UC-NRLF LIBRARY f. " OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. GIFT OK V r Class 30$ -fc. :* .*> UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY VOLUME 3 THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE HUPA LANGUAGE BY PLINY EARLE GODDARD BERKELEY THE UNIVERSITY PRESS JUNE, 1905 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY The publications issued from the Department of Anthropology of the University of California are sent in exchange for the publications of anthropological societies and museums, for journals devoted to general anthropology or to archaeology and ethnology, and for specimens contributed to the museum collections of the Department. They are also for sale at the prices stated, which include postage or express charges. They consist of three series of octavo volumes, a series of quarto memoirs, and occasional special volumes. GRAECO-ROMAN ARCHAEOLOGY. Vol. 1. The Tebtunis Papyri, Part I. Edited by Bernard P. Grenfell, Arthur S. Hunt, and J. Gilbart Smyly. 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Pages 344, June, 1905 Price, 3.50 ANTHROPOLOGICAL MEMOIRS. Vol. I. Explorations in Peru, by Max Uhle (in preparation). No. l. The Ruins of Moche. No. 2. Huamachuco, Chincha, lea. No. 3. The Inca Buildings of the Valley of Pisco. SPECIAL VOLUMES. The Book of the Life of the Ancient Mexicans, containing an account of their rites and superstitions; an anonymous Hispano-American manuscript preserved in the Biblioteca.Nazionale Centrale, Florence, Italy. Repro duced in fac-simile, with introduction, translation, and commentary, by Zelia Nuttall. Part I. Preface, Introduction, and 80 Fac-simile plates in colors. 1903. Part II. Translation and Commentary. (In press). Price for the two parts . . $25.00 Address orders for the above to the University Press, Berkeley, California. Exchanges to be addressed to the Department of Anthro pology, University of California, Berkeley, California. A. L. KROEBER, Secretary. F. W. PUTNAM, Director. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE HUPA LANGUAGE A THESIS IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESENTED IN 1904 BY PLINY EARLE GODDARD f or THE ( UNIVERSITY | BERKELEY THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1905 TABLE OP CONTENTS. PAGE INTRODUCTION 9 NOUNS 13 Classified according to Form and Length 13 Monosyllabic 13 Monosyllabic- with Possessive Prefix 14 Polysyllabic, without Descriptive Meaning 16 Formed by Means of Suffixes and Composition 17 Suffixes 17 Compounds 19 Verbs as Nouns 21 Active 21 Passive 21 Compounded with Nouns 22 With Prefixes 22 With Suffixes 23 Compounds with Suffixes 23 Plurals 24 Cases 24 Temporal Endings 28 PRONOUNS 29 Personal 29 Possessives 30 Demonstratives 31 Relatives 31 Interrogates 31 Article 31 Adjective Pronouns 32 NUMERALS 32 ADJECTIVES 33 Comparison 34 VERBS 34 ( lassified 34 Transitive and Intransitive 34 Classes 34 Voice 35 Modes and Tenses 36 Person and Number 37 Structure 37 Prefixes and Infixes (preceding the root) 39 Adverbial Prefixes of Place and Direction 39 Prefixes of Pursuit 66 Adverbial Prefixes of Manner 67 Prefixes Expressing Identity 77 Prefixes Expressing Distribution over Space and Time. ... 78 6 University of California Publications. [^M. ARCH. ETH. VERBS (continued}. PAGE Conjugations (based on syllable preceding the root) 95 Class I 96 Conjugation IA 96 Conjugation IB 104 Conjugation Ic 109 Conjugation ID 112 Conjugation IE 114 Conjugation 2 116 Conjugation 3A 122 Conjugation SB 131 Conjugation 4 134 Class IT 140 Conjugation IA 140 Conjugation IB 142 Conjugation Ic 145 Conjugation ID 1 47 Conjugation 2 149 Conjugation 3A 152 Conjugation 3B 155 Conjugation 4 159 Class III 161 Conjugation 1 161 Conjugation 2 165 Conjugation 3 168 Class IV 170 Conjugation 1 170 Conjugation 3 174 Objective Conjugation 1 77 Conjugation of the Passive Voice 193 Conjugation of Irregular Verbs 196 Conjugation of Adjectives 200 Boots 203 Listed in Alphabetical Order 203 Classified as to their Form 286 Classified as to their Meaning 297 Suffixes 304 Temporal 304 Temporal-Modal 313 Modal 319 Indicating the Source of Information 322 Conjunctional 326 Adverbial 327 ADVERBS 328 Place and Direction 328 Time and Sequence 333 Manner . . 335 VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 7 ADVEKBS (continued). PAGE Degree 337 Assent and Negation 338 PREPOSITIONS 339 CONJUNCTIONS 343 INTERJECTIONS 343 CONCLUSION . . . 344 KEY TO THE SOUNDS REPEESENTED BY THE CHARACTERS USED. a as in father. a nearly of the same quality, but of longer duration. It is used as a matter of convenience to distinguish a few words from others nearly like them, ai as in aisle, e as in net. e as in they but lacking the vanish, ei the sound of e followed by a vanish. i as in pin. I as in pique. 6 as in note. a more open sound than the last, nearly as in on. 01 as in boil, u as in rule. li nearly as in but, a little nearer to a. Q a faint sound like the last. Sometimes it is entirely wanting. y as in yes. w as in will. w an unvoiced w which occurs frequently at the end of syllables. When it follows vowels other than 6 or u it is preceded by a glide and is accordingly written uw. hw the preceding in the initial position. It has nearly the sound of wh in who. 1 as in let. L an unvoiced sound made with the tip of the tongue against the teeth, the breath being allowed to escape rather freely at one side of the tongue. 8 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH. ETH. L nearly like the preceding, but the sides of the tongue are held more firmly against the back teeth, resulting in a harsher sound often beginning with a slight explosion. Some speakers place the tip of the tongue in the alveolar posi tion. m as in English. n usually as in English, but sometimes very short. fi as ng in sing. h as in English but somewhat stronger. x has the sound of jota in Spanish. s as in sit. z the corresponding voiced continuant ; only after d and rare. c as sh in shall. It seldom occurs except after t. d is spoken with the tongue on the teeth. t an easily recognized, somewhat aspirated surd in the posi tion of d. t an unaspirated surd which is distinguished from d with difficulty. k, ky a surd stop having the contact on the posterior third of the hard palate. Except before e, e, i, and I a glide is noticeable and has been written as y. g, gy the sonant of the preceding, occurs rarely. k when written before a back vowel (a, o, o, u, ii) without a following y stands for a surd nearly in the position of c in come, but the contact is very firm. The resulting sound is very harsh and quite unlike the English sound. q is a velar surd occurring only before back vowels. tc as ch in church. dj the corresponding voiced sound equivalent to j or soft g in English. The syllables, considered as phonetic elements without regard to their possible morphological force, have been separated by spaces thinner than those employed between words. THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE HUPA LANGUAGE INTRODUCTION. The Hupa are a small community isolated in their home by the surrounding mountains. The valley which bears their name is in Humboldt county, California, on the Trinity river a few miles above its confluence with the Klamath. It was here the Hupa were found by the first white men who passed through this section of the state in 1850. The short memory of their own traditions knows no time when they lived otherwheres. Their myths explain that they came into spontaneous existence here, as the tree springs from the soil. At the taking of the first census in 1866 there were reported to be 650 of them, already physically on the decline from contact with civilization. They number now about 450, upon whom their old traditions and religion have a strong hold notwithstanding their garb and dwellings supplied by white people. The older people speak their own language chiefly, having recourse to the few p]nglish words they know when communication with white people is necessary. The younger people all employ the Hupa language in their home life and when talking to each other, but have a good command of English for their intercourse with white people. The Hupa neighbored and traded with the Yurok and Karok on the Klamath river, rather than with the tribes to the south and west. Travel by water in the excellent canoes was swift, comfortable, and comparatively safe. The crossing of the moun tains not only entailed severe physical exertion but brought the AM. ARCH. ETH. 3 li. IQ University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETHJ traveler into places in which might lurk the foe, man or beast. There was little necessity for travel. The salmon came up the river in abundant numbers to the nets of the waiting fisherman. The deer and elk, unlike the buffalo, wandered but short dis tances from their accustomed feeding grounds. Trade, never extensive, was carried on by canoes with the Yurok along the Klamath and southward from its mouth. In return for seaweed, which furnished the supply of salt, and sea- fish, the Hupa supplied the coast peoples with acorns and other inland foods. Dentalia were the common currency. The Hupa and Yurok intermarried largely, and attended one another s dances, in which they joined, as well as in the games and con tests which followed them. Since these people spoke languages totally different, communication was necessarily carried on by and through those who knew both languages. That the Hupa language differs widely from the other lan guages of the Athapascan stock, to which it belongs, is evident. How much of this difference is due directly to the non-Atha pascan Yurok, with whom they were so intimate, and how much is due to the slow and ordinary changes which are constantly taking place in an isolated people, it is impossible to tell at present. This difference is manifest in the phonetic character, several changes in the consonants and vowels having taken place ; in the vocabulary, many new nouns, especially, having arisen; and morphologically, verb forms having been multiplied and extended. On the other hand, the remaining languages of the Pacific Division of the Athapascan are rather closely connected and grade into each other. They were spoken from the valley of the Umpqua, in Oregon, southward to the Klamath, where their ter ritory was cut through by the Yurok and Wishosk. South of these peoples they occupied most of the valleys of Mad and Eel rivers, as well as the intervening mountains and the coast as far as Usal. There is no published account of other languages of this divi sion. Some material in manuscript, not yet thoroughly digested, VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 11 is in the possession of the Department of Anthropology concern ing the Tolowa language, spoken in Del Norte county, California, and the Wailaki and Lassik dialects spoken on the upper waters of Eel river, in southern Humboldt and northern Mendocino counties. Less complete material of the same nature from the Athapascan peoples of western Oregon is also at hand. Of the languages of the Northern Division of the Athapascan we possess a large comparative dictionary in French, Diction- naire de la Langue Dene-Dinjie, par le R. P. E. Petitot. 1 who was for many years a missionary among the peoples near the mouth of the Mackenzie river. As a preface to that volume a comparative sketch of the grammar of the languages treated is given. The dialect of the Carriers, which is not included in the above mentioned work, has been treated by Father Morice in a paper entitled, "The Dene Languages," published in the Trans actions of the Canadian Institute, Vol. I, March, 1891. The linguistic material concerning the Southern Division is exceedingly scanty. Dr. Washington Matthews has published a few texts in connection with his treatment of Navaho religion, but the frequent repetitions in the prayers and hymns reduce the lexical and grammatical material to the minimum. The Apache and Lipan are almost unknown in regard to language and culture. The sources of information for the matter published in this paper have been two. The Ilupa Texts,- collected and published largely for the purpose, have furnished many forms of the gram mar, and a context for their interpretation. Such texts are lacking in first and second persons of the verb, and in colloquial forms of the language. These have been supplied by means of questions suggested by forms occurring in the texts. 1 Bibliotheque de Linguistique et <1 Ethnographic Americaines, Vol. 2, Paris, 1876. 2 Ilupa Texts, Pliny Earle Goddard, University of California Publica tions, American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 1, No. 2. The numbers given after the examples in the present paper are to the pages and lines of Volume 1 of this series. 12 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. The words and forms thus obtained have been studied by means of comparisons, seldom extending beyond the limits of the language ; and analyzed to determine the force of each changing part. Afterward these forms have been assembled in classes, that an adequate conception of the language as a whole might be obtained. In the presentation of the morphological facts the number of examples has not been limited, that the conclusions drawn may be easily and quickly justified, and that complete material may be available for comparative studies. Little regard has been paid to the terms and forms of formal grammar, since they tend to obscure the facts of a language in many respects quite different from those to which they were originally applied. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hnpa Language. 13 NOUNS. CLASSIFIED ACCORDING TO FORM AND LENGTH. The nouns of the Hupa language, when classified according to their length and form, fall into five fairly well marked classes. MONOSYLLABIC. There are many monosyllabic nouns, for the most part, names of common material objects and elements. These words and others are found with various phonetic changes in the cognate languages. Some of them are the following : a, cloud. 104-13, 105-8. es, fish trap, cf. es tcin. 208-5. ya, lice. 151-10. yon, corner, part of house back of the fire. 241-2, 136-6. la, a seaweed, Porpliyra pcrforata. 31. Lin, pet, domesticated animal, dog. 114-12, 195-8. Lit, smoke, steam. 96-2, 170-7, 321-7. LOL, a strap. 278-9. Lon, mouse. 153-15. Lok, fish, salmon. 98-7. LUW, rattlesnake. 195-8. L6, grass, herb, medicine. 101-3, 121-15, 242-4. Lutt/ , alder. 341-14. mi, weather spirit. 79, 271-3. mintc, a hut. 17. munk, lake, pond. 100-7. nin, ground, the earth. hw;a, sun, moon. 104-10. hiriii, song. 315-5. xai, winter. 198-1. xai, root of conifer. 39, 41. xon, fire. 104-15. xaiL, load, burden. 105-16, 171-17. xun, river. 265-9, 200-9. sats, bear. 276-1, 198-7. sits, skin, bark. 97-4. dje, pitch. 150-11. 14 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. tan, gods of the deer. 77. te, blanket. 190-4, 204-7. teuw, coal, charcoal. 114-4. tin, road, trail. 102-8, 106-15, 121-7. tits, cane, digging stick. 150-9, 12, 363-11. to, water, ocean. 159-7, 195-4. tse, stone. 197-1. tse, brush, fence. 176-9. tseuk, fur for tying hair. 247-14. tcint, dead things. 346-5. tcwal, frog, toad ( ). 164-13, 196-1. tcwiltc, huckleberry. 32. tcwitc, wood, firewood. 157-2. tcwM, dirt, excrement. 111-10, 207-3. kin, stick, tree. 100-2, 108-14. kin, a game. 61. kos, bulbs. 110-5. kut, root of a decidious tree. 39, 41. kya, woman s dress, a skirt. 164-9, 179-10, 333-8. kyots, sinew. 97-4, 288-5. qo, worm. MONOSYLLABIC WITH POSSESSIVE PREFIX. Many nouns, of themselves monosyllabic, do not occur with out a possessive prefix. These words, like the preceding class, seem to belong to the oldest stratum of the language. Most of them are to be found in the other Athapascan languages. They are generally the names of parts of the body and personal pos sessions, and terms of relationship. a dil la, her hand. 307-2. adimmit, her own belly. 276-5. adiUa, (in) his sack. 152-9,282-6. a dit tsel, his biceps. 142-2. iLde, sisters (of each other). 169-1. LiLLin, brothers (of each other). 140-9. minnin, its face. 115-15. mit tseuk, its umbilical cord. 157-4. mit tsin, its meat. 208-13. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 15 mitctcwo, grandmother. 136-12. mikke, its tail. 283-15. mikkil, her brother. 189-13. mik kin, its base. 230-6. inun tcwifi. 1 their mother. 135-10, 229-12. nexufi, your husband. 210-11. nit dje, your mind. 351-9. nittai, your paternal uncle. 237-3. nota, our father. 192-9. hwauMJ, my sister s boy. 120-14. httnmmit, my belly. 112-17. hwnn nin. my face. 247-12. hrufr xai, my boy. 137-5. hiritdje, my mind. 296-13. htt ikkai, my brother-in-law. 142-14. humn tcwifi, my mother. 181-9. xoikil, his younger brother. 150-1,332-1. xoi kyai, her granddaughter. 135-1, 241-5. xoikyon, her odor. 165-4. xoik kyuii, his mind. 102-16. xout, his wife. 117-15, 195-1. xola, his hand. 96-4. xomit, her belly. 102-15. xonna, his eyes. 105-15. xonnin, his face. 174-8. xoxa, his tracks. 159-4. xo xai, her boy. 139-9. xoxun, her husband. 305-11. xodje, his mind. 307-9. xota, his father. 169-1. xotda, his mouth. 112-14, 113-18. xot detc, her sister. 169-13. xotse, his daughter. 237-1. xottseuk, its umbilical cord. 157-7. xottsel, his biceps. 139-13. xotctcitc, his elbows. 347-8. This word and h;un tcwifi below point to dissylabie base, un tcwifi probably connected with the root -tcwe, to make. 16 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. xotcwo, his grandmother. 290-2. xokyun, his breast. 301-1. ketse, somebody s penis (severed from the body). 171-3. kekai, somebody s thigh. 171-7. kutc tcwo, its grandmother. 100-16. POLYSYLLABIC WITHOUT DESCRIPTIVE MEANING. A considerable number of nouns of two or more syllables, evidently secondary, are not easily analyzed. The Hupa them selves do not attempt to assign meaning to them beyond the designation of the objects for which they stand. Examples are the following. is de au, madrona. 96-11. isdits, strings (verbal?). 144-7. yiLxai, mornings (verbal?). 255-17. wiL dun, yesterday. 175-13. Littcuw, sand. 117-16. min tsit da, smokehole. 136-3. miii kil en, menstruating women. 253-6. mis dje, fog. 244-6. na di yau, dentalia, 208-13. na tses, arrows. 139-12. niskifi, Douglas spruce. 152-16. no le, dam, waterfall. 102-7. xaitsa, basket-bucket. 110-16. xea kai, baby-basket. 289-17. xo is dai, man. 136-15. xo Lit, noise. 241-2. xon ta, house. 97-13. xos saik, abalones. 347-17. dinnuw, manzanita. 200-3. dinnai, arrowpoint. 119-3. dit tsik, acorns. 137-15. dje 16, storage basket. 151-12. tai kyuw, sweathouse. 98-15. tea xutc, girl. 189-8. tis mil, eagle. 114-8. tsiLtin, bow. 139-12. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 17 tciiw hwutt , elder sticks. 118-1. kai lutt-, willow. 197-2. keLtsan, maiden. 135-2. kixxak, net. 256-7. kit to, paddle (verbal?). 314-4. kos tan, hat. 209-4. kyukka, deer fat. 164-10. FORMED BY MEANS OP SUFFIXES AND COMPOSITION There is a large and increasing number of nouns, formed by suffixes or by composition, the descriptive force of which is ever present in the mind of the speaker. The occasion for the increase of this class of nouns is the death of well known people who had. for a name, the name of some object or animal; and the intro duction of new things by the white people. 1 SUFFIXES. Suffixes which have no separate existence are few. The inhabitants are distinguished from the place they inhabit by suffixing -xoi to the name of the locality. Lomittaxoi, prairies among people, New River people. 110-12. na tin nox xoi, Hupa Indians. xolLkutxoi, Redwood creek Indian. 110-12. kit don xoi, people having evil power. 181-1. A suffix, which does not appear as a verb, signifies that the plant or animal is found in, or frequents the place named. yinnetau, in the ground they are; a bulb. 135-2. xaslintau, riffles he frequents; crane. 203-14. xoLtsaitau, dry places he lives; a land monster. 114-18. xonteLtau, glades, he frequents; coyote. 151-8. Augmentatives are made by the suffix -kyo, which is evidently connected with the adjective nikkyao. Its use is frequent to distinguish the larger of two plants or animals which resemble each other. 1 Compare Amer. Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 3, p. 209; and Life and Culture of the Hupa, p. 73. 18 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. selkyo, Heracleum lanatum. 31. kiLwekyo, spider. 151-13. KiLwe is a small enemy of mankind. 1 kiLmukkyo, Aralia California. kiL dik kik kyo, pileated woodpecker. 204-7. kos kyo, Chlorogalum pomeridanum. 109-12. tcimmulkyo, an herb. 295-footnote. Diminutives are formed by adding -itc or -tc to the noun. isdewitc, Heteromeles arbutifolia; from isdeau. the madrofia, whose fruit resembles the Heteromeles. Littsowitc, little blue ones (beads). 199-7. Lo daitc, an herb. 310-10. L6 katc, a straw. 158-6. medilitc, a small canoe. 102-9. miL tcdL waltc, a small axe, hatchet. 198-8. minditc, wildcat. 222-12. Panther formerly had the corresponding augmentative for a name. naLtsisitc, a spoon basket; it hangs small. 288-6. nis sate din, a little way. 234-5. Compare, nissa, a long way. djelotc, a small djelo, a storage basket. 158-13 Small trees and animals have a diminutive in -yauto. i.oklyauw, small salmon. niLtukyauw, young black oaks. 362-17. tcim me yauw;, young Douglas spruce. 283-7. A suffix -ne wan is a very fruitful source of new nouns. xonnewan, fire like. 329-10. tone wan, water like; glass, black obsidian. 108-2. tsel ne wan, blood like ; red obsidian. 180-11. kim mit ne wan, belly like ; watermelon. kit tsai XUL ne wan, hawk black. 332-2. qo ne wan, worm like ; rice. Compare, no nin Luk ne wan, dough put on the ground like, 209-4, and xot tsin ne wan, carefully. 142-5. Certain adverbial suffixes of place furnish secondary nouns. Littcuwdin, sand place, a village. 169-1. 1 Compare Life and Culture, p. 64. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hiipa Language. 19 mil la kin ta, its hand bases; its wrists. 215-2. nibtukalai, black oak tops among; a dancing place among oaks. 174-5. xon ta din, house place ; village, vicinity of a house. 210-5. to din, water place ; the river, tsedifi, brush place; a grave (from the ancient practice of fencing graves with brush). 176-8. mis kut, a slide on ; a Ilupa village. 105-4. kin tcuw hu-ik kut, its nose on ; a Hupa village situated on a nose-like ridge. 135-1. COMPOUNDS. A) A few compounds consist of two nouns in juxtaposition without a subordinating possessive prefix. The second noun qualifies the first. LUU; xan, snake river; eel. 98-13. Lo tse, grass stone ; a sedge. 100-8. The first noun qualifies the second. htdL tsiL tin LOL, my bow string. 153-15. xonnatfun, his eye leaves ( ) ; his eyebrows. 362-11. xo tsin duk kan, her leg ridge; her shin. 103-1. kin nab dun tse, kinaLdun stick. 238-7. kix xak kin, net pole. 257-6. B) Compounds consisting of two nouns, the second of which has a possessive prefix, have the first qualifying the second. xonna kut to, her eyes their water ; her tears. 245-11. din nuw; mu wit wat de, manzanita its flour. 200-3. dindai mitctcwo, flint its grandmother: a bird. 182-1. tin muwa, trail its edge. 121-7. kai luw muk kut de, willow its root. 197-2. ki yauw me de ai, bird its scalp, woodpecker s scalp. 187-5. kiLLaxun mit tcit dil ye, deer its dance. 231-1. c) A few compounds, true substantives, have the first ele ment a noun and the second an adjective qualifying it. yauLkai, louse white; grey-back. 111-1. niL tcwin dil mai, niLtcwin gray; an herb. 283-8. 20 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. ninnisan Lukkai, mountain white; Mount Shasta. 328-1. tit tau Luk kai, tittau white; a bird. 144-10. to nuw hwon din, water good place; Freshwater Lagoon. 245-17. tun tcwin, leaves fragrant ; pepper wood. 271-9. tseL kai, stone white ; a white knife. 101-1. tsemttso, stone blue; a hard bluish stone. 114-17. tse Lit tso, brush blue ; Ceanotkus integerrimus. 319-8. tsoydLtel, (?) wide. 223-8. D) Certain compounds whose first elements are nouns fol lowed by qualifying adjectives are introduced by possessive prefixes. These words, while performing the office of substan tives, really qualify a subject understood. mintcuwmil, its nose pierced ( ? ); yellow-hammer. 113-12. mis sa niL tcwin, its mouth stinks ; buzzard. 113-17. mite tcwiin tuL tan, its dung soft ; fox. 143-12. xon tern*. ditc tcetc, his nose rough; a mythical charac ter. 150-1. kim miL na tul tcu wol, its foot round ; bob-cat. 143-6. kit tun dun qotc, its leaves sour ; Oxalis Oregana. 121-12. kittsaiLkai, its (?) white; bluej ay. 1 120-13. E) There are compounds, similar to the last, but having for their last elements words indicating the presence, abundance, or lack of some part or quality. mex xon tau xo len, its house it has ; wood-rat. 152-9. mis lut xo len, folds having. 364-14. mite dje xo len, its pitch abundant; Pinus Lambertiana. 110-15. mite dje e din, its mind lacking; a baby. 101-14. mite tcil le xo len, their wings they have. 317-3. mux xaix xo len, their chidren they have ; does. 310-2. mux xa tee xo len, its roots abundant ; Leptotaenia Cali- fornica. 1 For the first element, compare, kit tsai XUL ne wan, hawk black. 332-2. 2 Compare, xon ta e din, house without. 192-14. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 21 VERBS AS NOUNS. Any verb in the third person present, of the active or passive voice, seems capable of becoming a noun without changing its form. Verbs are also variously compounded to form descriptive substantives. ACTIVE. naiya, it comes down ; rain, or it is raining. 229-3. nas dik, over the ground it creeps ; yerba buena. 364-15. nakedilyai, on each side they hang( ? ) ; beads. 190-10. nillin, it flows; a creek. 119-17. nistan, on the ground it lies; a log. 341-4. no tab a; big lagoon. 117-7. nun dil, they come down -. snow. 170-10. Compare, na I ya above. xoi de il lu, they attack : a war company. 332-5. xot dan tee, it blows down ; a wind. 227-4. xunneuit , it speaks: language. 110-10. dukkan, it is on edge; a mountain ridge. 137-9. tes deL, they came ; hoar frost. 270-5. tciL wal, he shakes ; the kinaLdun dance. 366-2. tcitdilye, they dance; a dance. tciL tal, he stamps with his foot ; a dance. 366-2. kaitimmiL, he carries along; a wood-basket. 363-11. ken nuw ; thunder. 144-4. kisseaqot, he works with a needle ( ? ) ; a net-headdress. 159-9. PASSIVE. yai kyu wil fats, they have been cut in strips; a blanket or dress of strips. 207-5. wil loi, that which has been tied ; a bundle. 210-3. Lena wil la, they have been laid together; a fire. 109-10. naul mats, around it has been coiled; a coil. 151-13. na xo wil loi, around him it is tied ; a belt. 209-6. no na wit tan, a long object placed ; a door or cover of boards. 203-9. da kyu we wit tan ; fishing board. 22 University of California Publications. O M - ARCH. ETH. talkait, over the water it has been pushed; a fishing board. 119-18. kin nal mats, around it is coiled; cribs of hazel. 191-3. kin na kyu wil mats, around it is coiled; cribs of hazel. 191-4. kit Loi, it is twined ; a basket. 103-7. COMPOUNDED WITH NOUNS. Compounds are formed with a noun for the first element, as subject, object, or the limit of motion of the second element, a verb. estcinnauw, fish-trap (?) it comes in; a swimming deer. 162-1. naxkekos naduwul, two its necks waving around; a monster. 163-12. LC kontc dit til le, salt it likes ; wild goose. Lok yit dit til le, fish it likes ; otter. 144-8. sa Imtf, they are put in the mouth ; food consisting of the green stemo of herbs. saxauw, , W uid is put in the mouth; acorn soup, na di yau ki /cc\Ve, ueutalia maker. 325-9. WITH PREFIXES. Adverbial prefixes of place, instrument, accompaniment, and manner make substantives out of verbs. meu na sit tan, under it sits ; a head-dress. 211-12. me dil, in they go ; a canoe. 101-12. miL xo wit loi, with it he is tied ; his belt. 120-2. miL da kit diL dil, with it she shakes ( ? ); a winnowing basket. 365-10. miL tcoL waltc, with it he chops ; an axe. 198-8. miL kit tuk kutc, with it he plays shinny ; a shinny stick. 143-5. miL kyu wo hwal, with it he hooks; a hook. 106-16. miL kyo xait, with it one buys ; money. 145-3. muk kai kit Loi, on it it is woven ; hazel basket ribs. 290-6. nis tafi ka kit tuk gow, log along he runs; pine-martin. 222-12. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 23 na wit dits tin name, in a circle it goes around; a whirl pool. 120-3. nin nu win na kis ten, world around it lies; earthquake. 143-16. xo miik kut tsis dai, his on it he sits ; his stool. 292-3. te kyo xol xiit, from the water ; a monster. 328-4. tseiik kayan ai, on a stone he sits ; ground-squirrel. 222-11 kii. n;i dil. with them they travel; a wolf. 174-7. WITH SUFFIXES. Suffixes of location furnish names of places Lei din, the flowing together place ; village at the junction of the main Trinity and its south fork. 105-13. Le nal din, the flowing together a second time place ; the junction of the Trinity and Klamath. 158-16. Nail lit din, fire runs over the ground place; a village west of the Klamath river. 158-2. nanatuLdifi, the stepping down place; at the foot of the ladder in the sweat-house. 207-2 natetsedin, the pushing back place Jie sliding door way. 97-17. Ta kirn miL din, the making acorn soup place; a Hupa village. 104-10. Muk ka na du wiil a din, upon it they come and go ; the beach at the mouth of the "Klamath, descriptive of the surf. 355-5. COMPOUNDS WITH SUFFIXES. Compounds of noun and verb also add the suffixes of location to form place names. Sa xaim> sai ke xauw din, soup eating place. 226-8. Djic tail a din, Djic (*) projects place. 104-5. Tononatciii, water s end toward. 243-5. Tse non a din, stone end place. 354-5. Tcwitc no nin a din, wood across place; place of fish dam. 353-14. Kl yautt? non diL din, birds stop place. 199-5. 24 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. PLUEALS. The only Hupa nouns which change their form to indicate the plural are those which classify human beings according to their sex and state in life ; and terms of relationship. Only three instances of the first case have been noted. keLtsan, virgin, maiden; plural keLtsun. 135-2, 138-5. tsum mes Lon, a fully grown woman ; plural tsum mes- Lon. 98-9, 280-4. xuxxai, a child; xuxxaix, children. 220-10, 164-16. But few of the terms of relationship are found with plurals. 1 nikkil, your brother; nikkilxai, your brothers. 191-13, 191-18. hwittsoi, my grandchild; hwit tsoi xai, my grandchil dren. 222-14. xoLtistce, his sister; XOL tis tee xai, his sisters. 208-12. CASES. To show possession, the qualified noun has pronomial ele ments prefixed. Accompanying these prefixes, in some instances, there is an extension of the word, by an added syllable if the word ends in a consonant or close vowel ; or by a vowel making a diphthong, if the word ends in an open vowel. It is likely most words under this condition were once so extended and have been curtailed. Nouns beginning with L change that sound to the voiced 1 on receiving the prefix. 2 mil lit de, their smoke ; Lit, smoke. 116-1,3. mit Lo we, its herb ; Lo, herb, grass. 287-7, 215-5. mittsinne, its bones; kittsifi, something s bones. 171-13. mik kix xak ka, their nets ; kix xak, a net. 99-6. muwitwatde, its flour; witwat, flour. 200-3. muk kut de, its roots ; kut, a root. 197-2. noliiike, our pets; Lin, a pet, dog. 115-2. no xon tau, our house ; xon ta, a house. 192-9. 1 Compare the similar limited use of the plural aud manner of its forma tion among the Carrier. Kev. Father Morice, Transactions of the Canadian Institute, Vol. I, No. 2, p. 184. - Kev. Father Morice has noted similar phenomena among the Carrier. Trans, of the Canadian Institute, Vol. 1, No. 2, p. 183. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 25 hiril 16 ka, my salmon ; Lok, salmon. 100-6, 15. xolifike, his pet; Lin, a pet. 115-11. xohwinne, her song; hwin, a song. 333-9. xo xon tau, his house ; xon ta, a house. 117-16. xo tits e, his cane ; tits, cane. 150-8. There are several suffixes in the Hupa language which might be looked upon as case endings since they are not permanent parts of the nouns to which they are attached, but indicate vary ing relations of position or direction. These endings are also prepositions, but when they are used as prepositions they are joined to a possessive pronoun with which they form a word standing after the nouns to which they relate. One of these, -me, indicates position in, or motion into a house, the interior of a mountain, a valley, or an opening or glade in a forest. Is din name, a place. 324-1. Yastsimme, a place. 270-1. Lo hit 1 un me, a place. 299-13. Miifikiitme, lake place. 328-3. niL tcwin me, a feather case. 288-3. hit-it ta dime, my chest. 247-14. Xaiyame, a place. 253-4. Xa is dil me, a place. 300-2. xon tame, house in. 278-8. xon teL me, in a glade. 121-3. Compare, xon teL tau. Djeloome, a mountain. 299-8. tai kyuit me sweat-house in. 363-7. Tan ai me, a mountain. 300-12. Tseyeme, rock under. 280-11. Compare, tseyedin. 208-6. Tseniiime, a place. 299-3. Kauu- kyu wim me, among the redwoods. 230-3. Place at which, and sometimes place toward which, is ex pressed by a noun with the ending -din. IL ba la din, a place. 364-16. Lei din, a place. 105-13. Lenaldiii, a place. 158-16. Littcutrdiii, a place. 169-1. An. ARCH. ETH. IS, 3. 26 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. Lok na sa un din, a place. 317-7. me din nun din, at one side. 361-17. me tsa xo sin din, bad places. 302-7. min nin xun din, by the sweat-house entrance. 115-7. mis xus tun din, a place. 300-8. mik kin din, at its base. 287-1. nail lit din, a place. 158-2. naLtsisdin, hanging place. 204-3. nanatuLdifi, stepping down place. 207-2. Na de il tcwun din, a place. 328-10. na te tse din, at the door. 98-2. Nil lin kin din, a place. 271-13. NiL tcwin a ka din, a place. 157-1. nin nis an noil a diii, a place. 115-16. no na wit tse diii, by the door. 332-8. no nin diii, at our heads. 190-5. No tan a din, a place. 179-6. nun dil win te din, snow always there place. 328-3. Xas lin din, a place. 265-1. Compare, xas lin tau, crane. 203-14. XOL tsai diii, in the dry place. 112-6. Compare, XOL- tsai tau. xon na din, in his eye. 118-7. Xon xauw din, a place. 117-14. Xon sa din, a place. 174-1. xon din, fire in. 109-16. Compare, xon tcin, fire toward. 109-15. xon ta din, to the house. 210-5. Xoxotcdin, a place. 245-4. xo xon tau din, his house place. 195-7. xotnundin, a place. 244-3. Xot tin nan din, a place. 198-13. xo qot din, knee deep. 365-11. Sauw titc diii, a place. 198-10. Sa xauw sai ke xauw; din, soup-eating place. 226-8. Da din mot din, a place. 300-10. Da tcwin din, a place. 179-1. Djic tail a din, a place. 104-5. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 27 tai kyfm 1 din, sweat-house. 203-9. Ta kim miL din, a place. 104-10. tin ta din din, in the woods. 247-3. TseLtcedin, a place. 280-2. Tse non a din, a place. 354-5. Tse nun sin din, a place. 102-5. Tse din, a place. 280-10. Tee in dl qot diii, a place. 216-10. TciLtelnal ladin, a place. 3G5-6. Tco xol tcwe din, a place. 98-6. Tcwitc na nin a din, a place. 353-14. Kai non a din, a place. 208-4. Klyaujf nofi diLdiri, bird s resting place. 199-5. Ki lai gya din, a place. 243-17. KiLwedin, a place. 354-12. Ki xun nai ta din, a place. 226-10. kit ta din, in the brush. 162-9. KyuweLedin, a place. 354-8. kyu wiiiya inyan ta din, a place. 211-15. The place toward which is usually expressed by adding -tcin to the noun. Yi da xo miii wa tcin, to a place. 208-8. Lo hwnm kut tcin, Bald Hill (toward). 216-15. min sit da tcin, smoke-hole to. 329-13. Mis kut tcin, to Miskut. 105-11. mux xa tee tcin, to the root. 210-1. nin nis an non a tcin, the world s end. 159-14. nin tcin, toward the ground. 163-1. no na wit tse tcin, toward the door. 166-1. Xai ya me tcin, to Xaiyame. 267-9. xontatciii, to the house. 97-12. xontciii, fire toward. 109-15. Tee wil lin tcin, to the mouth of Redwood creek. 175-5. Motion along, beside, or by the way of, is expressed by the ending -kai or -ka. min <a kai, in (through) the wood room. 182-1. min tsit da kai, out of the smoke-hole. 158-7. Compare, min tsit da tcin. 329-13. 28 University of California Publications. [ AM - AKCH. ETH. xoi kyan ai kai ta, his arms (along). 347-13. XOL tcwil a kai, a marshy way. 361-12. xon na de kai ta, his legs (along) too. 347-14. xon nis te ka, his throat down. 118-1. xot tsel kai, from under his arm. 143-4. xunnukka, river along. 211-14. Motion toward, or position on a thing or place, is expressed by the suffix -kut, or -ka. Loka, the prairie (grass on). 150-8. Mi me da kut, a place. 185-1. Mis kut, a place. 105-4. X5wufikut, a place. 121-5. Xotuwaikut, a place. 336-1. denokut, the sky (this us on). 286-12. Tse tit mil a kut, a place. 203-4. Compare, Tse tit- mil me. 299-11. TEMPOEAL ENDINGS. The fact that the particular object referred to has ceased to exist, or has not yet come into existence, may be shown by end ings suffixed to the noun. To indicate that the object no longer exists in the relation thought of, the suffix employed is -ne en. medilneen, canoes used to be. 153-17. mit date ne en, 1 shells. 171-16. na di yau ne en, 1 dentalia. 171-16. nin nis an ne en, world used to be (a hypothetical case). 343-14. nin xos tin ne en, frost used to be. 273-7. nik kyu win ya in yan ne en, your child used to be. 221-2. noleneen, dam used to be. 102-11. xoi kit Loi ne en, her basket used to be. 325-1. xo ut ne en, his wife used to be. 187-8. xolinkeneen, his pet used to be. 115-14. xo 16 ka ne en, her salmon used to be. 100-16. xo mit ne en, his belly used to be. 121-10. xon na kut to ne en, his tears used to be. 338-10. 1 In these cases it is possession of the object, and not the object itself, which ceases. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 29 son nin ne en, his face used to be. 143-10. xontaneen, house used to be. 114-17. xo xun ne en, her husband used to be. 308-4. xotaneen, father used to be. 172-1. xokosneen, his neck used to be. 163-18. te ne en, blankets. 144-9. tsit duk na we ne en, fisherskin quivers. 144-8. kai tel ne en, basket-plate used to be. 289-15. kiL La xun ne en, deer used to be. 96-8. kim miL na tul tcu wol ne en, wildcat used to be. 143-9. kyu wi yul ne en, food used to be. 96-8. That the object will exist in the future, or the possession of it will come to pass in the future, is expressed by adding the suf fix -te. hwuwtete, my blanket it will be. 204-16. mitLowete, their medicine will be. 121-15. PRONOUNS. PERSONAL. The personal pronouns in their independent form are used chiefly for emphasis and in replying to questions. The incor poration of the object into the verb, and its inflections to show the subject, reduce the need of pronouns as independent words to the minimum. The pronoun for the first person singular is htt e, which serves for both subject and object, and may be placed before a possessive to add emphasis. All other Athapascan languages have a word phonetically related to this. The Tolowa word is ci ; the Carrier, si; and the Navaho, ci. The change of c or s to law, while rather unexpected, is regular. The plural of the first person is nehe. It may be used of the speakers, when more than one, or of the speaker and the person spoken to. Instead of hire and nehe, longer forms, hire en and nehe en, often occur. These seem to be formed by the addition of the particle en, which points to a person, contrasting him with another. hu;e. 104-16, 151-17, 204-16. htt-een, 109-4, 138-14. 30 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. nehe. 216-18, 334-6. neheeii. 139-3, 165-7. The second person singular is expressed by nin, and the plural by no hin, or no n. nin. 106-9. no hin. 280-5. It is to be thought that originally there was no personal pro noun for the third person, its place being taken by the demon stratives and by incorporated and prefixed forms. In speaking of adult Hupa, when emphasis is required xon occurs. This appears to be xo-, the incorporated and prefixed form, and en mentioned above contracted with it. No example of a third person plural occurs in Hupa Texts. When inquired for, ya xwen was given. This is no doubt x5n of the singular with ya, the sign for the plural in the verbs and elsewhere. xon. 96-3. POSSESSIVES. Weak forms of the personal pronouns are prefixed to the qualified noun to express possession. Hwe and nin are repre sented by hw- and n-, uniting with a following vowel, but form ing a syllable before semi-vowels and consonants. The syllable is completed by I or u, before y and w respectively. Before con sonants the vowel of the syllable is i, which is closed by taking over the succeeding consonant. The first and second persons plural are represented by one and the same syllable, no-, which may be prefixed in that form to any noun. The third person singular has xo- prefixed when an adult Hupa is meant, but m-, receiving the same treatment as ~hw- and n- above, when the ref erence is to a Hupa child or very aged person, or to a person of another tribe or race. For animals and inanimate things m- is also frequently used, but for the former k- seems more fre quent. When the possessor of the object is not known k- is also employed. A reflexive possessive is used where a chance for ambiguity exists. The form is a d- with the second syllable completed, as in the case of hw- and n-. (Examples of these possessives are given above on p. 14.) VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Lanyuayc. 31 DEMONSTRATIVES. The demonstratives for the nearer person or object, which must be in sight, are ded, hai dod and hai de, which do not differ in meaning. The more remote object or person, whether in sight or not, is referred to by yo or hai yo. ded, this. 96-10, 98-3. haide, this. 100-6. yo, that. 151-14. haiyo, that. 115-14. RELATIVES. There are no words whose special office is the expression of relation. The definite article (or weak demonstrative) hai some times has nearly the force of a relative. Line 12 on page 162 contains a sentence which has a relative : hai tee niii ya te ne en xon teL tau do he tee nifi yai. The he was going to coyote he did not come out. come out Coyote, who was going to come out, did not come out. Again, on page 174, line 9, the sentence : hai un kya hai tcit tes deL te. The he saw it was the they two were to travel. He saw it was he with whom he was to travel. INTERROGATIVE. Questions asking who are introduced by dun dan ; those asking what, by da xwed un. dun dan, who? 151-16. da xwed Cm, what ? 163-3. ARTICLE. The Hupa employ hai referring to persons or things, singular or plural, in a manner that falls between our use of that, the demonstrative, and the definite article the. The occasional use of hai with a relative force has been mentioned above. It is sometimes employed where our idiom does not require it. It usually occurs before a possessive. hai xolinke, "the his pets. " 195-8. 32 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. ADJECTIVE PEONOUNS. The following words usually stand alone, the persons, or things limited by them being understood from the context, a tin, all. 96-8. atinne, all people. 138-6. a tin xo un te, everything. 176-16. a tin din, everyplace. 96-5, 98-4. a tin ka un te, everykind. 110-10, 113-3. xo dai de he, anything, di hwo, something. 144-8, 117-17. di hwe e, nothing. 153-10. dun Lun hwon, several people. dunLunhw/o, several things. 164-16, 176-10. dun hwe e, nobody. 109-12. dun hwo, somebody. 107-5. NUMERALS. CAEDINALS. The numerals to four are common to the Athapascan lan guages, most of which have cognate words for five, also, which is dissyllabic. From five to nine the Hupa numerals are not easily analyzed. Ten, min Lun, means, enough for it. The numer als above ten are made by an expressed addition for numbers lying between the decimal terms ; and by multiplication for those terms. The meaning of Laitdikkin, one hundred, is not evi dent, but by a variation of the first syllables the hundreds are enumerated to a thousand, or beyond if necessary. The terminations of the cardinals which are used of persons differ from those used of things. This seems to be brought about by the use of an old termination, -ni or -ne, which means people. Numerals used of things. La, one. 98-12. nax, two. 101-9. tak, three. 294-8. dink, four, tcwo la, five. 101-6. xos tan, six. xo kit, seven. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 33 ke nim, eight, inukkostau, nine, min Liin, ten. 140-9. min Lim mu wa na La, ten by its side again one. minLiin muwa nanax, ten by its side again two. na dim min Lun, twice ten. ta kut dim min Lun, three times ten. din kit dim min Lun, four times ten. tewo la dim min Lim, five times ten. xos tun dim min Lim, six times ten. xo kit dim min Lim, seven times ten. ke nim dim min Lun, eight times ten. muk kos ta dim min Liin, nine times ten. La it dik kin, one hundred, na xiit dik kin, two hundred, ta kut dik kin, three hundred. Numerals used of persons. Luwiifi, one man. 234-1. na nin, two men. 139-2. takiin, three men. 169-1. din kin, four men. 234-8. tcwolane, five men. 234-9. xos tun, six men. 234-12. xo kit din, seven men. 235-3. ke nim min, eight men. 235-6. muk kos tau win, nine men. 235-7. min Lim, or minLunne, ten men. 207-1. ADJECTIVES. The qualifying adjectives in the Hupa language are very closely linked with the verbs. They are fully conjugated like verbs, indicating by internal changes the person and number of the subject qualified and indicating by changes of tense whether the quality is predicated of the present, past, or future. The conjugation of the adjective for convenience of treatment has been given below following the conjugation of the verbs. These adjectives in the present tense seem without exception to be dissyllabic. 34 University of California Publications. O M - ARCH - ETH - COMPARISON. The superlative, the only form of comparison employed, is expressed by prefixing dad-, the second syllable being com pleted in harmony with the following sound. hai dadinnes nintuw, the longest one bring. hai da diL Luk kau niL tuw ne, the fattest one you must bring. hai da dit dit sit, the shortest one. hai da dik kya 5, the largest one. VERBS. CLASSIFIED. TRANSITIVE AND INTRANSITIVE. Most transitive verbs differ in form from the intransitive in that they have a change of root when the object is plural. If the object is an adult Hupa, it is incorporated in the form of the weak personal pronoun. Many, but by no means all, transitive verbs have -L immediately preceding the root but affiliating itself with the foregoing syllable. Most intransitive verbs have an entirely different root for a dual or plural subject. They do not have -L preceding the root. CLASSES. When a large number of Hupa verbs are compared, most of them are seen to fall into two classes, according to the presence or absence of -L before the root. In only a few cases it may be present or absent in words otherwise alike in form. In these cases it has the power of changing by its presence an intransitive verb to a transitive verb. TcittetaL means he stepped along; tcitteLtaL, he kicked something along. KewiLtan (150-12) means he put pitch on the top of something, in this case a cane ; ke win tan would mean that a bird on alighting stuck fast. In a general way -L may be considered the sign of the transitive. Its absence marks the intransitive ; and it is present in all transi tive verbs except a large but well marked class which express by the root itself the nature of the object affected and can there fore be used without an expressed object. yawinxan, he took up something of a liquid or smally divided nature which must be contained in a basket. VOL. 31 Goddard Morphology of the Hupa Language. 35 ya win an, he took up a round object as a stone. ya win tan, he took up a long object as a stick. ya win fit, he took up a cloth or cloth-like object, as a blanket. But, also, ya wiL kyos, he took up a cloth or cloth-like object. yawiLten, he took up an animal (including man) or an animal product. While it is quite evident that in its past history this -L was in some way closely connected with the transitive forms of the verbs, it is doubtful if at the present it has such a force, or the two forms ya win ut and ya WIL kyos could hardly stand as synonyms. All that can be safely said is that -L is associated with certain roots, while other roots are used without it. The last, for the sake of convenience, have been made to form class i, and the former, containing -L, class ii. 1 The third class has immediately before the root either d- or -t. The former is found in certain places in the conjugation where it is the initial sound in an inserted syllable. The latter occurs regularly in certain cases where it is joined to a syllable already existing, as its final sound. The verbs of this class are of three kinds; a number containing certain roots which never occur without the dental sound which is the characteristic of the class, verbs having the prefix na- with the iterative force of again, and all passives formed from class i. The fourth class has -1 preceding the root. It is composed of a number of verbs having roots which evidently require this sound preceding, since they do not occur without it, and all passives corresponding to class ii. VOICE. The passive voice is present in the language, but not common. It is usually desired and considered important that the agent or author of the act should appear in the sentence; and when he does so appear, it is as the subject of the verb. The passive is only employed when the author of the act is unknown ; or some Father Morice, in the work cited, p. 194, has taken this -L as the char acteristic of one of his conjugations. He speaks of it as a "pronominal consonant. 36 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. reason, usually religious, prevents reference to him. The passive is also used as a noun. MODES AND TENSES. The clear cut distinction of formal grammar between modes^ on the one hand, and tenses on the other, does not exist in this language. There are special forms which affirm the act, and others that indicate it as impossible or improbable. So, too, there are forms for the past, present and future, but one cannot have a past tense of the Impotential mode. The same form does serv ice as a present indicative, a subjunctive of proposed action, and the second person of it as an imperative. The following names have been assigned to the existing forms. Present Indefinite, Impotential, Imperative, Customary; and Past Definite, Present Definite, and Future Definite. The last and many other forms are made by suffixes. Present Indefinite. This name has been chosen to distinguish the present of wider use and less discrimination as to the time of the action from the Present Definite, which affirms a single act as being just com pleted. The former is used of acts in progress but not completed when such act consumes appreciable time, or of acts desired or intended. Impotential. The form of this mode-tense differs from the present, only in the nature of the root syllable which is the longer or stronger form. It is used mostly, or entirely, of future acts which are declared will not take place because they are impossible. The form does not stand by itself but is given the negative sense by the usual negative prefix do- and the potential force by a sort of auxiliary which means to be or become. It seems possible that the form has been differentiated from the present by the accent. Imperative. The real imperative forms, that is, the second person singular and plural, are identical with the same number and person of the present. In the third person, forms are found which do not occur elsewhere in Hupa. The command or request is that the person spoken to, permit or compel the third person to perform the act. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 37 Customary. Acts which are habitual or repeated are expressed by means of this form. Acts or conditions which are thought of as contin uous or nearly so have forms with -win fe suffixed to the present. Definite Tenses. The past, present, and future statement of particular and defi nite acts, or states, has forms for their expression closely related to each other and distinctly set off from the foregoing. The past differs from the present in the form of the root, which is longer and often varies its termination. This is due perhaps to a sort of accent, which seems to consist mostly in dwelling on the syl lable for a longer time. The future is formed from the present by the suffixes, -te, or -teL. PERSON AND NUMBER. Besides the usual three numbers there is found in Hupa a second form for the third person which is used when referring to a Hupa child, or very aged person ; or to the members of other tribes, or races, and to animals. Intransitive verbs and the pass ive voice of transitive verbs have in the third person three num bers, the singular; the dual, which differs from the singular only in its having the plural form of the root; and the plural, which differs from the singular in having the syllable ya infixed or prefixed. The active voice of transitive verbs does not have a change of root, and therefore no dual. In the first person of all verbs the dual form seems to have pretty nearly superseded the plural. The plural form can be used if it is desired to do so. The form is made by introducing ya, which often becomes yu because it is followed in many cases by n in the same syllable. 1 STRUCTURE OF THE VERBS. The verb in Hupa, as in other Athapascan languages, pre sents many difficulties. It contains in itself all the elements of the sentence. Xa na is di ya de, "if she conies back up," has first, an adverbial prefix, xa-, denoting that the motion is up the side of a hill, in this case the river bank ; next, is found the According to Father Morice, the Carrier have a dual only in the first person. Work cited, p. 190. 38 University of California Publications. [ AM - AKCH. ETH. particle -na-, having an iterative force, showing that the act is done a second time, in this case it is only meant to show that the path from the river is passed over a second time ; the syllable -is- shows by the consonant it contains that the act is thought of as progressing over the surface of the ground. Had the act been considered as being begun and not requiring progression, the syllable -win- would have been employed. Yawinxan, "she picked up a basket of water. But if the act had been thought of in its completion the syllable would have been -nin-. No nin- xan, "she put down a basket of water. These three syllables, -is-, -win-, and -nin-, occur only in the case of single defi nite acts. The fact that s following i forms a syllable by itself, indi cates that the action is thought of as performed by an adult Hupa. Had the act been thought of in connection with a child, an aged person, or one of another tribe or race, the s would have been united with the preceding syllable na. There is in this form of the verb nothing to show its person. The second person singular would be xa na sin di ya de, in which -in of the third syllable would indicate the person and number. Tjtie infixed syllable -di-, of which d is the essential part, usually follows the iterative infix na, the two being equivalent to English "back again." The next to the last syllable, -ya-, may be called the root, since it defines the kind of act. It is used of the locomotion of a single human being on his feet at a walk. Had this verb been in the plural, the root would have been -deL. Had the pace been more rapid, -La would have been employed. The final syllable indicates a future contingence. Had it been viewed as a future certainty, -te would have been employed. The Hupa verb is modified in various ways, as has been seen from the preceding example. First. By prefixed and infixed syllables, the direction of the motion in space, its manner and purpose, whether repeated or not in time, and whether conceived as continuous, beginning, or completed is expressed. Second. By the inflection of the syllable preceding the root, the person and number of the subject is indicated. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 39 Third. By variations in the form of the root, is shown the number of the subject in transitive verbs; the object in intransitive verbs; and also whether the act or state is one and definite in time, or repeated and continuous. Certain roots, since they apply only to certain class of object or kinds of actions, show by their inherent meaning the nature of the object affected. Fourth. By syllables suffixed to the root, the action may be further limited as to its time, continuance, or likelihood. It will be realized that by so many means of modification the possible number of verb forms is very great. There are, in fact, a very large number employed. Their number is limited, of course, by the logic and necessity of their use. The structure of the verb will be treated in the order given above. PREFIXES AND INFIXES. ADVERBIAL PREFIXES OF PLACE AND DIRECTION. Adverbial prefixes showing the position of persons or things at rest, and the place, limit, or origin of motion. Ya- is used of the position of one sitting, of picking things up from the ground, and of motion wholly or partly through the air, as the carrying of objects and the flight of birds. The primary meaning seems to be, "in the air, above the surface of the ground." A) Relating to the sitting position. ya a a, he sat. 150-8. yaim> hwai, I have been sitting here. 174-12. ya wes a, she sat up. 301-2. ya win a, sitting. 162-11. ya wiii a hit, when he sat. 174-6. yawineL, they were sitting 181-8. yan a, sitting. 110-14. yanawesa, he sat down. 165-17. ya na win ai, he sat down. 136-6. ya ta a ei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8. da ya win ai, he was sitting. 360-6. da ya win a ye, someone sitting was. 337-2. da ya win a ye, someone fishing. 119-16. da ya wes a, he sat down. 138-3. r R> 40 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. dayanawesa, it sat there. 144-11. da ya na win ai, sitting. 162-2. The following two are used of material things, but seem to belong here. ya na me da a, it loomed up. 121-11. ya na me du win a, (ashes) piled up. 187-9. B) Used of picking up from the ground a person or thing. yaawuw, he always takes on his back. 195-6. yailluw, he picked up (a woodpecker head). 292-14. yauwtuw, let me pick it up. 286-11. ya ya kin en, they packed up. 164-4. yawiLtennei, she picked him up. 287-3. yawiLkyos, he picked up. 293-6. ya wim meL, he took them up. 142-4. ya wifi an, he picked up (a stone). 342-1. ya \vinxan, he picked it up (a basket of water). 337-6. ya win tan, he took. 108-18. ya win tun hit, when he picked it up. 202-6. ya wi xauw hwiL te, he will take it up. 295-17. ya luw, he picked it up. 292-15. ya nauw tuw, I will pick up. 286-9. ya na wil lai, she picked it up. 307-6. yanawintan, he picked it up. 112-11, 341-13. yanakeuwuw, he used to pack up. 237-7. ya na kil lai, he took in his hand. 337-7. ya na kin en, he packed up. 238-3. yatexan, he picked up. 109-16. c) The following seem to imply vertical motion. yaiimmil, it kicked up (its legs). 290-2. ya yai wim meL tsu, he heard them kick up their legs. 342-14. ya wil lai hit, when he opened his eyes ; when he lifted his eyelids. 347-5. ya wil ton, he jumped up. 165-9. yawiLkas, he threw up. 96-3. ya win na hjriL de, if it raises up (the ocean) . 11 7-10. ya wit xus sil lei, it flew up. 294-15. VOL. 31 Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 41 ya wit qot, he jumped up. 329-13. yai ton ei, it jumped off. 163-18. ya na it xus, it kept flying up. 113-1. yanauw din, the going up place (said of the sun). 195-6. yafiyai, the sun was up. 308-3. yanxutsei, it flew up. 271-2. D) Of horizontal motion through the air. a dii.ya kiLqotc, he threw himself with it. 202-3 ya auw hwei, he held it out. 166-5. yai wa au?r wiL x, it increased in blowing. 324-6. yaitqot, it always dodged. 286-11. yawiLwaL, he threw (through the air). 362-8. yawimmas, he rolled over. 112-15. ya win en, he carried. 210-4. ya win kutc, he threw. 143-15. ya wit qot, he tumbled. 118-15. ya wurixutssillen, he nearly flew. 176-13. yanawiiien, she carried. 172-1. ya na wit qot, he jumped. 329-15. yanatxutsei, he flew away. 113-10. ya nat dje u, they came back. 301-15. yaxoLten, he has taken him. 151-4. ya xon its, he shot. 166-8. ya xos meL, he whipped him. 164-3. yat qot, it dodged. 286-10. ya ke wim- hwei, he used to carry it away. 162-4. ya kin wuif, carry it. 105-18. ya kin wen ne, he had carried it off. 163-4. Ya- seems sometimes to carry the meaning of the object s being reduced to many pieces. yai kvu wil fats, blanket of strips. 207-5. ya na is kil, he split. 142-3, 210-2. ya na kyu wiL tsil HL te, they (one) may split. 109-8. ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. Ye- is used of motion into houses, beds of streams, and space however slightly inclosed, and also into smaller objects, as canoes and baskets. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 4. 42 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. A) Of a house. ye in yauw, they always go in. 305-9. yewesa, was in. 153-10. ye win ya, come in. 305-8. ye win ya ye xo lun, had gone in. 118-5. ye wit qot, it fell in. 136-3. yenaidiL, let us go in. 210-13. yenaitdaim 1 , he used to go in. 288-6. ye na will os, she dragged in. 190-2. yenawilLat, she ran in. 136-1. yenawityai, he went in. 98-15. ye na wit ya hit. when he went in. 118-6. yenawityate, she will go in. 311-15. ye nal Lat, she ran in. 329-8. ye nan deL, they came back in. 301-16. yenundaim 1 , come in. 98-17. ye xon ml hit, when they ran in. 169-11. yexotaan, they ran in. 238-9. ye tee il luw, he used to take in. 288-2. ye tcit teL kait, one after the other he stuck in. 322-2. ye tcit te deL, they went into. 142-9. ye tcu wiL da, she carried in. 191-13. ye tcu win yai, he went in. 97-3. yetcuwifixan, she brought in. 209-10. ye tcu win deL, they went in. 278-4. ye kiL tseL, she passed in the water. 111-9. ye kin nen din, light shone in. 308-3. ye kyu wes tee, the wind blew in. 270-4. doyeinnamf, (no one) ever comes in. 329-4. doyeindil, never come in. 305-10. do ye na wit yai, he did not come in. 238-12. B) Of a mountain, spoken of as Jiottow. ye I yoL, she blew in. 302-8. ye 6 ditc dje ne, run in. 299-13. ye yu wiL kit de te, will go there. 301-9. ye wit dje u, they went in. 299-14. yetcuwillai, he took them in. 301-7. VOL. 31 Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 43 ye tcu W!L tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7. ye kyu wes tee te, the smoke will blow in. 301-8. c) Of entering the bed of a stream. yetcu winyai, he went np. 101-8. yeyaxolai, they took them. 179-12. ye ya xo la yei, they took them. 179-9. yewindeLte, they will go. 255-3. ye na wiL men, he made it swim in. 266-2. D) Of landing, with a canoe or otherwise. yewitkait, he landed. 140-1. yewitkaite, (a canoe) will come. 209-3. ye wit kait din, landing place. 140-2. yenawiLkait, she landed. 135-12. yenin dil linye, had washed ashore. 267-12. ye tcu wh,taLei, they landed. 362-5. E) Of broad spaces. ye e il ton xo Ian, (birds) used to jump in. 117-17. yeyinneyot, (dogs) drove by barking. 321-5. yenawodeLte, you will travel in (the underworld). 361-12. yenaxoLwaL, he threw him (under a basket.). 106-13. yetcinnauw, they will come in (the dancing-place). 231-6. ye tcu win ya, they came in. 231-4. yekiLtaL, they began to dance. 179-2. E) Of a canoe. ye in tuL ne, you must step in. 209-2. yeweyate, I am going into it. 314-3. ye na wil de ton, she jumped in. 135-11. ye tcu wiL ten nei, he took him in. 222-8. ye tcu win ya din, in entering. 140-2. F) Of a basket or small object. yenawiLten, she put it in (a basket-cradle). 136-5. yetceibkas, he threw (into a basket). 288-7. yetcuwiLten, she put it in (a basket cradle). 289-17. yetcu wiL to, he slipped them (one into the other). 329-1. yetcuwimmeL, they put into (a storage basket). 200-5. 44 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. ye tcu win tan, he put in (his quiver) . 96-13. yekiLwis, he bored a hole. 197-3. Wa- seems to mean through, with verbs of cutting and burn ing. wa kin nil lit xo Ian, they were burned through. 119-3. wa kin nin tats, he cut through. wa kin nin seL xo Ian, was heated through he saw. 329-16. Compare, wun dim mil, going through. 144-3. wun dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2. yu wun dim mil lei, went through. 211-5. Wa- is employed with verbs of handing or giving something to a man or animal. wai e xus sei, he threw at her. 333-1. wai iL tuw, he always gave. 136-12. waimmil, he always distributes them. 195-8. miL wa ya kin dil lai, they traded with them, "with they handed each other." 200-4. nu wa me neL tewit te, I will loan you. 356-6. miwananelate, I will loan you. 356-7. nu wa nel la te, I will give it to you. 353-7. hwni wa met, tcwit te, lend me. 296-11. Im u wa miL tcwit, loan me. 326-7. hw;u wun tuw, hand me. 278-7. xowaiLda, she handed her. 181-13. xo wain tan, he gave him. 211-1. xdwayaintan, they gave him. 144-14. xo wa ya tel lai, they gave them. 198-8. xo wa me neL tcwit te, I will loan him. 356-17. xo wa tcil lai, he gave away. 103-7. xo wa tcm xan, to her she gave. 246-12. xwaiLkit, she gave him to eat. 98-11. xwayaiLldt, they gave him. 110-5. xwayakiLkit, she fed them. 192-11. do hum wun nu wit lai he, don t to me bring them. 230-13. kyuwanaiLtmc, he who gives back. 241-4. Le- has the general meaning of the converging or nearness of objects. It has the special meaning of building a fire from the VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 4f> placing together of sticks. It is also employed of completing a circle or a circuit in traveling. A) Of things brought together and of people meeting. ya Le da a din, the corner. 286-1 . LC il loi , he ties together. 334-12. Le in nauw, they came together. 305-2. Leyakixolau, he gathered the people. 151-7. Le ye tcu win yeuw, he jammed in. 143-10. LC na is loi, he tied together. 210-5. Le na ya kyu wil lau, they have gathered up. 171-12. Le nal ditc tcwifi xolan din. it had grown together place. 281-15. LenaneLno, he placed on end (in a circle). 235-12. LC na de eL, were joined. 347-4. Le na kil la ne, gather together. 192-8. Le na kil du hwot, it grew back on. 164-1. LeneLte, let us meet. 174-3. Le nu wil nes, met together. 215-6. Lenulditctcwennexo liiii, it had grown together. 113-8. LenunduwaL, it shut. 108-16. Compare, Le du wil lu, he had killed several. 165-16. LedeeLta, in a corner. 270-5. Lekixola, gather people. 151-5. Le kin niL yets te, to tie together. 151-10. Linyate, they will come together. 295-1. B) In the special sense of building a fire. Lenaiyundillate, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. Lenailluir, she started a fire. 153-1. Le nauir dil la, I have a fire. 351-6, 355-14. Le na wil la, a fire. 170-9. Le na luw, he built a fire. 235-14. Le na nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10. Le na nil la xo Ian, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. Lena nil late, you will build a fire. 356-4. Le na nil la te, he will build a fire. 258-2. do Le na nel la, I do not build a fire. 355-14. c) Of completing a circuit. Lenaindiyai, he completed the circuit. 220-8. 46 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. Lenaindiyate sillen, he got nearly around. 220-6. Lenaitdauw?, he used to make the rounds. 336-7. LenaniLten, he took it all the way around. 293-10. Le na nin deL ei, they went clear around. 102-1. Me- seems to have the meaning of position at ; or motion to, against, or along the surface of something. A) Of climbing a steep kill or a tree. meisLadei, he ran up. 217-16. menaisdiyai, he climbed. 103-12. me na ya is deL, they started back. 208-16. me sit te deL, they went along up. 198-13. me sit te deL, they moved up. 216-15. B) Of landing, coming against the shore or a fixed point. menanillai, they landed. 215-11. menemen, he landed him. 162-9. menillayei, they landed. 216-13. me na nil la yei, they arrived. 116-8. me nun di yai, years, said of the sun s arrival at a certain point in its yearly journey up and down the moun tain ridges. 145-7. ml nil la yei, the waves came ashore. 362-4. minyai, it was nearly time. 286-6. c) Of sticking or tying, or of being stuck or tied, against a surface. me il loi, he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. me it tan, he stuck to it. 202-3. me win tan ne, he stuck to it. 202-7. mil loi ne, you must feather. 207-4 (arrows). D) Of bringing something to, or pushing it against a surface. me WIL waL, he beat on. 315-1. me na niL tcwit, he pushed it. 106-13, 163-16. me niL tcwit, he pushed it. 106-2. me niL tcwit, he put aside. 234-8. me xo niL tcwit, something pushed him. 109-13. me du WIL a, she put the ends in the fire. 242-11. miL tcwit, push it. 105-18. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 47 E) Of bringing steam or heat against something to be cooked. mewitdilnate, we will steam it. 241-11. menawiLnaei, he steamed them. 342-12. What seems to be the same prefix used in a figurative sense appears in the following. A) Of speaking and singing. meyaduwil wauu-, they began to talk about it. 265-1. me ya kyu wiL tel, they sang. 234-1. menakyu wiLtu, they sang again. 238-15. medilwauw;, they talked about. 340-5. me dil wauw ta, they talked about places. 340-12. me kyu wiL tel, singing. 235-4. me kyu WIL tu, he sang. 234-6. B) Of watching. me luw, watching. 204-6. me luir x, he watched it. 205-2. me \uw te, I am going to watch it. 292-9. me nai luw te, I will watch them. 258-10. me nauw \uw te, I will watch. 267-17. mutt 1 luw te, I will watch. 218-3. c) Of finishing. meneLxe, I finish. 260-15. me neL xe teL, I am finishing. 260-4. meniLxe, he finished it. 296-8. D) Of desiring. me du win tcwen, he was hungry for. 99-1. me duw tcwiii, I want. 254-12. do me duw tcwiii, I don t want. 253-5. Unclassified. me nai yi yauw, they eat it down. 356-13. me nai yl yauu 1 e xo Ian, it will be eaten down. 356-11. me na iL kya, she wore for a dress. 332-10. me na tcwil HL te, it will settle. 117-11. Me- appears with much the same meaning as ye-, except that it usually refers to position in something, while ye- is employed of motion into. me nin sis deL, in it they danced. 216-5. menonillai, in she took. 307-2. 48 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. menonifian, he put inside. 328-13. me sa M, was in it. 243-15. me sit dit tetc, in we would be lying. 190-4. me sit tin te, in they lie. 307-11. me sit tun, was in it. 243-9. metsisyen, who stands in. 195-11. metsistetc, they lie in. 306-8. me tee ya niL to, they skinned him. 328-5. domesaun, (nothing) was in it. 243-9. Na- is used of indefinite motion over the surface of the ground or water; and of position on the earth s surface. The primary meaning may be horizontal. A) Of motion over the surface of the ground. naaa, he always has (said to mean he always carries it). 257-4. na I ya, she used to go. 135-2. naiLits, it is running around. 294-4. na iL te Q x, she carried it. 290-6. na in nel le xo Ian, he played, he saw. 186-1. na in deL, they went. 266-9. naisits, she ran different places. 185-6. na is ya, he walked around. 157-9. na is ya te, he goes. 307-13. na is deL, they had traveled. 181-15. na is diL Lat, she ran. 185-6. na is te, he carried it around. 282-4. naistsii, he rolled about. 119-4. na it dil, who go around. 305-9. na ya wit dil, they went along. 172-1. nawaye, he goes around. 231-9. na wa ne djox, while walking. 276-1. na we nel le xo lun, he had been playing. 292-13. na na is ya e xo Ian, she could walk. 276-11. nanaLits, it running around. 295-10. na na kis le, he felt around. 106-5. nahwa, I will walk. 164-6. na xo teL tcwo ig, he swept. 210-12. na xo tes an, they ran around. 341-4. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 49 na xus din na tsu, moving she heard. 191-12. nasete, I will go. 137-14,139-10. nasinyate, you will travel. 356-2. nas its ei, it ran around. 294-3. nas ya yei, it commenced to walk. 136-9. nas deL, they began to walk. 180-16. nasdukqot, it tumbled about. 136-4. nasqol, it crawled around. 294-1. na diL te, they will travel. 107-7. nateLditdauw, he ran. 100-13. nateLten, he took it along. 282-3. na tse, rolling around. 157-4. natciLtsiL, moving as he sat. 171-6. na ka xas dan na tsu, someone moving. 165-18. na kis deL, they came around. 200-2. na kis qot, he pushed a stick. 145-12. nakisqotte, he is going to poke. 192-9. donawa, (nobody) going about. 166-2. donahjrai, I have never been. 336-11. do nas do, they won t dodge. 258-13. B) Of horizontal motion on or under the surface of water. na a xa, fills it, floats on its surface. 310-8. naaxaei, fills it. 311-5. nai me, I swim in. 311-11. naismennei, he made it swim. 266-1. naiiii me, let me swim. 97-15. nawimme, he swam. 209-13. nala, floating. 243-8. na lane en, floating used to be. 243-12. na lat dei, it was floating. 243-17. nanalatdei, it was floating. 244-9. c) With the meaning of living, derived from the preced ing (a and b). nai ya din, I live place. 231-5. na wa, were there. 209-3. na wa x, stayed. 166-14. na win ya yei din, he had lived time. 336-7. nalu, which live (said of fish). 100-7. 50 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. na nai ya te, I am going to live. 218-2. na nan dil HL te. they will live. 343-13. nanasinyate, you will be. 353-8. nanasdeLte, they will be. 228-2. nanibne, how must they live. 317-1. nasdeLte, they will stay. 253-4. nadil, were living (in water, said of fish). 100-7. na dil le, they are. 211-13. nadiL, they living. 321-3. na diL ne en, that used to live. 204-15. donawate, will not live. 257-11. D) Of marking, cutting, or rubbing the surface of the body. na iuw LU, I paint. 247-12. nai deL do, he cut him. 164-3. na ya de it till, they used to drag their feet. 207-3. nanaiuwme, I bathe it. 247-1. nanaime, I bathe. 311-8. nanaimmeei, who always bathed. 311-8. naneLwaL, he struck. 163-17. na niL deL, he struck. 120-4. nanibkis, he cut him. 164-1. naxowiLme, he bathed him. 187-12. nadeLii, she marked across. 311-13. nadeLwaL, he put it (on him as paint). 114-5. E) Of a position of rest, lying or sitting on the ground. nawilyeuw, he rested. 119-14. nanesindai, you sat down. 351-1. nanesdai, she sat down. 136-2. na nu win tu hw;iL ne, you must lie. 343-12. nasaunte, will lie. 226-9. na del tse, they stayed. 102-3. nadeLtse, are living. 217-8. na tcil yeuw sa an diil, resting place. 363-3. na tcil yeuw din, resting place. 347-3. xo tcin na sil lai, she was dressed in, "on her they lay." 164-9. do nauw ai, I do not wear. 247-15. do na sil kas, was left. 192-16. VOL. 31 Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 51 p) Of trees and other objects standing upright from the sur face of the ground. In this case na is followed by a syllable beginning with d. na na du wa al, rose up. 103-13. na na du win a, stands. 364-14. na na du win eL, they stuck up. 106-14. na da a, stood. 150-8. na da ai, stands in the river. 244-12. na da ai, standing. 100-8. na du win a, it stood up. 158-6. na du win a, smoke came out. 197-5. na du win a ei, stand up. 243-6. ua du win a te, it will stick up. 204-2. na du wiii eL, they stuck up. 106-3. Na-, or, nana- expresses motion downward or toward the earth. The second na may be the iterative particle, since what ever or whoever comes down must previously have gone up. na e I ya, it used to rain. 229-2. nailiuw, (tears) dropping. 337-14. na il tsit, falls. 275-3. na il tsit te e il lu, would drop. 104-11. na in xut, dropped down. 115-14. na is xut, he tore down. 104-8. na 61 iuw, drops first. 115-12. na ya is xut, they tore down. 267-8. naweslenei, it falls. 104-1. nawintau, it will settle down. 273-7. na wit xus iL, he is falling. 152-5. nal iuu; te, will drop. 115-13. nal tsit, fell down. 145-2. naneedauw, (sun) goes down. 364-4. nanaitdauw, (sun) gone down. 104-10. na nauir daL din, gone down time. 322-9. na na ya wil lai, they turned down (their heads). 139-1. na na wiL kyos, he took it down. 204-4. nana win an, he had taken down. 176-10. na na win un xo lufi, he had taken down. 176-17. na na win tan, he took down. 97-16. 52 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. na na wit yai, he came down. 138-15, 174-9. nanawitxuts, he flew back down. 114-2. na nal de imv, dripping off. 337-5. na nal dit tsit din, where it fell. 96-4. na naL tsis, it hung. 207-9. nanadiL, come down. 166-7. na na tuL din, stepping down place. 207-2. nanatyai, (sun) had gone down. 202-9. nafiya, it rains. 229-3. nan deL, it snowed. 169-2. na x5 wil tsit xo Kin, fell. 306-15. na dit te meL, fell. 245-11. Na- is used of motion or position horizontally, as a line stretched, or of crossing a stream. A) Of crossing a stream. nai ya xon nil la yei, they took them (across). 179-11. na na in di yai, he came across. 103-11. nanaisyayei, he went back over. 117-6. na na ya nin deL, they arrived (on the other side). 172-2. na na nin deL, they went over. 267-6. na nin yai, he crossed. 119-17, 322-10. naninyayei, she crossed over. 135-6. na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4. B) Of horizontal position. naL tsis, hanging. 204-12. nanaei, hangs there. 295-3. na naL tsis, it hung. 207-9. na na kin nu wiL a, he made a ridge. 104-3. nanuwesa, run across. 363-14. nanuwilxut, hanging for a door. 171-1. nanuwindik, they lined up. 216-17. Na- is used in verbs of derived meaning which do not reveal with which of the above they are connected. A) Intransitive. na ya is dil le nei, they became. 166-13. nas dil lin te, that was to be. 283-6. nadille, they are. 211-13. na dil le ne, you may become. 166-12. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 53 na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12. na dil lete neon, which was going to happen. 117-5. na dil hi, will be. 243-2. na teL ditc tcwen, he grew. 96-1. na teL ditc tcwin xo lun, they had grown. 119-10. natleliLte, will become. 312-4. nakyuwinxa, grows. 364-11. do na xos dil le te, will be no more. 228-4. do nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5. B) Transitive. naixoiiLtcweei, they made him. 196-6. na is tcwen, he made. 110-12. na is tcwen nei, that grew. 287-7. na is tcwin teL, who will make. 321-11. nai ke yun te, they will grow. 296-4. nauw tcwe, I am going to make. 301-1. na yai xoi iL tcwe, they make him. 196-3. naya is tcwen, they made. 284-1. naseL tcwen, I made. 296-2. naseL tcwin, I make. 302-11. na seL tcwin te, I will make it. 257-14. No- is employed of the cessation of motion, as in placing something in a position of rest, of reaching the end or limit of something, or of completing a task. A) Of coming to, or bringing something to position of rest. no a din niii xan, she placed herself. 223-9. no a din xauw, lay yourself down. 223-9. noillfw, she put. 157-11. no il La, he came running. 360-8. no in namtf. she stopped. 158-5. noixweiLLii, they throw down. 195-11. noi du win taL xo lun, he had made a track (he had placed down his foot). 292-5. noyanindeL, they sat down. 280-5. no ya xon niL ten, they left him. 169-7. noyatemeL, they dropped them along. 179-11. no wit tiitt 1 wiL te, one shall always be left. 289-12. no na iuw XSLUW , I leave it. 247-3. 54 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. no nai ya du wit tal, he stepped. 207-10. no na IL kyos, she put away. 333-7. no na it tse, she always shut the door. 158-1. nonauwauw, I never leave. 248-1. nofi auw ne, you must put it down. 210-7. no na ya kin nin an, they left food. 110-9. no na wiL dits tse, had a door shut. 97-2. nonamLten, he put it. 221-11. nonaneuii, I will leave it. 296-5. no na nin an, he placed. 117-8. nonanindeL, they lived. 237-1. no na nin deL xo Ian, they had sat down he saw. 271-12. no na nin tse, he shut a door. 96-9. no na XOL tmt> , he had her laid. 342-8. no na du win taL, he stepped away. 223-11. no na ta ml hit, when she turned. 245-10. no na kin auw ne, you must leave. 353-10. no na kin nib Ids, he put his hand. 221-4. no na kin nin un te, one should leave. 215-8. no na kin nin un te, you will leave. 351-13. no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1. nonexunte, I will put. 289-2. no nil lai, he put. 98-2. no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13. noniLtindin, he put it place. 266-9, 294-10. nonibkait, he pushed them. 139-13. nonibkas, he threw. 185-8. no nib kyos, he put it. 208-10. no nin an, he established it. 273-3. noninut, he threw it. 112-3. no nin xan, she put it. 242-7, 287-7. no nin xun te, who will set. 290-12. no nin xuts, he dropped. 362-9. no nin tan, he put. 210-16. nondlyan, was left. 118-11. nonundiyate, in one place they will stay. 259-17. no nun dim mil, rope fell back. 151-18. nofi yai, it went down. 348-3. VOL. 31 Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 55 noii xaim 1 ne, put it. 296-14. lion de mil, it fell. 143-8. non de qot ei, it stopped. 287-2. no du win tar, xo Ian, it had made a track he saw. 185-12. no ke iuw qot, I always set up. 247-4. nokinnintan, he set the wedge. 108-11. B) Of liquids or gases spread over a surface. noiihkit, (fog) spread out. 321-7. noi wiL kil HL te, it will be foggy. 230-6. noiniLkit, (smoke) hangs. 337-11. noi nil, kit, (smoke) is everywhere. 241-8. noi niL kit ne wan, like fog it appeared. 210-10. nowillin, it was covered (with blood). 115-16. nonainiLkit, (smoke) settled. 96-3. no hit-e deuw hwen nei, darkness came. 300-15. no to x, water staid. 324-3. Compare, no kin nin you?, (dentalia) scattered about. 145-3. c) Of arriving at a limit, of finishing something. noil La, he came running. 360-8. no IL xuts, he chewed off. 288-5. noi niii yan ne, that far they ate. 347-17. no in nauw, she stopped. 158-5. no it to, the water comes. 310-7. noi kl yoit- din, as far as it goes. 311-6. no win na hwiL te, (thus far) he will go. 230-1. no na il luw, she left off. 332-10. no na in duk qot, he reached by jumping. 329-18. no na wit fats, it is cut down. 144-17. no nan dit dje u, they got back. 301-15. no na xon niL tin ne en, he caught up with him. 176-11. no na xon tsu, they had finished filling the grave. 175-15. no nil lit hit, when he had finished sweating. 210-8. no niii uii hit, when he finished. 234-7. no nin nas, he whittled it down. 197-3. no nun de xen, they floated to shore. 216-6. no nun dil lat, it floated back. 245-13. non dik kil lei, that far he split it. 210-2. 56 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. no xo auw hwil, they kept arriving. 208-1. noxoninufi, they fell in with them. 179-5. no xiuc, floats ashore. 346-5. no din nil tcwan, they finished supper. 141-4. no te duk kait, people began to starve. 191-11. no te duk kai teL, they were about to starve. 191-18. no kiL dje xa in nauw, she quit fighting. 333-6. no kin nin yan, he finished. 209-12. nokyuwiltaL, final dancing place. 105-6. Xa- has the general meaning of up. It is found employed of movement up a hillside when the speaker s standpoint is at the top of the hill, the digging of objects out of the ground, and motion out of the top of receptacles or of houses. A) Of motion up along the surface of the ground. xaisyai, he came up. 105-1, 294-7. xa is ya din, he got up place. 272-2. xa is lai, she brought up. 98-16. xaisxufihit, when she had brought up. 99-9. xa is ten, she brought up. 99-2. xa ya Ids wen, they carried it up. 164-5. xa na is los, she dragged it up. 190-2. xa na is di yai, he came back up. 100-2. xa na is di ya hit, when he came up. 210-12. xa na is di ya de, if she comes up. 111-6. xa na is diL Lat, she ran up. 135-13. xa sin name din, where the sun rises. 332-5. xa sin deL difi, coming up place. 363-3. xakiswen, he had carried it (up a tree). 166-4. B) Of digging things from the ground, or of their emergence from the surface of the ground or water. xai un te, I will take one out. 135-5. xauw? auw;, I am going to take it out. 135-7. xa wa auw h/dL te, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1. xa wil lai, she dug it out. 242-5. xa win an, he took out. 100-10. xa na ya wit tcwal, they dug up along. 181-7. xa na WIL ten, he dug it out. 221-10. xa na xo iL tuw, she kept lifting him out. 223-15. VOL. 31 Godda.rd. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 57 xanaxonan, they came up again (from the grave). 360-10. xanxenne, he came up (after diving). 210-9. xa xo wil waL, dug-f rom-the-ground. 138-9. xatemas, rolled out of the ground. 270-5. xakehire, (she commenced) to dig. 135-2. xa kin de miit, it boiled up. 105-3. xakyuwitc tee lii-te, from the ground the wind will blowout. 272-10. c) Of motion out of the top of a house or a receptacle. xa wes a, he peeped out. 176-9. xawitqot, he jumped (out of the smoke-hole). 329-13. xa kin its, (she saw) it shoot up (out of the smoke-hole). 158-7. D) Of growing up from the ground, or of standing in it as a plant. xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14. xalaxolun, had grown up. 121-11. xal tcwin xo Ian, growing up he saw. 319-8. xa na kyu xol da a, grown over with grass. 165-16. xan dik, standing. 276-10. Xee- in the sense of "away from," as in blowing and pushing. xe e IL yol, he blows away. 296-15. xe e ya xo wit meL, they had thrown away part of them selves. 181-9. xeewiLwaL, she threw away. 189-11. xe e win qotc ei tsu, he heard him lope away. 175-8. xe e na iL kis, she pushed it away. 185-3. xe e na wil Lat, he ran away again. 176-16. xe e na kiL waL, he threw her away. 308-9. xeeduwaLei, it disappears over the hill. 208-17. Xot da-, with the general meaning of down, expresses motion down a hill or stream. xotdaiLkas, he threw down. 138-8. xot da wil lai, they came down. 215-13. xotdawifiyai, he went. 272-3. xotdawiiiyayei, she went down. 99-8. An. ARCH. ETH. 3. 5. 58 University of California Publications. [ AM - AKCH. ETH. xot da na we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-6. xot da na wil lai, they started by boat. 116-8. xot da na wit xuts, he fell back. 152-3. xot da na kyu we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-5. xot dan yai, it went down. 281-1. xot dan xen, they floated down. 21 6-5. xot dan tee, blows (down). 227-3. xot da ke I yauw, they came down the hill. 310-6. xot dan kyu wes tee, blows (down). 227-7. xotdatkait, they came down. 158-14. Xot de- is used of one person s meeting another on the trail where the movement of only one of the persons is of interest at the moment. Le- is employed when one wishes to say they came toward each other. The first part of the prefix, xo-, seems to be the third person of the pronoun, used as an indirect object. Compare, nit de sin nau^ un, didn t she meet you? 165-2. xot de is yai, he met him. 105-14. xot de ya is deL, they met them. 110-8. Sa- is employed of motion into the mouth, as in eating, drinking or biting. sauw titc din, let me put in my mouth place. 198-10 and note. sa wil lai, he put in his mouth. 119-6, 276-10. sa win xan, he put it into her mouth. 278-10. sahtwlluw, put (me) in your mouth. 276-8. mis sai xun te, I will put in its mouth. 243-16. mis sa win xun te, in his mouth she will put. 243-10. mis sun xauw ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14. hwis sa kin its, my mouth shoot in. 118-13. xo sa win xan, her mouth he put in. 342-7. xo sa kin its, in his mouth he shot. 118-14. kis sa win ya te, he will go into somebody s mouth. 257-5. Da- refers to a bank, bench, shelf, or something higher than the ground, on which the person or object is at rest or comes to rest. A) Of a person sitting on something above the surface of the ground. dayawinai, he was sitting. 360-6. da ya win a ye, someone sitting. 337-2. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 59 dayawesa, he sat down. 138-3. dayanawesa, sat there. 144-11. da ya na win ai, sitting. 162-2. da ne se da te, I will go fishing. 256-8. da nin sa, sit. 107-12. dauonindeL, they sat. 179-2. da no te deL te, everybody will fish. 256-9. da tee it da, he always fished. 237-1. da tcin nes dai, he sat. 107-12. dateinnesdai, she fished. 98-14. B) Of persons or animals stepping, jumping, lighting or lying on something higher than the ground. dauii xus, fly (on to a tree). 114-2. dawilLat, it jumped on. 113-14. da wil ton ei, it jumped. 115-9. da nat xiits tse, it lit on. 204-8. da no du win taL, he stepped. 120-3. da xo 6 auff , they jumped. 195-9. daxonannei, they jumped. 347-18. da tee e xus, used to light. 150-9. da tcu wil ton, he jumped. 109-14. da tcu win xuts, he flew up there. 114-1. c) Of objects resting or being placed on something higher than the ground. da e iiur tuir, I put. 247-7. daeiLte, were on a stick. 186-11. da na wil lai, she put it. 308-2. da na win tan, he put it down. 97-13. da nal iuir din, it dropped place. 338-4. danaxoLten, he put him. 108-1. da na deL waL, he poured it. 281-17. dasiLten, lying on something. 186-4. da sit tan, sitting there. 246-10. da sit ten, it was lying. 114-16. da sit tun, it sits. 246-9. da tcu win an, he placed it. 210-6. da tcu win en, he put fire on. 119-15. 60 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. Era. D) Of a fixed position in a body of water or on its surface. daillel, it always swam (in one place). 266-6. daweslal, it stayed still. 245-1, 314-10. da wes lei, it swam around in one place. 266-5. da wes dil, they waited. 252-7. da wil la le, it was floating. 244-6. da wit dil, live (said of fish). 365-8. da wit diL ne en, they used to live (said of fish). 259-4. da na wil laL, it was floating there. 325-3. danatlale, it floated. 243-13. Unclassified. da e iuw kel, I held under. 337-14. da yi kin yan e xo luri, mouse has chewed up. 153-15. da win san sil len, he was weak. 346-6. da nai ke xon tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6. dakinyunte, to chew off. 151-9. dakyuwestce, the wind blew on it. 348-3. da kyu win xa ei, (a plant) stood. 242-3. Dad-, with various meanings, a common significance being unknown. A) Of the removing or taking away of persons or objects. da na du wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4. da du wil ten, he has been carried off. 150-10. da tee xo diL ten, she has taken him away. 159-5. da tcit du wiL kyos, he has taken away. 207-11. B) Of running. da na x5 du win an, they ran back. 181-6. da din La, run. 176-6. da tcit du wil Lat, he ran. 164-2. da tcit du win Lat, he started to run. 176-11. c) Of placing things at right angles to each other, or of point ing at something. da na diL a, shoot. 329-11. da na du WIL a, he set another on it. 197-4. da na du wiL a, he shot. 329-12. da na du win a ei, it stood up. 203-10. da na du wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4. da du wes a te ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to it. 271-10. VOL. 31 Goddard. Morphology of the llupa Language. (51 D) Of the blowing of the wind. danakit du wittceii, te, the wind blew gently. 273-1. da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6. da kit du wes tee, the wind blew. 324-4. Ded- is employed of motion toward or of position in fire. The second syllable, which is completed according to the sound which follows it, may be separated from the first syllable. denadeiutr mil, I put (in the fire). 247-9. de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. de na du win (in te, he will put in the fire. 258-2. dexotdiLwaL, he threw him in the fire. 120-8. de de IL kas, he threw into the fire. 238-13. de de ira mil, he pushed them into the fire. 165-6. de du au hzriL de, if they put it in the fire. 273-1. deduwillai, he put on the fire. 266-11. de du wil la te, he will put in the fire 255-15. de du wim meL, he threw in the tire. 165-10. deduwinan, he put in incense. 266-16. dediiwintan, he put them in. 150-4. dedujrtun, (let) me put them in the fire. 150-4. dekidil litcte, to urinate on the fires. 151-10. Du- occurs in a few verbs with the meaning of off, from off. du win xuts, it came off. 157-7. tcit du wil Lat, he jumped off. 107-11. tcit du WIL waL ei, she knocked off. 159-11. tcitduwiLtseL, he pounded it off. 281-16. tcit du wim mite, he pulled it off. 293-16,287-2. Dje- expresses the separation of a mass, as the splitting of wood. djewiLtseL, he pounded it (open). 108-11 djewiLkil, he tore away. 176-9. djewintan, spread open. 289-14. dje na WIL tuw, he opened it. 109-2. djenyai, it opened. 108-11. djetwaL, it opened. 281-17. Ta- is employed of motion toward and away from a body of water, with special regard to its surface. g2 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. A) Of motion away from and out of water. tayaishwal, they caught. 328-4. ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17. tanaisdiyai, he came out of it (the canoe) again. 314-6. ta na is tan, she took it out of the water. 325-4. ta na is ten nei, he had taken it out. 217-17. ta nauw tu hwiL te, I will take out. 267-18. tanaxoauw, they jumped out. 165-6. ta tcis wen, he carried it out. 120-10. ta kit den tee, the wind blows out the water. 365-12. B) Of motion toward, into, or over water. tawesa, will project (of a mountain). 255-2. ta nai kyu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5. tafieL, sticking out (roots of a tree). 341-15. c) Of the coming and going of boats. ta wil lai, it had started. 362-10. tawillayei, they went. 362-12. ta wiL kait, he started across. 315-1. tanxennei, (canoe) went away. 222-9. tadesla, (a boat) has come. 199-3. ta des lat, came. 105-2. ta des deL xo lufi, had come ashore. 101-2. D) Of drinking. tai win nun iL de, if he drinks water. 338-7. tai din nuii, let us drink water. 179-3. tauw? din nun te, I am going to have a drink. 111-13. ta win nan, he drank it. 337-7. ta nai win nun de, if he drinks. 337-16. ta nai win nun te, he will drink. 337-18. tan din nan, you drank. 337-12. Ta- is used with verbs meaning to desert, to leave a place permanently. tas ya hwufi, one ought to go away. 215-8. tasyai, have left. 271-2. tas ya ye xo lun, they had gone. 267-14. One word with a prefix ta- shows no connection in mean ing with either of the above classes, ta nai xos do wei, they cut him all to pieces 106-14, 108-2. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 63 Te-, unlike ta-, refers only to motion into water and under its surface. te IL ante hirei, in the water crawl. 311-7. tewautte, in water I will throw. 111-17. teweLqotcte, I will throw in (the water). 112-4. tewiltsit, sank (of boats). 153-17. te wiii eL, stand out. 283-14. te wit qot te sil len nei, in the water it seemed about to tumble. 286-13. te na wes a, into the water run out. 365-1. te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4. tenadeilya, in the water they stand. 310-4. te no du win taL, in the water they stepped. 120-3. te tcu wiii an, he put it in water. 157-8, 342-6. tetcuwintan, he put in the water. 101-14. te ke I yauic hirei, go in. 311-2. tekeitste, I will shoot in (water). 112-9. te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4. tekiLqotc, he threw it in. 112-6. te kin its, he shot it in. 112-10. Tsifi- means away from in expressions of fleeing. tsi yun te il dil, they always ran off. 333-11. tsi yun tes dil deL, we went (away from them). 200-1. tsin te tes dil deL, we ran away. 198-10. tsin tit dil diL, let us run away. 333-11. Tee- has the general meaning of "out of," and is employed of motion out of a house, or out of a small receptacle, but also of less definitely enclosed spaces, as brushy places or the bed of a stream. It is the correlative of ye-. A) Of motion out of a house. tee e auw;, he took out. 333-2. tee il qol e xo Ian, it had crawled out. 185-11. tee in Lat, she ran out. 185-5. tee in nauw; wei, she used to go out. 136-14. tee in diL min, them to come out for. 102-9. tee na in di yai, he went out. 153-11. tee na ya xon miL, throw them out. 302-3. tcenamiL, throw them out. 301-13. 64 University of California Publications. O M - ABCH. ETH. tee na mm meL, he had them thrown out. 301-14. tee na nin tan, he took out. 97-13. tceneyate, I will go out. 332-8. tee ne yai, I have gone out. 99-14. tceniLkait, he put out. 153-9. tee nin yai, he went out. 97-16. tceniiiyane, you must go out. 242-1. teen ya hwiL te, you will go. 356-8. tee te deL, they went out. 141-5. tee xo niL ten, they took him out. 278-4. tee kin nin yan, they came out. 98-2. B) Of motion out of a small receptacle. tceilluw, he used to take out (of a basket). 230-11. teenanillai, he drew out (from his throat). 119-2. tee na niL kait dei, he poked out (of a hollow stump). 174-9. tee na nin an, he took out (from an elder stick). 119-3. tee na xon niL ten, he took out (from a sack). 153-7. tcenillai, he pulled out (from his arm). 143-5. tee niL ten, he took out (from a hollow tree). 282-2. tee nin an, he took out (from a quiver). 119-15. tcenifiyos, he pulled out (from his quiver). 118-10. tee nin tan, he took out (from a quiver). 97-4, 329-10. c) Of motion into a more open space, as from the brush into a glade, or to the river shore. tee il Lat, he jumped out. 106-2. tee in nauw din, where he comes out. 195-3. tee in de git, they ran down. 153-16. tee min nin yot dei, he drove out a deer. 217-16. tcenauw, smoke coming out. 170-7. tee nail Lat, she came there. 135-9. tee na in di ya hit, when she went down (to the ocean). 325-8. tee na nin deL, they went back. 267-9. tee nin yai, she came down to the beach. 245-15. tee nin yai, (he came out (of the brush). 175-14. tee nin ya te ne en, he was going to come out. 162-12. tceninkutc, he threw out. 144-1. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 65 tee nifi kutc ei, he threw over the line. 143-15. tee toil ton, he jumped out. 163-16. D) Of motion out of the bed of a stream into the one into which it empties, or into the ocean. tceyafieL, (canons) ran out. 336-2. tceweslinte, will run out. 254-17. tee wil lin din, at the mouth of the creek. 175-10. tee niL men nei, he made it swim out. 265-10. E) Of pulling out a knot. tee IL to, he pulled out the knot. 332-12. tceniLtsit, he untied the strap. 106-2. Unclassified. tceniLtik, he pinched out. 143-14. tcenimmas, (fire) rolled out. 197-5. tcetexan, he took out. 111-5. Ke- seems to refer to motion or position against or along a vertical surface. A) Of motion against or along a vertical surface. keisyai, he climbed up. 137-17. keisyayei, she climbed up. 137-12. ke is Lat, she ran up. 158-8. kewinxuts, he fell over (perhaps against his load). 105-17. kemLtcwit, he lifted it up (against). 163-1. ke sin qotc ei, you climbed up the tree. 175-1. kes Lat del, he climbed up he saw. 174-7. B) Of position against a vertical surface. keyanineL, leaning up. 99-6. kenaneiLa, she leaned it Tip. 290-1. kenanina, leaning up. 99-5. ke ne IL a, she leaned it up. 290-9. ke nifi eL, leaning up. 235-9. c) Of cooking, probably leaning against something before the fire. ke ya wiL na, they cooked it. 266-10. ke WIL na, she cooked them. 99-9. kenawiLna, he cooked it. 260-6. kenawiLnadin, he cooked them place. 255-11. 66 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. PREFIXES OF PURSUIT. There are three prefixes which indicate the pursuit or search for a person or a thing, or, in a secondary sense, the attempt to do a thing. Wun- is used of looking for a thing the position of which is unknown, as in hunting game. It also means to attempt some thing by persistent effort. A) Of pursuing or seeking something. wun na is ya, they hunt. 319-3. wunnaisdeL, they started (to catch it). 101-17. wun nai diL xo sin xo Ian, hunting had been he saw. 140-11. wun na wa ne en, going after wood used to. 157-10. wunnadiLte, he will hunt. 311-14. B) Of persistent effort. wun na I ya, he worked on it. 226-2. wun na is ya, he started to make. 362-14. wun na is ya, he is trying to do. 116-15. wun na is ya xo lun, he had fixed. 170-10. wun no xon nil. tin te, he is going to get him to do. 141-13. c) Of shooting. wun noL kai, shoot. 144-14. wun no neL kai te, I will shoot. 144-16. D) Of animals feeding. wunnaxoilyu, come to eat it. 356-12. wun na xos yu, went to eat. 364-8. Na- is employed when there is a track to be followed. It is likely connected with the iterative particle na- again, since the meaning may be that of going over the trail again. naiLtsan, he found signs. 185-11. . naiLkitdei, he caught it. 152-6. nai XOL tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13. naya XOL tsan, he found them. 267-15. nayaxoteLxa, they tracked him. 170-3. na na ya xon nil, xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4. Xa- implies the going after with the intention of getting a thing one has never before possessed. xainitte, she looked for it. 243-4. xauwte, let me look for it. 104-16. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 67 xa ne it te, she looked for it. 306-13. xa na ten en, she looked for them. 300-14. xanetete, I am going to look for it. 336-10. xanuwinte, she looked for it, 111-3,293-9. xan te, look for it. 243-3. ADVERBIAL PREFIXES OF MANNER. Iteration. Na- expresses the undoing of anything or the retracing of one s steps, as well as the repeating of an act. It is often em ployed where in English the repetition is taken for granted, as in the customary acts of daily life eating, drinking, sleeping, etc. Sometimes the prefix requires d or t preceding the root (class iii, p. 35), and in other cases it is used without either. No corresponding difference of meaning has been discovered, but the verbs have been separately listed. A) With the meaning of undoing the thing which has been done, or of going back over the road traveled. ye na wil 16s, she dragged it in. 190-2. yenawiLmen, he made it swim in. 266-2. ye nan deL, they came back in. 301-16. yo xai na na Ids deL, to buy they came back. 200-7. me nai yl yauir, they eat it down. 356-13. me na ya is deL, they started back. 208-16. me na niL tcwit, he pushed it back. 163-1. me na nil la yei, they arrived. 116-8. na in deL, they got back. 181-8, 177-2. nai xonnuwiLhiron, it cured him. 121-13. nai diL, let us go home. 175-16. na yai xoi IL tcwo ig, they brush him together. 196-3. na na in dil, they came back. 182-6. nanaisyayei, he went back over. 117-6. na na in deL, they went over. 267-6. na no diL, go away. 266-15. nanufiya, go back. 187-6. nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5. na te in dil, they went home. 333-13. nateuwnniLte, I will look back from. 230-7. University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. na te los, she dragged back. 190-1. nates deL, they started back. 176-17, 329-18. na tin dam*;, you better go back. 329-3. na tin diL tsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5. na kyu we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4. xa na is 16s, she dragged it up. 190-2. xa na xon an, they came up again. 360-10. xe e na wil Lat, he ran away again. 176-16. da na xo du win an, they ran back. 181-6. da na du wil Lat, he ran back. 97-12. ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17. ta na is ten nei, he had taken it out. 217-17. tannaxoauw, they jumped out. 165-6. te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4. tee na ya xon miL, throw them out. 302-3. tcenamiL, throw them out. 301-13. tcenanillai, he drew out. 119-2. tee na nil kait dei, he poked out. 174-9. teenanimmeL, he had them thrown out. 301-14. teenaninan, he took out. 119-3. tee na nin deL, they went back. 267-9. tcenanintan, he took out. 97-13. tee na xon neL tin, I brought it down. 273-7. tee na xon niL ten, he took out. 153-7. kyu wa na iL tmo, he who gives back. 241-4. With d or t preceding the root. a na dit du wiL kan, he jumped out one side. 108-15. in ta na wit yai, he turned back. 102-12, 104-2. in ta na wit ya te, he would turn back. 187-4. yanatdjeu, they came back. 301-15. ye na it dauw/% he went back in. 288-6. ye na wit yai, he went in. 98-15. ye na wit ya hit, when he went in. 118-6. LC na kil du hw;6t, it grew back on. 164-1. LenunduwaL, it shut. 108-16. menaisdiyai, he climbed. 103-12. na at lu e xo Ian, it had gone back. 234-11. na il diL Lat, he came running back. 176-16. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 69 na ii. dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2. naiLditten, he brought it back. 283-4. naindiyai, he got back. 121-16,98-6. na in dik git, they came back. 299-9. nautrdlyai, I have come (back). 145-10. nawitdaL, he is coming back. 152-7. nawitdallit, when he came back. 116-4. na naindiyai, he came back across. 103-11. nanawitxuts, he flew back down. 114-2. na na it wur, he used to carry it back. 237-8. na ne it dauir, they used to come back. 137-1, 196-5. naneitgit, they came back. 299-12. na nit damr xo Km, he had come back. 267-7. na nd di ya, let it come back. 233-5. nas dil len ne, it had gone back. 234-7, 235-1. na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2. nateitdawr, she always went home. 237-6. na teL dit dame, she ran back. 157-6. nates diyai, he went back. 97-17, 104-3. natindiyane, go home. 337-18. nit tana wit yai, he turned back. 270-11. nonaitdjeu, they came back. 299-10. no nan dit dje u, they got back. 301-15. no nun dil lat, it got back. 246-2. no nun dim mil, it fell back. 151-18. nuldiLLat, he ran back. 115-16. nun di ya te, it will come back. 307-9. nun duk qotc tsu, he heard him lope back. 175-9. xa en nal dit do wei, it drew back. 105-9. xanaisdiyai, he came back up. 100-2. xa na is di ya hit, when he came back up. 210-12. xa na is di ya de, if she comes up. 111-6. xanaya wittcwal, they dug up along. 181-7. XOL me nun dil lat dei, with him it floated back. 315-6. xot da na wit xuts, he fell back. 152-3. da an na dil lau, he untied himself. 120-2. da na du wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4. do na in di yai, he did not come back. 306-2. 7() University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. do he in na na is diik ka, he did not get up. 112-15. tanaisdiyai, he came out of it again. 314-6. te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5. tee na in dl yai, he went out. 153-11, 102-13. tee na in di ya hit, when she went down. 325-8. B) With the meaning of again, indicating that the act has been done before, but not necessarily at a time immediately preceding. aL me na niL tcwit, with it she pushed herself. 1 35-11. anaidlyau, (we) do this. 361-9. a nai du win wat, he shook himself. 115-7. anauwlate, I was intending to do. 260-3. a na nu we sin te te, you will look. 357-5. a na hwiL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18. anaxowillau, ready for a fight. 162-10. anadisloi, he girded himself. 221-5. anadistcwen, he made himself . 101-14. anitditfen, we did. 217-7. anatcillau, he did. 106-8. a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12. anatcillate, he will do. 258-4. a na kin nit te, it grows. 356-10. a da na win ate, for himself he will get. 338-9. yanaiskil, he split it. 142-3,210-2. ya nauw tuir/, I will pick up. 286-9. ya na wil lai, she picked it up. 307-6. yana win ai, she sat down. 136-6. ya na win a ye, he sitting down. 120-5. yana wiri en, he carried. 172-1. yana win tan, he picked it up. 112-11,341-13. ya na tuk kai tcis tcwen, he made come between. 144-2. ya na ke u wuw, he used to pack up. 237-7. yana kin en, he packed up. 238-3. ya na kyu WIL tsil KL te, they may split. 109-8. yenaidiL, let us go in. 210-13. ye na wil Lat, he came in. 329-9. yenawiLten, she put it in. 136-5. yenawiLkait, she landed. 135-12. VOL. 3] Qoddard. Morphology of the Hnpa Language. 71 ye nal Lat, ran in. 329-8. yenaxowiHo, dressed in. 328-8. yenaxoLwaL, he threw him. 106-13. ye nun dauir, come in. 98-17. yonaLtsisde, if he knows. 348-6. yo naL tsit te, he will know. 295-13. LC nai yun dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. Lenaillutr, she started the fire. 153-1. Lenaisloi, he tied together. 210-5. Le na ya kyu wil lau, they gathered up. 171-12. Lenawilla, afire. 170-9. Le na lur, he built a fire. 235-14. LenaneLno, he stood up. 235-12. Lena nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10. Lenanillaxolan, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. Lena nil late, you will build a fire. 356-4. Lena nil late, he will build a fire. 258-2. Le na niL ten, he took it all the way round. 282-10, 293-10. LenanindeL, they went clear round. 102-1. Le na kil la ne, gather together. 192-8. me nai lujc te, I will watch. 217-13. me na IL kya, she wore for a dress. 332-10. menaujrluirte, I will watch. 267-17. menawiLnaei, he steamed them. 342-12. me na nil lai, they landed. 215-11. menakisloi, he bound it up. 145-11. me na kyu WIL tu, they sang again. 238-15. mitdenakillai, he touched it. 176-12. na a ya dis tsel, they warmed themselves. 170-11. na iu?r loi hit, I tie them up. 247-11. nai xe neuic te, he will talk. 295-13. nai xoi IL tcwe ei, they make him. 196-6. nai XOL tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13. na is dau we a xo lun, it had melted away. 236-1. naistcwen, he made. 110-12. na is tcwin teL, he will make. 321-11. nai ke yun te, they will grow. 296-4. nautctcwe, I am going to make. 301-1. 72 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. na yai xoi ii, tcwe, they make him. 196-3. nayaistcwen, they made. 284-1. nayaneLen, they looked. 105-8. na ya nil luw ne en, which had been lost. 144-7. nayaxdLtsan, he found them. 267-15. na ya del tse, they lived as before. 172-5. na ya tes in fl x, she looked. 300-17. nawillit, he nearly burned. 330-1. na wil lit dei, he burned up. 120-8. nawillitte, will be burned. 151-5. na win Lit, she burned. 311-12. nawinkuts, he became cold. 330-4. na wit dil HL te, we will visit continually. 177-2. nal hwin te, will melt away. 273-6. naL yem0, rest. 280-5. na na iuw me, I bathe it. 247-1. nanaiyate, I am going to live. 218-2. nanaime, I bathed. 311-8. nanaimmeei, he always bathed. 311-8. nanaisyaexdlan, she could walk. 276-11. na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4. na na lat de, it was floating. 244-9. na naL its, running around. 295-10. nananya, studied again. 103-2. na nan dil HL te, they will live. 343-13. nanasinyate, you will be. 353-8. na nas deL te, they will live. 228-2. nanaduwaal, rose up. 103-13. nanaduwifia, it stands. 364-14. nanaduwifieL, they stuck up. 106-14. nanakinnuwiLa, he made a ridge. 104-3. nanakiswel, he arranged again. 106-7. nanakisle, he felt around. 106-5. na ne mtr lm/-6ii, he gets well. 196-4. na ne iL en, she looked at. 245-14. na ne wit dil in iL te, he will look at. 216-18. na neL en, he looked back at. 103-14. na neL in hit, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 73 na nu win htron te, it will be good weather. 273-5. na hir OL tsan, you see me. 230-5. na xoi kyu win an, he went to sleep. 121-9. naxouhre, he will call. 283-11. naxowestsan, he was found. 230-3. na xo wit, tun te, it will be wet. 273-6. na xo wiLtsaiei, it was dried up. 111-14. na xo WIL tsai ye, creeks would dry up. 111-12. na xon mil xu luir, they were getting ready. 116-4. na xo de il en, he watched him. 202-5. na XOL tun, let it get soft. 233-6. na xot du wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3. naseLte, we will visit. 174-2. naseLtcwen, I made. 296-2. naseLtcwin, I make. 302-11. na seL tcwin te, I am doing it again. 254-4. na del tcwan, eating. 321-6. na dil tcwiin, eating. 176-9. na du wil ye, they danced again. 215-13. na du wil tcwan, it was supper time. 141-1. na dutc in, let me watch. 259-14. natenen, he looked. 97-18. na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11. na ten in te, you will look. 356-5. nakinneLden, she made it blaze. 288-11. nakisLon, she made baskets. 189-5. na kit te it Loic, she always made baskets. 157-3. na kit te it dai ye, it bossoms again. 364-3. nakitteLon, she wove another round. 305-7. na kit te Lon, she began to make baskets again. 325-9. na kyu win yun te, you will eat. 356-3. nakyuwinxa, it grows. 364-11. naditteyai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17. no na iuw xaiuc , I will leave it. 247-3. no na il luir, she left off. 332-10. no na iL kyos, she put away. 333-7. no nai nil, kit, it settled. 96-3. nonaininan, he left. 355-10. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3. 6. 74 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. BTH. nonaittse, she always shut the door. 158-1. no nauw auto, I never leave. 248-1. no na ya kin nin an, they left food. 110-9. nonanaun, I might leave. 223-3. nonaniLten, he put it. 221-11. no na ne un, I will leave. 296-5. no na nin an, he placed. 117-8. no na nin deL, they lived. 237-1, 241-5. no na nin deL xo Ian, they had sat down he saw. 271-12. nonanintse, he shut a door. 96-9. nonaxontsu, they had finished fill the grave. 175-15. no na XOL tutc, he had her laid. 342-8. no na du win taL, he stepped away. 223-11. nonataunhit, when she turned. 245-10. no na kin auw ne, you must leave. 353-10. no na kin niL kis, he put his hand. 221-4. no na kin nin un te, one should leave. 215-8. no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1. nu wa na ne la te, I will loan you. 356-7. nun dil le ne, you may become. 108-3. xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9. xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14. xa na wiL ten, he dug it out. 221-10. xa na xo iL tuw, she kept lifting him out. 223-15. xa na ten en, she looked for them. 300-14. xa na kyu x51 da a, grown over with grass. 165-16. xax a na nu wis te te, it will be lighter. 357-6. xe e na iL kis, she pushed it away. 185-3. xeenawilLat, he ran away again. 176-16. xe e na kiL waL, he threw her away. 308-9. xoi na yal wil lil, they camped along. 181-6. xoi na xo wil yan, he came to his senses. 118-16. xoinalweL, he stayed over night. 121-16. xoinateLweL, they camped. 116-7. xofi a na du wil lau, he dressed himself. 139-14. xot da na wil lai, they started by boat. 116-8. sa nan den, they traveled. 116-6. sa nan din te, they were going away. 116-5. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 75 da nai wii. kil liL te, fog will stay. 273-2. da nai ke xon tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6. danawillai, she put it. 308-2. danawillai., it was floating there. 325-3. da na win tan, he put it down. 97-13. da na XOL ten, he put him. 108-1. danadeLwaL, he poured it. 281-17. danadoLa, he can shoot. 145-1. danaduwiLa, he set another on it. 197-4. danaduwiLa, he shot. 329-12. danadu win aei, it stood up. 203-10. danakinneutreL, crosswise I lay them. 247-5. dena deiu/r mil, I put. 247-9. de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. de na du win fin te, he will put in the fire. 258-2. do 6 na wes en ei, it could not be seen. 151-19. do Le na nel la, I do not build a fire. 355-14. do min na na lute, he never thought of . 341-5. do na iL tsan, she did not find again. 243-16. donaiLtsunde, they won t find again. 321-10. donais tcwiii, (nobody) could make. 322-8. do na ya JL tsis, they never saw. 191-5. da na du wiL a ei, he hit. 145-2. donayaxoLtsit, they did not know him. 166-15. do na ya XOL tsan nei, they did not see him. 152-6. do na lufu westsufi h<run, must not be seen again. 217-18. do na xo wes tsan, he was not longer seen. 226-5. do n a XOL tsun fl x xo lin, you won t see him any more. 306-6. donasilkas, was left. 192-16. do tco xo na wil Ian, (one of them) went away. 343-8. djenawiLtuir, he opened it. 109-2. ta nai kyu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5. tenawesa, into the water ran out. 365-1. tsim ma na xo win sen, the noise stopped. 238-14. tee na il lin xo Ian, used to run. 117-18. tee na il Lat, she came there. 135-9. ke na wiL na, he cooked it. 260-6. 76 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. ke na ne IL a, she leaned it up. 290-1. ke na nifi a, leaning up. 99-5. kin na is lai, he dreamed. 191-6. kinnam^laL, I dreamed. 191-8. With d or t preceding the root. B) With the meaning of again, indicating that the act has been done before, but not necessarily at a time immediately pre ceding. a nauw di yau, I did it. 282-5. anayadillau, they fixed themselves. 170-1. anadiyau, it did that. 244-11. a na dil lau, he made himself. 152-11. a na dil le, fix yourself. 170-1. a nun di yau, do that way. 275-1. yanaitxus, it kept flying up. 113-1. yanawitqot, he jumped. 329-15. ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. ye na wil de ton, she jumped in. 135-11. Le na in di yai, he completed the circuit. 220-8. Le na it dauw, he used to make the rounds. 336-7. Le nauu? dil la, I have a fire. 351-6. Le na de eL, they were jointed. 347-4. na ya is dil le nei, they became. 166-13. na ya nu wes dil lai, they took the bet. 142-17. na wit dil liL te, we will visit continually. 177-2. na na is dits tse, he turned around. 314-6. na na wit diL te, the people will live again. 236-3. na na kit de los, he had fixed the load. 162-10. na ne wes dil lai, he won. 211-6. na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12. na dil le te ne en, it was going to happen. 117-5. na dil lu, it will be. 243-2. na teL ditc tcwen, he grew. 96-1. na teL ditc tcwiii xo lufi, they had grown. 119-7. natleliLte, it will become. 312-4. no nai ya du wit tal, he stepped. 207-10. no na in duk qot, he reached by jumping. 329-18. no na wiL dits tse, he had a door shut. 97-2. VOL. 3] Qoddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 11 no na wit fats, it is cut down. 144-17. xaanaityau, he did that way. 255-9. xoi na se il de qol, on her it kept crawling. 185-2. da nat xuts tse, it lit on it. 204-8. da na kit dii wit tee ii. te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1. do na xos dil le te, it will be no more. 228-4. do nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5. dona ted en, she did not look around. 136-6. ta nai win nun de, 1 if he drinks. 337-16. tanai win nun te, 1 he will drink. 337-18. IDENTITY. Xa- is employed when it is wished to refer to any act previ ously described as being repeated by the same, or a different person. xa ai ya XOL in x, they did that with him. 211-5. xa a IL in te, that will be done. 203-8. xaainnu, he always did that. 139-9, 141-9. xa a it yau, she did that. 98-8. xa a it ya x5 Ian, the same he found he was. 346-7. xa auir dl ya te. what I am going to do. 202-8. xa a ya iL in Q x, they did that. 105-10. xa a wil ICL te, that way they will do. 242-17, 255-17. xa a win ne HL te, that will be done. 229-10. xaawinneLte, it will be that way. 259-18. xa a na it yau, he did that way. 255-9. xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9. xa a xo lau, he did the same thing. 278-12. xa a xoi il lu, always he did that. 237-9. xaaxolene, he should do that. 163-2. xa a XOL tcin ne, he was telling him that. 150-2. xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5. xa a di yau, it did that. 244-14. xaadlyau, the way he does. 337-17. xaadlyauei, it did that. 289-16. xaadiyateL, that way it will be. 341-16. xa a til teox, that strong. 294-3. 1 The third syllable, -win-, stands for -wit- because of the following n. 78 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH. ETH. xa a tin wes te, the same thing it always did. 325-11. xaatfinwintfe, she always did that. 136-14, 189-2. xa a tin te, that way will do it. 229-8. xaatcillau, the same thing he did. 211-1. xa a tcit yau, that he did. 280-12. xa a kiL in te, that way they will do. 211-15. xa a kyu wil leL te, he will do that. 211-18. xa ul le, do that. 165-19. xa dl ya te, it will do that. 254-10. do xa aim 1 ne xo xo liii, I won t do that. 230-15. do xa aim 1 en, I never do that. 109-4. do xa un dl yau, you don t do that. 343-13. DISTRIBUTION. Te- means either that the act took place here and there in space, or continuously over space; or that one person after an other did the act. This particle must be followed in the definite past, present, and future tenses by -s-. A) Of traveling, or carrying something. yateLkait, they went on (by boat). 159-14. ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10. ya tes yai, he went away. 360-4. natedeqot, he tumbled. 114-15. na xo tes an, they ran around. 341-4. nateindil, they go home. 333-13. na te it damr, she always went home. 237-6. natelos, she dragged it back. 190-1. natedillat, it floated up. 245-16. na teL men, he made it swim. 266-1. na teL dit dauir, he ran. 100-13, 157-6. na teL ten, he took along. 282-3. na tes deL, they started back. 329-18. na tes di yai, he went back. 97-17, 137-13. na tes dl ya yei, he arrived. 104-3. natindauw, you better go back. 329-3. na tin dl ya ne, go home. 337-18. na tin diL tsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5. niL te se ya te, I will go with you. 187-4. VOL. 31 Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 79 nittSdiL, come. 113-16. hiriLteLdauir, (I wish) would travel with me. 114-11. luriLtesinyate, with me you may go. 187-7. xoLyatesyai, with them he went. 208-15. xdLteslat, it floated with him. 315-2. xoLtesdeL, with him they went. 110-7. XOL tcit tes deL, they ran after them. 153-16. xoteeautf, which runs along. 363-14. do he min teL dauir, he did not run for it. 112-13. do tcit tes ya te sil len, he did not feel like going on. 281-3. teinnauM?, (dawn) comes. 310-7. te in nauur hfrei, they went along. 334-4. teindil, they flew along. 317-3. te it tuir, it always floated. te wiL autc htcil, it crawls. 311-4. teL ate, a pack-train came. 200-1, 20J-9. te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5. teseyai, I went away. 353-6. te se ya te, I am going away. 229-9. te se la te, I am going to take them. 253-15. tesoLtinte, you will take (my child). 222-7. tes la, he is drowning. 210-11. tes lat dei, it floated. 244-15, 245-8. tes deL ei, (all) flew away. 159-12. tes deL te, they will come. 252-3. tedeqot, it tumbled. 286-12. til lu, they came. 254-12. tinxaiifrne, you take along. 246-13. tsiyunte ildil, they always ran off. 333-11. tsifi te tes dil deL, we ran away. 198-10. tsintit dil diL, let us run away. 333-11. tee xo teL ten, he took him along. 210-15. tcintellai, they brought (deerskins). 230-15. tcit te il qol le xo Ian, it had crawled along he saw. 185-12. tcit te in nautr, he used to come along. 162-3. tcit te in nauw? xo Ian, he had traveled he saw. 186-8. tcit teindil, they traveled. 190-15. tcit te it tcwu, he always cried. 186-8. 80 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. tcit teL men, he made it swim. 265-9. tcit teL dauw, she ran up. 152-15. tcit teL ten, he took along. 152-9. tcit teL kait, he started in a boat. 104-6. tcit teL kyos, he took it along. 204-6. tcit teL qol, he crawled. 347-8. tcittesyai, he started. 96-10. tcittesyayei, she went. 98-13. tcit tes ya ye xo Ian, he had traveled he saw. 186-1. tcittesla, he is drowning. 210-11. tcit tes lai, they started by boat. 215-10. tcit tes xan, he took along. 342-2. tcit tes deL, they went. 170-15. tcit tes deL te, he was to travel with. 174-9. tcit tes tun de, if he takes along. 317-13. tcit tin diL, they are coming. 198-2. tcit tu win na hi0iL de, it will pass there. 272-8. kit te i yauw, they come to feed. 310-10. kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4. kit teL tits, he walked with (for a cane). 317-7, 152-12. kittiyauw, they came. 98-3. B) Of doing something as one travels along. ya xo teL xa, he tracked them. 267-15. yateittcwu, they cried along. 179-12. na ya xo teL xa, they tracked him. 170-3. tcit te it tcwu, he always cried. 186-8. tcit te we in il, he looked about as he went along. 317-4. tcit teL xa, he tracked it. 185-12. tco xot dit teL en, he watched along. 97-10. kitteeau, he sang along. 315-5. kit teL tsas, he whipped. 317-9. kittehtdl, he called along. 98-4. kit te SCL tsas te, I will whip (as I walk). 317-8. kyateLtcwe, she heard cry. 135-9. kya teL tcwu we tsu, cry he heard. 204-9,281-11. kya tu wil tcwel, he heard crying along. 135-10. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 81 c) Of actions which by their nature require repeated move ments, or considerable duration for their accomplishment. yateLwis, they were afraid (they dodged). 179-10. ylkitteits, he can shoot. 144-12. nainteLdik, he pecked. 113-14. na xo teL tcwo ig, he swept. 210-12. naxotesan, they ran around. 341-4. na te wits tse, the door was open. 1 18-5. natedittseyei, he opened it. 100-10. natetse, he opened the door. 118-2, 158-9. natetseyei, he opened the door. 97-10. na kit te it Loir , she always made baskets. 157-3. na kit te Lon, she wove another round. 305-7, 325-9. nit te sil lal le, you would go to sleep. 203-1. XOL xut tes nan, it moved in her. 341-3. XOL xut tes nun te, it would move in her. 341-2. XOL xut tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move used to be. 342-4. XOL te il lit, he smoked himself, xo dit teL xuts, she felt it bite. 111-2. do a du wun tel wis he, don t be frightened. 356-2. do nit dje tel tsit ne, don t get excited. 170-18. do he te il lit, it would not burn. 166-9. do he tel lit, it would not burn. 363-1. tese tcwit te, I am going to measure it. 116-12. tesujrin, I am going to look. 171-2. te duk kait dei, they were sliding together. 294-16. tcexoteLwaL, he pulled him. 106-17. tcitteyos, she stretched. 158-13. tcit teL LU, he rubbed it. 278-10. tcitteLtaL, dancing. 362-4. tcitteslai, he drew a bow. 144-15. tcit te te w^en, she waved fire. 242-12. tcit te te lai, she rubbed. 307-3. tcit te te tcwit, he completed the measure. 226-4. tcit te tcit, he almost died. 111-16. tcit te tcwit, he measured it. 116-13. kit te it Loir , one who always made baskets. 324-5. 82 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. kitteyow, water flowed out. 100-11. kit te sin kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12. kit te tel lai, he rubbed. 347-14. kittiyotr, she made it flow. 158-12. kit tuw hwaL, I hook. 107-5. kit tuk kutc te, shinny will be played. 210-14. D) Of a process requiring considerable time. a til teox teL tcwen, he is growing strong. 294-17. yateLtcwen, they grew. 265-1. na teL ditc tcwen, he grew. 96-1. na teL ditc tcwen ne dun, she grew time. 325-6. na teL ditc tcwifi xo lun, they had grown. 119-10. XOL teL tcwen, it grew with him. 137-18. do he teL tcwen, it had not grown. 96-7. te il tcwen ne dun, the time when it grew. 275-2. te le ne xo Ian, it had become. 187-5. teL tcwen, it grew. 96-3, 97-6. teL tcwen xo Ian, it had grown he saw. 97-18. teLtcwinde, when it grows. 267-5. te sil tcwen ne dun, ever since you grew time. 337-13. tes tcwin ne en tcin, where I was brought up. 117-13. te di yun te, they will live to old age. 227-7. til tcwen, it grows. 296-12. til tcwen ne en, used to grow. 233-1. tol tcwen, let it grow. 265-6. tcit teL tcwin hwmn, he may grow. 348-6. E) Of separate acts repeated in time or space. ya te mite, they pulled off. 179-10. yatexan, he picked up. 109-16. ye tcit teL kait, one after the other he stuck in. 322-2. na dit teL waL, he threw them. 109-16. noyatemeL, they dropped them along. 179-11. tee te xan, he took out baskets of food. 111-5. tcit teen, he looked. 165-19. tcittetemeL, he scattered them. 101-4. tcit te tot, he drank (repeated draughts). 112-15. tcittetcwai, she buried in several places. 192-12. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the JIupa Language. 83 p) Of acts done by several persons in succession. ya te yiin xo hln, they had eaten. 100-17. ye tcit te deL, they went into. 142-9. naditteyai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17. xatedimmil, chips flew off. 113-13. xoinateLweL, they camped. 116-7. xoiteLweL, they spent the night. 198-12,361-16. danoteLte, everybody will fish. 256-9. tetmeL, (sand) scattered. 117-16. tee te deL, they went out. 141-5. tcin te deL, they got there. 138-5, 198-3. tcittei.tcwen, one after the other grew. 207-1. tcit te dim mil, they fell one after the other. 208-6. o) Of things begun. notedukkait, people began to starve. 191-11. no te duk kai tei., they were about to starve. 191-18. tcisseteLwenexolan, he had killed he saw. 186-7. tcoyatexait. they began to buy. 200-8. kitteakutc, they begin to play. 142-16. kit te hire, he began to dig. 100-8. H) With verbs of looking. It is not certain to which of the above classes they belong. na teuic in ii> te, I will look back from. 230-7. na ten en, he looked. 97-18. na ten in iL ta, he looked back places. 103-13. na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11. na ten in te, you will look. 356-5. do teen, I don t look. 351-8. tei en, I looked. 238-4. ten in te, you will look. 140-7. tcit teen, he looked. 165-19. tcittesen, he looked. 104-4. tcit tes en ne en, he used to look. 104-8. tcit te teen, he looked around. 109-12,166-2. K-, ky-, found in a large number of verbs as a prefix or infix, is weak in form, the syllable being completed according to the sounds following it. No satisfactory meaning or force for this prefix has appeared. It is probable that it supplies an 84 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. indefinite object for verbs of eating, and perhaps some others. Because of a remark of Father Morice, 1 verbs in which the prefix might refer to breaking, cutting or tearing have been listed separately. Words definitely changing their meaning because of the pres ence or absence of the prefix seem to be few. No na kin nin un te, one should leave, carries the meaning of leaving permanently as a present ; while no na nin un te, would mean to leave some thing of one s own which one expects to repossess. Na kis deL, "they came around," indicates that the persons in question wandered among the houses of the village; naisdeL, would have been employed if they had come back to a definite place. Kyuw xamp, means, let me fish, but iuw xauw, let me catch it. Many of the verbs listed below seem to indicate an indefiniteness of place, duration or number of the acts or states. A) Probably employed with transitive verbs which have no expressed object. yik kyu win yan, he ate. 319-7. yik kyu win yan ne he, even if he eats. 267-3. makiLkit, she fed the little one. 192-1. makyuwkit, I better feed them. 192-1. na kin yun, come eat. 153-9,192-7. na kyu win yun te, you will eat. 356-3. da kin yun te, to chew off. 151-9. dokeyan, I don t eat. 351-7. dokittiyauw, they never went out to feed. 97-11. dokyan, she didn t eat. 157-2. do kyu wit yan, without eating. 226-4. ke I yan, he used to eat. 237-6. keiyun, I might eat. 98-13. kei yun te, I am going to eat. 97-15. keuL Q x, she chewed. 276-3. ke yun, he had eaten. 332-6. kin UL fl x, you chew. 275-2. kin yun, eat it. 166-6. kin nin yan nei, they came out to feed. 180-13. kyoyun, you eat, 192-2. Work cited, p. 200. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the II -a pa Language. 85 kyuwiiiyan, he went to eating. 98-18. kyuwinyunil, you ate along. 121-1. kyu wit dl yun te, we shall eat. 190-5. kyuhirunil, I ate along. 120-16. B) Possibly having sonic connection with breaking. ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. yana kyu wiLtsil Hi. te, they may split. 109-8. yikismiitei, it broke. 289-15. wa kin nil lit xo Ian, they were burned through. 119-3. wakinninseLxolan, it was heated through he saw. 329-16. min no ya kin fats te ne en, they were going to cut open. 278-5. min no kin kil, he opened. 113-5. min no kyoL dik, pick open. 112-17. na kis yoir hirei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11. nlyuiikiLUL, they were cutting them. 101-2. mil kyu wii. ai.. he cut it. 266-10. xakehzre, (she went) to dig. 135-2. xakindemut, it boiled up. 105-3. don kyu/r tuic, I am splitting. 108-9. do he xa kin yor, it did not come out. 105-5. tee kin niii hjre, he had finished digging. 100-9. kiL tuir hie a, you are splitting ? 108-7. kit din hire teL din, where he would dig out. 100-1. kit din kil ei, it broke out, 102-2. kit du wiii kil, the bank slid out. 252-4. kitteyoir, it flowed out. 100-11. kit te hire, he began to dig. 100-8. kit te fats, he cut them. 101-1,98-16. kittlyoir, (he caused) it to flow. 158-12. kyu wa is tcwit, he broke off. 317-6, 289-7. c) Of unknown meaning, but perhaps adding indefinitencss to the verb s application as to time, place, or object. ai kiL in te, when it happens. 217-6. ai kit in xosin, it did that. 223-4. ai kyu?r en, I will do. 230-16. ai kyu wil lei HL te, they will do. 230-8. 86 University of California Publications. [An. ARCH. ETH. a na kin nit te, it grows. 356-10. a diL ya ML qotc, he threw himself with it. 202-3. a diL no ke iL qow, he used to throw himself with. 202-4. akillau, they did. 266-13. a kiL en, what they do. 322-1. a kit tis seox, smartest. 321-11. akyole, you do. 198-2. yai kyu wil tats, blanket of strips. 207-5. ya ya kin en, they packed up. 164-4. ya na ke u W T UM?, he used to pack up. 237-7. ya na Ml lai, he took in his hand. 337-7. yanakinen, he packed up. 238-3. yakewel, carrying loads. 110-3. ya ke wuw hwei, he used to carry it away. 162-4. yakiLtsis, (he made) it sprinkle. 338-2. yakinwuw?, carry it. 105-18. yakinwenne, he had carried it off. 163-4. ya kyu wil kyan ne xo Ian, they found they were preg nant. 278-3. ya kyu win dits, they made rope. 151-11. ye ML wis, he bored a hole. 197-3. ye ML taL, they began to dance. 179-2. yekiLtseL, she passed in the water. 111-9. ye kin en, he brought in. 192-3. ye kin nen din, light shone in. 308-3. yekyuwestce, the wind blew in. 270-4. ye kyu wes tee te, the smoke will blow in. 301-8. yikittaate, she will sing. 104-2. yi kit te its, he can shoot. 144-12. yi kit tii hical, he hooks. 107-6. yi kyu wit tsos sil, they were sucking. 325-5. yd xai na na kis deL, to buy they came back. 200-7. wun no kin nil lai, she put her hand on. 246-10. Le ya ki xo lau, he gathered the people. 151-7. Le na ya kyu wil lau, they gather up (bones). 171-12. Lena Ml lane, gather up (your things). 192-8. Le na Ml du hwot, it grew back on. 164-1. Lekixola, gather people. 151-5. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 87 i,e kin nil. yets te, to tie together. 151-10. me ya kyu wiL tel, everybody sang. 234-1. menakisloi, he bound it up. 145-11, 348-13. menakyuwiLtu, they sang again. 238-15. miLwayakindil lai, they traded with them. 200-4. miL xot da kiL waL, with she dropped down. 189-11. min na na kit del kai, sitting with one leg each side. 163-7. minnoikiLdik, he pecked open. 113-15. minnoikinneyotdei, they barked. 321-4. mitdena kil lai, he touched it. 17(5-12. nai ke its, to shoot at a mark. 305-2. nai ke yim te, they will grow. 296-4. nai kyu win xa, (a pine) stands. 347-11. nanakinnuwiLa, he made the ridge. 104-3. nanakiswel, he arranged again. 106-7. na na kis le, he felt around. 106-5. na na kit de 16s, he had fixed the load. 162-10. na xoi kyu win an, he went to sleep. 121-7. na kaxusdinnatsu, someone moving he heard. 165-18. nakinneLden, she made a blaze. 288-11. na kis its, they shot at a mark. 266-13. na kis le, he felt. 107-15. nakisLon, she made baskets. 189-5. na kis deL, they came around. 200-2. na kis qot, he pushed a stick. 145-12, 348-14. na kis qot te, he is going to poke. 192-9. na kit te it Loir, she always made baskets. 157-3. na kit te it dai ye, it blossoms again. 364-3. na kit te Lon, she wove another round. 305-7, 325-9. na kyu we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4. na kyu wil ik, he was tied with a string. 351-10. na kyu wil wel, she kept them shut up. 97-11. na kyu win a tsu, singing he heard. 186-12. na kyu win xa, it grows. 364-11. nik kyo wun, go to sleep. 294-5. nik kyu win nun te, you will go to sleep. 252-11. noi ki yoir din, as far as it goes. 311-6. no na ya kin niii an, they left food. 110-9. 88 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. no na kin auw ne, you must leave. 353-10. no na kin nil. kis, he put his hand. 221-4. no na kin nin un te, one should leave. 215-8. no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1. no ke iuw? qot, I always set up. 247-4. nokiLdjexainnauw, she quit fighting. 333-6. nokinninyan, he finished. 209-12. no kin nin yow, were scattered about. 145-3. no kin nin tan, he set the wedge. 108-11. nokyuwiltaL, final dancing place. 105-6. htcis sa kin its, my mouth shoot in. 118-13. hwnk kyo wun, I am going to sleep. 121-6. xa a na kin nit e, it grows up again. 356-14. xa a kiL in te, that way they will do. 211-15. xa a kyu wil ICL te, he will do that. 211-18. xayakiswen, they carried it up. 164-5. xa na kyu xol da a, grown over with grass. 165-16. xa kin its, (she saw) it shoot up. 158-7. xa kis wen, he had carried it. 166-4. xa kyu witc tee HL te, the wind will blow out from the ground. 272-10. xeenakiLwaL, he threw her away. 308-9. xoi kyu win an, he went to sleep. 121-7. xo wun na kis le, he felt of him. 153-5. XOL ya kit wul, with him he seesawed. 107-10. XOL no kin nil lit, he finished sweating. 209-13. xosakinits, in his mouth he shot. 118-14. xot da na kyu we sin tee te, yoii will blow down. 227-5. xot da ke I yauir , they came down the hill. 310-6. xotdakyuwes tee, it blows down. 227-7. xo kyu win nan, he went to sleep. 203-1. da nai ke xon tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6. da na kin nemr eL, crosswise I lay them. 247-5. da na kit du wit tee IL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1. da kiL kis, he put his hand. 140-3. da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6. da kit du wes tee, the wind blew. 324-4. da kyu wes tee, the wind blew on it. 348-3. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 89 da kyu win xa ei, it stood. 242-3. de kit dil lite te, to urinate on the fires. 151-10. do kiL tcwit, he never pushes it. 106-12. ta nai kyu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5. ta kit den tee, the wind blows out of the water. 365-12. tekelyauirhtrei, go in. 311-2. tekeitste, I will shoot in. 112-9. te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4. te kiL qotc, he threw it in. 112-6. tee kin niii van, they came out. 98-2. tee kyu wes tee, it blew out. 324-8. keitLo, she used to make baskets. 189-1. ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14. kewelle, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4. ke win xiits, he fell over. 105-17. kin na is lal, she dreamed. 191-6. kin nautf laL, I dreamed. 191-8. kin ne so yun te, may you grow to be men. 238-13. kin niii en, he brought it. 97-14. kin nin in hit, when she came with the load. 238-1. kin no de eL, they stick. 363-15. kislete, they will catch many. 257-10. kis xufi, a tree standing. 113-7. kistseLtse, pounding they heard. 170-6. kit tai yiL tsit, they were soaking acorns. kittaya wiLtsit, they soaked the meal. 180-4. kit tai. tsit xo sin, they were soaking acorns. 210-9, 209-3. kit tea kutc, they begin to play. 142-16. kit tee an, he sang along. 315-5. kitteiyau/r, they came to feed. 310-10. kit te it Loir, who always made baskets. 324-5. kitteyannei, they fed about. 98-4. kit teL tsas, he whipped. 317-9. kit teL tits, he used for a cane. 317-7. kittehidl, he called along. 98-4. kit teseL tsas te, I will whip. 317-8. kit te sin kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12. kit te tel lai, he rubbed. 347-14. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 7. 90 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. kittiyauw, they came. 98-3. kittiyow, he caused to flow. 158-12. kit tin en ne, carry them. 237-3. kit tuw? hwaL, a hook. 107-5. kit tuk kutc te, shinny will be played. 210-14. kyadane, they picked. 138-7. kya da ne xo win sen, they commenced to pick. 138-6. kyateLtcwe, she heard it cry. 135-9. kya teL tcwu we tsu, it cry he heard. 204-9, 281-11. kya tu wil tcwel, he was crying along. 135-10. kyo ya win hwal, they fished. 328-3. kyoL kis xo sin xo Ian, spearing salmon they had been he saw. 140-11. kyohwalle, somebody hooking. 106-15. kyo du WIL tsots tse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9. kyo dil len, he might be cold. 169-5. kyo diL tsots ne, make a kissing noise. 111-7. kyu wa na iL tuw, he who gives back. 241-4. kyuwennmtf, it thundered. 144-5. kyu wes tee ei, it blew she saw. 324-9. kyuwilmedj, he boiled. 166-5. kyu wil tel, it was paveu. 140-6. kyu win nai da, to hunt they traveled. 190-15. kyu win nan xo Ian, he went to sleep. 347-1. kyu win xa, she left standing (a tree). 289-8. kyu win dil, there was a ringing noise. 96-2. kyu win diL tsu, a jingling noise he heard. 293-3, 152-1. kyu win dits te, to make rope. 151-6, 8. kyuwinket, it creaked. 114-17. kyu wit noL, it was blazing. 109-11. kyu wit dai ye IL win te, it always blossoms. 365-4. kyu wit tee il, it blew along. 324-7. kyu wit tcwok kai, are strung on a line. 165-8. kyutctcwit, let me push it. 106-11. kyuii xow tu, I am begging. 152-13. A- introduces verbs of saying, thinking, doing, and appear ing. It seems to have no definite meaning. It is omitted in verbs of saying and thinking whenever the direct object directly pre- VOL. 3] Goddard Morphology of the Hupa Language. 91 cedes the verb. It may possibly be an indefinite object for the verb, and therefore not be needed when a definite object is expressed. A) With verbs of thinking and saying. ai yon des ne te, she will think about. 104-1. ainesen, I thought. 187-3. ai nin sin ne, you must think. 208-17. ainujrsin, I thought so. 353-3. ai XOL ne, he kept telling him. 208-13. ai XOL den ne, she used to tell her. 135-3. a yai XOL du wen ne, they said. 165-2. a yai du wen ne, they said. 165-7. a yaL de iutc ne, I told them. 301-1. a yaL tcit den ne, he told them. 109-18. ayan, said that. 116-17. a ya du win nel, they were saying. 153-14. aL tcit den ne, he talked to them. 111-6, 111-6. a na hiriL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18. a no hoL tcit den ne, he said of us. 302-3. an tsu, he heard cry. 281-13. a htriL tcin ne, he will say of me. 363-16. a hiriL tcit den hicun, he must tell me. 314-11. a htr iL tcit du win neL, they told me. 355-11. a XOL tcit den ne, he said to him. 97-7. a XOL tcit den tsu, he heard say. 141-8. a den ne, he said. 97-15. a den de, if he sings. 236-2. a den tsu, she heard cry. 171-3. a du win nel HI, he said. 235-4. atcoinne, he kept thinking. 139-4,137-4. a tcon des ne, he thought. 96-7, 97-5, 6. xa a XOL tcin ne, he was telling him that. 150-2. xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5. do ai nin sin x, you don t think. 337-9. do a hiriL tcit den de, if he does not tell me. 257-12. do a du win ne he, don t say that. 175-1. 92 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. B) With verbs of doing or happening. 1 a en nu, it does it. 275-5. ai la te, they will catch. 253-10. a iL en ka, way they do it. 227-2. a IL in ne en, used to chase. 322-5. a iL in te, they will do. 266-13. a in nu, he did. 288-9. ainnumiL, when the sun was (here). 332-4. aixoiille, they do with him. 196-7. a it yau xo lun, tired he was. 346-10. a it ya de, if he does. 348-7. aikiLinte, when it happens. 217-6. ai kit in xo sin, (bears) did that. 223-4. ai kyuw en, I will do. 230-16. ai kyu wil lei HL te, they will do. 230-8. au wil lau, it was made of. 108-2. au wil la ne en iik, he used to do way. 106-8. auwinneLte, it will be. 105-12. auwinneLde, if it happens. 117-9. auwlau, I have done. 260-3. amtf la te, what shall I do with it. 293-8. auwdiya, I might manage it. 101-11. auwdlyau, I did. 325-17, 276-5. auw dl ya te, am I going to do this. 257-14. auw? tin ne en, I used to do. 341-7. ayainnu, they used to have sports. 305-2. ayaxola, (I wish) could befall them. 321-9. a ya ten, they did. 305-5. ayaiinneen, they used to do that. 306-1. ayatcillau, they fixed. 172-4. ayatcone, let them do that. 365-16. a wil la, I wish would happen. 150-11. a win neL te, it will be. 289-11. awinnu, one should do. 99-11. a la te, what are you going to do ? 102-15. a le ne, you must do it. 100-18, 101-3. 1 Some verbs show specialized meanings but are plainly derived from verbs of doing, as is shown by the roots they contain. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 93 anaidlyau, do this. 361-9. a nau/r late, I was intending to do. 260-3. anautrdiyan, I did it. 282-5,325-12. anayadillau, they fixed themselves. 170-1. anaxdwillau, ready for a fight. 162-10. anadiyau, it did that. 244-11. anaditten, we did. 217-7. anatcillan, he did. 106-8. a na tcil Ian wei, he buried it. 282-12. a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4. a nun dl yau, do that way. 275-1. ahtrola, you have treated me. 166-12. a xo wit la, it would happen to him. 223-1. axolade, if it happens. 308-1, 5. a xo dil la, we could do with him. 116-16. adlyauwei, it is coming (will happen). 104-14. adiyateL, it would do. 234-11. a ten, did it. a ten ka, the way they do. 231-5. a tin wes te, had done. 325-10. afinte, (Indians) will do. 215-9. a tcil lau, he did it. 112-5. a kil lau, they did. 266-13. a ML en, what they do. 322-1. akyole, you do. 198-2. akyuwillelliLte, it will do. 236-3. maakiLenneen, their doings. 361-11. xa ai ya XOL in x, they did that with him. 211-5. xaailau, it broke. 290-1. xaaiLinte, that will be done. 203-8. xaainnu, he always did that. 139-9, 141-9. xa a it yau, he did that. 98-8. xa a it ya xo Ian, the same he found he was. 346-7. xaauirdiyate, I am going to do what. 202-8. xa a ya IL in fl x, they did that. 105-10. xaawilleLte, he will do that way. 255-17. xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18. xa ana it yau, he did that way. 255-9. 94 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9. xa a xo lau, he did the same thing. 278-12. xa a xoi il lu, always he did that. 237-9. xaaxolene, he should do that. 163-2. xa a di yau, it did that. 244-14. xa a di ya teL, that way it will be. 341-16. xaainwese, the same thing it always did. 325-11. xa a tin win te, she always did that. 136-14, 189-2. xa a tin te, that way will do it. 229-8. xa a tcil lau, the same thing 1 he did. 211-1. xaatcityau, that he did. 280-12. xa a kiL in te, that way they will do. 211-15. xa a kyu wil leL te, will do that. 211-18. da xo a di ya xo Ian, was dead they found out. 175-11. da xo a ten, who die. 346-4. da xo mi a di ya te, they will die. 217-16. do xa anw ten, I don t do that. 109-4. doxaundiyau, you don t do that. 343-13. do da xo a tin, would never die. 221-13. c) With verbs of appearing. a in te, how he appeared. 209-5. a na nu we sin te te, you will look. 357-5. ana kin nit te, it grows. 356-10. a ne e te, he looked that way. 321-7. a nu wes te, he looked. 143-14, 182-2. a tcin te detc, he is. 351-2. akittisseox, smartest. 321-11. Xo- prefixed to a verbal root forms a word, usually unlimited as to person and number. Several of these are used as auxil iaries and suffixes. xo WIL tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 225-7. xo win kuts, it was cold. 169-3. xowittse, it was crowded. 238-9. xolen, she has. 333-9. xolin, (I wish) was. 340-7. xo lun, he saw. 144-4, 361-16. xo lun teL, that will do it. 328-9, 209-12. xo Lit, a noise. 241-2. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 95 xoskutsmiL, on account of the cold. 271-11. do xo len, there was none. 159-3, 106-6, 159-2. do xo lin, it is gone. 141-8. do xos le, there was none. 98-7, 322-5. CONJUGATIONS. When the Hupa verbs are classified according to the syllable immediately preceding the root in the definite tenses, they fall into four conjugations. There are only three of these syllables which characterize the conjugations, the lack of the definite tenses being the peculiarity of the fourth conjugation. By far the greater number of verbs have a syllable preceding the root in the definite tenses, which contains w- as its initial sound. The form of the remainder of the syllable depends, first, upon the number and person of the particular form appearing; and, second, upon the class (or voice) in which the verb happens to be. The sound w- is alone the constant characteristic of the conjugation. In the Hupa language this w- seems to have no definite meaning of its own. Its occurrence depends largely or wholly upon the prefixes which introduce the verb. From other Athapascan languages and dialects, it seems probable that its use originally signified the beginning of an act or state. This view is borne out by a study of the prefixes which require its use in Hupa, and by the fact that certain things, to the Hupa mind without origin, do not take verbs with w-. One may say of a pond of water which has been caused by rain, win xa, "water lies there"; but of the ocean, or a natural lake, nan xa. In a precisely parallel manner, the second conjugation has n- as the initial sound of the inflected syllable in the definite tenses. It occurs in a few cases without a prefix, where the meaning shows that the completion of the act is in the mind of the speaker, e.g., ninyade, "if he comes," 334-10. Its use, however, in most verbs, is governed by the adverbial prefixes which precede it. These for the most part are consistent with the meaning of completion, as no-, meaning the placing of some thing in a position of rest, or the cessation of motion. Without exact parallelism of forms, the third conjugation is made up of verbs having s as the characteristic of the inflected 96 University of California Publications. [An. ARCH. ETH. syllable. In meaning, verbs of this conjugation are in contrast with the two preceding conjugations, in that the act or state is conceived as existing over considerable extent of time or space. Xaisyai, "he came up the hill"; xaisxan, "he brought water up the hill"; xa win yai, "he came out of the smoke- hole"; xawinxan, "he took water out of a well." In some cases where there is chance for confusion -s is found in all the forms of the verb, to make it clear that the longer or more con tinued act is the one meant. After the verbs belonging to the three preceding conjugations have been eliminated there remains a considerable number which differ in form from the others in that they have none of the definite tenses, but usually form a past from the indefinite pres ent by a change in the length or the form of the root syllable. As regards the meaning of the verbs of this fourth conjugation, they may be said to constitute a class, rather indefinite in its boundary lines, which includes verbs of general rather than specific meaning. Among these are the verbs of doing, speaking, hearing, seeing, dying, and many others. The first and third conjugations are subdivided according to the phonetic changes suffered after various prefixes. CLASS I. Conjugation IA. Tee xauw, he is catching. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. iuw xauw; it de xauw 2. in xauw 6 xauw 3. tee xamo ya xauw 3a. ye xauw yai xauw Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. doxolin iuwxauw doxolin it de xauw 2. in xauw 6 xauw 3. tee xauw ya xauw 3a. ye xauw yai xauw VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. Singular. 2. in xaut0 3. tcoxauw 3a. yo xautc Singular. 1. eiiur xamr 2. e in xawr 3. tceexauir 3a. yeexauw? Singular. 1. wexun 2. wifi xiin 3. tcu win xun 3a. yu win xim Singular. 1 . we xan 2. win xan 3. tcu win xan 3a. yu win xan Imperative. Plural. 6 xamr yatcoxamr yai yoxaiur Customary. Plural. eitdexauir e 6 xaiur yaexauto yai e xauw Present Definite. Plural. wit de xun wo xun ya win xun yai win xun Past Definite. Plural, wit de xan wo xan ya win xan yai win xan THE SIGNS OF PERSON AND NUMBER. Since the verb w r hose conjugation is given above has no prefix, the present tense shows only the root with the signs of person and number preceding. The customary tense has the same form as the present except the tense sign -e-, which precedes the signs of person in the first and second person singular and plural, but stands between the sign and the root in the third person. First Person. The sign of the first person singular appears as iujf-. The first sound, represented by i, is one of the weakest of the Hupa vowels, and often appears as the support of consonants which, in other cases, are attached to the preceding or succeeding syllables. The second sound, represented by u, is a glide formed by the passage of the vocal organs from the position of i to that of the following sound. It is close in 98 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. quality and quite short in duration. The final sound is made by unvoiced breath passing through the mouth, which is in the position of w. This is evidently related to the pronoun of the first person singular, hwe. The other dialects of the Pacific Division of the Athapascan languages have -ic- or -is- for the sign of the first person singular of the present tense. The corresponding pronoun in those dialects is ci or ce. 1 First Person Plural. In the plural of the first person it de- is found as the sign. The constant portion of this sign appears to be that represented by d. Its vowel, or vowel plus a conso nant, seems to depend on the following sound, as so often hap pens in the Hupa language. When the following syllable begins with a consonant, the syllable ends with the same or a closely related consonant. The vowel is usually i, but in the case of post-palatal k, u is frequently employed, as it might also be in the present case. Some speakers say it dux xauw. The first syllable of this sign, it, seems to consist of the weak vowel i, which, not being able to stand in an open syllable, has taken over the corresponding surd from the following sonant, d. That this is the truth would appear from the fact that in case of a preceding prefix the syllable disappears, the vowel apparently contracting with it. There is no apparent connection between this sign and the pronoun of the first person plural, ne he. Second Person Singular. For the sign of the second person singular in- appears. As will be seen later, this becomes in- before dentals and im- before m, the only labial. When the sign follows a prefix ending in a vowel, n appears as the final sound of the prefix. This sign, -n or in, is perhaps connected with the personal pronoun of the second person singular, nin. Second Person Plural. In this case the vowel o- stands alone, forming the initial syllable. It is of normal length but somewhat more open than the more frequent sound, and aspir ated. While it does not approach the sound of the so-called short o in English, it impresses the ear as dull in quality. It may or may not be related genetically with the vowel of the personal pronoun of the second person plural, no hin. 1 This phonetic change of c to law and uw is regular between the other dialects of this group and Hupa. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 99 Third Person Singular. Two forms occur in Hupa for the third person of pronouns. The first form given is that used in speaking of adult members of the Hupa people. The second form is used when speaking of Hupa children, and sometimes of aged people; of members of other tribes and races; and of animals. The first form begins with tc-, which are constant. Before vowels the syllable usually ends in e. Before consonants it takes over the consonant, or its surd in the case of a sonant. The vowel in that case is i, or before k, u. In the present case the vowel is distinguished with difficulty, being either e, as is written here, or u. It is equally hard to determine whether the x belongs to both syllables or only to the last. There is no personal pronoun from which this sign could have been derived. The fact that it applies only to a certain class would point to a demonstrative origin. The second form has y for its initial sound, and makes the same combinations with the following sounds that tc do in the first form, except that before vowels it has i for its vowel, instead of e. It may well be connected with the demonstrative pronoun yo. Third Person Plural. As in the singular, two forms appear. The first, ya-, is everywhere the sign of the third person plural in the verb, and is also the sign of the plural in the demonstra tive pronoun, as has been shown above. The second form is yai-. The diphthong in this case has the clear, prominent sound of I as its last element. Imperative. The first and second persons singular and plural of the pres ent may be used of future intended action. The first person may mean either that the speaker is actually doing the thing or only that he announces his intention or desire to immediately begin doing it. The second person singular and plural may not only mean that the person spoken to is doing the thing, usually quite unnecessary information, or they may convey the command or exhortation to do it. In the place of the third person of the present a different form is used which expresses the desire or command that a third person do the contemplated thing. For adult Hupa the form is 100 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. tco-, which characterizes both singular and plural, but with a preceding syllable, ya-, in the plural. For all others the form is either yo- or 6-. This third person with 6, alone or in combination, may be connected with a future tense found in Navaho which also has an o. Definite Tenses. In the definite tenses, if it is assumed that the tense-mode sign is w-. nothing is found different from the person and number signs already discussed except the first person singular and the third person singular and plural. First Person Singular. Proceeding on the assumption that w- is the full sign of tense and mode, the personal sign is e, the vowel of the first syllable. This conclusion is borne out by all the evidence at hand, not only in regard to the Hupa lan guage, but by other Athapascan languages as well. This vowel is of normal length and but slightly dulled as compared with the usual open e. It is sometimes heard approaching close e, but on longer acquaintance is easily distinguished from it, except when it is followed by y. There seems to be nothing elsewhere in the language, either in the pronoun or verb, with which to connect it. Third Person Singular and Plural. The sign of the third person precedes instead of following the tense sign. The vowel u in the forms of the singular is due to the following w. If the assumption that w- is the tense sign holds good, in of the middle syllable remains unexplained. Intransitive verb, with a different root in the plural. (Irreg ular.) Ye tcin nam#, he goes in. Present Indefinite. Singular. Dual. Plural. 1. ye iuw hwanw yeediL yeyaidiL 2. ye in yauw ye 5 diL 3. yeteinnauw ye tcin diL ye ya in diL 3a. ye in nauw ye in diL ye yun dii> VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 101 Singular. 1. do xo lin ye iuir htrantc 2. ye in yautr 3. ye tcin nauw 3a. ye in nawr Impotential. Dual. do xo liii ye e dil ye 6 dil ye tcin dil ye in dil Plural, ye yai dil yayaindil ye yun dil (yeeL) Imperative. Dual, ye e dii, yeodir. yetcondii. yeondiL Customary. Dual, yeeedil ye 6 6 dil ye tee in dil yeein dil [Mural. Singular. 1. ye iiiir hira 2. ye in yamr 3. ye tco ya 3a. ye o ya Singular. 1. ye e iur hir awr 2. ye e in y&uw 3. ye tee in nauw 3a. ye e in nauw Singular. 1. ye we ya 2. ye win ya 3. ye tcu win ya 3a. ye win ya Singular. 1. ye we yai 2. ye win yai 3. ye tcu win yai 3a. ye win yai Intransitive verbs like the one given above have the same signs to indicate the person and number as the transitive, with the exception of the first person dual. Instead of it de, e is found. This is to be compared, perhaps, with the sign of the first person singular of the definite tenses. The number is espe- Present Definite. Dual. ye we deL (ye weL) ye wo deL ye tcu win deL ye win deL yeyatcon dii, ye ya on dii. Plural, yeyaedil ye ya in dil ye ya in dil Plural, ye yai deL ye ya win deL ye yan deL Past Definite. Dual. Plural. ye we deL ye yai deL ye wo deL ye tcu win deL ye ya win deL ye win deL ye yan deL 102 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. cially marked by a root entirely different from that in the singu lar. These verbs with different roots in the singular and plural, and these only, have a separate form for the third person dual. The form is the same as that for the singular except for the root. The third person plural does not have the sign of the third person found in the dual and singular, but has the regular sign of the plural, ya. The verb conjugated above is somewhat irregular. In the indefinite tenses the root changes its form in the singular for each person. It seems probable that this is a phonetic change, and that the root is -yauw, modified in the first person by the sign for that person, \\w. In the definite tenses where this is not found the root has its regular form. If this surmise is correct, the second person needs no explanation and the third person has been infected by n, which appears also in the third person plural. The presence of this n in the plural and dual is the second irregularity to be noticed. It occurs in almost all circumstances with this root. To this subdivision of the conjugation belong verbs without a prefix and those having for prefixes ye-, Le-, da-, and te-. With these prefixes no contractions take place. yeiydL, cust. 3 sing., she blew in. 302-8. yeiiiyau te, imp. 2 sing., go in. 305-9. ye in tuL ne, imp. 2 sing., you must step in. 209-2. yeweyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going into it. 314-3. yewiriya, pres. 3a sing., one come in. 305-8. ye win ya ye xo lun, pres. def. 3 sing., he had gone in. 118-5. ye win deL te, fut. def. 3 dual, they will go in. 255-3. ye nai diL, imp. 1 dual, let us go in. 210-13. yenawillos, past def. 3 sing., she dragged it in. 190-2. ye na wo deL te, fut. def. 2 plu., you will travel in. 361-12. yenundauw, imp. 2 sing., come in. 98-17, 192-7. ye tee il luw;, cust. 3 sing., he used to take in. 288-2. yetcinnauir, pres. 3 sing., they will come in. 231-6. yetcuwimmeL, past def. 3 sing., they put in. 200-5. yetcuwinya, pres. def. 3 sing., they came in. 231-8. yetcuwiiiyai, past def. 3 sing., he went in. 97-3, 231-5. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Uupa Language. 103 yetcu win ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she went in. 246-5. yetcu win xan, past def. 3 sing., she brought in. 209-10. ye tcu win deL, past def. 3 dual, they went in. 278-4. yetcu win tan, past def. 3 sing, he put in. 96-13. yi de tu win yai, past def. 3 sing., north he was lost. 342-9. yu win van, past def. 3a sing., she ate it. 319-5. yu win yuii hirun te, fut. def. 3a sing., one must eat. 233-2 yuwiiiyunte, fut. def. 3a sing., how are they going to eat them ? 100-14. win yen nei, past def. 3a sing, he was able to stand. 220-11 win xa, past def. 3a sing., water lay. 101-13, 141-1. win xa te, fut. def. 3<z sing., water will stay. 112-9. win tetc, pres. def. 3a dual, dogs lay there. 322-4. win tcwu, past def. 2 sing., you have cried. 337-14. Le ye tcu win yeu7, past def. 3 sing., he jammed in. 143-10. Lin win fen nei, past def. 3 sing., she called him. 139-9. LU win ten, past def. 3 sing., she addressed her. 181-9. da tcu win an, past def. 3 sing., he placed it. 210-6. da tcu win en, past def. 3 sing., he put fire on it. 119-15. da tcu win xuts, past def. 3 sing., he flew up there. 114-1. da un xus, imp. 2 sing., fly. 114-2. da e iinc turr, cust. 1 sing., I put. 247-7. da e iutr kel, cust. 1 sing., I held under. 337-14. do tcu win xan, past def. 3 sing., he does not catch any. 257-9. do tcu win xun te, fut. def. 3 sing., he does not catch. 256-6. tewautte, fut. def. 1 sing., in the water I will throw. 111-17. tewineL, past def. 3a plu., they stand out. 283-14. te tcu win an, past def. 3 sing., he put in the water. 342-6. tetcu win tan, past def. 3 sing., he put in the water. 101-14 tu win yai, past def. 3 sing., he was lost. 122-1. tcewinyeuic, past def. 3 sing., she rubbing (rubbed) them. 301-5. tcu win BL, past def. 3 sing., he chewed. 121-12,330-4. 104 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. tcu win yan ne, past def. 3 sing., he has eaten. 311-11. tcu win yen, past def. 3 sing., he stood. 109-11, 203-5. tcu win yun sil len te, fut. def. 3 sing., he eats it seems. 233-3. tcu win yun teL de, fut. def. 3 sing., he would eat. 267-17. tcu win ilas, past def. 3 sing., he scraped the bark off. 347-12. tcu win da, past def. 3 sing., he stayed. 97-3,165-13. tcuwintsit, past def. 3 sing., he pounded. 114-4, 319-8. tcuwintcwen, past def. 3 sing., he defecated. 110-6. tcuwintcwu, past def. 3 sing., he cried. 150-7, 336-8. Conjugation IB. Yamas, he is rolling over. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. yamomas ya dim mas 2. yum mas yamas 3. yamas ya yamas 3a. ya mas ya ya mas Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do xo lin yauw? mas do xo lin ya dim mas 2. yum mas ya mas 3. ya mas ya ya mas 3a. ya mas ya ya mas Imperative. Singular. Plural. 2. yum mas yamas 3. ya tco mas ya ya tco mas 3a. ya 6 mas ya ya 6 mas Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. yaiiiM mas ya it dim mas 2. yaimmas yaomas 3. ya im mas ya ya im mas 3. yaimmas ya yaimmas VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 105 Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. yai mas ya wit dim mas 2. ya wim mas ya wo mas 3. ya wim mas ya ya wim mas 3a. ya wim mas ya ya wim mas Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. yai mas ya wit dim mas 2. ya wim mas ya wo mas 3. ya wim mas ya ya wim mas 3a. ya wim mas yaya wim mas Indefinite Tenses. First Person Singular. The regular sign contracts with the prefix ya-, resulting in yauw. In this case the glide u unites with a to form the diphthong an, which is frequent in Hupa. Second Person Singular. The ending of the first syllable, m, is a regular change for n before m of the following syllable. The change of vowel from a to u presents some difficulty. The most plausible explanation is, perhaps, that a and (i. e and i are related as strong and weak vowels, as will be seen in the consideration of the forms of the roots. Because the syllable ya has been forced to take on n or m to show the person, it perhaps weakens its vowel to maintain its former weight. One would gladly add something as to accent to help out a weak cause, but the always weak stress is on the first syllable throughout the singular. Second Person Plural. Here again contraction has taken place. The 6 has united with the prefix, producing a syllable, ending with an aspiration, of greater length and duller quality as compared with that in the third person singular. Third Person Singular. No sign for this person occurs, as is usually the case when the verb has a prefix. In the form applic able to adult Hupa the vowel is sharp and hard in quality, at the apex of the vowel triangle or tending toward the so-called short AM. AKCH. ETH. 3, 8. 106 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. a of English, while the vowel of the second person plural inclines slightly toward o. It is followed by a partial glottal stop. The second form applicable to children and others has a longer vowel of somewhat flatter quality. Definite Tenses. The only occasion of remark is in the first person singular where the middle syllable disappears, contraction apparently tak ing place. The result is yai-, due most likely to the e, which is the sign of the first person singular in the definite tenses. As will be observed from the preceding example, certain con ditions allow contractions to take place, forming sub-classes in the conjugation. Verbs belonging to this form of the conjugation have their roots beginning with m, or 1, or with the following weak syllables standing before the inflected syllable; ne or nu, de or du, and ke or kyu. Many or all of the verbs with the weak sylla bles also appear at times with the forms of subdivision D. a nai du win wat, past def. 3a sing., he shook himself. 115-7. ya im mil, cust. 3a sing., it kicked up its legs. 290-2. ya yai wim meL tsu, pres. def. 3a plu., he heard them kick up their legs. 342-14. ya wim mas, past def. 3 sing., he rolled over. 112-15. ya wim meL, past def. 3 sing., he took them up. 142-4. ya xo win tcwai, past def. 3 plu., they buried him. 172-4. ya kyu win dits, past def. 3 plu., they made rope. 151-11. meilloi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. me luw;, pres. 3 sing., it watching. 204-6. me luic te, f ut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch. 292-9. menailuM te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will watch. 217-13. me du win tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he was hungry for. 99-1. me duw tcwin, pres. 1 sing., T want. 254-12. nai me, pres. def. 1 sing., I swim in. 311-11. nai kyu win xa, past def. 3a sing., it stands. 347-11. nauw me, pres. 1 sing., let me swim. 97-15. na wim me, past def. 3 sing., he swam. 209-13. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 107 nanaime, past def. 1 sing., I bathed. 311-8. n a na im me ei, cust. 3 sing., she always bathed. 311-8. nana ya wil lai, past def. 3 phi., they turned down their heads. 139-1. na naduwifia, pres. def. 3a sing., it stands. 364-14. na na du win eL, past def, 3a phi., they stuck up. 106-14. na nu win dik, past def. 3 sing., they formed a line. 216-17 na xoi kyu win an, past def. 3a sing., he went to sleep. 121-9. na de tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will leave. 277-1. na du win a, past def. 3a sing., it stood up. 158-6. naduwinate, fut. def. 3a sing., it will stick up. 204-2. na du win eL, past def. 3 plu., they stuck up. 106-3. na du win tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he let go. 272-18 ; 106-17. na kyu win a tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., singing he heard. 186-12. na kyu win yun te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will eat. 356-3. nakyuwinxa, pres. def. 3a sing., it grows. 364-11. nikkyowun, imp. 3 sing., go to sleep (let it make you sleep). 294-5. nik kyu win nun te, fut. def. 3 sing., you will go to sleep. 252-11. noidu wintaLxolun, pres. def. 3a sing., he had made a track. 292-5. no na du win taL, past def. 3 sing., he stepped away. 223-11. no du win taL xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., he had made a track he saw. 185-12. hirikkyowun, imp. 3a sing., I am going to sleep (let it put me to sleep). 121-6. xanu white, past def. 3 sing., she looked for it. 111-3. xoi kyu win an, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 121-7. xoi. dana duwiiiaei, past def. 3 sing., with him it stuck up. 203-5. xon a na du wil lau, past def. 3 sing., they painted them selves. 215-11. xo kyu win nan, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 203-1. da ya du win an, past def. 3 plu., they took away. 171-14. 108 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. danayaiduwinan, past def. 3a plu., they brought it back. 365-15. da na xo du win an, past def. 3 plu. , they ran back. 181-6. da na na du win a ei, past def. 3a sing., it stood up. 203-10. da no du win taL, past def. 3 sing., he stepped. 120-3. da tcit du win Lat, past def. 3 sing., he started to run. 176-11. da kyu win xa ei, past def. 3a sing., it stood. 242-3. de wim min te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be filled (full). 253-11. de na de iu^ mil, cust. 1 sing., I put in the fire. 247-9. dena du willate, fut. def. 3 sing., he will put in the fire. 255-15. de na du win un te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will put in the fire. 258-2. de de im mil, cust. 3 sing., he pushed them into the fire. 165-6. deduwillai, past def. 3 sing., he put on the fire. 266-11. dedu willate, fut. def. 3 sing., he will put in the fire. 255-15. dedu wim meL, past def. 3 sing., he threw in the fire. 165-10. de du win an, past def. 3 sing., he put in incense. 266-16. dedu win tan, past def. 3 sing., he put them in. 150-4. deduwtufi, pres. 1 sing., let me put them in the fire. 150-4. do me duw tcwin, pres. 1 sing., I do not want. 97-8. do kyu we hw;an, past def. 1 sing., I don t eat. 355-15. duwinxuts, past def. 3a sing., it came off. 157-7. du win teat, past def. 3a sing., it got sick. 241-9. duwintcate, fut. def. 3a sing., it will get sick. 242-15. duwinkunte, fut. def. 3a sing., it will lean up on edge. 343-13. te no du win taL, past def. 3 sing., in the water he stepped. 120-3. to on nu win tcwit ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., water she was to bring. 111-3. to on tcwit, pres. 3 sing., water to bring. 110-16. VOL. 31 Qoddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. KM) tcit du wim initc, past def. 3 sing., she broke it off. 287-2. tcit du wim mite hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she broke it off. 287-4. tcitdu win tcate, fut. def. 3 sing., she was going: to be sick. 286-7. tcit du win tcwit te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will shoot. 151-16. kin yiin, imp. 2 sing., eat it. 166-6. kit du win kil, past def. 3 sing., the bank slid out. 252-4. kyoya winhiral, past def. 3 phi., they fished. 328-3. kyoyun, imp. 2 phi., eat. 192-2. kyohiralle, pres. 3 sing., somebody hooking. 106-15. kyu win yan, past def. 3 sing., he went to eating. 98-18. kyu win nan xo Ian, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 347-1. kyu win xa, past def. 3 sing., she left standing. 289-8. kyuwindil, past def. 3o sing., there was a ringing noise. 96-2. kyu win dii, tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., a jingling noise. 293-3. kyu w r in dits te, fut. def. 3 sing., to make rope. 151-6, 8. kyu win ket, past def. 3a sing., it creaked. 114-17, 140-3. kyuif tcwit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11. Conjugation Ic. Na Lit, he is burning it. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. nauir Lit na diL Lit 2. nun Lit na Lit 3. nai.it naya iL Lit 3o. nai Lit na yai Lit Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do xo lin nauu? Lit do xo lin na diL Lit 2. nun Lit na Lit 3. na Lit na ya IL Lit 3a. nai Lit na yai Lit 110 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. Singular. 2. nun Lit 3. natcoLit 3a. nai 5 Lit Singular. 1. naiuwLit 2. na in Lit 3. naiLLit 3a. nai iL Lit Singular. 1. nai Lit 2. nan Lit 3. na win Lit 3a. nai win Lit Singular. 1. nai Lit 2. nan Lit 3. na win Lit 3a. nai win Lit Imperative. Plural. na Lit na ya tco Lit na yai 6 Lit Customary. Plural. na it diL Lit na 6 Lit na ya iL Lit na yai iL Lit Present Definite. Plural. na wit diL Lit na wo Lit na ya win Lit na yai win Lit Past Definite. Plural. na wit diL Lit na wo Lit na ya win Lit na yai win lit Certain prefixes permit the same contractions that appear in the last case, and in addition allow contraction in the second person singular of the definite tenses. The middle syllable dis appears, leaving n, the sign of the second person singular, as the final sound of the first syllable. The following prefixes char acterize verbs of this class : ya-, me-, na-, xa-, sa-, and ke-. a da na win ate, fut. def. 3 sing., for himself he will get. 338-9. yaaa, cust. 3 sing., he sat. 150-8. ya a wmc, cust. 3 sing., he always takes on his back. 195-6. ya win a, pres. def. 3 sing., sitting. 162-11. yawinan, past def. 3 sing., he picked up (stone). 342-1. ya win a hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he sat. 174-6. yawinen, past def. 3 sing., he carried. 210-4. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. Ill ya win eL, pres. def. 3 dual, they were sitting there. 181-8. yawinxan, past def. 3 sing., he picked it up. 337-6. ya win tan, past def. 3 sing., he took. 108-18. ya win tun hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he picked it up. 202-6. yawinkutc, past def. 3 sing., he threw. 143-15. yan a, pres. def. 3 sing., why do you sit there. 171-3. yanawiiiai, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 136-6. yanawinaye, pres. def. 3 sing., he sitting down. 120-5. yanawinen, past def. 3 sing., he carried. 172-1. yanawintan, past def. 3 sing., he picked it up. 112-11. me it tan, cust. 3 sing., he stuck to it. 202-3. me win tan ne, past def. 3 sing., he stuck to it. 202-7. mis sai xun te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will put in its mouth. 243-16. mis sa win xun te, fut. def. 3 sing., in his mouth she will put. 243-10. mis sun xauwne, imp. 2 sing., its mouth put it in. 246-14. na win yen, past def. 3 sing., he stood. 106-3. na win Lit, past def. 3 sing., she burned it. 311-12. nawinkuts, past def. 3 sing., he became cold. 330-4. nanaiyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to live. 218-2. na na win an, past def. 3 sing., he had taken down. 176-10. na na win un xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., he had taken down. 176-17. nanawintan, past def. 3 sing., he took down. 97-16. nadiL, pres. 3 dual, they living. 321-3. xai un te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will take out. 135-5. xamrauir, pres. 1 sing., I am going to take out. 135-7. xa win an, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 100-10, 135-8. xe e win qotc ei tsu, past def. 3 sing., he heard him lope away. 175-8. xotdawinyai, past def. 3 sing., he went down. 272-3. sa win xan, past def. 3 sing., he put it into her mouth. 278-10. dayawinai, past def. 3 sing., he was sitting. 360-6. da ya win a ye, pres. def. 3 sing., someone was sitting. 337-2. 112 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. dayanawinai, past def. 3 sing., he was sitting. 162-2. da na win tan, past def. 3 sing., he put it down. 97-13. doxaauw, pres. 3 sing., one doesn t dig. 135-3. doxolin miii yai, impot. 2 sing., you may not live. 257-9. dosaixamt , pres. 3a sing., one can t swallow. 141-2. ke win xuts, past def. 3 sing., he fell over. 105-17. Ids sa win ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will go into some body s mouth. 257-5. Conjugation ID. Kit tus, he cuts open. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. kyuw tus kit dit t us 2. kin tus kyd tus 3. kittfus yakittfus 3a. yi kit tus yai kit tus Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do xo lin kyuw? tus do xo lin kit dit tus 2. kin ^us kyo tus 3. kit tus ya kit ^us 3a. yi kit tus yai kit tus Imperative. Singular. Plural. 2. kinius kyo Ms 3. kyo tfus ya kyo tus 3a. yi kyo tus yai kyo tus Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. keiuwfris keitdiUus 2. keinMs keoius 3. keitius yakeitius 3a. yikeit/us yai ke it Ms \. I Of U N I V 2 <" / v ! J VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 113 Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1 . ke fats kyu wit dit fats 2. kyu win fats kyu wo fats 3. kin fats ya kin fats 3a. yl kin fats yai kin fats Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1 . ke fats kyu wit dit fats "2. kyu win fats kyu wo fats 3. kin fats ya kin fats 3a. yi kin fats yai kin fats Certain prefixed and inserted syllables with weak vowels have in the present the signs of person and number of sub-class A, jointed to the consonant of the syllable. In the definite tenses contraction takes place in the first person singular and in the third person singular and plural. The second person singular does not contract, the weak syllable taking the vowel u from the following w. This subgroup is characterized by syllables standing before the inflected syllable, which have d, or k, ky for their initial letters and are completed as is usual with weak syllables. There seems to be no way of distinguishing these verbs from those given under B above, except that those in this class always have some prefix preceding the weak syllable, w r hile those in B may have such prefixes or may lack (hem. yayakiiien, past def. 3 plu., they packed up. 164-4. ya na ke u wuir, cust. 3 sing., he used to pack up. 237-7. yanakil lai, past def. 3 sing., he took in his hand. 337-7. yanakinen, past def. 3 sing., he packed up. 238-3. ya ke wutr htrei, cust. 3 sing., he used to carry it away. 162-4. ya kin wutr, imp. 2 sing., carry it. 105-18. yakinwenne, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it off. 163-4. ye kin en, past def. 3 sing., he brought in. 192-3. ye kin nen den, past def. 3 sing., light shone in. 305-6. 114 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. min no kin kil, past def . 3 sing., he opened it. 113-5. naikeits, pres. 3 sing., to shoot at a mark. 305-2. hwis sa kin its, imp. 2 sing., my mouth shoot in. 118-13. xa kin its, pres. def. 3 sing., it shoot up. 158-7. xo sa kin its, past def. 3 sing., in his mouth he shot. 1 18-14. dakinyunte, fut. def. 3 sing., to chew off (bowstrings). 151-9. tekeitste, fut. def. 1 sing., I will shoot in. 112-9. te kin its, past def. 3 sing., he shot in. 112-10. kit din kil ei, past def. 3 sing., it broke out. 102-2. Conjugation IE. Tco xai, he is buying. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. dim 1 xai ode xai 2. on xai 6 xai 3. tco xai tco ya xai 3a. yoxai yoyaxai Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do xo lin 6uw xait do xo liii 6 de xait 2. on xait 6 xait 3. tco xait tco ya xait 3a. yo xait yo ya xait Imperative. Singular. Plural. 2. on xai 6 xai 3. tco 5 xai tco ya 6 xai 3. yo 6 xai yd ya o xai Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. 6 iutc xait 5 it de xait 2. 6 in xait 6 6 xait 3. tco e xait tco y a xait 3a. yoexait yoyaxait VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 115 Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. oi xai 6 wit de xai 2. on xai 6 wo xai 3. tcon xai tco yan xai 3a. yon xai yo yan xai Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. oi xait o wit de xait 2. on xait 6 wo xait 3. tcon xait tco yan xait 3a. yon xait yo yan xait A few verbs with a prefix 6- show peculiarities. In the third person of all the tense-modes tc before the prefix 6, with which they form a syllable, occur not only where they might be expected in the singular, but in the plural as well. Even in the singular one would expect to find them after, not before, the prefix. In the definite tenses contraction takes place throughout the singular and in the third person plural. The conjugation sign w appears only in the first and second persons of the plural. ya xon its, past def. 3 sing., he shot. 166-8. yoeits, cust. 3a sing., he shot at it. 157-11. yon tan, past def. 3a sing., he kept. 96-8. yoxai (nanakisdeL), pres. 3a sing., to buy they came back. 200-7. yo xai xo win sen, pres. 3a sing., they all began to buy. 200-3. do oi lun te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will quit. 255-5. doyolunte, fut. def. 3a sing., they will quit. 231-1. do tco wil Ian, past def. 3 sing., she will quit. 157-10, 242-13 dotcowillun, pres. 3 sing., he stopped. 234-2. do tco xo wil Ian, past def. 3 sing., he left (him). 343-9. do tco xo na wil Ian, past def. 3 sing., he went away. 343-8. tco yan its, past def. 3 sing., they began to shoot. 144-12. tco nan tan, past def. 3 sing., he held it. 314-9. tco xon tan, past def. 3 sing., he held her. 153-3. 116 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. Conjugation 2. No fit, he is throwing down a blanket. Present Indefinite. Plural. no de ut no fit no ya ut no yai fit Impotential. Plural. do xo liii no de fit nout no ya fit no yai fit Imperative. Plural. no fit no ya teo fit no yai yo fit Customary. Plural. no it de fit no 5 fit no ya e fit no yai e fit Present Definite. Plural. nori da fit no no fit no ya niii fit no yai nin fit Past Definite. Plural. non da fit no no fit no ya nin fit no yai nin fit Singular. 1. now fit 2. non fit 3. no fit 3a. noi fit Singular. 1. do xo liii now fit 2. non fit 3. no fit 3a. noi fit Singular. 2. non fit 3. notcout 3a. noyofit Singular. 1. ndiuwfit 2. no in fit 3. no e fit 3a. noi e fit Singular. 1. nonafit 2. nd nin fit 3. no nin fit 3a. noi nin fit Singular. 1. nonafit 2. no nin fit 3. no nifi fit 3a. noi nin fit VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 117 30. teenaiur Singular. 1. doxolin tcehfrawr 2. teen yauir 3. tee namr 3a. tee naiur Intransitive with root changing for the plural. Tee nau/r, he goes out. Present Indefinite. Singular. Dual. Plural. 1. tcehirauff tee nei. tceyaneL 2. tcenyauir tee no dii. 3. tee nau / tee in di i. tee ya in diL tcindii. tceyundiL [mpotential. Dual. Plural, doxolin tee ne dil tceyanedil teenddil tee in dil tee ya in dil tein dil tee yun dil Imperative. Dual. Plural. tcenei. tceyanei. tee no dii. (tc^diL) tee tcon dii. tee ya tcon dii. tee on dii, tee ya on dii. Customary. Dual. Plural. tee e dil tee ya e dil tee 5 dil tee in dil tee ya in dil tee in dil tee ya in dil Present Definite. Dual. Plural. tcenedeL tceyanedeL tee no deL tee nin de L tee ya nin deL tein deL tee yun deL Past Definite. Singular. Dual. Plural. 1. tceneyai tcenedeL tceyanedeL 2. tee nin yai tee no deL 3. tee nin yai tee nin deL tee ya nin deL 3a. tein yai tein deL tee yun deL Singular. 1. tcehira 2. teen yauir 3. tee tco ya 3a. tee 6 ya Singular. 1. tee iu?r htuauic 2. tee in yautr 3. tee in nautc 3a. tee in naui Singular. 1. tceneya 2. tee nin ya 3. tee nin ya 3a. tein ya 118 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. The verbs of this conjugation have the same sign for person and number which have been noted in Conjugation 1. The only difference in form between the two conjugations is the initial n instead of w in the definite tenses. a dit tcin no nil la de, pres. 3 sing., she put with herself. 302-10. yaninyai, past def. 3 sing., he went (between two). 138-15 ya nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they went. 170-9. ya nin deL hit., pres. 3 dual, when they came. 170-16. wai e xussei, cust. 3 sing., he threw at her. 333-1. waimmil, cust. 3 sing., he always distributes them. 195-8. wa kin nil lit xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., they were (had) burned through. 119-3. wa kin nin SCL xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., it was heated through he saw. 329-16. wun no kin nil lai, past def. 3 sing., she put her hand on. 246-10. Le il loi, cust. 3 sing., he ties together. 334-12. LC nai yun dil la te, fut. def. 1 plu., we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. Lenailluw, cust. 3 sing., she started the fire. 153-1. Lenaliiw, pres. 3 sing., he built (builds) a fire. 235-14. Lena nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he built a fire. 120-10. Le na nil la xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. Lena nil late, fut. def. 2 sing., you will build a fire. 356-4. Le na nil la te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will build a fire. 258-2. Le na nin deL ei, past. def. 3 dual, they went clear round. 102-1. me il loi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. me na nil lai, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 215-11. menemen, past def. 3 sing., him he landed. 162-9, 163-11. me nil la yei, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 216-13. menonin an, past def. 3 sing., he put inside. 328-13. mil loi ne, imp. 2 sing., you must feather. 207-4. mi nil la yei, past def. 3a sing., the waves came ashore. 362-4. na ya nil luw ne en, pres. def. 3 plu., which had been lost. 144-7. VOL. 31 Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 119 naya xon nil lai ei, past def. 3 phi., they took them. 179-8. nanayanindeL, past def. 3 plu., they arrived (across). 172-2. na na nin an, past def. 3 sing., he won back. 144-9. na niii yai, past def. 3 sing., he crossed. 119-17, 322-10. naniiiyayei, past def. 3 sing., she crossed over. 135-6. nanodiL, imp. 2 plu., go away (across?). 266-15. nei ya, pres. def. 1 sing., I might go. 203-15. nei yai, past def. 1 sing., I came. 174-13. neiyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go. 151-7. nim meL din, pres. def. 2 sing., the you bring place. 210-7. niii yamr, imp. 2 sing., go. 354-3. niiiyayete, fut. def. 3a sing., it will come. 307-12. niii ya de, pres. def. 3a sing., if they come. 334-10. ninyate, fut. def. 3a sing., it will reach. 151-15. niii xuts, past def. 3 sing., it flew. 113-17. no a din niii xan, past def. 3 sing., she placed herself. 223-9. no a din xauir, imp. 2 sing., lay yourself down. 223-9. noillutr, cust. 3 sing., she put. 157-11. noi nin yan ne, past def. 3a sing., that far they ate. 347-17 no it to, cust. 3a sing., the water comes. 310-7. no u wu ir, cust. 3 sing., he put down. 237-5. noya nin deL, past def. 3 plu., they sat down. 280-5. nona iur xau?F, cust. 1 sing., I leave it. 247-3. no na il lute, cust. 3 sing., she left off. 332-10. no nai nin an, past def. 3a sing., he left. 355-10. nonautramr, pres. 1 sing., I (never) leave. 248-1. noii auir ne, imp. 2 sing., you must put it down. 210-7. nonauir nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they came to marry. 208-11. no naya kin nin an, past def. 3 plu., they left food. 110-9. no na ne uii, pres. def. 1 sing., I will leave. 223-3, 296-5. no na niii an, past def. 3 sing., he placed it. 117-8. no na nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they lived. 237-1, 241-5. no na nin deL xo Ian, pres. def. 3 dual, they had sat down he saw. 271-12. no na nin tse, past def. 3 sing., he shut a door. 96-9. 120 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. no na kin amt- ne, imp. 2 sing., you must leave. 353-10. no na kin nin un te, fut. def. 3 sing., one should leave. 215-8. no na kin nin un te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will leave. 351- 13, 357-2. no na kin (nin) tan, past def. 3 sing., he set the wedge again. 109-1. nonexunte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will put. 289-2. no nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he put. 98-2. nonillayei, past def. 3 sing., they put them. 300-13. no nil lit hit, pres. def. 3a sing., when he finished sweat ing. 210-8. no nin an, past def. 3 sing., he established it. 273-3. no nin un hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he finished. 234-7. nonifinas, past def. 3 sing., he whittled it down. 197-3. no nin ut, past def. 3 sing., he threw it. 112-3. no nin xan, past def. 3 sing., she put it. 242-7. noninxannei, past def. 3 sing., she put. 287-7. noninxunte, fut. def. 3 sing., he will set it. 290-12. ndninxuts, past def. 3 sing., he dropped. 362-9. no nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 210-16. non xauw ne, imp. 2 sing., put it. 296-14. noxonifiun, pres. def. 3 sing., they fell in with them. 179-5. no xuitf, pres. 3a sing., floats ashore. 346-5. noto^x, pres. 3a sing., water staid. 324-3. no ke iuw qot, cust. 1 sing., I always set up. 247-4. nokinninyan, past def. 3 sing., he finished. 209-12. no kin nin ydiv, past def. 3 sing., scattered about. 145-3. no kin nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he set the wedge 108-11. nuwananelate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 356-7. nu wa nel la te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will give it to you. 353 7 imw auir, pres. 1 sing., I am going to leave. 157-8. xowaya (n) in tan, past def. 3 plu., they gave him. 144-14 XOL noil lit, cust. 3a sing., it quit burning. 336-4. XOL no nil lit, past def. 3a sing., it finished burning. 364-7. XOL no kin nil lit, past def. 3 sing., he finished sweating. 209-13. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 121 da no nin deL, past def . 3 dual, they sat. 179-2. dittsenonillai, past def. 3 sing., they headed the canoe. 216-4. dit tse no nil la xo lun, pres. def. 3 sing., was pointed. 222-4 doLenanela, pres. def. 1 sing., I do not build a fire. 355-14. donoauir, pres. 3 sing., he never put down. 259-6. do he tee nin yai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come out. 162-13. do tee au/r. pres. 3 sing., he never took out. 230-12. do tee in uautr, cust. 3 sing., she never came out. 305-3. do tee nin yai, past def. 3 sing., she never went out. 158-3. do tee nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they did not come out. 102-11. tceeauw, cust. 3 sing., he took out. 333-2. tceil lur, cust. 3 sing., he used to take out. 230-11. tee min nin yot dei, past def. 3 sing., he drove out a deer. 217-16. tcenautr, pres. 3a sing., smoke coming out. 170-7. tee na il lifi xo Ian, cust. 3 sing., blood used to run out. 117-18. tcenayaxon mil., imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 302-3. tee na mil,, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 301-13, tee na nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he drew out. 119-2. tcenanimmeL, past def. 3 sing., he had them thrown out. 301-14. tee na nin an, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 119-3. tee na nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they went back. 267-9. tee na nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 97-13. tceneyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go out. 332-8. tee ne yai, past def. 1 sing., I have gone out. 99-14. tee nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he pulled out. 143-5. tcenillete, fut. def. 3 sing., they will dive out. 252-9. tee nini mas, past def. 3 sing., it rolled out. 197-5. tee nin an. past def. 3 sing., he took it out. 119-15. tee nin yai, past def. 3 sing., he went out. 97-16. teeniiiyane, pres. def. 2 sing., you must go out. 242-1. tee nin ya te ne en, fut. def. 3 sing., he was going to come out. 162-12. An. ARCH. ETH. 3, 8. 122 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. Era. tee nin yos, past def . 3 sing., he pulled out. 118-10, 142-2. tee nin deL hit, pres. 3 dual, when they came out. 175-11. tee nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 97-4. teeninkutc, past def. 3 sing., he threw out. 144-1. tee kin nin y an, past def. 3 sing., they came out. 98-2. tee kin niil hwe, past def. 3 sing., he had finished digging. 100-9. tee kin nin htce ei, past def. 3 sing., he finished digging. 100-8. tcin nim meL, past def. 3 sing., he carried home. 363-1. tcinninen, past def. 3 sing., she brought. 137-15. tcin nin ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he came. 97-1. tcin nin ya win ^e, pres. def. 3 sing., he always came. 231-9 tcin nin ya ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., he used to come. 306-7 tcin nin win detc, pres. 3 sing., if he will bring. 137-5. kin nin en, past def. 3 sing., he brought it. 97-14. kin nin in hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she came with the load. 238-1. Conjugation 3 A. Tcil loi, he is tying. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. imoloi itdilloi 2. il loi 6 loi 3. tcilloi yaloi 3a. yil loi yai loi Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do xo lifi iuw? loi do xo lin it dil loi 2. il loi 6 loi 3. tcil loi ya loi 3a. yil loi yai loi Imperative. Singular. Plural. 2. illoi oloi 3. tco loi ya ted loi 3a. yoloi yayoloi VOL. 31 Coddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 123 Singular. 1. eiutrloi 2. eilloi 3. tee il loi 3a. ye il loi Singular. 1. seloi 2. silloi 3. tcisloi 3a. yisloi Singular. 1. seloi 2. silloi 3. tcisloi 3<z. yisloi Customary. Plural. eitdil loi e d loi ya il loi yai il loi Present Definite. Plural. sitdil loi so loi ya is loi yai is loi Past Definite. Plural, sit dil loi so loi ya is loi yai is loi With a prefix. Na Le, he is painting. Singular. 1. nau>r i.e 2. nun Le 3. na Le 3a. nai i.e Singular. 1. do xo lifi naujf LU 2. nun i.u 3. na LU 3a. nai LU Present Indefinite. Plural, na diL Le na Le na ya Le na yai Le Impotential. Plural. do xo lin na diL LU naLu na ya LU na yai LU 124 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. Em. Imperative. Singular. Plural. 2. nun Le na i.e 3. natcoLe nayatcoLe 3a. na yd Le na ya yo Le Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. na iuw LU na it diL LU 2. na in LU na 6 LU 3. na iL LU na ya IL LU 3a. naiiLLu nayaiiLLu Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. na se Le nas diL Le 2. na sin Le na so Le 3. naisLe nayaisLe 3o. naisLe nayaisLe Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. na se LU nas diL LU 2. nasinLu nasoLu 3. naisLu nayaisi-u 3a. naisLu nayaisLii Intransitive with the root changing for the plural. Nawa, he is about. Present Indefinite. Dual. Plural. naidiL (naiL) nayaidii. na diL nadiL nayadiL na diL na ya diL Singular. 1. nauw 2. nun ya 3. nawa 3a. na wa Singular. Impotential. Dual. 1. do xo lin nauw hwai do xo liii nai dil 2. 3. nun yai na wai na wai na dil nadil nadil Plural, na yai dil na ya dil na ya dil VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 12f> Singular. 2. nun ya 3. na tco ya 3a. na 6 ya Singular. 1. na iur hira 2. na iii ya 3. nalya 3a. na I ya Singular. 1. naseya 2. na sin ya 3. na is ya 3a. nas ya Singular. 1. naseya 2. na sin ya 3. naisya 3a. nas ya Imperative. Dual. nadir natcodii. naodii. Customary. Dual. na e dil ua 6 dil na it dil na it dil Present Definite. Dual. na se deL na so deL na is deL nas deL Past Definite. Dual. na se deL na so deL na is deL nas deL Plural. naya ted diii nayaodii. Plural, na ya e dil na ya it dil na ya it dil Plural. na ya se deL na ya is deL na yas deL Plural. na ya se deL na ya is deL na yas deL This conjugation differs in form from the first and second in having in the definite tenses s, instead of the w of the first, and the n of the second, as the initial of the syllable preceding the root. The difference in meaning is that this conjugation mentions the act or state as persisting in time or space and says nothing of its beginning or its end. Except that in the second person singular of this particular example where n, the sign of that person, has been assimilated to the following 1, the signs of person and number are exactly the same as those shown by the first conjugation. It will be noticed that the third person of the definite tenses does not have the n which appears in the first and second conjugation but which does not seem to be a personal sign. University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. In the second example given above, naLe, "he is painting," the prefix na- is present. It will be noted that the contractions and changes in the present are the same in all respects as those in the first conjugation with similar prefixes. In the definite tenses it will be seen that the form which applies to adult Hupa in the third person has three syllables: first, the prefix; second, s, the conjugation sign, with the weak vowel, i ; third, the root. According to what the Hupa style "the old-fashioned way of talking," one would say natcisi.u. On the analogy of this, nayisLii would be the second form. Its contraction should give nais LU, which occurs in this case. The dropping of tc in the first form may be due to analogy with the first and second conjugations, which do not employ this sign after such prefixes. The other dialects of this group, it may be remarked, have only one form for the third person singular, and that is the prefix with s as its final sound. a i. yatesan, past def. 3 plu., with them they took. 361-1. a nu we sin te te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will look. 357-5. anadisloi, past def. 3 sing., he girded himself. 221-5. a nu wes te, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 143-14, 182-2. in na xos an, past def. 3 dual, they jumped up. 169-11. in nas Lat, past def. 3a sing., it ran up. 295-5. in na tcis Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped up. 171-9. is lun te, fut. def. 3 sing., birth will be given. 103-4. ya is len, past def. 3 plu., they both became. 187-13. ya is len ei, past def. 3 plu., they became. 110-1. ya is loi, past def. 3 plu., they wrapped. 179-7. ya wes a, past def. 3 sing., she sat up. 301-2. ya na wes a, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 165-17. ya nestetc, past def. 3 plu., they went to bed. 169-7. ya xos meL, past def. 3 sing., he whipped him. 164-3. ya xos qot, past def. 3 plu., they stuck them. 181-2. ya xo qot, pres. 3 plu., they stick them. 180-12. yatesyai, past def. 3 sing., he went away. 360-4. ya wes a, past def. 3a sing., it was in. 153-10. yekyu westce, past def. 3 sing., the wind blew in. 270-4. ye kyu wes tee te, fut. def. 3 sing., the smoke will blow. 301-8. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 127 yisdik, past def. 3a sing., he pecked. 113-13. yit da wes le to, fut. def. 3 sing., he will get enough. 267-4. yo xai na na kis deL, past def. 3 phi., to buy they came back. 200-7. yu wun na na is dim mit, past def. 3 sing., she turned over. 117-4. yuwunna xosyu, past def. 3a sing., they ate it. 347-15. wunnalya, eust. 3 sing., he worked on it. 226-2. wun na isya, past def. 3 sing., he started to make. 362-14. wun na isya xo lun, pres. def. 3 sing., he had fixed. 170-10. wun na is deL, past def. 3 dual, they started. 101-17. wunnaidiLxosinxolan, pres. 3 phi., hunting they had been he saw. 140-11. wiinnadiLte, fut. 3 phi., they will hunt. 311-14. i.eilloi, cust. 3 sing., he ties together. 334-12. Lenaisloi, past def. 3 sing., he tied together. 210-5. meena nesdai, past def. 3 sing., hidden he sat watching. 293-1. me il loi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. meisLadei, past def. 3 sing., he ran up. 217-16. menaisteei, past def. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-8. me na ya is deL, past def. 3 phi., they started back. 208-16 me na kis loi, past def. 3 sing., he bound it up. 145-11. me nin tsis deL, past def. 3 plu., in it they danced. 216-5. me sit ditc tetc, pres. def. 1 dual, in we would be rying. 190-4. medzesla, past def. 3 sing., she hated him. 189-6. mil loi ne, imp. 2 sing., you must feather arrows. 207-4. min notes in, pres. def. 3 sing., he is looking under his arm. 113-1. na ifurloihit, cust. 1 sing., I tie them up. 247-11. na iuir LU, cust. 1 sing., I paint. 247-12. naisya, pres. def. 3 sing., he walked around. 157-9. naisyate, fut. def. 3 sing., he goes. 307-13. na isdau we a . xo liiii, past def. 3 sing., it had melted away. 236-1. na is deL. past def. 3 dual., they had traveled. 181-14. naisdiLLat, past def. 3 sing., she ran. 185-6. 128 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. na is din nan, past def . 3 sing., he turned. naiste, past def. 3 sing., he carried it around. 282-4. naistsii, past def. 3 sing., he rolled about. 119-4. na ya nu wes dil lai, past def. 3 plu., they took the bet. 142-17. na ya tes in x, pres. def. 3 sing., she looked. 300-17. nalu, pres. 3 sing., which live. 100-7. nanaisyaexolan, pres. def. 3 sing., she could walk. 276-11. nana isyayei, past def. 3 sing., he went back over. 117-6. na na is dit tse, past def. 3 sing., he turned around. 314-6. nana sin yate, fut. def. 2 sing., you will be. 353-8. nanasdeLte, fut. def. 3a plu., they will become. 228-2. nanakiswel, past def. 3 sing., he arranged again. 106-7. nanakisle, past def. 3 sing., he felt around. 106-5. na na kis le hit, pres. 3 sing., when he had felt. 106-6. nanesindai, past def. 2 sing., you sat down. 351-1. nanesdai, past def. 3 sing., she sat down. 136-2. na nes da xo lun, pres. 3 sing., he sitting. 270-10. nanuwesa, past def. 3 sing., ridge ran across. 363-14. naxotesan, past def. 3 dual, they ran around. 341-4. na sin yate., fut. def. 2 sing., you will travel. 356-2. nasyayei, past def. 3a sing., it commenced to walk. 136-9. nasdeL, past def. 3a dual, they began to walk. 180-16. nas deL te, fut. def. 3a dual, they will stay. 253-4. na tes deL, past def. 3 dual, they started back. 176-17. natse, pres. 3 sing., it rolling around. 157-4. nakisyoM/ hwei, past def. 3a sing., it flowed in a circle. 100-11. na kis le, past def. 3 sing., he felt. 107-15. na kis Lon, past def. 3 sing., she made baskets. 189-5. na kis deL, past def. 3 plu., they came around. 200-2. nakisqot, past def. 3 sing., he pushed a stick. 145-12. na kis qot te, fut. def. 3 sing., he is going to poke. 192-9. neene sedate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will hide from you. 328-6. ne it tetc, cust. 3 dual, they always lay. 333-12. niLteseyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go with you. 187-4. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 129 nin is deL, past def . 3 dual, they danced. 104-14. nintsisdeL, past def. 3 dual, they danced. 215-12. kisdate, fut. def. 3a sing., it would melt away. 259-9. hirii, te sin ya te, fut. def. 2 sing., with me you may go. 187-7. xai xos ten nei, past def. 3a sing., it took her up. 239-1. xaisyai, past def. 3 sing., he caine up. 105-1. xaisyadin, pres. def. 3 sing., he got up place. 272-2. xa is lai, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 98-16. xaisxunhit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she had brought them up. 99-9. xaisten, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 99-2. xa kis wen, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it. 166-4. xa na is Ids, past def. 3 sing., she dragged it up. 190-2. xa kis wen, past def. 3 sing., he had earned it. 166-4. xo wunnakisle, past def. 3 sing., he felt of him. 153-5. xoLyatesyai, past def. 3 sing., with them he went. 208-15 XOL xut tes nan, past def. 3a sing., it moved in her. 341-3. XOL xut tes nun te, fut. def. 3 sing., it would move in her. 341-2. xoLteslat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 315-2. XOL tes deL, past def. 3 dual, with him they went. 110-7. xoLtcinnesten, past def. 3 sing., with her he lay. 223-13. xon na is din nun hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he turned around. 278-12. xot da na we sin tee te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will blow down. 227-6. xot da na kyii we sin tee te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will blow down. 227-5. xotdeisyai, past def. 3 sing., he met him. 105-14. xot de ya is deL, past def. 3 phi., they met them. 110-8. da ne sedate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go fishing. 256-8. datcinnesdai, past def. 3 sing., she fished. 98-14. da kit du wes tee, past def. 3 sing., the wind blew. 324-4. do he nas deL x, past def. 3o plu., they could not walk about. 322-7. dohekiLtcinnesten, past def. 3 sing., he did not have intercourse. 104-7. 130 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. do tcit tes ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he did not feel like going on. 281-3. tayaishwal, past def. 3 phi., they caught. 328-4. tana is tan, past def. 3 sing., she took it out of the water. 325-4. ta nai kyu we sin tee te, fut. def. 2 sing., blow out to sea with you. 228-5. tadesla, pres. def. 3a sing., it has come. 199-3. tadeslat, past def. 3 sing., it came. 105-2. ta des deL xo lufi, pres. def. 3a plu., they had come ashore. 101-2. tatciswen, past def. 3 sing., he carried out. 120-10. teseyai, past def. 1 sing., I went away. 353-6. teseyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going away. 229-9. teselate, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to take them. 253-15. tesetcwitte, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to measure. 116-12. tes la, pres. def. 3 sing., he is drowning. 210-11. tes lat dei, past def. 3a sing., it floated. 244-15. tes deL ei, past def. 3a plu., they flew away. 159-12. tes deL te, fut. def. 3a plu., they will come. 252-3. tsi yun te il dil, cust. 3 plu., they always ran off. 333-11. tsis loi, past def. 3 sing., he made bundles. 142-3. tcin nes dai, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 96-11. tcin nes da te., fut. def. 3 sing., she will sit. 290-14. tcis Ian, past def. 3 sing., he was born. 96-2. tcislen, past def. 3 sing., he became. 106-17. tcis loi, past def. 3 sing., he played. 144-4. tcit tes en, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 104-4. tcit tes en ne en, past def. 3 sing., he used to look. 104-8. tcit tes in, pres. def. 3 sing., one doesn t look up. 237-9. tcit tes yai, past def. 3 sing., he started. 96-10. tcit tes ya ye xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., he had traveled he saw. 186-1. tcit tes la, pres. def. 3 sing., he is drowning. 210-11. tcit tes lai, past def. 3 sing., they started by boat. 215-10. tcit tes lai, past def. 3 sing., he drew it. 144-15. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 131 tcittesxan, past def. 3 sing., he tix>k along. 342-2. teittesdeL, past def. 3 dual, they went. 170-15. tcit tes deL te, fut. def. 3 dual, he was to travel with. 174-9 tcit tes tun de, pres. def. 3 sing., if he takes along. 317-13. tcittindii., pres. 3 phi., they are coming. 198-2. keisyai, past def. 3 sing., he climbed up. 137-17. keisyayei, past def. 3 sing., she climbed up. 137-12. ke is Lat, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 158-8. kesinqotcei, past def. 2 sing., you climbed up the tree. 175-1. kes Latdei, past def. 3 sing., he climbed up he saw. 174-7 kiLnesetin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will have intercourse with a woman. 104-7. kinnaislal, past def. 3 sing., he dreamed. 191-6. kinnau/f laL, pres. 1 sing., I dreamed. 191-8. kin nesoyunte, fut. def. 2 plu., may you grow to be men. 238-13. kislete, fut. def. 3 sing., they will catch many. 257-10. kyu wa istcwit, past def. 3 sing., he broke off. 317-6. Conjugation 3s. Tcit tit tui-, he is stepping along. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. tuirtuL titdittfu. 2. tintuL totuL 3. tcit tit tuL ya tit tiii. 3o. yit tit tuL yai tit till. Impotential. Plural. do xo lin tit dit tul to tul ya tit tul vai tit tul Singular. 1. do xo lin tuir tul 2. tin tul 3. tcit tit tul 3o. yit tit tul 132 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. Singular. 2. tintuL 3. tcittotuL 3a. yittotuL Singular. 1. teiuMtul 2. te in till 3. tcit te it tul 3a. yitteittul Singular. 1. tesetaL 2. tesintaL 3. tcittetaL 3o. yittetaL Singular. 1. tesetaL 2. tesintaL 3. tcittetaL 3a. yittetaL Imperative. Plural. totilL ya to tiiL yai to tuL Customary. Plural. te it dit tul te 6 tul ya te it tul yai te it tul Present Definite. Plural, tes dit taL te so taL ya te taL yai te taL Past Definite. Plural, tes dit taL te so taL ya te taL yai te taL This form B differs from A, given above, only in the loss of s in the syllable preceding the root. This same prefix te-, denot ing distribution over space, retains the s in tcittesyai and tcit tes deL listed above. The reason for its loss in the following verbs is not evident. In some cases, at least, the act is considered as taking place at several separate definite places in succession. yateittcwu, cust. 3 plu., they cried along. 179-12. yatemitc, past def. 3 plu., they pulled off. 179-10. ya te xan, past def. 3 sing., he picked up. 109-16. ye xo yufi xo lun, pres. def. 3 plu., they had eaten. 100-17. yexotaan, past def. 3 plu., they ran in. 238-9. ye tcit te deL, past def. 3 dual, they went into. 142-9. VOL. 31 Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 133 me sit te deL, past def . 3 plu., they went along up. 198-13. nadittemeL, past def. 3a plu., they fell. 245-11. natelos, past def. 3 sing., she dragged back. 190-1. natetse, past def. 3 sing., he opened the door. 118-2, 158-9 na kit te it Loir, cust. 3 sing., she always made baskets. 157-3. nakitteLon, past def. 3 sing., she wove another round. 305-7. noyatemeL. past def. 3 plu., they dropped them along. 179-11. xatemas, past def. 3 sing., it rolled out of the ground. 270-5. x6 way ate lai, past def. 3 plu., they gave them. 198-8. da note deL te, fut. def. 3 plu., everybody will fish. 256-9. tesetcwitte, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to measure it. 116-12. tee te deL, past def. 3 plu., they went out. 141-5. tcetexan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 111-5. tcinteen, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 165-19. tcin tel lai, past def. 3 plu., they brought. 230-15. tcin te deL, past def. 3 plu., they got there. 138-5. tcit te it tcwu, cust. 3 sing., he always cried. 186-8. tcitteyos, past def. 3 sing., she stretched it. 158-13. tcit te teen, past def. 3 sing., he looked around. 109-12. tcit tete wen, past def. 3 sing., she waved. 242-12. tcit tete lai, past def. 3 sing., she rubbed. 307-3. tcit te te tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he completed the meas ure. 226-4. tcittetemeL, past def. 3 sing., he scattered them 101-3. tcit te tot, past def. 3 sing., he drank. 112-15. tcit te tcit, past def. 3 sing., he was almost dead. 111-16. tcittetcwai, past def. 3 sing., she buried in several places. 192-12. tcit te tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he measured it. 116-13. tcoyatexait, past def. 3 plu., they began to buy. 200-8. ke it Lo, cust. 3 sing., she used to make baskets. 189-1. kitteakutc., past def. 3 sing., they began to play. 142-16. kit te e au, cust. 3 sing., he sang along. 315-5. 134 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETIT. kit te it Low:, cust. 3 sing., one who always made baskets. 324-5. kitteyannei, past def. 3 sing., they fed about. 98-4. kitteyoitf, past def. 3 sing., it flowed out. 100-11. kittehwe, past def. 3 sing., he began to dig. 100-8. kittehwil, past def. 3 sing., he called along. 98-4. kit te sin kutc tei, fut. def. 2 sing., you will play shinny. 142-12. kittetfats, past def. 3 sing., he cut them. 101-1. kittetelai, past def. 3 sing., he rubbed. 347-14. kittiyauM?, past def. 3 sing., they came out. 98-3. Conjugation 4. Tcit tcit, he is dying. Present. Singular. Plural. 1. iuwtcit itdittcit 2. in tcit otcit 3. tcit tcit yatcit 3a. tcit (yittcit) yaitcit Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do xo liii iuw tcit do xo lifi it dit tcit 2. in tcit o tcit 3. tcit tcit ya tcit 3a. yit tcit yai tcit Imperative. Singular. Plural. 2. in tcit otcit 3. ted tcit yatcotcit 3a. otcit yaotcit Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. eiuM/teit e it dit tcit 2. e in tcit e 6 tcit 3. tee it tcit y a it tcit 3a. ye it tcit yai it tcit VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 135 Past. The past is identical in form with the present given above. With a prefix. Naa, he has it. Present. Singular. Plural. 1. nawra nadaa 2. nun a na a 3. naa nayaa 3a. naia nayaia Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. doxolin nawrai doxolifi nadaai 2. nufiai naai 3. naai nayaai 3a. nai ai na yai ai Imperative. Singular. Plural. 2. nun a na a 3. natcoa nayatcoa 3a. na yo a na ya yo a Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. naiuira naitdaa 2. na in a na 6 a 3. na a a na ya a a 3a. nai a a na yai a a Past. Singular. Plural. 1. nauicai nadaai 2. m"m ai na ai 3. naai nayaai 3a. naiai nayaiai Verbs of this eonjujjation differ from thase in the preceding conjugations in that they have no definite tenses. They do have a past tense which differs from the present only in the form of 136 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. the root. As will be seen from the preceding examples, the signs of person and number are the same as for the other conjugations, and the same contractions occur with the prefixes. a en nil, cust. 3a sing., it does it. 275-5. aiyetcislinxolan, pres. 3 sing., he was tired. 346-9. ailate, fut. 3a sing., they will catch. 253-10. ainnu, past 3 sing., he did. 288-9. a in nu miL, past 3 sing., when the sun was there. 332-4. a in te, past 3 sing., how he appeared. 209-5. ai xoi il le, cust. 3 sing., they do with him. 196-7. aityauxolun, past 3 sing., tired he was. 346-10. aityade, pres. 3 sing., if he does. 348-7. ai kit in xo sin, pres. 3a sing., (bears) did that. 223-4. aikywren, fut. 1 sing., I will do. 230-16. auw law, past 1 sing., I have done. 260-3, 302-10. amrlate, fut. 1 sing., what shall I do with it? 293-8. auwdiya, pres. 1 sing., I might manage it. 101-11. amr di yau, past 1 sing., I did. 325-17. auwdlyate, fut. 1 sing., (what) am I going to do. 257-14 auw tin ne en, pres. 1 sing., I used to do. 341-7. ayainnu, cust. 3 plu., they used to have sports. 305-2. ayaien, past 3 plu., they did. 305-5. a ya tin ne en, pres. 3 plu., they used to do that. 306-1. aya tcillau, past 3 plu., they fixed. 172-4. a late, fut. 2 plu., are you going to do. 102-15. alene, imp. 2 plu., you must do it. 100-18, 101-3. anaidiyau, past 1 plu., we do this. 361-9. anauwlate, fut. 1 sing., I was intending to do. 260-3. anauwdiyau, past 1 sing., I did it. 282-5. 325-12. anayadillau, past 3 plu., they fixed themselves. 170-1. anadlyau, past 3a sing., it did that. 244-11. anadillau, past 3 sing., he made himself. 152-11. a na dil le, imp. 2 sing., plu., fix yourself. 170-1. a na dit ten, past 1 dual, we did. 217-7. ana tcillau, past 3 sing., he did. 106-8. anatcillate, fut. 3 sing., he will do. 258-4. a nun di yau, past 2 sing., you did that way. 275-1, 326-6. ahwola, pres. 2 plu., you have treated me. 166-12. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 137 a xo la do, pres. 3a sing., if it happens. 308-1, 5. axodil la. pres. 1 phi., we could do with him. 116-16. adlya. pres. 3a sing., it has happened. 361-6. adiyauwei, past 3a sing., something is coming. 104-14. adlya te, fut. 3a sing., it will be. 260-18. adlyatei., fut. 3a sing., it would do. 234-11. a /en. past 3 sing., he did it. 98-9. a /en. past 3a sing., it did it. 120-9. a /inwes/e, pres. 3a sing., it had done. 325-10. a/inte, fut. 3 sing., (Indians) will do. 215-9. ateillau, past 3 sing., he did it. 112-5. a kil lau, past 3 sing., they did. 266-13, 322-1. akyole, imp. 2 phi., you do. 198-2. eea, cust. 3a sing., it always lay. 292-2. eillu cust. 3o sing., (in composition). 223-14, 248-1. iu/rtcitte, fut. 1 sing., I will die. 346-13. il le ne, imp. 2 sing., become. 109-6. inhirii.. imp. 2 sing., you call. 355-6. ole, imp. 2 phi., become. 110-7. o le, imp. 3 sing., let it become. 340-8, 362-7. olene, imp. 2 phi., become. 109-18. ul le, imp. 2 sing., take it over. 220-13. ul le ne, imp. 2 sing., do it. 176-7. iin dl van, past 2 sing., you did. 257-8, 337-9. fin dl ya te. fut. 2 sing., will you do. 266-4. un te, pres. 3a sing., there is. 209-15. iin te. pres. 3 sing., used to be seen. 235-18. van a, pres. 3 sing., he sitting. 110-14. yafi ai, past 3 sing., they were sitting. 329-3. ya sil lai, past 3 phi., they were there. 180-3. mal yeujr ai il lu, cust. 3a sing., she took care of it. 136-7. mal yeuu- a tcil lau, past 3 sing., she took care of it. 157-6. mesaun, pres. 3a sing., was in it. 243-15. nan a ei, past 3a sing., it hangs there. 295-3. naii ya, pres. 3a sing., it rains. 229-3. nan yai, past 3a sing., it rained. 144-5. nan xa, pres. 3a sing., it has come to be. 310-1. na sa an, past 3a sing., it was. 360-8. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 10. 138 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. na sa un te, fut. 3a sing., it will be. 226-9. na dil le, pres. 3 sing., they are. 211-13. nadillene, imp. 2 pin., you may become. 166-12. nadillete, fut. 3 sing., they will become again. 116-12. na dil le te, fut. 3 sing., it was going to happen. 117-5. na dil lu, past (fut.) 3 sing., it will be. 243-2. nin eL, pres. 3a plu., that is. 228-2. xa ai lau, past 3a sing., it broke. 290-1. xa a in nu, cust. 3 sing., he always did that. 139-9. xaainnu, cust. 3a sing., that happened. 340-5. xaaityau, past 3 sing., he did that. 98-8. xaaityaxolan, pres. 3 sing., the same he found he was. 346-7. xa aim di ya te, fut. 1 sing., I am going to do what. 202-8. xaanaityau, past 3 sing., he did that way. 255-9. xa a na tcil lau, past 3 sing., that he did. 260-9. xa a xo lau, past 3a sing., he did the same thing. 1 278-12. xaaxolene, pres. 3a sing., he should do that. 1 163-2. xa a di yau, past 3a sing., it acted the same way. 244-14. xaadiyateL, fut. 3a sing., that way it will be. 341-16. xa a tin wes te, pres. 3a sing., the same thing it always did. 325-1. xa a fan win te, pres. 3 sing., she always did that. 136-14. xa a tin te, fut. 3a sing., that way will do it. 229-8. xa a tcil lau, past 3 sing., same thing he did. 211-1. xaatcityau, past 3 sing., that he did. 280-12. xaulle, imp. 2 sing., do that. 165-19. xadiyate, fut. 3a sing., it will do that. 254-10. xolin, absolute form, (I wish) it w r as. 340-7. xolmi, absolute form, he found. 361-16. xdlunteL, absolute fut., he will be the one. 209-12. xo tcin na sil lai, past. 3a plu., she was dressed in. 164-9. xo tcin sil la ne en, pres. 3a plu., on her used to be. 153-4. xwaeille, cust. 3a sing., he had enough. 332-6. saun, pres. 3a sing., standing. 110-13. sa un te, fut. 3a sing., it will be. 226-10. 1 These two verbs were probably inexactly translated in Hupa Texts. They are evidently impersonal, "it happened" and "it should be done." VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Jlupa Language. 139 saanne, pres. 3a sing., (house) standing. 1 164-15. saxanne, past 3a sing., in the distance was. 112-13. sil len, past. 3a sing., it seemed. 246-2. sil lin te, fut. 3a sing., that is going to be. 287-5. sit da, pres. 3a sing., (he saw several boys) sitting there. 164-16. sitdai, past 3a sing., (two) lived there. 278-1. sit ten, past 3a sing., she was lying. 145-8. sittetcx, pres. 3a phi. (dual), they lay there. 322-6. sit tin, pres. 3a sing., she was lying. 117-2. sux xun, pres. 3a sing., lying in a basket. 171-7. da xo a di ya xo Ian, past 3a sing., he was dead they found out. 175-11. da xo a fen, past 3 sing., who die. 346-4. da xo un a di ya te, fut, 3 sing., they will die. 217-16. da xo un a tcityau, past 3 sing., that he was dead. 226-5. da xwed un ul lau, past 2 sing., what are you doing. 163-3. daxweddaiia dlyau, past 3a sing., what is it going to do. 270-6. daxweddinnaawr fin, pres. 1 sing., what am I doing. 163-4. da sit tan, past 3a sing., it was sitting there. 246-10. da sit tun, pres. 3a sing., there it sits. 246-9. da sit ten, past 3o sing., it was lying. 114-16. do me sa un, pres. 3a sing., nothing was in it. 243-9. do he tcit tcit, past 3 sing., he did not die. 164-1. do xa auic ten, past 1 sing., I never do that. 109-4. doxaundlyau, past 2 sing., you don t do that. 343-13. doxolen, absolute, (eyes) were lacking. 106-6. doxoliii, absolute, (sweathouse wood) is gone. 141-8. doxolifi itdau, impot, 3a sing., they won t melt away. 254-7. do xo lifi niii xa ten tcil lu, impot. 3 sing., it won t be rich man he w T ill become. 338-7. doxolifi. sedai> impot. 1 sing., I can t stay. 360-11. 1 The situation of this form in the sentence after fin kya requires the present. The vowel of the root (second syllable) is that of the past be cause of the following ne, which indicates the house is in sight. 140 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. do xo lin da xo a ten, impot. 3 sing., they won t die. 253-7, doxosle, absolute, there were none. 96-7, 98-7, 322-5. duw di ya, pres. 1 sing., I am in the condition. 355-10. teille, pres. 3 sing., (I wish) would be. 340-10. tcitdei, past 3a sing., it died. 266-8. tcit tcit xo Ian, pres. 3 sing., he died. 347-3. tcit tcitdei, past 3 sing., he died. 164-4. CLASS II. Conjugation IA. Ye tciL da, he is carrying in a large object. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. ye iuw da ye it dil da 2. yeiLda yeoLda 3. ye tciL da yeyaiLda 3a. yeyiLda yeyaiiida Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do xo lin ye iuw da do xo lin ye it dil da 2. ye IL da ye OL da 3. ye tciL da ye ya IL da 3a. ye yiL da ye yai iL da Imperative. Singular. Plural. 2. yeiLda yeoLda 3. yetcoLda yeyatcoLda 3a. yeyoLda yeyaiyoLda Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. ye e iuw da ye e it dil da 2. yeeiLda yeeoLda 3. ye tee IL da yeyaiLda 3a. ye yeiLda ye yai IL da VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 141 Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. yeweida yewitdilda 2. yewii-da yewotda 3. yetcuwh. da yeyawii. da 3a. yeyiiwii. da yeyaiwn. da Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1 . ye weL da ye wit dil da 2. yewii, da yewoLda 3. yetcuwiLda ye ya wit. da 3rt. ye yu wiL da ye yai wii. da Class II differs from Class I, in form, in having the sound T. as the final sound of the syllable immediately preceding the root. Some changes in the signs of the persons and numbers are occa sioned by this invasion. Indefinite Tenses. It seems probable that L cannot stand after the sound w of the first person singular, therefore the form is the same as in Class T. In the first person plural of all the conjugations of this class, T. apparently becomes voiced and appears as 1. The disappearance, in the second person singular, of n is probably due to T. being added to the syllable. That -n norm ally belongs here, as well as in all other second person singulars, is shown by its presence in Tolowa, where the syllable appears as -gum.-, g and u, respectively, being the equivalents of Hupa w and i. The second person plural adds i. without any other change. In the third person singular T, unites with the weak vowel of the sign, forming ten.- and yh,-, respectively. In accordance with the genius of the Hupa language, in the third person plural, T.. not finding available support, has formed a new syllable, with the aid of i. Definite Tenses. The introduction of L furnishes but little difficulty. It appears in these tenses in the first person singular as well as else where. In the third person singular and plural it completes the syllable of which the conjugation sign w is the beginning. The 142 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. question arises, whether, if the L displaces the n in the second person singular, as has been mentioned above, it has not in the third person forced out the 11 which appears in Class I. The Tolowa, which always has -gunL- in the second person singular, has sometimes -guL- and sometimes -gunL- in the third person. ye yu wiL kit de te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will go there. 301-9. yetceiikas, cust. 3 sing., he threw in. 288-7. ye tcu wiL da, past def. 3 sing., she carried in. 191-13. ye tcu wiL taL ei, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 362-5. ye tcu wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., she put it in. 289-17. ye tcu WIL ten nei, past def. 3 sing., he took him in. 222-8. ye tcu WIL tin de, pres. def. 3 sing., if they will take them in. 302-7. ye tcu wiL 6, past def. 3 sing., he slipped them. 329-1. yin ne tcu wiL ten nei, past def. 3 sing., he put him in the ground. 215-3. yin ne tcu wiL tin, pres. def. 3 sing., in the ground they have put. 221-3. yooLtuw, imp. 2 plu., put in. 362-6. WOL din tan, fut. def. 2 plu., you will get used to it. 180-9. do tcu wiL den, past def. 3 sing., he got lonesome. 220-4. 306-10. teweLqotcte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will throw in. 112-4. te wiL au> hw?il, past def. 3a sing., it crawls. 311-4. tcu wiLtel, past def. 3 sing., he was bringing. 329-6. tcu wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 152-9. tcuwiLkil, past def. 3 sing., he split with his hands. 210-1 tcu wiL kyos il, past def. 3 sing., he taking it along. 208-9. Conjugation IB. Me ML te, he is singing. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. mekyuw;te mekitdilte 2. mekiLte mekyoLte 3. mekiLte meyakiLte 3a. mi ML te me yai kiL te VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 143 Singular. 2. mekiLte 3. mekyoLte 3a. mikyoLte Singular. 1. mekeiu/rtu 2. me ke ii. tu 3. mekeii. tu 3a. mike ir. tu Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do x5 lin me kyutr tu do xo lin me kit dil tu 2. inekiLtu mekydLtu 3. mekiLtu meyakiLtu 3a. mikiLtu ineyaikiLtu Imperative. Plural. me kyoL te me ya kyoL te me yai kyoi. te Customary. Plural. me ke it dil tu me kyd OL tu meyakeiLtu me yai ke ir. tu Present Definite. Plural. me kyu wit dil te me kyu WOL te me ya kyu W!L te me yai kyu wii. te Past Definite. Plural. me kyu wit dil tu me kyu WOL tu me ya kyu \\T.L tu me yai kyu wiL tu ana dit du wii.kan, past def. 3 sin^r., he jumped out one side. 108-15. yanakyu wir. tsil Hi. te, fut. def. 3 plu., they may split. 109-8. yakii. tsis, pres. 3 sing., he made it sprinkle. 338-2. yenawiLmen, past def. 3 sin?., he made it swim. 266-2. wun du wiL tcut, past def. 3 sin?., he took. 96-12. meya kyu wir, tel. pres. def. 3 plu., they sang. 234-1. 1. Singular. me ker. te 2. mekyuwiLte 3. mekyuwiLte 3a. mi kyu wiL te Singular. 1. mekeLtu 2. me kyu wiL tu 3. me kyu wiL tu 3a. mikyuwir. tu 144 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH - ETH - me na kyu wiL tu, past def. 3 sing., he sang again. 238-15. me du wiL a, past def. 3 sing., she put the ends in the fire. 242-11. mekyuwiLtel, pres. def. 3 sing., that singing. 235-4. mekyuwiLtu, past def. 3 sing., he sang. 234-6. naadiLwuL, imp. 2 sing., hurry. 354-3. naixonnu wiLhttron, past def. 3 sing., it cured him. 121-13. na na kin nu WIL a, past def. 3 sing., he made a ridge. 104-3 naxowiLme, past def. 3 sing., he bathed him. 187-12. na xo wiL tun te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be wet. 273-6. na xo wii> tsai ei, past def. 3a sing., it was dried up. 111-14 naxoLtun, imp. 3a sing., let it get soft. 233-6. na do weL din tse, pres. 1 sing., I am becoming lonesome for. 176-2. nin kyu wiL aL, past def. 3 sing., he cut it. 266-10. xo W!L tsai ye de, pres. def. 3 sing., until it becomes dry. 255-7. xo wiL tsai ye te, fut. def. 3a sing., it becomes shallow. 259-16. xo wiL teweL te, fut. 3 sing., he fixes the place. XOL yai din ne wiL a, past def. 3a phi., they learned (how to shoot). 180-13. danadiLa, imp. 2 sing., shoot. 329-11. danadoi.a, imp. 3 sing., he can shoot. 145-1. danaduwiLa, past def. 3 sing., he set another on it. 197-4. danaduwica, past def. 3 sing., he shot. 329-12. danadu wiL a ei, past def. 3 sing., he hit. 145-2. da tcit du wiL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he has taken away. 207-11. dedeiLkas, cust. 3 sing., he threw into the fire. 238-13. do he XOL din nu wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not know how. 175-4. tcit de IL ne, cust. 3 sing., he played on it. 99-12. tcit du wiL waL ei, past def. 3 sing., she knocked off. 159-11. VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 145 tcitdu wiLwis, past def. 3 sin jr., he rolled it between his hands. 197-4. tcit dii WIL tseL, past def. 3 sinjj., he pounded it off. 281-16. tco xo wiL tcwel HL te, fut. def. 3 sinjr., he will fix the dance place. 211-1(5. tcoduwiLxut, past def. 3 sinjr., she asked them. 301-17. kyddii wii.tsotstse, past def. X sinjr.. a kissing noise she heard. 111-9. kyddii. teotsne, imp. 2 sin<r., make a kissinjr, noise. 111-7. Conjugation Ic. YaiLwui., he threw into the air. Present Indefinite. Singular. 1 lunil. 1. yautPwuL ya dil WUL 2. yuLwuL yai.wuL 3. ya ii. WUL ya ya ii. WUL 3a. yaiLwuL yayaiLwuL Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do xo lin yauic wul do xo liii ya dil wul 2. yuL wul 3. yaiLwul 3a. yaiL will yaL wul ya ya iL wul yayaiLwul Singular. Imperative. Plural. 2. yuLwuL 3. yatcoLwuL 3a. yaioLwuL yaL WUL ya ya tcoL WUL yayai OL WUL Singular. Customary. Plural. 1. yaiujcwul 2. yaiL wul 3. yaiLwul 3a. yai iL wul ya it dil will ya OL wul ya ya IL wul yayai IL wul 146 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. yaiLwaL yawitdilwaL 2. yaLwaL yawdLwaL 3. yawiLwaL yayawiLwaL 3a. yaiwiLwaL yayaiwiLwaL Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. yaiLwaL yawitdilwaL 2. yaLwaL yawoLwaL 3. yawiLwaL yayawiLwaL 3a. yaiwiLwaL yayaiwiLwaL yaiLwul, cust. 3 sing., he always clubs them. 196-1. yamctmc, pres. 1 sing., let me pick it up. 286-11. yawiLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw. 362-8. yawiLtennei, past def. 3 sing., she picked up. 287-3. yawii.kas, past def. 3 sing., he threw up. 96-3. yawiLkyos, past def. 3 sing., he picked up. 293-6. yanauwtuw;, pres. 1 sing., I will pick up. 286-9. vena WIL ten, past def. 3 sing., she put it in. 136-5. yenawiLkait, past def. 3 sing., she landed. 135-12. waiiLtmr, cust. 3 sing., he always gave. 136-12. Le nai W!L dil la din, pres. def. 3a sing., build a fire place 351-5. me na wiL na ei, past def. 3 sing., he steamed them. 342-12. mena wiLkyo, past def. 3 sing., she was that big. 341-4. naiwiLxaLte, fut. def. 3a sing., night will pass. 242-17. nanawiLkyos, past def. 3 sing., he took it down. 204-4. no na wiL dits tse, past def. 3 sing., he had a door shut. 97-2. hiooiLkas, imp. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10. xa na wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., he dug it out. 221-10. xeeiLyol, cust. 3 sing., he blows away. 296-15. xeewiLwaL, past def. 3 sing., she threw away. 189-11. xeenaiLkis, cust. 3 sing., she pushed it away. 185-3. xotdaii.kas, cust. 3 sing., he threw down. 138-8. da nai wiL kil HL te, fut. def. 3a sing., fog will stay. 273-2. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Tfupa Language. 147 djewiLtseL, past def. 3 sin?., he pounded it. 108-11. djewiLkil, past def. 3 sin?., he tore away. 176-9. djenawii. tujr, past def. 3 sing., he opened it. 109-2. tawii.kait, past def. 3 sin?., he started across. 315-1. tcwin dai wii, ten, past def. 3a sin?., he spoiled. 221-13. tcwin da wiL ten, past def. 3 sin?., he spoiled. 222-5. keyawiLna, past def. 3 plu., they cooked. 266-10. kewiLna, past def. 3 sin?., she cooked them. 99-9. kewiLfan, past def. 3 sin?., he put (pitch). 150-12. kenawiLna, past def. 3 sin?., he cooked it. 260-6. kyu wa na IL tuw, cust. 3 sin?., he who ?ives back. 241-4. kit ta ya WIL tsit, past def. 3 plu., they soaked the meal. 180-4. Conjugation ID. Yekii.wis, he is borin? a hole. Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. yekyuicwis yekitdilwis 2. ye ML wis yekyoLwis 3. yekii, wis ye ya kiL wis 3a. ye yl kiL wis yeyaikiLwis Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1 . do xo lifi ye kyuw wis do xo lin ye kit dil wis 2. ye kiL wis ye kyoL wis 3. ye kiL wis ye ya kiL wis 3a. ye yl kiL wis ye yai kiL wis Imperative. Singular. Plural. 2. ye ML wis yekyoLwis 3. ye kyoL wis ye ya kyoi. wis 3a. ye yl kyoL wis ye yai kyoL wis 148 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. Singular. 1. yekeiuwwis 2. yekeiLwis 3. yekeiLwis 3a. yeyikeiLwis Singular. 1. yekeLwis 2. yekyuwiLwis 3. yekiLwis 3a. yeyikiLwis Singular. 1. yekeLwis 2. yekyuwiLwis 3. yekiLwis 3. yeyikiLwis Customary. Plural. ye ke it dil wis ye ke OL wis ye ya ke IL wis ye yai ke IL wis Present Definite. Plural. ye kyu wit dil wis ye kyu WOL wis ye ya ML wis ye yai kiL wis Past Definite. Plural. ye kyu wit dil wis ye kyu WOL wis ye ya kiL wis ye yai kiL wis a diL ya ML qotc, past def. 3 sing., he threw himself with it. 202-3. a diL ya ML qotc hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he threw himself with it. 202-7. a diL 116 ke iL qow, cust. 3 sing., he used to throw to with himself. 202-4. yaxoLten, past def. 3 sing., he has taken him. 151-4. yenaxdLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him. 106-13. yekiLwis, past def. 3 sing., he bored a hole. 197-3. yekiLtaL, past def. 3 dual, they began to dance. 179-2. yekiLtseL, past def. 3 sing., she passed the water in. 111-9. yin ne ya XOL taL, past def. 3 sing., in the ground he tramped them. 361-10. ma ML kit, past def. 3 sing., she fed the little one. 192-1. ma kyuw kit, pres. 1 sing., I better feed them. 192-1. miL xot da ML waL, past def. 3 sing., with she dropped down. 189-11. min noi kiL dik, past def. 3a sing., he pecked open. 113-15. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 149 na a diL WUL. imp. 2 sing., hurry. 354-3. nai xoi ii. fan, cust. 3a ship., it flew around hor. 338-8. nayai xoiiLtcwoig, eust. 3a plu., they brush him to gether. 196-3. nadei.waL, past def. 3 sing., ho put it. 114-5. nlyiinkiLui., pres. def. 3 plu., they were cutting. 101-2. nonaxoLtu/r, past def. 3 sing., he had her laid. 342-8. hirdii.kns, imp. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10. xii na . XOIL tfur, c-ust. 3 sing., she kept lifting him out. 223-15. xot da na ya XOL xa, past def. 3 plu., down they tracked him. 170-3. xwayakiLkit, past def. 3 sing., she fed them. 192-11. danaxdLten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 108-1. danadeLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he poured it. 281-17. dakiLkis, past def. 3 sing., he put his hand. 140-3. de xot dii. waL, past def. 3 sin*;., he threw him in the fire 120-8. dedeii. kas, cust. 3 sing., he threw into the fire. 238-13. donaya xoLtsit. past def. 3 plu., they did not know him. 166-15. do kiL tcwit, pres. 3 sing., no one ever pushes it. 106-12. tekiLqotc, past def. 3 sing., he threw it in. 112-6. kiL tuu? hu/a uii, pres. 2 sing, (interrogative) you are splitting? 108-7. kiL tuf tse, pres. def. 3 sing., someone splitting logs. 108-5 kiL tcwit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 162-14. kyuir tcwit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11. Conjugation 2. Me iL xe, he is finishing. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. muic xe me dil xe 2. miLxe meLxe 3. meiLxe meyaiLxe 3a. ml iL xe me yaiL xe 150 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. Singular. 1. do xo lin HIUM; xu 2. miL xii 3. me IL xu 3a. mi IL xii Singular. 2. miLxe 3. metcoLxe 3a. mevoLxe Impotential. Plural. doxolin medilxii meLxu me ya IL xu me yaiL xu Imperative. Plural. meL xe me ya tcoL xe me ya yoL xe Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. me imc xu me it dil xu 2. meiLxu meoLxu 3. meiLxu meyaiLxu 3a. mliLxu meyaiiLxu Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. meneLxe mindilxe 2. meniLxe menoLxe 3. meniLxe meyaniLxe 3a. miniLxe meyainiLxe Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. me neL xe min dil xe 2. meniLxe menoLxe 3. meniLxe meyaniLxe 3a. miniLxe meyainiLxe aL me na nil. tcwit, past def. 3 sing., with it she pushed herself. 135-11. iiJcainiL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he pressed down on it. 143-2. ya niL kait dei, past def. 3 plu., they got there. 159-15. wunnoLkai, imp. 2 sing., shoot. 144-14. wun no neL kai te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will shoot. 144-16. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 151 wiin no xon nil. t m te, fut. def. 3 sing., he is going to get him to do. 141-13. i.enanii. ten, past def. 3 sing., he carried it all around. 282-10. i.e kin nil. yets te, fut. def. 3 sing., to tie together. 151-10. me na niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he pushed it. 106-13. me neL xe tei., fut. def. 1 sing., I am finishing it. 261-3. menii. xe, past def. 3 sing., he finished it. 296-8. me nil. tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he pushed it. 106-2. me xo niL tcwit, past def. 3a sing., something pushed him. 109-13. me tee ya nil. to, past def. 3 plu., they skinned him. 328-5. miLxoi nil. xe, past def. 3a sing., it went on him. 308-8. mil. tcwit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 105-18. nanayaxon niLxaei, past def. 3 plu., they found his tracks. 170-4. nanii. deL, past def. 3 sing., he struck. 120-4. naniLkis, past def. 3 sing., he cut him. 164-1. nil. kai nil, tcwit, past def. 3 sing., toward the ground he pressed. 210-17. uoi ii.kit, cust. 3a sing., spread out. 321-7. noir. xuts, past def. 3 sing., he chewed oft . 288-5. noi nil. kit, past def. 3a sing., smoke stayed in one place. 220-3. noi nil. kit ne wan, pres. 3a sing., like fog it appeared. 210-10. noi xwe JL LU, cust. 3a sing., they throw down. 195-11. no ya xon niL ten, past def. 3 plu., they left him. 169-7. 116 na ii. kyos, cust. 3 sing., she put away. 333-7. nonainii.kit, past def. 3a sing., it settled. 96-3. no na nil. ten, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 221-11. no na xon nil, tin ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., he caught up with him. 176-11. no ua kin niL kis, past def. 3 sing., he put his hand. 221-4. no nil. tin din, pres. def. 3 sing., he put it place. 266-9. noniLkait, past def. 3 sing., he pushed them. 139-13. noniLkas, past def. 3 sing., he threw. 185-8. no niL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 208-10, 152 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH - nu wa me neL tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 356-6. htcu wa miL tcwit, imp. 2 sing., loan me. 326-7. xoi kya niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took it from him. 222-7. xo wa me neL tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing 1 ., I would loan him. 356-17. XOL tee niL tsit, past def. 3 sing., with him he untied it. 108-1. do wun no iL kait, cust. 3 sing., he did not shoot. 144-13. do ma a din iL tcwit, cust. 3 sing., she did not move. 341-1. do ma a din niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., she could not walk. 276-3. do n5 niL tin tesil len, fut. def. 3 sing., he did not want to leave it. 293-8. tee iL to, cust. 3 sing., he pulled out the knot. 332-12. tee na niL kait dei, past def. 3 sing., he poked out. 174-9. tee na xdn neL tifi, pres. def. 1 sing., I brought it down. 273-7. tcenaxonniLten, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 153-7. tee niL men nei, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim out. 265-10. tee nil, ten, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 282-2. tceniLtik, past def. 3 sing., he pinched out. 143-14. tee niL tsit, past def. 3 sing., he untied the strap. 106-2. tee niL kait, past def. 3 sing., he put out. 153-9. tee xo niL ten, past def. 3 sing., they took him out. 278-4. kenaneiLa, cust. 3 sing., she leaned it up. 290-1. keneiLa, cust. 3 sing., she leaned it up. 290-9. ke niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he lifted it up. 163-1. kiL tcwit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 162-14. kymc tewit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11. Conjugation 3A. NaiLxut, he is tearing down. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. nauw xut na dil xut 2. nuLxut naLxut 3. naiLxut nayaiLxut 3a. naiiLxut nayaiiLxut VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 153 Impotential. Singular. 1 . do xo lifi nauir xut 2. nuL xiit 3. na ii. xiit 3. nai ii. xut Plural. do xo lifi na dil xut naL xut na ya IL xut na vai iLxut Singular. 2. nuLxiit 3. na too L xiit 3a. na OL xut Singular. 1. na iuir xut 2. na iL xut 3. nail, xut 3rt. nai IL xut Singular. 1. na seL xut 2. na sii. xut 3. na ia xut 30. naisxiit Singular. 1. naseLxut 2. na sir. xut 3. naisxut 3o. naisxut Itnpprative. Plural. nai. xut na ya tcoL xut nayaioL xut Customary. ? Plural. na it dil xut na OL xut na ya ii. xut nayai iLxut Present Definite. Plural. nas dil xut na SOL xut na ya is xut na yais xut Past Definite. Plural, nas dil xut na SOL xiit na ya is xut na yais xiit The form with L is similar to that of the first and second conjugations. It will be noticed that the L disappears in the third person singular and plural of the definite tenses after s which it would be compelled to follow in the same syllable. ana distcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 101-14. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 11. 154 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. a da yis tcwin te, fut. def. 3a sing., he makes for himself. 338-6. a dis tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 102-6. adistcwinte, fut. def. 3 sing., he might make. 363-5. iuwtcwe, pres. 1 sing., let me make. 278-7. iLtcwe, imp. 2 sing., make it. 278-8. yai xos tcwuw, past def. 3 sing., they smelled of him. 165-3 ya na is kil, past def. 3 sing., he split it. 142-3, 210-2. wuii LO tcis tcwen, past def. 3 sing., about it he laughed. 151-15. menaisteei, past def. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-10. nair.its, pres. 3a sing., it is running around. 294-4. naiLits^x, pres. 3 sing., he ran around. 185-10. naiLtex, pres. 3 sing., she earned it. 290-6. naisits, past def. 3 sing., different places she ran. 185-6. naismennei, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 266-1. na is xut, past def. 3 sing., he tore down. 104-8. na is to, past def. 3 sing., he carried it around. 282-4. na is tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made. 110-12. naistcw r ennei, past def. 3 sing., that grew. 287-7. na is tcwin teL, fut. def. 3 sing., he w r ill make. 321-11. nauitftcwe, pres. 1 sing., I am going to make. 301-1. na yai xoi ii. tcwe, cust. 3a plu., they make him. 196-3. nayaisxut, past def. 3 plu., they tore down. 267-8. naya is tcwen, past def. 3 plu., they made. 284-1. naseL tcwen, past def. 1 sing., I made. 296-2. naseLtcwifi, pres. def. 1 sing., I make. 302-11. na SCL tcwin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will make it. 257-14. nas its ei, past def. 3a sing., it ran around. 294-3. noi na seL tcwin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will bury it. 282-6. hwiLtcwe, imp. 2 sing., make me. 114-3. xai xos ten nei, past def. 3a sing., they took her up. 239-1. xaisten, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 99-2. ya is tcwen, past def. 3 plu., they made up (a load). 171-17. seLwaLte, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to shake a stick. 238-7. SCL tcwin, pres. def. 1 sing., I will make. 290-8. VOL. 31 Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 155 SCL tcwin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will make it. 152-3. do nais tcwin, pres. def. 3a sing., nobody could make. 322-8. tanaiswaLei, past def. 3 sing., he threw it out of the water. 217-17. ta na is ten nei, past def. 3 sing., he had taken it out. 217-17. ta nai xos do wei, past def. 3a sing., it cut him all to pieces. 108-2. tesoLtinte, fut. def. 2 plu., you will take. 222-7. tceiLwal, cust. 3 sing., they dance. 239-3. tciL waL win te, pres. 3 sing., they always dance. 239-2. tcistcwen, past def. 3 sing., she did it. 157-10. tcis tcwin te, fut. def. 3 sing., to make. 98-1. tcoxostcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made. 114-8. Conjugation 3fi. Tcis siL we, he is killing. Present Indefinite. Singular. 1. sutcwe 2. siLwe 3. tcissiLwe 3a. yissiLwe Singular. 1. do xo liii SUM* we 2. si i. we 3. tcis SIL we 3a. yis siL we Singular. 2. siL we 3. tcosoLwe 3a. yosoLwe Plural, sit dil we SOL we ya siL we yaisii. we Impotential. Plural. do xo lin sit dil we SOL we ya siL we yai SIL we Imperative. Plural. SOL we yasoL we yai SOL we 156 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Singular. 1. seimcwe 2. seiLwe 3. tcisseiLwe 3a. yisseiLwe Singular. 1. seseLwifi 2. sesiLwin 3. tcisseLwin 3a. yisseLwin Customary. Plural. se it dil we so OL we ye se IL we yai se IL we Present Definite. Plural, ses dil win se SOL win ya SCL win yai SCL win Singular. 1. seseLwen 2. sesiLwen 3. tcisseLwen 3a. yisseLwen Past Definite. Plural. ses dil wen se SOL wen ya seL wen yai SCL wen Verbs of this group in the third person singular and plural of the definite tenses, instead of dropping the class sign L, drop the conjugation sign s. The s which appears in the example above belongs to the prefix. Most of these verbs are similar to those which occur without the s even in the first class where i. would not stand after it. a til teox teL tcwen, past def . 3 sing., he is growing strong. 294-17. yaxoseLwen, past def. 3 plu., they killed him. 171-12. yaxosiLwe, pres. 3 sing., they might kill him. 278-5. yaxoteLxa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked him. 267-15. ya teL tcwen, past def. 3 plu., they grew. 265-1. ya teL kait, past def. 3 plu., they went on. 159-14. yateLwis, past def. 3 plu., they were afraid (they dodged). 179-10. ye tcit teL kait, past def. 3 sing., one after the other he stuck in. 322-2. yisseiLwe, cust. 3a sing., he killed. 136-13. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 157 yisseteL wen nei, past def. 3 sing:., he commenced to kill. 136-10. nainter. dik, past def. 3a sing., he pecked. 113-14. nai deL do, past def. 3 sing., he cut him. 164-3. naya xotei. xa, past def. 3 pin., they tracked him. 170-3. na xo teL tcwo ig, past def. 3 sing., he swept. 210-12. na del. waL, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 114-5. naditteLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw them. 109-16, 192-12. na teL men, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 266-1. na teL dit dau-ir, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 100-13. nateLditctcwen, past def. 3 sing., he grew. 96-1. na teL dit tcwin xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., he had grown. 120-12. na teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took it along. 282-3. lie se SCL win te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill you. 151-2. xoinateLweL, past def. 3 sing., they camped. 116-7. xoi teL weL, past def. 3a sing., they spent the night. 198-12. xolunueseL win, pres. def. 3a sing., it has worn you out. 105-16. XOL teL tcwen, past def. 3a sing., it grew with him. 137-18 xo se SCL win te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill him. 150-11, 163-10. xosuw- we, pres. 1 sing., let me kill him. 159-8. xo dit teL xuts, past def. 3 sing., she felt it bite. 111-2. seseLwinte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill it. 162-7. danadeLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he poured it. 281-17. do he min teL dauw, past def. 3 sing., he did not run for it. 112-13. do he teL tcwen, past def. 3a sing., it had not grown. 96-7. do xo lin no sir> we, impot. 2 sing., you can t kill us. 165-7. teL ate, past def. 3a sing., a pack-train came. 200-1. teL ate ei, past def. 3a sing., they went with a pack-train. 200-9. teL tcwen, past def. 3a sing., it grew. 96-3. teL tcwin xo lufi, pres. def. 3a sing., it had grown. 306-17. tei. tcwin te, fut. def. 3a sing., when it grows. 267-5. 158 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. tesoLtinte, fut. def. 2 phi., you will take. 222-7. tsissiLwe, pres. 3 sing., he killed one. 319-4. teexoseLwen, past def. 3 sing., he killed her. 164-11. tee xo teL waL, past def. 3 sing., he pulled him. 106-17. tee xo teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took him along. 210-15. tcex xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watching her. 137-10. tceseLwen, past def. 3 sing., he killed it. 136-11. tcis se IL we ei, cust. 3 sing., she had killed. 333-5. tcis SCL win detc, pres. def. 3 sing., if he kills. 139-5. tcis SCL win te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will kill. 311-16. tcis se teL wen e xo Ian, past def. 3 sing., he had killed he saw. 186-7. tcissiLwe, pres. 3 sing., he killed. 106-4. tcit teL LU, past def., 3 sing., he rubbed it. 278-10. tcit teL men, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 265-9. tcit teL xa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked it. 185-12. tcit teL dauw, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 152-15. tcit teL taL, past def. 3 sing., dancing. 362-4. tcit teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took along. 152-9. tcit teL tcwen, past def. 3 sing., one after the other grew. 207-1. tcit teL tcwifi h^un, pres. def. 3 sing., he may grow. 348-6 tcit teL kait, past def. 3 sing., he started in a boat. 104-6. tcit teL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he took it along. 204-6. tcit teL qol, past def. 3 sing., he crawled. 347-8. tco xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watched along. 97-10. kit teL tsas, past def. 3 sing., he whipped. 317-9. kit teL tits, past def. 3 sing., he used for a cane. 317-7, 152-12. kit te seL tsas te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will whip. 317-8. kya teL tcwe, pres. def. 3 sing., she heard it cry. 135-9. kya teL tcwu we tsu, past def. 3 sing., he heard it cry. 204-9, 281-11. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 159 Conjugation 4. Na iL tsun, he has just found. Present. Singular. Plural. 1. nautr tsuii na dil tsun 2. nuL tsuii naL tsuii 3. naiL tsuii na yaiL tsuii 3o. nail, tsuii na yaiL tsun Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do xo liii nauw tsis do xo liii nadiltsis 2. nuL tsis naL tsis 3. na IL tsis na ya IL tsis 3a. naiL tsis na yaiL tsis Imperative. Singular. Plural. 2. nuLtsis naL tsis 3. natcoLtsis nayatcoLtsis 3a. naoLtsis nayaoLtsis Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. naimctsis na it dil tsis 2. naiLtsis naoLtsis 3. naiLtsis na yaiL tsis 3a. naiiLtsis nayaiiLtsis Past. Singular. Plural. 1. nauifltsan nadiltsan 2. nuLtsan naLtsan 3. naiLtsan nayaiLtsan 3a. naiL tsan na yaiL tsan Two roots, possibly related, appear in the example given above. aiLenka, past 3 sing., the way they do it. 227-2. 160 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. aiLinneen, pres. 3 sing., they used to chase. 322-5. aiLinte, fut. 3 sing., they will do. 266-13. ai ML in te, fut. 3 sing., when it happens. 217-6. adeii>kit, past 3 sing., he took with himself. 270-7. a de XOL kit, past 3 sing., she caught against herself. 223-14. a diL ML, imp. 2 sing., take it with you. 356-16. adoiuw;tsan, past 1 sing., I didn t find it. 243-16. aduwkit, past 1 sing., to myself I held. 353-6. akiLen, what they do. 322-1. iuwtsan, past 1 sing., I found. 286-6. iuMrtsun, pres. 1 sing., (I wish) I could see. 336-9. iuu 1 tsiin te, fut. 1 sing., where am I going to find? 244-7. oLtsaine, imp. 2 plu., dry them. 101-4. ya IL kit te, fut. 3 plu., they were going to catch. 102-2. ya XOL tsan, past 3 plu., they saw him. 101-16. yo XOL tsan nei, past 3a sing., it saw him. 204-4. ma a IOL en ne en, pres. 3 sing., their doings. 361-11. naiLtsan, past 3 sing., he found signs. 185-11. naiLkitdei, past 3 sing., he caught it. 152-6. nai XOL tsan ne te, fut. 3a sing., it will find him. 307-13. na ya XOL tsan, past 3 sing., he found them. 267-15. na hwoL tsan, past 2 plu., you found me. 230-5. xa ai ya XOL in x, pres. 3a plu., they did that with him. 211-5. xa aiLinte, fut. 3 sing., that will be done. 203-8. xa a ya IL in a x, pres. 3 plu., they did that. 105-10. xa a ML in te, fut. 3 sing., that way they will do. 211-15. xowtsan, past 1 sing., I saw him. 351-9. xowtsis, past 1 sing., I saw him. 353-3. xwaiLkit, past 3 sing., she gave him. 98-11. siLtun fl x, pres. 3a sing., it lay. 266-8. siL kyos, pres. 3 sing., it lies. 207-6. do na ya XOL tsan nei, past 3 plu., they did not see him. 152-6. dotciLtsan, past 3 sing., he found nothing. 317-10. do iL tsun te xo lun, fut. 2 sing., you can t find it any where. 246-6. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Jlupa Language. 161 do yak tsan, past 3 phi., they did not see. 98-7. ddya xdi. tsan, past 3 sing., ho did not see (them). 238-14. ddyiLtsia, past 3a sin?., it saw (nobody). 117-15, 141-9. do mi IL tsan, past 3 sin jr., she did not find again. 243-16. do na ii. tsun de, pres. 3 sing., they won t find again. 321-10. do na ya iL tsis, past 3 phi., they never saw. 191-5. do na XOL tsun fl x xo liin, pres. 2 phi., you won t see him any more. 306-fi. do he ya ir. kit, past 3 pin., they did not catch. 102-3. do he tcii. tsan, past 3 sing., nothing he saw. 363-4. ddxdlin tcktsis, impot. 3 sing., he will not see. 317-13. do xd lin nai. tsis, impot. 2 phi., never you will see. 361-11. ddtcii. tsan, past 3 sing., she could not find. 159-4. ddtcii. tsis, past 3 sing., she did not see. 286-3. do ted XOL tsis, past 3 sing., he saw no one. 238-8. tee XOL kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 143-9. tciLtsan, past 3 sing., she gave birth (found). 189-7. tciLtsannei, past 3 sing., she saw. 242-4. tciLkit, past 3 sing., he took hold. 106-16. ted XOL kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 151-2. tcu hjriL kin ne en, past 3 sing., he nearly caught me. 176-14. CLASS III. Conjugation 1. Ya de qdt, he is dodging. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. yautfldeqdt yadukqdt 2. yundeqdt yadeqdt 3. ya de qdt ya ya de qdt 3a. yadukqdt ya yadukqdt Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do xd lin yautr de qdt do xd lin ya duk qdt 2. yiin de qdt ya de qdt 3. ya de qdt ya ya de qdt 3a. ya duk qdt ya ya duk qdt 162 University of California Publications. [ A:M: - ARCH. ETH. Singular. 2. yiin de qot 3. yatcodeqot 3a. ya ode qot Singular. 1. yaiuw/ deqot 2. ya hide qot 3. yaitqot 3a. yaitqot Singular. 1. yautc de qot 2. yandeqot 3. y a wit qot 3a. yatqot Singular. 1. yauw de qot 2. yan de qot 3. ya wit qot 3a. yatqot Imperative. Plural, ya de qot ya ya tco de qot ya ya 6 de qot Customary. Plural, ya it de qot ya 6 de qot ya ya it qot ya ya it qot Present Definite. Plural. ya wit de qot ya wo de qot ya ya wit qot ya yat qot Past Definite. Plural. ya wit de qot ya wo de qot ya ya wit qot ya yat qot The verbs which belong to this class, as has been said above, are of two kinds; those which have roots which do not occur without the preceding dental, which characterizes the class; and those which take the dental because of the preceding prefix na- with the iterative force. The conjugations of this class are peculiar in that they have the sign of the first person singular -uw in the definite tenses instead of e which occurs in these tenses in the preceding classes, and also in the third person of several tenses where the syllable de becomes a t which is appended to the preceding syllable instead of standing alone The first person plural lacks its characteristic syllable beginning with d. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 163 in ta na wit yai, past def . 3 sing., he turned back. 102-12. intana wityate, fut. def. 3 sin?:., he would turn back. 187-4. yaitqot, cust. 3a sing., it always dodged. 286-11. ya wit xus sil lei, past def. 3a sing., it flew up. 294-15. ya wit qot, past def. 3 sing., he tumbled. 118-15. yanaitxiis, cust. 3 sing., it kept flying up. 113-1. ya na wit qot, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 329-15. yanatxutsei, past def. 3a sing., he flew away. 113-10. ya nat dje u, past def. 3a sing., they came back up. 301-15 yatmillei, past def. 3a plu., they fell back. 165-11. vat qot, past def. 3a sing., it dodged. 286-10. ye wit dje u, past def. 3 sing., they went in. 299-14. ye wit kait, past def. 3a sing., they went in. 140-1. ye wit kai te, fut. def. 3a sing., a boat will come. 209-3. ye wit kait din, past def. 3a sing., the landing place. 140-2 ye wit qot, past def. 3a sing., it fell. 136-3. yenaitdauir, cust. 3 sing., he went back in. 288-6. ye na wit yai, past def. 3 sing., he went in. 98-15. ye na wit ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he went in. 118-6. ye na wityate, fut. def. 3 sing., she will go in. 311-15. yl kyu wit tsos sil, past def. 3a sing., they were sucking. 325-5. yo du wit xul Hi, te, fut. def. 3a sing., they will ask for. 296-3. nai wit in il, past def. 3a sing., she looked. 243-5. na 5 dfur de xut, pres. 1 sing., I ask you for it. 296-10. na ya wit dil, past def. 3 plu.. they went along. 172-1. na wit xus ir., pres. def. 3 sing., he is falling. 152-5. na wit xus sil, pres. def. 3 sing., he flew along back. 204-7. nawitdal, past def. 3 sing., he went. 223-12. na wit dal lit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he was coming along. 100-17. na wit dal hit. pres. def. 3 sing., when he came back. 223-7 nawitdaL, pres. def. 3 sing., he was coming back. 152-7. na wit qot, past def. 3 sing., he tumbled. 118-17. nanaitdauir, cust. 3a sing., it had gone down. 104-10. na na wit yai, past def. 3 sing., he came down. 138-15. 164 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. na na wit xuts, past def. 3 sing., he flew back down. 114-2. na na wit diL te, fut. def. 3 plu., people will live again. 236-3. nanatyai, past def. 3a sing., the sun had gone down. 202-9. nin su wit deL, past def. 3 plu., they danced. 366-1. h& a na na wit daL din, pres. def. 3 sing., in the evening (when the sun had gone down). h;e de ai ye nat yai, past def. 3a sing., my head it came to. 356-15. xawitqot, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 329-13. xe e ya xo wit meL, past def. 3 plu., they had thrown away part of themselves. 181-9. xoLtcu witdil, past def. 3 plu., those following him. 208-1 xot da na wit xuts, past def. 3 sing., he fell back. 152-3. dawitqottsu, pres. 3a sing., it tumbling about she heard. 136-3. da na du wit ya yei, past def. 3 sing., it went back. 234-4. danatlale, pres. def. 3a sing., it floating. 243-13. da nat xuts tse, past def. 3a sing., it lit on. 204-8. da na kit du wit tee ii, te, fut. def. 3 sing., the wind will blow gently. 273-1. do ye na wit yai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come in. 238-12. djetwaL, past def. 3a sing., it opened. 281-17. tai win nun ii, de, 1 pres. def. 3 sing., if he drinks water. 338-7. tai din nun, pres. 1 plu., let us drink water. 179-3. tauw- din nun te, fut. 1 sing., I am going to have a drink. 111-13. ta \\dn nan, 1 past def. 3 sing., he drank it. 337-7. ta nai win nun de, 1 pres. def. 3 sing., if he drinks. 337-16. ta nai Man nun te, 3 fut. def. 3 sing., he will drink. 337-18. tan din nan, past def. 2 sing., you drank. 337-12. tewitqotte, fut. def. 3a sing., in the water it seemed about to tumble. 286-13. 3 These words change t to n before the root. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 165 tcuwittil, past def. 3 sin":., she was holding up. 246-12. ke it mil lei, oust. 3 phi., they drop. 180-14. kyuwittceil, past def. 3 sing., it blew along. 324-7. Conjugation 2. Na nit aiur, he is bringing back. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. nauirdeauir nanedeaiur 2. nan de aiur na no de aiur 3. nanitaujr naya nit aiur 3a. nai nit aiur na yai nit aiur Impotential. Singular. I iural. 1. do xo lin nauw de aiur do xo lifi na ne de auw nandeaiur iianodeauir ua nit aiur na ya nit auw 3a. nai nit au/r na yai nit auic Imperative. Singular. Plural. 2. nandeau/r na node aiur 3. nauodeauu- nayanodeau/r 3a. nai no de aiur na yai no de aur Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. na ne imp de au tf na nee de aiur 2. naneindeaiur na no ode aiur 3. naneitdeaiur nayaneitaiur 3o. nai ne it de aiur na yai ne it auw Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. naiucdeuii nanedeufi 2. nan de ufi na no de un 3. na in de un na ya in de un 3o. nai iiin de uii ua yai nin de un 166 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. nauw? de an na ne de an 2. nan dean nan5dean 3. na in dean nayaindean 3. nai nin de an na yai nin de an That the verbs listed below correspond to those constituting the second conjugation in the first two classes is evident; first, from the prefixes which occur with them, second on account of the meaning which indicates the completion of the act, and third from the fact that the n which characterizes the second conju gation appears in most cases but not in the form and position obtaining in the preceding classes. In the third person of the past definite, for instance, na nin de an, or na nit an, would be the form expected from analogy with conjugation first of this class and the second conjugation of the other classes. That the form na in de an is the one which occurs in all cases seems to be due to some phonetic causes not now apparent. yu wun dim mil lei, past def. 3a sing., it went through 211-5. wun dim mil, pres. 3a sing., it going through. 144-3. wun dim mil lei, past def. 3 sing., it went through. 144-2. Le nai yun dil la te, fut. def. 1 plu., we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. LC na in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he completed the circuit. 220-8. Le na in di ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he got nearly around. 220-6. Le na it dauw, cust. 3 sing., he used to make rounds. 336-7 Le nauw dil la, pres. 1 sing., I have a fire. 351-6. Le nun du waL, past def. 3a sing., it shut. 108-16. Lin duk kait de, past def. 3a sing., they slid together. 295-2. me nun di yai, past def. 3a sing., years. 145-7. na in de an, past def. 3 sing., he brought. 365-17. na in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he got back. 121-16. na in di ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he came back. 98-6. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ihipa Language. 167 na in di ya din, pres. def. 3 sing., he got back place. 142-5. naindikgit, past def. 3a sing., they came back. 299-9. nawrdlyai, past def. 1 sing., I have come. 145-10. na ne it wuir, cust. 3 sing., he used to carry it back. 237-8. naneitdaiur, cust. 3 sing., he used to come back. 137-1. na ne it git, cust. 3 sing., they came back. 233-5. nanodlya, imp. 3 sing., let it come back. 233-5. natindiyane, imp. 2 sing., go home. 337-18. no na in di tsu, past def. 3 sing., he rolled. 121-8. no na in diik qot, past def. 3 sing., he reached by jump ing. 329-18. nonaitdjeu, cust, 3 sing., they came back. 299-10. no na it tse, cust. 3 sing., she always shut the door. 158-1. no nan dit dje u, past def. 3 sing., they got back. 301-15. nonundexen, past def. 3 sing., they floated to shore. 216-6. non di van, past def. 3ff sing., one was left. 118-11. nonundlyate, fut. def. 3a sing., in one place they will stay. 259-17. no nun dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it got back. 246-2. no nun dim mil, past def. 3a sing., it fell back. 151-18. non de mil, past def. 3a sing., it fell. 143-8. nondeqotei, past def. 3a sing., it stopped. 287-2. non dik kil lei, past def. 3 sing., that far he split it. 210-2. nundiyate, fut. def. 3a sing., it will come back. 307-9. nun duk qotc tsu, pres. def. 3a sing., he heard him lope back. 175-9. XOL Le nun dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 315-5. XOL Le nun du waL ei, past def. 3a sing., with him it shut. 109-5. XOL me nun dil lat dei, past def. 3a sing., with him it floated back. 315-6. donaindiyai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come back. 306-2. tee in de git, past def. 3a sing., they ran down. 153-16. tee na in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he went out. 153-11. tee na in di ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she went down. 325-8. 168 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. tcin duk kait dei, past def. 3a sing., they came down to. 158-16. tcin duk qot ei, past def. 3a sing., it tumbled. 135-12. Conjugation 3. Na de qot, he is tumbling about. Singular. 1. name de qot 2. nun de qot 3. nadeqot 3a. na duk qot Present Indefinite. Plural. na duk qot na de qot na ya de qot nayadukqot Impotential. Singular. 1. do xo lin name de qot 2. nun de qot 3. na de qot 3a. na duk qot Singular. 2. nun de qot 3. na tco de qot 3a. na ode qot Singular. 1. na iuw de qot 2. naindeqot 3. naitqot 3a. na it qot Plural. do xo lin na duk qot na de qot na ya de qot na ya duk qot Imperative. Plural, na de qot na ya tco de qot na ya 6 de qot Customary. Plural, iia it de qot na 6 de qot na ya it qot na ya it qot Singular. 1. nas duk qot 2. na sin de qot 3. na is de qot 3a. uas duk qot Present Definite. Plural. na se de qot na so de qdt na ya is de qot na yas de qot VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the llupa Language. 169 Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1 . nas duk qot mi se de qot 2. na sin de qot na so de qot 3. na is de qot na ya is de qot 3. nas dnk qot na yas de qot The noteworthy fact in the preceding paradigm is the lack, in the first person singular of the definite tenses, of either of the usual signs for that person and number. If the sign has been that usual in the definite tenses e, there is no apparent reason for its disappearance; but if it was fur, as is found in the other conjugations of this class, two spirants would stand to gether, presenting a difficult combination even for an Athapascan tongue. in na ifur duk kai. cust. 1 sing.. I always get up. 241-1. in na is duk ka, past def. 3 sing., she got up. 110-14. in nas duk kaei, past def. 3a sing., it got up. 114-16. in nas duk ka hit, pres. 3a sing., when he got up. 115-8. yu wun na naisdim mit, past def. 3a sing., she turned over. 117-4. me na is dl yai, past def. 3 sing., he climbed. 103-12. min na nase it davur, cust. 3 sing., he always went around. 346-3. naisdiLLat, past def. 3 sing., she ran. 185-6. na is din nan, past def. 3 sing., he turned. 278-11. na ya is dil len ei, past def. 3 plu., they became. 166-13. na ya nu wes dil lai, past def. 3 plu., they took the bet. 142-17. na na is dits tse, past def. 3 sing., he turned it around. 314-6. na ne wes dil lai, past def. 3 sing., he won. 211-6. nadesdukqot, past def. 3 sing., he rolled around. 175-12, 222-9. uatesdiyai, past def. 3 sing., he went home. 97-17. na tes dl ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he arrived. 104-3. nates dlyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go back. 117-14. xa na is dl yai, past def. 3 sing., he came back up. 100-2. AM. AKCH. KTH. 3, 12. 170 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. xa na is di ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he came up. 210-12. xa na is di ya de, pres. def. 3 sing 1 ., if she comes up. 111-6. xa na is diL Lat, past def. 3 sing., she had run up. 135-13. xon na is din nun hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he turned around. 278-12. do na xos dil le te, fut. def. 3 sing., it will be no more. 228-4 do nas dil len nei, past def. 3 sing., it did not happen. 117-5. tanaisdiyai, past def. 3 sing., he came out of it again. 314-6. tsisdiyan, past def. 3 sing., he was old. 169-2. tcis di yan ne te, fut. def. 3 sing., she may live to be old. 325-13. CLASS IV. Conjugation 1. Na il yeuw;, he is resting. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. nauwyeuM; nadilyeuw 2. nulyeuw; naLyeuw 3. na il yeun; na ya il yeuw 3a. nal yeuw? na yal yeuw Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do xo lifi name yeuw do xo liii na dil yeuw nul yeiiM? naL yeuw 3. na il yeuw na ya il yeuiv 3. nal yeuw? na yal yeuw Imperative. Singular. Plural. 2. nulyeuM- naLyeuw; 3. natcolyeme nayatcolyeme 3a. naolyeuw- nayadlyeuw VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 171 Singular. 1. naiutr yeutr 2. nailyeuir 3. na il yeutr 3a. na il yeuic Singular. 1. nauwyeutr 2. nal yeutr 3. nawilyeutc 3a. Singular. 1. nautcyeutr 2. nal yeutr 3. nawil yeutr 3a. nalyeutr Customary. Plural. na it dil yefur naoLyeutc na ya il yeutr nayail yeutr Present Definite. Plural. na wit dil yeutr na wdLyeutc na ya wil yeutr na yal yeutr Past Definite. Plural. na wit dil yeutr na woi, yeutr naya wily eut0 na yal yeutr The forms of the verbs composing Class IV are perfect ana logs of those in Class II, the voiced 1 appearing in the place of the surd i., except in the second person plural throughout, where L is found instead of 1. This exception is no doubt due to the strongly aspirated 6 which, as the sign of this person and number, stands before the L and in the same syllable with it. In almost every case, the roots occurring in the verbs of this class do not appear in other classes but seem to demand the pre ceding 1. Since this 1 stands immediately before the root, phonetic reasons were sought for the occurrence of this class. No facts appear to justify such a conclusion, and analogy with the passive forms point to morphological causes. ya wil ton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped up. 165-9. yal ton ei, past def. 3a sing., it jumped off. 163-18. ya kyu wil kyart nexolan, past def. 3 phi., they found they were pregnant. 278-3. 172 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. ye e il ton xo Ian, cust. 3a sing., (birds) used to jump in. 117-17. yenawiliat, past def. 3 sing., she ran in. 136-1, 169-9. ye na wil de ton, past def. 3 sing., she jumped in. 135-11. ye nal Lat, past def. 3a sing., it ran in. 329-8. ye nu wil gil HI, past def. 3 sing., it kept getting afraid of. 235-4. yin nel git, past def. 3a sing., he was afraid. 114-16. yinnenalLat, past def. 3a sing., in the ground it ran. 221-12. wunnaxoilyu, cust. 3a sing., they come to eat it. 356-12. wut na ya xo wil yan, past def. 3 plu., they watched him. 267-10. LinxowiHen, past def. 3 sing., h,e addressed her. 98-10. LU winen, past def. 3 sing., she addressed her. 181-9. me ya du wil wauw?, past def. 3 plu., they began to talk about it. 265-1. min na il dal, cust. 3 sing., she ran around. 153-2. nailtsit, cust. 3 sing., it falls. 275-3. nailtsitte, fut. 3 sing., would drop. 104-11. nawilyeuw, past def. 3 sing., he rested. 119-14. nawildittal, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 221-7. naliuitfte, fut. 3a sing., it will drop. 115-13. nal hwin te, fut. 3a sing., it will melt away. 273-6. nalditdal, past def. 3 sing., (he saw) it coming along. 115-15. naltsit, past def. 3a sing., it fell down. 145-2. naLyeuir, imp. 2 plu., rest. 280-5. na na wil La dei, past def. 3 sing., he ran down. 221-17. nanaldeiuw, pres. def. 3a sing., (water) dripping off. 337-5. na nal dit tsit din, pres. def. 3a sing., where it fell. 96-4. na xo wil tsit xo lufi, pres. def. 3 sing., it fell. 306-15. na xo de il en, cust. 3 sing., he watched him. 202-5. na du wil dit ton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped off. 107-14. na du wil ye, past def. 3 sing., they danced again. 215-13. na tcil yeiiM? sa an din, pres. 3 sing., the resting place. 363-3. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 173 natcil yeuirdiii, pres. 3 sing., resting place. 347-3. ne iu/r git tse, pres. 1 sing., I feel afraid. 176-5. niil diL Lat, past def. 3a sing., he ran back. 115-16. xe e na wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran away again. 176-16 xowil uit, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 199-4. xoLwildal, past def. 3a sing., with him it came along. 115-1. xdi.ta na wil i.at. past def. 3 sing., with him she went. 223-14. da wil i.at, past def. 3o sing., it jumped on. 113-14. da wil ton ei, past def. 3 sing., it jumped. 115-9. dana du wil i.at. past def. 3 sing., he ran back. 97-12. 98-15. dadeilya. cust.,3 sing., they stand around. 195-7. da tcit du wil i.at, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 164-2. da tcu wil ton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 109-14. do nil git he ne, imp. 2 sing., don t be afraid. 170-15. do xwe xd yiin te, f ut. def. 3 sing., he will be crazy. 307-10 tewiltsit, past def. 3a sing., it sank. 153-17. te nal clit do te. fut. def. 3a sing., it will draw back. 273-5. tenadeilya, oust. 3 sing., in the water they stand. 310-4. tee il La de, pres. 3 sing., he is running along. 220-13. tcinnel git. past def. 3 sing., she was afraid of. 192-2. tcitdilye, pres. 3 sing., to dance. 117-8. tcit dil ye fl x, pres. 3 sing., they danced. 216-7. tcit dil ye te. fut. 3 sing., there will be a dance. 203-8. tcit dil wauir tsii, pres. 3 sing., talking he heard. 170-16. tcit du wil ye ei, past def. 3 sing., they danced. 216-16. tcit du wil yel ii. de, pres. def. 3 sing., if they dance. 117-10 tcit du wil ye ii.te, fut. def. 3 sing., they will dance. 117-9 tcit du wil ye lii, te, fut. def. 3 sing., there will be a dance. 230-5. tcit du wil i.at, past def. 3 sing., he jumped off. 107-11. tcu wil daL tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., he heard him coming. 176-11. kya tu wil tcwel, past def. 3 sing., he crying along. 135-10 174 University of California Publications. L AM - ARCH. ETH. Verbs belonging to Class IV, Conjugation 2. min na il dal, cust. 3 sing., around she ran. 153-2. no il La, pres. 3 sing., he came running (she heard). 360-8 no din nil tcwan, past def. 3 sing., they finished supper. 141-4. tceilLat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out. 106-2. tee il qol e xo Ian, past def. 3 sing., it had crawled out. 185-11. tcenailLat, past def. 3 sing., she came there. 135-9. tcetcilton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out. 163-16. tcin nil qol ei, past def. 3 sing., he crawled. 347-9. Conjugation 3. Na dil ifi, he is watching for it. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. na dmv in na dit dil in 2. nadilin nadoLiii 3. nadilin nay a dil in 3d. nai dil in na yai dil in Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. doxolin naduw?en doxolin na dit dil en 2. na dil en na doL en 3. na dil en na ya dil en 3a. nai dil en na yai dil en Imperative. Singular. Plural. 2. na dil in na doL in 3. nadolin nayadolin 3a. naidolin nayaidolin Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. na de iuw? en na de it dil en 2. na de il en na do OL en 3. nadeilen nayadeilen 3a. naideilen nayaideilen VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 175 Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. na du wes in na du wcs dil in 2. na du we sil ifi na du we sol. i n 3. na du wes in nayadiiwesin 3a. naiduwesin na yai du wes in Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. naduwesen na du wes dil en 2. na du we sil en na du we SOL en 3. na du wes en na ya du wes en 3a. nai du wes en na yai du wes en As in the third conjugation of the preceding class the first person singular of the definite tenses has a form without the usual signs found in that person and number. a nu wes te, past def . 3a sing., he looked. 143-14. iuif yo, pres. 1 sing., I like. 230-16. in nas i.at, past def. 3a sing., it ran up. 295-5. in na tcis Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped up. 171-9. yenesgit, past def. 3a sing., it (was) frightened. 215-4. yenesgitte, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 236-2. yit du wes yo te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will like. 311-10. yu wun na xos yu, past def. 3a sing., they ate. 347-15. wes sil yo ne en, pres. def. 2 sing., you used to like. 307-16. wunnaxoilyu, cust. 3 sing., they come to eat it. 356-12. wun na xos yu, past def. 3a sing., it went to eat. 364-8. meisLadei, past def. 3 sing., he ran up. 217-16. me ya dzes la, past def. 3 plu., they did not like him. 182-4. me dzes la, past def. 3 sing., she hated it. 189-6. mi nes git, past def. 3a sing., it was afraid. 295-4. mi nes git te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 296-5. minesgittei., fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 295-7. na xot du wes in te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch her. 137-3. nas qol, past def. 3a sing., it crawled around. 294-1. 176 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. neiuwgittse, pres. 1 sing., I feel afraid. 176-5. nesnoi, past def. 3a sing., that stand. 220-3. hai da tcu wes yo, past def. 3 sing., more yet he likes. 340-13. xa na is dii> Lat, past def. 3 sing., she had run up. 135-13. xoi na se il de qol, cust. 3a sing., on her it kept crawling. 185-2. xoinesgit, past def. 3 sing., he was afraid. 113-11. xo wut xo wes yun te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will watch her. 137-7. xo wut tcu xo wes yan, past def. 3 sing., he watched her. 137-8. XOL xas tcwen nei, past def. 3a sing., it grew up. 137-18. do a. wiin tel wis he, imp. 2 sing., don t be frightened. 356-2. do wes yd, pres. def. 1 sing., I don t like. 233-6. do nas do, pres. 3a sing., they won t dodge. 258-13. do nit dje tel tsit ne, imp. 2 sing., don t get excited. 170-18. do tcu wes yo, past def. 3 sing., he did not like. 96-7. te sil tcwen ne dun, past def. 2 sing., ever since you grew time. 337-13. tes tcwin ne en tcin, pres. def. 1 sing., where I was brought up. 117-13. til tsit fl x, pres. 3a sing., it will always be. 325-13. til tcwen, pres. 3a sing., it grows. 296-12. til tcwin ne en, pres. 3a sing., it used to grow. 233-1, 5. tol tcwen, imp. 3a sing., let it grow. 265-6. tsiyTLnteild.il, cust. 3 plu., they always ran off. 333-11. tee il yo, cust. 3 sing., he liked it. 202-5. tcu wes vote, fut. def. 3 sing., he shall like. 307-11. tcuweswaL, past def. 3 sing., he lay. 112-16. ke is Lat, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 158-8. kes Lat dei, past def. 3 sing., he climbed up he saw. 174-7 VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Eupa Language. OBJECTIVE CONJUGATION. First Person Singular. Yahjrii. tiiir, he is picking me up. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 177 2. ya hjrii.tuir 3. yah/riLtur 3rt. yaihiriLtfur Singular. 2. ya hiriLtuif 3. yahiroLtuir 3o. yai hiroL tuir Singular. ya h/roL tur ya ya hwiL tuu; ya yai hirii. tiiir Imperative. Plural. ya luroi. t\nr ya yahtroLtuto ya yai hwoLtur Customary . Plural. 2. yahrreiLtujr 3. yahire iLtuzr 3a. yaihireiLtutr Singular. 1. - 2. ya hiru W!L tin 3. yahiriLtin 3a. yaihtriLtin Singular. ya h/rooi, tuir yaya h/re ii. \\w ya yai Present Definite. Plural. ya HM-U WOL tin yaya . hiriLtin va vahjriL tin Past Definite. Plural. 2. yahiruwiLten yahjruwoLten 3. ya hiriLten yaya hjriLten 3a. yai hw;iL ten ya yai htriL ten As will be seen from the preceding example, the direct object of the verb is expressed by the insertion of the personal pronoun 178 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. in its weak form. Its behavior is not different in any way from that of other weak syllables which may be inserted. 1 The position of the inserted objective is after the adverbial prefix and im mediately before the signs of person and number with which, in fact, it often forms a syllable. Verbs having the first person singular as the direct object. ahi6la, pres. 2 plu., you have treated me. 166-12. na hw/oL tsan, past 2 plu., you see me. 230-5. hwiLtcwe, imp. 2 sing., make me. 114-3. h?ik kyo wuii, imp. 3a sing., I am going to sleep (let it sleep me). 121-6. tee hjds su wiL weL de, pres. 3 sing., if he kills me. 114-3. tcu hwiL kin ne en, pres. 3 sing, he nearly caught me. 176-14. tcu hwo WIL xul HL te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will ask me for it. 311-17. tcu h;6 hu~e IL te, fut. 3 sing., they will call me. 272-10. tcu hwon hwe e te, fut. 3 sing., they will call me. 272-12. Verbs having the first person singular as the indirect object. anahwiLtcit dente, fut. 3 sing., of me he will say. 363-18. a hwiL tcin ne, pres. 3 sing., why does she always tell me? 135-4, 363-16. a b.M?iL tcit du win neL, past 3 sing., they told me. 355-11. a hwnL tcit den hwnin, pres. 3 sing., he must tell me. 314-11. hwenatcoLxe, imp. 3 sing., let him catch up with me. 187-2. iL teL dauw , pres. 3a sing., it would travel with me. 114-11. lL te sin ya te, fut. def. 2 sing., with me you may go. 187-7. lm<iL tcit den te, fut. 3 sing., they will talk to me. 322-15. hwin na wil luw te, fut. 2 sing., you will think about me. 307-18. a nun auw?> imp. 2 sing., give me. 329-14. 1 Compare, class ii, conjugation Id supra p. 147. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 179 hiroiLkas, imp. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10. hiru wa mer. tcwit te, fut. def. 2 sing., loan me. 296-11. h/ru wamiLtcwit, imp. 2 sing., loan me. 326-7. hjfii wun tur, imp. 2 sing., hand me. 278-7. dd a hiriL tcit den de, pres. 3 sing., if he does not tell me. 257-12. 1. 2 3. 3a. 2 3. 3a. 1. 2 3. 3a. 1. 2. 3 3a Second Person Singular. Yun ne tcii. tuir. he is picking you up. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. yun nmr tuir yun nit dil tutr yun ne tcii. tuir vun nii.tutr Singular. yun ne tcoi. tuw yun noi. tnw Singular, yun yun ne tee IL tuw vun ne IT. tuw Singular, yun neL tin yayunnetciLtuic vai vun nil. tuic Imperative. Plural. ya yun ne tcoL tuw yai yun noL tuic Customary. Plural, yun ne it dil tuiv yayunneiLtuic ya yun ne ii tiuc Present Definite. Plural, vun nil wit dil tin yun netciLtifi yun nil, tin yayun netcir, tin yai yun niL tin 180 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. yun neL ten yun nu wit dil ten 2 3. yiin ne tciL ten ya yun ne tciL ten 3a. yunniLten yaiyiinniLten For some reason which does not appear, the objective pro noun of the second person, unlike those of the other persons, precedes instead of follows the sign of the third person singular of the verb. Coming throughout immediately after the prefix ya-, the inserted objective has changed that prefix to yun-. This is probably due to a shifting of accent. Verbs having the second person singular as the direct object. nit tcu win yun de, 3 sing., if she eats you. 266-7. nikkyowun, imp. 3 sing., go to sleep (let it sleep you). 294-5. nik kyu win nun te, fut. def. 3 sing., you will go to sleep. 252-11. xo lun ne SCL win, pres. 3 sing., it has worn you out. 105-16. Verbs having the second person singular as the indirect ob ject. unniLduwne, pres. 1 sing., I am telling you. 351-8. un nil, den ne, past def. 3 sing., I told you. 163-8. neene sedate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will hide from you. 328-6. niL hwe lik te, fut. 1 sing., I will tell you. 151-3. niLxowlik, pres. 1 sing., I am telling you. 360-8. niLxotyunte, fut. 3a sing., it will be easy for you to get. 357-7. niLxwelikte, fut. 1 sing., I will tell you. 355-4. niLteseyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go with you. 187-4. nu wa me neL tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 356-6. nu wa na ne la te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 356-7. nuwanellate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will give it to you. 353-7. You 3] Goddard Morphology of the llupa Language. 181 Third Person Ninyular. Ya XOL tuir, he is picking him up. Singular. 1. ya xoir twr 2. ya xoi. tiiir 3. ya XOL tii*r 3a. yai XOL tuir Singular. 2. ya xoLtuir 3. ya XOL tuir 3a. yai XOL tuir Singular. 1. ya xoi iuir tuir 2. ya xoi iL tutr 3. ya xoi iL tuw 3a. yai xoi iL Singular. 1. yaxweL tin 2. yaxo wiLtin 3. ya XOL tin 3a. yai XOL tin Singular. 1. yaxweL ten 2. ya xo wiL ten 3. ya XOL ten 3a. yai XOL ten Present Indefinite. Plural. yaxotdil tur ya XOL tutr yaya xoLtu/r yayai xdLtuir Imperative. Plural, ya xoi. tuir ya ya XOL tur ya yai XOL tuir Customary. Plural. ya xo it dil tuM ya xo OL tuw yaya xoi ii.tuw ya yai xoi ii, tuir Present Definite. Plural. ya xo wit dil tin ya xo woLtiri yaya XOL tin yayai XOL tin Past Definite. Plural. ya xo wit dil ten ya xo WOL ten ya ya XOL ten ya yai XOL ten 182 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. Verbs having the third person singular as direct object. yaixoiiyan, cust. 3a. plu., they always eat him. 195-10. yai xos tcwmr, past def . 3a. plu., they smelled of him. 165-3. yaxowiLxaiL, past def. 3 plu., they tracked him. 170-5. ya xo win tcwai, past def. 3 plu., they buried him. 172-4. ya XOL ten, past def. 3 sing., he has taken him. 151-4. ya XOL tsan, past 3 plu., they saw him. 101-16. yaxonneLen, past def. 3 plu., they looked at him. 278-3. ya xo seL wen, past def., 3 plu., they killed him. 171-12. yaxosiLwe, pres. 3 plu., they might kill him. 278-5. yaxosmeL, past def. 3 sing., he whipped him. 164-3- yenaxoLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him. 106-13. yexdneii.ye, cust. 3a sing., they always eat him up. 195-10. yd XOL tsan nei, past 3a sing., it saw him. 204-4. iia xo win htcaL, past def. 3 sing., he hooked him. 107-6. miLnaxo WIL we, past def., 3a sing., he felt sleepy (sleep fought with him). 121-5. rnii, xoi nil. xe, past def. 3 sing., it went on him. 308-8. naixoiiL^au, cust. 3 sing., it flew around her. 333-8. nai xoi iL tcwe ei, cust. 3a sing., they make him. 196-6. nai XOL tsan ne te, fut. 3a sing., it will find him. 307-13. naixonnuwiLhwon, past def. 3a sing., it cured him. 121-13. na yai xoi iL tcwe, cust. 3a plu., they make him. 196-3. na yai xoi IL tcwo ig, cust. 3a plu., they brush him to gether. 196-3. nayaxoteLxa, past def. 3 plu., they tracked him. 170-3. na na ya xon niL xa ei, past def. 3 plu., they found his tracks. 170-4. na xoi kyu win an, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 121-7. naxowir. me, past def. 3 sing., he bathed him. 187-12. naxodeilen, cust. 3 sing., he watched him. 202-5. na xot du wes in te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch her. 137-3. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 183 no na XOL tur, pres. 3 sing., he had laid her. 342-8. no na xon nil. tin ne en, pres. def . 3 sing., he caught up with him. 176-11. xa ai ya xdL in &x, pros. 3 pin., they did that with him. 211-5. xaixostennei, past def. 3a sing., they took her up. 239-1. xojrtsan, past 1 sing., I saw him. 351-9. xortsis, past 1 sing., I saw him. 353-3. xoneLintei,, fut. def. 1 sing., T ean t look at him. 138-12. xonneLinte, fut. def. 1 sing., I can look at him. 138-14. xon tcwit, past def. 3a sing., it caught him. 346-10. xo se SCL win te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill him. 150-11. xosuu we, pres. 1 sing., let me kill him. 159-8. xot da na ya XOL xa, past def. 3 phi., down they tracked him. 170-3. xo kyu win nan, past def. 3o sing., he went to sleep. 203-1. da na XOL ten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 108-1. da tee xo diL ten, past def. 3 sing., she has taken him away. 159-5. dexotdiLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him in the fire. 120-8. do yux xo il Ian, cust. 3a sing., they quit him. 196-2. donaya xoLtsan nei, past 3 plu., they did not see him. 152-6. do na ya XOL tsit, past def. 3 plu., they did not know him. 166-15. do na XOL tsun xf> liii, pres. 2 plu., you won t see him any longer (more). 306-6. doheyaxonneLen, past. def. 3 plu., they could not look at him. 139-1. doxolinxonne dilen, impot. 1 plu., we can t look at him. 139-3. do tco XOL tsis, past 3 sing., he saw nobody. 238-8. ta nai xos do wei, past def. 3a sing., it cut him to pieces. 108-2. 184 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. tee na xdn nil. ten, past def. 3 sing., he took (him) out. 153-7. tee XOL kit. past 3 sing., he caught him. 143-9. tee xo nil, ten, past def. 3 sing., they took him out. 278-4. tee xon des ne, past 3 sing., he found him out. 207-11. tcexoseLwen, past def. 3 sing., he killed her. 164-11. tcexoteL waL, past def. 3 sing., he pulled him. 106-17. tcexoteL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took him along. 210-15. tcex xot ditteL-en, past def. 3 sing., he watched her. 137-10. tco XOL kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 151-2. tco xo ne im mil, cust. 3 sing., he threw them at her. 332-12. tcoxonneLen, past def. 3 sing., he looked at him. 109-1. ted xon ne itc tcwa ei, cust. 3 sing., he threw at her- 333-3. tco xon niL xuts, past def. 3 sing., he threw after him. 159-9. tco xon des ne, past def. 3 sing., he thought of him. 257-1. tco xon des ne h?nm, pres. 3 sing., he shall know. 319-13. tco xon des ne te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will think of. 325-14. tco xon tan, past def. 3 sing., he held her. 153-3. tcoxostcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made him. 114-8. tco xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watched along. 97-10. Verbs having the third person singular as indirect object. ai XOL ne, pres. 3 sing., he is telling him. 208-13. ai XOL de in ne, cust. 3 sing., he used to tell her. 135-3. a yai XOL du wen ne, past def. 3 plu., they said. 165-2. a XOL tcit den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said to him. 97-7. a XOL tcit den tsu, pres. 3 sing., he heard say. 141-8. y a XOL tcit den ne, past def. 3 plu., they said to him. 102-15. xa a XOL tcin ne, pres. 3 sing., he is telling him. 150-2. VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Thipa Language. 185 xoi ye xoi ! yan, cust. 3 sin?., she suspected her. 158-3. 158-3. xdwaiLda, past del . 3 sing., she handed him. 181-13. xd way a in tan, past def. 3 phi., they gave him. 144-14. xo wa me neL tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing.. I would loan him. 356-17. xd wa tein xan, past def. 3 sing., to her she gave. 246-12. xd wiin na kis le, past def. 3 sing., he felt of him. 153-5. xd wilt xd wes yfm te. fut. def. 1 sing.. T will watch her. 137-7. xd wut tcuxd wes van, past def. 3 sing., he watched her. 137-8. xdi. ya kit wul, past def. 3 sing., with him he seesawed. 107-10. xdi. wildal, past 3 sing., with him came along. 115-1. XOL Lentin dil lat, past def. 3 sing., it floated with him. 315-5. XOL Le nun du waL ei, past def. 3o sing., with him it shut. 109-5. XOL me nun dil lat dei, past def. 3a sing., with him it floated back. 315-6. xdLneun te, pres. 1 sing., let me lie with her. 223-12. xdi. no il lit, past def. 3a sing., it was done smoking with him. xdi. no nil lit, past def. 3 sing., it finished burning (with him). 364-7. XOL no kin nil lit, past def. 3 sing., he finished sweating. 209-13. XOL xas tcwen nei, past def. 3a sing., it grew up (with him). 137-18. XOL xut tes nan, past def. 3a sing., it moved in her. 341-3. XOL xut tes nun te, fut. def. 3a sing., would move in her. 341-2. XOL da na du win a ei, past def. 3o sing., with him it stuck up. 203-5. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 13. 186 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. xoLdenneete, fut. def. 1 sing., I will call him. 137-6, 139-5. XOL ta na wil Lat, past def. 3 sing 1 ., with him she went. 223-14. xoLteillit, cust. 3 sing., he smoked himself. xoLteLtcwen, past def. 3a sing., it grew with him. 137-18. xoLteslat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 315-2. xdLtesdeL, past def. 3 dual, with him they went. 110-7. XOL tee niL tsit, past def. 3 sing., with him he untied it. 108-1. xoLtciLkit, past def. 3 sing., with him he caught it. 107-10. XOL tcin nes ten, past def. 3 sing., \vith her he lay. 223-13. XOL tcit den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said. 105-18. XOL tcit du win neL, pres. 3 sing., he kept saying. 141-12. XOL tcu wit dil, past 3 sing., following him. 208-1. XOL tcu xo wil lik, past def. 3 sing., he told him. 141-13. xdLkiLdjexainnaui#hM/ei, cust. 3 plu., they all fought with her. 333-4. xwaiLkit, past def. 3 sing., she gave him. 98-11. xwayaiLkit, past def. 3 plu., they gave him. 110-5. xwawilxan, past def. 3a sing., he liked them. 110-5. do he XOL din nu WIL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not know how. 175-4. do XOL din nu wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not know how. 176-6. First Person Plural. Yun nd tcil lute, he is picking us up. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 2. yunnoholluM; yunnoholuw; 3. yun no tcil luw ya yun no tcil luw 3a. yun no hil luw yai yun no hil IUM; VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 187 Singular. 2. yfm no hoi luir 3. yfm no tco lur 3a. yfm no ho lu/r Singul lar. 1. 2. yfm no he il luw 3. yfm no tee il lutr 3o. yfm no he il lute Singular. 1. - 2. yfm no wil la 3. yun no teil la 3o. yfm no hil la Singular. 2. yfm no wil lai 3. yfm no tcil lai 3<z. yfm no hil lai Imperative. Plural. yun no ho luir yayfmnotcolujr yaiyfmnoholujc Customary. Plural. yfm no he 61 luw ya yfm no tee il lu/r yai yun no he il line Present Definite. Plural. yfm no wo la ya yfm no tcil la yai yfm no hil la f Past Definite. Plural. yun no wo lai ya yun no teil lai yai yun no hil lai When the object changes to the plural, the root of the verb is replaced by one applicable to a plural object. It happens that -ten the root of the singular, requires L and therefore places the verbs formed from it in the second class, while -lai of the plural object does not require i. and its verbs belong to the first class. The inserted form of this pronoun is noh with the second syllable variously completed, or in some cases disappearing. It follows the analogy of the second person singular both as to its position in the third person singular of the verb, and as to its effect on the form of the preceding prefix. 188 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. Verbs having the first person plural as direct object. do xo liii no siL we, impot. 2 sing., you can t kill us. 165-7. Verbs having the first person plural as indirect object. a no hoL tcit den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said of us. 302-3. no hoL tcit den ne, past def. 3 sing., they told us. 302-4. Second Person Plural. Yun no tcil lutfl, he is picking you (plural) up. Singular. 1. yun no lawuw luw; 2. - 3. yun no tcil luw 3a. yunnohilluw; Singular. 2 3. yunnotc61uf 3a. yun noholuw Singular. 1. yun no he iuw luic 2. - 3. yun nd tee il luw 3a. yun no he il luw Singular. 1. yun no he la 2 3. yun no tcil la 3a. yunnohilla Present Indefinite. Plural. yun no hit dil lute ya yun no tcil Imc yai yun no hil lu?/: Imperative. Plural. ya yun no tco luw; yai yun no ho luw Customary. Plural. yun no he it dil IUM; yayunnotceil luw yai yun no he il IUM: Present Definite. Plural, yun no wit dil la ya yun no tcil la yai yun no hil la VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 189 Singular. 1. yiin no he lai 2 3. yvmnoteil lai 3a. yun no hil lai Plural, yun no wit dil lai ya yun no tcil lai yai yun no hil lai These forms differ from those of the first person plural of the objective only in the forms which can logically occur. In the ease of the first person, forms of the first person of the verb are barred ; while in the case of the second person, the second person of the verb would not be used. In the third person of the verb it must be determined from the context whether the object is of the first or second person. Third Person Plural. Yayaxollutr, he is picking them up. Singular. 1. (ya)yax6r lu/r 2. (ya)ya xol lur 3. (ya)ya xollujr 3o. ( y a ) y a i xol 1 u ir Singular. 2. (ya)yaxol luir 3. (ya)yaxolluir 3a. (ya)yaixol Ifur Singular. 1- (ya)ya xoi iuir luir 2. (ya)yaxoiillujf 3. (ya)yaxoiil lutf 3o. (ya)yaixoiilluir Present Indefinite. Plural. (ya)ya xdtdil lu<r (ya)yaxolutr (ya)yaxol liifr (ya)yai xol Imperative. Plural. (ya)yaxolu/r (ya)yaxol liur (ya)yai xol liur Customary. Plural. (ya)yaxoiitdilluic (ya)yaxoo lutr (ya)ya xoi il \uw (ya)yai xoiillutc 190 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH. ETH. Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. (ya)yaxwella (ya)yaxo wit dilla 2. (ya)yaxo willa (ya)yaxdwola 3. (ya)yaxolla (ya)yaxolla 3a. (ya)yaixolla (ya)yaixola Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. (ya)ya xwel lai (ya)ya xo wit dil lai 2. ( ya ) ya xo wil lai ( y a ) y a xo wo lai 3. (ya)yaxollai (ya)yax5xollai 3a. (ya)yaixol lai (ya)yai xollai Since the form of the root indicates that the object is more than one, the forms without the first ya- are dual as regards the object and those with both are plural. Verbs having the third person plural for direct object. yaxosqot, past def. 3 plu., they stuck them. 181-2. yaxoteLxa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked them. 267-15. yaxoqot, pres. 3 plu., they stick them. 180-12. yeyaxolai, past def. 3 plu., they took them. 179-12. yin ne ya XOL taL, past def. 3 sing., in the ground he tramped them. 361-10. nayaxoLtsan, past 3 sing., he found them. 267-15. na ya xon nil lai ei, past def. 3 plu., they took them. 179-8. na ya xos duk qot de, pres def. 1 plu., if we stuck them. 180-15. doyaxoLtsan, past 3 sing., he did not see them. 238-14. tee na ya xon mil, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 302-3. Verbs having the third person plural as indirect object. xo wa ya tel lai, past def. 3 plu., they gave them. 198-8. XOL yai din ne WIL a, past def. 3 sing., they learned. 180-13. XOL yaL de wim min iL., pres. def. Ba plu., they filled with them. 153-17. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 191 xoLyaxoillik, cuat. 3 sing., he told them. 180-10. xor.ya xowillik, past def. 3 phi., they told them. 180-12. xoLyatesyai, past def. 3 sing., with them he went. 208-15. XOL teit tes deL, past def. 3 dual, they ran after them. 153-16. xwa ya kii. kit, past def. 3 sing., she fed them. 192-11. Reflexive. YeadiL<6, he is putting himself into. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. yeaduirfd yeaditdiHd 2. ye a dir, to ye a doi, to 3. yeadir,<6 ye a ya diL 6 3a. ye ai diL to ye a yai diL to Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1 . do xo liii ye a duc to do xo lin ye a dit dil to 2. ye a dir> to ye a doL ?6 3. yeadiLfo yeayadiLfo 3. yeaidiLfo ye a yai diL to Imperative. Singular. Plural. 2. ye a diL to ye a doL ^6 3. ye a doi, to ye a ya doL to 3a. ye ai doL 6 ye a yai doL to Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. yeadeiur<6 yeadeitdil/d 2. ye a de IL to ye a do OL to 3. yeadeii.fo yeayadeii^o 3a. yeaideii^o yeayaideiLio 192 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. ye a deL to ye a du wit dil to 2. ye a du wiL to ye a du WOL to 3. ye a diL 5 3a. Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. ye a deL 6 yeaduwitdiHo 2. yeaduwiLifo yeaduwdLtfo 3. ye a diL to ye a ya diL to 3a. ye ai diL to ye a yai diL 6 It will be noted that the form of the reflexive inserted ele ment is the same for all persons in both numbers. The following verbs have the direct reflexive form. anadillau, past 3 sing., he made himself. 152-11. a na dil le, imp. 2 sing., fix yourself. 170-1. anadisloi, past def. 3 sing., he girded himself. 221-5. anadistcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 101-14. anai duwin wat, past def. 3a sing., he shook himself. 115-7. anayadillau, past def. 3 plu., they fixed themselves. 170-1. a na dit du WIL kan, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out one side. 108-15. adistcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 102-6. adistcwinte, fut. def. 3 sing., he might make (for him self). 363-5. a dux xun de, pres. 3 sing., when she is hungry. 256-3. ye a diL to, past def. 3 sing., he put on. 328-12. no a din nin xan, past def. 3 sing., she placed herself. 223-9. no a diil xauw;, imp. 2 sing., lay yourself down. 223-9. do ma a din iL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., she did not move. 341-1. do ma a din niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., she couldn t walk. 276-3. VOL. 3] (ioddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 193 Verbs having the reflexive pronoun for indirect object. a da yis tcwin te, fut. def. 3a sing., he makes for him self. 338-6. a da na win ate, fut. def. 3 sing., for himself he will get. 338-9. a del i. kit, past 3 sins;., he took with himself. 270-7. adexoi. kit, past 3 sing., she eaught against herself. 223-14. adii.yakiLqote, past def. 3 sing., he threw himself with it. 202-3. adii. yakii. qotchit, pres. 3 sing., when he threw him self with it. 202-7. a dii.no keii. qfw, eust. 3 sing., to he used to throw with himself. 202-4. a dit tcin no nil la de. pres. def. 3 sing., puts with herself. 302-10. adittcinnulluic, imp. 2 sing., on yourself put it. 175-3. adu wa nun du witetewil liLte, fut. 3 sing., she will rub herself. adu wunya tei, wis, past def. 3 plu., for themselves they were afraid. 179-10. a du wun din tewin ne, imp. 2 sing., yourself bathe. 353-7. adu wundotcwitte, fut. 2 plu., bathe yourselves. 322-11. a du wun du win tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he rubbed him self. 319-9. aduirkit, past 1 sing., to myself I held. 353-6. do a du wun tel wis he, imp. 2 plu., don t be frightened. 356-2. CONJUGATION OF THE PASSIVE VOICE. Ya xo wil tin, he is carried off. Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. doxolin ya hirel dittuw? doxolin yunnohitluic 2. yun nel dit tuir yun no ho IUMJ 3. ya xol dit tuic ya ya xot lute 3a. yul dit tuic ya yat luw 194 University of California Publications. E AM - ARCH. ETH. Singular. 2. yun nol dit tuw 3. ya x5l dit tuw 3d. ya 51 dit tuw Singular. 1. ya hive il dit tuw; 2. yiin ne il dit tuw 3. ya xoi il dit tuw 3a. ya e il dit tuw Singular. 1. yahw;uwiltin 2. yun nu wil tin 3. yaxowiltin 3a. yaltifi Singular. 1. ya hwu wil ten 2. yun nu wil ten 3. ya xo wil ten 3&. yalten Imperative. Plural. yun no hoi dil luw ya ya xol dil luw ya ya 51 dil luic Customary. Plural. yun no he it luw yun no he it luw ya ya xoi it luw ya ya it luw Present Definite. Plural. yun no wit la yun no wit la ya ya x5 wit la ya yat la Past Definite. Plural. yun n5 wit lai yun n5 wit lai ya ya x5 wit lai ya yat lai Past Persistent. Singular. Plural. 1. ya liwu wes dit ten yun no wes dil lai 2. yiin nu wes dit ten yun n5 wes dil lai 3. ya x5 wes dit ten ya ya x5 wes dil lai 3a, ya wes dit ten ya ya wes dil lai In the passive voice occurs a combination of classes and conjugations. In this case the root of the singular, -ten which requires L and places its verbs in the second class in the active voice, on becoming 1 passive passes to the fourth class. The root of the plural, not requiring L in the active, passes to the third class on becoming passive. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 195 The definite tenses have w, the eharaeteristie of the first con jugation. There is also a form which indicates that the act which was suffered resulted in a permanent state. These forms which have been called past persistent resemble the third con jugation in having s, the characteristic of that conjugation. 1 What the forms of the present indefinite would be, were they logically possible, is shown by the forms of the impotential and imperative. The following passives have the forms of Class HI. wittcwa, pres., buried. 192-17. wit tcwa ta, pres. 3 sing., they are buried places. 180-1 1. na wes len ei, past persistent, it falls. 104-1. na wes mats, past persistent, it was coiled. 151-19. na wes deL, past persistent, it encircles. 364-15. nonawitfats, past def., it is cut down. 114-17. daxoduwesen, past persistent, one could see. 242-13. do 6 na wes en ei, past persistent, it could not be seen. 151-19. dona hiru wes tsimhirun, 1 sing., I must not be seen again. 217-18. do na xo wes tsan, past persistent 3 sing., he was not longer seen. 226-5. do kyu wit van, past def. 3 sing., without eating. 226-4. kyu wit tcwok kei, past def. 3 sing., they are strung on a line. 165-8. The following i)assives hare the forms of Class IV. yai kyu wil fats, past def., a blanket made of strips. 207-5. wil loi, past def., bundles. 210-3. wiltcwen, past def., was made of. 164-13, 203-11. (dih/ro)wil tcwen, past def., something was made (a grave). 221-10. wil kan nei, past def., a fire is burning. 151-4. 1 Compare the forms given for the third conjugation, class iv. 196 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. Lena wil la, past def., a fire. 170-9. na wil tik, past def., a string tied. 353-4. na wil lit, past def., he nearly burned. 330-1. nawillitdei, past def., he burned up. 120-8. na.. wil lit te, fut. del, it will burn. 151-5. nanuwilxut, past def., hanging for a door. 171-1. na du wil tcwan, past def., it was supper time. 141-1. nakyuwiHik, past def., was tied with a string. 351-10. nowillin, past def., covered. 115-16. nokyuwiltaL, past def., the final dancing place. 105-6. hi/ elweLte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will spend the night. 348-2. hM/in nil wil ten, past def. 1 sing., I was brought here. 180-7. xoi yal wil lil, past def. 3 plu., they camped along. 179-12. xoi yal weL, past def., they camped. 175-6. xoi na yal wil lil, past def. 3 plu., they camped along. 181-6. xoinalweL, past def., he stayed over night. 121-4. xwel weL, past def. 3 sing., he had spent the night, da du wil ten, past def. 3 sing., he has been carried off. 150-10. dowiltsan, past def., he was not seen. 341-9. do xo lin hcil wil, impot. 1 sing., I will not stay over night. 176-1. kyuwiltel, past def., it was paved. 140-6. IRREGULAR VERBS. An, he says. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. aduicne adit din ne 2. a den a don 3. an ayan 3a. an ayan VOL. 3 1 (ioddnrd. Morpltoloyy of the Hupa Lany \unje. 197 Singular. 1. doxolifi a dii/r ne -. a den ne 3. a ne 3o. a ne Singular. 2 a den 3. a ddn 3a. a don Irapotential. Plural. do xolifi a ditdin ne a do ne a ya ne a ya. ne Imperative. Plural. a don a ya don a va don Singular. 1. adeiutrne 2. adeenne 3. a de in ne 3a. a de In ne Singular. 1. a den 2. aduwen 3. a den 3a. a du wen Singular. 1. a den ne 2. adiiwene 3. a den ne 3a. a du wen ne Customary. I lu ml. a de it din ne a de 6 ne aya dein ne aya dein ne Present Definite. Plural. a du wit din a du wo ne a ya den a ya du wen Past Definite. Plural. a du wit din ne a du wo ne a ya den ne a va du wen ue The peculiarity of the verb meaning to say or to speak is in the form of the root. That the root should have a short form for the present definite and indefinite and imperative is to be 198 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. expected but that it does not form a syllable in its shortened form is unusual. 1 ayaiduwenne, past def. 3a plu., they said. 165-7. ayan, pres. 3 plu., they said that. 116-17. ayaduwinnel, past (progressive) 3 plu., they were say ing. 153-14. an tsu, pres. 3a sing., he heard it cry. 281-13. a den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said. 97-15, 321-5. a den de, pres. def. 3 sing., if he sings. 236-2. a den tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., singing he heard. 186-12. ya du wen ne, past def. 3a plu., they said. 109-17. xaadenne, past def. 3 sing., he called the same. 105-5. de in ne, cust. 3 sing., he used to imitate. 182-1. din ne, past def. 3a sing., it was playing. 99-17. do a du win ne he, don t say that. 175-1. donene, imp. 3a sing., let it play. 100-3. duwenne, past def. 3a sing., it sounded. 108-16, 189-13. duwinne, it played. 100-5. A teon, he thinks. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. ainm^sifi ainitdissin 2. aininsin ainosin 3. a tcon ayatcon 3a. aydn ayayon Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do xo lin ai nuw sin do xo lin ai nit dis sin 2. ai nin sin ai no sin 3. atcone ayatcone 3a. a yd ne a ya yo ne 1 Other forms have been given in the lists under objective conjugations and under the root -ne. When some definite thing which has been said is quoted, the forms of the verb are somewhat different, especially in the third person where in the present instead of an, tcin is found; and for the definite present and past instead of a den and a den ne, the forms tcit den and tcit den ne occur. The difference in the forms consists in the use of tc, the sign of the third person, in one case and its omission in the other. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Languayc. }\\\\ Singular. 2. ai nin sin 3. a ted one 3a. a yd one Imperative. ! Mural. Singular. 1. ai ne iuifseu 2. ai ne in sen 3. a ted in ne 3a. aydinne Singular. 1. ainesin 2. ai nu win sin 3. a tcdn des ne 3a. a yon des ne Singular. 1. ainesen 2. ai nu win sen 3. a Icon desne 3a. a von des ne ;ii no sin a ya ted d ne a va vo 6 ne Customary. Plural. ai ne itdissen ai ne o sen a ya too in ne ayayd in ne Present Definite. Plural. ;ii nu \vit dissin ;ii nu wdsiii a y a t con des ne a ya yon des ne Past Definite. Plural. ai nu wit dissen ai nu wo sen a ya tcdn des ne a ya yon des ne The verb which means to think is still more unusual in its forms than is the verb to say. The first and second persons have the root forms -sin and -sen ; the third person the forms -n and -ne. ai yon des ne te. fut. def . 3a sing., she will think about. 104-1. ai ne sen, past def. 1 sing., I thought. 187-3. aininsinne, imp. 2 sing., you must think. 208-17. ainutrsiri, pres. 1 sing., I think so. 353-3. a ted in ne, cust. 3 sing., he kept thinking. 139-4. a tcdn des ne, past def. 3 sing., he thought. 96-7. ya tcdn desne, past def. 3 phi., they thought. 265-2. 200 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. ninsifi, pres. 2 sing., you think. 337-12. hwunnesin, pres. 2 sing., don t you remember. 163-8. do ai nin sin G x, pres. 2 sing., you don t think. 337-9. tco in ne, cust. 3 sing., he kept thinking. 113-2, 311-8. ted xon des ne, past def . 3 sing., he thought of him. 257-1. tco xon des ne te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will think of him. 325-14. CONJUGATION OF ADJECTIVES. Nit das, it is heavy. Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. nuwdas nitditdas 2. nin das no das 3. tcin das ya in das 3a. nit das ya nit das Imperative. Singular. Plural. 1. iuw; das it dit das 2. in das 6 das 3. tco das ya tco das 3a. yd das ya yd das Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. e iutf das e it dit das 2. e in das e 6 das 3. tee it das yaitdas 3a. e it das ya e it das Past. Singular. Plural. 1. wuw; das, or we das wit dit das 2. win das wo das 3. tcuwindas ya win das 3a. win das yandas VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the IIuixi Language. 201 The conjugation of nit das is almost identical with class i conjugation 1 of the verb. The most noticeable feature of the adjectives is the presence of a prefix in the present, the form more frequently employed. These prefixes which consist of a single letter appear to classify the adjectives with which they are employed. In this case, n, seems to be used with adjectives expressing qualities which are inseparable from the existence of the object, such as, shape, size, and weight. Among these are : n fur nes, I am tall; tee nes, he is tall; nes, it is tall, or tall. nujrh/ron, I am good; tcinnuhwon, he is good; nuhiron. it is good. iiiiif teL, I am broad : tcin teL, he is broad ; nit teL, it is flat. nfiir tcwin, I am dirty; tcin tewifi, he is dirty; nitc tcwin; it is dirty. n fur kya 6, I am large; tcin kya 6, be is large: nikkyao, it is large. anuLkyo, (comparative form) so large it had swollen. 121-10. win kya 6, past 3 sing., she got big. 189-5. meLkyowei, (comparative form) it was big enough. 136-9. menawii, kyo, (comparative form) she was that big. 341-4. nai xon nu W!L hicon. it cured him. 121-13. na ne iuir lucon, cust. 3 sing., he gets well. 196-4. na nu win hiron te, fut. 3a sing., it will be good weather. 273-5. n u wiii luron, past 3 sing., it is good. 260-13. nu win hiron te, fut. 3 sing., it will be good. 258-16. nu hiroii fl x, adverb, good. 236-3. nuhic6nb.it, pres. 3a sing., beautiful. 341-15. xo lun nu h/ron tei,, fut.3a sing., will it be good? 295-9. tcu wiii kya 6 we xo Ian, past def . 3 sing., large he had become he saw. 186-6. nitc tcwin, pres. 3a sing., dirty things. 247-15. AM. ARCH. ETH. u, 14 202 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. With prefix L-. Luk kau, fat. Present. Singular. Plural. 1. Luitfkau Litdukkau 2. Lin kau Lokau 3. tcitLukkau yaLukkau 3a. Lukkau yaLukkau Impotential. Singular. 1. do xo lin LUW kau, I shall never be fat. (As in the present.) Imperative. Singular. Plural. 1. iuw? ka 1 it dil ka 2. ilka oLka 3. tcolka yatcolka 3a. 61 ka yaolka Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. eiuwkau 2 e it dil kau 2. eilkau eoLkau 3. tee il kau ya il kau 3a. eilkau yailkau Past. Singular. Plural. 1. wuwkau wit dil kau 2. wilkau woLkau 3. tcu wil kau ya wil kau 3a. wilkau yalkau Adjectives having L for their prefix in the present have 1 before the root in the imperative, customary, and past. They resemble in form the verbs of the fourth class (the passive of the second class). 1 Let me get fat. 2 I get fat at times. VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 203 The adjectives which have this prefix seem to express the less constant qualities, such as, color and condition of flesh. yauLkai, louse prey. 111-1. Littso, green stuff. 342-5. Littsowitc, blue beads. 199-7. niLtsai, dry meat. 97-7. Besides these are adjectives with a prefix which instead of being confined to the present is retained in all the forms. With the prefix te-, perhaps that indicating distribution when used with verbs, tcit til te, he is strong, is conjugated as are the verbs of class iv, conjugation 3; while tcit tit tcit, he is tired, fol lows the verbs of class i, conjugation 36. With the prefix tco-, is the adjective tcodai, he is poor (lean), which belongs with verbs of class i, conjugation le. ROOTS. The term root has been applied to that part of the verb which remains when all prefixes, elements indicating person and number, and suffixes, have been discarded. These roots are monosyllabic in form. Only a few of them can be referred to known noun forms. Many of them describe with consider able exactness the kind of an act or state spoken of. A large number indicate in addition the nature and number of the object affected by the act. It seems probable that some of these so-called roots are still composite. Several double forms, one without a final consonant and the other with one, suggest that, in some cases, these con sonants are the remains of suffixes. The roots have been listed together with the verbs contain ing them and classified as to meaning and form. -ai, -a. The root -a seems to carry the force of position. The prefixes indicate the place and particular attitude of the object. The syllable preceding the root states whether position is cus tomary, without beginning, or assumed at some definite time. The suffixes indicate that the position is predicated of the future as certain or conditional, or states some other tempo-modal fact. Eliminating then these known elements, there remains the force of "has position" to be expressed by this root. 204 University of California Publications. E AM - AROH. ETH. A) Having the short form. a da na win ate, for himself he will get. 338-9. eea, always lay. 292-2. iLwaiwina, (the trail) forked. 141-16. ya a a, he sat. 150-8. ya wes a, she sat up. 301-2. yawina, he sitting. 162-11. ya LC da a din, 1 the corner. 286-1. yana, he sitting. 110-14. yana wes a. he sat down. 165-17. yana me da a, (his stomach) loomed up. 121-11. ya na me du win a, (ashes) piled up. 187-9. yataaei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8. ye wes a, (his face) was in. 153-10. yi tsifi eea mil,, west the sun was. 333-4. win a, (house) went. 192-13. meduwiLa, she put the ends in the fire. 242-11. naaa, he always has. 257-4. nanaei, it hangs there. 295-3. na na du win a, it stands up. 364-14. nan ate, you will have. 357-7. nanakinnuwiLa, he made the ridge. 104-3. na nu wes a, (ridges) run across. 363-14. nadaa, it stood. 150-8. nanaduwaal, (hummocks) rose up. 103-13. (xoideai) nadaaneen, he used to listen (his head used to stand up). 340-12. naduwifia, (smoke) came out. 197-5. (xoideai) naduwifiade, if they listen. 341-12. naduwinate, it will stick up. 204-2. (tin) nifia, road was there. 138-1. nu win ate, it will be. xawesa, he peeped out. 176-9. xalaxolun, (grass) had grown up. 121-11. xa na kyii xol da a, grown over with grass. 165-16. XOL yai din ne wiL a, they learned. 180-13. XOL da na du win a ei, with him it stuck up. 203-5. 1 Several, mutually, at right angles, have position, place. VOL. 3] Goddard Morphology of the Hupa Language. 205 dayawesa. he sat down. 138-3. da ya win a ye, someone fishing (sitting on something). 119-16. dayanawesa, he sat there. 144-11. danadii. a, shoot. 329-11. danaddi. a, he can shoot. 145-1. da na du wii, a, he set another on it. 197-4. danaduwii.a, he shot. 329-12. da na du win a ei, it stood up. 203-10. da du wes a te ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to it. 271-10. doxoLdinnuwir. a, he did not know how. 176-6. du wes ate, (a ridge) will go across. 253-1. tawesa, it will project. 255-2. tenawesa, into the water run out. 365-1. tcuwaal, he carried along. 257-1. kenaneii. a, she leaned it up. 290-1. kenanina, it leaning up. 99-5. keneiLa, she leaned it up. 290-9. kit tsots yu WIL a, "tsots" they made noise like. 364-9. B) The following have the same root under the longer form -ai. This change of form seems to be phonetic and due to accent, rather than morphological, the result of contraction with a suffix. The forms of the impotential all have this long form and the verb naa, "he has," makes use of the form for its past tense. Nearly all the examples given below occur where the forms with the shorter root would have been expected. yau/r hwai, I have been sitting here. 174-12. yaiiai, they were sitting. 329-3. yana wiiiai, he sat down. 136-6. nadaai, it stands. 244-12. xoii ma na da ai, the post back of the fire. 363-9. da ya \\ in ai, he was sitting. 360-6. da ya na win ai, he sitting. 162-2. do nautr ai, I do not wear. 247-15. 206 University of California Publications. [A.M. ARCH. ETH. -an, -a ; to sing. This verb is employed of an individual sing ing a song by himself, such as a love song. Another root, -te, -tu, is used of dance songs. A) The impotential, customary, and past definite have the form -au. kitteeau, he sang along. 315-5. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -a. yikittaate, she will sing. 104-2. na kyu win a tsu, singing he heard. 186-12. -aL, -UL; to slit open. The verbs with this root are con nected with the cutting open of fish and game, especially salmon and deer. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -aL. nm kyu wiL aL, he cut it. 266-10. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -UL. myunkiLUL, they were cutting. 100-17, 101-2. -aL, -UL ; to chew. This root may be connected with the last. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -aL. tcuwinaL, he chewed. 121-12, 330-4. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -UL. keuLx, she chewed. 1 276-3. kin UL fl x, you chew. 275-2. -au; meaning unknown. Lax ya xon no au, they fooled him. 166-10. -an, -un, -amo ; to transport round objects. Verbs which have reference to the moving of objects are peculiar in Athapascan languages in that, by employing different roots, they classify all 1 It must be borne in mind that forms having suffixes are in nearly all cases those of the present definite or present indefinite, although the mean ing may be that of the past. The objects of verbs of seeing, or hearing are also in the present form in Hupa but require often the past for their translation into English. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ilitpa Language. 207 objects according to their size and shape. The following: verbs have to do with small round objects such as stones. Verbs re ferring to houses are also included here. A) The past definite tense has the form -an yawinan, he picked up (stones). 197-1, 342-1. me no nin an, he put inside. 328-13. miL xos sat an, he had been poisoned (with in his mouth it had been put. 121-14. na in de an, he brought. 365-17. nanawinan, he had taken down. 176-10. na na nin. an, he won back. 144-9. na sa an, it was. 360-8. no nai nin an, he left. 355-10. no na ya kin nin an, they left food. 110-9. no na mii an, he placed (a house). 117-8. no nin an, he established it. 273-3. xa win an, he took out. 100-10, 135-8. xo lun sa an ne, there was much. 165-12. daya du win an, they took away. 171-14. danayaidu win an, they brought it back. 365-15. da na sa an, on was sitting. 237-8. da tcu win an, he placed it. 210-6. de du win an, he put in incense. 260-11, 266-16, 342-5. te tcu win an, he put it in water. 157-8, 342-6. tee na nin an, he took out. 119-3. tee nin an, he took it out. 119-15. tciLan, he had. 171-16. B) The present definite tense (and forms with suffixes) has the root in the form -un. mesauri, (nothing) was in it. 243-15. na na win un xo Ian, he had taken down. 176-17. nasaunte, it will lie. 226-9. nonaneuii, I will leave. 223-3, 296-5. nonataunhit, when she turned. 245-10. no na kin nin unte, one should leave. 215-8. no nin uii hit, when he finished (when he put it down). 234-7. 208 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. xaiunte, I will take one out. 135-5. saufi, standing. 110-13. sa un te, it will be. 226-10. da na du win fin te, he will put in the fire. 258-2. do mesa mi, nothing was in it. 243-9. c) Indefinite tenses have tlie form -au< yaauwhwei, he held it out. 166-5. no amc ne en, the fire pit cover. 220-12. no nauw; amr, I never leave. 248-1. non am<; ne, you must put it down. 210-7. no na kin au; ne, you must leave. 353-10. nuw; amr, am I going to leave. 157-8. hico a nun am/;, give me. 329-14. xamc amr, I am going to take it out. 135-7. xa wa ame hw;iL te, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1. deduau(z/;) htmLde, if they put it in the fire. 273-1. do no amr, he never put down. 259-6. doxaamr, one doesn t dig. 135-3. do xo liii na ta amr, he won t carry. 258-3. do tee amr, he never took out. 230-12. tee e amr, he took out. 333-2. -an, -fin, -am/; ; to run, to jump. This root is only employed when the subject is in the plural. A) Past definite with the form -an. innaxosan, they jumped up. 169-11. yaxonan, they jumped. 105-10. ye xo ta an, they ran in. 153-16, 238-9. naxotesan, they ran around. 341-4. xa na xofi an, they came up again. 360-10. xotaan, they ran down. 198-4. da na xo du win an, they ran back. 181-6. daxofian, they jumped on. 165-5, 347-18. B) Present definite with the form -un. ye xofi un hit, when they ran in. 169-11. c) Indefinite tenses with the form -amr. noxoamr h?ril, they kept arriving. 208-1. xoteeauH-. they run along. 363-14. VOL. 3] (ioddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 209 daxooautr, they jump on him. 195-9. tanaxoauir, they jump out. 165-6. teiLauir hirei, in the water crawl. 311-7. -ate: to move in an undulating line. This root is used of a pack-train and a herd of trotting elk. nil. ate, they came (with a pack-train ). 200-2. tei.atc, a pack-train came. 200-1. tei.atcei, they went with a pack-train. 200-9. -eL; to have position. This root is used when the subject is in the plural under the same circumstances and with the same meaning as -ai, -a, given above. yawineL, they were sitting there. 181-8. i.enadeeL, they were joined. 347-4. LedeeLta, in a corner. 270-5. na na du win eL, they stuck up. 106-14. naduwineL, they stuck up. 106-3. nin eL, (everything) that is. 228-2. xodewiiieL, they were dead. 181-4. xueneL, they will go. 284-1. da na kin rieuir eL, crosswise I lay them. 247-5. tan eL, sticking out. 341-15. te win eL, they stand out. 283-14. tee yaii eL, they ran out. 336-2. keyanineL, they were leaning up. 99-6. kenineL, they were leaning up. 235-9. kinnodeeL, they stick. 363-15. -en, -in ; to look. Verbs with the root -en, -in, express the act of seeing as voluntary. Involuntary seeing requires the root -tsis. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential take the form -en. yaxonneLen, they looked at him. 278-3. nayanei. en, they looked. 105-8. naneiLen, she looked at. 245-14. na neL en, he looked back at. 103-14, 362-10. na xo de il en, he watched him. 202-5. 210 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. natenen, he looked. 97-18. xa natenen, she looked for them. 300-14. xdwesennei, one could see. 120-5. xon ne iuw; en, I am accustomed to look at. 138-13. da xo du wes en, one could see. 242-13. do 6 na wes en ei, it could not be seen. 151-19. do yu xon neL en, nobody looked at him. 362-7. dona ted en, she did not look around. 136-6. do nel en, she did not look at. 136-7. do he ya xon neL en, they could not look at him. 139-1. do xo liii xon ne dil en, we can t look at him. 139-3. do teen, I don t look. 351-8. tei en, I looked. 238-4. tcex xot dit teL en, he watching her. 137-10. tcin neL en, he saw. 99-4. tcitteen, he looked. 165-19. tcittesen, he looked. 104-4. tcitteteen, he looked around. 109-12, 166-2. tco xon neL en, he looked at him. 109-1. tco xot dit teL en, he watched along. 97-10. B) The present, definite and indefinite, with the imperative employ the form -in. ya ten in hit, when they looked. 104-13. min no tes in, he is looking under his arm. 113-1. naiwitiiiil, she looked. 243-5. nayatesinx, she looked. 300-17. na ne wit dil in iL te, we will look at. 216-18. na neL in hit, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15. na xot du wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3. na duM; in, I watch. 259-14. na tern^ in IL te, I will look back from. 230-7. na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11. na ten in xo Ian, you looked it was. 238-6. nateninte, you will look. 356-5. neiLin, I looked at. 175-10. neiL in te, I am going to see. 99-3. niLin, look. 356-12. nuwnn, let me look. 99-4. VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Htifta Language. 211 xonneLinte, I can look at him. 138-14. dotcu xon neLin tene wan, you can hardly look at. 138-11. teninte, you will look. 140-7. tesuiriii, I am going to look. 171-2. tcit te we in il, he looked about as he went along. 317-4. tcit ten in hit, when he looked. 119-16. tcittesin, one does (not) look. 237-9. -en, -in; to do, to act, to deport one s self. A) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -en. aiLenka, the way they do it. 227-2. aikyuwen, I will do. 230-16. maakiLenneen. their doings. 361-11. mal yeox a IL en, he took care of. 346-4. B) Present and future tenses with the form -in. aiLinneen, (dogs) used to chase. 322-5. a iL in te. they will do. 266-13. aikiLinte, when it happens. 217-6. ai kit in xo sin, (bears) did that. 223-4. xa ai ya XOL in fl x, they did that with him. 211-5. xa a iL in te, that will be done. 203-8. xaayaiLiiix, they did that. 105-10. xaaldLinte, that way they will do. 211-15. -iur; to drop, to fall in drops as rain, nailimr, (tears) dropping. 337-14. naol (i)uir, which drops first. 115-12. nal(i)u?rte, (its blood) will drop. 115-13. na nal de iuff, (water) dripping off. 337-5. da nal iuu? din, it dropped place. 338-4. -its; to shoot an arrow. yaxofiits, he shot. 166-8. yi kit te its, he can shoot. 144-12. yoeits, he shot at. 157-11. nai ke its, to shoot at a mark. 305-2. nakisits, they shot at a mark. 266-13. hjns sa kin its, my mouth shoot in. 118-13. 212 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. xa kin its, it shoot up. 158-7. xo sa kin its, in his mouth he shot. 118-14. tekeitste, I will shoot in. 112-9. te kin its, he shot it in. 112-10. tcoyanits, they began to shoot. 144-12. -its; to wander about, to run around, na IL its, it is running 1 around. 294-4. na IL its Q x, he ran around. 185-10. na is its, different places she ran. 185-6. nanaxits, running around. 295-10. nasitsei, it ran around. 294-3. -iit; to move flat flexible objects. This root is one of those which classify the object affected. It is employed of buckskin, cloth, and paper. The root -kyos given below is more frequently used and has the same meaning. noninut, he threw it. 112-3. te wa iit te, in the water I will throw. 111-17. -ya; to stand on one s feet (used only in the plural). Com pare -yen, -yin, below. da de il ya, they stand around. 195-7. tenadeilya, in the water they stand. 310-4. -yai, -ya, -yauw ; to go, to come, to travel about. This verb is used only in the singular and for the most part of human beings but sometimes of animals and things. A) The past definite tense employs the form -yai. in ta na wit yai, he turned back. 102-12, 104-2. yaninyai, he walked. 138-15. yanyai, the sun was up. 308-3. yatesyai, he went away. 360-4. (hwedeai)ye win yai, into my head it came (I heard). 246-7. ye na wit yai, he went in. 98-15. (hwedeai) yenatyai, my head it came to. 356-15. ye tcu win yai, he went in. 97-3. yi man tu win yai, he was lost across. 97-8. yi de tu win yai, he was lost north. 342-9. VOL. 31 (ioddard. Morphology of the Hitpa Language. 213 i.enaindlyai. he completed the circuit. 220-8. menuisdlyai, he climbed. 103-12. me nun dl yai, years (it came against). 145-7. minyai, it was nearly time. 286-6. mittiiktcuyai, between he got in. 108-15. naindlyai, he got back. 121-16. nawrdlyai. I have come. 145-10. na na in d! yai, he came back across. 103-11. nanawityai, he came down. 138-15. nanatyai, (the sun) had gone down. 202-9. nanifiyai, he crossed. 119-17. nan yai, it rained. 144-5. naditteyai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17. natesdlyai, he went home. 97-17. neiyai, I came. 140-14. nitta na wit yai, he turned back. 270-11. non yai, it went down. 348-3. xaisyai, he came up. 105-1. xanaisdlyai, he came back up. 100-2. xor.yatesyai, with them he went. 208-15. xot da win yai, he went. 272-3. xotdafiyai, it went down. 281-1. xot de is yai, he met him. 105-14. xo tcii win yai, he came down. 104-12. do vena wit yai, he did not come in. 238-12. do naindlyai, he did not come back. 306-2. do he tee niii yai, he did not come out. 162-13. doxolin nuiiyai, you may not live. 257-9. do xwe de ai ye nat yai, she never heard. 307-15. do tee mil yai, she never went out. 158-3. djenyai. it opened. 108-11. tana isdiyai, he came out of it again. 314-6. tasyai, they have left. 271-2. teseyai, I went away. 353-6. tesyai, (its sound) went along. 348-5. tu win yai, he was lost. 122-1. tcena in dlyai, he came out again. 102-13. tee neiyai, 1 have gone out. 99-14. 214 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. tceninyai, he went out. 97-16. tcittesyai, he started. 96-10. keisyai, he climbed. 137-17. kiLdjexanyai, they fought. 165-5, 171-11. B) The present definite, the first and third persons impera tive and all verbs employing suffixes take the form -ya. in ta na wit ya te, he would turn back. 187-4. yeweyate, I will go. 246-4, 314-3. ye win ya, (she saw) come in. 305-8. (xoideai) yewinya, his head it has gone in (he has heard). 355-8. ye win ya ye xo lun, a person had gone in. 118-5 ye na wit ya hit, when he went in. 118-6. yenawityate, she will go in. 311-15. yetcuwinya, they came in. 231-8. ye tcu win ya hit, when she went in. 246-5. winyaL, come on. 170-12. winyalxdM;, where you came along. 120-14. Lenaindlyate sillen, he got nearly around. 220-6. Linyate, they will come together. 295-1. naindiyayei, he came back. 98-6. nana is yayei, he went back over. 117-6. naninyayei, she crossed over. 135-6. na no di ya, let it come back. 233-5. nanunya, go back. 187-6. nasete, (naseyate), I will go. 137-14. na tes di ya yei, he arrived. 104-3. nates diyate, I will go back. 117-14. natindiyane, go home. 337-18. nei ya, I might go. 203-15. neyate, I am going. 348-15. nir.teseyate, I will go with you. 187-4. ninyayete, it will come. 307-12. niiiyade, if they come. 334-10. ninyate, it will reach. 151-15. no nun diyate, in one place they will stay. 259-17. nun di ya te, it will come back. 307-9. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 215 xaisyadin, he got up place. 272-2. xa na is di ya hit, when he came up. 210-12. xowiiiyai., go along. 854-3. xolufi tceninya, he must have arrived. 209-1. xot da win ya yei, she went down. 99-8. dana dii wityayei, it went back. 234-4. do ne ya h/run, I can t stay. 348-10. d5 tcit tes ya te sil len, he did not feel like going on. 281-3. tasya ye xolufi, they had gone. 267-14. tasyahfrun, one ought to go away. 215-8. teseyate, I am going away. 229-9. tesyate, (dawn) is about to come. 241-1. tiiwinyayei, he got lost. 348-17. tee na in di ya hit, when she went down. 325-8. tceneyate, I will go out. 332-8. tee niii ya ne, you must go out. 242-1. tcin nin ya yei, he came. 97-1. tcin niii ya ne en, he used to come. 306-7. tcit tes ya yei, she went. 98-13. tcit tes ya ye xo Ian, he was walking along he saw. 185-13. tcit tes ya din, he started place. 348-9. keisyayei, she climbed up. 137-12. kissa wifiyate, he will go into somebody s mouth. 257-5. c) The indefinite tenses have the form -y&nic. yeiiiyamr, they always go in. 305-9. mittukinyautr, get in. 108-9. ninyaiur, go. 354-3. xot da ke I yau/r, they came down the hill. 310-6. tekelyamr hirei, they go in. 311-2. teen ya hiciL te, you will go. 356-8. kittlyamc, they came. 98-3. The following words have a root agreeing in meaning with -yai and -ya above, but differing in its treatment. All but the impotential have the form -ya, the impotential has the form -yai, and -yauir is not found. 216 University of California Publications. [Air. ARCH. ETH. a du wun xo kyun na i ya, about herself she thought. 286-5. wunnaiya, he worked on it. 226-2. wunnaisya, he started to make. 362-14. wun na is ya xo lun, he had fixed. 170-10. wun xoi kyun na I ya, she began to think about it. 276-4. wun xoi kyun na nanya, he began to think about it. 294-4, 117-12. (xoi kyun) meoiya, we can make them think about. 242-16. (xoi kyun) me nun diyate, his mind will think about. 314-9. (xoi kyun) minyate, his mind will corne to. 230-9. naeiya, it used to rain. 229-2. na I ya, he used to go. 135-2. naiyadin, where I live. 231-5. naisya, he walked around. 157-9, 190-13. na is ya te, he goes. 307-13. na wiii ya yei din, he had lived time. 336-7. nanaiyate, I am going to live. 218-2. na na is ya e xo Ian, she could walk. 276-11. (xoi kyun) na nanya, he studied again. 103-2. na na sin ya te, you will be. 353-8. nanya, it rains. 229-3. (xoi kyun) nanya, he studied. 102-17. nasinyate, you will travel. 356-2. nasyayei, it commenced to walk. 136-9. ke ket na I ya, made a creaking noise. 290-9. -yau, -ya; to do, to follow a line of action, or to be in a con dition or plight. A) The past tense has the form -yau. a it yau xo lun, he was tired. 346-10. au?f di yau, I did. 325-17, 276-5. anaidlyau, we do this. 361-9. a nauw; di yau, I did it. 325-12, 282-5. anadiyau, it did that. 244-11. a nun di yau, it did this. 326-6, 275-1. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 217 adiyauwei, it is eomintr. 104-14. And! yau, you did. 257-8, 337-0. xa a it, yan, he did that. 98-8. xa ana it van, he did that way. 255-9. xaadiyan, it did that. 244-14, 337-17. xaatcityau, that he did. 280-12. daxonnatcit yau, that lie was dead. 226-5. da xwed dafia diyau. what is it jroing to do. 270-6. do xa un di yau, you don t do that. 343-13. B) The present tense employs the form -ya. aityade, if he does. 348-7. uu/rdlya, I mi^ht manage it. 101-11. aujrdiyate, how am I <roin^ to do? 257-14, 275-5. adiyate, it will he. 200-18. atcitya, he is doinjr. 204-14. undiyate, what will you do? 266-4. xadlyate, it will do that, 254-10. xa a it ya xo Ian, the same he found he was. 346-7. xaauirdlyate, I am goiu^ to do. 202-8. xaadiyateL, that way it will be. 341-16. xoi kyun tcwin dan ya de, if his stomaeh is spoiled. 348-7. xolfmadiya, it has happened. 361-6. xo laii a di ya tei., it would do. 234-11. daxoa dlyaxolan, he was dead they found out. 175-11. da xo un a di ya te, they will die. 217-16. duw di ya, I am in the condition. 355-10. -yan, -yu.fi, -yauir; to eat. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -yan. yaiwifiyau, they ate them. 200-8. yaixoilyan, they always eat him. 195-10. ya win yan, they ate it. 266-12. ye I yan, they eat them. 195-9. yinneLyannei, it ate it up. 347-18. yik kyu win yan, it ate. 319-7. yik kyu win yan ne he, even if he eats. 267-3. yu win yan, she ate it. 319-5. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 15. 218 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. noininyanne, that far they ate. 347-17. nokinninyan, he finished. 209-12. da yi kin yan e xo lun, (a mouse) has chewed up. 153-15. dokeyan, I don t eat. 351-7. dokyan, she didn t eat. 157-2. do kyu we bican, * I don t eat. 355-15. do kyu wit yan, without eating. 226-4. tee kin nifi yan, they came out to eat. 98-2. tcinneLyan, he ate up. 111-5. tcu win yan ne, he has eaten. 311-11. ke T yan, he used to eat. 237-6. kin nin yan nei, they came to feed. 180-13. kitteyannei, they fed about. 98-4. kyu win yan, he ate it. 120-10, 98-18. B) The present tense, definite and indefinite, and the impera tive have the form -yun. ya te yuii xo Kin, they had eaten. 100-17. yu win yun hwun te, he must eat. 233-2. yuwinyunte, she will eat them. 253-8, 100-14. na kin yun, eat again. 192-7,153-9. na kyu win yun te, you will eat. 356-3. nit tcu win yun de, if she eats you. 266-7. xo yu win yun te, if she eats them. 253-7. da kin yun te, to chew off. 151-9. tcu W T I yuri il he, even if he eat. 233-3. tcu win yun sil len te, he eats it seems. 233-3. tcu win yun teL de, he would eat. 267-17. keiyun, I might eat. 98-13. keiyunte, I am going to eat. 97-15. kin yuii, eat it. 166-6. kin yun tsit, eat first. 332-6. kyoyml, eat. 192-2. kyu win yun il, you ate along. 121-1. kyu wit di yun te, we shall eat. 190-5. kyu liMTin il, I ate along. 120-16. 1 The syllable -hwan is apparently formed by carrying over the sign of the first person singular -\nv and contracting it with -yan. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 219 c) The following seem to be from this root. menai y! yaur, they eat it down. 356-18. menaiyiyamrexolan, it will be eaten down. 356-11. dokittiyanir, they never went out to feed. 1)7-11. kittelyau/r, they came to feed. 310-10. -yan, -yun; to live, to pass through life. This is no doubt a derived meaning, the meaning on which it is based has not been discovered. A) The past tense has the form -van. xoi na xo wil yan, he came to his senses. 118-16. do xoi nes yan, he did not raise it. 2S2-4. tsisdiyan, he was old. 169-2. tcis di yan ne te, she may live to be old. 325-13. B) The present tense has tlte form -yun. nai ke yun te, they will grow. 296-4. niLxotyiinte, it will be easy for you to get. 357-7. do xwe xo wil yun te, he will be crazy. 307-10. tediyunte, he will live to old age. 227-7. kin ne so yun te, may you grow to be men. 238-13. doxo di yun htrfifi, there won t be many. 308-6. -yan, -yun; to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion. A) The past, customary, and impotcntial tenses have the form -yan. wut na ya xo wil yan, they watched. 267-10. xoi ye xoi I yan, she suspected her. 158-3. xo wiittcu xo wesyan, he watched her. 137-8. B) The present has the form -yun. xo writ xo wes yun te, I will watch her. 137-7. -ye ; to dance. Verbs with this root seem to carry the generic meaning of dancing, while special kinds of dances are referred to by words with roots specifying the particular acts performed as: tciLtuL, "he kicks," tcii. waL, "he shakes a stick. 7 na du wil ye, they danced again. 215-13. do Lye, dance. 222-13. tcitdilye, to dance. 117-8. tcit dil ye a x, they danced. 216-7. 220 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. tcit du wil ye ei, they danced. 216-16. tcit du wil ye iL te, they will dance. 117-9. tcit dil ye te. there will be a dance. 203-8. -yeiitr; to rest. na wil yeuir, he rested. 119-14. naLyemtf, rest. 280-5. na tcil yeuM- sa an din, resting place. 363-3. natcilyeuwdin, the resting place. 347-3. -yeuw ; to rub, to knead. i,e ye tcu win yemr, he jammed in. 143-10. tee wiii yeu?e, she rubbing them. 301-5. -yen, -yin ;* to stand on one s feet. A) The past definite and the customary have the form -yen. winyennei, he was able to stand. 220-11. metsisyen. who stands in. 195-11. na. win yen, he stood. 106-3. tee I yen, he always stands. 207-6, 332-9. tcu win yen, he stood. 109-11,203-5. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative have the form -yin. tee I yin hit, when he stands. 258-1. -yets; to entangle, to tie strings together. Le kin nil, yets te, (lice) to tie together (the hair). 151-10. -yd; to like, to love, to be pleased with anything, hm-yo, I like. 230-16. yit du wes yd te, it will like. 311-10. wes sil yo ne en, whom you used to like. 307-16. hai da tcu wes yo, more yet he likes. 340-13. do wes yd, I don t like. 233-6,231-8. do tcu wes yo, he did not like. 96-7, 231-8. tee il yo, he liked it. 202-5. tcuwesyote, he shall like. 307-11. 1 There is a giotal stop in this root between the vowels and the nasals which are surds. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 221 -yo/r ; to flow, to scatter. na kis yotc htrei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11. noiklyfnr din, as far as it goes. 311-6. no kin nin yfwr, they were scattered about. 145-3. d5 he xa kin yor, it did not come out (said of water). 105-5. kitteyor, it flowed out. 100-11. -yol, -vol.; to blow with the breath. A) The past tenses have the form -yol. xeeii. yol, he blows away. 296-15. B) The present tense has the form -VOL. yetcilyoi., she blows in. -yos; to draw something long out of a narrow space, to stretch. tee nin yos, he pulled out. 118-10. tcitteyos, she stretched it. 158-13. -yot; to chase, to bark after. Said of dogs, yeyinneyot, it drove by barking. 321-5. min no kin ne yot dei, it barked. 322-13. min noi kin ne yot dei, they barked. 321-4. xa in i. in net yot dei, they chased each other. 115-10. tee min nin ydt dei, he drove out a deer. 217-16. -wai, -wa : to go, to go about. This root is only used in the third person singular. It corresponds to -ga in the other Athapascan dialects. A) The im potential reyularhj lias the form -wai, and it is found in the example given below where its appearance is un explained. dowunnawai, he never had done. 321-3. B) All but the impotential have the form -wa. wunnawaneen. going after used to. 157-10. na wa, they were there. 209-3. nawaux, he stayed. 166-14. na wa ye, he went. 230-2, 231-9. dona wa, nobody going about. 166-2. donawate, he will not live. 257-11. 222 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. -wau/r : to talk, to make a noise. This root is usually em ployed with a plural subject. It is applicable to the noise of animals as well the confused noise of the conversation of people. me ya du wil wauw, they began to talk about it. 265-1. me dil wauw, they talked about. 340-5. me dil wamr din, they talk about place. 340-4. me dil wamc ta, they talked about places. 340-12. xoi du wil wauw/% they talked about him. 116-14. dil wauw. tsu, he heard croak. 112-12. tcit dil WRUM? tsu, talking they heard. 170-16. -wal, -waL ; to shake a dance stick, to dance. A) The past definite, customary and impotential have the form -wal. tee IL wal, they danced. 239-3. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative have the form -waL. SCL waL te, I am going to shake a stick. 238-7. tciLwaL Q x, they danced. 238-10. tciL waL win te, they always danced. 239-2. -waL, -wul, -WUL ; to strike, to throw, to scatter. A) The definite tenses employ the form -waL. yawiLwaL, he threw. 362-8. ye na XOL waL, he threw him. 106-13. Le nun du waL, it shut. 108-16. mewiLwaL, he beat on. 315-1. miL xot da kii> waL, with she dropped down. 189-11. na ya du wil waL, they were scattered about. 109-13, 192-17, 170-11. naneLwaL, he struck. 163-17. nadeLwaL, he put it. 114-5. naditteLwaL, she emptied down. 192-12, 109-16. xaxowilwaL, " Dug-f rom-the-ground. " 138-9. xeewiLwaL, she threw away. 189-11. xeenakiLwaL, he threw her away. 308-9. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 223 xeeduwaLei, (feathers 1 ) disappear over the hill. 208-17. xoi. i.e nun du waL ei, with him it shut. 109-5. danadeLwaL, he poured it. 281-17. dexdtdii. waL, he threw him in the fire. 120-8. djetwaL, it opened. 281-17. ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17. tcit du WIL waL ei, she knocked off. 159-11. tee xo teL waL, he pulled him. KMJ-17. tciiweswaL, he lay (like a lojr). 112-16. B) The customary and impotential have the form -will. ya.ii. wul, she always clubs them. 196-1. c) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -WUL. naadii.wuL, hurry (throw yourself). 354-3. nil. yai kyodu WUL, with you let it seesaw. 107-17. -wan, -nan, -wuii, -nun; to sleep. This root usually appears in the form of -nan or -nun, w following n of the preceding syllable of the definite tenses beinj? assimilated to it. In the cases in which the initial of the syllable is not recorded, it probably escaped the ear. The verbs making use of this root require that the persons affected appear as the object. The subject of the verbs, never expressed, is probably the mythical miL found in the word mir.na xo wii. we, "he felt sleepy" (sleep fought with him). 121-5. A) The past definite has the forms -wan, -nan. na xoi kyu win an, he went to sleep. 121-9. xoi kyu wiii an, he went to sleep. 121-7. xo kyu win nan, he went to sleep. 203-1. kyu win nan xo Ian, he went to sleep. 347-1. xoikkyuwinan, he went to sleep. 113-8. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative have the forms -wuii, -nun. nikkyowun, O to sleep. 294-5. nik kyu win nun te, you will pro to sleep. 252-11. hirik kyo wuii, I am froinpr to sleep. 121-6. 224 University of California Publications. [ A M. ARCH. ETH. -was ; to shave off, to whittle. 1 noninfias, he whittled it down. 197-8. tcuwirinas, he scraped bark off. 347-12. -wat, -wa ; to shake itself, said of a dog. a nai du win wat, he shook himself. 115-7. anaiduwa, he is shaking himself. -weL, -wil, -WIL; the passing of night. Verbs with this root are often found with a direct personal object, having the mean ing that the person named or indicated has passed the night in the place or under the circumstances mentioned; When the verbs are employed without an object they indicate the lapse of time. The subject of this verb has not been discovered, but seems to be darkness. A) The definite tenses have the form -weL. yl de yal weL, they spent a night. 200-9. yit del weL, they spent the night. 280-10. wil weL, (at) dark. 137-15, 142-8. wil weL miL, after night. 238-8. wil weL hit, after night. 300-17. wil weL difi, at night. 142-9. min nol weL miL, it was midnight. 293-2. hw/elweLte, I will spend the night. 348-2. xoi yal weL, they camped. 175-6, 200-7. xoi nal weL, he stayed over night. 121-3. xoinateLweL, they camped. 116-7. xoiteLweL, they spent the night. 198-12,361-16. XOL xwel weL, he stayed over night. 98-12. xwel weL, he spent the night. 280-10, 361-15. do ne hel weL te, you may stay. 176-1. B) The customary and impotential have the form -wil. e il wil, all day. 275-2. eilwil, every day. 150-7. e il wil miL, in a day. 336-7. xoi yal wil lil, they camped along. 179-12. 1 Forms with the initial w of the root appear whenever it is not pre ceded by n. Such forms do not happen to appear in Hupa Texts. VOL. 31 Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 225 xoiyal williL ta, they had camped. 181-7. xoi nayal wil lil, they camped along. 181-6. dedeilluwil, it begins to be dark. 356-10. do xo lin hteil wil, I will not stay over night. 176-1. c) The present indefinite and the imperative have the form -wiL, but the}/ do not occur in Hupa Texts. -wen, -win, -we; to kill. This root furnishes the generic verbs for the killing of man or beasts. Other verbs indicate the manner of killing, as shooting or stabbing. A) The past definite lias the form -wen. yaxoseLwen, they killed him. 171-12. yissetei. wen nei, he commenced to kill. 136-10. tee xf> sei, wen, he killed her. 164-11. tee se i. wen. he killed. 136-11. tcisseteL wenexolan. he had killed he saw. 186-7. B) The present indefinite has the form -win. ne se SCL win te, I will kill you. 151-2. hfrittsin tse win tun, I have been killed. 119-1. xo lun ne SCL win, (the load) has worn you out. 105-16. xo se seL win te, I will kill him. 150-11,163-10. seseL white, I w r ill kill it. 162-7. tcis SCL win detc, if he kills. 139-5. tcis SCL win te, he will kill. 311-16. c) The indefinite tenses have the form -we. yaxosiLwe, they might kill him. 278-5. yisseiLwe, he killed. 136-13. mil. na xo WIL we, he felt sleepy (mil, fought with him). 121-5. xo SUIT we, let me kill him. 159-8. xo dje yu wiL we, she loved him (her heart fought for him). 157-12. do xo lin no siL we, you can t kill us. 165-7. tsissiLwe, he killed one. 319-4. tee hicis su wiL WCL de, if he kills me. 114-3. tcisseiLweei, she had killed. 333-5. tcissiLwe, he killed. 106-4. 226 University of California Publications. [ A M. ARCH. ETH. -wen (-en), -win (-in), -wuw, -we, -wel, -weL; to carry on the back, with or without a burden basket. A) The past definite requires the form -wen (-en). yayakifien, they packed up. 164-4. yawinen, she carried. 210-4. yanawifien, she carried. 172-1. yanakiiien, he packed up. 238-3. yakinwenne, he had carried it off. 163-4. ye kin en, he brought in. 192-3. xayakiswen, they carried it up. 164-5. xa Ids wen, he had carried it. 166-4. tatciswen, he carried out. 120-10. tcinnifien, she brought. 137-15. kin nin en, he brought it. 97-14. B) The present definite has the form -win (-in). tcin nin win detc, if he will bring. 137-5. c) The present tense indefinite, customary,, and impotential have the form -wiiif. yaawuw, he always takes on his back. 195-6. yanakeuwm/*, he used to pack up. 237-7. ya ke wuw hzrei, he used to carry it away. 162-4. yakinwuw, carry it. 105-18. na ne it wm/;, he used to carry it back. 237-8. ne iuw wuw din, I bring place. 137-5. nouwuw, he put down. 237-5. da yit de wuw hirei, he always carries it off. 162-7. tcin ne u wuiv, she always brought back. 137-1, 195-7. tcin nu wuw win te, she always brought. 157-2. D) The third person of the imperative and, it would seem from the following example, sometimes the present indefinite has the form -we. na kyu we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4. E) The following verbs have the form -we plus the suffix -1, -L. ya ke wel, someone carrying loads. 110-3. nanakiswel, he arranged again. 106-7. tee wel, he was carrying. 106-4. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language. tee wei. ne en, they were carrying. 110-0. kewelle, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 10(5-4. -wen, -win, -wfur, -we: to move fire, to wave fire. A) The past definite lias the form -wen (-en). dated win en, he put fire on it (he lit his pipe). 119-15. tcittetewen, she waved (fire). 242-12. B) The. present definite has the form -win (-in), but it does not happen to occur in Hit pa Texts. c) The customary, impotent ial and sometimes the present indefinite, and the second person of the imperative have the form -wfur. Xone of them occur in Ilupa Texts. D) The third person of the imperative and sometimes the present indefinite have the form -we. xon naiur we, fire I wave. 248-2. -wis : to twist, to rotate, to dodge by rotating the body. a du wun ya teL wis, for themselves they were afraid (they dodged). 179-10. yekii. wis, he bored a hole (with a drill). 197-3. do a dfi wiin tel wis he, don t be frightened. 356-2. tcit dfi wii. wis, he rolled between his hands. 197-4. -lai. -la. -Ifur; to move or transfer a number of objects. By means of a change of the root, as has been said before, the objects moved or transferred are classified according to their shape and size. This statement applies only to single objects. When several objects, of the same class, or of different classes are affected, the root employed is -lai. A) The past definite has the form -lai. yanawillai, she picked it (a bundle) up. 307-6. yasillai, they were there. 180-3. yeyaxolai, they took them. 179-12. yetcuwillai, he took them in. 301-7. yinneyaxollai, in the ground they have put them. 360-9. yinnetcu wil lai, in the ground had been put. 362-16. LC na nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10. 228 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. rail, wa ya kin dil lai, we traded with them. 200-4. na ya nu wes dil lai, they took the bet. 142-17. na ya xon nil lai ei, they took them. 179-8. nanayawillai, they turned down (their heads). 139-1. na ne wes dil lai, he won. 211-6. no nil lai, he put. 98-2, 307-2. xaislai, she brought up. 98-16. xa wil lai, she dug it out. 242-5. xo wa ya tel lai, they gave them. 198-8. xo wa tcil lai, he gave away. 103-7. xotcinnasillai, she was dressed in. 164-9. sa wil lai, he put in his mouth. 119-6, 276-10. sil lai, standing. 202-4. da na wil lai, she put it. 308-2. deduwillai, he put on the fire. 266-11. do hicu wun nu wit lai he, don t bring them to me. 230-13. tee na nil lai, he drew out. 119-2. tee nil lai, he pulled out. 143-5. tcintellai, they brought. 230-15. B) The present definite has the form -la. a dit tcin no nil la de, if she puts with herself. 302-10. ye ya xo la yei, they took them. 179-9. LC nai yun dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. i.e nai WIL dil la din, they build a fire place. 351-5. Lenauw dil la, I have a fire. 351-6,355-14. i,e na wil la, a fire. 170-9. Le na nil la xo Ian, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. Lena nil late, you "will build a fire. 356-4. Le na nil la te, he will build a fire. 258-2. mi nil la yei, the waves came to the shore. 362-4. nai ya xon nil la yei, they took them. 179-11. no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13. sil la, (I wish) would lie. 190-14. sil lane en, used to be (on her). 153-4. de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. de du wil late, he will put in the fire. 255-15. do Le na nel la, I do not build a fire. 355-14. te se la te, I am going to take them. 253-15. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 229 c) The indefinite tenses have the form -Ifur. a dit tciii mil liiir, on yourself put it. 175-3. ya il liir. ho picked up. 292-14. ya lu;c, he picked it up. 292-15. yei il liiw. waves began. 102-2. ye tee il lute, he used to take. 2SS-2. i.enaillujr. she started the fire. 15:?-!. i.enalwr, he built a fire. 235-14. naya nil lu?r neen. which had been lost. 144-7. niL tcin no il luw, he put together. 334-12. noillurr, she put. 157-11. nonailluir. she left oft . 332-l<>. sahtnlluir, put in your mouth. 27(i-8. tceillfur, he used to take out. 230-11. tein ne il Ifur. they always brought. 230-10. -lai, -la, -\wc; to perform some act with the hand, as to rub, to hand something to someone. A) The past definite has the form -lai. ya na kil lai, he took in his hand. 337-7. wun no kin nil lai, she put her hand on. 246-10. mit de na kil lai, he touched it. 176-12. kittetellai, he rubbed. 347-14. B) The present definite has the form -la. te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4. -lai, -la, -liur: to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe. Some, at least, of the Hupa conceive of a canoe as a giant hand which carries people. Whether this root is connected with or is de rived from the root which precedes in form, it is connected with it in the thought of the Hupa. A) The past definite iias the form -lai. me na nil lai, they landed. 215-11. ine nil la yei, they landed. 216-13. xot da wil lai, they started in boats. 362-1, 215-13. xot da na wil lai, they started by boat. 116-8. dit tse no nil lai, they headed the canoe. 216-4. ta wil lai, it had started. 362-10. tcitteslai, they started by boat. 215-10. 230 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. Era. B) The present definite has the form -la. dits tse no nil la xo lun, it was pointed. 222-4. tcu wil la le, they were going along. 222-1. It is probable that the following are connected with one of the preceding. ML dje xai wil lai, they (dogs) commenced to fight. 115-10, 17. kiL dje xai yo luie, let them fight. 115-2. IdL dje xai wil late, they will fight. 115-4. -Ian, -la, -lu, -le ; to do something, to treat somebody or something in a certain way, to arrange according to a plan or purpose. The phonetic connection between the first two and last two forms of the root is unexplained. It may be possible that two like forms with related meanings have become merged. A) The past tense has the form -Ian. amclau, I made. 302-10, 260-3. au wil lau, it was made of. 108-2. a ya tcil lau, they fixed. 172-4. anayadillau, they fixed themselves. 170-1. anaxowillau, he w r as ready for a fight. 162-10. anadillau, he made himself. 152-11. anatcillau, he did. 106-8,145-11. a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12. atcillau, he did it. 112-5, 157-6. akillau, they did. 266-13, 322-1. ill lau, what did you do ? 163-3. Le ya ki xo lau, he gathered the people. 151-7. Le na ya kyu wil lau, they gathered up. 171-12. min xo an na xo wil lau, for him ready to fight. 163-13. xa ai lau, it broke. 290-1. xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9. xa a xo lau, he did the same thing. 278-12. xa a tcil lau, he did the same thing. 211-1. xoii a na du wil lau, he dressed himself. 139-14. xon a du wil lau, she marked herself. 311-12, 215-11. da an na dil lau, he untied himself. 120-2. da an na tcil lau, he tore down. 102-11. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 231 B) The present definite, and in some cases at least, the present indefinite and imperative have the form -la. ai la te, they will catch. 253-10. aiurlate, what shall I do with it. 293-8. au wil la ne en uk. ho used to do way. 106-8. ayaxola, something could befall them. 321-9. a wil la, (I wish) it would happen. 150-11. a la te, what are you <roinj to do? 102-15. anawrlate, I was intending to do. 260-3. a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4. ah/rola, you have treated me. 16(5-12. a xo wit la, something would happen to him. 223-1. axdlade, if it happens. 308-1, 5. a xf> la te, they will do. 306-1 2. axddilla, we could do with him. 116-16. a tcil la te, he will treat. 255-10. T.e na kil la ne, gather together (things). 192-8. Lekixola, gather people. 151-5. c) The customary and impotential have tltc form -lu. mal yeutr ai il lu, she took care of it. 136-7. xa a xoi il lu, always he did that. 237-9. D) A present indefinite tense with imperative forms occurs with -le. aixoiille, they do with him. 196-7. ai kyu wil lei HL te, they will do. 230-8. awilleLte, he will do. 253-12. a le ne, you must do it. 100-18. anadille, fix yourself. 170-1. akyole, you do. 198-2. akyuwillelliLte, it will do. 236-3. ul le, take it over. 220-13. ullene, do it. 176-7. xaawilleLte, he will do that way. 255-17. xa a xo le ne, he should do that. 163-2. xa a kyu wil ICL te, he will do that. 211-18. xa ul le, do that. 165-19, 138-8. 232 University of California Publications. [A-M. ARCH. ETH. -lal, -laL; to dream, to sleep. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -lal. nit te sil lal le, (I wish) you would go to sleep. 203-1. kin na is lal, he dreamed. 191-6. B) The present tense has the form, -laL. kinnauwlaL, I dreamed. 191-8. -Ian, -lun ; with the negative prefix, to quit, to leave, to desist. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -Ian. do yux xo il Ian, they always quit. 196-2. do tco wil Ian, she quit. 157-10, 242-13. do tco wil Ian, he left. 343-9. do tco xo na wil Ian, he went away. 343-8. B) The present definite has the form, -lun. do oi lun te, I will quit. 255-5. do yo lun te. they will quit. 231-1. do yux xo il lun, they quit him. 196-7. do tco wil lun, he stopped. 234-2. -Ian, -lun ; to be born. A) The past tense has the form -Ian. tcislan, he was born. 96-2. B) The present tense has the form -lun. islunte, birth should be. 102-17, 103-4. -lat, -la; to float. This root is used of inanimate objects including dead bodies. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -lat. nalatdei, it was floating. 243-17. nanalatde, it was floating. 244-9. na te dil lat, it floated up. 245-16. 116 nun dil lat, it got back. 246-2. xa wil lat, it floated on the water. 266-8. XOL Le nun dil lat, it floated with him. 315-5. VOL. 3] (loddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 233 XOL me nun dil latdei. with him it floated back. 315-6. xoLteslat, it floated with him. 315-2. ta des lat, it came. 105-2. tenawil latdei, in the water she floated back. 117-4. tes latdei, it floated. 244-15. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -la. na la, it floating. 243-8. na la ne en, floating used to be. 243-12. daweslal, it floated. 314-10. da wil la le, it was floating. 244-6. danawillar, it was floating there. 325-3. na nat la le, it floating. 243-13. tadesla, (a boat) has come. 199-3. tes la, he is drowning (floating as dead). 210-11. tcittesla, he is drowning. 210-11. -le; to feel with the hands. na na kis le, he felt around. 106-5. na na kis le hit, when he had felt. 10H-6. na kis le, he felt. 107-15. xo wun na kis le, he felt of him. 153-5. -lei ; to carry more than one animal or child in the hands. When only one is so carried the root employed is -tel evidently an extended form of -te. It may be that -lei is likewise formed from -lai. ya xo wil lei lei, they took them along. 179-9. -lei ; to bother. do xo lin tcwin yo wil lei, they won t bother it. 267-4. -len,-liii, -lu, -le; to become, to be transformed, to be. Verbs with this root often indicate acts without any apparent agency. A) The past definite has the form -len. ya is len, both became. 187-13. ya is len ei, they became. 110-1. ya sil len, they had become. 182-6. u sil leu, they made bets. 142-16. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3. 10. 234 University of California Publications. [ AM ARCH. ETH. nayaisdillen nei, they became. 166-13. nasdillenne, it had gone back. 234-7. nas dil len ne xo luii, it had gone back. 235-1. xolen, she has. 333-9. sillen, he got there. 346-6. sillen, it seems. 241-8. sil len ne en, it came. 241-9. sillen nei, it became. 115-1,182-4. sil len ne xo lun, it had become. 97-4. do ya xolen, they were lacking. 105-15. doyaxolenne, it was gone. 111-11. do na xo len nei, he was gone. 119-17. do nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5. do x5 len, there was none. 159-3. do xo len ne, it was gone. 243-11, 159-2, 185-5. telenexolan, it had become. 187-5. tin nauw tsis len, he came to have. 348-16. tsislen, he became. 186-10, 136-15, 229-2. (do) tcexolenne, he was gone. 163-6. tcis len, he came to be. 106-17, 114-7. kyo dil len, he might be cold. 169-5. B) The present definite has the form -lin. nas dil lin te, that was to be. 283-6. sil lin te, you are going to be. 343-5. sil lin te, it is going to be. 287-5. sil lin teL din, it is going to be place. 104-16. xo lin, it was. 340-7. doxolin, it is gone. 141-8. tsis lin te, it would become, tsis lin ne te, he will become. 338-10. c) The customary, impotential, and a sporadic future have the form -lu. na at lu e xo Ian, it had gone back. 234-11. na dil lu, it will be. 243-2. hit e e il lu, it becomes mine. 248-1. xo dje e it din te e il lu, he became unconscious. 223-14. do xo lin nin xa ten tcil lu, it won t be rich man he will become. 338-7. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 235 doxoliii tselin toil lii, he won t have blood on him. 334-11. D) The present indefinite and imperative of all verbs con taining this root, and all the tenses of some other verbs have the form -le il le ne, become. 109-6. die, let him become. 110-7, 340-8, 362-7. 6 le ne, become. 109-18. nadille, they are. 211-13. na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2. na dil lene, you may become. 166-12. nadillete, they will become again. 116-12. nadil le teneen, was going to happen. 117-5. natleliLte, it will become. 312-4. noxoslee, he is lost. 185-8. nun dil le ne, you may become. 108-3. xo xfm xos le, she got married. 189-9. xwa e il le, he had enough. 332-6. xwaweslede, if he gets enough. 255-16. doyldaille, they do not get enough. 196-7. do yl dale, it never satisfies them. 195-9. do xo w r il lei HL te, it will be no more. 217-15. do xos le, was not. 259-3, 96-7, 322-5. do na xos dil le te, there will be no more. 228-4. tcil le, it would be. 340-10. tcuwilleLte, he will become. 114-4. kis le te, they will catch many. 257-10. -len, -liii ; to flow, to run ; said of any liquid. A) The past definite, customary, and impotcntial have the form -len. naweslenei, it falls. 104-1. ne il len, it always flows. 336-5. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -lin. ye nin dil liii ye, they had washed ashore. 267-12. nan wil liii, to run. 108-19. nillintsu, he heard a creek. 111-13. 236 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. no wil lin, it was covered. 115-16. tee wes lin te, it will flow out. 254-17. tee wil lin din, at the mouth of the creek. 175-10. tee na il lin xo Ian, it used to run. 117-18. -lit; to burn. This root is used only of the fire as acting. The root employed in verbs meaning to cause to burn is -Lit, evidently related to this. wa kin nil lit xo Ian, they were burned through. 119-3. miL tel lit te he, even if he sweats himself. 337-16. na wil lit, he nearly burned. 330-1. nawillitdei, he burned up. 120-8. nawillitte, it will be burned. 151-5. no nil lit hit, when he finished sweating (when the fire had ceased burning). 210-8. XOL no il lit, it was done smoking with him. 336-4. XOL no nil lit, it finished burning. 364-7. XOL no kin nil lit, he finished sweating. 209-13. xoLteillit, he smoked himself. xo tel lit, he smoked himself. 210-7. do he te il lit, it would not burn. 166-9. do he tel lit, it would not burn. -lite; to urinate. de ki dil lite te, (frog) to urinate on the fires. 151-10. -lik; to relate, to tell something. na xow lik mifi, to tell you. 226-6. niLxoilikte, I will tell you. 351-11. niL xow lik, I am telling you. 360-8. niL xwe lik te, I will tell you. 355-4. xo wil lik te, he will tell. 203-14. XOL ya xo il lik, he told them. 180-10. XOL ya xo wil lik, they told them. 180-12. XOL tcu xo wil lik, he told him. 141-13. tco xo wil lik, she began to tell them. 181-15. -loi, to tie, to wrap around. anadisloi, he girded himself. 221-5. yaisloi, they wrapped. 179-7. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the llupa Language. 237 willoi, bundles. 210-3. Leilloi. he ties together. 384-12. i.e na is loi, he tied together. 210-5. me il loi, he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. menakisloi, he bound it up. 145-11, 348-13. mil loi ne, you must feather (arrows). 207-4. naiii/r loi hit, I tie them up. 247-11. tsisloi, he made bundles. 142-3, 210-3, 293-6. tcisloi, he played (he tied with). 144-4. -16s, to drag, to pull along. yenawil los, she dragged it in. 190-2. nana kit de Ids. he had h xed the load. 162-10. natelos, she dragged back. 190-1. xanaislos, she dragged it up. 192-2. -lu, -le; to kill, to make an attack, to form a war party. A)The past definite, customary, and the impotential have the form -lu. T.eduwillu, he had killed several. 165-15. xoiduwillu, they attacked them. 152-13. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative have the form -le. xoi de il le tsu, they heard the party war. 332-4. duwillete, a company will come to kill. 332-3. duwilletei., a party is coming to kill. 334-6. -lu. -le; to dive, to swim under water. a) The past, customary, and impotential hare the form -lu. ua lu, which live (said of fish). 100-7. do til lu, they never come. 252-3. til lu, they come. 254-12. B) The present and imperative have the form -le. da il lei, it always swam. 266-6. da wes lei, it swam around in one place. 266-5. tcenillete, they will dive out. 252-9. -lur, to watch, to stand guard over, ye lute, it watching. 203-13. 238 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. me luw, watching. 204-6. me lu" x, he watched it. 205-2. me luw te, I am going to watch. 292-9. me nai luw te, I will watch. 217-13, 258-10. me nauw? luw te, I will watch. 267-17. muivluu te, I will watch them. 258-15, 218-3. -Lat, -La ; to run, to jump. The verbs which have this root are confined to the singular number and indicate rapid motion by human beings. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -Lat. innasLat, it ran up. 295-5. innatcisLat, he jumped up. 171-9. yenawilLat, she ran in. 136-1. yenalLat, he ran in. 329-8. yin ne nal Lat, in the ground it ran. 221-12. na il diL Lat, he came running back. 176-16. na is diL Lat, she ran. 185-6. nul diL Lat, he ran back. 115-16. xa na is diL Lat, she had run up. 135-13. xeenawilLat, he ran away again. 176-16. xo wil Lat, he ran. 199-4. XOL ta na wil Lat, with him she went. 223-14. da wil Lat, he jumped on. 113-14. da na du wil Lat, he ran back. 97-12, 98-15. da tcit du wil Lat, he ran. 164-2. tee il Lat, he jumped out. 106-2. tee in Lat, she ran out. 185-5. tee na il Lat, she came there. 135-9. tcit du wil Lat, he jumped off. 107-11. keisLat, she ran up. 158-8. kes Lat dei, he climbed up he saw. 174-7. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -La. me is La dei, he ran up. 217-16. na na wil La dei, he ran down. 221-17. no il La, he came running. 360-8. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Jlupa Language. 239 da din La, run. 176-6. tee il La de, he is running along. 220-13. , let me run out. 171-9. -Lit; to cause to burn. This root is confined to the transitive use. Compare -lit above for the root used in corresponding in transitive and passive verbs. na win Lit, she burned it. 311-12. -LU. -Le ; to handle or to do anything with semi-liquid, dough- like material. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -LU. na iiur LU, I paint. 247-12. nadeLfi, she marked across. 311-13. noixweiLLii, they throw down (blood). 195-11. tcit teL LU, he rubbed it. 278-10. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -Le which does not occur in Hupa Texts. -Lon, -Lo, -Loir, -Loi : to make baskets, to twine in basket- making. This root is very likely related to Lo, "grass," from the materials of which baskets are made. A) The definite tenses have the form -Lfm. nakisLon, she made baskets. 189-5. na kit te Lon, she wove another round. 305-7. na kit te Lon. she began to make baskets again. 325-9. B) The indefinite tenses have the forms -Lo and Loir, which do not seem to differ in meaning or use. nakitte it Loir, she always made baskets. 157-3. keitLo, she used to make baskets. 189-1. ke it Loir, she made baskets. 305-4. kit te it Loir, who always made baskets. 324-5. c) The impotential and nouns from this root have the form -Loi. kit Loi, a basket. 103-7. 240 University of California Publications. [ AM - AR CH. ETH. -mas, to roll, to rotate. yawimmas, lie rolled over. 112-15. xatemas, (frost) rolled out of the ground. 270-5. tee mm mas, it rolled out. 197-5. -mats, to coil. This root is evidently connected with the pre ceding. uawesmats, it was coiled. 151-19. -me, to swim, to bathe (transitive or intransitive). naime, I swim in. 311-11. naiwme, let me swim. 97-15. nawimme, he swam. 209-13. nawimme, she bathed. 307-2. na na iiitt? me, I bathe it. 247-1. na naime, I bathed. 311-8. nanaimmeei, he always bathed. 311-8. -men, to cause to swim. ye na WIL men, he made it swim in. 266-2. me nim men, he landed him. 162-9. na iL dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2. naismennei, he made it swim. 266-1. nateLmen, he made it swim. 266-1. tee niL men uei, he made it swim out. 265-10. tcittei. men, he made it swim. 265-9. -meL, -mil, -mil, ; to strike, to throw, to drop. Verbs having this root are always used with a plural object. When the object is singular, -waL, -wul, -WUL is employed. A) The definite tenses have the form -meL. ya yai wim meL tsu, he heard them kick up their legs. 342-14. ya wim meL, he took up. 142-4. yaxdsmeL, he whipped him (the whip was of several strands). 164-3. ye tcu wim meL, they put them in. 200-5. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 241 nadittemeL, they fell. 245-11. niin meL din. the place you bring: them. 210-7. noyatemeL, they dropped them along. 179-11. xe e ya x6 wit meL, they had thrown away part of them selves. 181-9. dediiwimmeL, he threw in the fire. 165-10. tetmeL, scattered. 117-1(5. tcenanimmeL, he had them thrown out. 301-14. tcinnemeL. he carried it home. 363-1. tcittetemeL, he scattered them. 101-3. B) The customary and im potential hare the form -mil. yai im mil, it kicked up. 290-2. ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. yademil, the balls used in playing shinny. 143-5. yatmillei, they fell back. 165-11. yu WILD dim mil lei, they went through. 211-5. wa im mil, he always distributes them. 195-8. wiin dim mil, the going through. 144-3. wun dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2. no nun dim mil, it fell back. 151-18. nondemil, they fell. 143-8. xa te dim mil, chips flew off. 113-13. denadeiujrmil, I put. 247-9. dedeimmil, he pushed them into the fire. 165-6. tcit te dim mil, they fell one after another. 208-6. tco xo ne im mil, he threw at her. 332-12. ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14. c) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -miL. tee na mil, throw them out. 301-13. tcene yaxon miL, throw them out. 302-3. -men, -miii; to fill up, to make full. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -men. dewimmen, it was filled. 191-5. 242 University of California Publications. [ AM: - ARCH. ETH. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -min. XOL yaL de wim min il, they filled with them. 153-17. dewimminte, they will be filled. 253-11. -medj , to boil, to cook, by boiling, kyuwilmedj, boiled. 166-5. -mite, to break off, to pull off. ya te mite, they pulled off. 179-10. tcit du wim mite, she broke it off. 287-2, 293-16. tcit du wim mite hit, when she broke it off. 287-4. -mut, to break out, as a spring of water; to break open, yikismutei, (a basket) broke. 289-15. xakindemut, it boiled up. 105-3. -na, to cook by placing above or before a fire, to steam by placing above boiling water. me wit dil na te, we shall steam it. 241-11. me na WIL na ei, he steamed them. 342-12. ke ya wiL na, they cooked it. 266-10. kewiLna, she cooked them. 99-9. kenawiLna, he cooked it. 260-6. kiL na, cook them. 237-2. -na, to move ( ?). Perhaps the verbs given below are to be con nected with the root next considered. na xus din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 191-12 na ka xas din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 165-18. -na, -nauw ; to go, or to come. This root is confined to the third person singular of the verbs in which it occurs. The first person of these verbs has a root -hu a, -hwauw, and the second person one -ya, -yautc. It is likely that this root as well as that found in the first person is a modified form of the root -yai, -ya resulting from a preceding n. estcinnauw, swimming deer (they come into the es, fishdam). 162-1. ya win na wiL de, if it raises up. 117-10. ya naui din, the going up place. 195-6. VOL. 31 Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 243 yetcinnauir, they will come in. 231-6. i,e in naiur, they came together. 305-2. meii na hrii, de, if their time comes. 229-9. me win na hiriLte, (her mind) will go against. 325-14. na wit dits tin naiur, whirlpool. 120-3. ne in naiur, he used to come in. 305-1. nit de sin naiur ufi, didn t yon meet her? (didn t she meet you?). 165-2. no in nauir, she stopped. 158-5. no win nahjfiLte, he will go. 230-1. Compare, nokii.dje xa in naiur, she quit fighting. 333-6. nu win nahiril, he went. 282-10. xa sin naiur din, where the sun rises. 332-5. do ye in naiur, no one ever comes in. 329-4. domittisinnauir, it never over it reached. 314-2. do tee in naiur, she never used to come out. 305-3. do tin naiur xoliifi, he had not gone along. 174-5. te in naiur, he comes. 310-7. tii win na h/rii. de, if it comes. 105-12. tu winnahriLte, it will go. 229-13. tee in naiur wei, he used to go out. 136-14. tee naiur, it coming out. 170-7. tcin ne in naiur, she always comes. 101-7. tcin nin naiur h/rei, she comes. 101-6. tcit te in uaiur, he used to come along. 162-3, 186-8. tcittu winnahjriLde, it will pass here. 272-8. kii. dje xa in naiur te, there is going to be a fight. 333-13. -nan, -nun : to drink. A) The past definite, customary, and impotentiaJ have the form -nan. ta win nan, he drank it. 337-7. tan din nan, you drank. 337-12. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative have the form -nun. tai win nun iL de. if he drinks water. 338-7. taidinnun, let us drink. 179-3. 244 University of California Publications. E AM - ARCH. ETH. ta nai win mm de, if he drinks. 337-16. ta nai win nun te, he will drink. 337-18. tamr din nun te, I am going to have a drink. 111-13. -nan, -nun ; to turn, to move. Verbs having this root are used of the turning about of a person and of the movements of the foetus. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -nan. na is din nan, he turned. 278-11. XOL xut tes nan, it moved in her. 341-3. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -nun. XOL xut tes nun te, it would move in her. 341-2. XOL xut tes nfm te ne en, in her was about to move. 342-4. xon na is din nun hit, when he turned around. 278-12. -ne, -n : to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound, to play an instrument. A) The past definite, customary, impotential have the form -ne. ai XOL ne, he kept telling him. 208-13. ai XOL de in ne, she used to tell her. 135-3. a yai XOL du wen ne, they said. 165-2. a yai du wen ne, they said. 165-7. a yaL de iuw; ne, I told them. 301-1. a yaL tcit den ne, he told them. 109-18. a ya du w r in nel, they were saying. 153-14. ax tcit den ne, he talked to. 100-3. a no hoL tcit den ne, he said of us. 302-3. a hwiL tcin ne, he will say of me. 363-16. a hwiL tcin ne, why does she always tell me. 135-4. a hwiL tcit du win neL, they told me. 355-11. a XOL tcit den ne, he said to him. 97-7. a den ne, he said. 97-15. adenne, it made the noise. 321-5. adenne, she sang. 333-14. a du win nel lil, he said. 235-4. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 245 a du win ner. de, if anybody says. 267-5. iinniLdurrne. I am telling you. 356-1. fin nil, den ne, I told you. 163-8. yar, tcit den ne. she told them. 299-0. ya XOT. tcit den ne. they said to him. 102-15. yaduwenne, they said. 109-17. yaduwinneL, they said. 361-8. no hor. tcit den ne. they told us. 302-4. xaaxoLtcinne, he was telling him that. 150-2. xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5. xoLdenneete, I will call him. 139-45. XOL tcit den ne, he said. 105-18. XOL tcit du win nei., he kept say in p. 141-12. deinne, he used to imitate. 182-1. dinne, it was playing. 99-17. do a du win ne he. don t say that. 175-1. donene, let it play. 100-3. duwenne. it sounded. 108-16,189-13. du wen nee tsu. it sounded he heard. 144-3. du win ne, it played. 100-5. tcitdekne, he played on. 99-12. tcit den ne, he said. 106-9. B) The present definite and (he pres( nt indefinite except sometimes tJie first person singular have the form -n. aiwetcin, I hear it said. 36 0-1. a van, they said that. 116-17. a ua luriL tcit den te. of me he will say. 363-18. an tsu, he heard it cry. 281-13. a hiciL tcit den hiruii, he must tell me. 314-11. a XOL tcit den tsu, he heard say. 141-8. a den de, if he sings. 236-2. a den tsu, singing he heard. 186-12. yeitcin, they say. 275-1. h ic iL tcit den te, they will talk to me. 322-15. doahtriLtcitdende, if he does not tell me. 257-12 tcin, they say. 135-1. tcit den de, if he says. 111-7. 246 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. -neuw?, -ne yemc ; to talk, to speak. This root seems to be an extended form of the last. Verbs employing it have reference to the speaking of a certain lan guage, or the delivery of a discourse or at least a number of sentences. Those with the form -ne refer to the utterance of some single definite phrase, while verbs with the root -lik are employed of the relation of some incident or circumstance. A) All parts of the verbs containing this root have the form -neuw? with the exception of the first person singular and the imperative forms. yit de din njn xun neuw, the Tolowa language. 110-11. wa nun xo win ne hw;iL te, they will talk about. 272-17. wun xai neuw; te, he will talk about. 260-12. wun xu win ne h<iL te, they will talk about. mux xun neuttf hwe ne en, their talk used to be. 306-4. nai xe neuw te, few will talk. 295-13. no wun nun xun neuw? te, they will talk about us. 267-18. do he tee xai neuw;, he did not say anything. 113-12. do xon no xun neuw, they never talk into her. 334-2. tin xe neuw?, who spoke the curse. 223-8. tcexainemc, he spoke. 105-1. tcexainnemc, he always said the same thing. 283-13. tee xo win ne hwiL te, she shall talk. 289-12. tee xun neuw/% he commenced to talk. 272-6. B) The first person singular and the imperative have the form -neyeuw;. xun ne yeuio ne, he must talk. 227-4. xun ne yeuw de, if I talk. 217-15. xun ne yeuw" te, I will talk. 217-11. xun nin yeuw, you speak. 153-7. With the preceding, is probably connected: kyuwennuir, it thundered. 144-5. -ne, -sen, -sin ; to think, to know. A) The third person of all tenses has the form -ne. ai yon des ne te, she will think about. 104-1. a teo in ne, he kept thinking. 139-4. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 247 atcondesne, bethought. 96-7. ya Icon des ne, they thought. 265-2. do too xo xo ne, without the knowledge of. 204-6. tcexondesne, he found him out. 207-11. tcoinne, he kept thinking. 113-2,311-8. tcowinneLte, she will think about. 312-3. tcoxondesne, he thought of him. 257-1. tcoxfm des neb/run, be shall know. 319-13. tco xon des ne te, she will think of him. 325-14. B) The first and second persons of all tenses have the form -sen, -sin. ainesen, I thought. 187-3. aininsinne, you must think. 20S-17. ainu/rsiii, I thought so. 353-3. nifisin, you think. 337-12. lurfm ne siii, don t you remember. 163-8. doainiusifi fl x, you don t think. 337-9. -ne, to gather nuts from the ground, to pick up. kyadane, they picked. 138-7. kya da ne xo win sen, they commenced to pick. 138-6. -nel, neL; to play (said of children). miLna we nel le xo lun, he had been playing with. 292-11. na in nel le xo Ian, he played he saw. 186-1. na wenellexolun, he had been playing. 292-13. -noi, -no; to place on end, to be in a vertical position. This root is confined to the plural ; for the singular, -ai, -a would be expected. Lena neL no, he stood up. 235-12. nesuoi, (mountains) which stand. 220-3. -noL, to blaze. kyuwntnoL, a fire blazing. 109-11. -nu. -ne: to do, to happen, to behave in a certain way. A) The past, customary, and impotential Jtave the form -nu. a en nu, it does it. 275-5. a in nu, he did. 288-9. 248 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. a in nu miL, when the sun was here. 332-4. a ya in nu, they used to have sports. 305-2. a win nu, one should do. 99-11. xa a in nu, he always did that. 139-9. xa a in nu, that happened. 340-5. B) The present and imperative have the form -ne. a ya tco ne, let them do that. 365-16. awinneliLte, it will be. 311-17. au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9. au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9. a win neL te, it will be. 289-11. au win neL te, it will be. 105-12. xa a win ne HL te, that will be done. 229-10. xaawinneLte, it will be that way. 259-18. tee in ne, it helps him she. 196-1. do xa amr ne xo xo lin, I won t do that. 230-15. -nuw; to hear. Usually a periphrastic expression, it goes into his head is used for the hearing of anything, tceinnuw, he heard about it. 204-13. Compare, ke wen nuw;, it thundered. 144-5. -hwai, -hwa, -hwautc; to walk, to go, to come. This root is found only in the first person of certain verbs. It is probably a modified form of the root -yai, -ya, -yauw. A) The im.potential regularly has the form -hwai. (It is not usual for negatives to take such a form.} ddnahwai, I have never been. 336-11. B) The present and imperative have the form -hjra (-hwal with progressive suffix}. wimchfcal, I am coming. 110-4, 120-16. na htca, I will walk. 164-6, 175-7. c) The form -hw;auw may occur in the present or customary. nuhtt/ auw, I come. 351-1. -hwal, -hwaL; to fish for with a hook, to catch with a hook. A) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -hwal. yi kit tu hw;al, nobody hooks. 107-6. na xo win hwal, he hooked him. 107-6. VOL. 31 Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 249 tayaishiral. they caught. 328-4. kyoya winhiral, they fished. 328-3. kyo htral le, somebody hooking. 106-15. B) The present and imperative have the form -htraL. kit - tfnr hfrar., let me hook. 107-5. -hre, to dig. xa ke hire, to dig. 135-2. tee kin nin hire, he had finished digging. 100-9. kit din hjreteLdifi, he would dig out. 100-1. kit te hire, he began to dig. 100-8. -h/re. -hiril, -hirii. ; to call by name, to name. This root is identical with the noun xohire, "his name." A) All tenses without the progressive suffix have the form -hre. naxouhire, he will call. 283-11. tcexohtre, he talked. 283-13. teohfreiLte, they will call. 272-11. tcu huxm htce e te, they will call me. 272-12. tcuhirohiceiLte, they will call. 272-10. tcuxouhtce, he will call. 283-11. B) The past, customary, and impotential liaving the pro gressive suffix take the form -hiril. kit te hiril, he called along. 98-4. c) The present and imperative having the progressive suffix take the form -hiriL. in h/rii., you call. 355-6. hirii. tsii. he heard someone calling. 360-7. -hiren, -hjrifi: to melt (said of frost), nal hwin te, it will melt away. 273-6. -hirot ; exact meaning unknown. Le na kil du hjcot, it grew back on. 164-1. -xa, -xu, -xaii.; 1 to track, to follow tracks. 1 The vowel in this root is very hard to determine because of the pre ceding rough x. In Hupa Texts it has been uniformly written a, but judging from the fact that the Customary and Impotential have been found to contain the vowel u it is probable that in the other tenses the vowel is e rather than a. Compare -xe, -xu ; to finish, to overtake, p. 25 J below. AM. ARCH. ETH. :!, 17 250 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. ya xo teL xa, he tracked them. 267-15. na ya xo teL xa, they tracked him. 170-3. na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4. xot da na ya XOL xa, down they tracked him. 170-3. tcit teL xa, he tracked it. 185-12. ya xo WIL xaiL, going along they tracked him. 170-5. -xa, to have position (said of water or a liquid), winxa, (a lake) lay. 101-13. winxate, (water) will stay. 112-9. naaxa, (droolings) fill it. 310-8,311-5. nan xa, (bodies of water) were. 252-1, 310-1. nanxatcifi, (lake) lies toward. 364-10. -xa, -xal, -xaL, -xun ; to dawn. It is probable that this root has a more definite meaning. The subject of the verbs is no doubt the mythical dawn maiden. ye IL xa, mornings. 290-6. ye it xa miL, at break of day. 356-14. yuwiLxal, mornings. 260-6. nai wiL xaL te, night will pass. 242-17. Compare, nais xun te, there will be sunshine. 228-1. -xa, -xan, -xuii; to stand (said of a tree). nai kyu win xa, (a pine) stands. 347-11. nakyuwinxa, (medicine) grows. 364-11. da kyu win xa ei, (something) stood. 242-3. kyu wifixa, she left standing (a shrub). 289-8. kisxufi, (a tree) standing. 113-7. kis xun din, standing place. 137-17. -xan, -xun ; to be sweet or pleasant to the taste, xwawilxan, he liked them. 110-5. Compare, kiLLaxun, deer (said to mean "with it is sweet"). -xan, xun, -xauw; to move in a basket or other vessel any liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip up. This is one of the roots which classify the object affected according to its size and shape by being limited in that regard as to its application. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 251 A) The past definite has the form -xan. ya win xan, he picked it up. 337-6. yatexan, he pieked up. 109-16. ye tcu win xan, she brought in. 209-10. no a din nin xan, she placed herself. 223-9. no nin xan, she put it. 242-7. xowatciiixan, to her she pave. 246-12. xo sa win xan, he put it in her mouth. 342-7. sa win xan, he put it into her mouth. 278-10. saxanne, (a lake) in the distance was. 112-13. do tcu win xan, he does not catch any. 257-9. tee te xan, he took out. 111-5. tcit tes xan, he took along. 342-2. B) The present definite has the form -xiifi. mis sai xun te, I will put in its mouth. 243-16. mis sa win xun te, in his mouth she will put. 243-10. none xun te, I will put. 289-2. no nin xun te, if he puts. 296-6. xa is xun hit, when she had brought them up. 99-9. xo liifi se xun, must be there. 112-12. sux xun, lying in a basket. 171-7. do tcu win xun te, he does not catch. 256-6. tsissuxxun, lying there. 223-11. c) The indefinite tenses have the form -xauir. ya wi xauff htciLte, he will take it up. 295-17. mis sun xaiur ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14. noadiiixaiur, lay yourself down. 223-9. no na iuir xauir, I leave it. 247-3. nofixauirne, put it. 296-14. dosaixaiur, one can t swallow. 141-2. tin xauw ne, you take it along. 246-13. tee e xauic, he always caught. 191-2. -xait, -xai ; to buy. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -xait. tcoyatexait, they bought. 198-6, 200-8. This word means to place one s self (a woman) in position for inter course and probably is a figurative use of this root. 252 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH. ETH. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative have the form -xai. y6 xai na na kis deL, to buy they came back. 200-7. yo xai xo win sen, they all began to buy. 200-3. -xe, -xu ; to finish, to overtake. me neL xe teL, I am about to finish. 261-3. miL xoi niL xe, it went on him. 308-8. me neL xe, I finish. 260-15. me niL xe, he finished it. 296-8. hwe na tcoL xe, let him catch up with me. 187-2. -xen, -XUM? ; to float, used only of plural objects. A) The past definite tense has the form -xen. no nun de xen, they floated to the shore. 216-6. xan xen nei, he came up. 210-9. xot dan xen, they floated down. 216-5. tan xen nei, (canoe) went away. 222-9. B) The present indefinite, customary, impotential, and im perative have the form -xuw. no xu?#, it floats ashore. 346-5. -xut, to hang. nanuwilxut, hanging for a door. 171-1. -xut, to tear down. na is xut, he tore down. 104-8. na ya is xut, they tore down. 267-8. Compare, na in xut, it dropped down. 115-14. -xut, -xul; to ask, to question. na 6 dmc de xut, I ask you for it. 296-10. tco dii wiL xut, she asked them. 301-17. ted du wiL xut, he questioned it. 266-3. yd du wit xul ILL te, they will ask for. 296-3. tcu lawd wiL xul HL te, she will ask for. 311-17. -xuts, to bite, to chew. no IL xuts, he chewed off. 288-5. xo dit teL xuts, she felt it bite. 111-2. -xuts, -xus; to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw. VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 253 A) The definite tenses have the form -xiits. yawuii xuts sil len, he nearly flew. 170-13. yanatxutsei, he flew away. 113-10. yanxiitsei, he flew up. 271-2. nana wit xuts, lie nearly flew back down. 114-2. n in xiits, he flew. 113-17. noninxiits, something fell. 246-11,362-9. xot da na wit xuts, he fell back. 152-3. da nat xiits tse, it lit on. 204-8. da tcu win xiits, he flew up there. 114-1. du win xuts, it came off. 157-7. tco xon niL xuts, she threw after him. 159-9. ke win xuts, he fell over. 105-17. B) The parts of the verb other than the present and past definite hare the form -xiis. yaexxiisxolan, they fell over. 117-17. ya wit xiis sil lei, he flew up. 294-15. yanaitxus, he kept flying up. 113-1. waiexussei, he threw at her. 333-1. nawitxiisii., he is falling. 152-5. na wit xiis sil, he flew along back. 204-7. naxiis, which fly. 114-9. daiinxus, fly. 114-2. datceexiis, it used to light. 150-9. do he ya xo tcin te e a xiis, it did not to them reach. 166-8. teexiis, it flew up. 112-16. tee a xiis, it flew. 244-1. -sel, -sei. ; to be or to become warm. A) The past has the form -sel. naayadissel, they warmed themselves. 170-11. B) The present tense has the form -sei.. wa kin nin seL xo Ian, it was heated through he saw. 329-16. -sit ; to awake. tee in sit, he woke up. 121-8. 254 University of California Publications. [An. ARCH. ETH. tee in sit hit, when she woke up. 288-10, 113-8. tcin dis sit hit, when we wake up. 190-4. -da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor; when said of the mind, dje, to be sorry. tc5 6 da, let it be sorry. 351-9, 356-1. tcondate, it will be sorry. 353-7. -da, to carry, to move (said of a person or animal). yetcuwiLda, she carried in. 191-13. xo wa IL da, she handed her. 181-13. -dai, to bloom, to blossom. na kit te it dai ye, it blossoms again. 364-3. kyu wit dai ye IL win te, it always blossoms. 365-4. -dai, -da; to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game. A) The past definite and the impotential have the form -dai. matsisdai, chief (the principal one who stays). 329-9. me e na nes dai, hidden he sat watching. 293-1. na ne sin dai, you sat down. 351-1. na nes dai, she sat down. 136-2. na se daiuk, the way I sat. 290-15. sit dai, he lived. 278-1. da tcin nes dai, he sat. 107-12. da tcin nes dai, she fished. 98-14. do xo liii se dai, I can t stay. 360-11. tcin nes dai, he sat. 101-15. B) The present, definite and indefinite, customary, and im perative have the form -da. e it da, it lies there. 247-8. ya sit da diii, they were staying place. 299-12. na nes da xo lufi, he was sitting. 270-10. ne e ne se da te, I will hide from you. 328-6. sin dan, you stay. 328-6. sit da, he was staying there. 164-16. suw? da ne en din, I used to live place. 272-12. da ne se da te, I will go fishing. 256-8. da tee it da, he always fished. 237-1. do win da, all do not stop. 260-19. VOL. 3] Goddard Morphology of the Hupa Language. tsisdayei, he lives. lf>9-16. tsisdaneen, he used to stay. 271-5. tsis da din, he used to stay place. 220-9. tsisdate, he will stay. 211-7. tee it da, she used to live. 286-2. tcin nes date, she will sit. 290-14. tcu win da, he stayed. 97-3. kyuwinnaida, to hunt (they travelled). 190-15. -dan, -da; to melt away, to disappear. A) The past and the impotent ial have the form -dau. na is dau we a xo liiii, it had melted away. 236-1. do xo liii it dau, they won t melt away. 254-7, 256-14. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -da. nit dje kis da te, (I wish) your mind would melt away. 259-9. -dal, -daL, -dame ; to pass along;, to go, to come. A) The past tense has the form -dal. wil dal lei, it coming along. 174-7. min na il dal, she ran around. 153-2. na wil dit dal, he ran. 221-7. na wit dal, he went. 223-12. na wit dal hit, when he came. 223-7. nalditdal, it coming along. 115-15. xoLwildal. with him came along. 115-1. B) The present lias the form -daL. htra na na wit daL din, in the evening. 99-13. mux xun name daL te, having gratified myself I will go back. 223-13. nanawr dai.difi. he was coming back. 152-7. na nauirdaLdin, sun gone down time. 322-9. tcu wil daL tsu, he heard him coming. 176-11. 256 University of California Publications. L AM - ARCH. ETH. c) The imperative, customary, and impotential have the form -dautP. ye na it damp, whenever he went back in. 288-6,336-6. ye nun damp, come in. 98-17, 192-7. LenaitdauiP, he used to make the rounds. 336-7. hipii, teL damp, (I wish) it would travel with me. 114-11. min na na se it damp, around he always went. 346-3. nanaedauw;, (sun) goes down. 364-4. na na it dame, (sun) gone down. 104-10. na ne it damp, he used to come back. 137-1. na nit damp xo lun, he had come back. 267-7. nateitdamp, she always went home. 237-6. na teL dit damp, she ran back. 157-6. na tin dautc, you better go back. 329-3. do he min teL damp, he did not run for it. 112-13. tcit teL damp, she ran up. 152-15. -deL, -dil, -diL ; to go, to come, to travel. Verbs having this root are restricted to the plural. The singular is expressed by the root -yai, -ya, -yautP. A) The definite tenses have the form -deL. ya nin deL, they went. 170-9. ye win deL te, they will go in. 255-3. yenawodeLte, you will travel in. 361-12. ye nan deL, they came back in. 301-16. ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10. ye tcit te deL, they went into. 142-9. ye tcu win deL, they went in. 278-4. wunnaisdeL, they started. 101-17. Lena nin deL ei, they went clear round. 102-1. menayaisdeL, they started back. 208-16. me nin tsis deL, in it they danced. 216-5. me sit te deL, they moved up. 216-15. naindeL, they got back. 181-8. na is deL, they had traveled. 181-15. nawesdeL, it encircles (they encircle). 364-15. na na ya nin deL, they arrived. 172-2. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 257 na na nin deL, they went over. 267-6. na nan deL, they became. 96-6. na nan deL xd Ian, they had become. 119-12. nanandeLde, when they come to be. 319-3. nanasdeLte, they will live. 228-2. na nil. deL, he struck. 120-4. nan deL, it snowed. 169-2. nan deL ei, they went hack. 182-5. naseLte (nasedeLte), we will visit. 174-2. nasseL, they began to walk. 180-16. nasdeLte, they will stay. 253-4. nasdeLte, they will stay. 253-4. nates deL, they started back. 176-17. nates deL, they started home. 329-18. na kis deL, they came around, 200-2. nin is deL, they danced. 104-14. nintsisdeL, they danced. 215-12. nin su wit deL, they dance. 366-1. no ya nin deL, they sat down. 280-5. no naiuc nin deL, they came to many. 208-11. no na nin deL, they lived. 237-1. xa sin deL din, the coming up place. 363-3. xoLtesdeL, with him they went. 110-7. XOL tcit tes deL, they ran after them. 153-16. xot de ya is deL, they met them. 110-8. da no nin deL, they sat. 179-2. da no te deL te, everybody fished. 256-9. do he nas deL x, they could not walk about. 322-7. do tee nin deL, they did not come out. 102-11. ta des deL xo lun, they had come ashore. 101-2. tes deL ei, they flew away. 159-12. tes deL te, they will come. 252-3. tsl yun tes dil deL, we went away. 200-1. tsin te tes dil deL, we ran away. 198-10. tee na nin deL, they went back. 267-9. tee nin deL hit, when they came out. 175-11. tee te deL, they went out. 141-5. 258 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. tern te deL, they got there. 138-5. tcit tes deL, they went. 170-15. tcit tes deL te, he was to travel with. 174-9. B) The customary, impotential, and past of the fourth con jugation have the form -dil. yawitdil, they are traveling. 110-8. wit dil, (ells) coming. 253-2. muk kut nai dil, we walk on (the earth). 340-11. na it dil, who go around. 305-9. na yawitdil, they went along. 172-1. na wit dil HL te, we will visit. 177-2. na na in dil, they came back. 182-6. na nan dil HL te, they will live. 343-13. na dil, they were living. 100-7. na te in dil, they go home. 333-13. ninsindil, they danced. 105-7. xoLtcuwitdil, those following him. 208-1. xu in dil, they will pass. 283-15. da wes dil, they waited. 252-7. da wit dil, they live. 365-8. do ye in dil, they never come. 305-10. do xo lin tin dil, they won t go. 253-3. do tee in dil, they never went out. 101-10. te in dil, they flew along. 317-3. tsiyunteildil, they always ran off. 333-11. tcit te in dil, they traveled. 190-15. tcu wit dil, they came along. 101-16. teu wit dil lit, as they were going along. 170-8. c) The present indefinite and the imperative have the form -diL. yai diL, let us go. 142-14. ye nai diL, let us go in. 210-13. wei diL, we will go. 207-7. wil diL ei, it shook. 142-6. wun nai diL xo sin xo Ian, hunting had been he saw. 104-11. wunnadiLte, they will hunt. 311-14. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language. LeneLte, (i.enediLte), let us meet. 174-3. nai diL, let us go. 175-16. nana wit diLte, the people will live again. 236-3. nanadii., comedown. 166-7. naniLne, they must live. 317-1. na no diL, go away. 266-15. nadir, who are living. 321-3. nadiLx, they will live. 255-8. nadir. ne en, that used to live. 204-15. na diL din, he lived place. 100-6. na diLte, they will travel. 107-7. natindiLtsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5. na kit dii. xo Ian, he had been playing he saw. 140-10. nin sin diL x, they danced. 105-9. nin so diL, make a dance. 104-14. nit to diL, come. 113-16. da wit diL ne en, they used to live. 259-4. do nin sin diLte ne en, they would not dance. 366-1. tin dii., it is coming. 199-5. tsin titdildir,, let us run away. 333-11. tee in diL x, outside the door. 169-9. tceindiLmin, for them to come out. 102-9. tcit tin diL, they are coming. 198-2, 138-4. tcu wit diL ne en, they used to go about. 102-3. -dii, -dii., -deL: to strike (?). naniLdeL, he struck. 120-4. -den, -din ; to travel in company. This root is only employed in case of a number of persons who make a journey in company. A) The past has the form -den. sa win den, they all went. 142-15. sa nan den, they traveled. 116-6,144-10. B) The present definite and indefinite, and the imperative have the form -din. sao din, travel. 152-7. sawodinte, you will travel. 151-6. sa win din hit, when they went out. 322-12. sa nan din te, they were going away. 116-5. 260 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. -den, -din; to be light, to blaze. It seems possible that the words given below are connected in meaning. The negative with the verb may well have the meaning of gloomy, lonesome, the opposite of sunshine. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -den. yekinnenden, sunshine came in. 305-6. na kinneLden, she made it blaze. 288-11. dea xa win den, the time was near. 226-2. doteuwiLden, she was lonesome. 306-10,220-4. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -din. ye kin nen din, light shone in. 308-3. WOL din tail (-te- with some suffix), you will get used to it. 180-9. na do weL din tse, I am becoming lonesome for. 176-2. -dil, -dh, ; to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -dil. kyu win dil, there was a ringing noise. 96-2. kyu win dil le tsu, they heard it ring. 152-1. B) The present definite and indefinite have the form -diL. kyu win diL tsu, a jingling noise. 293-3. -dik, to peck (said of a bird), yisdik, he pecked. 113-13. min noi kiL dik, he pecked open. 113-15. min no ML dik te, he was going to pick. 113-3. min no kyoL dik, pick open. 112-17. nai nei. dik, he pecked. 113-9. nainteLdik, he pecked. 113-14. -dik, to stand in a line. nanuwindik, they lined up. 216-17. -dits, to twist into rope or twine. ya kyu win dits, they made rqpe. 151-11. kyu win dits te, to make rope. 151-6, 8. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the JIupa Language. 261 -do, to cut, to slash. naidei.do, he cut him. 164-3. ta naixosdowei, it cut him to pieces. 108-2, 106-14. -do, to quiver, to dodj;e, to draw back. xa en nal dit do wei, it drew back. 105-9. donas do, they won t dodge. 258-13. te nal dit dote, it will draw back. 273-5. -dje, with verbs referring to the mind. This root is connected with dje in xodje, his mind, etc. na xo win dje ei, his mind passed. 340-11. -dje u, -dje : to fly in a Hock. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -dje u. yanatdjeu, they came back. 301-15. ye wit dje u, they came in. 299-14. no na it dje u, they came back. 299-10. no nan dit dje u, they izot back. 301-15. naditcdjefi, they flew together. 299-1. B) The present and imperative have tlic form -dje. ye 6 ditc dje ne, run in. 299-13. -djin. to come near, to bother something, do me djin. it did not mind. 315-4. do mite djin te, it won t mind. 315-9. -taL, -tul. -tfiL, -tal ; to step, to kick, to do anything with the foot. A) The past definite and present definite have the form -taL. yinneyaxoi, taL. in the irround he tramped them. 361-10. yekiLtaL, they bejran to dance. 179-2. yetcu wiLta Lei, they landed. 362-5. noi du win taL xo lufi, he had made a track. 292-5. no na du win taL, he stepped away. 223-1 1 . noduwintaLxolan, it had made a track he saw. 185-12. nokyuwiltaL, the finishing: dance. 104-16. da no du win taL, he stepped. 120-3. 262 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. te no du win taL, in the water he stepped. 120-3. tcitteLtaL, they danced. 362-3. B) The customary and impotential have the form -tuL nayadeittul, they used to drag their feet. 207-3, c) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tuL. yeintuLne, you must step in. 209-2. na na tuL din, the stepping down place. 207-2. no nai ya du wit tal, he stepped. 207-10. -tan, -tun, -tuic ; to handle or to move a long object. This is another of the roots which classify the object affected according to the size and shape. For some reason empty baskets are re ferred to by verbs having this root. A) The past definite has the form -tan. ya win tan, he took. 108-18. yanawintan, he picked it up. 112-11, 341-13. yetcuwintan, he put in. 96-13. yon tan, he kept. 96-8. Lei tan, were shut (his eyes). 337-8. nanawintan, he took down. 97-16. no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1. no nin tan, he put. 210-16. no kin nin tan, he set the wedge. 108-11. xa win tan, he drew from. 211-3. xo wain tan, he gave him. 211-1. xowayaintan, they gave him. 144-14. xo Ian de du win tan, he has put in the fire. 150-6. da na win tan, he put it down. 97-13. da sit tan, it was sitting there. 246-10. de du win tan, he put them in. 150-4. djewintan, it spread open. 289-14. tana is tan, she took it out of the water. 325-4. ta tee nin tan, he took it out of. 107-6. te tcu win tan, he put in the water. 101-14. tee na nin tan, he took out. 97-13. tee nin tan, he pulled out. 329-10. tco nan tan, he held it. 314-9. tcoxontan, he held her. 153-3. VOL. 3] Goddard Morphology of the II it pa Language. 263 B) The present definite has the form -tun. ya win tiin hit, when he picked up. 202-6. me sit tun, was in it. 243-9. sit tun, it was sitting. 337-4. siLtunx, it lay. 266-8. da sit tun, it sits. 246-9. dediifrtun, let me put them in the fire. 150-4. dodeduwittun, why don t you cook. 171-3. tcit tes tun de, if he takes along. 317-13. c) The present indefinite, customary, impotential, and im perative have the form -tiur. yanaufrtuir, I will pick up. 286-9. w r aiiLtur, he always gave. 136-12. h?ru wun tuir, hand me. 278-7. daeiuictufr, I put. 247-7. dodedittmr, one must never put in the fire. 150-2. djenawiLtujf, he opened it. 109-2. -tan, -tun, -tuw ; to split. djewintan, it spread open. 289-14. dje na wiL tuw, he opened it. 109-2. kiLtuM^tse, someone splitting lops he heard. 108-5. kyu?rtuM% I am splitting. 108-9. -tan, -tun; to eat (used only of the third person singular). A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -tan. yaitan, he ate. 109-18. yitan, they eat. 351-7. he tcit tan, even he ate. 346-5. doxolin yitan, she shall not eat. 253-6. tcit tan, he ate. 106-5. tcit tan h/run te, he shall eat. 107-8. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -tun. tcit tun ne en, he used to eat. 346-11. -tan ( ?),-tufi; the exact meaning is unknown, ua xo wii. tun te, it will be wet. 273-6. na XOL tun, let it get soft. 233-6. 264 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. -te, to look for, to search after. xai nit te, she looked for it. 243-4. xauw te, let me look for it. 104-16. xaunte, it can be seen. 119-4. xa ne it te, she looked for it. 306-13. xa ne te te, I am going to look for it. 336-10. xanuwinte, she looked for it. 111-3, 293-9. xante, look for it, 243-3. -te, to carry around. This root seems limited to men and animals in the singular and is probably connected with the root -ten, -tin, -tuic given below. me na is te ei, she carried it. 290-8. naiLtex, she carried it. 290-6. naiste, he carried it around. 282-4. Compare, daeiLte, they were on a stick. 186-11. tcii wit til, she was holding up. 246-12. -te, to remain in a recumbent position. Compare, -ten, -tin, -tnw ; to assume such a position. tee it te, he used to lie. 207-2, 288-7. tcinnote, he might lie. 169-4. -ten, -tin, -tuw ; to move or to carry in any way a person, animal or animal product. This is another of the classifying roots applicable only to individual objects of certain character. For a plural object -lai, -la, -Iwv is employed. A) The past definite has the form -ten. a dit ta tcu wiL ten, he put him in his sack. 221-6. ya WIL ten nei, she picked him up. 287-3. ya XOL ten, he has taken him. 151-4. yanawiLten, she put it in. 136-5. yetcuwiLten, she put it in. 289-17. ye tcu WIL ten nei, he took him in. 222-8. yinne tcu WIL ten nei, he put him in the ground. 215-3. Le na nil, ten, he took it all the way around. 293-10. naiLditten, he brought it back. 283-4. na IL dit ten nei, she took him back. 287-6. na teL ten, he took it along. 282-3. VOL. 3] Godttord. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 265 no ya xon nil, ten. they loft him. 169-7. nonaniLten. he put it. 221-11. no na xon nil. ten. he laid her. 342-10. hirin nil wil ten, I was brought here. 180-7. xai xos ten nei, they took her up. 239-1. xaisten, she brought up. 99-2. xanawiLten. he dug it out. 221-10. xoi kya nil, ten, he took it from him. 222-7. da na XOL ten, he put him. 108-1. dasiLteii, lying on something. 1S6-4. da du wil ten, he has been carried off. 150-10. da tee xo diL ten, she has taken him away. 159-5. tana is ten nei, he has taken it out. 217-17. tcenaxonniLten, he took out. 153-7. tee nil. ten, he took out. 282-2. tee xo nil. ten, they took him out. 278-4. tee xo teL ten, he took him along. 210-15. tcitteLten, he took along. 152-9. tcuwiLten, he put him. 152-9. tcwin dai WIL ten, he spoiled. 221-13. ke wu tco XOL ten, somebody hid. 1 81-12. B) The present definite, lias the form -tin. ye tcti WIL tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7. yin ne tcii wii, tin, in the ground they have put. 221-3. nona xon nir.tin neen, he caught up with him. 176-11. no nil. tin din, he put it place. 266-9. do no nil. tin te sil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8. te SOL tin te, you will take. 222-7. tee na xon ner, tin, I brought it down. 273-7. c) The parts of the verb with the exception of the past and present definite have the form -tiir. yauwtuic, let me pick it up. 286-11. yooLtuic, put in. 362-6. no na XOL tu/r, he had her laid. 342-8. xa na xo ii, tujr, she kept lifting him out. 223-15. tanauirtuh/nLte, I will take out. 26718. kyu wa na IL tuf , he who gives back. 241-4. Compare, tcuwiLtel, he was bringing. 329-6. AM. ARCH. ETU. 3, 18. 266 University of California Publications. [An. ARCH. ETH. -ten, -tin, -tuM;, -te; to lie down. It seems possible that this root is connected with the preceding. The first, however, char acterizes transitive verbs and has the sign of verbs of the second class while the verbs given below are intransitive. A) The past definite lias the form -ten. XOL tcin nes ten, with her he lay. 223-13. sit ten, she was lying. 145-8. da sit ten, (dog) was lying. 114-16. do he IdL tcin nes ten, he did not have intercourse. 104-7. tcin nes ten, he lay. 281-5. B) The present definite has the form -tin. sit tin, she lying. 117-2. sit tin ne en din, he used to lie place. 295-2. sit tin te, (if ) they lie. 307-11. ML ne se tin te, I will have intercourse with a woman. 104-7. c) The present indefinite, customary, impotential and the second person of the imperative have the form -tuw. na nu win tu hwiL ne, you must lie. 343-12. tcin ne tuw din, she goes to bed time. 334-1. D) The first and third persons of the imperative have the form -te. xoLneu?/;te, let me lie with her. 223-12. tcin note, he might lie. 169-4. -tetc, to lie down, to go to bed (used only with a plural sub ject). For the root applicable to the singular see -ten, -tin. -tuw and -te. ya nes tetc, they went to bed. 169-7. win tetc, they lay there. 322-4. me sit dit tetc, we would be lying in. 190-4. me tsis tetc, they lie in. 306-8. ne it tetc, they always lay. 333-12. sit tetc fl x, they lay there. 322-6. tsis tetc, they were lying. 190-6. -tits, to use as a cane. The occurrence of this root is of in terest since it is an added case of a monosyllabic noun s being used as a root. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 267 kit teL tits, he used for a cane. 317-7. kit teL tits, he walked with a cane. 152-12. -tik ; exaet meaning unknown. teeniLtik, he pinched out. 143-14. -to, referring to the movement or position of water, no it to, the water coines. 310-7. not6x, water staid. 324-3. -ton, -ton ;* to jump, ya wil ton, he jumped up. 165-9. yaltdnei, (his neck) jumped off. 163-18. ye e il ton xo Ian, birds used to jump in. 117-17. yena wil de ton, in she jumped. 135-11. nadu wil dit ton, he jumped off. 107-14. da wil ton ei, he jumped. 115-9. datcuwilton, he jumped. 109-14. tcetcilton, he jumped out. 163-16. -tot, to drink, to suck. This root may be connected with -to, referring to water, but it may also be onomatopoetic. Compare -tsots, to kiss. tcittetot, he drank. 112-15. -tu, to beg. kyun xo/r tu, I am begging. 152-13. -tu, -te, -tel : to sing in a ceremony or dance. For the root which is applicable to an individual singing by himself see -au, -a. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -tu. menakyuwir. tu, they sang again. 238-15. me kyu wii, tu, he sang. 234-6. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -te. The verbs given below have this form plus the suffix denoting progression -1, -L. me ya kyu wiL tel, they sang. 234-1. me kyu wiL tel, someone singing. 235-4. 1 There is a glottal stop between the vowel and the nasals which are surds. 268 University of California Publications. [ A M. ARCH. ETH. -tuk, to count. miL tcoL tiik te, he will count. 259-18. -tan, to hover, to settle, to fly around. nai xoi IL tau, it flew around her. 333-8. na win tau, it will settle down. 273-7. -tan, relating in any way to wax, or substances that are wax-like. me it tan, he stuck to (wax). 202-3. me win tan ne, he stuck to it. 202-7. kewiitan, he put on (pitch). 150-12. -tats, -tus ; to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels. A) The definite present and past have the form -tats, yai kyu wil tats, a blanket of strips. 207-5. min no ya kin tats te ne en, they were going to cut open. 278-5. min no kyu wit dit tats te, we are going to cut open. 102-15. no na wit tats, it is cut down. 144-17. kit te tats, he cut them. 101-1, 98-16. B) The tenses other than the definite present and past have the form -tus. -te, to have some particular form, appearance, or nature; to be, to exist. a in te, how he appeared. 209-5. ainte, (smart) he is. 141-4. a na nu we sin te te, you will look that way. 357-5. a na kin nit te, it grows. 356-10. a ne e te, he looked that way. 321-7. anuweste, he looked (that way). 143-14. a tcin te detc, he must be then. 363-17. un te, there is. 209-15. un te ye, how it looked. 209-6. unteneen, (sickness) used to be seen. 235-18. xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14. xaxananuwistete, it will be lighter (in weight). 357-6. tin til teox un te, it looked very strong. 294-2. kin tis seox un te, the smart one. 326-1. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ifupa Language. 269 -ten, -tin : to do, to perform an act. A) The past, customary, and im potential have the form -ten. aya/en, they did. 305-5. anaditfen, wo did. 1217-7. a fen. it did it. 120-9. a ten ka, the way they do. 231-5. da xo a ten, who die. 346-4. doxaamrfen, 1 never do that. 109-4. do xo lin da xo a ten, they won t die. 253-7. B) The present and imperative have the form -tin. au/r tin ne en, I used to do. 341-7. ayafifi, they do. 198-5. ayafinneen, they used to do that. 306-1. afinweste, (a basket) had done. 325-10. a/inte, he will do. 215-9. wun no xon nil. tin te, he is going to get him to do. 141-13. naaiurfiii, (what) am I doing! 163-4. xa a tin win te, she always did that. 136-14. xaa tinweste, the same thing it always did. 325-11. xa a tin te, that way will do it. 229-8. xaatintei.. that it will do. 235-1. do da xo a tin, would never die. 221-13. -ten, to address with term of relationship or friendship. Tt is not unlikely that this root is connected with the last. The first part, Lin, may be some obsolete monosyllabic noun. The mean ing might be then, to make one i.in, "a relative." i.in win ten nei, she called him. 139-9. LinxSwiHen, he addressed her. 98-10. i.iiwin/en, she addressed her. 181-9. -fen, to marry (said of a man only). This root occurs only with ut, prefixed, which is a noun in common use meaning "wife. The remarks above connecting the last given root with -ten, -tin, "to do," applies here also. ut ten, he married. 210-11. lit ten tsis lin tcin, he married. 145-13. 270 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. 4ik, to encircle, to tie with a string. min na na wil ik, a string tied around. 353-4. nakyuwiHik, (his head) was tied with a string. 351-10. -to, relating to mutual motions of one or the other of two objects by means of which one is inserted into the other or with drawn from it. yaadiLio, he put on (as a shirt is put on). 328-12. yenaxowiHo, he was dressed in. 328-8. ye tcu wiL to, he slipped them one into the other 329-1. me tee ya niL 6, they skinned him (as a rabbit is skinned). 328-5. tee IL 5, he pulled out the knot. 332-12. -tsai, to be or to make dry. OL tsai ne, dry them. 101-4. na xo wii tsai ei, it was dried up. 111-14. na xo WIL tsai ye, (I wish) creeks would dry up. 111-12. xo WIL tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 255-7. xo wiL tsai ye te, if it becomes shallow. 259-16. -tsan, -tsun ; to find, to see. A) The past, customary., and impotential have the form -tsan. a d5 iute tsan, I didn t find it. 243-16. iuwtsan, I found (I conceived a child). 286-6. ya XOL tsan, they saw him. 101-16. yd XOL tsan nei, it saw him. 204-4. naiLtsan, he found signs. 185-11. nai XOL tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13. na ya XOL tsan, he found them. 267-15. na hwoL tsan, you see me. 230-5. na xo wes tsan, he was found. 230-3. xoic tsan, I saw him. 351-9. do ya iL tsan, they did not see. 98-7. do ya XOL tsan, he did not see. 238-14. do wil tsan, it was not seen. 341-9. do naiLtsan, she did not find again. 243-16. do na ya x5L tsan nei, they did not see him. 152-6. do na xo wes tsan, he was not longer seen. 226-5. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hiipa Language. 271 do he tciL tsan. he didn t find her. 340-8. do tciL tsan, she could not find. 159-4. tciL tsan, she gave birth. 189-7. tcir- tsan nei, she saw. 242-4. B) The prevent and imperative have the form -tsun. iuirtsuii, (I wish) I could see. 33(5-9. iujrtsunte, (where) am I going to find. 244-7. yiLtsunte, she will see. 103-15. do ii. tsun te xo lufi, you can t find it anywhere. 246-6. do na IL tsun de, they won t find again. 321-10. donahiru westsufi hiriifi, I must not be seen again. 217-18. do na XOL tsun x xo liii, you won t see him any more. 306-6. -tsas, to swin.tr a stick about, to whip, kit teL tsas, he whipped. 317-9. kit te SCL tsas te, I will whip. 317-8. -tsat, -tsa ; to sit down. A) The customary and impotential have the form -tsat. B) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tsa. damn tsa, sit. 107-12. -tse, to open or shut a sliding door. na te wits tse, the door was open. 118-5. na te dit tse yei, he opened it. 100-10. natetse, he opened the door. 118-2. na te tse yei, he opened the door. 97-10. no na it tse, she always shut the door. 158-1. no nau wit tse, the door was shut. 159-2. nonawiLditstse, he had a door shut. 97-2. no na niii tse, he shut a door. 96-9. -tse, to stay, to live (used only with a plural subject), yadelseei, they lived. 145-13. yadeLtse, they were living. 135-1. yin ne tcin deL tse, in the ground they are staying. 361-2. na ya del tse, they lived as before. 172-5. 272 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. na del tse. they stayed. 102-3. nadeLtse, they are living-. 217-8. de SOL tse te, you will stay. 152-10. des dil tsefi, we better wait. 265-5. -tseL, -tsil, -tsii,; to pound as with a hammer or maul. It is possible that this root is connected with the noun tse, "a stone," since the hammers were pestle-shaped stones. A) The definite present and past tenses have the form -tseL. djewiLtseL, he pounded it. 108-11. tcit du wii, tseL, he pounded it off. 281-16. Ids tseL tse, he heard pounding. 170-6. Compare ya na kyu wir, tsil HL te, they may split. 109-8. B) The customary and impotential have the form -tsil. c) The present indefinite and imperative probably have the form -tsii.. -tsis, to be hanging. naLtsis, it is hanging (a blanket). 204-12. na naL tsis, it hung. 207-9. -tsis, to see, to find, to know. yo naL tsis de, who knows. 348-6. xotc tsis, I saw him. 353-3. do yiL tsis, one never sees. 141-9. do na ya iL tsis, they never saw. 191-5. do xo lin tciL tsis, he will not see. 317-13. do xo liii naL tsis, never you will see. 361-11. do tciL tsis, he never found. 336-7. do tco XOL tsis, he saw nobody. 238-8. -tsit, to pound, as in a mortar. ya kyu win tsit, they pounded acorns. 180-4. na kyu win tsit, she pounded again. 185-4. donitdjeteltsitne, don t get excited (not your heart pound). 170-18. tee it tsit, he always pounds. 227-8. tcu win tsit, he pounded. 319-8. kyu win tsit, she was pounding acorns. 185-1. 1 The form -tsil is no <loubt due to the suffix. VOL. 3] Qoddard. Morphology of the Jin pa Language. 273 -tsit, to know a person, or some fact or formula, otrtsil liLte, I will know. 272-7. 6 L tsit, you know (my formula). 296-13. yonaLtsitte, who will know. 296-7. do na ya XOL tsit, they did not know him. 166-15. tcoii. tsit, she found out. 334-5. teoLsillil, he knew it. 272-14. tcoi. tsit, he knew it. 340-6. ted naL tsit, she knew. 191-15. tconai.tsitde, if he knows. 343-6. tco nar. tsit te, who shall know. 279-2. -tsit. to fall, to sink. nail tsit, it falls. 275-3. nail tsit te. (birds) would drop down. 104-11. naltsit, it fell. 306-16. nanal dit tsit din. whore it fell. 96-4. na xd wil tsit xo lun, it fell. 306-1 5. tewiltsit, (eanoe) sank. 153-17. Compare, til tsit x, it will always he in her hands. 325-13. -tsit, to soak or leaeh acorn meal. kit tai yiL tsit, they were soaking acorns. kit ta ya WIL tsit, they soaked the meal. 180-4. kit tai. tsit xo sin, they were soaking acorns. 210-9. -tsit, to pull out a knot. XOL tee niL tsit, with him he untied it. 108-1. tee niL tsit, he untied the strap. 106-2. -tsit. to wait, to delay an act. don ka tsit, hold on. 329-14,222-6. -tsots (-tsos), to make a kissing-like noise, to smack one s lips. This root is probahly onomatopoetic. Kissing was not practiced by the Hupa. It seems never to have been done by adults and the kissing of babies was thought unlucky. ylkyu wit tsos sil, they were sucking. 325-5. kyodiL tsots ne, make a kissing noise. 111-7. kvodu wii. tsots tse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9. 274 University of California Publications. E AM - ARCH. ETH. -tsu, -tse, to squirm, to writhe, to roll, to tumble. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -tsu. naistsu, he rolled about. 119-4. do he kit tcin no na in di tsu, he could not roll over. 121-8. B) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tse. natse, rolling around. 157-4,289-1. na tse din, (where) he rolled. 119-5. -teat, -tea ; to be sick, to become ill. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -teat. du win teat, it got sick. 241-9. xoi de ai du win teat, his head ached. 175-15. tcit du win teat, she was sick. 286-7. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -tea. duwintcate, (babies) will get sick. 242-15. tcit du win tea te, she was going to be sick. 286-7. -tee, to blow (intransitive, said of the wind), ye kyu wes tee, the wind blew in. 270-4. ye kyu wes tee te, the smoke will blow. 301-8. xa kyu witc tee HL te, from the ground the wind will blow out. 272-10. xot da na we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-6. xot da na kyu we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-5. xot dan tee, it blows. 227-3. xot da kyu wes tee, it blows. 227-7. da na kit du wit tee iL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1. da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6. da kit du wes tee, the wind blew. 324-4. da kyu wes tee, the wind blew on it. 348-3. do xot dan tee, it never blows. 227-6. ta nai kyu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5. ta kit den tee, the wind blows out of the water. 365-12. te kyu wes tee ei, in the water it blew she saw. 324-9. tee kyu wes tee, it blew out. 324-8. kyu wit tee il, it blew along. 324-7. VOL. 3] (ioddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 275 -tcit, to die. ifurtcitte. I will die. 346-18. do he tcit tcit, he did not die. 164-1. tcitdei, it died. 2(56-8. tcit te tcit, he was tired out. 165-6. tcittetcit, he was almost dead. 111-16. tcit tcit xo Ian, he died. 347-3. tcit tcitdei, he died. 164-4. do iutc tcutt? httmn, I won t die. 346-13. -tcut, to strip off, to take bark from a tree. wun do wh. tcut, he took (bark from a tree), 96-12. -tcwai. -tcwa ; to handle or move many small pieces, such as the soil ; to dig, to bury, to paw the ground. This is one of the roots which limits the verbs employing it to a certain class of objects. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -tcwai. ya xo win tcwai, they buried him. 172-4. da nai ke xon tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6. tcit te tcwai, she buried in several places. 192-12. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -tcwa. wit tcwa, (salmon) buried. 192-17. wit tcwa ta, they are buried places. 180-11. xa na ya wit tcwai, they dug up along. 181-7. tco xon ne itc tcwa ei, he threw at her (a handful of twigs). 333-3. -tcwan, -tcwuri; referring to the eating of a meal in company. A) The past definite tense Jias the form -tcwan. na del tcwan, eating. 321-6. naduwil tcwan, it was supper time. 141-1. no din nil tcwan, they finished supper. 141-4. B) The present, definite and indefinite, hare the form -tcwun. nade il tcwiin din, Tule ranch (where they always take the meal). 328-10. nadiltewim, (he heard) eating. 176-9. 276 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. -tcwen, -tcwin, -tcwe; (transitive) to make, to arrange, to cause. A) The past definite has the form -tcwen. anadistcwen, he made himself . 101-14. a dis tcwen, he made himself. 102-6. ya is tcwen, they made up (loads). 171-17. ya WIL ditc tcwen, they had made. 138-7. ya na tuk kai tcis tcwen, he made come between. 144-2. yakiLtsistcistcwen, he made it sprinkle. 338-2. wil tcwen, it was made of. 164-13, 203-11, 221-10. wufi un LO tcis tcwen, about it he laughed. 151-15. na is tcwen, he made. 110-12. na is tcwen, he placed it. 314-7. naya is tcwen, they made. 284-1. na SCL tcwen, I made. 296-2. do he tcwitc tcis tcwen, she did not make wood. 157-5. tcis tcwen, he made. 336-8. tcis tcwen, he begot. 360-6. ted xos tcwen, he made (him). 114-8. kit ti yoir tcis tcwen, she made it to flow. 158-12. B) The present definite has the form -tcwin. a da yis tcwin te, he makes for himself. 338-6. a dis tcwin te, he might make. 363-5. na is tcwin teL, he will make. 321-11. na seL tcwin, I make. 302-11. na seL tcwin te, I will make it. 257-14. noi na seL tcwin te, I will bury it. 282-6. seL tcwin, I will make. 290-8. SCL tcwin te, I will make it. 152-3. do nais tcwin, nobody could make. 322-8. do tcis tcwin hrnm, he must not do. 116-15. tcis tcwin te, she was going to make. 306-13. tcis tcwin te, he was going to cause. 98-1. c) The present indefinite, customary, impotential, and im perative have the form -tcwe. e iiiw tcwe, I make. 241-2. iu< tcwe, let me make. 278-7. Vor.. 3 1 (lodfard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 277 iL tcwe, make it. 278-8. yin neL in ya xoi iL tcwe, they made them to see. 180-1. nai xoi IL tcwe ei, they make him. 196-6. nauir tcwe, I am going to make. 301-1. nayaixoi ii. tcwe, they make him. 196-3. hiriLtcwe. make me. 114-3. tciLtcwe, someone making. 102-13. kin nuir xti ifur tcwe. I notify him. 241-3. D) Having a progressive suffix. xo wiLtcwei.te, who fixes the place. 229-13. ted xo WIL tcwel liLte, who will fix the dance place. 211-16. -tcwen. -tcwiii. -tcwe: (intransitive) to grow, to become. A) The past definite has the form -tcwen. a til tedx teL tcwen, he is growing strong. 294-17. yateL tcwen, they grew. 265-1. LC mil ditc tcwen nexd lun. it had grown together. 113-8. na is tcwen nei, that grew. 2S7-7. na teL ditc tcwen, he grew. 96-1. xoi, xas tcwen nei, it grew up. 137-18. XOL teL tcwen. it grew with him. 137-18. do he teL tcwen, it had not grown. 96-7. te il tcwen ne dun, the time when it grew. 275-2. teL tcwen, it grew. 96-3. teL tcwen xo Ian, it had grown he saw. 97-18. te sil tcwen ne dun, ever since you grew time. 337-13. til tcwen, (which) grows. 296-12. tol tcwen, let it grow. 265-6. (The form -tcwifi is regular in this place.) tcittei. tcwen. one after the other grew. 207-1. B) The present definite has the form -tewin. Lenal ditc tcwifi xo Ian din, it had grown together place. 281-15. na teL ditc tcwifi xo lun. it had grown. 119-10. xal tcwifi xo Ian, growing up he saw. 319-8. teL tcwifi xo lun, it had grown. 306-17. teL tcwin te, when it grows. 267-5. 278 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. tes tcwin ne en tcin, where I was brought up. 117-13. til tcwin ne en, it used to grow. 233-1. tee na il tcwin hit, when he came to life again. 347-4. tcit teL tcwin hwufi, he may grow. 348-6. Compare, wmo tcwiL dun, when I was growing. 180-7. -tcwen, -tcwin ; to smell, to stink, to defecate. A) The past definite has the form -tcwen. axowiLtcwen, it smells. 301-10. tcii win tcwen, he defecated. 110-6. B) The present definite and indefinite have the form -tcwin. RL tcwin, you smell. 165-4. axowiLtcwin, it smells. 301-12. a xo W!L tcwin te, it will smell. 302-9. mis sa niL tcwin, buzzard (its mouth stinks). 112-17. Compare, yai xos tcwuw, they smelled of him. 165-3. -tcwen, -tcwin ; to want food or sexual gratification, to desire. A) The past definite has the form -tcwen. me du win tcwen, he wanted. 110-16. me du win tcwen, he wanted to have intercourse. 280-6. B) The present, definite and indefinite, have the form -tcwin. me duw? tcwin, I want. 254-12. do me duM? tcwin, I do not want. 97-8, 253-5. tse me de tcwin, I feel hungry for. 97-7. -tcwil ; exact meaning unknown. me na tcwil HL te, it will settle. 117-11. -tcwit, to push, to pull off or break off leaves and twigs, to shoot, to rub one s self in bathing, to bring water. aLmena niL tcwit, with it she pushed herself. 135-11. a du wa nun du witc tcwil HL te, she will rub herself 312-3. a du wun din tcwin ne, yourself bathe. 353-7. a du wun do tcwit te, bathe yourself. 322-11. a du wun du win tcwit, he rubbed himself. 319-9. ii, kai niL tcwit, he pressed down on it. 143-2. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 279 on tcwit, take it. 191-13. yit ditc tcwit, to shoot. 136-9. me na nil, tcwit, he pushed it back. 163-1. me nir. tcwit, he pushed it. 106-2. mexd nir. tcwit, something pushed him. 109-13. mil. tcwit, push it. 105-18. nade tcwit te, I will leave it. 277-1. uadu win tcwit, he let go. 10(i-17. 272-18. na du win tcAvit, it was shot. 246-1 . niL kai niL tcwit, toward the ground he pressed. 210-17. nu wa me neL tcwit te, I will loan you. 356-6. ht0u wa meL tcwit te, lend me. 296-11. htru wa mil. tcwit, loan me. 326-7. xo wa me nei, tcwit te, I would loan him. 356-17. xon tcwit, it caught him. 34(5-10. do ma a din IL tcwit, she did not move. 341-1. do kiL tcwit, one never pushes it. 106-12. te se tcwit te, I am going to measure it. 116-12. to on uu win tcwit ne en, water she was to bring. 111-3. to on tcwin ne en, water going after. 111-2. to on tcwit, water to brin ^ . 110-16. tcit du win tcwit te, he will shoot. 151-16. tcit te te tcwit, he completed the measure. 226-4. tcit te tcwit, he measured it. 116-13. tcon tcwit, she took it. 181-14. keniL tcwit, he lifted it up. 163-1. kiL tcwit, push it. 162-14. kyu wa is tcwit, he broke off. 317-6. kyiijf tcwit, let me push it. 106-11. -tcwo ig, to sweep. nayai xoi iLtcwoi<r, they brushed him together. 196-3. na xo teL tcwo ig, he swept. 210-12. -tcwok, exact form and meaning unknown. kyu wittcwokkei, they are strung on a line. 165-8. -tcwuir, to smell of. yai xostcwutr, they smelled of him. 165-3. 280 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. -tcwu, tcwe ; to cry, to weep. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -tcwu. ya win tcwu, they cried. 169-12. yateittcwu, they cried along. 179-12. win tcwu, you have cried. 337-14. do wit tcwu we he, don t cry. 169-13. tee itc tcwu, he always cried. 336-4. tcit te it tcwu, he always cried. 186-8. tcu win tcwu, he cried. 150-7,336-8. kya teL tcwu, it cried. 342-10. kya teL tcwu we tsu, it cry he heard. 204-9. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -tcwe. tcit tcwe fl x, he cried. 150-7. kya teL tcwe, (she heard) it cry. 135-9. kya tu wiltcwel, crying along-. 135-10. -git, to be afraid of, to be frightened at. ye nes git, it frightened (they were afraid of it). 215-4. ye nes git te, it will be afraid. 236-2. yenuwilgillil, it kept getting afraid of. 235-4. yinnelgit, he was afraid. 114-16. me nes git te, it will be afraid. 296-5. mi nes git. it was afraid. 295-4. mi nes git teL, it will be afraid. 295-7. ne iiiM? git tse, I feel afraid. 176-5. do nil git he ne, don t be afraid. 170-15. xoi nes git, he was afraid. 113-11. tcin nel git, she was afraid of. 192-2. -git. to travel in company, as a flock of birds, or a company of warriors. na in dik git, they came back. 299-9. na ne it git, they came back. 299-12. tee in de git, they ran down. 153-16. -kai, -ka ; to get up from a reclining or sitting position. A) The customary and impotential -have the form -kai. in na iuw duk kai, I always get up. 241-1. VOL. 31 Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 281 B) The past and present definite, present indefinite and im perative hare the form -ka. in na is duk ka, she trot up. 110-14. in nas duk ka ei, it i?ot up. 114-16. in nasduk ka hit, when he got up, 115-8. do he iu na na is duk ka, ho did not fret up. 112-15. Compare, min na na kit del kai, he was sitting with one lep each side. 163-7. -kan, -kiifi; to put on edire, to lean up. A) The past definite, customary, and impotent ial have the form -kan. anaditdu wiLkan, he jumped out one side. 108-15. Compare, duk kan, a ridge, and wil ka nei, a fire is burn- in sr. 151-4. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -kufi. wii/r kun lii.te, I will lean up. 272-9. duwinkunte, (the earth) will lean up on edge. 343-13. -kas. to throw. ya wii< kas, he threw up. 96-3. ye tee IL kas, he threw. 288-7. wes kas, 1 it lay. 96-4. no nil. kas, he threw. 185-8. htoiLkas, throw me. 153-10. xot da ii, kas, he threw down. 138-8. dedeii.kas, he threw into the fire. 238-13. doriasil kas, 1 nothing left. 192-16. -kait, -kai: to cause to project, to cause to move forward in a straight line, to push, to pole or paddle a canoe, to shoot. A) The past definite, customary, and impotcntial have the form -kait. ya nil. kait dei, they got there (by water). 159-15. yateLkait, they went on. 159-14. ve wit kait, he landed. 140-1. These two verbs are passive in form. That which lies, is "that which has been thrown or dropped. " AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 19. 282 University of California Publications. [An. ARCH. ETH. ye na wiL kait, she landed. 135-12. ye tcit teL kait, one after the other he stuck (his head) in. 322-2. Lin duk kait de, they slid together. 295-2. no nil; kait, he put it. 108-19. do wun no iL kait, he did not shoot. 144-13. tawiLkait, he started across. 315-1. te duk kait dei, they were sliding together. 294-16. tee na niL kait, he poked out. 174-9. tee niL kait, he put out (his head). 153-9. tcin duk kait dei, they came down (by water). 158-16. tcit teL kait, he started in a boat. 104-6. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -kai. yewitkaite, a boat will come. 209-3. wun noL kai, shoot. 144-14. wun no neL kai te, I will shoot. 144-16. -kait, -kai ; to starve, to fall here and there from weakness, note duk kait, people began to starve. 191-11. no te duk kai teL, they were about to starve. 191-18. -kel ; to hold in a horizontal position, daeiuwkel, I held under. 337-14. -ket; to creak (probably onomatopoetic). kyuwinket, it creaked. 114-17. 140-3. -kil, -kiL ; to split, to make an opening in a wall or bank, ya na is kil, he split it. 142-3. min no kin. kil, he opened it. 113-5. non dik kil lei, that far he split it. 210-2. dohwiLdjenkil, with me it won t split. 108-9. djewiLkil, he tore away. 176-9. tcu wiL kil, he split with his hands. 210-1. kit din kil ei, it broke out. 102-2. kit du win kil, the bank slid out. 252-4. -kis, to put one s hand on, to stab, to spear. a di ye no na kin niL kis, under himself he put his hand. 221-4. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 283 xe e na ii. kis, she pushed it away. 1 85-3. dakiLkis, he put his hand. 140-3. na nil. kis, he cut him. 164-1. kyoL kis xo sin xf> Ian. spearing salmon had been he saw. 140-11. -kit. to catch with the hands, to take away. adeiLkit, he took with himself. 270-7. adexoLkit, she caught against herself. 223-14. adiLkit, take it with you. 356-16. adiiirkit, to myself I held. 353-6. yaii.kimmin, to catch. 101-17. yaii.kitte, they were going: to catch it. 102-2. nail. kit dei, he caught it. 152-6. xoLtciLkit, with him he caught it. 107-10. doheyaii.kit, they did not catch. 102-3. tcexoLkit, he caught him. 143-9. tcii.kit, he took hold. 106-16. tcoxdLkit, he caught him. 151-2. tcu hirii, kin ne en, he nearly caught me. 176-14. -kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke), yei WIL kit dei, it rose up (clouds). 104-13. yeyu wiLkitdete, (smoke) will go there. 301-9. noi IL kit, it spread out. 321-7. noi wiL killiL te, it will be foggy. 230-6. no nai nil. kit, it settled. 96-3. noi nil, kit, smoke hangs. 337-11. noi nil, kit ne wan, like fog it appeared. 210-10. XOL yai WIL kit dei, the fog took her away. 238-16. da nai wiL kil lii. te, fog will stay. 273-2. -kit, to feed, to give food to any one. makiLkit, she fed it. 192-1. ma kyinc kit. I better feed them. 192-1. xwa IL kit. she gave him to eat. 110-14. xwayaiLkit, they gave him. 110-5. xwayakiLkit, she fed them. 192-11. -kutc, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny, ya win kutc, he threw. 143-15. 284 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. tee nin kutc, he threw out. 144-1. tee nifi kutc ne en, the throw used to be. 143-8. kit tea kutc, they began to play. 142-16. kit te sin kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12. kit tuk kutc ei, shinny will be played. 210-14. -kya, to wear a dress. This root is the monosyllabic noun kya, "dress." me na IL kya. she wore for dress. 332-10. -kya, to perceive by any of the senses, unkya, he saw. 96-11, 98-14. do un kya, they did not see. 267-7. -kyas, to break, to cause to break. sik kyas sei, it broke. 210-17, 211-1, 144-15. tcis k(y)assei, he broke it. 143-3. -kyos, to handle or to move anything that is flat and flexible, as a skin or piece of cloth. This is one of the roots that shows the character of the object. ya win kyos, he picked up. 293-6. no na iL kyos. she put away. 333-7. na na W!L kyos, he took it down. 204-4. no nil. kyos, he put it. 208-10. siLkyos, it lies. 207-6. datcitduwiLkyos, he has taken away. 207-11. tcit teL kyos, he took it along. 204-6. teu wiL kyos sil, he taking it along. 208-9. -kyot, -kyo; to flee, to run away. This root is used only in the singular. For the plural -deL, -dil, -diL, are employed, tsin teL kyot, he ran away. -qal, to walk (confined to the third person singular). de duk qal, this one walking along (the sun) . 340-1, 343-9. tcuk qal, walking. 96-10. tcuk qal Q x, he walked. 319-6. tcuk qal le, walking along. 164-8. tcuk qal lit, as he walked along. 110-2. -qdl, to crawl, to creep. nas qol, it crawled around. 294-1. xoi na se il de qol, on her it kept crawling. 185-2 VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 285 xonnatnai. qdl, around her it was creeping. 185-2. tee il qdl e x5 Ian, it had crawled out. 185-11. tcin nil qdl ei. he had crawled. 347-9. tcitteilqdl lexdlan. it had crawled along he saw. 185-12. tcitteLqdl, he crawled. 347-8. -qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to stick, to poke. ya a qot. they always stuck them. 180-14. yaxdsqdt. they stuck them. 181-2. yaxdqdt, they stick them. 180-12. na ya xds duk (jot de. if we stuck them. 180-15. nakisqdt, he pushed a stick. 145-12. nakisqotte, he is going to poke. 192-9. nokeiutrqot, I always set up. 247-4. -qot, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly. yaitqdt, it always dodged. 28(5-11. ya wit qot, he jumped up. 329-13. ya na wit qot, he jumped. 329-15. vat qot, it dodged. 28(5-10. ye wit qot, it fell. 13(5-3. na wit qot. he tumbled. 118-17. nasdukqdt, it tumbled about. 13(5-4. nadesdeqdt. it tumbled around. 222-9. natedeqdt, it tumbled. 114-15. no na in duk qot. he reached by jumping. 329-18. ndn de (jot ei, it stopped. 287-2. xa wit qot, he jumped. 329-13. da wit qot tsu, it tumbling she heard. 136-3. tewitqdtte, in the water it seemed about to tumble. 286-13. tedeqdt, it tumbled. 280-12. tcin duk qot ei, it tumbled. 135-12. -qdtc, -qdir; to throw as a spear is thrown, or to fall headlong. A) The past and present definite, and perhaps the present indefinite and imperative, have the form -qdtc. adiLyakiLqdtc, he threw himself with it. 202-3. a dii. ya kiL qdtc hit. when he threw himself with it. 202-7. 286 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. te WGL qotc te, I will throw in. 112-4. te kiL qotc, he threw it in. 112-6. B) The customary and impotential, and possibly the present indefinite and imperative, have the form -qow. a diL no ke IL qow, to he used to throw with himself. 202-4. -qotc, to lope or run like a wolf. nun duk qotc tsu, he heard him lope back. 175-9. xe e win qotc ei tsu, he heard him lope away. 175-8. ke sin qotc ei, you climbed the tree. 175-1. VARIATIONS OF BOOTS IN FORM AND LENGTH. The greater number of the verbal roots undergo a change of form or length, for the most part connected with the changes of mode or tense. In a few cases there is also a change within the mode or tense for the persons. For number, the change when present, is not an alteration of the root, which is now to be considered, due to phonetic causes such as a change in the place or force of the stress or pitch, or to morphological causes such as worn down suffixes resulting in inflection, but is the substitu tion in the dual and plural of a root altogether different. Sometimes the changes in the root mark the definite tenses off from the indefinite, in other cases the customary and im potential are different in the form of the root from the present indefinite and imperative, and in a few cases, the impotential alone has a form longer or different from that found elsewhere in the verb. The indefinite present and imperative are the weakest of all in their roots. Of the definite tenses, the past is usually longer than the present and is characterized by the stronger vowels, a instead of u and e instead of i. Diphthongization often takes place, ai and au appearing for a. Roots ending in t usually have the t in the past and do not have it in the present. A number of roots, most of them containing the vowel i, do not change in form and many of them do not change in length. Having Four Forms. -wen (-en), past definite; -win, pres. def . ; -wuw, pres. indef., cust., impot. ; -we, 3 imp. : to carry on the back. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 2H7 -wen (-en), past def . : -win (-in), pros, def . ; -wutr, pres. indef., cust., impot., 2 imp. ; -we, 3 imp. : to move fire, to wave fire. -ten, past def.; -tin, pres. def.; -tuir, pres. indef., cust, impot., 2 imp. ; -te, 1 and 3 imp. : to lie down. -len, past def. ; -lifi, pres. def. ; -lu, cust., impot. : -le, pres. indef., imp. : to become, to be, to be transformed. -lau, past; -la, pres. def., sometimes pres. indef. and imp.; -lu, cust., impot. ; -le, l sometimes pres. indef. and imp. : to do something, to arrange according to a plan or purpose. Having Three Forma. A) Type, -an, -uii, -aur. -an, past def. ; -iiii, pres. def. ; -auir, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp. : to transport round objects. -an, past def. ; -un, pres. def. ; -autr, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp. : to run, to jump (plural subject only). -yan, past def., cust., impot. ; -yufi, pres. def. and indef., and imp. ; -yauir, a few uncertain forms : to eat. -xan, past def. ; -xufi, pres. def. ; -xauir, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp. : to move in a basket or other vessel any liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip up. -tan, past def. : -tun, pres. def. ; -tuir, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp. : to handle or move a long object. -tan, past def. : -tun. pres. def. : -tuir, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp. : to split. B) Type, -en, in, -uir. -ten, past def.: -tin, pres. def.; -tuir, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp. : to move or to carry in any way a person, animal or animal product. 1 The changes in this verb do not seem to be regular. It is possible that two roots have been brought together in the same verb and confused, or that the vowel u of the customary and impotential has produced a present indefinite and imperative in e by analogy with the usual u and e pairs. 288 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. c) Type, -en, -in, -e. -wen, past def . ; -win, pres. def. ; -we, pres. indef., eust., impot., imp. : to kill. -tcwen, past def.; -tcwin, pres. def.; -tcwe. pres. indef., cnst., impot., imp. : to make, to arrange, to cause. -tcwen, past def. ; -tcwin, pres. def. : -tcwe, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp. : to grow, to become. D) Type, -ai, -a, -aiw (-u?.p). -yai, past def. ; -ya, pres. def., 1 and 3 imp. ; -yauw;, pres. indef., cust., impot., 2 imp. : to go, to come, to travel about. -lai, past def. ; -la, pres. def. ; -luw, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp. : to move or transfer a number of objects. -lai, past def. ; -la, pres. def. ; -luw 1 , pres. indef., cust., impot., imp. : to perform some act with the hand, as to rub, to hand something to some one. -lai, past def. ; -la, pres. def. ; -Km 1 , pres. indef., cust., impot., imp. : to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe. -hicai, impot. ; hw;a, pres., imp. ; -Im auw;, pres., cust. : to walk, to go, to come. E) Type, -aL, -ill, -UL. -waL, past def., pres. def. : -wul, cust., impot. ; -WUL, pres. indef., imp. : to strike, to thro\v, to scatter. -taL, past def., pres. def. ; -till, cust., impot. ; -tuL, pres. indef., imp. : to step, to kick, to do anything with the foot. F) Type, -eL, -il, -ii,. -weL, past def., pres. def.; -wil, cust., impot.; -wiL, pres. indef., imp. : relating to the passing of night. -meL, past def., pres. def. ; -mil, cust., impot. ; -raiL, pres. indef., imp. : to strike, to throw, to drop. -deL, past def., pres. def.; -dil, cust., impot., past; -diL, pres. indef., imp. : to go, to come, to travel. -deL, past def., pres. def. ; -dil, cust., impot. ; -diL, pres. in def., imp. : to strike. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 289 -tseL, past def., pres. def.: -tail, cnat., inipot. ; -tsiL, pres. indef., imp- : to pound as with a hammer or maul. G) Unclassified. -Lou, past, def., pres. dot .; -Loi, impot.; -Lo(-Loir), oust., pros, indof., imp. : to mako baskets, to twine. -ne, 3rd per. of all tenses: -son, 1st and 2nd persons past def., cust., impot. ; -sin, 1st and 2nd per. pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to think, to know. -hire, any tense without suffix : -luril. past def., cust., impot. with progressive suffix: -bjrii., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. with the progressive suffix : to call by name, to name. -xa, any tense without suffix: -xal, past def. with progressive suffix : -xar., pres. def., past def. with progressive suffix : to dawn. -xa, when of conjugation 1 : -xan, past def., cust., impot. (when of conjugation 3) ; -xuii, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. (when of conjugation . 3) : to stand (said of tree). -dal, past: -dai., pres.: -dau/r, imp., cust., impot., imp., to pass along, to go, to come. Having Two Fonns. A) Type, -an, -nil. -yan, past def., cust,, impot. ; -yun, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. ; to live, to pass through life. -yan, past def., cust., impot. : -yun, pres. indef., pres. def., imp. : to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion. -wan (nan), past def., cust., impot.; -wun (nun), pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to sleep. -Ian, past def., oust., irnpot. ; -lun, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: (with negative prefix) to quit, to leave, to desist. -Ian, past def., cust., impot. ; -lun, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to be born. -nan, past def., cust., impot. ; -nun, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to drink. -nan, past def., oust, impot.; -nun, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. ; to turn, to move. 290 University of California Publications. O M - ARCH. ETH. -xan, past def ., cust., impot. ; -xun, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. ; to be sweet or pleasant to the taste. -tan, 3 sing, of past def., cust., impot. ; -tun, 3 sing, of pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to eat. -tan, past def., cust., impot. ( ?) ; -tun, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : exact meaning unknown. -tan, past def., cust., impot. ; -tun, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : relating in any way to wax or wax-like substance. -tsan, past, cust., impot. ; -tsun, pres. imp. : to find, to see. -tcwan, past def., cust., impot. ; -tcwufi, pres. def., pres. indef. ; imp. : relating to the eating of a meal in company. -kan, past def., cust., impot. ; -kuii, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to put on edge, to lean up. B) Type, -en, -in. , past def., cust., impot. ; -in, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : . ., past, cust., impot., fut. ( ?) ; -in, pres., imp. : to do, to act, to deport one s self. -yen, past def., cust., impot. ; -yifi, pres. def., pres indef., imp. : to stand on one s feet. -len, past def., cust., impot. ; -lin, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to flow, to run ; said of any liquid. -men, past def., cust., impot. ; -mifi, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to fill up, to make full. htcen, past, def., cust., impot. ; hwiii, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to melt. -sen, 1st and 2nd per. of past def., cust., impot. ; -sin, 1st and 2nd per. of pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to think, to know. -den, past def., cust., impot. ; -din, pres. def., pres indef., imp. : to travel in company. -den, past def., cust., impot. ; -din, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to be light, to blaze. -ten, past, cust, impot. ; tin, pres. imp. : to do, to perform an act. -en to look. -en VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 291 -tcwen, past def., cust., inipot. ; -tcwin, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to smell, to stink, to defecate. -tcwen, past def., cust., impot. ; -tcwin, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to want food or sexual gratification, to desire. c) Type, -ai, -a. -ai, past, impot. ; -a, pres., imp., and sometimes past and cust. : to be in position. -yai, impot. ; -ya, past def., cust., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to move about, to undertake. -wai, 3 inipot. ; -wa, 3 pres. indef. : to go, to go about. -dai, impot., past def. ; -da, past def., cust., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game. -tcwai, past def., impot.; -tcwa, cust., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to handle or move many small pieces, to dig, to bury, to paw the ground. -kai, cust., imp. ; -ka, past def., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to get up from a reclining or sitting position. D) Type, -au, -a. -au, past def., cust., impot. ; -a, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to sing. -yau, past, cust., impot. ; -ya, pres. imp. : to do, to follow a line of action, to be in a condition or plight. -dau, past, cust., impot. ; -da, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to melt away, to disappear. -fau, past def., cust., impot. ; -ta, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to hover, to settle, to fly around. E) Type, -u, -e. -1Q, past def., cust., inipot. : -le, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to make an attack, to form a war party. -lu, past def., cust., impot. ; -le, pres def., pres. indef., imp. : to dive, to swim under water. 292 University of California Publications. [ A M. ARCH. ETH. -LU, past def., cust., impot. ; -Le, pres. def., pres. iridef., imp. : to handle or to do anything with a semi-liquid, dough-like ma terial. -nu, past, cust., impot. ; -ne, pres. imp. : to do, to happen, to behave in a certain way. -xu, cust., impot. ; -xe, past def., pres. def., pres. indef ., imp. : to track, to finish, to overtake. -dje u, past def., cust., impot. ; -dje, pres. imp. : to fly in a flock, to beg. -tu, past def., cust., impot. ; -te, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to sing in a ceremony or dance. -tsu, past def., cust., impot. ; -tse, pres. indef., imp. : to squirm, to writhe, to roll, to tumble. -tcwu, past def., cust., impot. ; -tcwe, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to cry, to weep. F) Type, -at, -a. -wat (-at), past def., cust., impot.; -wa (-a), pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to shake itself, said of a dog. -lat, past def., cust., impot.; -la, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to float. -Lat, past def., cust., impot. ; -La, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to run, to jump. -xait, past def., cust., impot., -xai, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to buy. -tsat, cust., irnpot. ; -tsa, pres. indef., imp. : to sit down. -teat, past def., cust., impot. ; -tea, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to be sick, to become ill. -kait, past def., cust., impot. ; -kai, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to cause to project, to push, to pole or paddle a canoe, to shoot. -kait, past def., cust., impot. ; -kai, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to starve. -kyot, past def., cust., impot. ; -kyo, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to flee, to run away. VOL. 3] (ioddard. Morphology of the Hupa LaiKjiiaffe. 2iKJ o) Type, -1, -i.. -il, past def., cuat., i in pot. ; -ii.. pros, dot ., pros, indof., imp.: to swim, to dive (plural only). -yol, past def., oust., impot. : -VOL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to blow with the breath. -wal, past def., cust., impot.: wai., pres. def., pres. indef.. imp. : to shake a stick, to dance. -lal, past def., cust., impot.; lai., pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to dream, to sleep. -nel, past def., cust., impot. : -neL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to play. -nol, past def., cust., impot.: -noL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to blaze. -hwal, past def., cust.. impot.; lurar., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to fish for with a hook, to catch with a hook. -hiril, past def., cust., impot. ; h/rii., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to call by name, to name. -xal, past def., cust., impot.; -xai., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to dawn. -dil, past def., cust., impot. ; -diL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow. -tsel, past def., cust., impot. ; -tseL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to be or to become warm. -il, past def., cust., impot.; -ii., pres. def.. pres. iudef., imp.: to swim, to dive (plural only). -qol, past def., cust., impot. ; -qoL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to crawl, to creep. ii ) Unclassified. -aL, past def. ; -UL, cust., impot., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to slit open. , past def., cust,. impot.; -UL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: w. to chew 294 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. -ate, past def., pres. def. ; -auw, pres. indef., cust., imp., impot. : to move in an undulating line. -mats, impot. ; -mas, past def., pres. def., pres. indef., cust., imp. : to roll, to coil. -na, 3 imp. ; -nauw, 3 cust., impot., pres. indef. ; to go, or to come. -ne, past def., cust., impot. ; -n, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound, to play an instrument. -neuw, except 1 sing. pres. and imp. ; -ne, yeuw, 1 sing, pres , 2 imp. : to talk, to speak. -noi (a noun), -no, past def. (?) : to place on end, to be in a vertical position. -xen, past def., pres. def. ( ?) ; -xuw, cust., impot., pres. indef., imp. : to float. -xuts, past def., pres. def. ; -xus, cust., impot., pres. indef., imp. : to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw. -tats, past def., pres. def. ; tus, cust., impot., pres. indef., imp. : to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels. -qotc, past def., pres. def. ; -qow, cust., impot., pres. indef., imp. : to throw as a spear is thrown. -qotc, past def., pres. def. ; -qow, cust., impot., pres. indef., imp. : to lope or run like a wolf. Unvarying in form, but varying in length. -eL, to have position (plural only). -yeuw;, to rest. -yeuw, to rub, to knead. -yets, to tie together, to entangle. -yow, to flow, to scatter. -yos, to draw out of a narrow space, to stretch. -was, to shave off, to whittle. -loi, to tie, to wrap around. -Ids, to drag, to pull along. -luw?, to watch, to stand guard over. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the JIupa Language. 295 -medj (-mete), to boil, to cook by boiling. -dai, to bloom, to blossom. -do, to dodge, to draw back. -tetc, to lie down (plural only). -tsai, to be dry, to make dry. -tsas, to swing a stick about, to whip. -tse, to open or shut a sliding door. -tcwoig (-tcwog), to sweep. -tcwok, exact meaning unknown. -kas, to throw. -kyas, to break. -kyos, to handle or to move anything flat or flexible. Unvarying in form and length. -iur, to drop. -to shoot an arrow. -its, to wander about. -fit, to move anything flat and flexible. -ya, to stand on one s feet (plural only). -ye, to dance. -yo, to like. -witc, to rock sidewise. -le, to feel with the hands. -lit, to burn. -lite, to urinate. -lik, to relate, to tell something. -lit, to cause to burn. -me, to swim. -men, to swim. -mut, to break out as a spring of water, to break open. -na, to cook by placing above or before a fire. -ne, to gather nuts from the ground. -hice, to dig. -xa, to have position (said of water or a liquid). -xut, to hang. -xut, to tear down. -sit, to wake. 296 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. -da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor. -da, to carry, to move (said of a person or animal). -dik (-ik), to peck. -dik (-tfik), to stand in line. -do, to cut, to slash. -djin, to mind, to be bothered by something. -te, to look for. -te, to carry around. -te, to remain in a recumbent position. -tits, to use as a cane. -tik, exact meaning unknown. -td, referring to the movement or position of water. -tot, to suck, to drink. -tu, to beg. -tuiv, to split. -tuk, to count. -te, to have some particular form, appearance, or nature; to be, to exist. -/ik, to tie with a string. -to, relating to mutual motions of two objects by means of which one is inserted into the other or withdrawn from it. -tse, to stay, to live (plural only) . -tsis, to be hanging. -tsis, to find. -tsit, to pound as in a mortar. -tsit, to know a person, or some fact or legend. -tsit, to fall, to sink. -tsit, to soak acorn meal. -tsit, to pull out a knot. -tsit, to wait, to delay an act. -tee, to blow (said of the wind). -tcit, to die. -teut, to strip off, to take bark from a tree. -tcwit, to push, to pull off leaves, to shoot, to rub one s self, to bring water. -git, to be afraid of, to be frightened. -git, to travel in company. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 297 -kis, to put one s hand on, to stab, to spear, -kit, to catch with the hands, to take away, -kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke), -kit, to feed, to give food to any one. -kutc, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny, -kya, to wear a dress. -qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to stick, to poke. -qot, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly. MKANINO OF THE ROOTS. In regard to meaning, the roots fall into at least three classes. First, a few monosyllabic nouns, occupying the position in the verb which belongs to the root, name the means employed while the nature of the act is suggested by that part of the verb which precedes the root. Second, a rather large number of roots, while not definitely naming the object, indicate the class to which it be longs as regards its size, shape, or physical character. Third, most, if not all, of the remaining roots indicate more or less exactly the nature of the act itself. It has been impossible with no knowl edge of the past history of the Ilupa language and but little access to the related languages to define exactly the meaning of many of the roots. Those which show no evidence of belonging to the two preceding classes are assumed for the present to belong to the third. Nouns as roots, expressing the means. -lai, -la, -lu/r : to perform some act with the hand, as to rub, to hand something to some one. (While this root may not be morphologically connected with the word meaning hand, the Ilupa believe it to be so connected). -Lon, -Lo, -Lo?c : to make baskets, to twine in basket-making. (Probably from Lo, "grass." one of the materials used in bas ketry.) -mit; to turn over, to place one s self belly up or down. Com pare, xo mit. her belly. 102-15. -hiral, -hjrai. ; to fish for with a hook. AM. ARCH. ETH. :j. 20. 298 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH. ETH. -hw?e, -h;il, -lm<iL; to call by name, to name. From xohwe, his name. -tits , to use as a cane. Compare, tits, cane. 150-9. -to , referring to the movement of water. -tseL, -tsil, -tsiL; to pound as with a hammer or maul. (This root is said by the Hupa to be connected with tse, a stone, the maul and pestles being of stone). -kya , to wear a dress . Compare, kya, dress. 333-8. Roots which classify the object affected according to size, shape, etc- -an, -un, -auw ; to transport round objects. -ut , to move flat, flexible objects. -wen, -win, -wm0, -we ; to move fire, to wave fire. -lai, -la, -luw to move or transfer a number of objects. -lei, to carry more than one animal or child in the hands. -LU, -Le, (-Liik) ; to handle or to do anything with semi-liquid dough-like material. -xan, -xuii, -xauw; to move in a basket or other vessel any liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip up. -da, to carry or move a person or animal. -tan, -tun, -tuw ; to handle or move a long object. -ten, -tin, -tmc ; to move or carry in any way a person, animal, or animal product. -tan, relating in any way to wax or wax-like substances. -tcwai, -tcwa; to handle or move many small pieces, such as the soil , to dig, to bury, to paw the ground. -kyos, to handle or move anything that is flat and flexible, as a skin or a piece of cloth. Roots indicating the nature of the act. A) Position or posture. -ai, -a ; to have position. -eL, to have position. (Plural only). -ya, to stand on one s feet. (Plural only). -yen, -yin ; to stand on one s feet. -noi, -no ; to place on end, to be in a vertical position. -xa, to have position (said of water or a liquid). -xa, -xan, -xun ; to stand (said of a tree). VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 299 -xut, to hang (said of a blanket). -dai, -da ; to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game, -dik , to stand in line, -te , to remain in a recumbent position, -ten, -tin, -tutr ; to lie down. -tetc, to lie down, to remain in a recumbent position. (Plural only). -tse, to stay, to live. (Plural only). -tsis, to be hanging. -kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke). B) Motion or locomotion. 1) Over the surface of the ground. -an, -un, -autr ; to run, to jump. (Plural only ) . -its, to wander about, -ate, to move in an undulating line, -yai, -ya, -yauif ; to go, to come, to travel about, -wai, -wa; to go, to go about. (Third person singular only). -Lat, -La ; to run, to jump, -na, to move. -na, -name; to go, to come. (Third person singular only), -nan, -nun ; to turn, to move. -htoai, -hica, -hirauw? ; to walk, to go, to come. (First person singular only). -dai, -dai., -daujr ; to pass along, to go, to come. -deL, -dil, -dii. : to go, to come, to travel. -den, -din ; to travel in company. -do, to dodge, to draw back. -ton, -ton ; to jump. -tsu, -tse ; to squirm, to writhe, to roll, to tumble. -git, to travel in company, as a company of warriors. -kai, -ka ; to get up from a reclining or sitting position. -qal, to walk. (Third person singular only). -qol, -qoL ; to crawl, to creep. Compare, qo, worm. -qot, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly. -qotc, to lope or run like a wolf. 2) On the surface of or under water. -lai, -la, -lute ; to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe, -lat, -la ; to float. 300 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. -lu, -le ; to dive, to swim under water, -me, to swim, to bathe, -men, to cause to swim, -xen, -XUM? ; to float. 3) Through the air. -xuts, -xut ; to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw. -dje u, -dje ; to fly in a flock. -au, to hover, to settle, to fly around. -tsit, to fall, to sink. c) Acts performed specifically by the hands. -aL, -UL ; to slit open. -its, to shoot an arrow. -yeuw, to rub, to knead. -yos, to draw out of a narrow space, to stretch. -wal, -waL; to shake a dance stick, to dance. -waL, -wul, -WUL ; to strike, to throw, to scatter. -was, to shave off, to whittle. -lai, -la, -lu? ; to perform some act with the hand, to rub, to hand something to some one. -le, to feel with the hands. -los, to drag, to pull along. -loi, to tie, to wrap around. -mas, to roll, to rotate. -meL, -mil, -miL ; to strike, to throw, to drop. -ne, to gather nuts from the ground, to pick up. -dits, to twist into rope or twine. -do, to cut, to slash. -tats, -ius ; to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels. -ik, to tie with a string. -tsas, to swing a stick about, to whip. -tse, to open or shut a sliding door. -tseL, -tsil, -tsiL ; to pound as with a hammer or maul. -tsit, to pound as in a mortar. -tsit, to pull out a knot. -tcut, to strip off, to take bark from a tree. -tcwit, to push, to pull off or break off leaves and twigs, to shoot, to rub one s self in bathing. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Jlupa Language. 301 -tcwo ig, to sweep, -kas, to throw. -kait, -kai ; to cause to project, to push or paddle a canoe, -kan, -kun ; to put an edge, to lean up. -kil, to split, to make mi opening in a wall or bank, -kis, to put one s hand on, to stah, to spear, -kit. to catch with the hands, to take away, -kit, to feed, to give food to any one. -kiite, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny, -qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to stick, to poke. -qotc, -qor; to throw as a spear is thrown. D) Acts performed specifically by the feet. -ye, to dance. -taL, -till, -till.: to step, to kick, to do anything with the foot. E) Acts of the mind, senses, or vocal organs. -au, -a ; to sing. -en, -in ; to look. -yan, -yiin ; to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion. -yo. to like, to love, to be pleased with. -wauir, to talk, to make a noise. (Plural only). -lal, -la i.; to dream, to sleep. -lik, to relate, to tell something. -ne, -n ; to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound. -neii/r, -neyeutr; to talk, to speak. -ne, -sen, -sin ; to think, to know. -niiir, to hear. -xa, -xiiii ; to be sweet or pleasant to the taste. -djin, to mind, to be bothered by something. -te, to look for, to search after. -tu, -te: to sing in a ceremony or dance. -tuk, to count. -ten, to address with a term of relationship or friendship. -tsan, -tsun ; to find, to see. -tsis, to find, to know. -tsit, to know a person, or some fact or legend. -tcwen, -tcwin ; to want food or sexual gratification, to desire. 302 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. , to smell of. -git, to be afraid of, to be frightened. -kya, to perceive by any of the senses. F) Relating particularly to the body and its functions, -aL, -UL ; to chew. -yan, -yuri, -yauw ; to eat. -yan, -yuri; to live, to pass through life. -yeuw, to rest. -yol, -yoi, ; to blow with the breath. -wan (-nan), -wun (-nun) ; to sleep. -lal, -laL ; to dream, to sleep. -Ian, -lun; to be born. -lite, to urinate. -nan, -nun; to drink. -xuts, to bite, to chew. -sit, to awake. -da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor. -tan, -tun ; to eat. (Third person singular only ) . -tot, to drink. -teat, -tea ; to be sick, to become ill. -tcit, to die. -tcwen, -tcwifi ; to defecate. -tcwu, -tcwe ; to cry, to weep. -kait, -kai ; to starve. G) Complex and general acts of human agency. -en, -in ; to do, to act, to deport one s self. -yau, -ya ; to do, to follow a line of action. -wen, -win, -we ; to kill. -wen (-en), -win (-in), -wuw, -we; to carry on the back. -wis, to twist, to rotate, to dodge by rotating the body. -lau, -la, -lu, -le ; to do something, to arrange according to a plan or purpose. -Ian, -lun ; to quit, to leave, to desist. -lu, -le ; to make an attack, to form a war party. -Lit, to cause to burn. -men, -min ; to fill up, to make full. -medj, to boil, to cook by boiling. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. IK). } -na, to cook by placing above or before a fire, to steam by placing above boiling water. -nan, -nun ; to turn, to move. -nel, to play. -nil, -ne : to do. to happen, to behave in a certain way. -lure, to dig. -xa, -xaiL; to track. -xait, -xai ; to buy. -xu, -xe : to finish, to overtake. -xiit, -xul ; to ask, to question. -tan, -tun, -tu/r , to split. -te, to carry around. -tu, to beg. -ten, -tin ; to do, to perform an act. -ten, to marry (said of the man only). -to, relating to the mutual motions of two bodies by means of which one is inserted into the other or withdrawn from it. -tsit, to soak or leach acorn meal. -tsit, to delay an act. -tcwen, -tcwin, -tcwe ; to make, to arrange, to cause. -kyas, to break, to cause to break. H) Acts confined to animals. -yot, to chase, to bark after. -wat, -wa; to shake itself (said of a dog). -dik, to peck (said of a bird). -qotc, to lope or run like a wolf. i) Happening b\j the agency of nature and the elements. -iuir, to drop, to fall. -yotc, to flow, to scatter. -weL. -wil, -wiL; the passing of the night. -len, -lin, -lu, -le ; to become, to be transformed, to be. -len, -lin ; to flow, to run (said of any liquid). -lit, to burn. -mut, to break out, as a spring of water, to break open. -noL, to blaze. -hicen, -hfrin ; to melt. -xa, -xal, -xaL ; to dawn. 304 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. Era. -dai, to bloom, to blossom, -dan, -da; to melt, to disappear. -dil, -diL ; to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow. -te, to have some particular form or appearance, or nature;, to be, to exist. -tsai, to be, or to make dry. -tsel, -tseL; to be or to become warm. -tee, to blow (said of the wind). -tcwen, -tcwin, -tcwe ; to grow, to become. -ket, to creak. -kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke). -kyas, to break. SUFFIXES. In addition to the changes in form and meaning of the verbs brought about by means of prefixes, the inflection of the syllable preceding the root, and the variations of the root, many limita tions and extensions of meaning are occasioned by various suf fixes. The suffixes which are temporal, modal and conjunctional in their character, are employed with the present indefinite and present definite for the most part. These particles are inflectional in their nature since they can be added to any verb giving it a definite change of meaning, but do not have independent exist ence. TEMPORAL. -x or -x. This suffix is used with the forms of the present indefinite and indicates that the act or condition was persistent through a limited and definitely stated length of time. yai wa auw? WIL fl x, it increased in blowing. 324-6. wil weL tsis daux, until night he stayed. 142-8. meluw; Q x, he watched it. 205-2. naiLte^x, she carried it. 290-6. naiLitsx, he ran around. 185-10. na ya tes in x, she looked. 300-17. nawaux, he stayed. 166-14. nadiL fl x, they will live. 255-8. ninsindiLx, they danced. 105-9. not6 Q x, water stayed. 324-3. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 305 xa ai ya xoi. in x, they did that with him. 211-5. xaayaiLin fl x, they did that, 105-10. siLtunx, it lay. 266-8. sit tetc a x, they lay there. 322-6. ddai ninsiiix, you don t think. 337-9. do he mis deL x. they could not walk about. 322-7. tiltsit fl x, it will always h\ 325-13. tsiin ma xossin x, it was quiet. 322-4. tceindiLx, outside the door. 1(59-9. tcii. waL x, they daneed. 238-10. tcitdilyex, they danced. 216-7. tcittcwex, he cried. 150-7. tcukqalx, he walked. 319-6. keuLx, she chewed. 1 276-3. kin 11 T, x, you chew. 275-2. -win te. The suffixing of -win to to the forms of the present indefinite Drives meaning to the verb but little different from that of the customary, indicating that the act or condition is continuous or at least takes place whenever cause arises. The customary may mean that the act has been done several times without regard to the regularity of the intervals. xa a tin win te, she always did that. 136-14. do kin naL dun win te, not yet, kin nai, dun. 332-9. tciL waL win te, they always danced. 239-2. tcin nin ya win te, he always came. 231-9. tcin nu wujr win te, she always brought. 157-2. kyu wit dai ye iL win te, it always blossoms. 365-4. -wes te. This suffix occurs but twice, being used by the same individual with the meaning of -win te. a fin wes te, it had done. 325-10. xaaiinweste, the same thing it always did. 325-11. -ne en. This suffix is applied to nouns and verbs alike. It states that the thing, act, or condition has ceased or is about to cease its existence. When used with verbs it is usually appended to the forms of the present indefinite and means that the act or condition was habitual or continuous in the past but has now ceased. 306 University of California Publications. O M - ARCH - ETH - aiLinneen, (dogs) used to chase. 322-5. an wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8. auw tin ne en, I used to do. 341-7. a ya tin ne en, they used to do that. 306-1. un te ne en, used to be seen. 235-18. ya win a ne en din, he had been sitting place. 163-5. ya tee weL ne en, they were carrying. 110-10. wes sil yo ne en, whom you used to like. 307-16. wun na wa ne en, going after used to. 157-10. rna a kiL en rie en, their doings. 361-11. min no ya kin tfats te ne en, they were going to cut them open. 278-5. mux xun neuw hw;e ne en, their talk used to be. 306-4. na ya nil Inw ne en, which had been lost. 144-7. na la ne en, floating used to be. 243-12. (xoideai) nadaaneen, he used to listen (his head used to stand up). 340-12. na dil le te ne en, was going to happen. 117-5. na diL ne en, that used to live. 204-15. no finw ne en, the fire pit cover. 220-12. no na xon niL tin ne en, he caught up with him. 176-11. xoLxuttesnunteneen, in her was about to move. 342-4. xo tcin sil la ne en, on her used to be. 153-4. sil lane en, used to be (on her). 153-4. sil len ne en, it came. 241-9. sit tin ne en din, he used to lie place. 295-2. suw da ne en din, I used to live place. 272-12. da wit diL ne en, they used to live. 259-4. do nin sin diL te ne en, they would not dance. 366-1. tes tcwin ne en tcin, where I was brought up. 117-13. til tcwin ne en, used to grow. 233-1. to on nu win tcwit ne en, water she was to bring. 111-3. to on tcwin ne en, water going after. 111-2. tsis da ne en, he used to stay. 271-5. tceweLneen, they were carrying. 110-9. tee nin ya te ne en, he was going to come out. 162-12. tee nin kutc ne en, the throw used to be. 143-8. tcin nin ya ne en, he used to come. 306-7. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of flic Ilupa Language. 307 tcit tes en ne en, he used to look. 104-8. tcit tun ne en, he used to eat. 346-11. tcu witdii. neen, they used to go about. 102-3. -te. This suffix is the most commonly employed. It pre dicts a future act or condition either as the result of the impulse of the agent, or the compelling force of some person or event. It takes the place therefore of English auxiliaries, will and shall. It is appended for the most part to the forms of the definite present but changes a preceding -fi to n. A) Suffix immediately following the root. ai yon des ne te, she will think about. 104-1. ailate, they will catch. 253-10. ail, inte, they will do. 266-13. aikiLinte, when it happens. 217-6. ai kyu wil lei HL te, they will do. 230-8. auwinneLte, it will be. 105-12. auic la te, what shall I do with it. 293-8. autr di ya te, how am I going to do ? 257-14, 275-5. a wil lei. te, he will do. 253-12. awinneliLte, it w r ill be. 311-17. a late, what are you going to do? 102-15. a nautr la te, I was intending to do. 260-3. a na h/rii. tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18. a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4. axolate, they will do. 306-12. a da na win a te, for himself he will get. 338-9. a tcil la te, he will treat. 255-10. akyuwillellir.te, it will do. 236-3. in tana witya te, he would turn back. 187-4. is lun te, birth should be. 102-17, 103-4. un di ya te, what will you do ? 266-4. ya wixauwhidLte, he will take it up. 295-17. ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10. yeweyate, I will go. 246-4,314-3. ye win deL te, they will go in. 255-3. yenawityate, she will go in. 311-15. ye na wo deL te, you will travel in. 361-12. 308 University of California Publications. L AM - ARCH. ETH. yit du wes yo te, it will like. 311-10. yikittaate, she will sing 1 . 104-2. yo du wit xul HL te, they will ask for. 296-3. yuwinyunte, she will eat them. 253-8, 100-14. wa mm xo win ne hwiL te, they will talk about. 272-17. wifixate, (water) will stay. 112-9. wiinnaidiLxosinxolan, hunting had been he saw. 104-11. wun na diL te, they will hunt. 311-14. wun xai neuc te, he will talk about. 260-12. wun xu win ne ludL te, they will talk about, me win na htciL te, (her mind) will go against. 325-14. me wit dil na te, we shall steam it. 241-11. me lute te, I am going to watch. 292-9. menailu^te, I will watch. 217-13, 258-10. me name lute te, I will watch. 267-17. (xoikyun) minyate, his mind will come to. 230-9. min no kiL dik te, he was going to pick. 113-3. mis sai xun te, I will put in its mouth. 243-16. mis sa Avin xun te, in his mouth she will put. 243-10. muwluwte, I will watch them. 258-15, 218-3. muxxun nauw; daLte, having gratified myself I will go back. 223-13. nai wiL xaL te, night will pass. 242-17. nai xe neutc te, few will talk. 295-13. naisyate, he goes. 307-13. nai ke yun te, they will grow. 296-4. na wil lit te, it will be burned. 151-5. na wit dil HL te, we will visit. 177-2. nal(i)uw?te, (its blood) will drop. 115-13. nai hjnn te, it will melt away. 273-6. nanaiyate, I am going to live. 218-2. na na wit diL te, the people will live again. 236-3. na nan dil HL te, they will live. 343-13. nanasinyate, you will be. 353-8. na nas deL te, they will live. 228-2. nan a te, you will have. 357-7. na xo wii. tun te, it will be wet. 273-6. VOL. 3J Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. ;)<j na xot du wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3. nasaunte, it will lie. 226-9. naseLte (nasedeLte), we will visit. 174-2. nasete, (naseyate), I will go. 137-14. nasinyate, you will travel. 35(5-2. nadillete. they will become again. 116-12. nas dil lin te, that was to be. 283-6. nadii.te. they will travel. 107-7. nadiiwinate, it will stick up. 204-2. nateuiriniLte, I will look back from. 230-7. na ten in te, you will look. 356-5. nates dlyate, I will go back. 117-14. nat le HL te, it will become. 312-4. na kyu win a tsu, singing he heard. 186-12. na kyu win yun te, you will eat. 356-3. neiL in te, I am going to see. 99-3. neyate, I am going. 348-15. neene sedate, I will hide from you. 328-6. ne se seL win te, I will kill you. 151-2. nir.xoilikte, I will tell you. 351-11. niL xot yun te, it will be easy for you to get. 357-7. niL xwe lik te, I will tell you. 355-4. nil. te soya te, I will go with you. 187-4. ninyate, it will reach. 151-15. nit dje kis da te, (I wish) your mind would melt away. nik kyu win nun te, you will go to sleep. 252-11. 259-9. no wun nun xun neil?r te, they will talk about us. 267-18. no na kin nin Cm te, one should leave. 215-8. nonexunte. I will put. 289-2. noninxunte, if he puts. 29fi-6. no nun dlyate, in one place they will stay. 259-17. nil win ate, it will be. nun dlyate, it will come back. 307-9. Le nai yun dil la te, we will keep a h re burning. 169-6. Lena in dlyate sillen, he got nearly around. 220-6. Le na nil la te, you will build a h re. 356-4. Lena nil late, he will build a fire. 258-2. 310 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. Le na nin deL ei, they went clear round. 102-1. Le neL te, ( ie ne diL te) , let us meet. 174-3. Le kin niL yets te, (lice) to tie together (the hair). 151-10. Linyate, they will come together. 295-1. hzriL tcit den te, they will talk to me. 322-15. hjcit tsin tse win tun, I have been killed. 119-1. xa a iL in te, that will be done. 203-8. xa au-ic di ya te, I am going to do. 202-8. xa a wil leL te, he will do that way. 255-17. xa a win ne HL te, that will be done. 229-10. xa a win nei, te, it will be that way. 259-18. xaakiLinte, that way they will do. 211-15. xa a kyu wil leL te, he will do that. 211-18. xai iin te, I will take one out. 135-5. xa wa auw- hwiL te, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1. xa ne te te, I am going to look for it. 336-10. xadiyate, it will do that. 254-10. xo yu win yun te, if she eats them. 253-7. xo wil lik te, he will tell. 203-14. xo wut xo wes yun te, I will watch her. 137-7. xon neL in te, I can look at him. 138-14. XOL xut tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move. 342-4. XOL kut tes nun te, it would move in her. 341-2. xo se SCL win te, I will kill him. 150-11, 163-10. xun ne yeut te, I will talk. 217-11. sa un te, it will be. 226-10. sa wo din te, you will travel. 151-6. sanandinte, they were going away. 116-5. SCL waL te, I am going to shake a stick. 238-7. seseLwinte, I will kill it. 162-7. sil Iin te. you are going to be. 343-5. sil Iin te, it is going to be. 287-5. sit tin te, (if) they lie. 307-11. da na du win un te, he will put in the fire. 258-2. da ne se da te, I will go fishing. 256-8. da no te deL te, everybody fished. 256-9. da xo un a di ya te, they will die. 217-16. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Iltipa Language. 31 ] da dfl wes a te ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to it. 271-10. da kin yun te, to chew off. 151-9. dewiraminte, they will be filled. 253-11. de na dii wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. dedu wil late, he will put in the fire. 255-15. de ki dil lite te, (frog) to urinate on the fires. 151-10. dooilunte, I will quit. 255-5. doyoliinte, they will quit. 231-1. domitcdjin te, it won t mind. 315-9. donawate, he will not live. 257-11. do na xos dil le te, there will be no more. 228-4. do ne hel weL te, you may stay. 176-1. donin sin dii.teneen, they would not dance. 366-1. do no niL tin te sil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8. do xwe xd wil yun te, he will be crazy. 307-10. do tcit tes ya te sil len, he did not feel like going on. 138-11. do tcu win xun te, he does not catch. 256-6. do tcu xon ner in te ne wan, you can hardly look at. duwesate, (a ridge) will go across. 253-1. duwillete, a company will come to kill. 332-3. tauirdin nun te, I am going to have a drink. 111-13. ta nai win nun te, he will drink. 337-18. tanauw tuh;riLte, I will take out. 26718. tewautte, in the water I will throw. 111-17. te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5. ten in te, you will look. 140-7. teseyate, I am going away. 229-9. teselate, I am going to take them. 253-15. tesoLtinte, you will take. 222-7. tesyate, (dawn) is about to come. 241-1. tes deL te, they will come. 252-3. te dl yun te, he will live to old age. 227-7. tekeitste, I will shoot in. 112-9. tuwiunahwiLte, it will go. 229-13. 281-3. tsislinte, it would become. 312 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. tsisdate, he will stay. 211-7. tee wes lin te, it will flow out. 254-17. tceneyate, I will go out. 332-8. tee nil le te, they will dive out. 252-9. teen ya hwriL te, you will go. 356-8. tee xo win ne hwiL te, she shall talk. 289-12. tcinnesdate, she will sit. 290-14. tcis SCL win te, he will kill. 311-16. tcit dil ye te, there will be a dance. 203-8. tcit du wil ye IL te, they will dance. 117-9. tcit tan hwun te, he shall eat. 107-8. tcit tea deL te, he was to travel with. 174-9. tcowinneLte, she will think about. 312-3. tcon da te, it will be sorry. 353-7. tcohiceiLte, they will call. 272-11. tco xon des ne te, she will think of him. 325-14. tcuwesyote, he shall like. 307-11. tcu win yun sil len te, he eats it seems. 233-3. tcu hwo wiL xul lii. te, she will ask for. 311-17. tcuhifoh^eiLte, they will call. 272-10. kei yun te, I am going to eat. 97-15. ML ne se tin te, I will have intercourse with a woman. 104-7. ML dje xai wil la te, they will fight. 115-4. ML dje xa in nauiv te, there is going to be a fight. 333-13. kin ne so yun te, may you grow to be men. 238-13. Ms le te, they will catch many. 257-10. Ms sa win ya te, he will go into somebody s mouth, kyu win dits te, to make rope. 151-6, 8. kyu wit dl yun te, we shall eat. 190-5. B) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e. These words occur mostly in formulas, the reference being to the distant future. One Hupa informant said they were used of less certain future predictions. ye yu wiL kit de te, it will go there. 301-9. nai XOL tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13. ninyayete, it will come. 307-12. VOL. 31 Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 313 xo wiLtsaiyete, it becomes shallow. 259-16. xoi. den ne e te, I will call him. 1 . 19-45. tsislinnete, he will become. 338-10. tcis d! van ne te. she may live to be old. 325-13. tcu h/rofi lure e te, they will call me. 1272-12. -tei.. The only difference in meaning between this suffix and the preceding seems to be that -tei. is used of events in the nearer future. a diva tei.. it would do. 234-11. me neL xe tei., I am about to finish. 261-3. metsa xosin tei, xo lun, hard it will be it seems. 341-11. mines git tei., it will be afraid. 295-7. na istcwin tei., he will make. 321-11. notediik kai tei., they were about to starve. 191-18. xaadiyateL, that way it will be. 341-16. xo Ian a dl ya ter., it would do. 234-11. xo Kin nu luron tei.. will it be good? 295-9. xo lun xa a tin tei., that will do it. 235-1. xo lun tei., he will be the one. 209-12. xonf L in tei., I can t look at him. 138-12. sil lin tei. din, it is going to be place. 104-16. duwilleteL, a party is coming to kill. 334-6. tcin niii ya tei. din, she was going place. 237-5. tcu wifiyfin tei. de, would eat. 2f>7-17. kit din hu?e teL din, he would dig out. 100-1. kit tesin kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12. TEMPORAL AND MODAL. -ei. In myths and tales, the definite past occurs very fre quently with an ending -ei which regularly takes over the semi vowels and often the consonants of the preceding syllable. The younger Hupa, at least, do not seem to be conscious of any change in meaning that may be made by its addition. A com parison of the instances of its occurrence would indicate a mild emphasis. that the act. which has several times been ineffectually attempted, has been successfully accomplished or that some thing which has been several times done is now done for the last time. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3. 21. 314 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12. a di yau wei, it is coming. 104-14. yaislenei, they became. 110-1. yawiLtennei, she picked him up. 287-3. ya wit xus sil lei, he flew up. 294-15. yaltonei, (his neck) jumped off. 163-18. ya nat xuts ei, he flew away. 113-10. ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. yan xuts ei, he flew up. 271-2. ya xo wil lei lei, they took them along. 179-9. yataaei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8. yatmillei, they fell back. 165-11. yake wuiohicei, he used to carry it away. 162-4. ye ya xo la yei, they took them. 179-9. ye tcu wiL taL ei, they landed. 362-5. ye tcu wiL ten nei, he took him in. 222-8. yin neL yan nei, it ate it up. 347-18. yinne tcu wiL ten nei, he put him in the ground. 215-3. yis se teL wen nei, he commenced to kill. 136-10. yikismutei, (a basket) broke. 289-15. yu wim dim mil lei, they went through. 211-5. wai e xus sei, he threw at her. 333-1. wildallei, it coming along. 174-7. wil diL ei, it shook. 142-6. win yen nei, he was able to stand. 220-11. wun dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2. Lin win ten nei, she called him. 139-9. me is La dei, he ran up. 217-16. me na is te ei, she carried it. 290-8. me na wiL na ei, he steamed them. 342-12. me nil la yei, they landed. 216-13. min noi kin ne yot dei, they barked. 321-4. min no kin ne yot dei, it barked. 322-13. ml nil la yei, the waves came to the shore. 362-4. nai ya xon nil la yei, they took them. 179-11. na IL dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2. na IL dit ten nei, she took him back. 287-6. naindiyayei, he came back. 98-6. VOL. 3] Goddard Morphology of the Hupa Language. 315 na ya is dil len nei, they became. 166-13. nayaxonnillaiei, they took them. 179-8. uaweslenei, it falls. 104-1. nawillitdei, he burned up. 120-8. nawinyayeidin, he had lived time. 336-7. nanaei, it hangs there. 295-3. na na im me ei, he always bathed. 311-8. nanaisyayei, he went back over. 117-6. nanayaxonniLxaei, they found his tracks. 170-4. na na wil La dei, he ran down. 221-17. nanifiyayei, she crossed over. 135-6. nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5. na xo win dje ei, his mind passed. 340-11. nasitsei, it ran around. 294-3. nasyayei, it commenced to walk. 136-9. na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2. nates diyayei, he arrived. 104-3. nakisyoirh;rei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11. no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13. xaennaldit do wei. it drew back. 105-9. xa in Lin net y5t dei, they chased each other. 115-10. xaixostennei, they took her up. 239-1. xan xen nei, he came up. 210-9. xeeduwaLei, (feathers) disappear over the hill. 208-17. xowesennei, one could see. 120-5. xoLmenundil latdei, with him it floated back. 315-6. XOL Le nun du waL ei. with him it shut. 109-5. XOL da na du win a ei, with him it stuck up. 203-5. xot da win ya yei, she went down. 99-8. sillennei, it became. 115-1,182-4. dayit de wiitr hirei, he always carries it off. 162-7. da wil ton ei, he jumped. 115-9. da na du win a ei, it stood up. 203-10. danadu wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4. da kyu win xa ei, (something) stood. 242-3. do 6 na wes en ei, it could not be seen. 151-19. ta nai xos do wei, it cut him to pieces. 108-2, 106-14. 316 University of California Publications. [A-M. ARCH. ETH. ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17. tanxennei, (canoe) went away. 222-9. te iL auir h:ei, in the water crawl. 311-7. te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4. teL ate ei, they went with a pack-train. 200-9. tes lat dei, it floated. 244-15. tes deL ei, they flew away. 159-12. te ke I yauM< Iwei, they go in. 311-2. tuwinyayei, he got lost. 348-17. tsisdayei, he lives. 159-16. tee in nauic wei, he used to go out. 136-14. tee min nin yot dei, he drove out a deer. 217-16. tcin niii ya yei, he came. 97-1. tcin nin uauw hwei, she comes. 101-6. teis se iL we ei, she had killed. 333-5. tcit du wil ye ei, they danced. 216-16. tcit du wiL waL ei, she knocked off. 159-11. tcit tes ya yei, she went. 98-13. keisyayei, she climbed up. 137-12. ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14. kin nifi yan nei, they came to feed. 180-13. kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4. -il, -iL. The application of the verb may be made continuous over time or space by adding -L, or -iL for the present and -1, or -il for the past. The shorter forms are used after vowels without increasing the number of syllables; the longer forms add a syl lable often taking over the consonant which precedes. There are several cases where the ending seems to have been twice added. Other suffixes are found following these. This is frequently the case with -te the future ending. It seems likely that many or all roots which have final 1 are secondary, having been formed by the addition of this suffix. Present. A) Following vowels without increasing the number of syllables. au win neL te, it will be. 105-12. a win neL te, it will be. 289-11. VOL. 3] Goddnrd. Morphology of the llupa Language. 317 a htmL tcit dfl win neL, they told me. 355-11. aduwinnei.de, if anybody says. 267-5. yaxowii.xaii., poinj? alonp they tracked him. 170-5. yadu winner, they said. 361-8. nai wii. xai. te, night will pass. 242-17. natcii. tsii.. moving as he sat. 171-6. xa a wil lei. te, he will do that way. 255-17. xaa winnei.te. it will be that way. 259-18. xa a kyu wil lei. te, he will do that. 211-18. xowiLtcwei. te, who fixes the place. 229-11. xoLtcit du win nei., he kept saying. 141-12. da na wil lai,, it was floating there. 325-3. tco winnei.te, she will think about. 312-3. tcu wil lei.te, he will become. 114-4. B) Following consonants or semi-vowels and forming another syllable. awinnelii.te, it will be. 311-17. a du waniin du witc tcwil Hi. te, she will rub herself. 312-3. oirtsil lii. te, I will know. 272-7. ya wl xaur h?di.te, he will take it up. 295-17. yodu witxiil Hi. te, they will ask for. 296-3. wa nun xf> win nehrii. te. they will talk about. 272-17. wun xu win ne hfrii. te, they will talk about, nawitxusii., he is falling. 152-5. nawitdil liLte, we will visit. 177-2. nanandilliLte, they will live. 343-13. naue wit dil iiiii. te, we will look at. 216-18. no win na h/riL te, he will <;o. 230-1. xa a win ne liLte, that will be done. 229-10. xa kyu witc tee lii.te, from the ground the wind will blow dana kitdu wittceii. te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1. deduau(jr) hirii.de, if they put it in the fire. 273-1. do xo wil lei Hi. te, it will be no more. 217-15. tai win nun ii. de, if he drinks water. 338-7. ta nauir tu hirii. te, I will take out. 267 18. tcexo win nehwii. te, she shall talk. 289-12. 318 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. tcit tu win na hi0iL de, it will pass here. 272-8. ted hire iLte, they will call. 272-11. tco xo wiL tcwel liL te, who will fix the dance place. 211-16. tcu IMCO wil, xul HL te, she will ask for. 311-17. tcu hwo Iwe iL te, they will call. 272-10. Past. A) Following vowels without increasing the number of syllables. yakewel, they carrying loads along-. 110-3. yu wiL xal, mornings. 260-6. wiutchtcal, I am coming. 110-4, 120-16. me ya kyu wiL tel, he sang. 234-1. me kyu WIL tel, the singing. 235-4. min na il dal, around she ran. 153-2. nanaduwaal, (hummocks) rose up. 103-13. na kyu wil wel, he kept them shut up. 97-11. no xo au> hw;il, they kept arriving. 208-1. xa na ya wit tcwal, they dug up along. 181-7. da tcu wit til, she was holding up. 246-12. tcuwaal, he carried along. 257-1. tcu WIL tel, he was bringing. 329-6. tcu wit til, she was holding up. 246-12. kya tu wil tcwel, crying along. 135-10. B) Following consonants or semi-vowels and forming another syllable. a du win nel lil, he said. 235-4. ye nu wil gil lil, it kept getting afraid of. 235-4. yi kyu wit tsos sil, they were sucking. 325-5. naiwitifiil, she looked. 243-5. na wit xus sil, he flew along back. 204-7. xoi yal wil lil, they camped along. 179-12. xoina yal willil, they camped along. 181-6. XOL yaL de wim min il, they filled with them. 153-17. tcit te we in il, he looked about as he went along. 317-4. tcoL sil lil, he knew it. 272-14. tcu wi yun il he, even if he eat. 233-3. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the JIupa Language. ;U9 tcu wiLkyossil, he taking it along. 208-9. kyu win yufi il, you ate along. 121-1. kyu wit tee il, it blew along. 324-7. kyuhiriiii il, I ate along. 120-16. MODAL. -min. This suffix, which is not of frequent occurence, in dicates that the verb which it follows expresses the purpose of some act. yaiLkimmin, to catch. 101-17. ya xo S!L we min, they might kill him for. 278-5. na xoj lik min, to tell you. 226-6. tee in diL min, for them to come out. 102-9. -ne. The more frequent form of the imperative seems to have -ne suffixed to the regular form implying- the duty or moral necessity one is under to do the act. It is said to be used of acts which are to be performed in the absence of the one who directs that they be done. ai niri sin ne, you must think. 208-17. alene, you must do it. 100-18. a du wun din tcwin ne, yourself bathe. 353-7. il le ne, become. 109-6. 6 le ne, become. 109-18. oLtsaine, dry them. 101-4. ullene, do it. 176-7. yeintuLne, you must step in. 209-2. ye 6 ditc dje ne, run in. 299-13. Lenakillane. gather together (things). 192-8. milloine, you must feather (arrows). 207-4. missunxau:ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14. naniLne, they must live. 317-1. na dil le ne, you may become. 166-12. natindlyane, go home. 337-18. nonaujrne, you must put it down. 210-7. no na kin aiur ne, you must leave. 353-10. noil xamr ne, put it. 296-14. nun dil le ne. you may become. 108-3. 320 University of California Publications. [AM. AKCH. ETH. xa a xo le ne. he should do that. 163-2. done lie. let it play. 100-3. do nil git he ne. don t be afraid. 170-15. do nit dje tel tsit ne. don t pet excited ;,not your heart djo kin ne. go ahead. 176-6. tin xauir ne. you take it along. 246-13. teeniuyane. you must go out. 242-1. kyo diL tsots ne. make a kissing noise. 111-7. -hwiiri. To express the intention of briugine about an act or state contrary to the wish of one s self or others -hirun is suffixed to the forms of the definite or indefinite present. a hirii. teit den hrun. he must tell me. 314-11. yu win yiin hirim te. he must eat. 233-2. do iiiir teuir hirun. I won t die. 346-13. donahml westsiiu hirim. I must not be seen again. do ne ya hirim. I can t stay. 348-10. do xoi. me tsa xo win sin hirim. he may have no trouble. 319-14. do xo di yiin hiriin. there won t be many. 308-6. do teis tewiu hiriin. he must not do. 116-15. tasya hirim. one ousrht to go away. 215-8. tcit tan hiriin te. he shall eat. 107-8. tcit teL tewin hirun. he may grow. 34S-6. teo xon des ne hirim. he shall know. 319-13. -il len. This suffix seems by its use to imply that the occur rence was imminent but did not result. ya wuu xiits sil leu. he nearly tiew. 176-13. Le na in di ya te sil len. he got nearly around. 220-6. da win san sil len. he was weak. 346-6. do no nil. tin te sil len. he did not want to leave it. 293-8. do tcit tes ya te sil len. he did not feel like going on. 281-3. te wit qot te sil len nei. in the water it seemed about to tumble. 286-13. tcu win viin sil len te. he eats it seems. 233-3. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 321 -newan. The suffix -newan indicates that, the act is done, but with difficulty. da dil wes a te ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to it. 271-10. dd tcfi xdn neL in te ne wan, you can hardly look at. 138-11. -de. For the expression of future condition -de is employed, a it ya de, if he does. 348-7. auwinnei.de, if it happens. 117-9. axolade, if it happens. 308-1, 5. a den de, if he sings. 2)56-2. adit tein no nil la de, if she puts with herself. 302-10. aduwinnei.de, if anybody says. 267-5. ya win na wiL de, if it raises up. 117-10. yetcu wiLtin de, if they will take them in. 302-7. ydnaLtsisde, who knows. 348-6. meu nahtdi.de, if their time comes. 229-9. na nan deL de. when they come to be. 319-3. (xoideai) naduwiiiade, if they listen. 341-12. uinyade, if they come. 334-10. nit tcu win yiin de, if she eats you. 266-7. xoi kyun tcwin dan ya de, if his stomach is spoiled. 348-7. xo WIL tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 255-7. xiiu ne yeuif de, if I talk. 217-15. xwa wes le de, if he gets enough. 255-16. do a hirii. tcitdende, if he does not tell me. 257-12. do na IL tsun de, they won t find again. 321-10. tai win nun iL de, if he drinks water. 338-7. tanai win nun de, if he drinks. 337-16. tu winnahiriLde, if it comes. 105-12. tee il Lade, he is running along. 220-13. tcehirissu WIL wei.de, if he kills me. 114-3. tcitdende, if he says. 111-7. tcit tes tun de, if he takes along. 317-13. tcittuwinnahirii.de, it will pass here. 272-8. tconaLtsitde, if he knows. 343-6. tcuwiiiyuntei.de, he would eat. 267-17. 322 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. -detc. This suffix, which occurs but a few times, seems to indicate a less probable and more general future condition. a tcin te detc. he must be then. 363-17. wa a IL teL detc. they are going to build. 109-7. tcin nin win detc. if he will bring. 137-5. tcis SCL win detc. if he kills. 139-5. kit tes seox a tcin te detc, smartest he is. 351-12. kit tis seox xoir a tcin te detc, smart he must be then. 363-17. -min in ne. For the expression of the result of supposed con ditions contrary to fact, -min in ne is employed. do da xo attn min in ne, people would never die it would have been. 221-13. Since only the above example of this suffix occurs in "Hupa Texts, the following were obtained from an interpreter. seL tcwin min in ne, I ought to have made it. dd x5 liii tcin nau?r min in ne, he should not go. tcis tcwin min in ne. he ought to have made it. te se ya min in ne, I ought to have gone, te se ya min in ne dedeen nanya tcade. I would go but it rains too hard. te se ya min in ne do nan yai ne en de, I would have gone if it had not rained. INDICATING THE SOURCE OF THE INFORMATION. Certain suffixes are used to show by which of the senses the fact stated was observed, and whether the fact was directly observed or only inferred from evidences. -e. The vowel e, standing by itself or preceded by the con sonant or semi-vowel of the preceding syllable, indicates the ob ject or act is within the view of the speaker. ya kin wen ne, he had carried it off. 163-4. ye nin dil lin ye, they had washed ashore. 267-12. me win ian ne, he stuck to it. 202-7. na wa ye. he went. 230-2, 231-9. nanatlale, it floating. 243-13. nas dil len ne, it had gone back. 234-7. VOL. 3] Goddard. MorpJioloyy of the Ifupa Language. 323 nit te sil lal le, (I wish) you would pro to sleep. 203-1. noinifiyanne, that far they ate. 347-17. no xos le e, he is lost. 185-8. xolunsaanne. there was much. 165-12. da ya win a ye, someone fishing (sitting on something). 119-16. da wil la le, it was floating. 244-6. da nat xiits tse, it lit on. 204-8. do ya xd leu ne, it was gone. 111-11. tcuwillale, they were going along. 222-1. tcuwiiiyaune. he has eaten. 311-11. kewelle, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4. kyo h/ral le, somebody hooking. 106-15. -tsu. When the act is perceived by the sense of hearing or feeling, -tsu or -tse is suffixed to the verb. A) -tsu. an tsu. he heard it cry. 281-13. a xoLtcitdentsu. he heard say. 141-8. a den tsu. singing he heard. 186-12. ya yai wim meL tsu. he heard them kick up their legs. 342-14. na xus din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 191-12 natindiLtsu. he heard them coming home. 329-5. na ka xas din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 165-18. nillintsu, he heard a creek. 111-13. hriL tsu, he heard someone calling. 360-7. xoi de il le tsu, they heard the party war. 332-4. dilwauirtsu, he heard croak. 112-12. du wen nee tsu, it sounded he heard. 144-3. tcit dil wautf tsu, talking they heard. 170-16. tcu wil dar. tsii, he heard him coming. 176-11. kya teL tcwu we tsu, it cry he heard. 204-9. kyu win dil le tsu, they heard it ring. 152-1. kyu win diL tsu, a jingling noise. 293-3. B) -tse. ullotse. hot it felt. 329-12. un kva xo tit wil six. tse. he heard heavy footsteps. 238-9. 324 University of California Publications. E AM - ARCH. ETH. na do weL din tse, I am becoming lonesome for. 176-2. ne IUM; git tse, I feel afraid. 176-5. kiLtutctse, someone splitting logs he heard. 108-5. kis tseL tse, he heard pounding. 170-6. kyo du wiL tsots tse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9. -xo Ian. When the fact stated is inferred from some evidence, -xo Ian is appended to the verb. Since the act is viewed as already completed the verbs often have the force of the pluperfect. The verb Lena nil lai simply states that he built a fire. Either the narrator saw him build it or was told by someone who did see it built. But Lena nil laxolan, 186-1, indicates that the father following his child found the remains of a fire and inferred that his son had built it. A) Suffix immediately following the root. ya ex xus xo Ian, they fell over. 117-17. ye e il ton xo Ian, birds used to jump in. 117-17. wa kin nil lit x5 Ian, they were burned through. 119-3. wa kin nin SCL xo Ian, it was heated through he saw. na na win un xo Ian, he had taken down. 176-17. nanandeLxolan, they had become. 119-12. na ten in xo Ian, you looked it was. 238-6. nakitdiLxolan, he had been playing he saw. 140-10. n5duwintaLxolan, it had made a track he saw. 185-12. Le nal ditc tcwifi xo Ian din, it had grown together place. 281-15. Le na nil la xo Ian, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. xa a it ya xo Ian, the same he found he was. 346-7. xal tcwifi xo Ian, growing up he saw. 319-8. daxoa diyaxolan, he was dead they found out. 175-11. teL tcwen xo Ian, it had grown he saw. 97-18. tcena illin xolan, it used to run. 117-18. 329-16. tcit tcit xo Ian, he died. 347-3. kyu win nan xo Ian, he went to sleep. 347-1. B) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e. Perhaps the acts in this case cause surprise. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the llupa Language. 325 ya kyu \\\\ kyan ne xo Ian, they found they were pregnant. 278-3. menaiylyaiurexolan, it will be eaten down. 356-11. na at lu e xd Ian, it had gone back. 234-11. na in nel le x6 Ian, he played he saw. 186-1. na na is ya e xo Ian, she could walk. 276-11. te le ne xo Ian, it had become. 187-5. tcisseteL wen exolan. he had killed he saw. 186-7. tcit te il qol le xo Ian. it had crawled he saw. 185-12. tcit tes ya ye xo Ian, he was walking along he saw. 185-13. tcu win kya 5 we xo Ian, he had become large he saw. 186-6. -xo lun. This suffix is said to differ from the preceding only in the fact that the evidence is more certain. A) Suffix immediately following the root. ya teyiifi xolun, the}- had eaten. 100-17. wun na isya xolun. be had fixed. 170-10. nanesda xo lun. he was sitting. 270-10. na nit dautr xd lun, it had come back he. 267-7. na xo wil tsit xo lun, it fell. 306-15. out. 272-10. na teL ditc tcwin xd lun, it had grown. 119-10. noi du win taL xo lun, he had made a track. 292-5. xalaxolun, (grass) had grown up. 121-11. dits tse no nil la xo lun, it was pointed. 222-4. do iLtsunte xolun, you can t find it anywhere. 246-6. do tin namr xo lun, he had not gone along. 174-5. ta des deL xo lun. they had come ashore. 101-2. teL tcwin xo lun, it had grown. 306-17. B) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e. ye win ya ye xo lun, he had gone in. 118-5. win a e xolun, it was standing. 363-10. mil. na we nel le xolun. be had been playing with. 292-11. na is dau we a xo lun. it had melted away. 236-1. 326 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. na we nel le xo lufi, he had been playing. 292-13. nas dil len ne xo lun, it had gone back. 235-1. Le mil ditc tcwen ne xo Km, it had grown together. 113-8. sil len ne xo lufi, it had become. 97-4. da yi kin yan e xo lun, (a mouse) has chewed up. 153-15. tas ya ye xo luii, they had gone. 267-14. CONJUNCTIONAL. -hit. The suffixing of -hit to a verb has the effect of making it part of a subordinate temporal clause. ya win tun hit, when he picked up. 202-6. ya ten in hit, when they looked. 104-13. ye na wit ya hit, when he went in. 118-6. yexonunhit, when they ran in. 169-11. ye tcu win ya hit, when she went in. 246-5. wil weL hit, after night. 300-17. naiuwloihit, I tie them up. 247-11. nawitdalhit, when he came. 223-7. na na kis le hit, when he had felt. 106-6. naneLinhit, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15. na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11. no na ta mi hit, when she turned. 245-10. no nil lit hit, when he finished sweating. no ni nun hit, when he finished (when he put it down). xa is xun hit, when she had brought them up. 99-9. xa na is di ya hit, when he came up. 210-12. xoii na is din nufi hit, when he turned around. 278-12. sa win diii hit, when they went out. 322-12. te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4. tceiyinhit, when he stands. 258-1. tee in sit hit, when she woke up. 288-10, 113-8. tee na in di ya hit, when she went down. 325-8. tee nin deL hit, when they came out. 175-11. tcin dis sit hit, when we wake up. 190-4. tcit du wim mite hit, when she broke it off. 287-4. tcit teii in hit, when he looked. 119-16. tcu wit dil lit, as they were going along. 170-8. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 327 -mil.. This suffix has nearly or quite the same force as -hit. The examples given are few because it was usually viewed and recorded as a separate word. a in nu miL, when the sun was here. 332-4. eilwilmii., in a day. 336-7. ye it xa mil., at break of day. 350-14. yit da tcin e a mil., east the sun was then. 364-3. yl tsiiieeamh., west the sun was. 333-4. wil weL mil., after night. 238-8. win sel e miL, when it was warm. 342-7. min nol weL mil., it was midnight. 293-2. xot te dfur hre nim rail., when it was dark. 347-9. sil len mil., nearly after. 319-2. sil lin te mil., nearly was. 293-1. -tsit. This suffix which occurs but once means that the act expressed by the verb to which it is added is to be done before some other contemplated act. kin yun tsit, eat first. 332-6. ADVERBIAL. -he. This suffix emphasizes a negative command or condi tional statement. It is comparable to English, "in the least," or "a bit," or French, "pas," in negative clauses. yik kyu win yan ue he, even if he eats. 267-3. mil, tel lit te he, even if he sweats himself. 337-16. xoi de ai na du win a he, (even if) they listen. 342-13. do a du win ne he, don t say that. 175-1. do a du wun tel wis he, don t be frightened. 356-2. do wit tcwu we he, don t cry. 169-13. do hicu wun nu wit lai he, don t bring them to me. 230-13. tcu wi yun il he, even if he eat. 233-3. -ka, or -uk. These suffixes carry the force of "like," "in the manner of." aiLenka, the way they do it. 227-2. au wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8. a <en ka, the way they do. 231-5. na se daiuk, the way I sat. 290-15. 328 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -xo sin. Neither the context nor the explanation of the inter preters have satisfactorily explained the meaning or nature of this suffix. It seems to have the meaning of "some," "many," or "all." It is possible that it is an old auxiliary verb which has largely lost its force. ai kit in xo sin, (bears) did that. 223-4. wiin nai dii> xo sin xo Ian, hunting had been he saw. 104-11. tsim ma xo sin x, it was quiet. 322-4. kit taL tsit xo sin, they were soaking acorns. 210-9. kit tuk kutc xo sin xo Ian, they had been playing shinny he saw. 140-9. kyoL kis xo sin xo Ian, spearing salmon they had been he saw. 140-11. -xo win sen, -xo win sin. These have the appearance of definite tenses of the preceding. yo xai xo win sen, they all began to buy. 200-3. na kyu we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4. doxoLmetsa xo winsinlm-un, he may have no trouble. 319-14. do XOL me tsa xo win sin te. it will be easy for them. 282-1. tsim ma x5 win sen, the noise stopped. 185-3. tsim ma na xo win sen, the noise stopped. 238-14. tsu ma xo win sin, it was quiet. 306-2. kyadanexo win sen, they commenced to pick. 138-6. ADVERBS. PLACE AND DIRECTION. A) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other parts of speech ; mostly connected with the cardinal points. iL man, both sides. 104-5. yiman, across on the other side. 135-11. yi man yl de, across and down. 271-12. yi man yit de, across to the north. 116-8. yi man ne yi nuk, across to the south. 98-8. yi man ne yi de, across to the north. 117-4. yi man ne yit de, across to the north. 116-5. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 329 ylman ney! tsin, across to the west. 116-14. yi man tcin, on the other side. 270-9. yi man tcin tcin, on the other shore. 135-12. yinatcin, from the south. 98-3. yinuk, south. 112-8. yi nuk a din, farthf * south. 112-3. yinuk kaite, south alon<? it will he. 223-5. yi nuk kai kut tcin, above the creek. 271-6. yi nuk ka yi man, above on the other side. 198-10. yi nuk ken tcin. to the south side. 333-1. yin na tcin, from the south. 121-2. yin ne. in the ground. 106-3. yin nuk. south. 120-4. yin nuk kai yi duk, to the southeast. 141-10. yin nuk kut tcin, up-river on the bank. 226-7. yi da tcin, from the east. 102-13. yi da tcin, north of it. 119-13. yi dee kut tcin tcin, north a short way. 272-4. yi dee din. farther north. 363-5. yi de yi man tcin tcin, down river across. 321-1. ylde tcin tcin. on the lower side. 244-12. yi duk, east. 102-5. yi duk en tcin, above. 272-5. yidukkakai, along the Klamath. 317-2. yi duk ken tcin, above. 244-12. yit da tcin kai, up along. 267-13. yitde, north. 105-1. yit dee, north. 229-11. yit de en tcin. on the north side. 332-9. yit deyi man, down across. 321-8. yltsin, down. 1.89-11. yit tsin, down. 104-4. yi tsin tcin, along: up. 174-6. me xun din, close to. 170-16. mit duk, beside. 245-14. mit iau tcin tcin, on the back side. 102-9. nai, across. 179-7. nai. from there. 265-10. AM. AKCH. KTH. 3, 22. 330 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. na, back. 97-12. naiyinatciii, back from the south. 116-4. nai yi nuk, back south. 271-13. na yin na tcifi, down from the south. 104-9. na yi nuk, south again. 105-6. ne djox, in the middle. 96-10. ne djit, the middle. 241-5. nil. man, each side. 247-4. nil, man ne, each side. 306-8. niL ne djit, a little way from each other. 207-6. niL ne djox, near together. 229-7. nis sa, long way. 151-14. nis sate din, little way. 234-5. nuk kai, along. 106-15. xat, there. 278-8. xoi yi de, down a little. 347-2. xun diii, close by. 170-13. din nun, facing. 136-6. din nufi xo ye tcifi, down the hillside. 272-3. dik gyun, here. 101-13. djena tcifi, up. 166-3. kyafi, is where. 329-4. B) Seemingly derived from demonstrative and interrogative elements. yeu, in the distance. 164-7. yo xo miL, from some place. 270-13. yot, there. 215-1. nai yeu xo miL, from here and there a long way. 209-7. haiyate, here it will be. 105-1. hai ya tcifi, to that place. hai ya tcin te, there it will be. 282-16. hai yox, there. 305-8. hai yot, over there. 226-8. hai yuw- x5 yi duk, up that way. 140-7. hai xat, where. 119-4. hai dai dit din, where. 151-4. hai ta, those places. 179-12. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the llupa Language. 331 dai hiro xo xotr, somewhere. 136-14. dai xddifi xdir. someplace. 204-1. dai dit din van, where. 244-6. dai dit din kl awr, where is it. 286-5. dai do/r hirun, where. 217-8. daiddx, where. 164-17. dai dox xoik ke awr fin, what place. 137-3. da fin hire e, nowhere. 97-1 1 . daximhiree, somewhere. 223-2. deaxota, this place. 101-5. deukiin fediii, this kind of a place. 363-7. denorrkut, to the sky. 137-18. dendir kiit tcin, toward the sky. 137-13. den tcin, this shore. 139-16. de xo, this way. 348-3. de xd tse xiin din. he is close by. 170-7. dedemeuk, here around. 218-2. de de xo man tcin x, ripht across from him. 186-12. c) Containing nouns, or noun-like particles preceded by a possessive. yon yl diik, in the corner. 246-9. yoneyiduk, back of the fire. 220-11. min noii a din, alongside. 100-13. min dai, outside. 158-5. min dai uk, outside. 166-2. min dai tcin din, outside. 207-11. min kiii x, back of the house. 165-18. mitLa, behind. 289-14. mit dai miL, outside from. 238-12. mit daik, outside. 140-6. mikkindiii, at its base. 287-1. mu watc, near. 210-5. muk kus, one side. 311-5. nin tciii, down. 117-10. nin tcin x, ground toward. 306-17. no nin din, at our heads. 190-5. lurim mit dai, outside of my house. 356-9. 332 University of California Publications. C AM - AR CH. ETH. hwit La din, behind me. xo Lan, where he was. 106-3. xo Lan ye, after him. 108-16. xon na kin ta, his eyes below. 230-3. xon nin din, ahead of her. 237-5. xon non ai din, along side of him. 202-2. xon tcin tcin, on the fire side. 307-6. xo dje din, in front of himself. 174-10. D) Derived from adjectives expressing number. a tin min na tse, ahead of all. 307-17. a tin din, all over. 164-1. a tin din, everywhere. 96-5. a tin din miL, from every place. 138-5. La a xo, one place. 100-1. Laata, here and there. 120-16. min Lun xoi, ten places. 229-6. min Liin xo miL, ten places from. 209-8. na La, back. 105-8. E) Formed by means of prepositions. a din neuk tcin tcin, back of her. 307-5. mit ta din, among them. 307-12. mit tis din, farther. 234-4. mik kya tcin, away from it. 100-8. mukkut a x, over it. 242-12. na iL kiit, one over the other. 329-1. niL tcin, toward each other. 294-16. xo tcin a, in front of him. 113-8. xwen neuk kiit tein, at her back. 276-7. tak kiit, bank along. 362-2. to tcin tcin, on the river side. 283-14. to kut fl x, water on. 301-4. tuk a tcin tcin, shore side. 283-16. tuk a tcin tern, toward the land. 314-9. kut fl x, all over. 325-4. F) Made from verbs or conjugated adjectives. iL kyu we din, all over. 365-9. UL kyo we din, everywhere. 228-1. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 333 in. kyu we, all over. 114-3. win te, all the way. 363-9. tin i.uil xweddin, everywhere. 159-4. un Liiii xoi din mil., from everywhere. 230-9. nonau tseteifi, toward the doorway. 166-1. nona wittsedifi. l>v the door. 332-8. TIME AND SEQUENCE. A) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other parts of speech. min nedjoxomii.. after a time. 137-2. mitdiLwa, next. 106-9. nei djox, while. 114-11. hitdjit, then. h/ra ne, always. 157-12. xa, yet. 310-9. xadedun, immediately. 163-18. xaditdun. soon. 176-16. xat, right. 278-8. xat, yet. 151-19. saa, longtime. 140-7. don ka, not yet. 204-4. don ka, before. 342-8. do saa, a little while. 97-3. duiix, again. 104-9. dnn xo, again. 221-12. djo, now. 108-14. ka de, after a while. 111-6. kun, too. 97-6. kut, now. 122-2. kutde, soon. 306-15. kut tin xo lictc, very quickly. 294-1. kut tsiin miL, soon. 157-8. ki ye, again. 98-7. klyedin, again. 217-14. 334 University of California Publications. [ A M. ARCH. ETH. B) Apparently derived from demonstrative and interrogative elements. yu wit din hit un, at last. 222-2. yu din hit, finally. 109-15. yu din hit un, finally. 118-11. hai ya dufi, right at that time. 343-3. hai man, always. 138-12. hai deox, every time. 158-1. da un din, a long time. 174-12. dan, awhile ago. 234-4. da xun hw;6 dun, long time ago. 180-7. deuk au neL din, about this time. 360-7. de xo sin ne mil,, soon. 151-12. de xot tsit, a short time before. 186-9. ded, still. 119-4. ded, now. 101-6. de de un, this time. 137-7. de de xow, every time. 333-4. de do hwa ne, now only. 151-5. de dun, this time. 363-7. ded de x6w, right now. 239-1. det, now. 211-13. det, this time. 217-11. det XOM;, now. 145-13. c) Containing nouns. La a xu Le, all night long. 310-4. Laadjes, all day. 278-2. La djes, every day. 226-2. xu Le, in the night. 175-14. xu Le ei miL, after midnight. 179-3. xu Le dun, in the morning. 122-1. xu Le dun miL, in the morning. 311-5. xu Le dun din, early in the morning. 137-7. xu Le tcin, at night. 336-5. D) Derived from adjectives expressing number. La a, once again. 244-11. La ai ux, at once. 98-2. VOL. 3] Goddard Morphology of the Hupa Language. 335 Laxowin/e, all the time. 186-5. min Liin din, ten times. 216-6. Latsaxolun, many times. 286-10. nadiii, twice. 142-17. E) Formed by means of prepositions. meiik, when. 119-17. mil,, then. 97-3. na miik kai din, last of all. 329-8. namukkai din din, the last one. 113-4. ninnindiii, ahead of you. 111-12. natsedin, first. 112-17. p) Derived from verbs or having verb-like forms. ye du win a miL, pretty soon. 341-2. yis xan mil,, when morning comes. 348-1. yis xan nei, days. 105-8. yis xiiii hit, in the morning. 137-16. yis xun de, to-morrow. 137-14. yis xun din din hit, next night after that. 238-11. wii, dun, yesterday. 175-13. wiLdfmdin, day before yesterday. 246-7. nas da un de, some time ago. 281-12. deuk an nei. din, about this time. 360-7. do IL wut, not all the time. 196-6. dowinsaai, a little while. 115-13. do win sa ai mil., it was not long. 174-8. tseetsdimmiL, in a little while. 294-1. tseetsdin, a short time. 300-11. tseesditdifi, a little while. 266-6. MANNER. A) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other jmrts of speech . il lea xutc, wonderfully. 322-12. il lea xutc hit. wondrously fine. 341-14. r.a ox, as if it were lying there. 356-8. Lax, without reason. 136-14. Laxokya, just like that. 314-11. man, for that reason. 257-4. 336 University of California Publications. I>M. ARCH. ETH. na mis x, in a circle. 244-9. nas don xo, by itself. 351-6. xo, in vain. 98-4. xo djox, really. 235-15. xotsinne wanne, softly. 153-6. xotc, right. 140-4. xotc, safely. 107-8. xote djo xo din, still more. 292-8. xwed fin, how. 174-13. xwed dik kya fin te, how it looked. 210-9. B) Apparently derived from, demonstrative, interrogative, and indefinite elements. hai yux, this way. 296-9. hai yux xo te, the same way will be. 356-9. hai yuk, so. 139-1. hai yuk hit un, this way it was. 366-1. hai yuk ka, that way. 113-15. hai yuk kail, that is the way. 197-6. hai yuk ke, that way. 282-2. dai dik ge auw un, for that reason. 135-4. da hw-ed fin, why. 162-5. daxohi^ee, someway. 116-15. da xo lure e kai he, somehow. 101-10. daxok, bad way. 235-15. daxok, someway. 117-9. daxunh/rooM;, in such a way. 109-11. da xwed na, why do you want him. 221-2. da xwed hit, why. 150-3. daxweddeen, why wouldn t it work. 180-15. da xwed dik kya, how. 223-10. da xwed dik ki aim , how. 116-10. da xwed duk, how. 100-14. da xwed duk kyauw/% how. 281-14. deox, this way. 96-11. deuk, so. 96-12. c) Containing nouns. yi duk a dim mit, belly up. 343-12. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 337 hirikka, my way. 255-4. xoxaimii., on foot. 362-2. D) Derived from a numeral. Luwfinnin, alone. 171-6. E) Made from verbs or conjugated adjectives. a dex xiifi liii, without food. 110-4. a din na tau, not knowing it. 118-16. a /in fl k, like he was doing. 203-3. min na kit del kai, a leg each side. 120-5. nanii. dii. wa, crosswise. 246-12. nittcwinx, ill. 1S1-11. nikyaux, hard. 158-1. nuhfron fl x, properly. 247-11. doneh/ron x, badly. 1W5-12. DEGREE. A) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other parts of speech. a- in a i.iik kai, so white. 347-6. minnedjit, halfway. 115-15. Lax, almost. 104-11. La xon ne en, so much he mourned. 175-12. min ne gits, a little. 101-15. ht^anan, only. 336-11. hwane, all. 164-9. htr a ne he, only. 362-6. htrun, only. 109-12. xoic, about. 199-2. xo djox, more. 189-6. da dit din, worse. 346-10. da diL Lan, more. 238-10. xa- in the following : xauLkyo, that much. 157-12. xa UL kyo x, that much. 346-9. xauiiLuii, so many. 110-12. xaunLun, just as many. 311-15. xaun Lun te, it will be that much. 260-17. 338 University of California Publications. L AM - ARCH. ETH. tiii- in the following words: xo tin iin Lun, even many. 334-10. tin a IL das tse, very heavy. 121-8. tin ai kin te, very long. 283-15. tinistik, was very narrow. 314-2. tin un Lim, very many. 305-1. tin nik kyaux, very much. 338-6. tin tcin hiton, good looking. 220-7. B) Derived from, or resembling in form, the conjugated ad jectives. uLtsa, that far. 311-7. uLkyo, (so) big. 108-18. Lan, much. 192-11. min ne djox UL tsa, half way down that far. 220-4. xon Lun, enough. 322-10. xo da xwed un Lun, how many soever. 307-12. daunhwow, so large. 121-10. da xufi hwow, so. 108-18. do Lan, little. 233-2. ta un hwow, so much. 145-3. ta, xufi laivo 6w;, so large. 276-5. til teox, much. 353-10. ASSENT AND NEGATION. A) Assent. an, yes. 121-1. heiyufi, yes. 102-15, 351-9. he don, at least. 361-8. di ye, yes. 152-14. don, it is. 104-14. kaii, it was. 341-7. ke, let. 104-16. kun nan, I am the one. 205-1. kut don, it is true. 351-9. B) Negation. dau, no. 106-9. dau, not. 118-9. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the 7/cpa Language. 3;J9 PREPOSITIONS. In this case as in many others the order of the Hupa is the reverse of that in English. Not only are the prepositions placed after the nouns they limit, but they follow a pronoun which, uniting with them, forms a single word, -a, for, for the benefit of. yaxwa, for them. 258-8. ma, for it. 215-8. ma, for them. 217-7. na, for you. ne ha, for us. no ha, for you (plu). hira, for me. 107-12, 351-9. xwa, for him. xwa, for them. 110-9. xwa xun, for whom. 165-14. -an, out of. xoan, out of her. 842-8. -e, in. me, in. 96-4, 97-11. me, in it. 101-15. deme, in (in this). 97-11. edin, without, lacking. e din, without. 257-5. xontaedin, house without. 192-14. Compare, mite dje edin, without mind, infant. -u, under, near. meu, under. 106-18, 145-12. meu, beside. 169-4. xoi u, under him. 114-15. xoi u, in front of him. 171-7. teu, under water. 100-7. -ye, at the foot of, under. adlye, under himself. 221-4. mi ye, foot of it. 104-4. mi ye, under. 175-6. xoi ye, before him. 141-1. xoi ye, near him. 150-8. 340 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. -win na, around, encircling. mu win na, around. 104-6. min na, around. 100-11. -wun, to or toward; from. wun, for. 102-8. wun, from it. 190-1. no wun, from us. 162-6,207-11. nuwun, to you. 208-12. hwowun, from me. 106-6. ~hwo wun, to me. 113-16. htt/uwun, from me. 185-8. xowun, to him. 97-1. -lai, on top. mil lai, on top. 166-4, 208-16. Compare the noun, mil lai ye, its end. 159-11. -Ian, with the help of, in the company of. nil Ian, help you. 107-4. nil Ian, with you. 319-6. hwil Ian, help me. 105-17. xol Ian, with him. 319-4. dohw-illan, (nobody) helps me. 107-5. -L, with. iLwaux, with each. 360-2. miL, with. 98-1. mil,, in. 101-7. mL, with you. 275-3. hai miL, of that. 295-4. htdL, with me. 114-11. XOL, with him. 116-6. XOL, with them. de miL, from. 208-11. denohoL, from us. 116-5. -na, after, to get. xonna, for him. 117-1. -naL, in the presence of. hwinnaL, in my presence. 117-13,295-1. xon naL, before him. 97-10, 337-18. VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. ;i4i -nat, around. adinnat, around himself. 121-11. inin nat. around. 104-15. min na. around. 100-11. no nat, us around. 100-11. xon nat. around her. 185-2. -xa. for, after. adoxa, for your stuff. 187-6. muxxa, after it. 97-9,119-14. muxxa, after them. 98-13. noxa, for us. 351-4. noxa, after us. 192-9. noxa, after you. 145-9. xo xa, for him. 140-7. -xuts, beside, near. inin xuts, beside. 118-7. kin xuts, beside her. 118-3. -ta, among. mitta, over. 118-16. mit tax, amongst. 310-10. mitta din, in. 170-10. mit ta din, among. 217-9. -tis, over. mit tis, over. 109-14, 27fi-5. Compare, mit tis, besides. 195-10. xotis, over him. 121-10. xotis, over them. 207-10. -tuk, between. mit tuk, between. 108-9. no tuk, between us. kin tuk kai, sticks between. 99-9. kit te tuk, horns between. 162-2. -ka or -kai, along, through, along the side of. This ending is found with nouns only and is inserted in this place for com parison. 342 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. mintakai, in the woodroom. 182-1. min tsit da kai, out of the smoke hole. 158-7. xoi kyan ai kai ta, his arms (he rubbed) . 347-13. xon na de kai ta, his legs too (he rubbed). 347-14. xonnisteka, his throat down. 118-1. xot tsel kai, from under his arms. 143-4. kai, through. 136-3. kai, along. 139-13. xunnukka, river along. 211-14. -tcin, toward. a dit tcin, to himself. 106-16. a dit tcin, on himself. 175-8, 153-4. me tcin, in. 97-3. mite tcin, to it. 111-15. nintcin, toward the ground. 163-1, 117-10. xotcin, to him. 97-2. xo tcin, toward her. 98-9. xon ta tcin, houses among. 200-2. -tcin a, in front of. mite tcin a, in front of. 96-9, 97-2. xo tcin a, in front of him. 113-8. -ka, or -kai, after, following, muk ka, after. 98-4. muk kai, on their account. 301-12. xo ka, after her. 137-10. xo kai, after him. 96-5, 174-11, 135-10. -kya, -kya tcin, away from. mik kya tcin, away from it. 100-8. mik kya tcin, away from them. 200-1. hicik kya, from me. 266-15. Im-ik kya tcin, from me. 307-7. xoi kya tcin, from them. -kut, -kut tcin, on. iL kut, one over the other. 118-1. muk kut, on. 104-8. muk kut, to it. 145-1. nuk kut tcin, on you. 106-10. VOL. 3] Goddnrd. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 343 kirikkiittciii, on me. 105-18,162-14. xoxiit. on him. 159-10,165-5. xokuttcin, 163-15. kut, on. 97-13, 159-7. kuttcin, on. 195-4. CONJUNCTIONS. The conjunctions in Hupa seem to be made from demonstra tives, or adverbs derived from demonstratives. They usually end with the syllable -ufi. There is {rood reason to believe that its absence is an omission due to rapid speech. hai iiii, and. 116-2. haiyai., and (perhaps for hai ya mil.). 96-4. hai yaL uii, and (perhaps for hai ya mil. un). 97-13. hai ya mil., and. 96-6. haiyamiLun, and. 96-2. hai ya hit djit ufi, and then. 96-5. haiyadetc, and then. 257-3. INTERJECTIONS, a, 138-12. a 161610, 109-17. e, 105-15. ewak, poor fellow. 187-1. i, 181-10. ul 16, hot, a cry of pain from a burn. 329-9. ullo, hurts. 153-14. ye, 209-11. ye he, 223-1. wu, (call for deer). 195-5. wut te, (imitation of the call of a bird) . 100-5. he, 204-13. xe, 337-9. xei, 241-7. dol, (imitation of the sound of a blow). 144-3. dul, 108-16. djo, take it. 111-8. tso, 153-12. ka, (imitation of the call of the crow). 114-7. 344 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH. CONCLUSION. After an extended examination of the Hupa language, it is apparent that a language having the most elaborate morphologi cal structure is not essentially different from an isolating lan guage like English which has no morphology. In both, the simple speech elements have a fixed order of sequence in the sentence. In neither case does the element itself have independ ent value. Complete groups of elements are required to ex press thought. The mind seizing upon these groups classifies, them according to the analogy of their form and meaning or function. In one case, the conjugation is composed of morpho logical groups, in the other of syntactical groups. The difference is, in part, artificial, due to the method of writing the languages. In English, I love him, is written, but I-lov-im, is spoken. No doubt one who should attempt to write English from hearing it spoken, without a knowledge of the ac cepted English orthography, would write many sentences as single words. The real difference lies in the greater degree of phonetic assimilation, in the one case, which has taken place be tween the sounds brought into contact by the fixed sentence order, and the greater vividness, in the other, in which the mind holds certain speech elements as giving a particular meaning to the completed group. The Hupa verb seems to be nothing else than a complete sen tence, the parts of which have become, or always were, fused to gether. 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