapet of the glacis. Two of them were framed to 
 gether with cross pieces, and formed a kind of port-hole, 
 which were intended to be placed opposite the embrasures. 
 But it soon appeared from the manner in which the pickets 
 were ranged, that the port-holes, formed of the pickets with 
 cross pieces, wT>uld come opposite the neck of the embrasures. 
 By this means the salient angle would be rendered wholly 
 useless. Col. Willett at an early stage of the work, noticed 
 the en or, but thought it best to let the engineer take his 
 own course, until the line of pickets should be carried to that 
 part of the salient angle, where they would be opposite to 
 the embrasures. When the engineer reached this part of 
 his work, his ignorance would be without the least covering; 
 and yet he never discovered his error, until the pickets were 
 erected opposite the neck of the embrasures. Then for the 
 first time he saw, that all his labour in erecting the salient 
 angle had been in vain ; and that it could not be used with 
 out first knocking away the neck of the embrasures. The 
 case being stated to Col. Gansevoort, he directed Col. Wil 
 lett to arrest the engineer, which was accordingly done. 
 He was permitted to repair to head quarters ; a letter at 
 the same time being sent to Gen. Schuyler, assigning the 
 reasons of the arrest. 
 
 It was not until some time in the month of July that this 
 
46 
 
 step was taken. Information had already been received, 
 that the enemy were advancing towards the garrison. 
 Scouts of Indians, belonging to the enemy, had been 
 frequently discovered in the vicinity of the fort. The 
 approach of the enemy, and the prowling scouts of Indians, 
 had rendered it necessary to issue orders, forbidding the 
 garrison to go any distance from the fort, or to fire any 
 guns, which had previously been allowed, pigeons being 
 very abundant in the neighbouring woods. 
 
 Notwithstanding these orders, and the .precautions that 
 were taken, Captain Gregg, whose story is so familiar, and 
 who belonged to Col. Willett s regiment, taking with him one 
 of his corporals, proceeded about two miles from the fort ; 
 when, supposing his gun would not be heard, he commenced 
 shooting pigeons ; but being soon discovered by a scout from 
 the enemy s Indians, both himself and his corporal were shot 
 and tomahauked. Not far from the place where they were 
 shot, two men were fishing, whose attention was attracted 
 by the significant motions of a dog, who, running towards 
 them, began to bark ; he then ran back towards that part of 
 the woods from whence he had issued, still continuing to 
 bark, and looking back, as if entreating them to follow. 
 The singular behaviour of this faithful and affectionate 
 animal, induced the men to follow him, and by this means 
 they were led to the spot, where Captain Gregg and the 
 Corporal lay weltering in their gore. Alarmed by so un 
 expected and bloody a spectacle, they hurried to the fort, 
 and, having told what they had seen, a party was imme 
 diately sent out to bring in the bodies of the unfortunate 
 men. The corporal was dead, but signs of life were still 
 seen in the captain. His case was, however, extremely 
 critical ; as he had received a shot which entered his side, 
 ran along near the middle of the back, passing near the 
 
47 
 
 spinal bone, just beyond which it went out. He had also 
 been struck with a tomahauk on the head, when he was 
 scalped. Doctor Woodruff, the surgeon of the regiment, 
 dressed his wounds ; and the unremitting attention which be 
 paid him, after a few days, removed the most alarming 
 symptoms, so that hopes began to be entertained, that the 
 captain would yet survive the terrible disaster. In about 
 three weeks he was pronounced out of danger ; and as the 
 enemy were expected in the course of a fortnight, it was 
 thought expedient that Captain Gregg, with the rest of the 
 sick, and other ineffective persons, should be removed to 
 Schenectady. The captain arrived safe at Schenectady, 
 was restored to health, and remained in the service until 
 the end of the war. He lived several years after the 
 peace. 
 
 Captain Gregg recollected every circumstance of the 
 transaction, and related it afterwards with great composure. 
 It appears, that upon receiving the shot, he fell, and, seeing 
 the Indian running towards him, he lay perfectly still, with 
 the intention of leading the Indian to think he was dead ; 
 and when the Indian proceeded to scalp him, giving him at 
 the same time a cut with his tomahauk on the upper part of 
 his forehead, such was his fortitude through the whole of 
 this trying scene, as to shew no signs of life. Shortly after the 
 Indian left him, he looked around, and seeing the corporal 
 lying at a short distance from him, he crawled up to him. 
 He then took his watch out of his pocket to observe the hour 
 of the day. Discovering after awhile that the corporal was 
 dead, he laid his head on his body ; and continued in that 
 position, until he was taken up and conveyed to the fort. 
 
 The disaster of Captain Gregg, caused a greater degree 
 of circumspection to be used in venturing at a distance from 
 the fort, unguarded. Sunday, the 3rd of July, being a very 
 
48 
 
 warm, clear day, as Colonel Willett lay resting in his room 
 about noon, three guns, fired in quick succession, gave him 
 warning that there were Indians near. He ran to the gate 
 of the fort, and on reaching the parapet of the glacis, saw a 
 sentinel running towards the lower edge of it, and at a short 
 distance from him a girl, also running, holding in her hand 
 a small hasket. On their coming nearer, he saw blood 
 running down the breast of the little girl, who, as he after 
 wards learned, with two other girls, had been picking black 
 berries, not two hundred yards from the foot of the glacis, 
 when they were fired at by the Indians. Upon going to the 
 spot, Colonel Willett found the other two girls killed and 
 scalped. One of the girls that was killed, was the daughter 
 of a man who had served many years in the British artillery. 
 He had been stationed as one of the guard at this post for 
 several years. As he was considerably advanced in life, and 
 infirm, he had received a discharge, with a recommendation 
 to Chelsea hospital. But, as lie had been indulged with the 
 privilege of cultivating a piece of ground, and allowed the 
 use of a small house to live in, he preferred remaining where 
 he was, to returning to his native country, and enjoying the 
 benefits to which his services entitled him. The girl who 
 had made her escape, had been shot through the upper part 
 of her shoulder : the wound proved to be slight, and she soon 
 recovered. 
 
 A great degree of interest now began to be felt throughout 
 the garrison. Indians were constantly hovering around them ; 
 and they soon became so numerous, that strong guards Avere 
 sent out to protect the parties that left the fort. About the 
 middle of July, one of these parties was attacked, several 
 killed and wounded, and the officer who commanded taken 
 prisoner. The enemy were instantly pursued, but without 
 success. The condition of the fort rendered it improper to 
 
49 
 
 send out strong scouting parties, as every moment of tim< 
 was required to prepare for defence. 
 
 The engineer having been dismissed, greater diligenc< 
 than ever was necessary, to put the fort in a proper state o 
 defence. Accordingly, officers as well as men exerted them 
 selves with the utmost assiduity, and the work went on ver 
 rapidly. By the first day of August the wall around tin 
 whole of the fort was repaired ; the parapets were nearl] 
 raised ; embrasures made on three of the bastions ; horizonta 
 pickets fixed around the walls, and perpendicular picket 
 around the covert way. The gate and the bridge were als< 
 made secure, though the time had been too short to mak< 
 any material alteration in the salient angle, so as to deriv< 
 any benefit from it. The garrison had just finished laying 
 the horizontal pickets at night, as the enemy invested th( 
 fort the next day ; but at the time of the arrival of the enemy 
 none of the parapets had been completed. It was necessary 
 therefore, to finish these after the fort was regularly invested 
 and as the men engaged in work at them were unavoidabl} 
 exposed, they became marks for the enemy s rifles, so thai 
 several of them were killed. The engineer had neglectec 
 to build a magazine, though he knew there was no secure 
 place for the ammunition. The garrison, in order to remedy 
 this difficulty, took the seven spare feet which were left 
 of the pickets, in consequence of the mistake of the en 
 gineer as to their length, arid having framed them, so as to 
 form a square inclosure, the whole was placed within the 
 body of one of the bastions, and being covered with earth, 
 formed a safe deposit for the powder. 
 
 On the last day of July, advice was received that a num 
 ber of batteaux loaded with ammunition and provisions, in 
 tended for the garrison, were on their way, under a guard 
 of two hundred men. As the very safety of the fort de- 
 
50 
 
 pencled in a great measure upon their safe arrival, a detach 
 ment of one hundred men was sent out in order to assist 
 them in case of need. These boats arrived about 5 o clock, 
 p. M., on the second day of August ; and the stores were 
 immediately conveyed into the fort. At the instant the last 
 loads arrived, the enemy appeared on the edge of the wood 
 near where the boats lay ; and the captain who commanded 
 them, remaining behind after all the rest had left, was taken 
 prisoner. 
 
 The fort had never been supplied with a flag. The ne 
 cessity of having one, had, upon the arrival of the enemy, 
 taxed the invention of the garrison a little ; and a decent one 
 was soon contrived. The white stripes were cut out of am 
 munition shirts ; the blue out of the camlet cloak taken from 
 the enemy at Peekskill ; while the red stripes were made of 
 different pieces of stuff procured from one and another of 
 the garrison. 
 
 The two hundred men who guarded the batteaux, were 
 commanded by Lieut. -Colonel Mellon of Col. Weston s 
 regiment. This reinforcement increased the number of the 
 garrison to about seven hundred and fifty men, including 
 officers and artificers. Upon examination, it appeared that 
 they had provisions sufficient to support the garrison six 
 weeks ; but the ammunition was so scanty as to allow, for 
 six weeks, only nine cannon to be fired per day. It was there 
 fore necessary to use the cannon as little as possible. Of 
 musket cartridges they had a sufficient quantity. 
 
 A flag came in from the enemy, the morning after their 
 arrival. From this it was ascertained, that the troops in 
 vesting the fort, were commanded by the British Colonel 
 St. Leger, accompanied by Sir John Johnson. The flag left 
 with the garrison one of Burgoyne s pompous declarations. 
 
 .Very early on the morning of the 4th, a brisk fire from 
 
51 
 
 riiles was commenced by the Indians, who, by concealing 
 themselves behind the stumps of trees and other covers, 
 considerably annoyed the men who were employed in rais 
 ing the parapets. Several of them were wounded. Marks 
 men were immediately placed in different parts of the for 
 tifications to return the fire as opportunities might offer. 
 The greater part of the 5th, was spent by both parties in 
 nearly the same manner, with the addition of a few shells 
 thrown by the enemy from five-inch royals, several of 
 which came within the fort, and some into the barracks. 
 On the evening of this day, soon after it was dark, the In 
 dians, who were at least one thousand in number, spread 
 themselves through the woods, completely encircling the 
 fort, and commenced a terrible yelling, which was continued 
 at intervals the greater part of the night. 
 
 While the fort was thus invested, General Herkimer made 
 an ineffectual attempt to relieve it. The general having 
 collected with all possible despatch one thousand Tryon 
 county militia, set out upon this expedition, having previ 
 ously sent an express to Col. Gansevoort informing him of 
 his intention. This express was brought by two men, who 
 reached the fort in safety about 10 o clock, on the morning 
 of the 6th of August. The letter which the general sent, 
 was dated the night before. Upon the receipt of the letter, 
 agreeably to the directions of Gen. Herkimer, cannon were 
 fired as a signal to let him know that the express he had 
 sent had reached the fort in safety. Arrangements were 
 immediately made to effect a diversion in favour of General 
 Herkimer by a sally upon the enemy s camp. Accordingly, 
 two hundred men were ordered on parade for this purpose, 
 and placed by Colonel Gansevoort under the command of 
 Col. Willett ; but a heavy shower of rain coming up at that 
 moment delayed the sally near an hour. 
 
Gen. Herkimer, however, without waiting for the signal 
 m the fort, which was to notify him that his express had 
 3n received, and that a sally would be made by the troops 
 the garrison to favour his approach, advanced prematurely 
 on the enemy, and without sufficiently reconnoitering the 
 )imd to guard against ambuscade and surprise. The 
 neral was a brave and resolute man : his troops were 
 uposed of Germans and Low Dutch ; and amongst them 
 re the principal men of the county. They were en- 
 isiastic in the cause they were endeavouring to sup- 
 :t, impatient of delay, and under little subordination. 
 iey urged, and finally prevailed on the general to com- 
 snce his inarch long before he could have expected the 
 nal ; and of course before a diversion could be made in 
 i favour from the fort. The enemy who were informed 
 his approach, had marched and taken possession of a com- 
 inding situation, about half way between their camp, and 
 5 place where he lay. The want of judgment in forming 
 iir line of march was another unfortunate circumstance 
 the general and his troops, in consequence of which, 
 icn they fell into the ambuscade laid for them, they were 
 I in a condition to support each other. The militia in 
 i rear (for the line of march was so scattered as to extend 
 nile in length) shewed but little courage : indeed many 
 them began early to make their escape. 
 Suddenly and unexpectedly attacked by the enemy, the 
 neral with a number of brave men formed themselves 
 a circle, and defended themselves with great gallantry, 
 icre were a variety of instances in which much personal 
 urage was shown : in some cases attacks were made with 
 nahauks by the militia, as well as by the Indians, and 
 th equal effect. The courage of the greater part of the 
 litia was such as clearly shewed that if they had been 
 
53 
 
 sufficiently compact, and under such direction as to have 
 been prepared to support each other, they would have been 
 an overmatch for (he enemy; but the loose manner in which 
 they inarched, and the want of precaution, produced such 
 sudden confusion as could not be remedied. The action 
 continued until the shower of rain commenced, when the 
 enemy withdrew, and gave time for those brave men who 
 remained on the fjeld to collect their wounded ;* with whom 
 they returned unmolested to the settlement. 
 
 As to the sally from the fort, it was completely successful. 
 In addition to the two hundred men placed under Colonel 
 Willett s command, mentioned before, fifty more were added 
 to guard a light iron three-pounder, which increased his 
 number to two hundred and fifty men. The cannon was 
 mounted on a travelling carriage. With these troops, and 
 this piece of mounted cannon, as soon as the rain ceased, 
 Col. Willett lost not a moment in sallying forth from the 
 gate of the fort. As the enemy s sentries were directly in 
 sight of the fort, his movements were necessarily very rapid. 
 The enemy s sentries were driven in, and their advanced 
 guard attacked, before they had time to form their troops. 
 Sir John Johnson, whose regiment was not over two hun 
 dred yards distant from the advance guard, and who him 
 self, it being very warm, was in his tent with his coat off, 
 had not time to put it on before his camp was forced. So 
 sudden and rapid was the attack, that the enemy had not 
 time to form so as to make any opposition to the torrent that 
 
 * Among the wounded was the gallant general himself, who received a shot 
 in one of his legs, about six inches below the knee, which fractured the bone 
 very badly. Col. Willett saw the wound dressed about two weeks after he 
 received it. The leg itself was afterwards amputated. Col. Willett called to 
 see the general soon after the operation. He was sitting up in his bed with 
 a pipe in his mouth, smoking, and talking, in fine spirits. Early the next 
 morning, however, he learned that the general had died in the night, having 
 bled to death. Such was the unfortunate end of this brave man. 
 
54 
 
 poured in upon them. Flight, therefore, was their only re 
 source. Adjoining the camp of Sir John Johnson, was that 
 of the Indians. This also was soon taken : so that a very few 
 minutes put Col. Willett in possession of both these encamp 
 ments. Sir John with his troops took to the river ; and the 
 Indians fled into the woods. The troops under Col. Willett 
 had fair firing at the enemy while they were crossing the 
 river. 
 
 The quantity of camp equipage, clothing, blankets, and 
 stores, which Colonel Willett found in the two camps, ren 
 dered it necessary to hasten a messenger to the fort, and have 
 the waggons sent, seven of which were stored in the fort, 
 with horses. These waggons were each three times loaded, 
 while Colonel Willett and his men remained in the camps of 
 the enemy. Among other articles, they found five British 
 flags ; the baggage of Sir John Johnson, with all his papers ; 
 the baggage of a number of other officers, with memoranda, 
 journals, and orderly books, containing all the information 
 which could be desired. 
 
 Colonel Willet, on returning to the fort, found Colonel St. 
 Leger stationed, with such force as he could collect, opposite 
 the landing, on the other side of the river, not more than six 
 ty yards from the direction in which he was marching, with 
 the intention of intercepting him. Colonel Willett s position, 
 however, enabled him to form his troops so as to present him 
 with a full fire in his front, while at the same time, he w r as 
 enfiladed by the fire of a small field-piece ; and though 
 Colonel St. Leger was sufficiently spirited in returning his 
 fire, it was so wild, as to be altogether without effect. Colonel 
 Willett returned in triumph to the fort, without having lost a 
 single man. 
 
 Upon his return, the five flags, taken from the enemy, 
 were hoisted on the flag-staff, under the continental flag ; 
 
55 
 
 when all the troops in the garrison, having mounted the 
 parapets, gave three as hearty cheers as, perhaps, were ever 
 given by the same number of men. 
 
 Several prisoners were brought into the fort, among whom 
 was a Mr. Singleton, a lieutenant of the light infantry com 
 pany of Sir John Johnson s regiment. A few Indians and 
 some troops were found dead in their camps, and, no doubt, 
 several were killed in crossing the river. Upon the whole, 
 the enterprize was successful, beyond Colonel Willett s most 
 sanguine hopes. The loss of the enemy was, undoubtedly, 
 great. Many of the articles taken from them were much 
 wanted by the garrison. The happy result of this sally, 
 appeared to inspire the garrison with an enthusiastic assur 
 ance of complete conquest over their enemies.* 
 
 The success with which the sortie from the fort was 
 attended, added to the loss the enemy, and especially the 
 Indians, had sustained in the action with General Herkimer, 
 created considerable uneasiness in the enemy s camp. The 
 afternoon of the next day, the beating of the chamade, and 
 the appearance of a white flag, was followed with a request, 
 that Colonel Butler, who commanded the Indians, with two 
 other officers, might enter the fort, with a message to the 
 commanding officer. Permission having been granted, they 
 were conducted blindfolded into the fort, and received by 
 Colonel Gansevoort in his dining-room. The windows of the 
 room were shut, and candles lighted; a table also was spread, 
 
 * The following account of this sally, is taken from the British Annual 
 Register, for 1777. 
 
 " On the day, and probably during the time of this engagement, (that is 
 Herkimer s,) the garrison, having received intelligence of the approach of their 
 friends, endeavoured to make a diversion in their favour, by a vigorous and 
 well-conducted sally, under the direction of Colonel Willett, their second in 
 command. Willett conducted his business with ability and spirit. He did 
 considerable mischief in the camp, brought off some trophies, no inconsiderable 
 spoil, some of which, consisted in articles that were greatly wanted, a few 
 prisoners, and returned with little or no loss." 
 
 See Appendix, No. 5. 
 
56 
 
 covered with crackers, cheese, and wine. Three chairs, placed 
 at one end of the table, were occupied by Colonel Butler and 
 the two other officers who had come with him : at the other 
 end Colonel Gansevoort, Colonel Mellen, and Colonel Willett 
 were seated. Seats were also placed around the table for as 
 many officers as could be accommodated, while the rest of 
 the room was nearly filled with the other officers of the gar 
 rison, indiscriminately ; it being desirable, that the officers in 
 general should be witnesses to all that might take place. 
 After passing round the wine, with a few common-place 
 compliments, Major Ancrom, one of the messengers, with a 
 very grave, stiff air, and a countenance full of importance, 
 spoke, in nearly the following words : " I am directed by 
 Colonel St. Leger, the officer who commands the army now 
 investing the garrison, to inform the commandant, that the 
 colonel has, with much difficulty, prevailed on the Indians 
 to agree, that if the garrison, without further resistance, shall 
 be delivered up, with the public stores belonging to it, to the 
 investing army, the officers and soldiers shall have all their 
 baggage and private property secured to them. And in order 
 that the garrison may have a sufficient pledge to this effect, 
 Colonel Butler accompanies me to assure them, that not a 
 hair of the bead of any one of them shall be hurt." (Here 
 turning to Colonel Butler, he said, That, I think, was the ex 
 pression they made use of, was it not V to which the colonel 
 answered, 4 Yes. ) " I am likewise directed to remind the 
 commandant, that the defeat of General Herkimer must 
 deprive the garrison of all hopes of relief, especially as Gen 
 eral Burgoyne is now in Albany ; so that, sooner or later, 
 the fort must fall into our hands. Colonel St. Leger, from 
 an earnest desire to prevent further bloodshed, hopes these 
 terms will not be refused ; as in this case, it will be out of his 
 power to make them again. It was with great difficulty the 
 
57 
 
 Indians consented to the present arrangement, as it will 
 deprive them of that plunder which they always calculate 
 upon, on similar occasions. Should, then, the present terms 
 be rejected, it will be out of the power of the colonel to 
 restrain the Indians, who are very numerous, and much 
 exasperated, not only from plundering the property, but 
 destroying the lives of, probably, the greater part of the gar 
 rison. Indeed the Indians are so exceedingly provoked, and 
 mortified by the losses they have sustained, in the late actions, 
 having had several of their favourite chiefs killed, that they 
 threaten, and the Colonel, if the present arrangements 
 should not be entered into, will not be able to prevent them 
 from executing their threats, to march down the country, 
 and destroy the settlement, with its inhabitants. In this case, 
 not only men, but women and children, will experience the 
 sad effects of their vengeance. These considerations, it is 
 ardently hoped, will produce a proper effect, and induce the 
 commandant, by complying with the terms now offered, to 
 save himself from future regret, when it will be too late." 
 
 With the approbation of Colonel Gansevoort, Colonel 
 Willett made the following reply. Looking the important 
 major full in the face, he observed, " Do I understand you, 
 Sir 1 I think you say, that you come from a British colonel, 
 who is commander of the army that invests this fort; and by 
 your uniform, you appear to be an officer in the British ser 
 vice. You have made a long speech on the occasion of your 
 visit, which, stript of all its superfluities, amounts to this, that 
 you come from a British colonel, to the commandant of this 
 garrison, to tell him, that if he does not deliver up the gar- 
 rison into the hands of your Colonel, he will send his Indians 
 to murder our women and children. You will please to 
 reflect, sir, that their blood will be on your head, not on ours. 
 
 We are doing our duty : this garrison is committed 
 
 8 
 
58 
 
 charge, and we will take care of it. After you get out of it, 
 you may turn round and look at its outside, but never expect 
 to come in again, unless you come a prisoner. I consider the 
 message you have brought, a degrading one for a British 
 officer to send, and by no means reputable for a British officer 
 to carry. For my own part, I declare, before I would consent 
 to deliver this garrison to such a murdering set as your 
 army, by your own account, consists of, I would suffer my 
 body to be filled with splinters, and set on fire, as you know 
 has at times been practised, by such hordes of women and 
 children killers, as belong to your army." 
 
 The manner in which the message of Colonel St. Leger 
 was received, together with the resolution of Colonel Gan- 
 sevoort to come to no terms with the enemy, was re-echoed 
 with applause by all the officers of the garrison who were 
 present. Several of them pertinently remarked, that in their 
 opinion, half the pains would not. have been taken to induce 
 them to surrender, if the enemy had not cause to fear that 
 they should fail in their attempt. 
 
 Colonel St. Leger s deputation, seeing no likelihood of 
 their terms being acceded to, asked permission for the sur 
 geon, who accompanied their flag, to visit such of their 
 wounded prisoners as had been taken in the sortie. This 
 was granted ; and while the British surgeon, in company 
 with Mr. Woodruff, the surgeon of the garrison, was visit 
 ing the wounded, Major Ancrom proposed a cessation of 
 arms for three days. As the garrison had more reason to 
 fear the want of ammunition than provisions, this proposi 
 tion was agreed to : soon after which the flag returned to 
 their camp, and the troops of the garrison enjoyed a brief 
 interval of tranquillity and ease. 
 
 The relief of the fort being still an object of the utmost 
 importance, and no doubt remaining on the minds of any, but 
 
59 
 
 that General Herkimer had been defeated, it was thought 
 advisable to make another effort for the purpose ; and the 
 militia of Tryon county, having formerly expressed a par 
 ticular attachment to Col. Willett, it was the general opin 
 ion that if he could shew himself among them, it might 
 have the effect of inspiriting them with fresh resolution, and 
 leading them a second time to exert themselves to raise the. 
 siege. Influenced by these considerations Col. Willett agreed 
 to make the hazardous attempt to reach the settlements 
 down the river. 
 
 Accordingly, about 10 o clock on the night of the 10th of 
 August, Col. Willett left the fort, accompanied by Major 
 Stockwell, whom he selected for this purpose, as he was a 
 good hunter, and was well acquainted with the Indian 
 method of travelling in the wilderness. They passed pri 
 vately through the sally port of the fort, and proceeding 
 silently along the marsh, they reached the river, which they 
 crossed by crawling over a log unperceived by the enemy s 
 sentinels, who were not many yards from them. Having 
 thus happily succeeded in crossing the river without being 
 discovered, they advanced cautiously into a swampy wood, 
 where they soon found themselves so enveloped in darkness 
 as to be unable to keep a straight course. While in a state of 
 uncertainty as to the safest step for them to take, they were 
 alarmed by the barking of a dog, at no great distance from 
 them. Knowing that the Indians, after their camp had 
 been broken up on the other side of the river, had removed 
 it to this side, they thought it most advisable to remain 
 where they were, until they should have light sufficient to 
 direct their course. Placing themselves therefore against a 
 large tree, they stood perfectly quiet several hours. At length 
 perceiving the morning star, they again set out, but instead 
 of proceeding in a direct line to reach the settlement, they 
 
60 
 
 took nearly a northerly direction, which after a few miles 
 brought them again to the river. With the intention of 
 concealing their route, in case their tracks should be dis 
 covered, they stepped in and out of the river several times, 
 crossing occasionally to the opposite side, until reaching a 
 spot where they could completely conceal their track by 
 stepping on stones, they left the river, took a north course 
 for a few hours, and then travelled east until night, without 
 making a single stop. As it was necessary for them to be 
 encumbered as little as possible, they had left the fort with 
 no other weapon but a spear for each, eight feet in length, 
 which was intended to serve as a staff as well as a weapon 
 of defence. They had taken no baggage or blanket ; and 
 all the provision they had with them consisted of a few 
 crackers and cheese, which they had put in their pockets, 
 together with a quart canteen of spirits. Having halted for 
 the night, they refreshed themselves with such provision as 
 they had : after which, their situation being too perilous to 
 think of kindling a fire, they lay down to sleep wrapped in 
 each other s arms. Though it was then the height of sum 
 mer, yet the night was so cold, as, together with hard trav 
 elling the day before, and sleeping on the ground without 
 any covering, made them feel very stiff when they arose 
 the next morning. Colonel Willett had so severe a rheu 
 matic attack in one of his knees, as to cause a limp in his 
 walk for several hours. Setting out once more, they directed 
 their course farther to the south, and about 9 o clock came 
 to an opening in the woods, occasioned by a windfall. In 
 this opening, among the fallen trees, they found a forest 
 of raspberries and blackberries, quite ripe, which afforded 
 them a most delicious and refreshing repast. Though the 
 day was very warm, yet, deriving new vigour from their ban 
 quet of berries, they proceeded expeditiously towards the 
 
61 
 
 settlement, where they arrived at three o clock, having trav 
 elled in this time about fifty miles.* On arriving at Fort 
 Dayton, a small stockade fort at the German Flats, they 
 received a hearty welcome from Colonel Weston, who was 
 stationed there with his regiment. From Colonel Weston, 
 Col. Willett obtained the agreeable intelligence that Gen. 
 Learnard had been ordered by General Schuyler to march 
 with his brigade of Massachusetts troops (which had been 
 stationed on Van Schaick s Island, about ten miles above 
 Albany,) to the relief of the fort. 
 
 Having rested that night at Fort Dayton, Col. Willett, still 
 accompanied by Major Stockvvell, set out on horseback early 
 next morning to meet these troops, which they had the satis 
 faction of doing the very same night. Having been in 
 formed by General Learnard, that the troops intended for 
 the relief of the fort, were to be commanded by General 
 Arnold, who was at Albany, Colonel Willett proceeded next 
 day to that place. Here he learned from General Arnold, 
 that the first New York regiment was also on its march to 
 join Learnard s brigade. The day following, Colonel Willett 
 accompanied General Arnold to join the troops, and in two 
 days arrived at Fort Dayton, where the whole force intended 
 for the relief of the fort was assembled. 
 
 During Colonel Willett s absence from Fort Dayton, Lieu 
 tenant Walter Butler, with six or eight soldiers, and eight 
 or ten Indians, had been taken prisoners. They had been 
 surprised at the house of a Mr. Shoemaker, about two miles 
 
 * The British Annual Register for 1777, thus speaks of this enterprize. 
 
 " Colotiel Willett afterwards (after the sally) undertook, in company with 
 another officer, a much more perilous expedition. They passed by night 
 through the besiegers works, and in contempt of the danger and cruelty of 
 the savages, made their way for fifty miles through pathless woods and un 
 explored morasses, in order to raise the country and bring relief to the fort. 
 Such an action demands the praise even of an enemy." 
 
62 
 
 from Fcrt Dayton, the evening previous to General Arnold s 
 and Col. Willett s arrival at that place. Mr. Shoemaker 
 was one of the King of England s justices of the peace ; 
 and being known by Mr. Butler to be disaffected to the 
 congressional government, he had prevailed on him to as 
 semble as many of the timid and disaffected inhabitants at 
 his house as he could collect, with the intention of endeav 
 ouring to persuade them to join the army of Colonel St. 
 Leger. Colonel Weston, having received information of 
 what was going on, detached a party of soldiers, with orders 
 to surround the house, and take the whole of them prisoners. 
 This was promptly done ; Mr. Butler being at the time in 
 the midst of his harangue. 
 
 General Arnold having ordered a court martial, of which 
 he appointed Colonel Willett judge advocate, in order to try 
 Mr. Butler, as a spy from the enemy, the court found him 
 guilty, and sentenced him to die ; which sentence was 
 approved of by General Arnold, and ordered to be put in 
 execution the succeeding morning : but a number of officers 
 belonging to the first New York regiment, petitioning to 
 have him respited, the general granted their petition, and 
 Butler was sent to Albany. He escaped from this place the 
 winter following, and became afterwards a severe scourge to 
 the inhabitants of these frontiers. 
 
 Shortly after this, the news of the approach of General 
 Arnold, to relieve the fort, having reached the enemy, the 
 Indians being already extremely disaffected, in conseqence 
 of the ill success of the siege, and Colonel St. Leger, finding 
 that the mulish obstinacy, as he termed it, in a letter written 
 to General Burgoyne, of the garrison, could not readily be 
 overcome, on the 22nd of August the siege was suddenly 
 abandoned, after it had been carried on twenty days. 
 
 Throughout the whole of the siege, Colonel St. Leger, 
 
63 
 
 certainly, made every effort in his power to render it suc 
 cessful. Having sent after Colonel Willett s departure, to 
 Colonel Gansevoort, a written summons to surrender, which 
 he found as unavailing 1 as his message by Major Ancrom, 
 he commenced approaching by sap, and had formed two 
 parallels, the second of which brought him near the edge 
 of the glacis, but the fire of the musketry from the covert way, 
 rendered his further progress very difficult ; besides, his ord 
 nance was not sufficiently heavy to make any impression 
 from the battery which he had erected. The only way 
 in which he could annoy the garrison, was with his shells, 
 and this was so trifling, as to afford him but a poor prospect 
 of success. It appears, that he made large calculations 
 upon intimidating the garrison with threats ; and, perhaps, 
 his expectations were the more sanguine, as Ticonderoga 
 had been but a little time before abandoned, upon the ap 
 proach of General Burgoyne. 
 
 The unexpected and hasty retreat of Colonel St. Leger, 
 and his host of Indians, accompanied by Sir John Johnson, 
 whose influence among the settlers along the Mohawk river, 
 it was supposed, would procure considerable reinforcements, 
 defeated all the calculations that had been made in the 
 event of the success of St. Leger, which Avas hardly doubted. 
 Great indeed was the disappointment and mortification, 
 when, instead of Colonel St. Leger taking the fort, and, by 
 this means, obtaining possession of the Mohawk country, as 
 well as effecting a junction with General Burgoyne, he was 
 obliged to retreat, wholly baffled in all his designs.* 
 
 * "Nothing," says the British Annual Register, "could have been more 
 untoward in the present situation of affairs, than the unfortunate issue of 
 this expedition. The Americans represented this and the affair at Bennington, 
 as great and glorious victories. Nothing could exceed their exultation and 
 confidence. Gansevoort and Willett, with General Starke and Colonel Warner, 
 who had commanded at Bennington, were ranked among those who were 
 considered as the saviours of their country." 
 
64 
 
 After the retreat of the enemy, Colonel Willett passed 
 several months in comparative inactivity. Colonel Ganse- 
 voort, having gone to Albany, the command of the fort de 
 volved on him. He improved this interval, in completing 
 the works, and disciplining the troops. Toward the last of 
 September, Colonel Gansevoort, having returned to the fort, 
 Colonel Willett set out to visit his family at Fishkill, where 
 he arrived, the very day on which Fort Montgomery was 
 taken. During this visit he was not inactive, but assisted in 
 the defence of that part of the country against the enemy, 
 who, having obtained the entire possession of the Hudson 
 river, threatened the inhabitants along its banks, at every 
 point. After this, he visited the grand army, under the im 
 mediate command of General Washington, which he found 
 encamped at White Marsh, about twelve miles from Phila 
 delphia. It was late in January before he returned to the 
 fort, where he continued until the following June 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 WEARIED with the inactive life he led, and seeing no 
 prospect of more brilliant service in that remote section at 
 that period, Colonel Willett once more, with the approbation 
 of Colonel Gansevoort, set out to visit the commander-in- 
 chief, with the view of endeavouring to have the regiment 
 relieved, and of joining the main army ; objects which he 
 was extremely desirous of effecting. At Peekskill he found 
 Gen. Gates; and happened to be at his quarters on the night 
 of the 21st of June, when an express from Gen. Washington 
 brought advice of the evacuation of Philadelphia by the 
 enemy. Gen. Gates, having suggested his intention of 
 sending a confidential messenger to Gen. Washington, with 
 a statement of the force and magazines under his command, 
 which, as the army under Washington would probably move 
 that way, it was necessary he should be well acquainted 
 with, Colonel Willett was pleased with the opportunity of 
 offering his services on that occasion. Having accordingly 
 been furnished with a fresh horse, which the quarter-master 
 was ordered to procure for the purpose, he crossed the river 
 the next morning, and arrived at head-quarters the evening 
 of the same day. Having finished his business with the 
 commander-in-chief, he obtained from him permission to 
 
 9 
 
66 
 
 remain with the army. On Wednesday the 23d of June, 
 being the morning after his arrival, he was informed that a 
 detachment of light troops under the command of General 
 Scott of Virginia, was ordered to march towards the enemy 4 
 with the intention of harassing them on their retreat. Hav 
 ing obtained an introduction to General Scott, Colonel 
 Willett offered himself as a volunteer aid, and his offer being 
 cordially accepted, he had the satisfaction of remaining 
 with him until after the battle of Monmouth, which took 
 place the Sunday following. 
 
 General Scott s detachment of light troops marched the 
 first day to within a few miles of the enemy s rear : in the 
 evening of the same day, it was joined by the Jersey brigade. 
 Early the next morning they got upon the enemy s track, 
 which they followed; but as their columns were kept close, 
 and their line of inarch was compact, no opportunity of an 
 advantageous attack presented itself. A few prisoners and 
 deserters were all that fell into their hands. As the weather 
 was very warm, and the country through which they passed 
 barren and sandy, the troops suffered for want of water : 
 the more so as the enemy had taken care to fill up the wells. 
 In the evening General Scott was re-inforced with upwards 
 of one thousand men under General Wayne ; and the com 
 mand of the whole detachment was put under the Marquis 
 De La Fayette. 
 
 Early on the morning of the 27th, an attempt was made 
 to impede the march of the enemy by an attack upon their 
 rear ; but it was ineffectual : and they continued their route 
 to Monmouth Court-House. In the course of the day the 
 detachment was increased to five thousand ; and the com 
 mand conferred on General Lee. Early on Sunday morn 
 ing, being the 28th of June, a smart fire was commenced, 
 just as the enemy began to march. This attack became so 
 
67 
 
 serious that the enemy found it necessary to halt their line, 
 and turn the whole of their force upon us. The light in 
 fantry to which Colonel Willett was attached were formed 
 on the edge of the wood, when the Marquis De La Fayette 
 galloping up to them, told them that the British grenadiers 
 were advancing to gain their right ; and ordered them to 
 march with a quick step to oppose them. This order was 
 obeyed with alacrity : but as the enemy had halted beyond 
 a marshy piece of gound ; and by their last movement the 
 light infantry had become separated from the rest of the 
 troops, General Scott took an advantageous position, which 
 he had just gained, when he was ordered to retire. General 
 Scott conceiving that the order would be countermanded, if 
 General Lee were once made acquainted with the excellence 
 of his position, sent Colonel Willett to give him a particular 
 account of its advantages in case the enemy should advance 
 to attack them. Before Colonel Willett could find the gen 
 eral, he observed that all the troops were retiring : when 
 near the Court-House, he fell in with General Wayne, and 
 at the same time General Scott rode up and informed him 
 that he had received a second order, and that the troops had 
 of course left their position, and were retiring. Both these 
 gentlemen expressed great mortification at the measures 
 adopted ; and pointed out several important advantages 
 which might be gained by waiting the attack of the enemy, 
 who were then advancing pretty rapidly towards them. 
 
 While Colonel Willett, with Generals Scott and Wayne, 
 were conversing together, they discovered General Lee, for 
 the first time, since the troops commenced retreating, on a 
 pretty conspicuous piece of gijound, and, anxious to learn 
 the cause of the -retreat, rode fast towards him. It appears, 
 that some person had already suggested to the general some 
 doubts as to the propriety of the movements the troops were 
 
68 
 
 making ; for just as Colonel Willett got within reach of hear 
 ing, the first words that struck his ears, from General Lee, 
 were, " It does not signify, the enemy have too much 
 cavalry for us." 
 
 The enemy, perceiving that a retreat had commenced, 
 moved forward more rapidly. The fire from their artillery 
 had become brisk. 
 
 The enemy had brought their cavalry in front : and the 
 only clever thing Colonel Willett witnessed, on the part of 
 General Lee, was, that on observing the cavalry advancing, 
 he ordered some troops to a good position, to check them;, 
 when, calling his dog, he left the spot where he was, and 
 joined the troops he had stationed to oppose the enemy s 
 cavalry. These, advancing on a canter, received so severe 
 a fire, as completely broke and dispersed them. Here a 
 horse was to be seen galloping away without its rider and 
 there a horseman rising from the dust. 
 
 A brisk fire of musketry, as well as artillery, had now 
 commenced in different parts of the line. The weather was 
 extremely warm. Some of the troops, especially such as had 
 charge of field-pieces, were obliged to break their columns, 
 in order to avoid a marsh, across Avhich they could not carry 
 the artillery. This was the case with some of General Scott s 
 detachment of light infantry, who had charge of two field- 
 pieces. This being observed by the enemy, they detached 
 a regiment of Highlanders, to attack General Scott s de 
 tachment. The Highlanders advanced briskly across an 
 orchard to the attack, but were received by a well-directed 
 fire, which killed upwards of thirty of them in a few minutes. 
 
 By this time General Washington had arrived on the field ; 
 and put a stop to the retrograde movement : such a line was 
 formed as effectually checked the advance of the enemy. 
 Two formidable lines were formed, in front of each other, 
 
69 
 
 to a considerable extent. The fire of artillery from both 
 lines was severe, and not without execution. It was doubt 
 ful, on which side the artillery was best served ; but, in every 
 instance, where our musketry was opposed to the enemy s, 
 the advantage was, evidently, on our side. 
 
 General Washington, who never to Colonel Willett ap 
 peared so great as he did on that day,* (though to him, he 
 always appeared greater than any body else,) was mounted 
 on a fine large sorrel horse : he had a spy-glass in his hand, 
 and from a commanding situation, within the line of the 
 enemy s fire, he seemed to observe and know everything. 
 Firmness, composure, and dignity sat on his brow. His 
 presence inspired universal ardour along the line ; and, in 
 the poetical description of Mr. Addison, 
 
 " He taught the doubtful battle where to rage." 
 
 General Washington s situation within the line of fire, 
 with a number of officers about him, appeared to attract the 
 attention of the enemy, so as to induce them to direct their 
 fire on that more than any other part of the line. Colonel 
 Willett happened to be near him, when this was evidently 
 the case, and directed one of his aides to ride round among 
 the officers and request them to withdraw, as they offered 
 a mark for the enemy s fire, Upon this intimation a number 
 of them withdrew ; and Colonel Willett then retired to that 
 
 *The appearance of General Washington, says Colonel Willett, was such, 
 as to excite admiration and respect. I recollect feeling these sentiments the 
 first time I ever saw him, which was the year after the memorable defeat of 
 General Braddock. He was then only twenty-three years of age. His manly, 
 sedate countenance, and deportment, together with the fineness of his person, 
 forcibly attracted attention and respect, even in those his youthful days. Nine 
 teen years had elapsed, from that period to the time of my seeing him again, 
 which was a few days after he was appointed to command the American army. 
 His greatness appeared to have increased with his years. His noble counte 
 nance displayed the greatness of his mind ; and his whole demeanour was 
 calculated to command veneration. I have seen him in a variety of* situations, 
 and none in which he did not appear great : but never did I see him when he 
 exhibited such greatness as on this day. 
 
70 
 
 part of the line where the light infantry was formed. He 
 had been there but a few minutes, when two gentlemen 
 riding slowly along, he heard one of them exclaim, " Poor 
 Lee." As General Lee was near General Washington at 
 the time Colonel Willett left the spot where he was, on 
 hearing the exclamation of, " Poor Lee," he concluded he 
 was killed ; and, turning to the person who made the ex 
 clamation, enquired if Lee was shot ; to which he replied, 
 " No : but he is a great deal worse off, for the general has 
 given him a most severe reprimand, and ordered him to 
 English Town, (which was four miles in the rear,) with 
 orders to collect such scattered troops as he might find, and 
 assemble them at that place." 
 
 In the meanwhile, by a well-timed order, Genera] Green 
 and Lord Stirling took possession of commanding ground, 
 from whence a heavy fire so enfiladed the enemy s line, as to 
 compel them to retreat. The position they left was instantly 
 occupied by the American troops ; and so hot a fire poured 
 in upon the enemy, as compelled them to retreat. The 
 late hour of the day necessarily prevented any further oper 
 ations : except placing such part of the army as had expe 
 rienced the least fatigue, in such positions, as would enable 
 them to commence another attack early the next morning. 
 But this w T as prevented, by the retreat of the enemy in the 
 night, leaving their wounded behind them.* They had taken 
 the road towards Sandy Hook ; and when it was discovered 
 they had retreated, were so far ahead, as not to render it 
 advisable to pursue them with the army. Some light troops 
 were ordered to follow at a distance, with a view of picking 
 up any deserters, or stragglers, from the enemy, while the 
 
 * As General Washington had ordered Colonel Morgan, with his rifle corps, 
 which was reinforced by some other troops, by a circuitous march to attack 
 the enemy s baggage, the victory would have been much more complete, if the 
 attack had not t>ecn prevented by the retrograde movement of General Lee. 
 
71 
 
 main army filed off towards Brunswick : but, learning that 
 the enemy had landed at New York, they marched towards 
 the Hudson, which they crossed at Stony Point. 
 
 The remainder of the campaign, of the year 78, after the 
 battle of Monmouth, Colonel Willett spent with the main 
 army, which encamped in West Chester county. 
 
 The campaign of 79 he spent with General Sullivan, on 
 the western expedition against the hostile Indians, destroy 
 ing their crops and towns. 
 
 In the hard winter of 79, 80, while the main army was 
 in winter quarters, four miles from Morris Town, in the 
 woods, Colonel Willett received orders to cross over to Staten 
 Island, to attack Colonel Van Bushkirk. With five him- 
 ded men, and one field-piece, he crossed at night, upon the 
 ice ; and waited until day-light to commence the attack. 
 Day having broke, he rode forward to reconnoitre. He 
 soon found that the house, occupied by Van Bushkirk, was 
 closed, windows and doors being shut. Seeing a woman 
 standing in the door of a house opposite, he enquired of her 
 what had become of Bushkirk. She said, he was in the 
 house. It appears, however, that having obtained informa 
 tion of the intended attack, he had departed, with such 
 precipitancy, as to leave behind all his stores. Colonel Willett 
 loaded seventeen w r aggcns with stores, consisting of sugar, 
 butter, gin, c., which came very seasonably for the army. 
 
 The same winter he made an expedition to Powle s Hook, 
 and, having taken a redoubt, drove away all the English 
 cattle. 
 
 In the year 80, Colonel Willett commanded the 5th New 
 York regiment, which was connected with the grand army. 
 Nothing material, however, transpired this year, so far as he 
 was concerned. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 MOHAWK CAMPAIGNS. 
 
 TOWARDS the close of the year 80, the reform took place 
 which reduced the five New York regiments to two. Upon 
 this change, Col. Willett was ordered to take command of 
 all the levies, militia, and state troops, that might be raised 
 to protect the north-west frontiers of the State of New York, 
 in which command he continued to the end of the war. 
 
 It was at the earnest solicitation of Governor Clinton, 
 that he was induced to undertake the defence of this im 
 portant frontier. He quitted the main army with extreme 
 reluctance, unwilling to deprive himself of the opportunity 
 of serving his country in that more public scene of action. 
 But yielding to the repeated requests of governor Clinton, 
 \vho in his letter to him on this subject, expressed his belief, 
 that he could be of essential service to the State in that ex 
 posed section of it ; the more so, to use the governor s own 
 language, "as he was informed that the inhabitants of Tryon 
 county placed the highest confidence in his zeal and mili 
 tary abilities ;" he at last consented to the governor s pro 
 position. Having once engaged in this arduous service, 
 sympathizing in the sufferings of the inhabitants of that 
 frontier, anxious to inflict upon the Indians, and especially 
 upon the tories. Cwhom Governor Clinton iu one of his let- 
 
73 
 
 ters to him, styles " cruel monsters worse than savages,") 
 as being the chief instigators, and the most barbarous actors 
 in the cruelties and devastations that were committed along 
 this extended frontier, he entered upon the arduous duties 
 of the campaign with diligence and alacrity. 
 
 The following letters of Col. Willett to General Wash 
 ington and Governor Clinton, will give an account of the 
 condition of the county, both before and at the time of his 
 arrival there : the mode of defence against the savages that 
 was adopted by the inhabitants ; and the measures he him 
 self took for their security. 
 
 German Flatts, Fort Herkimer, July 6th, 1781. 
 
 SIR, I am in this county* by order of Governor Clinton. 
 Among other particulars in the instructions I have received 
 from him, are the following. "For a variety of reasons, 
 I conceive it will conduce most to the good of the ser 
 vice that you should take post yourself in Tryon county. 
 In the distribution of the troops, you arc to have regard to 
 the aid to be derived from the continental troops, and mili 
 tia : to whom I will give such orders as will enable you to 
 avail yourself of their aid." 
 
 In consequence of these orders, and in expectation of the 
 legislatures making provision to execute a plan, of which 
 I had given a sketch to Governor Clinton, I am at present 
 on these frontiers. Impelled by the situation of things in 
 these parts, I beg leave to lay before your Excellency a short 
 description of this country, with its present condition. 
 
 It is a country of the most luxuriant soil. Not only the 
 lands along the river are exceedingly rich, but the back 
 
 * Tryon county, embracing at that time all that part of the State of New 
 York, west of the county of Albany. 
 
 10 
 
74 
 
 lands are also of the first quality. This tract of country 
 exceeds any I passed through in our march upon the western 
 expedition under General Sullivan. Most of the settlements lie 
 along, or not far back from the Mohawk river. At the com 
 mencement of the present war, both sides of the river, from 
 Schenectady to Germantown, which is seventy miles, the 
 settlements were considerably thick ; and every thing had the 
 appearance of ease and plenty. There were besides several 
 valuable farms, extending fifteen miles higher up the river 
 than Germantown. Germantown, however, is the last 
 place where any number of families had fixed themselves 
 together. At the beginning of the war the militia of the 
 county did not amount to less than two thousand five 
 hundred men. In such a country, blessed with so fine a soil, 
 lying along a delightful river, which affords an easy trans 
 portation of the produce to a valuable market, with a cli 
 mate exceeded by none, one would have expected a conse 
 quent increase of population. But this was retarded by 
 means which you are undoubtedly acquainted with. The 
 obstructions to its future growth and prosperity, will, I hope, 
 in a little time be removed; and this part of the world, 
 which is, perhaps, one of the first places on this continent, 
 be surpassed by none. Flourish it must. Nothing but the 
 hand of tyranny can prevent it much longer from becoming 
 the garden of America. 
 
 The place from which I now write, is, at present, the ad 
 vance settlement up the river, and lies sixty-three miles from 
 Schenectady. This strip, sixty miles in length, is liable to 
 Indian incursions, on both sides of the river. This the in 
 habitants have frequently experienced ; and so severe has 
 been their experience, that, out of two thousand five hun 
 dred upon the militia rolls, at the commencement of the war, 
 
75 
 
 at present, the whole number of classible* inhabitants does 
 not amount to one thousand two hundred. Of classible 
 inhabitants, (that is, of those who were liable to be assessed 
 to pay taxes, in order to raise men for the public service,) 
 there being not twelve hundred, the number liable to be 
 called upon to do military duty, will hardly exceed eight 
 hundred ; so that there is a reduction in the county of at 
 least two thirds, since the commencement of the war. 
 
 To account for this large reduction, I do not think I am 
 wild in my calculations, when I say, that one third of them 
 liave oeen killed, or carried captive by the enemy ; one third 
 have removed into the interior parts of the country ; and one 
 third deserted to the enemy. The present distressed situation 
 of the inhabitants, is such, as to demand sympathy, from the 
 most unfeeling heart. Each neighbourhood has erected for 
 itself a fortification. Within these forts, the inhabitants have 
 in general taken up their residence. Each fort contains from 
 ten, to upwards of fifty families. There are twenty-four of 
 these fortifications within the county. Pitiable, indeed, is 
 the case of a people, thus situated. But, wretched as their 
 situation is, such is the state of the country ; and in such a 
 condition are the people who inhabit it. But, notwith 
 standing their deplorable situation, should they be fortunate 
 enough to preserve the grain they at present have in the 
 ground, they will have an immense quantity more than 
 will be sufficient for their own consumption. 
 
 To protect this country, as much as possible, is our present 
 business ; and this is the point, to which I now wish to call 
 your Excellency s attention. By withdrawing the regular 
 
 * By a law of the State of New York, every male person, not being a slave, 
 who was above sixteen years of age, was to be numbered into classes. In 
 dividuals of each class, were, respectively, to pay as much towards raising 
 men for the public service, as they were assessed, by persons appointed for 
 that service. 
 
7(5 
 
 troops, the county is, undoubtedly, much weakened. At 
 this time, I have not, in the whole county, more than two 
 hundred and fifty men, exclusive of the militia. Some 
 reinforcements, Governor Clinton writes me word, are com 
 ing from the eastward. Part of these, we may hope, will 
 come this way ; and, hy others being sent to the northward, 
 I flatter myself, I shall be able to withdraw those levies, 
 which have been placed under my command, which are, at 
 present, that way. 
 
 I heartily wish to have as much force as pbssible, to assist 
 in the preservation of a people, whose sufferings have,, 
 already, been so exceeding great. But, be the force larger 
 or smaller, t can only promise to do everything in my power, 
 for the relief of a people, of whom I had some knowledge in 
 their more prosperous days ; and am now acquainted with in 
 the time of their deep distress : a people, whose case I most 
 sincerely commiserate. At the same time, I think it my 
 duty to inform your Excellency, that, after withdrawing the 
 two regular regiments from these parts, I expect to have the 
 command of all the troops that may be ordered into this 
 county for its common defence. This is what Governor 
 Clinton told me would be the case. Should the legislature 
 make such further provision, for the defence of the county, as 
 1 have requested, notwithstanding its present deplorable situ 
 ation, I shall hope to have the state of things much more 
 respectable than hitherto it has been. Nor shall I exceed 
 my hopes, if, in the course of less than twelve months, I shall 
 be able to convince the enemy, that they are not without 
 their vulnerable quarters, in these parts. 
 
 Since I have been in this part of the country, I have been 
 endeavouring to put matters in some kind of regulation. 
 With the approbation of the governor I have fixed my 
 quarters at Canajoharie, on account of its central position. 
 
77 
 
 And my intention is to manage business so as to have an 
 opportunity of acquainting myself as well as possible with 
 every officer and soldier I may have in charge. In order 
 the better to do this, I propose, as far as I can make it 
 any way convenient, to guard the different posts by detach 
 ments, to be relieved as the nature of the case will admit. 
 And as the relieved troops will always return to Fort Rens- 
 selaer, where my quarters will be, I shall have an opportunity 
 of seeing them all in turn. Having troops constantly march 
 ing backwards and forwards through the country, and fre 
 quently changing their route, will answer several purposes, 
 such as will easily be perceived by you, sir, without my men 
 tioning them. This is not the only way by which I expect 
 to become particularly acquainted with the troops and their 
 situation. I intend occasionally to visit every part of the 
 country, as well to rectify such mistakes as are common 
 among the kind of troops I have at present in charge, as to 
 enable me to observe the condition of the militia, upon whose 
 aid I shall be under the necessity of placing considerable 
 reliance. 
 
 In order to shew that I have some reason to place de 
 pendence upon the militia, I shall first mention a transac 
 tion that took place a few nights ago at Canajoharie. An 
 account was sent me at one o clock in the morning, that 
 about fifty Indians and tories were in the neighbourhood of 
 a place six miles off. Having with me at the fort no more 
 regular troops than were sufficient to guard it, I sent for a 
 captain of the militia ; and in less than an hour he was 
 out with seventy men in search of the enemy. In short, 
 they are a people, who, having experienced no inconsidera 
 ble portion of British barbarism, are become keen for revenge, 
 and appear properly determined. 
 
 It is with regret I trespass upon your time in this man- 
 
78 
 
 ner: but I am desirous of giving you as good a sketch as I 
 can of the situation of this country. It is easy for you to 
 perceive that the strength we now have this way is inade 
 quate to the fortress intended to be erected at this place by 
 Major Villa...., the engineer, who was ordered here for the 
 purpose of fortifying this place. Nor did I see the great 
 necessity of such works being erected here. I humbly con 
 ceive that some small improvements to the works we already 
 have, will answer our present purpose. And I am pretty 
 clear it will be all that we shall be able to accomplish. 
 
 If it should meet with your approbation, I should be glad 
 to make such a disposition of the cannon and other ord 
 nance stores, as may appear most secure, and best calcu 
 lated to protect the country. For to me it is clear, that the 
 way to protect these parts is, in case the enemy should again 
 appear this way with any thing of force, to collect all the 
 strength we can get to a point, and endeavour to beat them 
 in the field, and not attempt to defend any one particular 
 spot : for such is the exposed state of the country, that the 
 enemy can make incursions in almost any quarter. Beside 
 this, it is not their policy or custom to halt to invest any par 
 ticular place. It is therefore my opinion, that by joining 
 our whole force together, and not by defending any one post, 
 we are to endeavour to protect these frontiers : whilst these 
 small stockade forts, and block houses, which the inhabitants 
 themselves have built, are in general sufficient to cover 
 them against such parties of Indians and tories as usually 
 make this way. 
 
 I should count myself happy in having your sentiments 
 upon this subject. At present I have at this place about 
 one hundred men : nor is it possible without calling on the 
 inhabitants below, to afford this place more men until I re 
 ceive some reinforcements. I need not say to you, sir, that 
 
79 
 
 nothing can be done towards erecting the new fort, with the 
 men I now have. I shall, therefore, only endeavour to repair 
 the works already at this place, until I shall receive further 
 orders 
 
 I have the honour to be with the greatest sincerity 
 your Excellency s most obedient 
 
 and humble servant, 
 
 MARINUS WILLETT. 
 To His Excellency, Gen. Washington, 
 
 German Flatts, July bto, 1781. 
 
 SIR, At present I am at this place, with one hundred 
 and twenty of the levies, including officers ; and captain 
 Moody s company of artillery, which is but twenty strong. 
 The total of all the levies in this county beside is ninety- 
 six. A very insufficient number indeed to perform such 
 business as is expected from us. I am crowded with ap 
 plications for guards, and have nothing to guard with. I 
 will, however, do my best, and have no doubt, you will pay 
 as much attention to our situation as you can. 
 
 That part of my regiment of levies not with me at this 
 place, is stationed as follows. At Schoharie I have placed 
 a little over twenty men : Kaatskill about the same number, 
 unless they have received recruits from Dutchess County, 
 where I ordered them to send officers for that purpose. Cap 
 tain White has his company still at JBallstown, except a few 
 left with the commissioners of Albany, which I have or 
 dered to join him. This whole company consists of about 
 thirty men. Captain Whelp s company is ordered this way 
 from Saratoga, where the companies of Captains Gray and 
 Dunham still remain. I shall endeavour to make some 
 alterations, but am at a loss, with the very few men we have, 
 
80 
 
 to know how. I shall he glad to have your sentiments on 
 this matter as soon as possible. I confess myself not a little 
 disappointed in having such a trifling force for such exten 
 sive business as I have upon my hands ; and also that no 
 thing is done to enable me to avail myself of the aid of the 
 militia. The prospect of a suffering country hurts me. 
 Upon my own account I am not uneasy. Every thing I 
 can do shall be done ; and more cannot be looked for. If 
 it is, a reflection that I have done my duty, must fix my 
 own tranquillity. 
 
 I am your Excellency s most obedient 
 
 and very humble servant, 
 
 MARINUS WILLETT. 
 To His Excellency, Gov. Clinton. 
 
 In the preceding campaign of 1780, the defence of the 
 Mohawk country had been committed to Colonels Malcomb, 
 Dubois and Brown, aided by three regiments of levies. 
 During that year the enemy made an incursion in that 
 quarter ; and marching deliberately through the country, 
 laid it waste on both sides of the river. The only opposition 
 they met with in this cruel incursion, was from Col. Brown, 
 who was himself slain. This disastrous campaign, in con 
 nection with other losses and attacks, had so completely 
 disheartened the inhabitants that few remained upon their 
 farms. 
 
 In the beginning of July, 81, Col. Willett arrived at Fort 
 Rensselaer, his head quarters, and relieved Colonel Court- 
 land, who had been stationed in this quarter with a regi 
 ment of continental troops. Soon after his arrival, he re 
 ceived advice that the enemy in considerable force were de 
 stroying the settlements at Corey s Town, which lay about 
 eleven miles to the south-east of where he was. The steps 
 
81 
 
 Colonel Willett took to repel this incursion will be seen in the 
 following letter to Governor Clinton. 
 
 Fort Rcnsselaer, \stjuly, 1781. 
 
 SIR, In my letter of yesterday, I informed your Excel 
 lency, that, while I was writing, several smokes were disco 
 vered to the south-east ; and that they wire supposed to be 
 produced by the enemy setting- fire to Corey s Town. I had, 
 early in the morning, detached thirty-five men of the levies, 
 under the command of Capt. Gross, to Thurlough, but, upon 
 the discovery of the smoke, I sent an express to Capt. Gross, 
 to try to find out the track of the enemy. At the same time 
 that the express was sent off to Captain Gross, I detached 
 Captain McKain, with sixteen levies, with directions to col 
 lect, as many of the militia as he could, and move towards 
 Corey s Town. Notwithstanding this settlement was elevev* 
 miles from this place, Captain McKain was in time to assist 
 in saving some of the buildings, by quenching the fire. In 
 the mean time, I was endeavouring to collect as many of the 
 militia as I could, in order to join with the few levies I had, 
 to go in pursuit of the enemy. It was dusk before I could 
 get ready to march ; and when I did march, the whole of 
 my force, after being joined by the detachment of Captains 
 McKain and Gross, was only one hundred and seventy 
 strong. I had been so fortunate, as to discover, not only the 
 track of the enemy, but the place where they had encamped 
 the same day ; and had reason to think, that they would 
 return there again, arid, probably, that night. This deter 
 mined me to march directly to the place of their encamp 
 ment. Notwithstanding it was reported that the enemy were 
 numerous, and the distance to the encampment eighteen 
 miles, still I conceived it possible to arrive there before day, 
 
 and, perhaps, surprise the enemy asleep in their encampment. 
 
 11 
 
82 
 
 This I should have accomplished, had it not been for the 
 thickness of the woods, and the guide losing his way, for a 
 considerable time, in the dark. In consequence of this 
 delay, it was near six o clock in the morning before our 
 arrival, so that the enemy discovered our approach in time 
 to prepare for our reception. They had left their camp, and 
 taken other and better ground, so that we had to prepare 
 for the attack under some disadvantages. The enemy, how 
 ever, who were nearly of the same number with us, did not 
 wait for us to begin the attack, but, with great appearance 
 of determination, by their yelling and shouts, advanced, and 
 began the fire. This was the fury of Indians, and nothing 
 else ; for upon the huzzas and advance of the front line, 
 they soon gave way. At the same instant, another attack 
 of the same kind was made upon our right, and would have 
 been more injurious to us, had it not been for our reserve 
 under the command of Captain McKain, who returned the 
 attack with such spirit, that the enemy, dispersing in small 
 parties, soon sought safety in flight." 
 
 This battle lasted an hour and a half. The enemy s 
 force consisted of about two hundred. Our loss, in killed, 
 was five ; missing and wounded, nine. The enemy s loss 
 was supposed to be not less than forty, as near that number 
 were found dead, on and near the place of action. 
 
 In this action, Captain McKain, a brave, and very valu 
 able officer, received a wound, of which he died, before he 
 got to Fort Rensselaer, where he was buried. He had a son 
 with him, a fine lad, who was likewise wounded, but re 
 covered.* 
 
 * See in Appendix, No. 6, the resolution of the Common Council of the 
 city of Albany, presenting Colonel Willett with the freedom of the city, for 
 this victory. See, also, in Appendix, No. 5, the resolution of Congress, pre 
 senting Colonel Willett with a sword, in commemoration of the sortie from 
 Fort Stanwix. 
 
83 
 
 In consequence of the happy effects of this action, but 
 little trouble was experienced from the enemy through the 
 remainder of the summer. They were sometimes discovered, 
 but in no considerable bodies ; and being always pursued, 
 they fled, without doing much injury. In the afternoon of 
 the 24th of October, however, word was brought, that the 
 enemy had appeared, in considerable force, at Warrensbush, 
 upwards of twenty miles from Fort Rensselaer. No time 
 was lost. Collecting all the force that could be-mustered, 
 and sending orders, at the same time, for the levies and 
 militia, in the contiguous posts and settlements, to follow, 
 Colonel Willett set out that very afternoon, marched all 
 night, and on his arrival in the morning at Fort Hunter, 
 learned that the enemy had crossed the river, and, at this 
 time, were at Johnstown. A regular British soldier, who, 
 by fatigue, had been prevented from crossing the river with 
 the troops, having fallen into the hands of the inhabitants, 
 they ascertained that the enemy s force was upwards of eight 
 hundred good troops, and one hundred and twenty Indians, 
 commanded by Majors Ross and Butler. As the water at 
 Fort Hunter was too deep to ford, and the troops had to pass 
 in batteaux, it was in the afternoon before all the troops had 
 crossed the river. As soon as the passage of the river was 
 effected, they proceeded to march, by sections, towards 
 Johnstown. On counting the sections, it was found, that 
 there were one hundred and four, making four hundred and 
 sixteen men. This was only about half the number of the 
 enemy s troops, without including the Indians. When within 
 two miles of Johnstown, Colonel Willett was informed, that 
 the enemy had already reached there, had halted, and were 
 busy in killing the cattle belonging to the inhabitants. This 
 rendered it necessary to attack the enemy as soon as pos 
 sible. On account of the small number of his troops, 
 
84 
 
 Colonel Willett thought it advisable to divide his force ; 
 and while one division made a spirited attack in front, the 
 other, performing a circuit through the woods, should attack 
 them in the rear, and thus render the chance of success 
 more probable, than to attack with an inferior force, the 
 enemy s front. 
 
 Having come within view of the enemy, the right wing, 
 under Colonel Willett s immediate command, pushed into a 
 field adjoining the one possessed by the enemy, where, open 
 ing to the right, and advancing in a line towards them, he 
 pressed them so closely, as caused them to retire to a neigh 
 bouring wood. The advance under Colonel Willett imme 
 diately began to skirmish, while the remainder of the wing 
 was advancing briskly in two columns. At this time, while 
 the action wore so promising an aspect, without any previous 
 notice, or apparent cause, the whole of this wing turned 
 about and tied, nor was it in his power to rally them. A 
 field-piece, which was left upon a height, at a small distance 
 from the wood, to secure a retreat, was abandoned, and fell 
 into the hands of the enemy. At this critical period, defeat 
 would certainly have ensued, had it not been for the timely 
 succour afforded by Major Rowley, of the state of Massachu 
 setts. Advancing with the left wing, composed wholly of 
 militia, except about sixty levies from his own state, he at 
 tacked the enemy with great intrepidity and vigour, in the 
 rear. As it *was, the contest was -closely disputed until 
 after dark, when the enemy were entirely driven from the 
 field. They retired six miles back into the woods, leaving a 
 great number of their packs behind them, and encamped on 
 the top of a mountain. As for the troops under Colonel 
 Willett, having procured lights, they collected the enemy s 
 wounded, as well as their own, and took about fifty prisoners. 
 In this action, Colonel Willett lost about forty men. 
 
85 
 
 Uncertain as to the route the enemy had taken, two or 
 three days elapsed without any movement of importance. 
 In the mean time, measures were taken to learn the course 
 they intended to take. All, however, that could be dis 
 covered, was, that they were penetrating further into the 
 wilderness. From this, Colonel Willett became certain, 
 that they were unable to make any sudden stroke below the 
 Little Falls, and, consequently, on the 27th, took a position 
 on the German Flatts, for the purpose of being between 
 the enemy and their boats, which they had left at Oneida 
 Creek. Here he was joined by sixty warriors of the Oneida 
 tribe, together with some levies and militia, so that his force 
 was augmented to upwards of five hundred men. The 28th 
 was passed in furnishing the choicest of the troops, together 
 with the Indians, with provisions for five days. Toward the 
 close of the same day, it having appeared clearly that the 
 enemy had relinquished all expectation of returning to the 
 boats, and were proceeding either towards Bucks Island or 
 to Oswego, Colonel Willett, taking with him about four 
 hundred troop?, besides Indians, commenced anew the pur 
 suit of the enemy. Crossing the Mohawk at Fort Herkimer, 
 the first night, they encamped. The greatest part of the 
 next day they continued their pursuit, through a snow 
 storm, and encamped again at night in a thick wood. About 
 day-light the next morning, a small scout was sent out, and 
 returned in a few minutes with the information, that the 
 enemy were within a short distance of them. Immediately 
 putting the troops under arms, Colonel Willett set out, and 
 in a short time fell in with a small detachment of forty men, 
 with a few Indians. This detachment, it appears, had been 
 ordered to procure a fresh supply of provisions, and were then 
 to follow the track of the main body. Some of this party 
 were killed, some taken, and the rest dispersed. On coming 
 
86 
 
 up with the main body, they made a very feeble resistance, 
 showed signs of terror and confusion, and soon set out on a 
 trot, in Indian file. Late in the afternoon, after crossing 
 Canada Creek, where the water was fordable, the enemy 
 showed some signs of resistance, and formed themselves in 
 a body, under the command of Major Walter Butler. At this 
 spot, Major Butler was slain, having received a shot in his 
 eye, which passed through his head : twenty of his men were 
 also slain. After this last show of resistance, the enemy again 
 fled, and were warmly and closely pursued, until night stopped 
 this fatiguing and laborious pursuit. During the night, how 
 ever, they continued their disorderly flight; and, by this 
 means, gained greatly the start of their pursuers : but, their 
 prospect was most disheartening; indeed, almost certain de 
 struction seemed to await them. Before them was yet a 
 seven days march, rivers passable only upon rafts, and a 
 barren wilderness in an inclement season of the year. All 
 these difficulties were to be encountered, and overcome, 
 before they could obtain a supply of provisions. To render 
 their situation more deplorable still, in the rapidity of their 
 flight, they had thrown away their packs and blankets, so 
 that they had no covering to protect them from the cold and 
 inclemency of the season. 
 
 The enemy having, as has been stated, gained a night s 
 march, and Colonel Willett s troops having provisions only 
 for five days, the Indians and many of the troops having 
 besides in the eagerness of pursuit thrown aside their blankets 
 and provisions, which were now twenty miles in the rear, 
 it was thought unadvisable to fatigue them any longer. 
 The pursuit was therefore relinquished. Col. Willett was 
 farther induced to take this course from the consideration 
 that the enemy were left in a situation in the wilderness, 
 which could hardly have been aggravated by utter defeat 
 
87 
 
 or captivity. Besides, had the pursuit continued a day or 
 two longer, the situation of his own troops would have been 
 little better than the enemy s. As it was, the victory was 
 complete, and they were as likely to reap nearly as great 
 benefits from it as if they had succeeded in destroying the 
 enemy. 
 
 In this close pursuit, strange as it may appear, notwith 
 standing the enemy had been four days in the wilderness, 
 with only half a pound of horse flesh per man a day, yet in 
 their famished situation they ran upon a trot, thirty miles 
 before they stopped. The Indians, whom Col. Willett used 
 to consider as the best cavalry for the wilderness, were par 
 ticularly useful in this pursuit. 
 
 The whole of the enemy s loss on this occasion cannot be 
 told. " The fields of Johnstown," says Colonel Willett s 
 official account, " the brooks and rivers, the hills and moun 
 tains, the deep and gloomy marshes, through which the 
 enemy had to pass ; these must tell these only can tell 
 their loss." The death of Major Butler, however, in this 
 action, is an occurrence that ought to be particularly noticed. 
 He was a severe scourge on the frontiers. Walter Butler 
 was the son of a Col. Butler, who was Indian agent under 
 Sir William Johnson. This Col. Butler lived on a very fine 
 farm near Johnstown, not far from the Mohawk river, known 
 by the name of Butlersburgh. On this farm Walter was 
 born. He studied law in the city of Albany. Soon after 
 the commencement of the revolutionary war, Sir John, the 
 son of Sir William Johnson, together with Col. Butler, the 
 Indian agent, and their families, and the principal part of 
 the warriors of the Mohawk Indians, went to Canada, and 
 joined the Indians there, who had placed themselves under 
 the protection of the British government. In Canada, 
 Walter procured a lieutenant s commission, in a regular 
 
88 
 
 British regiment. He was with Col. St. Leger, at the siege 
 of Fort jjStanwix, in August 1777. After the disastrous 
 battle of General Herkimer, when the great part of the 
 well-affected inhabitants of Tryon county was destroyed, 
 this Walter Butler, with several of the Mohawk Indians, 
 went down into that part of the country, to induce as many 
 of the timid and disaffected of the inhabitants as he could, 
 by large promises and violent threatenings, to join the army 
 under General St. Leger. He was, as we have seen, taken 
 prisoner, tried, and condemned to be hung ; but afterwards 
 reprieved, sent to Albany, and confined in the city prison. 
 The winter following, General La Fayette having been ap 
 pointed to the command of the northern department, some 
 of the inhabitants of the city of Albany, who were ac 
 quainted with the family of Butler, and felt a degree of 
 sympathy for Butler himself, petitioned the general to 
 remove him to a more comfortable place of confinement, 
 assuring him that such was the state of his health, he would 
 die if this were not done. Upon this petition, the general 
 consented to take him out of prison, and place him under 
 a guard in a pilYate house ; from which he soon made his 
 escape. 
 
 The winter following he came from Niagara, with a party 
 of Indians and soldiers, and destroyed the settlement of 
 Cherry Valley. In this expedition Butler was the com 
 mander. During the four years that elapsed from Butler s 
 conviction as a spy, to the time of his death, he had 
 exhibited more instances of enterprise, had done more 
 injury, and committed more murders, than any other man 
 on the frontiers. Such was the terror in which he was held 
 by the inhabitants of the frontiers, so cruel a scourge had he 
 been to them, that though Cornwallis s surrender took place 
 about this time, yet the inhabitants expressed more joy at 
 
89 
 
 the death of Butler, than the capture of Cornwallis. By a 
 curious coincidence, Col. Willett was judge advocate of the 
 court, at the time Butler was sentenced to be hung as a 
 spy, and now again commander of the party by which he 
 was slain. At his death, he had the same commission in 
 his pocket, which he exhibited at his trial by the court 
 martial.* 
 
 So severely was this victory over Major Ross felt, that not 
 only through the rest of the winter, but during the whole of 
 the campaign of 1782, no considerable force of the enemy, 
 in one body, at any time appeared. Bodies of Indians, 
 by scattering, and appearing in small parties, caused con 
 siderable trouble, but their attempts were never sufficiently 
 formidable to cause any serious alarm. Frequent accounts, 
 indeed, were brought by individuals, who had discovered 
 straggling parties of Indians, on the most exposed part of 
 the frontiers, which rendered it necessary to use alertness 
 and vigilance ; and frequently to dispatch considerable bodies 
 of troops in the night, several miles into the wilderness, with 
 the hope of falling in with the rear of some of these scatter 
 ing parties of Indians. These expeditions, though fatiguing 
 and troublesome, and constantly persisted in, effected but 
 little. The timidity or caution of the enemy prevented 
 every exertion that was used to overtake or destroy them ; 
 so that the campaign of 82 closed without any important 
 event. 
 
 * It may be well to note in this place, in relation to the death of Butler, that 
 the account which is given of it in Marshall s Life of Washington, (Appendix 
 to Vol. iv, Note 7,) might lead the reader to infer that there was a degree of 
 cruelty used, contrary to the usages of humane warfare. Mr. Marshall 
 says, "In the party at Canada Creek, was Major Walter Butler, the 
 person who perpetrated the massacre at Cherry Valley. His entreaties for 
 quarter were disregarded, and he fell the victim of that vengeance which his 
 own savage temper had directed against himself:" whereas it appears, from 
 Col. Willett s narrative, that Butler was shot dead at once ; and that there 
 was no time to implore the mercy of the victors. 
 
 12 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 EXPEDITION TO OSWEGO. 
 
 THE inhabitants along the frontiers now began to feel 
 themselves secure. During the year 82, the recruiting of 
 the State troops had been successful, in consequence of the 
 legislatures having adopted the plan of offering a bounty 
 of money in lieu of the bounty of land : so that at the close 
 of the campaign of 82, Colonel Willett had a regiment of 
 upwards of four hundred State troops. 
 
 Winter having set in, barracks for winter quarters were 
 prepared ; and as a considerable number of the troops had 
 not had the small pox, Col. Willett embraced this opportu 
 nity of having them inoculated. Having seen the troops 
 sufficiently provided with quarters for the winter, and erected 
 a comfortable log-hut for himself, he set out, toward the last 
 of November, for Albany. He then went to Fishkill for his 
 wife, intending to take her to his quarters with him during 
 the winter. As the head-quarters of General Washington 
 were at Newburgh, directly opposite Fishkill Landing, Col. 
 Willett went to pay his respects to him, and remained to 
 dinner. As soon as dinner was over, he rose to take his 
 leave : the general rose also, and following him out, asked 
 him to go with him into his office. He then inquired as to 
 his success in recruiting, the strength and situation of the 
 
91 
 
 regiment : said the clothier-general should have particular 
 orders respecting their clothing; and mentioned that it 
 would be proper to place no reliance on a speedy peace, but 
 be as well prepared as possible for another campaign. He 
 then inquired of Col. Willett if he was acquainted with the 
 situation of the enemy s garrison, at Oswego, and if he 
 thought it might be surprised by an expedition in the win 
 ter. This was the first time that an opening ever presented 
 itself to Col. Willett of a chance of procuring fame, that 
 his heart did not vibrate with joy. The expectation he had 
 entertained of spending the winter in comfortable quarters 
 with his family at Fort Rensselaer, was destroyed : but to 
 say any thing that might appear to discourage so important 
 a project, was not in his nature. The conversation finished 
 by the general desiring him to think of the project, and 
 write him his opinion. 
 
 Agreeably to General Washington s request, Col. Willett, 
 in about a week after he left him, wrote to him in favour o/ 
 the enterprise. A correspondence ensued between General 
 Washington and Col. Willett : which correspondence, as it 
 was secret, was in the general s own hand-writing.* All 
 General Washington s orders were strictly observed by Col. 
 Willett ; and the utmost precaution used to conceal the 
 design of the expedition. 
 
 The troops were suddenly assembled at Fort Herkimer 
 on the 8th day of February. On the 9th, at night, they 
 crossed the Oneida Lake ; and the following day about 2 
 o clock, p. M., the troops arrived at Oswego Falls. At 
 this place they went into the woods, and made eight ladders. 
 Their prospects were as promising as they could wish. All 
 the necessary preparations for entering the enemy s works 
 were completed; and every officer was made acquainted 
 
 * See these letters of Gen. Washington, in Appendix No. 9. 
 
92 
 
 with the particular part he was to perform. It was scarcely 
 10 o clock at night, when the troops reached a point of land 
 about four miles from the fort. Here, on account of the 
 Weakness of the ice, they were obliged to take to the land ; 
 and in doing this they had to ascend an eminence, which 
 caused some difficulty in getting up the ladders. 
 
 Colonel Willett had procured a young Oneida Indian, 
 called Captain John, and two other Indians, as guides. Not 
 a thought entered his mind of the least danger of losing 
 their way, as they were then but four miles from the fort, and 
 there were still four hours to elapse before the moon set, which 
 was the time fixed upon for entering the fort. Col. Willett s 
 attention was constantly engaged in encouraging the men, 
 whose business it was to carry the ladders ; a labour, which, 
 from the inclemency of the season, the depth of the snow, 
 and the difficulties of the woods, was a very arduous one. 
 His attention being thus occupied, and not having the least 
 apprehension that his guides would lose their way, two hours 
 passed without discovering any opening through the woods, 
 which he had been for some time expecting. This circum 
 stance led him to hasten to the front of the line of march, 
 where he was informed, that the Indian pilot had not been 
 seen for some time, though they were pursuing his track as 
 fast as they could. Colonel Willett immediately set out to 
 follow his track himself, with as quick a step as possible, and 
 in about half an hour overtook him. He found him standing 
 still, and apparently lost and frightened. They had by this 
 time got into a swamp, and some of the men had their feet 
 frozen fast in sunken holes. In this deplorable situation, 
 ignorant where they were, the hope of taking the fort by 
 surprise, vanished ; and the orders of General Washington 
 were peremptory, that if they failed in surprising the fort, the 
 attempt would be unwarrantable. All then that was left 
 
93 
 
 for the troops to do, was to retrace their steps. Many of them 
 had suffered much from the frost ; only one frozen to death : 
 but a number were lamed, and some so badly, as to require 
 constant assistance to get them along 1 . Such was the gloomy 
 end of an enterprise, which, at ten o clock at night, pre 
 sented so fair a prospect of success. 
 
 Had they been without a guide, and only taken the pre 
 caution to keep in view of the river, they would have had 
 sufficient time between ten o clock, when they were within 
 four miles of the fort, and the setting of the moon, to have 
 effected the design of the expedition. The failure, therefore, 
 is to be attributed to the guide losing his way. Colonel 
 Willett had been particularly careful to secure the hearty 
 co-operation of the Indian, by assuring him, that he should 
 not be exposed to any danger ; that all that was required of 
 him was to conduct them in sight of the fort ; and that after 
 it was taken he should have a full share of the plunder. It 
 was not, however, Colonel Willett s opinion, that the Indian 
 led them astray by design, though he put him under guard 
 when he first perceived the situation into which he had led 
 them. It appeared, afterwards, that the mistake of the In 
 dian, originated in his having fallen in with two Indian snow- 
 shoe tracks, which he had followed all the day ; and as they 
 led in a direct course to Oswego, it was natural to suppose 
 that the travellers were going to that place. The Indian fell in 
 again with these tracks soon after leaving the river, and, fol 
 lowing them, was led astray : it was afterwards found, they 
 led to an Indian encampment, some distance down the lake. 
 
 During this march to Oswego, congress received advice of 
 the signing the provisional articles of peace ; and shortly 
 after Colonel Willett s return to Fort Rensselaer, he went to 
 Albany, where he heard the peace proclaimed by the town- 
 clerk, at the city-hall, to the rejoicing inhabitants. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE CREEK MISSION. 
 
 THE federal constitution having been adopted, and General 
 Washington chosen president, one of his first objects was, 
 forming treaties of peace with the Indians. In the com 
 mencement of the president s first term of office, several 
 tribes of Indians were at open war with the United States. 
 Among others, " the Creeks in the south, who could bring 
 into the field six thousand fighting men, were at war with 
 Georgia. In the mind of their leader, the son of a white 
 man, some irritation had been produced by the confiscation 
 of the lands of his father, who had resided in Georgia, and 
 several other refugees from that state, whose property had 
 also been confiscated, contributed still further to exasperate 
 the nation. But the immediate point in contest between 
 them was, a tract of land on the Oconee, which the state of 
 Georgia claimed, under a purchase, the validity of which 
 was denied by the Indians. The regular effective force of 
 the United States was less than six hundred men.*" 
 
 To adjust existing differences, and to " negociate a 
 peace with the Creek Indians, General Lincoln, Mr. Griffin, 
 and Colonel Humphreys were sent on a mission into that 
 country. They met M Gillivray, with several other chiefs, 
 
 * Marshall, vol. v. p. 181. 
 
95 
 
 and about two thousand men, at Rock Landing on the 
 Oconee, on the frontiers of Georgia. The treaty com 
 menced with appearances, by no means unfavourable, but 
 was soon abruptly broken off by M Gillivray. Some diffi 
 culties arose on the subject of boundary, but the principal 
 obstacles to a peace were supposed to grow out of his per 
 sonal interests, and his connections with Spain."* 
 
 Upon the failure of this negociation with the Creek Indians, 
 the Creeks still continuing to manifest a hostile temper, in 
 some measure, it was supposed, through Spanish influence, 
 it was thought advisable to make another attempt to avert a 
 war, " which, should it even extend no further, could be 
 attended only with public expense, and private calamity." 
 Still, as an attempt " to renew the pacific overtures which 
 had already been rejected, unless they could be made under 
 more favourable circumstances, promised no beneficial result, 
 and might diminish the respect with which those savages 
 contemplated the American government, it was resolved, 
 that the agent to be employed should visit the country on 
 other pretexts, and should carry a letter of introduction to 
 M Gillivray, blending with other subjects, a strong repre 
 sentation of the miseries which a war with the United States 
 would bring upon his people ; of the indiscretion of breaking 
 off the negociation at the Rock Landing ; and an earnest 
 exhortation to repair, with the chiefs of his nation, to the 
 seat of the federal government, in order to effect a solid and 
 satisfactory peace. The bearer of this letter was also to be 
 furnished with passports and letters of safe-conduct, to be 
 used if the occasion should require them : but he was 
 instructed not to avow the authority with which he was in 
 vested, unless he should be well assured, that the proposition 
 he was authorised to make would be favourably received."! 
 
 Marshall voL v. P. 229. t Vide Marshall, vol. v. p. 273. 
 
96 
 
 In pursuance of this resolution, the day after the arrival of 
 the commissioners from Georgia, with an account of the 
 failure of the negociation, General Knox called upon Colo 
 nel Willett, informed him of the circumstance, and the desire 
 of the president to see him, which was complied with. By 
 the president, Colonel Willett w r as given to understand, that 
 suspicions were entertained that the people of Georgia were 
 not friendly to a peace, but anxious to procure from Congress 
 a force sufficient to subdue them ; that by the statement ot 
 the secretary of war, it would require fifteen millions of dol 
 lars to effect this, and that a considerable portion of the troops 
 were to be furnished from the northern states. The presi 
 dent, at the same time, mentioned it as his opinion, that if 
 a person acquainted with Indians, could enter the country, 
 with such instructions as he would furnish, without the 
 knowledge of the people of Georgia, a war might be pre 
 vented, and proper treaties entered into between the United 
 States and the Creek Indians. The president closed with 
 requesting Colonel Willett to undertake the mission. 
 
 In conformity with the wish of the president, Colonel 
 Willett engaged in this service. Having, accordingly, 
 received the necessary instruction?, and all things being 
 ready, he left New York, March 15th, 1790; embarking on 
 board a sloop, with a servant and two horses, for Charles- 
 town, South Carolina. After a tedious passage of fourteen 
 days, he landed at Charlestown, where lodgings were pro 
 vided for him by his friend Mr. Adam Gilchrist, in Court 
 Lane. He remained in Charlestown until the 2nd of April, 
 preparing for his journey ; on which day he left Chalestown, 
 having the principal part of his baggage in a sulky, in which 
 his servant rode, while he himself went on horseback. The 
 servant whom he carried with him, soon showing signs of 
 fear, he was obliged to send him back to New York, and to 
 
97 
 
 fill his place with a German, of whose integrity he was very 
 suspicious. 
 
 Having, on the 13th of April, reached General Picken s, 
 whose plantation was situated on the Seneca, a large fork of 
 the Savannah river, he spent a couple of days at his house 
 very agreeably, while the General procured him an Indian, 
 as a guide into the country of the Cherokees. The name 
 of the Indian was Young Corn : he bore a good name ; and 
 his open, manly countenance, corresponded with his charac 
 ter. Here, also, Colonel Willett purchased two additional 
 horses : one for a bow-horse, the other for the Indian to ride. 
 
 On Monday, April 19th, at 10 o clock, A. M., says Colonel 
 Willett, I crossed the Seneca at General Picken s ferry, and 
 commenced the prosecution of my journey into the country 
 of the Indians, accompanied by the Young Corn, and my 
 man John, in the following order : my guide, the Young 
 Corn, in front, myself next, then the bow-horse, loaded with 
 my baggage, arid John in the rear. General Pickens crossed 
 the ferry with me, and then took his leave, From this gen 
 tleman and his lady I have received the greatest kindness 
 and civility, arid every necessary assistance for the continu 
 ance of my journey. I proceeded to Colonel Cleveland s, on 
 the bank of the Tugeloo, where I met with a good harbour 
 for the night. 
 
 Tuesday, the 20th, after breakfasting, and crossing the 
 Tugeloo, which is another fork of the Savannah, proceeded 
 according to my yesterday s line of march. Met with a dis 
 aster on the road. The bow-horse took fright, ran away, 
 overset his load, and wounded his leg, so that we got only 
 twenty-four miles on our journey. Encamped in the woods, 
 at a branch of good water ; got myself a neat hut built ; 
 supped on chocolate ; and had a very comfortable lodging on 
 my bear-skin and blanket. 
 
98 
 
 21st. Took breakfast in camp ; mounted at sun-rise, and 
 arrived at Santee at eleven o clock, A. M. Crossed the moun 
 tains to this place in a storm of hail. This is the first of the 
 Cherokee towns on this route ; it contains sixteen or eigh 
 teen houses, and is surrounded with mountains. The lands 
 are of inferior quality. At this place I purchased corn from 
 the Indians for my horses, and paid in ribands. Continuing 
 my route, passed through a small settlement three miles fur 
 ther on, called Little Chotee, to a small running brook, where 
 I encamped. My day s journey was about twenty-eight 
 miles. Great part of the way much broken and mountain 
 ous. Course from Tugeloo to Santee about W. by N., from 
 thence to where I encamped, nearly S. W. A good supper of 
 chocolate, and pleasant night s repose. 
 
 On the 22nd, breakfasted and set out by seven o clock, A. 
 M. Arrived at a town called Huntoweekee, at one o clock, 
 p. M. This is a new settlement : the town has not been 
 built more than one year. It is situated on both sides a 
 branch of the Cousa river ; contains about fifty houses. Here 
 I purchased corn for ribands and paint. Dined in the town ; 
 proceeded about eight miles further, crossed the river, and 
 encamped on its bank. Had young corn cut for my horses 
 fodder. Travelled this day thirty-two miles. While my 
 supper was preparing, was so provoked by my man John, 
 that I had almost put him into the fire. The Indian stared ; 
 John was humbled ; I drank my chocolate, and went to bed. 
 
 23rd. Breakfasted and went on to Long Swamp, or Neue- 
 conoheta. This town lies along the bank of a river, called 
 Hitower, which empties into the Cousa. The lands from a 
 few miles above Huntoweekee to this place are very good ; 
 and the country appears open. At this place I met Mr. 
 Thomas Gogg, who lives twenty-five miles further on my 
 route, at a town called Pine Log, where he is settled as a 
 
99 
 
 trader. I had a letter of introduction from General Pickens 
 to Mr. Gogg, who, in consequence of that leiter, returned 
 with me to his town, where I was kindly received by the 
 head man, called Yellow Bird, and several other principal, 
 men and women. Travelled this day thirty-five miies. 
 Course, from Little Chotee to Long Swamp, about vv. s. w. 
 w., and from thence to Pine Log, w. 
 
 24th. After seeing an Indian ball play, went to Eueste- 
 naree, where I arrived at three o clock, p. M. This is the 
 beloved town of the Cherokees, or, in other words, the town 
 of peace, where all transactions relative to peace are discussed 
 and settled. It is likewise a city of refuge. The guilty who 
 fly here, are safe from punishment while they remain in it. 
 No blood may be spilled in this place. It lies along Cousa 
 river, nearly N. w. from Pine Log. The path I travelled to it 
 from that place, runs through a very broken country. I had 
 an introductory letter to the Badger and Jobberson, two In 
 dian chiefs, who reside in this place, by whom I was kindly 
 received. A Mr. Gary, who had long been an interpreter to 
 these people, dwells at this settlement. At his house I found 
 tolerable good quarters, and met with a hospitable reception. 
 I have engaged Mr. Gary and the Jobberson to accompany 
 me to the Creek nation. Here I also learnt, that the shortest 
 and best way for me to go to the Creek nation is to return to 
 the Pine Log, so that I have come thus far out of my way. 
 
 April 25th. Lay by at Euestenaree. The day warm, but 
 fair. 
 
 26th. Having increased my company, with Mr. Gary and 
 the Jobberson, set out after an early breakfast for the Pine 
 Log. At that place baited my horse and dined. (All these 
 expenses are paid in ribands arid paint.) Here took my 
 leave of Mr. Gogg, after paying him six dollars for his ser 
 vices, and proceeded to Hihotee, the last of the Cherokee 
 
100 
 
 towns in this quarter. Here I met with a very friendly re 
 ception from a Mr. Hughes, a Cherokee half-breed, who is 
 comfortably situated in this town. Travelled this day thirty- 
 five miles. In the afternoon passed over a delightful piece 
 of land. A very fine day. 
 
 27th. After breakfasting with Mr. Hughes, crossed the 
 river Hitower in a canoe, and swam the horses. I com 
 menced a new line of march. Mr. Gary in front, next the 
 Jobberson, then myself, then my bow horse, and the Young 
 Corn and John. Travelled twenty-five miles : took a wrong 
 track : had no small difficulty in crossing the woods, through 
 a tract of broken land, to find the right path : lost about five 
 miles. The day and evening pleasant. I was exceedingly 
 distressed with a pain in my stomach. Most of the land bad; 
 considerably stony and hilly. 
 
 28th. Had my breakfast, and was mounted by six o clock 
 in the morning. Crossed this day the Pumkin Posk 
 mountains, which lie about twenty-five miles from Hitower. 
 They are about three miles across, considerably steep, and 
 part of the way difficult to pass. Made a halt from twelve 
 to two o clock, then went on until near sun-set. Travelled 
 this day thirty-five miles, and encamped at a small running 
 brook. The land passed over in the forenoon, bad ; that in 
 the afternoon, good. Crossed one sharp hill in the afternoon. 
 The rest of the way easy, though something hilly. . The 
 day pleasant. 
 
 29th. Frost last night. It was some time before the horses 
 were found, but, by steady travelling, made out thirty-five 
 miles. The lands in general good : hills arid dales. Most 
 of the hills appear good for wheat ; a few very stony, and a 
 few barren. The timber, chesnut, oak, hickory, ash, poplar, 
 with some maple and beach ; very little under-brush : the 
 path in general easy. Passed two handsome brooks, one 
 
101 
 
 about twenty, and the other ten yards wide, within a quarter 
 of a mile of each other. All these waters must enter the 
 Cousa river : they have hard bottoms, and are easy to ford. 
 I observed a large ridge of mountains to the southward. 
 
 Friday, April 30th. Proceeded to the first Creek settle 
 ment, about twelve miles from which I encamped. From 
 thence I went to a Mr. Scott s, three miles further on, where 
 I met with a hospitable reception. Mr. Scott is a European; 
 has been a trader in this nation for many years, and has con 
 siderable property. Here I learnt that Colonel M Gillivray 
 was at the Oak Fusky, an Indian town, about thirty 
 miles distant, and that he was expected at a Mr. Grierson s, 
 who is likewise a trader, living at the Killebees, eight 
 miles from Mr. Scott s. Mr. Scott accompanied me to Mr. 
 Grierson s, and at six o clock, p. M. I had the satisfaction of 
 seeing Colonel M Gillivray arrive at that place. After 
 delivering him my introductory letter, I had some conversa 
 tion with him ; and after a good supper, and most kind 
 entertainment, I went to bed, happy in being under the 
 same roof with the man I have travelled thus far to see. 
 Colonel M Gillivray appears to be a man of an open, 
 candid, generous mind, with a good judgment, and very 
 tenacious memory. The land I passed over this morning, 
 little better than barren ; within the settlement of the Kil 
 lebees it is good : the day was pleasant. The course from 
 Hitower to the Killebees, about s. w. 
 
 The 1st and 2nd of May I remained at Mr. Grierson s : 
 both days pleasant. Here I attended black drink for the first 
 time. This is an ancient custom, peculiar to this nation. It 
 is a strong decoction of a leaf, called Kasina. The leaf is 
 parched before it is boiled. This custom carries with it an 
 appearance of a religious nature. It is very ceremonious. 
 The drink is usually boiled in the centre of a square, set 
 
102 
 
 apart in every town, near what is commonly called the Hot 
 house. The square consists of four rows of seats, from forty 
 to fifty yards long, fronting each other, leaving an opening 
 at each angle for entrance. The seats are neatly matted 
 with reed, and covered with hark. They are ten or twelve 
 feet deep, rising higher in the rear than in the front, so as to 
 give each person as he sits, an opportunity of seeing what is 
 doing in the square. The hot-houses are nearly of a cir 
 cular form, seated in the same manner, and covered close 
 with bark, having only one small door of entrance. The 
 hot-houses are sufficiently large to contain several hundred 
 persons. In these squares and hot-houses all public busi 
 ness is transacted. 
 
 When the black drink is sufficiently boiled, and ready for 
 use, a principal warrior goes to it, and calls as many men 
 (all of whom must be warriors of eminence) as he may think 
 sufficient to serve the company present with drink. To each 
 of these, the chief warrior hands a gourd filled with the liquor. 
 These men having received the drink, arrange themselves 
 directly in front of the persons intended first to be served ; 
 and at a given signal, all together put the gourds filled with 
 the liquor, into the hands of the persons they are respectively 
 to serve, who immediately place it to their mouths, and hold 
 it there, until the servers have sung out two long notes. 
 The gourds are then returned to the servers, who go on to 
 serve the whole company in the same manner, with no other 
 ceremony, except saying to each person, Drink, until the pot 
 of liquor is emptied. But at the commencement of every 
 fresh boiling, the notes are repeated. 
 
 During the ceremony of the black drink, the chiefs usually 
 exhort the young men to be careful in performing their 
 duties, and admonish them on such subjects as they con 
 ceive most beneficial. 
 
103 
 
 In these squares and hot-houses, all their husks are like 
 wise held. Their grand busk is when they receive the 
 first fruits of their green corn. On this occasion they under 
 go purgations and fastings, for four successive days and 
 nights. At the expiration of this term all the fires in the 
 town are put out, and a new fire made by the friction of two 
 pieces of wood. This new fire is carried to every house in 
 the village. On this solemn occasion all former offences 
 are forgiven. The purgations and fastings are considered 
 as expiatory ; and with the new fire a new friendship com 
 mences among all persons. 
 
 Monday, 3d of May, set out from Mr. Grierson s, accom 
 panied by Col. M Gillivray, his servant, and all the company 
 I brought with me from the country of the Cherokees, ex 
 cept Young Corn, who lagged behind the day on which I 
 arrrived at the Killibees, and I have heard nothing from him 
 since. Mr. Grierson merits my particular acknowledgments 
 for the attentions and civilities I received from him during 
 my stay at his house. We went only twelve miles from Mr. 
 Grierson s to a town called the Fish Pond. In the evening I 
 attended black drink, and an Indian dance at this town. 
 
 On the 4th went to the Hickory Ground, where Colonel 
 M Gillivray lives : distance 30 miles. The course from the 
 Killebees to this place, s. w. The weather was fine : the 
 land tolerably good. 
 
 5th and 6th. Remained at Col. M Gillivray s : pleasant 
 weather. The people in the next town are busking for 
 mulberries. 
 
 May 7th. This day Colonel M Gillivray sent out ten 
 broken days for the chiefs of the lower towns to meet at 
 Ositchy, in order to consult on my business. (Broken days 
 are a number of sticks sent to the towns intended to be as 
 sembled. One of the sticks is thrown away each day, and 
 
104 
 
 when they are all gone, they know it is the time to meet,) 
 This is a pleasant day. In the course of the day, I went to a 
 place called the Apple Grove, five miles from where Col. 
 M Gillivray lives. This place is improved by M Gillivray. 
 It is the place of his birth, and is situated, as well as the 
 place where he dwells, on the banks of the Cousa, a very 
 fine river. The Apple Grove is the pleasantest place of the 
 two. At this place I had a delicious regale of -strawberries 
 and mulberries. Under the bank by the shore I found a 
 pleasing and delightful recess, where I spent three hours 
 alone. After which I went up to the house, had a dinner 
 of fish, and returned home. 
 
 8th. Took a walk to see the old French Alabama fort : or 
 rather the place where it stood, on the banks of the Cousa : 
 for there is scarcely a trace of it to be seen at present. 
 About two miles lower down is the conflux of this, and the 
 Toloposa rivers : at which place they form the river Mobile, 
 which empties itself into the Gulf of Florida, about 60 miles 
 west of Pensacola. 
 
 Sunday the 9th. There was a light rain. This is the 
 first rain I have seen since the 21st of last month. I re 
 mained here all day. 
 
 10th, was a rainy day ; notwithstanding which, I went 
 to see a ball play. 
 
 On the llth there were several heavy showers. I was 
 very busy preparing for my journey to the treaty. 
 
 Wednesday, May 12th. At 9 o clock A. M., set out 
 for the lower towns in company with M Gillivray, his ser 
 vant and my own, to attend the treaty. Reached Mr. Car- 
 nell s, the interpreter, who lives at Tuckabatchy, at 4 o clock, 
 p. M., a distance of 25 miles. On our way we had a shower 
 of rain. Course the first half day south east; the other 
 
105 
 
 half about east. The greater part of the lands we passed 
 over were good ; some very good. 
 
 13th. We crossed the Toloposa, accompanied by the 
 interpreter, and proceeded to the Talline Kings: distance 
 20 miles. On our way stopped at Mr. McQueen s, an old 
 Scotchman, who said he had been a trader in this nation 
 between fifty and sixty years. The day following set out 
 for the Hallowing Kings, where we arrived at 2 o clock, p. M. 
 The course of these two days about E. s. E. : a light sandy 
 soil : country open and level. 
 
 15th. Thunder and rain last night ; went to the Cowe- 
 tas ; road good, land bad ; weather warm. Put up at Mr. 
 Deresau s, who is a trader at this place. It is a numerous 
 settlement. A rum drinking among the Indians : of course 
 troublesome. 
 
 Sunday 16th. Heavy thunder and rain great part of the 
 night. At two o clock, p. M., for the town of Ositchy ; ar 
 rived there at 6 : warm weather : the road and land in 
 general good. This town, as well as the Cowetas and 
 Eueschetas and many others, lie along the banks of the 
 Chotohotchy river, which runs into the Gulph of Florida. 
 
 Monday 17th. Attended black drink at the square in 
 this town, with the chiefs, who were assembled agreeably 
 to the order of the broken days, at 1 1 o clock A. M. Delivered 
 them the following speech. 
 
 Brothers: I am come to you from our beloved town by 
 order of our beloved chief, George Washington, to invite you 
 to a treaty of peace and friendship at a council fire in our 
 beloved city. 
 
 Brothers: Our beloved chief, who wishes prosperity to 
 the red people, as well as to the white, has directed me to 
 advise you that he is very desirous of forming a lasting 
 
 treaty of peace and amity with your nation. That in 
 
 14 
 
106 
 
 order to do this effectually, it is his wish to have his own 
 name, and the name of your beloved chief, fixed to the treaty, 
 that it may be strong and lasting. 
 
 Brothers : I am very pointedly instructed to inform you 
 that the United States want .none of your lands : that effec 
 tual measures will be taken to secure them all to you by 
 our beloved chief; who has an arm sufficiently strong to 
 punish all such as may presume to act contrary to any treaty 
 which he, in conjunction with your beloved chief, may 
 make 
 
 Brothers : Our beloved chief is ready to agree with your 
 beloved chief to secure to you your lands : to promote your 
 trade by affording you means of procuring goods in a cheap 
 and easy way ; and to do all such things as will contribute 
 to promote the welfare and happiness of your nation. 
 
 Brothers : I stand before you, a messenger of peace. It 
 is your interest, and it is our interest, that we should live 
 in peace with each other. I promise myself, that you will 
 attend to this friendly invitation ; and that your beloved 
 chief, with such other of your chiefs and warriors as you 
 may choose for that purpose, will repair with me to the 
 council fire, that is kindled in our beloved town, that we 
 may form a treatjr, which shall be strong as the hills, and 
 lasting as the rivers. 
 
 After withdrawing for one hour, I was called in, and 
 received the following answer. 
 
 Brother : We are glad to see you. You have come a 
 great way ; and as soon as we fixed our eyes upon you, we 
 were made glad. We are poor, and have not the knowledge 
 of white people. 
 
 Brother : Our fathers have told us, whenever any white 
 people came among us, we should take them by the hand, 
 and use them well. We have always followed their advice. 
 
107 
 
 Brother : We were invited to a treaty at the Rock Land 
 ing- : we went there nothing was done : we were disap 
 pointed, and came back with sorrow. 
 
 Brother : You say, you come from your beloved chief, 
 George Washington, to invite our beloved chief to a council 
 fire, in your beloved town. The road is very long, and the 
 weather is very hot ; but our beloved chief will go with you, 
 and such other chiefs and warriors as shall be appointed for 
 that purpose will go with him. 
 
 Brother : All that our beloved chief shall do, we will 
 agree to. We wish you may be preserved from every evil. 
 We will count the time our beloved chief is away ; and 
 when he comes back, we shall be very glad to see him, 
 with a treaty, that shall be as strong as the hills, and last 
 as long as the rivers. 
 
 The business at this place being finished to our mutual 
 satisfaction, returned into Deresau s, where we arrived at 
 six o clock. Had a heavy shower of rain by the way. 
 
 The day following remained at Mr. Deresau s. The after 
 noon was rainy. 
 
 19th. Left Deresau s, after a late breakfast; travelled 
 until near sun-set, and encamped in the woods. Had 
 several showers of rain by the way. 
 
 20th. Started very early ; halted and breakfasted at the 
 Tame Kings : then proceeded to Mr. Carrel s, at Tucka- 
 batchy. This is a fine settlement. The lands are very 
 good ; the prospect along the banks of the river has a pleas 
 ing effect, and all nature seems to conspire to make this a 
 most agreeable settlement. 
 
 21st. This morning I took black drink with the chiefs, 
 who had assembled from the upper town, and delivered 
 my talk to them; after which, I received the following 
 answer. 
 
108 
 
 Brother : You tell us you come from your beloved chief, 
 George Washington, to invite us to a council fire, in your 
 beloved town ; to make a peace, that shall last as long as 
 the rivers. 
 
 Brother : We are willing to be at peace. We love to stay 
 at home, and mind our hunting. We were invited to a 
 treaty at the Rock Landing ; we went there ; we were 
 made fools of, and came back without doing any thing. 
 
 Brother : We did not mean to go to any more treaties 
 with your people ; but you have come a great way, and you 
 speak very good : our beloved chief, and such other chiefs 
 and warriors as may be chosen, will go with you ; and we 
 will agree to all they may do. 
 
 At Ositchy, the answer was delivered by the Hallowing 
 King, who is a fine looking man, and a great orator ; and at 
 Tuckabatchy, it was delivered by a half-breed, called the 
 White Lieutenant, a very respectable chief, a venerable 
 looking man, and a good speaker. 
 
 Having finished our business in the square at Tucka 
 batchy, with the same success as at Ositchy, we returned 
 to Mr. Camel s ; took breakfast, and set out for Colonel 
 M Gillivray s, at which place we arrived at six o clock, p. M., 
 having had a shower of rain by the way. 
 
 Saturday, May 22nd. This day I wrote to the secretary 
 of war, and sent my letter by Mr. Gary, for which, and his 
 other services, I paid forty dollars. The Jobberson returned 
 home, before I went to the lower town. The day very 
 pleasant. 
 
 Saturday, May 29th. This day I crossed the Toloposa, 
 and went five miles to see a most superb ball play. There 
 were about eighty players on a side. The men, women, 
 and children, from the neighbouring towns, were assembled 
 upon this occasion. Their appearance was splendid : all 
 
109 
 
 the paths leading to the place were filled with people ; some 
 on foot, some on horseback. The play was conducted with 
 as much order and decorum as the nature of things would 
 admit of. The play is set on foot by one town sending a 
 challenge to another ; if the challenge be accepted, the time 
 and place are fixed on, and the whole night before the play 
 is employed by the parties in dancing, and some other cere 
 monious preparations. On the morning of the play, the 
 players on both sides paint and decorate themselves, in the 
 same manner as when they are going to war. Thus deco 
 rated, and stripped of all such clothing as would encumber 
 them, they set out for the appointed field. The time of 
 their arrival is so contrived, that the parties arrive near the 
 field at the same time ; and when they get within about 
 half a mile, in a direction opposite to each other, you hear 
 the sound of the war song and the yell ; when, presently, the 
 parties appear in full trot, as if fiercely about to encounter in 
 fight. In this manner they meet, and soon become inter 
 mingled together, dancing while the noise continues. Si 
 lence then succeeds : each player places himself opposite to 
 his antagonist. The rackets which they use are then laid 
 against each other, in the centre of the ground appointed 
 for the game. They then proceed to measure a distance of 
 three hundred yards, one hundred and fifty each way, from 
 the centre, where they erect two poles, through which the 
 ball must pass, to count one. The play is commenced by 
 the balls being thrown up in the air, from the centre ; every 
 player, then, with their rackets, of which each has two, 
 endeavours to catch the ball, and throw it between the 
 poles ; each side labouring to throw it between the poles 
 towards their own towns; and every time this can be 
 accomplished, it counts one. The game is usually from 
 twelve to twenty. This was lost by the challengers. Large 
 
110 
 
 bets are made upon these occasions ; and great strength, 
 agility, and dexterity are displayed. The whole of the 
 present exhibition was grand, and well conducted. It some 
 times happens, that the inhabitants of a town game away 
 at these plays all their clothes, ornaments, and horses. 
 Throughout the whole of the game, the women are con 
 stantly on the alert, with bottles and gourds filled with 
 drink, watching every opportunity to supply the players. 
 The day was fair ; and I returned home, much pleased with 
 the amusement. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 1st of June, at eleven o clock in the 
 morning, I set out from Colonel M Gillivray s house, at 
 Little Tallasee, on my return for New York, accompanied by 
 Colonel M Gillivray, his nephew and two servants, with 
 eight warriors belonging to the Upper Creeks, my man John, 
 and several bow, and some spare horses. 
 
 June 9, at nine o clock, A. M., arrived at the Stony Moun 
 tains, about eight miles from which we encamped. Here 
 we found the Cowetas and Curatas, to the number of eleven, 
 waiting for us. Lay by until three o clock, p. M., then pro 
 ceeded eight miles, and encamped by a large creek of the 
 Waters of the Oak Mulgee. Course in general nearly E. 
 N. E. Pleasant day : shower of rain after we encamped. 
 While I was at the Stony Mountains I ascended the summit. 
 It is one solid rock, of a circular form, about a mile across. 
 Many strange tales are told by the Indians of this mountain. 
 I have now passed all the Indian settlements, and shall only 
 observe, that the inhabitants of these countries appear very 
 happy ; and while the red and white alternately blend in 
 their countenances, health and fragrance breathe around. 
 
 June 14th. We arrived at Hope well ; crossed the Seneca 
 river at General Picken s Ferry : distance twenty miles : 
 pleasant day. Here we received a most hearty welcome. 
 
Ill 
 
 15th. Fair weather. At Hopewell the Tallisee king- 
 arrived, with other Indians, from the middle towns : the 
 
 overtook us by the way, with one more from the 
 
 upper towns. The great Notchy warrior also arrived, with 
 three more from the Notches. 
 
 Friday, June 18th. Left General Picken s at ten o clock. 
 Twenty-six of the Indians, in three waggons, and four on 
 horseback ; Colonel M Gillivray, his nephew, two servants, 
 and the interpreter, with my man, were likewise on horse 
 back, and myself in my sulky. General Picken accom 
 panied us as far as Mr. Hambleton s, fifteen miles, where 
 we put up for the night. 
 
 Sunday, June 27th, we proceeded to Guilford Court-house, 
 and took quarters at Captain Dent s. About two hours after 
 we arrived at this place, Colonel M Gillivray was visited by 
 a Mrs. Brown, who had formerly been a prisoner in the 
 Creek nation. She was captured, with several of her chil 
 dren, by a party of Indians, who at the same time killed her 
 husband. She was redeemed from her captivity by Colonel 
 M Gillivray, with whom she afterwards lived twelve months. 
 The meeting was truly affecting. 
 
 At nine o clock, on the morning of July the 6th, I arrived 
 at Richmond, where I had a dinner provided for the Indians, 
 who came in at three o clock in the afternoon. At this 
 place I remained the 7th, 8th, and 9th. During our stay 
 at Richmond we were treated with the greatest attention. 
 On the 8th, Colonel M Gillivray and myself dined in the 
 academy with the governor, council, judges, a number of the 
 gentlemen of the bar, and other persons of distinction. 
 
 9th. On our arrival at Fredericksburgh, we were hurried 
 to the theatre, and, notwithstanding the entire derangement 
 of our plan, for the prosecution of our journey, we could not 
 
112 
 
 avoid remaining at that place all day. Dined at a public 
 dinner with the chiefs. Visited Mrs. Lewis, the sister of our 
 president, and several others of his relations. Viewed the 
 place in which he was bred, and the cottage in which his 
 mother died. 
 
 Saturday 17th. Set out for Philadelphia; was met by a 
 message from the president and council of Pennsylvania, 
 expressing a desire that I should halt at Gray s Ferry. After 
 halting and refreshing, for two or three hours, we were 
 escorted into the city. In the evening, returned to Gray s 
 gardens, to see the exhibition there. 
 
 Monday, 19th July. This day was taken up in paying 
 visits. The Indians were shewn a great many curiosities in 
 and about Philadelphia ; visited, formally, by a committee 
 from the society of Friends. Had a public dinner : was at 
 the theatre at night. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 20th, left Philadelphia, at the dawn of 
 day ; arrived at Elizabeth-town Point at four o clock in the 
 afternoon, from which place, just at dusk, I set out for New 
 York, in a row-boat. Landed at White-hall dock, between 
 nine and ten o clock. Set out again for Elizabeth-town 
 Point, at two o clock in the morning, at which place I arrived 
 at six o clock, where I found a sloop, which had been sent 
 from New York, ready to transport us to that place. Em 
 barking on board of the sloop, with the Indians, for New 
 York, we landed about noon, near the Coffee-house, and were 
 received, with great splendour, by the Tammany society, in 
 the dress of their order ; conducted up Wall-street, passed the 
 Federal Hall, where congress were in session, and with much 
 pomp and parade, escorted to the president s. After their 
 introduction to the president, the Indians, with additional 
 parade, visited the minister of war, and governor Clinton ; 
 
113 
 
 and then repaired to the City Tavern, where an elegant en 
 tertainment finished the day.* 
 
 * On the first information, at St. Augustine, that M Gillivray was about to 
 repair to New York, the intelligence was communicated to the governor at 
 Havanna, and the secretary of East Florida came toINew York, with a large 
 sum of money, to purchase flour, as it was said, but to embarrass the negotia 
 tions with the Creeks, was believed to be his real design. 
 
 He was closely watched, and measures were taken to render any attempts 
 he might make, abortive. See Marshall s Life of Washington, vol. v. p. 274. 
 
 15 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 IMMEDIATELY after the war, in the year 84, Col. Willett 
 was appointed Sheriff of the city and country of New York : 
 which office he held for a term of four years. After his 
 return from the Creek Mission, he was again, in the year 
 92, appointed to the same office ; and held it for another term 
 of four years. In this year, also, he was appointed briga 
 dier-general in the army which was intended to operate 
 against the hostile tribes, north west of the Ohio. The fol 
 lowing letters from Gen. Knox, at that time Secretary of 
 War, refer to this appointment. 
 
 WAR DEPARTMENT, April 12f/i, 1792. 
 
 SIR : I have the honour to inform you, that the President 
 of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of 
 the Senate, has appointed you a brigadier-general in the 
 army of the United States. 
 
 You will please immediately to signify your acceptance 
 or non-acceptance of this appointment : in case of your 
 acceptance you will repair to Philadelphia, with all possible 
 dispatch. 
 
 In order that, you may judge of the pay, rations, and emol 
 uments for the commissioned and non-commissioned officers, 
 
115 
 
 and privates in the service of the United States, I enclose 
 you the act of Congress relative to the military establish 
 ment. 
 
 I have the honor to be. 
 
 Sir, 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 KNOX. 
 
 Secretary of War. 
 Brig.-Gen. Marinus Willett. 
 
 [Private.] 
 
 Philadelphia, April nth 1792. 
 
 MY DEAR SIR, You will herewith receive official infor 
 mation of your appointment of Brigadier-General. 
 The officers are, 
 
 Anthony Wayne, Major-General. 
 Daniel Morgan, Brigadier-General. 
 Marinus Willett, ditto, ditto. 
 John Brooks, ditto, ditto. 
 
 James Wilkinson, is nominated for the fourth brigadier- 
 general, not yet appointed. 
 
 It has been said that the acceptance of Morgan is doubt 
 ful. Of this I can say nothing. But if he should decline, 
 then you would be second in command. 
 
 I have been anxious for your appoint on this occasion, 
 being convinced of your talents to render service to your 
 country and honour to yourself. Let me hear from you by 
 the return of the post. 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 
 KNOX. 
 Colonel Willett. 
 
116 
 
 Before Colonel Willett received the above official notifica 
 tion, he wrote the following letter to General Washington, 
 with the intention of stopping the appointment 
 
 JVeio York, Uth April, 1792. 
 
 SIR, A report has reached me, in a way I cannot doubt 
 of, that I am in nomination for the office of brigadier-gene 
 ral. This is a fresh instance of the estimation in which 
 I stand with you, and of course very flattering to me. The 
 repeated instances of your regard, which I have experienced, 
 are convincing evidences of your desire to promote my wel 
 fare. It is therefore with regret I find myself nominated for 
 an office, which, under existing circumstances, would oper 
 ate to my disadvantage. My desire to serve my country is 
 not abated; yet when I reflect upon my present situation, and 
 the nature of the service which the appointment would re 
 quire of me, I am led to decline engaging in it ; and flatter 
 myself this step will not be disapproved of by you. 
 
 It has been my uniform opinion, that the United States 
 ought to avoid an Indian war. I have generally conceived 
 this to be our wisest policy. The reasons alledged in sup 
 port of the present Indian war, have never brought convic 
 tion to my mind. From my knowledge and experience of 
 these people, I am clear that it is not a difficult thing to pre 
 serve peace with them. That there are bad men among 
 them, and that these will at times do acts which deserve 
 punishment, is very clear. But I hold, that to go to war, is 
 not the proper way to punish them. Most of the Indians 
 that I have had any knowledge of, are conceited and vain. 
 By feeding their vanity you gain their good opinion ; and 
 this in time procures their esteem and affection. By con 
 ciliating their good will, you will render them susceptible of 
 almost any impression. They are credulous, yet .suspicious. 
 
117 
 
 They think a great deal ; and have in general good notions 
 of right and wrong. They frequently exhibit proofs of 
 grateful minds ; yet they are very revengeful. And though 
 they are not free from chicanery and intrigue, yet if their 
 vanity is properly humored, and they are dealt justly by, it 
 is no difficult matter to come to reasonable terms with them. 
 The intercourse I have had with these people, the treat 
 ment I have myself received from them, and which I 
 have known others to receive, makes me an advocate for 
 them. To fight with them, would be the last thing I should 
 desire. And yet, Sir, I declare, from the experience I have 
 had, I do not conceive it difficult to beat them, when 
 brought to action. When in small parties they scatter 
 themselves along a frontier, they have always been - found 
 exceedingly troublesome and dangerous. This kind of war 
 fare is their forte ; and in it, they are found to be truly tre 
 mendous. But when they attempt any thing in large bodies, 
 I have found, notwithstanding their great dexterity in the 
 wilderness, and the advantage they usually derive from the 
 admirable position they take, that they are easily beat. 
 In marching through woods, where troops are exposed to 
 attacks from Indians, particular attention should be paid 
 not only to the mode and line of march, but also to extend 
 small parties and single men far on the flanks in front and 
 in rear. But whenever a serious attack is made, which is 
 usually furious, an instantaneous charge, with huzzaing, 
 sufficiently loud to drown the noise the Indians make, will 
 never fail to repel them. And this stroke repeated and pur 
 sued, will, I am Avell convinced, terminate in victory. And 
 yet victory even over Indians is generally paid for : but de 
 feats are terrible. The honour, however, of fighting and beat 
 ing Indians, is what I do not aspire after. If in any way 
 I could be instrumental in effecting and maintaining peace 
 
118 
 
 with them, it would be to me a source of great gratification. 
 I have the honor to be your Excellency s 
 
 obedient humble servant. 
 
 MARINUS WILLETT. 
 To the President of the United States. 
 
 Colonel Willett having declined the appointment of briga 
 dier-general, he was shortly after requested to attend, in a 
 pacific character, a great council, which was to be held 
 at the Miami village, in order, if possible, to effect a peace 
 between the Indians and the United States. The duties of 
 his office, however, which at that time were very arduous 
 and important, led him -to decline this offer. The following 
 is General Knox s letter on this subject. 
 
 [Private and confidential.} 
 
 War Department, ISth April, 1792. 
 SIR, It w r as with regret I read your letter of , 
 
 declining the acceptance of the commission of a brigadier- 
 general : but you have the right to be perfectly master of 
 your own conduct. 
 
 The president of the United States has showed me your 
 letter of the 14th instant, wherein you express your ideas of 
 an Indian war. Be assured, that nothing can be more 
 disagreeable to him and the government. But the present 
 hostilities originated in the war with Great Britain, and that 
 they continued without intermission, and increased from 
 time to time, until they became too enormous to be longer 
 overlooked by government, cannot be doubted by any impar 
 tial man, who will attend to the evidence. 
 
 But, notwithstanding the past, it is the desire of the 
 president of the United States, to terminate it without the 
 further effusion of blood : preparatory overtures have been 
 
119 
 
 made to the Indians, who are to have a great council at the 
 Miami village the next month. 
 
 But a person of character, intelligence, and address, is 
 required to he present at that council, in behalf of the 
 United States, to unfold in terms which the Indians will 
 comprehend, 
 
 First, that we require no lands but those which we con 
 ceive to have been fairly purchased, of those tribes who had 
 a right to sell. 
 
 Secondly, that if any of the tribes can show just right to 
 any lands they claim, by virtue of the said treaties, they 
 shall be liberally compensated for such right. 
 
 Thirdly, that we are not only willing to be at peace with 
 all nations, but to impart to them such of the blessings of 
 civilization as will suit their condition. 
 
 Fourthly, it is conceived, were they convinced of the truth 
 of those sentiments, that peace must be the consequence. 
 But, the difficulty is, to find a suitable character. You have 
 been applied to, and declined. It would appear, however, 
 from your letter to the president, that you would seem still 
 to be desirous of being of service to your country, at this time. 
 
 I am authorized to assure you, that if you will still under 
 take the business, in which, from the preparatory measures, 
 I can assure you there will be but little personal hazard,, 
 (although that would not be a consideration with you,) that 
 you would render your country a most acceptable service. 
 That if you succeed, of which I should flatter myself, you 
 will have the glory thereof, besides being most liberally 
 compensated, in a pecuniary wav, which shall be stipulated 
 to your satisfaction. 
 
 If you should incline to undertake this affair, not a moment 
 of time should be lost in repairing here. The way would be 
 by Pittsburg, down to Fort Washington ; every facility of 
 
120 
 
 guards would be afforded you. Captain Hendricks, and 
 perhaps others of the Indians, here present, might accom 
 pany you. Besides, there are women prisoners at Fort 
 Washington, and, probably, friendly Wabash Indians, who 
 would accompany you. : .. 
 
 Permit me to urge your compliance with tliis invitation to 
 perform the mission, and that you would, immediately and 
 explicitly, inform me of your determination. 
 
 I am, Sir, with great respect, 
 
 Your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 KNOX. 
 
 Colonel Marinus Willett. 
 
 To this letter, Colonel Willett made the following reply. 
 
 New York, April 2lst, 1792. 
 
 SIR, I have been honoured with your letter of the 18th 
 instant. I do indeed feel myself disposed, as I trust I always 
 shall be, to render to my country every service in my power ; 
 nor is it possible for me to express the satisfaction I should 
 receive in seeing an end of tne present unhappy Indian war. 
 The desire of the president of the United States, to bring about 
 a peace, on terms of equity, and to prevent the further effusion 
 of blood, are so consonant to my mind, that had it not been 
 for the disagreeable and disorderly appearances in this 
 city, arising from the numerous bankruptcies which have 
 lately taken place, I should have been induced to set out 
 immediately for the seat of the general government, with a 
 view of rendering every aid in my power to bring about so 
 desirable an object. But there never was a time when 
 the exercise of the powers of the office, which I now hold, 
 appeared more requisite for the preservation of good order. 
 I cannot, therefore, think of absenting myself, until appear 
 ances become more favourable. 
 
121 
 
 Be assured, sir, that I have a high sense of the honour 
 done by the president of the United States, in this mark of 
 his confidence, and, that 
 
 I am, with great respect, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 MARINUS WILLETT. 
 
 In the year 1807, he was appointed Mayor of the city of 
 New York, which office he held one year. 
 
 During the last war, though unable, through the infirmi-. 
 ties of age, to take an active part in it, he yet laboured to 
 promote a spirit of patriotism, and military ardour, among his 
 fellow-citizens. His speech at the great meeting in the 
 Park will be found in the Appendix.* 
 
 One of the last acts in which Colonel Willett appeared 
 as a public character, was that of chairman of the Greek 
 committee. Extracts from his speech on that occasion will 
 be found in the Appendix. f 
 
 During, however, the last years of his life, Colonel Willett 
 mingled but little in public affairs. Surrounded by his 
 family and friends, he yielded slowly, but not reluctantly, 
 to the gradual progress of decay. He had outlived his 
 generation, and found, from his own experience, as he often 
 expressed it, the truth of the Psalmist s declaration : " The 
 days of our years are three- score years and ten ; and if by 
 reason of strength they be four-score years, yet is their 
 strength labour and sorrow ; for it is soon cut off, and 
 we fly away." His mind was constantly fixed upon his 
 approaching change. With the greatest humility, but at 
 the same time with the most lively feelings of piety, did he 
 acknowledge the astonishing mercy of God, in devising a 
 
 * See Appendix, No. 10. t Sec Appendix, No. II. 
 
 16 
 
122 
 
 plan of salvation through an infinite Redeemer, so merci 
 fully adapted to the fallen and miserable condition of the 
 human family. His only hope of salvation rested upon 
 repentance toward God, and faith in our Lord Jesus Christ. 
 He was seized a few months prior to his decease with an 
 attack of paralysis, from which he entirely recovered. His 
 constitution was, however, much enfeebled ; and the occa 
 sional use of medicine was required to remove constipation. 
 The absence of his physician induced him to neglect the 
 .use of the required remedies, and a diarrhoea followed, which 
 prostrated his strength, and terminated his life, on Sunday, 
 the 23d of August, 1830, in the ninety-first year of his age. 
 
 Upon the news of Col. Willett s death, the following reso 
 lutions were passed in the Common Council, and transmitted 
 to his widow, accompanied with the annexed letter from the 
 Mayor. 
 
 Mayor s Office, City Hall, August 24th, 1830. 
 
 MADAM, In obedience to the directions of the Common 
 Council of the city of New York, I fulfil the melancholy duty 
 of transmitting to you the enclosed resolutions, which the 
 death of your husband, our much lamented fellow-citizen, 
 Col. Marinus Willett, has called forth. 
 
 Permit me, Madam, to unite my own feelings of sym 
 pathy and sorrow with those of the Common Council, on 
 the heavy bereavement with which it has pleased an all- 
 wise God to afflict you and your family, and to assure you 
 that his memory will always be cherished by me with the 
 deepest veneration. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Madam, 
 
 Your most obedient Servant, 
 
 WALTER BOWNE, Mayor. 
 
 Mrs. Marinus Willelt. 
 
123 
 
 In Common Council, August 23d, 1830. 
 
 His Honor, the Mayor, having announced to the Board 
 the death of Col. Marinus Willett, the Recorder offered the 
 following resolutions, which were adopted unanimously. 
 
 Resolved, That the Common Council entertain for the 
 memory of Col. Marinus Willett, the most profound respect. 
 That they remember with grateful recollection the emi 
 nent public services of the deceased. His patriotism and 
 devotion to his country his achievements in the war of the 
 revolution his valor in battle his heroic, firmness in the 
 most dangerous of military enterprises, and his early, con 
 stant, and unshaken support to the great cause of American 
 independence. 
 
 Nor is the Common Council unmindful of the strong claims 
 which the deceased has upon the respectful feelings of his 
 fellow-citizens, for the able, upright, and enlightened man 
 ner in which he discharged his civil duties, in the various 
 important public stations which he filled. 
 
 Resolved, That as a tribute of respect to the virtues of 
 Col. Marinus Willett, the Corporation of the city of New 
 York will assemble at the Common Council Chamber, in 
 the City Hall, at 4 o clock to-morrow afternoon, and will 
 from thence proceed to attend the funeral of the deceased. 
 
 Resolved, That a copy of the preceding resolutions, with 
 the condolence of the Common Council, be transmitted by 
 his Honor, the Mayor, under the corporate seal, to the family 
 of Col. Willett. WALTER BOWNE, Mayor. 
 
 In the Court for the trial of Impeachments and the Cor 
 rection of Errors, held on Tuesday, August 24th, 1830, 
 the death of Col. Willett being announced, Chief Justice 
 Savage offered the following order, prefaced with some ap 
 propriate remarks, which was unanimously adopted. 
 
124 
 
 Ordered, That this court, in testimony of their esteem for 
 the memory of Col. Willett, and of their admiration cf his 
 patriotic conduct and distinguished services in the revolu 
 tion, and of the ability and integrity with which he dis 
 charged the duties of the various and important civil offices 
 to which he has been called by the authority of his country, 
 attend his funeral, and that this order be entered on the 
 minutes of this court. 
 
 Numerous other public testimonials* of respect were paid 
 to the memory of Col. Willett, which showed the deep feel T 
 ing produced by his death among the community at large. 
 
 The funeral of Col. Willett took place on Tuesday after 
 noon, the 24th of August. " The coffin was conveyed into 
 the garden in the rear of his dwelling, under an arbour : a 
 gate was thrown open in the rear, so that the great num 
 ber of visitors who were anxious to view his remains might 
 pass through without confusion. It was computed that not 
 less than ten thousand persons availed themselves of the 
 opportunity. 
 
 " The coffin was made of cedar, which Col. Willett had 
 provided for the purpose about ten years before, in which 
 the body was placed, habited, at his request, in his ordinary 
 dress, with his hat on. 
 
 " The procession formed at his residence at Cedar Grove, 
 in Broome street. The pall-bearers were Col. Troup, Col. 
 Fish, Col. Trumbull, Col. A. Ogden, Major General Mor 
 ton, Major Fairlie, J. Pintard, Esq. and Mr. Dominick. The 
 bier was attended by the members of the Cincinnati Society, 
 the members of the Court of Errors, the members of the Com 
 mon Council, the Judges of the different Courts, together 
 
 * See AppcudL\ > No. 18. 
 
125 
 
 with an immense concourse of citizens in carriages and on 
 foot, accompanied by a troop of horse, and a corps of New 
 York state artillery. The procession moved from his residence 
 to Trinity Church ; and the remains were deposited in his fa 
 mily vault in Trinity church-yard. During the afternoon, 
 ninety minute-guns were fired on the Battery, and volleys 
 of musketry over the grave." 
 
 The following extract of a letter from Dr. Marinus Wil- 
 lett, the eldest son of Col. Willett, to his wife, in relation to 
 the death and funeral of his parent, will give the reader a 
 touching and vivid account of the melancholy but interest 
 ing scene. 
 
 " We have seen his eyes which so often beamed with af 
 fection, and his lips which so often conveyed to us the feel 
 ings of a heart beating with ardent attachment, closed for 
 ever ; while every thing with us remains as before, except 
 the sad void which his absence has produced. No longer do 
 I see him occupy his well-known chair : no more do I aid 
 his vision when I approach him by the mention of my name : 
 no more do I receive his affectionate greetings : no longer am 
 I called upon to make those particular inquiries about his 
 health, which I have been wont daily to do. No : he is no 
 longer seen among us. 
 
 " The last time I saw his face, he was lying in his coffin, 
 clad in his ordinary clothes, and wearing his large black hat. 
 (How often have I seen him reposing his aged and wearied 
 limbs on the sofa, Io9king very much as he then looked.) 
 He was lying under those trees and vines in the garden, 
 where he has spent so much of his time this summer, enjoy 
 ing with great gratification the gradual growth of those 
 melons and peaches, of which he was extravagantly fond. 
 How often, as he sat in his chair, in the same place, have I 
 
126 
 
 watched him as he enjoyed his tranquil sleep. Here now 
 his aged companions wept over him : here an affectionate 
 and respectful neighbourhood gazed at him with counte 
 nances marked with sorrow ; and more than ten thousand 
 of his fellow-citizens, who had assembled to pay the last tri 
 bute of respect to his memory, passed in regular procession 
 by his remains. All was still and solemn. Our friend, Dr. 
 De Witt, made a prayer, in which, with the feeling you would 
 expect from a man of his character, who was at the same 
 time the son of one of my father s officers, he alluded with 
 true eloquence to his age, his piety, his services, and the 
 blessing which they conferred upon his country : closing 
 with a devout acknowledgment to God for all the blessings 
 he had conferred upon him. 
 
 " After the procession began to move, and when the hearse 
 arrived at the gate, the troops passed before it, and their so 
 lemn and delightful music, with plaintive and funereal notes, 
 soothed the soul with its solemn melancholy. Slowly the 
 procession moved along through streets thronged with spec 
 tators ; and did not arrive at the Trinity Church until it was 
 quite dark. The coffin was taken from the hearse some 
 distance from the church, and surrounded by his old brother 
 officers. We followed it through a double rank of soldiers 
 into the church. The solemn martial music the darkness 
 of the night the appearance of the soldiers and the som 
 bre aspect of the church and grave-yard, while we fol 
 lowed our dear parent, produced the most overpowering 
 sensations. After the service had been read by Mr. An- 
 thon, we passed slowly and sadly through the bury ing- 
 ground, guided by the dim light of the torch to the tomb. 
 Never did I expect to see such a true exhibition of the scene 
 described in that incomparable description of the funeral of 
 Sir John Moore. The drum the dim light of the taper 
 
127 
 
 the distant minute-gun bis martial cloak around him with 
 the volleys of musketry, and the cold and silent tomb all 
 were associated with the circumstance that I was paying 
 the last tribute of respect to so loved and excellent a parent ; 
 and produced feelings of sorrow, which a strong confidence 
 that he was then enjoying the bliss of the redeemed, could 
 alone render tolerable." 
 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I.* 
 
 4< London was superseded in the beginning of 1758, by 
 General Abercrombie ; but the colonies cannot be said to 
 have gained much by the substitution. The new com- 
 mander-in-chief wasted a part of their resources, and check 
 ed the momentum of the mighty force which Pitt had ar 
 rayed on this continent against the French, by an ill-advised 
 and ill-managed expedition against Crown Point. He took 
 with him six thousand men, of whom nine thousand were 
 provincials, and urged them to a hopeless assault upon Ti- 
 conderoga, which cost the lives of more than sixteen hundred 
 of his bravest European troops, and of four hundred provin 
 cials. * This attack, says the Universal History, when 
 no prospect of success could possibly present itself, was fol 
 lowed by a retreat as pusillanimous as the other was pre 
 sumptuous. The General re-embarked the troops, and 
 though an incident had happened that might not have 
 been easily foreseen, or rationally expected, he returned to 
 his former camp at Lake George. 
 
 No. Il.f 
 
 " Anxious to repair in any way the mischief and disgrace 
 of this repulse, Abercrombie consented, at the solicitation of 
 a native American officer, Colonel Bradstreet, to detach him 
 with three thousand men, against Fort Frontenac, on the 
 north side of the Ohio. This body of troops, with the ex- 
 
 * See Walsh s Appeal, Part 1, Page 126. t IM- P- J 26. 
 
 17 
 
130 
 
 ception of only one hundred and fifty -five regulars, was com 
 posed of provincials ; and after surmounting, as the historians 
 acknowledge, incredible difficulties and hardships, it gave an 
 earnest of victory to the British cause, by capturing the for 
 tress, together with nine armed vessels, a vast quantity of 
 ammunition, &c.,and breaking up thus the principal depot of 
 supplies for the north-western posts, and the hostile Indians." 
 
 No. III. 
 
 HARTFORD, AUGUST 21sT, 1777. 
 The following is a Narrative of part of the Transactions at and 
 
 near Fort Stanwix, since the investiture of that place by the 
 
 Enemy, given in Manuscript by Lieutenant- Colonel Willett 9 
 
 of that Garrison. 
 
 On Saturday evening, August 2d, five battoes arrived with 
 stores for the garrison. About the same time we discover 
 ed a number of fires a little better than a mile from the north 
 west corner of the fort. The stores were all got safe in, and 
 the troops which were a guard to the battoes marched up. 
 The captain of the battoes, and a few of his men, delaying 
 their time about the boats, were fired on by a party of Indians, 
 which killed one man and wounded two ; the captain him 
 self was taken a prisoner. 
 
 Next morning the enemy appeared in the edge of the woods 
 about a mile below the fort, where they took post in order to 
 invest it upon that quarter, and to cut off the communication 
 with the country ; from whence they sent in a flag who told 
 us of their great power, strength, and determination, in such 
 a manner as gave us reason to suppose they were not pos 
 sessed of strength sufficient to take the fort : Our answer was 
 a determination to support it. 
 
 All day on Monday we were much annoyed by a sharp 
 fire of musketry from the Indians and German rifle-men, 
 
131 
 
 which, as our men were obliged to be exposed on the works, 
 killed one and wounded seven. The day after the firing 1 
 was not so heavy, and onr men under better cover ; all the 
 damage was one man killed by a rifle ball. This evening 
 indicated something in contemplation by the enemy. The 
 Indians were uncommonly noisy ; they made most horrid 
 yellings great part of the evening in the woods hardly a mile 
 from the fort. A few cannon were fired among them. 
 
 Wednesday morning there was an unusual silence. We 
 discovered some of the enemy marching along the edge of 
 the woods downwards. About eleven o clock three men got 
 into the fort, who brought a letter from General Harkaman of 
 the Tryon county militia, advising us that he was at Eriska, 
 (8 miles off,) with part of his militia, and proposed to force 
 his way to the fort for our relief. In order to render him 
 what service we could in his march, it was agreed that I 
 should make a sally from the fort with 250 men, consisting 
 of one half Gansevoorts, one half Massachusetts ditto, and 
 one field piece (an iron three pounder.) The men were in 
 stantly paraded, and I ordered the following disposition to be 
 made ; thirty men for the advance guard, to be commanded 
 by Capt. Van Benscouton, and Lieutenant Stockwell ; thirty 
 for the rear guard under the command of Captain Allen, of 
 Massachusetts troops, and Lieutenant Deuffendorf ; thirty 
 for flank guards, to be commanded by Captain - , from 
 Massachusetts, and Ensign Chase. The main body formed 
 into eight subdivisions commanded by Captain Blacker, 
 Lieutenants Comine, Bogardus, McClenner, Coffraunder ; 
 Ensigns Begley, Lewis, and Dennison ; Lieutenant Ball, the 
 only supernumerary officer, to march with me. Captain Jan- 
 sen to bring up the rear of the main body. Captain Swart- 
 woudt, with Ensigns Magee, Ament, and 50 men, to guard 
 the field piece, which was under the direction of Major Bedlow. 
 
 Nothing cotdd be more fortunate than this enterprise. 
 
132 
 
 We totally routed two of the enemy s encampments, de 
 stroyed all the provisions that were in them, brought off 
 upwards of 50 brass kettles, and more than 100 blankets, 
 (two articles which were much needed,) with a quantity of 
 muskets, tomahawks, spears, ammunition, clothing, deerskins, 
 a variety of Indian affairs, and five colours, (the whole of 
 which on our return to the fort were displayed on our flag 
 staff under the continental flag.) The Indians took chiefly 
 to the woods, the rest of the troops then at their posts to the 
 river. The number of men lost by the enemy is uncertain. 
 Six lay dead in their encampments, two of which were 
 Indians ; several scattered about in the woods ; but their 
 greatest loss appeared to be in crossing the river, and an in 
 considerable number upon the opposite shore. I was happy 
 in preventing the men from scalping even the Indians, being 
 desirous, if possible, to teach even the savages humanity ; 
 but the men were much better employed, and kept in ex 
 cellent order. We were out so long, that a number of British 
 regulars, accompanied by what Indians, &c. could be rallied, 
 had marched down to a thicket on the other side of the river, 
 about 50 yards from the road we were to pass on our return ; 
 near this place I had ordered the field-piece ; the ambush 
 was not quite formed when we discovered them, and gave 
 them a well-directed fire. Here especially Major Bedlow 
 with his field-piece did considerable execution. Here also 
 the enemy were annoyed by the fire of several cannon from 
 the fort, as they marched round to form the ambuscade. The 
 enemy s fire was very wild, and though we were very much 
 exposed, did no execution at all. We brought in four prison 
 ers, three of which were wounded. One of the prisoners is 
 a Mr. George Singleton of Montreal ; he is a lieutenant in 
 a company of which Mr. Stephen Watts, of New-York, (bro 
 ther-in-law to Sir John Johnson,) was captain, and who was 
 himself killed in the battle with the militia about two hours 
 
133 
 
 before. Mr. Singleton told me that Sir John Johnson was 
 with him when we attacked their camp, and that he thinks 
 he ran to the river. It is said by some of the Oneida Indians 
 that he is killed, which does not appear unlikely. From 
 these prisoners we received the first accounts of General 
 Harkaman s militia being ambushed on their march ; and 
 of a severe battle they had with them about two hours be 
 fore, which gave reason to think they had for the present 
 given up their design of marching to the fort. 
 
 I should not do justice to the officers and soldiers who 
 were with me on this enterprize, if I were not in the most po 
 sitive terms to assure their countrymen that they in general 
 behaved with the greatest gallantry upon this occasion ; and 
 next to the very kind and signal interposition of divine Pro 
 vidence which was powerfully manifested in their favour, it 
 was undoubtedly owing to that noble intrepidity which dis 
 covered itself in this attack, and struck the enemy with such a 
 panic as disenabled them from taking pains to direct their 
 fire, that we had not one man killed or wounded. The officers 
 in general behaved so well that it is hardly right to mention 
 the name of any particular one for their singular valour: but, 
 so remarkably intrepid was Captain Van Benscouton, and so 
 rapid was his attack, that it demands from me this particular 
 testimony of his extraordinary spirit. 
 
 Among other things taken from the enemy were several 
 bundles of papers and a parcel of letters belonging to our 
 garrison, which they had taken from our militia, but not yet 
 opened ; here I found one letter for myself ; there were like 
 wise papers belonging to Sir John Johnson and several others 
 of the enemy s officers, with letters to and from General St. 
 Leger, their commander ; these papers have been of some ser 
 vice to us. On the evening of the next day the enemy fired 
 a few cannon at us from high ground, about half a mile north 
 of the fort, where they have erected a small battery. Next 
 
134 
 
 day, being Friday the 8tli, they threw a parcel of shells from 
 the same battery, none of which did any execution. This 
 evening they sent us a flag, with which came their Adjutant 
 General, Captain Armstrong, Colonel Butler, and a surgeon ; 
 the surgeon to examine Singleton s wounds ; the principal 
 business of the flag was to acquaint us that General St. 
 Leger had with much difficulty prevailed on the Indians to 
 agree that if the commanding officer would deliver up the fort, 
 the garrison should be secured from any kind of harm, that 
 not a hair of their heads should be touched, but if not, the 
 consequence to the garrison, should it afterwards fall into 
 their hands, must be terrible ; that the Indians were very 
 much enraged on account of their having a number of their 
 chiefs killed in the late action, and were determined, unless 
 they got possession of the fort, to go down the Mohawk river 
 and fall upon its inhabitants. Our answer was, that should 
 this be the case, the blood of those inhabitants would be upon 
 the heads of Mr. Butler and his employers, not upon us, and 
 that such proceedings would ever remain a stigma upon the 
 name of Britain ; but for our parts we were determined to 
 defend the fort. 
 
 That evening it was agreed by the field officers that I 
 should undertake with Lieutenant Stockwell, (who is a good 
 woodsman,) to endeavour to get down into the country, and 
 by making a proper representation of our affairs endeavour to 
 procure such force as may be sufficient entirely to extirpate 
 this miscreant band. After a most severe march of about 50 
 miles through the wilderness, I arrived at this place, and am 
 in no doubt of beholding in a few days a force sufficient to 
 accomplish this important piece of business. By the best 
 accounts the loss of the Indians is very considerable, and 
 they are quite sick of the expedition. 
 
 MARINUS WILLETT. 
 
 German Flails, August 11, 1777. 
 

137 
 No. V. 
 
 In commemoration of this sally, Congress ordered a sword 
 to be presented to Colonel WILLETT. 
 
 IN CONGRESS, October 4, 1777. 
 
 Resolved, That Congress have a just sense of the distin 
 guished merit of Lieutenant Colonel Willett, for a repeated 
 instance of his bravery and conduct in his late successful 
 sally on the enemy investing Fort Schuyler ; and that the 
 commissary general of military stores be directed to pro 
 cure an elegant sword, and present the same to Lieutenant 
 Colonel Willett, in the name of these United States. 
 
 By order of Congress, 
 JOHN HANCOCK, President. 
 
 York Town, Pennsylvania, October 5th, 1777. 
 
 SIR, I do myself the pleasure to transmit the enclosed 
 resolve, in which you will perceive the sense of Congress, 
 expressed in the highest terms of approbation., on your 
 bravery and conduct, in the successful sally which you made 
 on the enemy while they invested Fort Schuyler. In con 
 sideration of your behaviour and distinguished merit on that 
 occasion, the Congress have directed the commissary ge 
 neral of military stores, to present you with an elegant sword, 
 in the name and on behalf of the United States of America. 
 
 I have the honor to be, Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN HANCOCK, President. 
 Col Willett. 
 
 To this Letter the following answer was returned : 
 SIR, It is a peculiar pleasure to me to have the sword, 
 directed by Congress to be presented me by the resolve of 
 
 18 
 
140 
 
 No. VII. 
 
 The following Extracts from different sources refer to this 
 battle of Johnstown. 
 
 Extract from the New-York Journal and the General Ad 
 vertiser, Monday, November 19th, 1781. 
 
 Extracts from the Fishkill paper. 
 
 " That the enemy, between six and seven hundred regu 
 lars, rangers, yagers, and Indians, under Major Ross, having 
 advanced to Johnstown, were met by Col. Willett, defeated, 
 and pursued into the wilderness, where many of them must 
 probably have perished. That Major Butler was among the 
 slain of the enemy, and many prisoners, chiefly British, sent 
 in. The General expresses the warmest thanks and high 
 est sensibility of the address, gallantry, and persevering 
 activity of Col. Willett ; and highly approves the conduct of 
 the officers and soldiers in general, particularly of Major, 
 the levies, and militia under his command, who at a critical 
 moment, did honor to themselves, and rendered most essei>- 
 tial service to their country." 
 
 Extracts from the New-York Packet and the American 
 Advertiser. Fishkill, Wednesday, November 29th, 1731. 
 
 Philadelphia, Nov. 15. 
 
 Head Quarters, Continental Village, JVbv. Sth. 
 g IRj Since I had the honor of addressing your Excellency 
 this morning, I have received the enclosed papers (refer 
 ring to my father s official account of the battle) from Major 
 General Lord Stirling, by which Congress will perceive that 
 the enemy have been completely disappointed in their designs 
 on the northern frontiers of this state, and defeated with consi 
 derable loss. The address, gallantry, and persevering activity 
 exhibited by Col. Willett, on this occasion, do him the highest 
 
141 
 
 honor. The conduct of Major Rowley and the brave 
 militia under his command, at a critical moment, merits 
 particular commendations. 
 
 I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, 
 Your Excellency s most obedient servant, 
 
 W. HEATH. 
 His Excellency the President of Congress. 
 
 Extract of a Letter from Major General Lord Stirling, dated 
 
 Saratoga, November 6th, 1781. 
 
 " I have received a letter from Col. Willett, (the official ac 
 count,) a copy of which is enclosed. The returns he alludes 
 to, were never sent. The vigilant, prudent conduct of this 
 officer, through the whole affair, was such as reflects the 
 highest honor on the military character, and the essential 
 service he has done his country, will give him a pleasing- 
 remembrance in every honest breast. The number he has 
 taken, killed, and wounded, with the distressed situation in 
 which he left them, will amount to little short of a total 
 defeat. Eight days march will scarcely bring them to a 
 country where they can be supplied with provisions." 
 
 Extract of a Letter from Governor Clinton, dated Pokeepsie, 
 
 8th November, 1781. 
 "DEAR SIR, 
 
 " I am this moment favoured with yours of the 2d inst. 
 and most sincerely congratulate you on your safe return to 
 Fort Rensalaer, and your different successes over the enemy in 
 Tryon county. I am sensible of the dangers and difficulties 
 you had to encounter on this occasion ; and I am persuaded 
 much is due to your personal exertions, and that nothing 
 was wanting on your part to have ensured a complete vic 
 tory ; and I trust the vigor with which the enemy was 
 
142 
 
 attacked, routed, and pursued, will be attended with the most 
 salutary consequences to the frontier settlements." 
 
 No. VIII. 
 
 The success of the Creek Mission is thus spoken of in 
 Marshall s Life of Washington. Vol. 5th, page 273. 
 
 " For this service (i. e. the Creek Mission) Colonel Wil- 
 lett, a gallant and intelligent officer who had served through 
 the war of the revolution, was selected ; and he acquitted 
 himself so well of the duty assigned to him, that the chiefs 
 of the nation, with M Gillivray at their head, were induced 
 to repair to New-York, where negotiations were immediately 
 opened which terminated in a treaty of peace signed on the 
 7th day of August." 
 
 No. IX. 
 
 Correspondence of General Washington in relation to the Ex 
 pedition against Oswego. 
 
 LETTER I. 
 
 " Newburgli, ISth December, 1782. 
 DEAR SIR, 
 
 Your letter of the 29th ult. from Albany, came safe to 
 my hand. I am glad to find you enter so readily into a 
 measure which appears very practicable in my eyes, provided 
 the troops for the enterprise can be properly accommodated. 
 
 I have again written to the Secretary at War respecting 
 clothing for the York state troops, and desired Colonel 
 Tilhman, who left this on Sunday last for Philadelphia, to 
 
143 
 
 enforce it, not only on him, but on the clothier general also ; 
 that, if it can be had, it may be sent up without delay. 
 From the deputy clothier s store at this place, I could fur 
 nish vests and woollen hose enough for the State troops, 
 and woollen caps, socks, and mittens sufficient for the whole 
 party. 
 
 Indian shoes or moccasons I must depend upon you to 
 procure, and also the snow shoes, of which I do not forsee the 
 necessity for each man s having a pair, though some may be 
 indispensably necessary. I well remember to have directed 
 (two years ago,) a number of snow shoes to be made ; and if 
 I mistake not it was done : but I do not suppose any de- 
 pendance is to be had on them at this time. It may not be 
 amiss however to inquire of General Schuyler (to whom I 
 think I wrote on the subject) the quarter-master, or any 
 other who may be likely to give information, whether they 
 are yet in being. 
 
 To provide and carry scaling ladders from the settlement 
 would at once announce your design, and more than proba 
 bly defeat the enterprise at any rate they would be trou 
 blesome to transport, and must impede the rapidity of your 
 movements, on which every thing depends. It appears to 
 me therefore that the attempt would be improper, and that 
 the difficulty may be surmounted by carrying a few tools, 
 (to- wit, axes, saws, augers and a gouge) with which, at a 
 convenient time and place, a sufficient number of ladders 
 might easily be made. 
 
 The mode you propose for obtaining the sleighs and as 
 sembling the troops, I approve of preferably to the quarter 
 master s having any agency in the business, and do of the 
 time named for the execution, if the clothing can be got to 
 you in season ; but having doubts on this head, I shall be 
 glad to know to how late a period the expedition can be 
 
144 
 
 delayed, on account of the ice on the Oneida Lake, and 
 goodness of the sleighing, 
 
 If there be a necessity for a party to precede the sleighs a 
 day or two to mark the route, it ought to consist of picked 
 men, of tried fidelity, and even then the chance of discovery 
 is greater than it otherwise would be. 
 
 The strength of your party should be proportioned to that 
 of the garrison you attempt, for^ which reason every possible 
 pains should be used to obtain the most accurate account of 
 it. If you have men to set the enemy at defiance, in case of 
 their discovering you previous to the assault or miscarriage 
 therein, it is all that is necessary. More than these would 
 render your movements unweildly and slow : consequently 
 more liable to discovery in your preparation and on the 
 march. 
 
 I should be glad to hear from you again on this head by 
 some safe conveyance ; and if matters can be properly pre 
 pared for the enterprise, and nothing more than I know of at 
 this time to hinder it, I will be at Albany when you march, 
 that I may be at hand to remove difficulties if any should 
 occur. "With great esteem and regard, 
 
 I am, dear sir, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 G. WASHINGTON. 
 Col Willett. 
 
 P. S. It will be essentially necessary to fix your eyes upon 
 some one or more persons (deserter or otherwise,) who have 
 been in and are acquainted with the enemy s works, and 
 seize them at the moment they are wanted that you may 
 have them as guides." 
 
145 
 
 LETTER II. 
 
 Newburgh, January Z2d, 1783. 
 
 DEAR SIR, On the 20th, by your paymaster, I informed 
 you, that besides the usual proportion of clothing, I had sent to 
 your orders woollen caps, socks, and mitts, for the intended en 
 terprise, to be made use of, or not, according to circumstances. 
 I have also written to Mr. Duer, who is now at Albany, to 
 lay in a month s provisions for one hundred men, at each of 
 the posts of Forts Rensselaer and Hcrkimer, and till further 
 orders have placed the Rhode Island regiment under your 
 direction. 
 
 For the reasons you assign, I approve of the time you pro 
 pose for the attack, and suppose it will be necessary for you 
 to begin your march from Fort Herkimer at the time you 
 mention, viz. on the 8th or 9th of next month. 
 
 If the sleighing should be good, and business does not pre 
 vent it, I will endeavour to be at that place, or Fort Rensse 
 laer by that time, but of this you will take no notice to 
 any body, nor suffer it to have any influence on your prepara 
 tions or conduct before or at the time, as many things may 
 intervene to detain me. 
 
 All that remains to be done is now with you to do. And 
 as the matter is between ourselves, and you have better in 
 formation of the situation of the enemy, and difficulty in 
 getting at them, than I, I have only to request you to act 
 from your best judgment, under a firm persuasion that if the 
 enterprise in contemplation was even better known than it 
 is, no imputation could fall upon you for having laid it aside, 
 if the difficulties in the way should be greater than appeared 
 
 19 
 
146 
 
 at first view. Let me hear from you, and if possible by 
 the 3d or 4th of next month. 
 I am, dear sir, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 G. WASHINGTON. 
 Colonel WilktL 
 
 LETTER III. 
 
 Newburgh, February 2d, 1783. 
 
 DEAR SIR, Your letters of the 28th ultimo from Fort 
 Rensselaer, and 30th from Albany, both came to my hands 
 last night. 
 
 One hundred and fifty blankets (all that are in the 
 clothier s store at this place) and twenty -five axes, are now 
 packing to be sent to you, arid the Quartermaster- General 
 will endeavour, if possible, to have them at Albany on the 4th, 
 from whence you must take measures to get them to Fort 
 Herkimer in time. If any of Olney s men (on the enter- 
 prize you are going) should be in greater need than yours, 
 they must be supplied out of this parcel, that the whole may 
 be as comfortable as it is in my power to make them. 
 
 I do not send medicines, bandages and instruments,, be 
 cause it would take some time to procure them, and not a 
 moment is to be lost in dispatching the sleighs with the 
 blankets, that they may arrive in time, and because (though I 
 wish you not to be unprovided) it is to be remembered, and 
 I wish to impress it upon you, that if you do not succeed 
 by surprize, the attempt will be unwarrantable. The wounds 
 received in the former, more than probable, will be trifling. 
 
 Every plausible deception should be used to mask the ob 
 ject of your expedition to the latest moment. Your move 
 ments afterwards should be quick, and puiiig must be taken 
 
147 
 
 to discover, by tracks or otherwise, whether intelligence has 
 outgone you. If you should be fully convinced of tbis, the 
 further prosecution of the enterprize would not only be 
 fruitless, but might prove injurious. 
 
 To an officer of your care, attention and foresight, I shall 
 not dwell upon circumspection and caution. The conse 
 quence of a surprize, ( not only to the party you command, 
 but to your own reputation,) is too serious and self-evident, to 
 stand in need of illustration. A vast deal depends upon 
 having good guides to Oswego ; and every thing, in a man 
 ner, upon persons that can carry you without hesitation 
 and difficulty to the points of attack, when you arrive there. 
 
 How far a few Indians would be useful to you for the 
 first purpose ; and how far they are to be confided in, you, 
 from a better knowledge of them than I possess, must judge, 
 and act accordingly. 
 
 Guides who are pressed in the service must be well se 
 cured, lest they desert from you in a critical moment. 
 
 From having recourse to the almanack, I am led to wish 
 that the night for the attack may not be delayed beyond the 
 12th inst. ; as I find that the setting of the moon, (even at 
 that time,) approaches so near day-light, that the intervening 
 space is short, and consequently must be very critical ; as 
 accidents unforeseen, and consequently unprovided for, may 
 embarrass your movements towards the works, and retard 
 the attack of them beyond the hour designed, to the entire 
 disappointment of the plan : Let me caution you, there 
 fore, against being too exact in your of 
 time for your last movement reflect that you can always 
 waste time, but never recover it. Halts, or slow marching, 
 will accomplish the first ; but nothing can effect the latter 
 consequently, in such an enterprize as yours, want of time 
 will be a certain defeat. 
 
148 
 
 Let your disposition be such, that in any circumstances 
 your retreat to your sleighs, and afterwards with them, may 
 be secure. 
 
 If success should crown your endeavours, let your first 
 object be to secure your prisoners, whom you will treat with 
 lenity and kindness ; suffering no insult or abuse to be offer 
 ed them with impunity, your next object must be to de 
 stroy the works ; the vessels (if any should be found there) 
 and every thing else which cannot be brought away. Such 
 works as cannot be consumed by fire, nor easily erased by 
 the soldiers, must be, if practicable, blown up. In a word, 
 they are to be effectually demolished, if it is within the 
 compass of your power to do it. 
 
 Whatever is found in, or about the works, belonging to the 
 enemy, and is agreeable to the rules and customs of war, hu 
 manity and generosity, shall be given to the party as the re 
 ward of their gallantry and fatigue to be distributed in 
 proportion to their pay. The drivers of sleighs, if countrymen, 
 should receive a part as an extra encouragement for their 
 services. 
 
 Make me the earliest report, (if successful, from the scene 
 of action at any rate on your return,) of your progress, 
 and the issue of the expedition. The inclosed letter will 
 show you what I have done respecting spirits and subsis 
 tence for your officers. Seal it before delivery, and make 
 your arrangements with the contractor. I begin to doubt 
 the practicability of my being up ; my sentiments however 
 you are possessed of, as well as the aid I can give. Your 
 own judgment must govern where my instructions are defi 
 cient. I heartily wish you honour and success, and am 
 Dear Sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 G WASHINGTON. 
 
 Colonel Willeit. 
 
149 
 
 LETTER IV. 
 
 Head Quarters, 5th March, 1783. 
 j I have been favoured with your letter of the 19th 
 of February, announcing the failure of your attempt against 
 Oswego. 
 
 Unfortunate as the circumstance is, I am happy in the 
 persuasion that no imputation or reflection can justly reach 
 your character ; and that you are enabled to derive much 
 consolation from the animated zeal, fortitude, and activity 
 of the officers and soldiers who accompanied you. The fail 
 ure, it seems, must be attributed to some of those unaccount 
 able events which are not within the control of human 
 means ; and which, though they often occur in military life, 
 yet require, not only the fortitude of the soldier, but the calm 
 reflection of the philosopher to bear. 
 
 I cannot omit expressing to you the high sense I entertain 
 of your persevering exertions and zeal on this expedition ; 
 and beg you to accept my warm thanks on the occasion ; 
 and that you will be pleased to communicate my gratitude 
 to the officers and men who acted under your command, for 
 the share they had in that service. 
 
 With much esteem and regard, 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 G. WASHINGTON. 
 Lieut. Col M. Willett. 
 
 No. X. 
 Meeting of Citizens in the Park, Wednesday, August 10, 1814. 
 
 PUBLIC MEETING. 
 
 On Wednesday, pursuant to public notice, there assem 
 bled in the Park, in front of the City Hall, an immense 
 
150 
 
 concourse of citizens. Colonel Henry Rutgers, was unani 
 mously called to the Chair, and Oliver Wolcott, Esquire, 
 appointed Secretary. They took their stations in the centre 
 balcony. Col. Willett, standing near the Chairman, and 
 the flag of the nation waving over his head, delivered an 
 address to his fellow-citizens, well calculated to inspire ani 
 mation and courage. 
 
 He began by asking the indulgence of his fellow -citizens 
 for the talk of an old man. He then proceeded : 
 
 Threescore and fourteen years have brought with them 
 some bodily infirmities had it been otherwise, and that my 
 strength of body had remained as unimpaired as my love for 
 my country, and the spirit that still animates me, you 
 would not, my friends, have seen me here this day : I should 
 have been amongst that glorious band, that, on the waters 
 of Erie and Ontario, have achieved so much fame and lasting 
 glory for their country ! 
 
 A life of seventy-four years has afforded me opportunities 
 of seeing many great and surprising changes. 
 
 Fifty-eight years are now passed since I was a witness 
 of press-gangs traversing these streets, and dragging men 
 from their houses on board of ships of war ! What a contrast 
 between that time and this ! Let those now reflect upon it, 
 who, instead of thanking that kind Providence which de 
 livered us from such oppressive domination, employ their 
 whole power to weaken and subvert a government made by 
 ourselves, and for ourselves the fruit of our blood and toil ! 
 What spirit is this, that, in the present crisis of our country, 
 can lead to measures so disgraceful ? Shall we abuse and vilify 
 those men we have placed at the head of our affairs, because 
 they do not act just as we are pleased to say they should? Are 
 we, for that reason, to refuse compliance with the laws of our 
 country 1 No, my fellow-citizens ! for it is justly stated in the 
 
151 
 
 address of the Common Council, that we are not, in the present 
 situation of our country, to inquire into the wisdom of the 
 measures which resulted in the declaration of this war. It 
 is a fact, that we are at war; and that that war has been 
 undertaken agreeably to the constitution of our country. 
 Every man bound to support the constitution of the United 
 States, is, therefore, bound to support the war because it is 
 a constitutional act, and such is the law of the land. But, 
 had I power to detail, and you patience to hear, what I have 
 known and observed of the haughty, cruel, and gasconading 
 nation that makes war against, us, your feelings would out 
 strip my words, and anticipate the voice and commands of 
 authority. The terms I use towards our enemy are not 
 mine alone, nor proceeding from the personal warmth of my 
 individual character. Such were the sentiments of men as 
 great as this or any nation can boast of Washington and 
 Franklin. Dr. Franklin delivered his opinions in his cor 
 respondence with Lord Howe ; and those of General Wash 
 ington 1 have had from his own lips. 
 
 Forty years ago I was at a meeting of citizens assembled 
 on this green. The acclamation then was "join or die." 
 The unanimity of that day procured the repeal of some ob 
 noxious laws ; but the design of enslaving us was not re 
 linquished. Troops were stationed throughout the colonies 
 to carry the nefarious intention into execution. Many were 
 the broils between the citizen and the soldier, for the spirit 
 of the citizens was roused, and they viewed with just indig 
 nation, the mercenary troops that were to overthrow their 
 liberties. They were stung by the ingratitude of the nation 
 to which they had yielded loyal obedience, and assisted in its 
 wars with ardour and alacrity. But had the enemy then 
 conquered us as we did them, how different would have been 
 
152 
 
 our situation at this day ! Reflecting on this, it seems to me 
 almost incredible that there should be Americans that could 
 espouse the cause of such an enemy. Of what stuff are 
 such hearts made? Is it possible that any such should be 
 amongst the sons of those who fought your battles, my 
 fellow-citizens, and won your freedom. 
 
 It was, in the war of the revolution, a favourite toast 
 "May every Citizen be a Soldier, and every Soldier a Citi 
 zen." 
 
 Our citizens must now again become soldiers, and those 
 soldiers be good citizens not parading soldiers, fellow-citi 
 zens, but fighting soldiers soldiers willing and ready to 
 encounter the hardships and fatigues of war. I am not 
 what I have been ; but such as I am, wherever the enemy 
 seek to deal most destruction, there you may look for me. 
 And as to this mistaken idea, that American militia are un 
 equal to the contest with British regulars, I am a living wit 
 ness to the contrary. With militia I have encountered them. 
 I have met them when their numbers were double mine ; 
 and I have routed and pursued them. You, my fellow- 
 citizens, if you will, can do the same. There is no terror in 
 them for brave men, who dare look them in the face, and 
 lock the bayonet with them. Let those who would dismay 
 you by the terrors of war, rather reflect upon the part they 
 have had in encouraging your enemy ; and though war, like 
 pestilence, may have been visited upon nations for their 
 crimes, yet against this enemy we have committed no of 
 fence. We bore with the cruelty, injustice and oppression 
 of that insolent nation, till it became insupportable. 
 
 Instead, therefore, of cavilling at the measures or opera 
 tions of the war, let us rather unite to banish envy, hatred 
 and discord, from amongst us ; and resolve with all our 
 
153 
 
 might, to resist that implacable enemy, who will never re 
 spect us till we again compel him so to do. 
 
 Permit me, then, my dear fellow-citizens, to conclude 
 with a chorus we were used to sing in the camp in days of 
 much more danger : 
 
 Let Europe empty all her force, 
 We ll meet them in array, 
 And shout Huzza Huzza Huzza, 
 For Life and Liberty. 
 
 [This pithy discourse from a tried and truly statesman of 
 the revolution, whose acts were vouchers for his words, had 
 its full effect, and was cheered with unbounded applause.] 
 
 No. XL 
 
 Extracted from the Speech of Col. Willett as Chairman of the 
 Greek Committee. 
 
 "Upwards of fourscore and three years having rendered 
 me incapable of the activity requisite as Chairman of this 
 Committee, I am induced to desire to be excused from at 
 tendance on its deliberations. The cause of the Greeks is 
 undoubtedly the cause of liberty. The first of last month 
 was fifty-eight years since I was actively engaged with the 
 sons of liberty in this city, in opposing the first attempts 
 made by the British government to enslave our country by 
 introducing the memorable stamp act. On the night in 
 which it was to have been put into execution, I was em 
 ployed in preparing, exhibiting, and burning the effigies of 
 those persons who were most noted in producing that act. 
 Join or die, was echoed through our streets. It was a 
 glorious night." 
 
 Col. Willett then proceeded to make some remarks in re- 
 
 20 
 
154 
 
 lation to the causes which produced the revolutionary war ; 
 and to the general diffusion of liberal principles since that 
 eventful period. He then closed in the following manner : 
 "Permit me, as the only help I can at present bestow, to 
 offer two thousand acres of land due to me from the state of 
 New York, become my due agreeably to a law passed by the 
 legislature of the state of New York, in March 1781, by 
 defending the frontiers in the campaigns of 1781, 1782, 
 1783 : which were by far the most arduous of any that I 
 served during the war of the revolution. There was more 
 fatigue, more hazard and anxiety in one of those campaigns 
 than in seven such as I served in the year 1789, with the. 
 army under the immediate command of General Wash 
 ington." 
 
 No. XII. 
 
 The following are from among the numerous tributes of 
 respect paid to the memory of Col. Marinus Willett. 
 
 New York State Society of Cincinnati. 
 
 New York, August 23, 1830. 
 
 The President, with deep and sincere regret, announces 
 to the members of the Society, the death of their venerable 
 and esteemed friend and brother, Col. Marinus Willett, who 
 departed this life last evening. 
 
 Col. Willett commenced his military career in the colonial 
 service of the British government, in the reign of George 
 the 2d ; was actively engaged on the northern and western 
 frontiers of this state in the (French) war of 1756, and was 
 present at the battle of Oswego, where the first Lord Howe 
 was killed. Upon the breaking out of the war of the Revo 
 lution, Col. Willett joined the standard, and entered the 
 
155 
 
 service of his country, in which it was his good fortune to 
 be highly distinguished and useful : he was a volunteer at 
 the battle of Monmouth on the 28th of June, 1778, when 
 the British forces, under General Sir Henry Clinton, were 
 defeated : he was eminently distinguished in the siege of 
 Fort Stanwix, and also at the battle of Johnstown, (Mont 
 gomery county,) on the 25th of October, 1781, in both of 
 which he commanded. 
 
 Col. Willett continued in the revolutionary army until 
 the close of the war of independence, commanding at that 
 time the 5th regiment : he was remarkable for personal 
 bravery, military enterprise, and energy of purpose. 
 
 In private life, Col. W. was one of the most amiable of 
 men, and after the war held several civil offices ; the last of 
 which was the mayoralty of this city. 
 
 The members of the Society are directed to wear the 
 usual badge of mourning in honour of Col. Willett for thirty 
 days ; they are also respectfully invited to attend the funeral 
 of their deceased companion, to-morrow (Tuesday) after 
 noon, at half-past 4 o clock, from his late residence, No. 58 
 Broome street, between Cannon and Lewis streets. 
 
 By order of Col. RICHARD VARICK, President. 
 
 CHAS. GRAHAM, Secretary. 
 
 *^* Carnages for the members of the Society will be in 
 attendance in front of the City Hall at 4 o clock. 
 
 First Division JVeio York State Artillery. 
 
 DIVISION ORDERS. 
 
 New York, Jlngust 23, 1830. 
 
 Information has been given to the major-general of the 
 death of Col. Marinus Willett, who departed this life last 
 evening, at the advanced age of ninety years. 
 
156 
 
 Providence appears to have continued to a late day several 
 of those patriots who served our country in the cabinet and 
 in the field during the revolutionary war, as it were to re 
 ward them with witnessing and enjoying the happiness 
 which their councils or their valour acquired, and by their 
 presence to keep alive the principles by which they led their 
 country to freedom and independence. 
 
 Few men have sunk to the tomb more entitled to the 
 gratitude and respect of their countrymen, than Colonel 
 Willett 
 
 He was among the early assertors of our country s rights, 
 and his conduct in defence of Fort Stanwix, and the peril 
 ous hazards he encountered in bringing relief to the gar 
 rison, are among the most brilliant feats of the war. 
 
 Such men the country delight to honour when living, and 
 to cherish their memory when dead. 
 
 The Corps of Artillery are ever ready to pay honours to 
 military departed worth. 
 
 The major general therefore directs Brigadier General 
 Spicer to order the regiment commanded by Colonel Sanford, 
 Brigadier General Arcularius to order a squadron of cavalry 
 from his brigade, and Brigadier General Hopkins to order a 
 battalion of artillery from his brigade, to perform the mili 
 tary honours at the interment of the deceased. 
 
 The corps from General Spicer s and General Arcularius* 
 brigades, will parade at 4 o clock, P. M. at the late residence 
 of Colonel Willett, corner of Broome and Lewis streets. 
 The battalion from General Hopkins brigade will form on 
 the Battery at 4 o clock, P. M. and will fire minute-guns 
 from that place, corresponding in numbers with the age of 
 the deceased. The whole detachment will be under the 
 command of Colonel Sanford. 
 
157 
 
 General Hopkins will order the flag to be hoisted at the 
 Battery, at half-mast, from sunrise and during the day. 
 
 General Muir will, 011 requisition, issue the necessary am 
 munition. 
 
 The officers of the Division not on duty are invited to 
 attend the funeral. 
 
 By order of Major General Morton. 
 
 S. D. JACKSON, 
 Colonel and Division Inspector. 
 
 From the New York Daily Advertiser. 
 
 Died, in this city, on Sunday evening last, Col. Marinus 
 Willett, in the 91st year of his age. Col. Willett was an 
 officer of distinguished merit through the war of Independ 
 ence; and has enjoyed in a high degree the respect and 
 confidence of his fellow-citizens and the community. A 
 more particular account of the life and character of this 
 venerable patriot and soldier, will doubtless be prepared and 
 published by some person more intimately acquainted with 
 the events of his long and honourable life. 
 
 From the New-York Commercial. 
 
 Col. Willett. We hastily noticed yesterday, as our paper 
 was going to press, the death of this venerable soldier of the 
 revolution, whose public services are matters of history, and 
 who has been most happy in his private life ; enjoying in 
 good old age the esteem of all around him, the possession of 
 all his faculties, and the consolations of religious faith and 
 hope. The public testimonies of respect which will be paid 
 to his memory were never more honourably deserved. 
 
158 
 
 the New-York Mirror. 
 Cvlonel Marinus Willett. This veteran officer of the Re 
 volution died on Sunday, the 23d instant, in the ninety-first 
 year of his age. On Tuesday his remains were deposited in 
 their final resting-place, with civil and military honours, at 
 tended by a vast concourse of citizens, with numerous friends 
 and relatives, who better knew the worth, and of course more 
 deeply felt the deprivation which all lamented. The cha 
 racter of the deceased needs not the feeble eulogy of our pen. 
 His biography is inseparably interwoven with the history of 
 our country s glory. 
 
 From the Courier and Enquirer. 
 
 In the personal character of Colonel Willett, there were 
 traits of chivalry and daring, so fearless and ardent, that in 
 another age he would have commanded the deepest and 
 greatest admiration. The present generation is perhaps 
 even too near the Revolution to give due honor and respect to 
 the heroic characters which that great event produced. Alas ! 
 what now are our patriots our sages our lovers of country, 
 when compared with the men of the revolution ! Selfishness 
 covers and influences every action private interest usurps 
 the place of public good. How different were these sainted 
 men ! What fearlessness ! what openness ! what candour ! in 
 every act that their country required of them. They had 
 no thought of self during that momentous struggle. Look 
 at Carroll, nursed in wealth and ease, risking every thing, 
 every pleasure, and all the means of quiet happiness, for the 
 glory and independence of his country ! See Willett ! meet 
 ing death in every shape braving all dangers to establish 
 that liberty which we are now enjoying. The Revolution 
 was the age that gave souls to men s bosoms. 
 
159 
 
 From the New-York Constellation. 
 
 Death of Colonel Willett. Another Revolutionary soldier 
 is gone. The venerable Colonel Willett died on Sunday 
 evening, at his house, Cedar Grove, in the 91st year of his 
 age. He was a lieutenant in the French war, and a colonel 
 in the war of the Revolution. He distinguished himself by 
 his defence at Fort Stanwix against the united attacks of the 
 British and Indian marauders. His courage and presence, 
 of mind were particularly displayed in his conflicts with the 
 sons of the forest. In private life Col. Willett was distin 
 guished for integrity, frankness, and decision of character. 
 
 From the New-York Herald. 
 
 Death of CoL Willett. We have to record the demise of 
 this brave soldier of the Revolution, generally known as "the 
 Hero of Fort Stanwix." Col. Willett not only claimed ad 
 miration for his valour, but the confidence of his fellow citi 
 zens, in numerous public stations, which he filled with honour. 
 He died at a good old age, which was cheered by the recol 
 lections of a life spent in the service of his country, and the 
 respect and veneration of all around him. Being unpre 
 pared to give a sketch of his life, we copy the following notice 
 of his decease from the Evening Post : 
 
 From the New- York Evening Post. 
 
 The venerable Colonel Willett is no more. He died last 
 evening at his house, Cedar Grove, in the 91st year of his 
 age. Col. Willett distinguished himself by his bravery and 
 good conduct in the war of t^e Revolution. His courage, 
 prowess ajid presence of mind, were particularly displayed in 
 conflicts with the Indians who took part v/*h Great Britain. 
 
160 
 
 He was a man of great integrity, frankness, and decision of 
 character in private life. We could wish some person ac 
 quainted with the events of his life would furnish a sketch of 
 them for this paper. 
 
 From the Albany Daily Advertiser. 
 THE NEW-YORK LINE. 
 
 Few troops behaved with more bravery during the Revolu 
 tion, than the New-York Line, as they were called. An 
 ardent devotion to the great cause, impelled them to the 
 most heroic achievements. An unfading lustre remains 
 upon their history. After a thousand years have passed, 
 said Chateaubriand, the chivalry of the North American pa 
 triots will be sung by some future Ossian on the banks of 
 the Superior. 
 
 The natural position of New- York rendered it a scene of 
 the most important military events. Its extent of territory, 
 and contiguity to Canada, rendered its possession and de 
 fence a theme for Washington often to speculate upon. The 
 most glorious and spirit-stirring recollections of the revolution, 
 are associated with the name of every river, mountain and 
 valley in the State. The thunders from Fort Putnam re 
 verberated over the highlands of the Hudson ; while the 
 recesses of the forests echoed at Fort Stanwix with the mus 
 ketry of its brave defenders. It devolved upon Washington 
 to commit this northern frontier to a Spartan band. He se 
 lected from the honest descendants of the Dutch emigrants, 
 a chosen corps. To them he committed the destinies of this 
 section of the republic, well assured of its security and pro 
 tection. For when his southern staff volunteered to march 
 on to the north to arrest the triumphant progress of Bur- 
 goyne, he replied to them, that he had no apprehensions for 
 
161 
 
 the north that there was a belt of oak there, that would 
 secure it from British invasion. With Richard he might 
 
 have exclaimed, 
 
 I Mij in jj 
 
 " What do they in the north, 
 When they should serve their sovereign in the west ?" 
 
 It was Schuyler and Gates, Van Schaick, Gansevoort, 
 Willett, Rutgers, and others, who wrested this fair sister 
 from the rude grasp of foreign intruders. They formed a 
 belt of oak a bond of union, a phalanx of power, abounding 
 in virtue, courage and patriotism. Well did Pitt observe in 
 Parliament to the tory party, "that with prophetic vision he 
 saw the catastrophe which awaited the British power in the 
 colonies. They had no Washington, or Adams, or Hancock 
 there for nought." 
 
 From the Albany Evening Journal. 
 
 The venerable Marinus Willett, terminated his long, 
 useful, and honourable life, on Sunday evening, at his resi 
 dence in Broome-street, New- York. Col. Willett had attain 
 ed his 90th year. Virtue, philanthropy and patriotism, 
 guided every step, and adorned every act of his lengthened 
 and eventful life. He was a gallant and distinguished sol 
 dier, during the Revolutionary war, and has held various 
 and honourable public stations under the state and national 
 governments. 
 
 From the Rochester Daily Advertiser. 
 
 The venerable Col. Marinus Willett, died at his residence 
 
 in New York on Sunday last in his 90th year, He was one 
 
 of those, who in the stormy period which "tried men s 
 
 souls," perilled ;ill for hi* country, and lived long to rejoice in 
 
 21 
 
162 
 
 its independence. He has been gathered in a truly " good 
 old age " to his fathers, and has left a name that will bright 
 en in the estimation of posterity. 
 
 From the Troy Sentinel. 
 
 Another hero of the revolution, Col. Marinus Willett, aged 
 91, departed to his last rest on Sunday evening, at his resi 
 dence at Cedar Grove, New York. He was throughout the 
 Revolution an active and useful officer, and in his latter years 
 has been uniformly honoured as an excellent citizen, and" 
 beloved as an estimable man. 
 
 Funeral of Col Willett. The Common Council of New- 
 York have passed resolutions of respect to Col. Willett, and 
 will attend his funeral as a public body. He will be buried 
 with military honors. The State Society of the Cincinnati 
 will be mourners on the occasion, and the military will be 
 from the First Division of Artillery. The Court of Errors 
 and other public bodies will join the procession . 
 
 " Such honours Ilion to her heroes paid, 
 
 And peaceful slept the mighty Hector s shade." 
 
 THE END. 
 
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