5767 nv^zi A A JCSOU 1 1 1 9 5 q THERNREGIO \IAL LIBRARY FA 3 CILITY ^A REPROACH TO CIVILIZATION A TREATISE ON THE PROBLEM OF THE UNEMPLOYED AND SOME SUGGESTIONS FOR A POSSIBLE SOLUTION. By E. F. G. hatch, M.P. PRICE 1/- NET. 190G. Printed and Fvblished by WATERLOW AND SONS LIMITED, LOXUON WALL, LONDON. l - ^^^^ferr^ \ ^ VIEWS ON THE "iiMCMninvcn" nonDi cm. H-^ UNEMPLOYED" PROBLEM: ^,^^ \ A POSSIBLE SOLUTION. By E. F. G. ^ATCII, M.P. , ♦ , ANTIQUITY OF THE QUFSTION. ui *" " The Unemployed," as a phrase, used to 2c designate a particular class, has not been in £ use for more than twenty years ; the class itself is as old almost as organised government in this country. In the ancient statutes we con- stantly get glimpses of the difficulties with which 9 our present day civilisation is still struggling. ^ Laws directed to the relief of the impotent ^ poor were passed during the reign of the a Plantagenets, and confirmed by early Tudor legislation. Efforts were made to organise the contributions of the Church and the alms of the charitable, but at the same time to suppress vagrancy and idleness. Benevolence was thus curiously blended with Draconian severity ; on z the one hand license to beg from the charitable § was given to those who were disabled by age or infirmity; on the other, enactments of the 3H4667 • .♦ ••• • .f2 .-' • • harshest description were provided against " strong beggars, persons whole and mighty in body," the offence of vagrancy being sub- jected to the barbarous penalties of slavery, mutilation and death. EAKLY POOR LAW LEGISLATION. It was not until the reign of Elizabeth that more humane and consistent principles were introduced. In a famous statute*, which is the foundation of our modern Poor Law system, the whole administration of the relief of the plwr was systematised. The leading feature of the Act was a classification of per- sons entitled to relief under three heads, and the provision of work under certain specified conditions. In the first place the Churchwardens and Overseers were charged to take measures " for setting to work the children of all such whose parents shall not be thought able to keep and maintain their children ;" secondly, " for setting to work all such persons, married or unmarried, having no means to maintain them, and using no ordinary or daily trade of life to get their living by;" and thirdly, "'for the raising of competent sums of money for stewards, the necessary relief of the lame, impotent, old, blind, and such others among them, being poor and not able to work." ♦The 43rd Elizabeth. POOR LAW ABUSES. Following the Elizabethan leg-islation came laws intended to strengthen the system set up by it, l^ut for the most pare having the contrary effect. The labour test fell into disuse, and all sorts of evils crept into the administration. Some of the worst of them followed upon the hnv known as Gilbert's Act and passed in 17^'2. This enactment vested the ad- ministration of relief in the Justicesand a Board of Guardians appointed by them. It provided that only impotent persons and children were to Vje sent to the Workhouse. In the case of those willing to work but unal)le to find it, it was decreed that suitable work should Ije found in the pari.sh. The law was well intentioned, but it had reckoned without the weakness of human nature, Its effect was not to curtail pauperism, but to create it, and the " un- employed," under regulations which practically supplemented wages out of the rates, multi- plied alarmingly. Towards the end of the eighteenth century an attempt wasmadeto limit the abuses by a system subsequently known as the " Speenhandand " system, from the fact that it was first introduced in Speenhandand in IJerkshirv'. Its main objcct^ was to fix a mininumi wage for the industrious poor, the basis of calculation being the price of the quartern loaf and the size of the labourer's 1 \ family. The system was widely adopted, and for some years Poor Eates were regularly employed to supplement wages. The consequences, however, were disastrous. " In some places rents as well as profits were almost swallowed up in rates. Landlords began to pull down cottages in order to get rid of paupers. The working population sank lower and lower into physical and moral degradation. The tra- ditional thrift, independence, and industry of the working classes seemed in a fair way to disappear. It became more profital)le for a workman to be a pauper than to remain independent."* Such was the })osition when the eighteenth century closed. THE EARLY NINETEE^;TH CENTUEY TEOUBLES. The early years of the nineteenth century were times of national anxiety and financial difficulty. The great war in which the country was engaged against Napoleon taxed to the utmost the nation's resources. When at Waterloo his overthrow was accomplished, the United Kingdom found itself saddled with a vast debt of over £800,000,000, the payment of interest on which absorbed nearly half the total revenue of the country. The condition of the people was never worse. * " Local Government in England," by Redlich and Hirst. Vol. I., p. 104. Bread was at famine rates and trade greatly embarrassed. " There was a surplus of lal)our in every department of human exertion," Mr. Brand* declared in Parliament at the end of March, 1816. Speaking especially of the agri- cultural population, he said, that " the poor in many cases abandoned their own residences. Whole jmrishes had been deserted ; and the crowd of paupers increasing in numbers as they went from 2:)arisli to parish spread wider and wider this aw^ful desolation." Discharged soldiers and disbanded militiamen swelled the rank-; of indigence. If the unhappy wanderers crowded totlie cities they encountered bodies of workmen equally wretched, wholly deprived of work, or working at short time upon insuffi- cient wages.! BREAD RIOTS. Terrible l^read riots broke out in various j)arts of the country. " In Suffolk," says Ilan-iet Martineau in her " History of England during the Thirty Years' Peace," " nightly hres of incendiaries began to blaze in every district ; threshing machines were broken or burnt in open day ; mills were attacked. At Brandon, near Bury, large bodies of laljourcrs assembled to prescribe a maxinunn ])rice of grain and meat, and to pull down the houses of butchers ♦Hansard. Vol. XXXIIL, p. 671. t " History of England during the Thirty Years' Peace," Vol. I., p. 3. 6 and bakers. They bore flags with the motto ' Bread or Blood '." In the Isle of Ely owing to the terrible distress, there were even more serious po})ular upheavals. As a result of them thirty-four persons, convicted by a Special Commission, were sentenced to death, and five of them were actually executed. DISTRESS IN THE MANUFACTURING DISTRICTS. In the manufacturing districts the pinch of w^ant was felt with equal severity, though it did not })roduce such untoward manifestations. One body of colliers, thrown out of work at Bilston by the stoppage there of the ironworks, took the singular resolution of setting out for London for the purpose of sul^mitting their distresses in a petition to the I^rince Regent, and presenting him with two waggons of coal which they drew along with them. Tlie Home Ofiice sent out a detachment of pohce, and the petitioners were induced to return before tiiey had passed St. Albans. They received pay- ment for their coal and accepted also some charitable contributions. The genuine charac- ter of their distress was illustrated by the inscription they bore on their banner — " Willing to work, but none of us to beg." It reflected the true spirit of the working classes of that period. Certain industries were affected witli particular severity in this industrial crisis. " The distresses of the workmen in the iron trade," says the authority from whicli I have already quoted, "were ([uite appalling. Utter desolation prevailed in districts where iron- works had been suspended. 'Ilie workmen in these districts used to be surrounded by many comforts. They had saved money. * '■' '^ The factories were shut up ; the furnaces ])lown out ; the coal pits closed. Then the neat cottages, where hundreds of families had lived in comfort, were gradually stripped of every article of furniture ; the doors of these once cheerful dwellings were barred ; the families were wandering a]:>out the country seeking for that relief from private charity which the parishes could not supply them." " The wages of artisans, who had the fortune to find employment, were very low, and, to quote an instance, the case of the conmion weaver was particularly hard. In 1802 he earned 13s. lOd. per week; in 1S06 the wages had fallen to 10s. 6d. ; in 1808 to 6s. 7d. ; in 1812 to 6s. 4d. ; in 1816 to 5s. 2d. ; and in 1817 stood as low as 4s. S^^d. per week. Deduct from this Is. per week for the expense of the loom and the j)oor weaver got only 3s. 3^d. a week to keep himself and family."* At Macclesfield, Manchester, and other *"Hi8toty of British Commerce," by Leone Levi, pp. 149-150. centres, the distress was so deplorable that extensive relief measures had to be adopted, and a considerable part of the population sub- sisted for a time on public charity. The agonised cry which went up awakened a profound feeling of sympathy even in the highest circles, and on July 2.3th, 1816, a great meeting was held at the City of London Tavern under the presidency of the Duke of York for the relief of those who were suffering so acutely from want of employment. Then, as in more recent times, the relief raised was devoted to ends which are econo- mically unsound. The mistakes made, Harriet Martineau says in her book, would be matter for ridicule if they were not so awful in their delusions. " In 1816 * hand corn- mills were recommended for the employment of the poor, to supersede the labour of the miller ; and women, and even men, were actu- ally employed to shell beans in the lields, to supersede the more profitable labour of the thresher. Minor schemes were recommended in London and authoritatively published to the world as remedies foi' the absence of profitable employment. Of these, the most notable were the making of cordage out of hop l)ines and weeds ; the gathering of rushes to manufacture candles from the grease pot ; the plaiting of baskets out of Hags, and the *" Histor/ of England during the Thirty Years' Peace." Vol. I., p. 44. 9 mixture of fire balls out of clay and cinders to supersede coals Even the soup kitchens which in 1816 were set up through the country to avert starvation had their evils. The recipients of the benevolence were dis- contented with its limited amount. x\t Glasgow some imaginary insult offered by a doler of soup to the more unfortunate of that large community stung the people to madness ; the soup kitchen with its coppers and ladles was destroyed ; the outrage swelled to riot ; and for t^vo days the populous city was exposed to a contest between the soldiers and the mob." The Poor Law returns of the period also reveal the acuteness of the crisis through which the country passed. The Poor Kate,* which in 1785 stood at £1,912,000, grew by heavy annual additions, until, in 1817, it reached the appalling total of £7,870,000. The greatest increase was in the year after Waterloo. During that period the amount raised was just five times as great as it had been in the previous five years. CAUSES OF THE DISTPESS. What were the causes of this terriljle destitution ? Firstly, no doubt, the failure of the harvest. " While the landowners were demanding more protection and passing new *Mnlhairs Dictionary of Statistics, p. 110. 10 laws for limiting the .siqjply of food," Harriet Martineau says, " the heavens lowered, intense frosts prevailed in February, the Spring was inclement, the temperature of the advancing summer was unusually low, and in July incessant rains and cold stormy winds com- pleted the most ungenial season that had occurred in this country since 1799." In ■January the average price of wheat was 52s. 6d. ; in May it was 76s. 4d. * * * The prices of grain in England rapidly rose after July, and at the end of the year, rye, barley and beans had more than doubled the average market ])rice of the beginning ; wheat had risen from 52s. (Jd. to l()3s.* A second cause was over-production by the manufacturers, who at the end of the war, in anticipation of a heavy demand for their goods, had flooded the Continent with exports for which they got little return. The third, and greatest cau^e of the mis- cliief, was unquestionably the serious depletion of the country's cai)itnl during the exhausting- wars in which it had been almost continuously engaged for a long period of years. The enormous expenditure of the country, which amounted in the year of Waterloo to the huge aggregate of £112,917,042, and which jjrought the National Debt from £247,874,434, in 1793, the first year of war, to £8(31,968, 483 in 1815, * Rttnrn Public InfoiiH; aiiil Exprndituic I'ail TT., pp. 49 and 305. u was a drain upon the sources of industry which produced the inevitable result of pro- found depression in the labour market. The point IS well brought out by Professor Leone Levi in his great work.*' '* There is," he says, " one unalterable law as regards wages. They depend on capital. However fertile the soil, however favourable the position of the country, however great the extent of territory, unless there be sufficient capital on hand to maintain labour nothing can be done." He shows in a foot-note how greatly the reserves had been affected l)y the demands of w^ar, and how trade responded to the influences of peace. In 1814, the amount of property subject to legacy duty was £27,299,806 ; ten years later it was £35,852,82-t. The estimated entire value of personal property in 1814 was £1,200,000,000 ; in 1824, the figure was £1,500,000,000. DLSTRESS THE OlilGIN OF THE CORX LAW REPEAL AGITATION. It is a noteworthy fact, and one which deserves to be specially emphasised at this Juncture, that a direct result of the extreme destitution which followed the close of the Najwleonic wars was the starting of the agitation which, carried on with varying fortunes through a series of years, finally led '■" History of British Commerce, p. 150. 12 to the repeal of the Corn Laws and the adoption of the present Free Trade system. The Act of 1815 which allowed the importation of grain free of duty when the price was more than 80s. per quarter, gave nobody satisfaction. It left the landowners dissatisfied because foreign corn was admitted at all, and it fell short of the desires of the manufacturers who wanted unrestricted importation. In practice, moreover, it worked l)adly. To adopt the words of the Select Committee* which sat in 1821 to consider the state of Agriculture, *' the system was liable to sudden alterations ; on the one hand it deceives the grower with the false hope of a monopoly, and by its occa- sional interruption may lead to consequences which deprive him of the benefits of that monopoly when most wanted ; on the other hand it holds out to the country the prospect of occasional Free Trade, but so regulated and desultory as to baffle the calculations and unsettle the transactions both of the grower and dealer at home, Huskisson is suj)})osedt to have been the author of this report, and it was his admission into the Cabinet in 1823, follo\\'ing upon his strenuous advocacy of Free Trade views, which gave the first definite stamp to the great movement for the " emancipation of trade." * Report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons on the Deprcssod Statr oi Agriculture, 1831. t " History of England during tho Tliirty Years' Peace." Vol. I., p. 327. 13 Even earlier than this, in May, 1820, a petition had been presented to the House of Commons from the City of London. This memoralile document was prepared by William Tooke, and signed by many thousands of the leading citizens of London ; it embodied a broad and lucid statement of the Free Trade position in language little different from that employed by Free Traders in these days. It was the first formal and definite pronouncement from the mercantile community in favour of the removal of restrictions upon trade, and unquestionably it had been inspired by the years of distress and unemployment through which the country had passed. One passage may be quoted as bearing upon the subject under discussion : — " That an investigation of the effects of the destructive system at this time is peculiarly called for, as it may, in the opinion of the petitioners, lead to a strong presunq^tion that the distress which now so generally prevails is considerably aggravated by that system ; and that some relief may be obtained by the earliest practicable removal of such of the restraints as may be shown to be most injurious to the capital and interests of the comnmnity and to be attended with no compensating benefit to the public revenue."* * " Canning's Speeches." Vol. II., p. 493. 14 The importance attaching at the time to this petition is clear from the remarks of Huskisson, who quoted the (h)cument in a debate in the House of Commons on Feliruary 24th, 1826, on the subject of the state of the Silk Trade. In the course of his speech he said : — " Why do I lay so much stress u})on this petition ? For the purpose of showing, first, tliat if the Government have pursued this course,'"' we have done so, not on the recommendations of visionaries and theorists, but of practical men of business ; secondlti, that the merchants of the City of London - the great mart of the commerce and wealth of the country — felt convinced in 1 820, that the distress of that period was greatly asrorravated bv the narrow and short-sighted system of restrictions and prohibitions which then prevailed ; and that in their judgnient, the alleviation, if not tlie cure of this distress was to be sought for in the removal of those restrictions and prohi])itions." We may take it, I think, from this that the distress which so widely prevailed in the period after th(> battle of Waterloo was mair.ly attributable to the depletion of capital caused * Mr. Morley, in his " T-ife of Cobden," says (Vol. I., p. 16'21 — " Huskisson's legislatiuu from 1823 to 182.') reduced the taritt' of duties upon almost every article of foreign manufacture. This .stamped that date, in Cobden's words, as the era of a commercial revolution more important in its ettcets upon society, and pregnant with weightier onseciuences in the future, than many of tlioso political revolutions which have commando 1 inlinitelv gnatcr attention from historian-."' 15 by the war. To this must be added the effect of protective legishition, which hampered trade and brouglit the food of the people to famine rates, and niucli the same reasons may be assigned for the revival of distress which occurred in 1826. The crushing charges for debt pressed hardly on the nation, and the country was still under the spell of the delusion that protection spelt prosperity. THE BUKDEN OF THE POOE LAW. In the agg)'avation of the poverty of the country at this period and during the subse- quent years a further factor of no small im- portance was undoul^tedly the Poor Law. An enormous burden of rates choked and throttled industry and increased the general demoralisation. " Here," says Harriet Martineau, " was this enormous tax l)ecoming ruinous by annual increases — less production from the land, less industry among the labourers, more vice, more misery, riots by day, fires by night, the stout heart of England sinking and likely to be soon broken ; and all from the existence of a Poor Law system for whose rejieal or alteration there was no po})ular demand." Again, the same writer further on says, " The Poor Kate had become public spoil. The ignorant believed it an inexhaustible fund which belonged to them. To obtain their share, the l)rutal bullied tXu) IG administrators ; the idle folded their arms and waited until they got it ; ignorant boys and girls married on it ; poachers and thieves ex- torted it by intimidation ; County Justices lavished it for popularity, and guardians for convenience. As to its source — it came, more and more every .year, out of the capital of the shopkeeper and the farmer, and the diminished resources of the country gentle- men. The shopkeeper's stock and returns dwindled as the farmer's land deteriorated and the gentlemen's expenditure contracted." It is" a terrible description, and we may believe not an exaggerated one. A French Commission which came over to England about this time to investigate the Poor Law system described it as 'Hhe great political gangrene of England, which it was ecjually dangerous to meddle with or let alone."* It was, however, meddled with, and. with success. In 1832 the memorable Poor Law Commission held its investigations and following upon them came the passing of the Poor Law Act of 1834, which settled the administi'ation of the I*oor Law on lines which in the main ol)tain to-day. THE LESSONS OF THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTUKY DISTRESS. I have gone at some length into these events of the early part of the last century * " History of England during the Thirty Years' Peace." Vol. II., p. 74. 17 because they yeeni to me to liave some useful lessons and warnings for us to-day. First, it is shown that the primary effect of war is to (h-ain the country of capital and that in conse- quence trade is adversely affected, and the channels of employment thereby dried up ; secoudli/, it is demonstrated that protection so far from mitigating the evils of unemployment has a tendency to aggravate them ; and, thirdly, it is made clear that the use of public funds to supply work for the workless may be a very dangerous source of demoralisation. These points, it appears to me, all require to be emphasised at the present moment when the old fallacies which our ancestors laid aside half a century ago are being paraded as new truths. AFTER THE PASSING OF THE POOR LAW ACT OF 1834. The passing of the Poor Law Act of 1834 removed some of the evils of the old system, and to that extent l)rought relief ; l)ut the causes of the distress were too deep for any purely social legislation to be really effective. The Corn Laws constituted an insuperable barrier to improvement. Largely as a conse- quence of their action there was a renewal of the distress in 1838, and during that and several of the succeeding years the con- dition of affairs was very, serious. In August, 18 1838, wheat went up to 77s. per quarter, and the general conditions were bad. " There was," says Mr. Morley,* " every prospect of a wet harvesting ; the revenue was declining, deficit was becoming a familiar word, i)au})er- ism was increasing, and the manufacturing population of Lancashire were finding it ini- jDOssible to support themselves, because the landlords and the legislation of a generation of landlords insisted on keeping the first necessity of life at an artificially high rate." It was this period of distress that lent strength to the agitation for Repeal and brought about the final overthrow of the obnoxious laws. These terrible years which preceded the passing of the Act for the Repeal of the Corn Laws were a period which will long be remembered in the social history of Euiiland. We get vivid glimpses of the serious condition of the country in the chronicles of the pei'iod. In Carlislef an oflicial Committee of enquiry reported that a fourth of the population was in a state bordering on starvation. In the woollenj districts of Wiltshire, the allowance to the inde[)endent labourer was not two thirds of the miniiiiion in the workhouse ; nnd the large existing population consumed only a fourth of the bread and meat required by the nuich smaller population of 1820. In * Morley's " Life of Cobden." Vol. I., p. 162. t " Spectator," 1842, p. 27. J " Idem," 1842, p. 32. 19 Stockport* half the master spinners had failed before the close of 1842 ; dwelling houses to the number of 3,000 were shut up, and the occupiers of many hundreds more were unable to pay rates at all. Five thousand persons were walking the streets in compulsory idle- ness, and the Burnley guardians wrote to the Secretary of State that the distress was far beyond their management, and in response to their appeal a Government Commissioner and government funds were sent down with- out delay. " Atf a meeting at Manchester where humble shopkeepers were the speakers, anecdotes were related which told more than declamation. Rent collectors were afraid to meet their principals, and no money could be collected. Provision dealers were subject to invasions from a wolfish man, prowling for food for his children, or for a half frantic woman with her dying l^aby at her breast ; or from parties of ten or a dozen desperate wretches, who were levying contributions along the streets. ... A provision dealer used to throw away outside scraps of bacon, but now respectable customers of twenty years' standing l)ought them in pennyworths to moisten their potatoes. These shopkeepers contemplated nothing but ruin from the impoverished condition of their customers. * " Spectator," 1842, p. 537. t" History of England during the Thirty Years' Peace." Vol. IT., p. 521 . 20 While rates were increasing beyond all jDrecedent, their trade was only one-half, or one-third or even one-tenth what it had been before." At Leeds* the pauper stone lieaj) amounted to 150,000 tons and the Guardians offered the paupers 6s. per week for doing nothing, rather than 7s. 6d. per week for stone-breaking. The mill- wrights and other trades were offering a premium on emigration to induce their hands to go away. At Hinckley, one-third of the inhabitants were paupers ; more than a lifth of the houses stood empty, and there was not enough work in the i)lace to employ properly one-third of the weavers. In Dorset- shire a man and his wife had for wages 2s. 6d. per week and three loaves, and the ablest labourer had 6s. or 7s. Such was the condition of the country at this period, which from its character came to Ije known as " The Hungry Forties." Beyond question it was the overwhelming sense of the suffer- ings of the people in these years which gave the propulsive force to the agitation for the re23eal of the Corn Laws which carried the great movement onward to the final triumph. After this there were many trade vicissi- tudes, as there nuist be in a commercial com- munity whose ojjcrations are world wide, but there was no marked general depression until *" Spectator," 1812, p. C30. 21 1858, when owing to a variety of causes, not the least of which was the l^urden imposed by the Crimean AVar, there Avas a considerable lack of employment. The position is well illustrated by the figures given in the second of the recent Board of Trade jiublications relat- ing to British and Foreign Trade and Industrial Conditions (pp. 90 and 91). There we find that during the year the percentage unemployed in the Engineering, Shipbuilding and Metal Trades was as liigli as 1*2'2, and that the general percentage for all Trade Unions in- cluded in the returns was 11 '9. EECENT CAUSES OF UNEMPLOYI^IENT. The various causes by which, in the past, employment has been adversely affected have been ah'eady noted ; from these, apart from the effects of the South African War, we are at the moment happily fi'ee, but there are other antagonistic conditions which have made their intluence felt. Among these may be enumei-- ated monetary stringency and foreign com- petition, and the change in industrial condi- tions has also, beyond question, had a marked effect in making the position of the labouring classes, or at all events of a section of them, m')re precarious. In his able review of the unemployed question, Mr. Percy Alden* points * "The L'ncmploj-ed. A National Question." V>y Vvwy Alden, M.A. 22 out the effect of modern legislation, such as the Factory and the Employers' Liability Acts. These measures, absolutely necessary though they have been, " have tended to shorten the years of full efficiency in the opinion of the employer, with the result that in times of depression consequent on a glut in the market, thousands of surplus labourers past the prime of life, or below the average standard in some respect, are thrown on the streets, and com- pete with one another for the chance of a day's work in the docks, or in any industry where casual labour is emi)loyed." Another disadvantage which presses heavily on the unemployed springs from the decay of the apprenticeship system which has tended to lessen the percentage of skilled workmen in the community, and to swell the number of those who are mere hewers of wood and drawers of water. It is a moot point whether this failure of the s}stem of craft training, coupled with the neglect of technical education in the past, is not one of the most potent forces in producing the in- dustrial demoralisation which is so much deplored. The expert craftsmen may tem- porarily be thrown out of work, but if he be not absolutely degenerate he readily recovers his position when trade again improves. Not so the helpless uninstructed worker. As his capacity is limited so also is his opportunity. 23 Discouraged by repeated efforts to obtain employment, he sinks lower and lower, until he finally adds a unit to the great army of the unemployable. THE UNEMPLOYED QUESTION SINCE 1885. It was in 1885 that the existence of an un- employed class in the modern acceptation of the term came to be prominently recognised. The serious disturbances in London in that year focussed public attention upon the prol^lem, and since then it has ever been to the front. It w^ould be idle to detail here all the move- ments, ameliorative and deliberative, which have accompanied the discussion of the (pies- tion. The record of them is written large upon the social history of the past twenty years. Generally it may be said that though money has been at times poured out like water, and sometimes as idly, and though the best thought of the country has been devoted to the matter, we are still as far as ever from a solution of the difficulty. The Government measure of last Session — of which much was expected by its promoters — ^is practically still-born. The machinery provided has been set up after a fashion, but there is an air of unreality about the whole proceedings, and no one anticipates that it will do more than fill a gap until some practical project is forthcoming. Even Her Majesty the Queen's gracious action in raising 24 Mil Uiieiiiploycd Fund, so chamcteristic' of her tender solicitude for the poor, cannot avail much against the economic forces which are at work. The time has gone by, if it ever existed, for voluntary benefactions to })e effective. Something more is needed if tlie depressed classes are ever to be lifted from the terrible slough into which, by a variety of adverse cir- cumstances, they have of necessity been driven. IIEMEDY FOR UNEMPL0Y:\IENT.— PRINCIPLES OF ACTION. What are the principles which should guide us in dealing with this most difficult question ? Fii'^L it would n})pcar to be imperative that there shall be no infringement of the un- altera])le economic laws which govern industry; no doing a little tempoiary good at the expense of permanent mischief ; no pauperisa- tion of the community In doles which cany with them the seeds of demoralisation ; no s<[uander- ing of effort on unproductive labour which destroys self-res})e(^t and efhciency without accomplishing anything beyond the creation of an excuse for the payment of wages. Sf'cdiidlii, that any scheme which is intro- duced shall be of a gcMieral character att'ecting the whole of the kingdom and not merely a part of it; that it shall be i)ermanent in its o})eration, and ready at all times to do the 25 \yoi'k which it is designed to do witliout a greater driving force than it carries in its own constitution. Thirdly, and this i)erhaps is most iniijort- ant of all — that there shall be no interference with established industry ; that labour shall not be diverted from existinsj channels bv the creation of a system which will, either directly or indirectly, act as an attractive force to any who do not strictly belong to the unemployed class ; and that it shall have no retaining power even for that class when their labour may again find an outlet in the op?n market. STATE AID A NECESSITY. These, I think ir will be generally agreed, are first principles to which, if the direct end is to be reached, there must be rigid adherence. The question is are they compatible with the creation of a practical scheme ? I may be over sanguine, but I think they are. To achieve success, however, we must sacrifice one of our cherished prejudices — the belief that the State must have no part in providing work for the Avorkless. The case I am desirous of putting forward is grounded on the assumption not only that the State may interfere, but that it must interfere if permanent good is to result. Kank Socialism ! I seem to hear some of my readers exclaiming. That may l)e so, but the circumstance does not dismuv me. '* We 26 are all Socialists now," exclaimed the late Sir William Harcomt on a memorable occasion. He was right. Om' recent legislation has been nothing but Socialistic. Free Education, Employers' Liability, and Workmen's Com- pensation are all interferences by the State in domains which once were regarded as quite outside the province of popular government. Nor need we look entirely to modern history for proof of the Socialistic tendencies of the administration. What is oar Poor Law, which, as we have seen, goes back in its present form to the days of Elizabeth, but ])ure Socialism ? The support of the needy, under that system, became the charge of the community. It is the decree of the Statutes that the money of the State shall be supplied in order that no man, woman or child, if destitute, shall suffer want or privation. If it be fitting and right thus to provide food and maintenance under proper restrictions, it must be wholly illogical to stamp the provision of work by the State under similar conditions as an economic crime. STATE AID PREJUDICED BY VISIONARY PROPOSALS. There can l)e no doubt that the question of State Aid for the unemployed has been seriously prejudiced by wild and visionary schemes put forward by Socialists, to set uj) Government workshops for the provision of em- 27 ployoieiit for all wIkj demantled it, altogether apart from their capacity or suitability. So persistently have these crude views been advocated that State action for the relief of the unemployed is generally believed to mean that the Government would at any time provide work, irrespective of its utility, to any who might ask for it. THE ATELIERS NAXIONAUX. Any policy bearing such an interpretation would be preposterous, and in combating the idea the dangers with which it is pregnant have been forcibly put forward by Mr. Morley. Speaking at Walthamstow^ on the 20th of November last, he said* : — ■ " There is talk now of the provision of national work. But in 1848 they had a scheme of national workshops in Paris. Everybody who came was inscribed, got work, or at any rate got pay. They set up works — rather sham works — and at the end of a very short time, a few weeks, the pay-roll had risen up to the tune of two million pounds sterling. It came out of the pockets of the people of the country. They withdrew men from private employment to go on to these public works until they had got the formidable number of one hundred thousand men upon * Keport in the "Daily News" of Nov. 21st, 1905. 28 them. Industry was dislocated, finance was dilapidated, character — and this, to my mind, is the most serious of all — character was deteriorated, and it ended in a most bloody and terrible catastrophe." jNIr. INIorley, of course, was referring to the Ateliers Xationaux which were perhaps the most striking manifestation of the revolu- tionary movement which swept Louis Philippe from the throne. This instrument of Republi- can propagandism affords a powerful (^xample of the evils wdiich State aid would engender if it were permitted to run riot. The Ateliers Nationaux were set up in a time of national fermentj largely, if not entirely for the pro- motion of political ends. It was about as crude and undigested an experiment as it is possible to conceive. There was neither method nor reason in the arrangements. A huge army of men was gathered together ))y the proclamation of the joyous tidings thatem})loy- ment would l)e universally provided, and was set to work upon futile labour without a ghost of an idea of wOiat the ultimate end of the system was to l)e — what in fact it w^as bound to be. The evil effects, however, of such a system,, and the catastrophe in which it ended is no evidence that State aid under wise control is inherently vicious in ])rinci])le- — it is not even an indication that such mii>lit be the ease.. 20 It is a warning of what should be avoided, and if this be properly taken to heart, there is nothing to prevent the relief of the unemployed being carried out under Government super- vision, and largely at the cost of the country, on ])rinciples which are thoroughly sound. BRITISH PRECEDENT FOR STATE INTERVENTION. For my own part if I am to l^e guided by any precedent I prefer to select one of more recent date, and established nearer home than this episode in French history. It seems to me that we have in the operations of the Irish Congested Districts Board, and the measures that preceded and accompanied the establish- ment of that authority, a perfect vindication of the principle of State assistance of the unemployed and depressed sections of the population. Let me recall what were the circumstances which led to the setting up of the Board. The year 1890 was one of terrible distress in the West of Ireland. The potato crop, which was the staple support of the population, was an entire failure, and the unfortunate inhabitants of many districts were reduced to a deplorable condition. In the autumn, Mr. Balfour, who was then Chief Secretary for Ireland, made a memorable tour through the affected area with a view to investigatmg at first-hand the state of affairs. 30 He was greatly impressed with what he saw, and on his return, in consultation with expert authorities, drafted a scheme of relief. On December 4th, 1890, he outlined in the House of Commons his proposals. They were of a two-fold character. First. It was provided that seed potatoes should be supplied through the Guardians of the Poor on credit, and the interest was to be paid out of the Irish Church Surplus Fund. In cases where the tenant paid cash for his seed potatoes, he was to be allowed 20 per cent, discount. Secondly. In order to meet the distress with which the ordinary poor law could not co23e, public works were to be instituted. These were to take the form of railway construction in some districts where such could advan- tageously be undertaken, and in other areas employment was to be given by making useful roads, carrying out projects of drainage im- provement and afforestation. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CONGESTED DISTRICTS BOAKD. The scheme thus described was i)ut into execution on December 5th, 1890, but only in a tentative manner, and, in proportion to the relief needed for the unemployed and distressed population in Ireland, was felt to be but a palliative. Something more Avas required if the population were not rapidly to sink back into the old con- dition and the distress to reappear in a possibly- aggravated form in the near future. The Government took the Ijold course of setting u}) an organisation for dealinc; with the affected areas on permanent lines. This organisation was the Congested Districts Board. The authority was created by an Act, which received the Koyal Assent on the 5th August, 1891, and consists of ten members in all. There were two ex officio members, one the Chief Secretary and the other a Land Commissioner who was nominated by the Lord Lieutenant specially to represent Agriculture and Forestry^. The other eight members are appointed by the King, three being temporary. The Board is to continue in existence for twenty years from the date of its origin, and thereafter until Parliament shall otherwise determine. The area to be dealt with was thus defined in the Act :— " Where at the commencement of this Act more than twenty per cent, of the population of a County, or in the case of the County Cork, either Riding thereof, live in electoral divisions of which the total rateable value, when divided by the number of the popula- tion, gives a sum of less than one pound ten These are now replaced by the Under-Secretary. See Section 984, Irish Land Act, 1903. 32 sliillings for each individual, those divisions . . . .shall form a separate County (in this Act referred to as a Congested Districts County)." Altogether 84 districts, with a population in 1891 of 594,516 and a Poor Law valuation of £556,141, came immediately under the opera- tion of the Act. The functions of the Board were of a varied character. The members were em- powered to take such steps as they tliought proper for improving congested districts in connection with the following subjects : — 1. Agricultural Development. 2. Forestry. 3. Breeding of Live Stock and Poultry. 4. Sale of seed potatoes and seed oats. 5. Amalgamation of Small TToldings. 6. Migration. 7. Emigration. 8. Fishing and matters sul)servient to fishing. 9. Weaving and spinning. 10. Any other suitable industries. Thus it will be seen that the Board's powers were of the widest character. Generally speaking they were ])ermitted to do almost anything which Mas calculated to contribute to the matei'ial conditions of the ])opulation. Later on additions were made to the Board's powers, chiefly in the direction of enabling it to 33 hold and deal in laud securities and perform other functions connected with the sale and purchase of land. THE FUNDS OF THE COXGESTED DISTRICTS BOARD. Resources were not wanting to enable the Board to carry out the work which the fulfilment of their trust demanded. The Gov- ernment placed at the disposal of the Board, the interest on a sum of £1,500,000 from the Irish Church Surplus Fund, which at the rate of 2f per cent, brings in £41,250 per annum. Besides enjoying the income accruing from the amount named,the Board has the power, subject to the approval of the Treasury, to apply part of the principal to objects coming within the scope of the Act. Up to the present no use has been made of this power, but the Board has borrowed about £70,000 under powers given by the Act of 1891. Subsequently two further annual grants were made by Parliament— one of £25,000 in 1899, the other of £20,000, provided for in the Irish Land Act of 1903, and known as the Ireland Development Grant. The total annual fixed income thus derived by the Board from the Public Funds is £86,250. In addition to this fixed income the Irish Reproductive Loan Fund, amounting in securi- ties, cash and outstanding loans to al>«ut 34 £66,000, and £18,000 of the Sea and Coast Fisheries Fund have also Ijeen placed at the disposal of the Board ; it is usually in receipt of a large fluctuating income from rents, which are expended on the improvement of estates from which they are derived. The following table published in the Fourteenth Eeport of the Board shows the various available funds for the financial year ending 31st J\Iarch, 1905. (a) Fixed Income — Interest on Church Surphis Grant... £41,250 Parliamentary Grant Ireland Development Grant 25,000 20,000 £80 '>50 (b) Fluctuating — eJL/ \-?\Jy i^tJ \J Repayment of Loans Interest on Stock, «tc. 9,457 383 Rents and Repayments under various heads ... 123,271 Loans by Board of Works for Improvement of Estates 12,000 145,111 Balance from last year 7^485 £238,846 THE WORK OF THE CONGESTED DISTRICTS BOARD. It would require much greater space than I can afford to describe in anything like detail the reallv i^reat work effected bv the Board. The facts are enshrined in the fourteen annual reports* which have been presented to Parlia- ment, and may be read by all who have suffi- cient interest in the subject to go through them. For my purpose it will suffice to touch upon some of the features of the Board's work which seem to be most suggestive in the con- nection in which I am dealing with the subject. The problem before the Board when it started its operations was how best to im- prove the almost hopeless lot of the inhabi- tants of the congested areas. Owing to the sub-division of the land — a system which pre- vailed to an extreme degree — a greater part of the people were unable to live upon the produce of their holdings even in the best seasons. In the worst seasons they were reduced to the direst need. The only thing which saved them was the earnings made by the men who during the summer months crossed the Channel to England and Scotland to assist in harvest work. SEA FISHERIES. To provide the people with remunerative employment it was decided after a preliminary survey to undertake certain small public works of which the districts were in urgent need ; * Congested District Board for Ireland, 1891-1905. 3a 36 measures were also adopted for the improve- ment of the agricnltiiral metliods at the time in vogue, and for the re-estal)]islHnent of home industries ; the fisheries, for example, along the coast w^hich, owing to the poverty-stricken cir- cumstances of the inhabitants were in a very bad condition, were at once taken in hand. The boats are mostly worked on the share system, and the results for the year ending 31st March, 1905, Avere as follows :— STATBMP^NT SHOWING COST AND EARNINGS OF YAWLS WORKED ON THE SHARE SYSTEM DURING PERIOD PROM DECEMBER, 1S99, TO 31sT MARCH, 1905.* Total 1 Net Outlay. ■ Earnings. Crews' Share. Sinking 1 Instruction j FnncL j Account. Balance due on Yawl. 1 C s. (1. • £ s. (1. onit 15 10 1,617 3 10 £ s. a. 1,078 2 9 ! £ 8. d. : £ 6. d. 380 10 8 ; 158 10 5 £ e. d. 589 5 •> From this it will be seen that while the crew ol)tained £1,078. 2s. l)d. as their share of the net earnings, which amounted to £1,617. 3s. lOd., and £380. 10s. 8d. was devoted to the Sinking Fund, there was left due on the total outlay of £909. 15s. lOd. a balance of £589. 5s. 2d. This lial)ility is pi'ol)a])ly covere<.si1ile to enlarge the powers of the Congested ])istricts Board and so a^ oid the necessity of creating a new authority. As long as the general princi})les of action were the same a little variation to suit the special needs of each country would l)e an advantage rather than a drawl)ack. CONDITIONS TO BE OBSEIIVED. The conditions to be observed by such a Board would require the most careful thought, and the most important of all pre- liminaries would be to define them with the utmost clearness. The principle of State assistance being conceded, the question would be how to apply it with the assurance that no evil consequences would ensue. Strict econo- mists and laissez-faire politicians may say that the thing cannot be done, and I am not so bold as to afhrm that the task is a light one. All the same, I think that if we are not affected with undue timidity and carefully avoid the pitfalls which are tolerably obvious, we may look forward without misgiving to a solution of the problem. The Jirst point \\\)o\\ \n\\\q\\ there must be the most rigid insistence is that the work pro- vided for the unemployed shall be reproductive. Money must not be aimlessly lavished upon the provision of any work which is merely a 50 device for wasting wealth, deinoralising in itself and ruinous in its influence on the work- ing classes. Each enterprise undertaken must 1)6 able to justify itself on commercial or national grounds — that is to say, it must either offer a fair prospect of yielding a return on the capital outlay, or it must create something new which contributes to the moral and material resources of the nation. I will not here indicate the classes of work which I think miglit come within this rule. That I reserve until a later part of this work in Avhich I can deal with it with the thoroughness which the subject deserves. I will merely say now that I hope to show that the end can be achieved. Scarcely less important is the .^(^coiid point which must govern the operations of an organ- isation such as I have sketched. It is that the work nuist be of such a character that it can be expanded or contracted without materially detracting from its commercial value. Xeces- sarily, the ol)servance of this condition will greatly restrict the range of the board's o])era- tions, ))ut a shrewd business managemeut ought not to find in it an insuperable l)ar to action. 'Hie same remark applies to the third point, which is that the projects undeitaken must be of such a nature that tliey do not compete with established industry. Tliey must, in fine, bo new works, or works which, by reason of their character, stand outside the sphere of trade competition. There will be more difficulty in adjusting the operations to the condition which consti- tutes my fourth point. The scale of renumer- ation for the work provided for the unemployed must in the first place l)e such as to ensure that no attraction is offered to labour already in emploj^ment ; in the second it must not be large enough to prevent the unemployed returning to the labour market whenever there is a call for their services through the legitimate movements of trade. What the exact terms of this remuneration shall be is a matter which experts must settle. but it is necessary that the scale should be less than the full pay of ordinary employed labour. This is a matter, I am afraid, upon which some of my labour friends may disagree with me ; but, I think, if they look at the jn-oblem squarely, they must realise that the worst possible service, which can be rendered to the working classes, is to divert lal)our from its natural channels — or, what is as bad, keep it from its natural channels by a system of Government employment. However that may be, I am convinced that no lasting system can be built up which ignores this consideration. 4a :yi UNEMPLOYED AREAS— SHALL THEY BE DEFINED ? It is a debatable point whether, in fol- lowing the precedent of the Irish Congested Districts Board, the Government might not profitably embody in the constitution of the new authority some rule analao^ous to that laid down for determining a congested district. Unemployment is an evil which is in most years mainly seated in a few centres. In places like Poplar, West Ham, East Ham, and a few other London districts, it is chronic. The people there, owing to a variety of causes, are reduced to the lowest level of destitution. They live from hand to mouth, and never seem able to raise themselves above the level where actual want begins. Ordinary measures in these instances are of little avail. The mischief is so deep seated that the remedy api)lied,. must, to be effective, be of a special character. The ([uestion is ho^\' best to devise an arrangement for marking ott' these de- j)ressed areas from the rest of the country. They certainly ought to ])e treated apart, and as in the case of the congested districts in Ireland, there ought to be no difilculty in defining their areas. If this ])e j)racticable, and I think it is, if we go the right way to work, the diHiculties which they present will be very greatly diminished. Oo THE WOIIKTXG OF THE SYSTEM. We may now pi'ofital)ly discuss in what manner the " Board for the Unemployed " would be worked in relationshi]) with other authorities. I have spoken of the Board as the coping stone of the " Unemployed Act " •of last Session, In using that phrase I had in view the desirability, I may go so far as to sav the necessity, of utilisino; to the full the machinery which has been set up. Changes would no doubt have to be made to adjust the arrangements to the new system ; but as far as broad principles are concerned, the position would not be altered. Under the Unemployed Act, the duties of the Distress Committees are largely those of inquiry. The very first provision (Section 1, Sub Section 2) is, in fact, that : — " The Distress Committee shall make them- selves acquainted with the conditions of labour within this area and, when so re- quired by the Central l)ody, shall receive, incjuire into and discriminate l)etween any applications made to them from persons unemployed." This preliminary inquiry will not be less •essential under the proposed scheme. In- deed, the necessity for investigation will if anything be greater. It Avill be of supreme importance to the successful 54 working" out of the syKsteiii to Iviiow exactly how many unemi)loye(l there arc, wlio they are and where they are located. Such work can only be done locally by local officials and administrators who are able, in the light of personal knowledge and experience, to sift the facts brought to their notice. The Dis- tress Committees would, therefore, continue their investioatins^ functions. Whether the duty of assisting the unemployed to obtain work by means of Labwur ihireaux might not also be imposed upon them is a question for careful consideration. In some Metropolitan districts, Avhere such establishments under the Labour Bureaux Act of 1\)0'2 have been set up, excellent results have followed. On the Continent they are a recognised feature of the official arransjcments in regard to Jvabour. In Germany, for example, there is a most elaborate net-work of these agencies which collectively in the course of a year find work for about 155,000 people. France, too, utilises the system to a large extent. All available experience, in fact, goes to prove that no system of dealing Avith the imemployed can afford to dispense with them. It would therefore ajjpear desirable that, in any fresh legislation, there should be a definite mandate issued for the creation t)f a Labour bureau in every populous centre. Their cost of maintenance might well be defrayed out of ;).) tlic }>roceeds of the rate wliicli the Unem- ployed Aet authorises. " DISTEESS COMMITTEES " OF THE UNEMPLOYED ACT, 190.3. This brings me to the wider question of tlie })Owers of the local Distress Committees to relieve unemployment. By the provisions of the Act every City and Borough Council is empowered to use for the purposes of the Act an amount not exceeding the produce of a halfpenny rate " or such higher rate not exceeding one penny as the Local Government Board may approve." The local distress com- mittee may employ the money in assisting the unemployed, whether by enquiry or intro- duction to obtain work, but it has no power " to ])rovide or contribute toward the provision of work for any unemployed person." In the new system the duty of finding work would devolve upon the " Board for the Unemployed," and the provision should equally hold goo(L It would, however, be desirable— possibly necessary — to make the assistance given to the unemployed a local charge to some extent. This might be done by debiting the district from which the unenq)loyed emanate with some pro[)ortion of the sum disl)ursed by the Board in regard to them. Failing some pro- vision of this character local authorities might neglect their responsibilities and be tempted 5(3 to shift from their shoulders the burden of the maintenance of their poor. The charges allotted to such local authorities should be sufficient to deter them from any laxity or undue indulgence in approving the claims of persons professing to be unenij^loyed. .V further effective safeguard would 1 )e the endow- ment of the Board with power to refuse to accept those sent to it for employment if it judged that their qualifications for assistance were inadequate. THE "CENTRAL COMMITTEE" OF THE UNEMPLOYED ACT, 190.3. The local Distress Committees, then, would be retained to discharge very nnich the same duties which they now have entrusted to them. But, it may be asked, what will Ix^ the ])Osition of the (Jentral C*ommittee estal>lished l)y the Unemployed Act ? The reply I tiiink is simple. The occupation of this authority would be gone when the new system came into ()})eration. Its place would be taken l)y the " Boaid for the Unemployed," Mdiich would have transferred to it the powers, such as they are, conferred by the Act. It might be deemed desirable to retain tln^ Committee as a purely deliberative body to settle general (juestions relative to unemployment. But the likeliliood is that it Avould be considered more advant- 57 ai>coii.s to (leal with such (Questions on purely local lines. It is arguable that the Central Connnittees should be left to deal with the unemployable and to that end be permitted to retain the powers, which are conferred upon them by the Act, of establishing farm colonies and acquir- ing land for that purpose. It is extremely desirable that the unemployable should be kept distinct from the genuine unemployed, and this arrangement would ensure that end. It is very doubtful, however, whether in practice the system could be worked. A single authority for all purposes would seem to be the system best calculated to produce good results. FINANCE OF THE " BOARD FOR THE UNEMPLOYED." We now come to what after all is the crux of the whole business — the question of finance. Where is the money to come from which is to provide the lubricati(jn of this elaborate machinery ? The question I freely acknowledge is a serious one. It may be that many, who follow me in my conclusions as to the necessity -of State assistance, will shrink back into the old non possumns attitude when they realise what the system may mean expressed in pounds, shillings and pence. I am, however, sufficiently sanguine to think that when the public has become accustomed to the idea 58 wliicli is at the root of my proposals — when it has thoroughly grasped the point that the menacing evil of unemployment is altogether beyond local remedies and voluntary action — it w ill not allow itself to be dismayed by a financial responsibility because it looks for- midal^le. I cannot think that the country, which, without a murmur, voted a hundred millions for Irish Land Purchase, will tiiink that, for the extirpation of a veritable cancer, the investment of a comparatively insignifi- cant sum will be out of place. What ihe amount of the sum in question should be it is extremely difficult to settle. If the Government were to do everything at once, the sum needed would unquestionably be very large. It is, therefore, essential that the development of any plan that is adopted should be of slow growth. We must feel our way towards a solution rather than seek to arrive at it by a short cut. My own notion is that the Government should connnence with a tentative trial in selected centres, and make its subsequent development depend upon the results. For this ])urpose, a specific sum might be voted either in the form of a direct contribution for a series of years, or of a loan. In the case of the Irish Congested Districts Board, a start was made Avith an annual income of £45,436, the produce mainly of the interest of one-and-a-half million of the Irish 59 Church Surpkis Fund. Having regard to the infinitely greater magnitude of the prol)leni which would have to be dealt with by the Board for the Unemployed, a far larger sum would be required. Of this, a })art would no dou1)t l)e a direct charge on the national funds, l)ut, if we leave out of consideration the vicious and incapable classes who would have to be dealt with on correctional lines, the amount would be proportionately less. Sooner or later these would have to be treated in almost any case, either in our prisons, or our Poor Law institutions, and it would not l)e fair to charge the cost of their detention and training upon the ordinary unemployed. The vast bulk of the money voted, if the principles which I advocate were followed, would be rather in the nature of invested capital. SUGGESTED TAX OX AMUSEMEXTS. A point for consideration is whether it wotild not be desirable to impose some special taxation for the supply of funds necessary to work the system. In France there is a tax on amusements. It has been suggested that a similar impost might be introduced in this country as a contribution towards the neces- sities of the unemployed. There seems a special fitness in taxing the luxury of theatre- going for the advantage of poverty and dis- 60 tress, and it is undeniable that even a small charge, say an average of 2d. on each ad- mission, would yield an enormous sum. In the Metropolis alone, for example, there are in tlie theatres and music halls some 300,000 seats* ; assuming, therefore, that they have a 100,000 patrons ut if State aid is to Ije given to the unenii)loyed I do not think it will be possible to find a source from * Official Year Book of the London County Council for 1903-4. 61 which the necessary funds can l)e drawn w^ith less difficulty or with greater ai)propriatcness. THE SCHEME IN WOKKING.— CLASSIFICATION AN ESSENTIAL PKELIMINARY. The question of the establishment of the Board, its relation to local organisations, and its financing having been dealt with we may now consider how the system would be worked. At the outset we are confronted with the difficulty arising from the heterogeneous character of the unemployed class, and all authorities, who have written upon this subject, are agreed that an indispensable condition of reform, if it is to be effective, is their proper classification. We must separate the unemployed from the unemployable, and, having done that, we must subdivide the two classes into groups, assigning to each a place in the scheme wdiich is designed for their welfare. Without this preliminary classifica- tion the best laid schemes are likely to end in disappointment and even disaster. It may l)e admitted that the task is one attended with no ordinary difficulty. We have no recognised gauge by which the measure of merit or demerit, the capacity or 62 incapacity, of the individual members of the unemployed class can be determined. Our Poor Law system does not greatly help us. Under it we have little more than a separa- tion of paupers under two heads — the able bodied and, to use a term familiar in the old Statutes, the " impotent." At l)est any system that we may adopt must, beyond a certain point, be arbitrary, for there is no •obvious dividing line. Still, the end may be .achieved, as we shall ])resently find to be the •case in other countries, if we liave before us a clear C()nce])tion of what the situation demands. In his work* previously mentioned, Mr. Percy Alden puts forward a scheme of classi- fication which seems to me to be worthy of adoption. He divides the unemployable into two main classes : — (1.) Criminals, semi-criminals. vicious vagabonds and the incorrigibly lazy ; in a word all able-bodied men who refuse to work, or avG refused ANork, owing to defect in character. (2.) The physically and mentally deficient. The latter he sub-divides as follows : — a. The aged. . , />. 'I'lic physically weak and maimed, including th(> blind, lame and deaf, and men with weak hearts. * •' Thi- Unemployed." ji. 17. 63 c. Epileptics. d. Weak willed inebriates and the mentally deficient. The unemployed he divides into the fol- lowing categories : — (1.) Those Avho are unemployed owing to the death of a trade or changes in methods of industry and are therefore superfluous in such trades. (2.) Those who are unemployed owing to temporary depression in trade or a severe winter. (3.) Those whose labour is seasonal or casual. Accepting, as we very well may, this classification, we are at once confronted with the magnitude of the problem which is presented. Clearly, whatever system may be adopted, it must be of the most comprehensive character and have the greatest elasticity if it is to achieve any measure of success. We have passed the point when we can make Diistakes with impunity, and to mix up all these classes of unemployed in one great body and mete out to them a rigid measure of assistance will be but to court disastrous failure. What, then, ought our line of action to be? 64 GRAVE UEGENCY OF THE " UNEMPLOYED " QUESTIOX. The Iloyal Commission, whicli has just ])oon appointed, may l)e expected to give an answer to this question in detail, especially as far as it affects the permanent classes of the unemployed. But the operations of Royal Commissions are leisurely,'^ and many months, possijjly some years may elapse before we are in j^ossession of the recommendations of this authority. Meanwhile, the question presses insistently for action, and, whether the Govern- ment desires it or not, it will probably be compelled to formulate definite i)roposals of some kind. In the circumstances we may profitably examine for ourselves the way in which the various classes of the unemployed may be dealt with under a comprehensive system such as we have sketched. TREATMENT OF THE UNEMPLOYABLE. The Unemployable, as the most ditlicult factor of the situation, first demand notice. From the dawn of civilised government they have been the l)ane of administrators. AVith our extremely comi)]ex life an like this in which the iiKhistrios are organised to a very high pitch, such fiehls are, it is true, not easy to discover; but, assuming that the principle of State aid is conceded, they may he sought in the following directions with a reasonable prospect of success. AFFORESTATION. One opening which presents itself, with certain limitations, for the provision of work for the unemployed, suited to their capacity and answering to the seasonal conditions which affect employment, is afforestation. The utilisation of our resources for growing timber will become a necessity of the near future. The world's forests are being so rapidly depleted that w^e are approaching the time when there will be a serious shortage. The position is clearly brought out by Dr. W. Schlich, CLE., in an interesting paper which he read before the Society of Arts, and which appears in the Journal of the Society dated March, 1901. "The price of timber," says Dr. Schlich, " is steadily though slowly rising, and 87 per cent, of the total imports consist of pine and fir timber, the sources of which are specially exposed to exhaustion. Whence are w^e to obtain the 9,000,000 or 10,000,000 tons of coniferous timber when the countries round the Baltic, and perhaps also Canada, have commenced to fail us '. These 74 are the tini])ei's which form the very staff of life of our building trade, and a deficiency of supply in this direction must have the most serious effect ujion the j^opulation of these islands. And all tlie time we have sufficient, and more, surplus land at home to produce all this timber without putting a single acre out of cultivation. There are 12,000,000 acres of waste land and lo,000,uOO acres of mountain heath land from which to choose the neces- sary 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 acres. Surely, £25,000,000, going out of the country every year, is money enough to take some trouble about." Here, stated in a concise form, we have the case for an afforestation system in this country. Dr. Schlich's views are not an isolated expres- sion of o])inion. A Departmental Committee, a])pointed by the Board of Agriculture, sat in 1U02 to consider the question of British Forestry, and it recorded a mass of evidcMice all pointing to the conclusion that a splendid potential source of national wealth is ready to hand in the afforestation of our waste lands. The report of the Committee contains this passage : — '' As regards the (piestion of the extension of the forest area, it is shown on the hiuhest authority that there is in these islands a very large area of waste, heather and rough pasture, or land out of cultivation, amounting 75 in all to 21,000,000 acres, on a large pro- portion of which afforestation could be profitably undertaken." Another passage is as follows : — *' It will be found in our evidence that experts of high authority have recorded the opinion already expressed in many reliable publica- tions, that the world is rapidly approaching a shortage, if not actual dearth in its supply of coniferous timber, which cojistitutes between 80 and 90 per cent, of the total British timber imports. The great area of waste land in these islands, which might l)e afforested * * * thus becomes a matter of grave national concern. Xo individual effort is likely to cope with such extensive afforestation, not only because British Forestry, as now practised, is inefficient, but because of the capital required, the time during which it remains sunk before pro- ducing,- income, and the lack of all securitv on private estates for continuous good management from the time that the forest is pruned until matured timber is placed upon the market." We could scarcely have the case for a national system of afforestation put in plainer language. The work nuist be a Government work if it is to be done on a scale commen- surate with its importance and its vast possibilities. 76 AFFORESTATION— OPENING FOK LABOUR. The openings foi' labour which would be afforded by a .scheme of afforestation are re- peatedly touched upon in the evidence given before the Committee. * The estimate varied/out the prevailing view was that each hundred acres of land under timber would give permanent employment to at least one man, and this without taking account of the labour reort in the world. English and Indian conditions, of course, widely differ, but the principles under- lying great port improvements, whether here, or in the East, are identical, and we might expect to reap from a wide-reaching scheme of foreshore reclamation as rich a harvest as has been garnered in Bombay. It is too much to hope that the work can be undertaken in its entirety within a reasonable time. We have yet to reach an agreement as to the general lines which shall mark tlie future a(hninistra- tion of the I\)rt. What can be done, however, is to select one or two points where reclama- tion work may be conducted witli the certainty that it will fit into any general scheme which may hereafter be adopted. The construction of a Jciigth of v'wcv wall, tlie laising of the level of low-lying land now derelict or nearly so, and the creation of sites for dee])-water wharves, are samples of the undertakings 93 which could be entered upon. An intelligent management would, in fact, have but little difficulty in deciding upon the right policy if a fairly free hand were allowed it. IMPEOVEMENT OF CANALS. If we glance at the Canal system of the country we are struck at once with the vast and extended opening there is for labour in this direction. Greatly as we have progressed in many respects in recent times, we are extremely backward in our utilisation of internal waterways as a means of transit. On the continent, especially in France, Belgium and Germany, enormous improvements have been made in canal navigation. But in this country we have remained stationary ever since the early part uf the nineteenth century and in some respects have even gone backwards. Many canals, which a hundred years ago were in continual use, are to-day practically derelict, nor is the reason of their decay far to seek ; the neglect of their maintenance is largely the direct consequence of the action of the Rail- way Companies which were allowed to acquire about a third of the total canal mileage of the country ; in this ac(]uisition were included many sections which are in(lispensal)le links in the general systeni of connnunication, and the 94 Companies have delil)erately al)stained from improving them in order the better to establish their own monopoly of the carrying traffic.^' POSSIBILITIES OF CANAL DEVELOPMENT. The possibilities of canal development under a progressive and enterprising scheme are ably summmarised in the following passage from the article on Canals in the last edition of the " Encyclopaedia Britannica." f " There may be agricultural districts where the traffic would not justify the cost of bringing the early canals up to the standard of the improved navigations of the present day, but main lines of canals from large manufacturing or mineral districts, capable of taking large barges in trains towed by steam power would greatly benefit traders, who now undergo severe competition from the countries that have improved their waterways as being the most economical means of giving cheap carriage of minerals and goods. Mr. Samuel Lloyd has proposed * The Joint Committee of the two Houses of Parliamciit which met in 1872 repoited on this point as follows : — "The most important method by which the Railways have defeated the competition of Canals has been the purchase of important links in the system of navigation and the discourage- ment of through traflBc." tVol. XXVr., p. 552. 95 taking Birmingham, with its large manii- fiicturing and coal and iron industries, as a centre and joining it with the rivers Severn, Thames, INIersey and Hiimber, by improved canals which, passing through other im- portant districts, would convey exports and imiDorts to and from the principal ports on the English coast and serve local trade." Mr. H. Gordon Thompson in his valuable work on " The Canal System of England," published by Mr. T. Fisher Unwin in 1902, and re-issued in 1904, also demonstrates most effectively the magnificent possibilities which there are in our canal system. He writes, on page 57 : — " In spite of numerous defects and disadvan- tages the capacity of the English canals for traffic is very great. This is readily proved by the traffic returns, in which we find that for 1888, the Birmingham canals alone carried nearly 8,000,000 tons of traffic, or 48,500 tons per mile of canal. Even these figures give but a poor idea of the carrying capacity of our waterways, for on the 21 miles of the Weaver during the same year, no less than one-and-a-half million tons, or 75,000 tons per mile, were transported, and on the busiest portion of this navigation at least 120,000 tons per mile must have been carried." m DEFECTIVE STRUCTURAL CONDITIONS. ]\Ir. 'Jli()iin)S()ii, in another portion of his book, draws a vivid picture of the present deplorable structural conditions of the English Barge Canal System. He says, on page 23: — " On no important through route, as far as the writer has been able to ascertain, is it })ossil)le for anything but narrow boats to travel tlie entire length, whilst many canals have become so shallow for want of dredging, that they form an impassable block to all through traffic ; such for ex- ample is the case on the Kennet and Avon, a long canal on the most direct Thames-to- Severn through route." " The Case and its trilnitaries were investi- gated in 1890 by the Board of Trade, and it was then reported that on this navigation from St. Neots to Louth, the tindoer work had become rotten and decayetl, the masonry was falling to pieces, whilst the locks were almost useless ; yet on this navigation there are niiie toll-tdkiini l)0(l}(\<, all having a voice in its administi-ation." FOREIGN CANAL ENTERPRISE. In striking contrast with the neglect of tlie canal svstem in this countrv is t)7 the enterprise shown in this direction by foreign nations. Some facts derived from a series of reports from His Majesty's Repre- sentatives abroad, and embodied in an official paper presented to both Honses of Parliament in 1900, may be cited. In Austria, in 1901, a smn of £10,000,000 was voted for the com- mencement of a network of navigable canals, and for the necessary river regulation con- nected therewith. In Belgium, in the period extending from 1875 to 1900, a total of £16,000,000 was expended by the State on the improvement and upkeep of the navigable waterways, harbours and coasts. France, not- withstanding the strain of the Franco-German War, expended between 1871 and 1878 a sum of £9,640,000 on the im})rovement of her waterways and maritime ports. In 1879, a new and comprehensive scheme was drawn up, and upon it £18,000,000 was spent in the years 1879-1900. Under a law of the 2:3rd December, 1903, .sanction was given to a further estimated expenditure of £8,840,000, of which a sum of £1,160,000 is to be ap})ro- priated to improvements, and of £7,076,000 on account of new works. Germany, between 1890 and 1900, spent over £5,000,000 on the construction of canals and the canalisation of rivers, and there is at present under considera- tion a new scheme involving an expenditure of £16,450,785. 98 These facts, illustrative of the development of canals on the Continent, speak for them- selves. There is, indeed, little need to dwell further upon the importance of canal improve- ment, since the announced intention of Sir Henry C'ampbell-Bannerman's Government to institute an inquiry into the working of the canal system shows that the character of the situation is appreciated in responsible quarters, and that the desire exists to remedy it if possi])le. CANAL DEVELOPMENT A MATTER FOR THE STATE. The point of interest, in the connection in which we are dealing with the subject, is the method by which a system of canal development might best be carried out. Sir John Brunner, Bart., jNI.P., who has given the question much consideration, and has taken an active })art in In'inging the short- comings of the existing system to public notice, is strongly in favour of State action. In an interesting article he contributed to the Dally Graphic in December of last year he wrote : — '■' This is pre-eminently a case in which we slioiild imitate the example that has been set us by the great nations of the Western worM, who ai'c all busily engaged in nationa- 1)9 lising their waterways. What is above all things wanted is a management Avhich shall be as nearly as i)Ossible impartial in its dealings with local interests, which shall have in view the })rosperity of the nation as a whole. Such impartial manage- ment can only be obtained by the Govern- ment taking charge of the whole of the waterways of the Kingdom and working them in the public interest. The total cost of acquisition would not he much mare than the cost of one of our many little wars, none of which appear to me to l)ring much grist to our mill. By the application of the principle of ' betterment,' moreover — the principle, in other words, that when a private individual's property is increased in value by a national work, part of that in- creased value should belong to the nation — by the application of this principle the work will be cheapened for the community without the infliction of pecuniary loss upon any individual. On the other hand it will ensure, as between private interests and the State, a more equitable division of advan- tages than we have been accustomed to see hitherto." This is a forcible exposition of the case for State ownership. Whether Sir John Brunner's views are accepted or not, it is Dracticallv certain that the (Tovernment must 100 have a considerable share in the work if it is to be carried out on anything like compre- hensive lines. Private enterprise would shrink from the formidable task involved in the rehabilitation of canals which w^ere not main arteries, or Avhicli ran through districts outside the manufcicturing areas. Even if it was prepared to undertake the task, there would probably be w^anting that uniformity of design which is so desirable. ADAPTABILITY OF CANAL WOKK FOE THE UNEMPLOYED. Once the State had taken the canal system in hand, if only in a restricted form, we should be brought into touch with conditions which will allow of the incorporation of canal work in our unemployed scheme. There are in Great Britain 3,907 miles of navigable water- ways, and there is scarcely any part of indus- trial England which is not within easy reach of some canal which stands in urgent need of imjn'ovement. I fully realise that a great deal of the necessary work is of such a character that it could only l)e profitably ])rosecuted on continuous lines with a regular staff. But I maintain that there will still remain many promising oi)portunities for the utilisation of labour such as could be provided by bodies of unemployed. In the deepening of channels, 101 the construction of embankments, in levelling ground for canal ])uildings, and in making cuttings for locks, there would be many openings which could be turned to account. The necessity here, as elsewhere, would be to find a man w itli a practical mind who could so organise the undertakings that they could be adapted in part at least to the needs of the unemployed without detriment to the general efficiency. That the right type of administrator would be forthcoming we have every reason to believe from the exj^erience of the Irish Con- gested Districts Board, the records of which, as I have shown, are rich in instances of suc- cessful direction. DEFENCES AGAINST SEA ENCIiOACHMENTS. A work well deserving of attention in connection with any scheme for utilising the lal)our of the unemployed is the construction of protective works to prevent the encroachment of the sea on exposed jmrts of the coast. In several directions, notably in the East of England, this question of coast })rotection is becoming one of serious importance. Favoured by the geological formation of the country, the sea has for centuries ])cen eating into the land in this quarter. The story of Dunwich is historic. Originally a great commercial 102 centre and a Bisliop's See, and luiving v.iriiin its limits six, or, as some writers think, eii^lit parish churches, this tov\'n was gradually swallowed up by the sea, and now all th.it remains of it is a little hamlet with a ruined church on the edge of the cliff, and some other ecclesiastical ruins in its vicinity. The agency which swept oway JJunwich is still active. At several })oints the sea is gaining on the land at (juite an alarming rate. I have before me a report, courteously supplied by Mr. K. Beattie Nicholson, the Town Clerk of Lowestoft, in which the effects of sea erosion at the popular East Coast watering place are set forth l)y the Assistant Engineer. It is pointed out in this document that the cliffs on this part of the coast are principally composed of sand, topped in varioiis places by boulder clay of varying thicknesses, and that the sea readily undermines the cliffs where there is no protection. The extent to which damage has been done in the innnediate past, is shown l>y a comparison of the latest Ordnance Sui-vej map recently published with its i)iedecessor which was issued in 1884. On the Nortli Beach there has been a loss in twenty years of •2*^8,800 square yards, or some 59| acres. To the South, from the South Pier to the Pakefield l»oundnry, the loss in the same period is 229,729 sipiare yards, representing some 47f acres. In the central area, north 10:3 (»t tlio North Pier Kxtension, there has been an accretion of beach since 1884 of 10 acres, due, it is boHeved, to the protective influence of a jetty groyne erected a few years ago by the Great Eastern Railway Company. The net loss of beach in the twenty years has, therefore, been a little under 100 acres, which is a considerable slice out of the 2,1306 acres which represent the area of the borough. The process of erosion is, in places, very rapid. On the southern side, between Claremont Road and the borough boundary, a comparison instituted between existing and past bound- aries, shows an average loss of cliff per year of some 2 feet for the past 20 years, but the writer of the report " has no hesitation in estimating that the past eight years have averaged quite four feet per year." At Pake- field for a length of 430 yards from I^aketield Street there has been an average loss of cliffs from 1884 to date of 1:30 feet. The greater portion of this erosion has taken place within ^ery recent years. Very large sums have l)een sj^ent l)y the local Corporation in protective works. A near approximation of the ex])enditure (jn the North Beach represents the total outlay at £3:3,088, which works out at about £17. 15s. 9d. per yard of frontage. On the South Beach the joint expenditure of the Corporation and jH'ivate owners amounts to £48,770, or about 104 £23 19s. 9d. per yard of frontage. For the loans raised for the purpose, it should more- over be noted, that the periods of repayment allowed by the Local Government Board were very short ; the average, indeed, of the last five, representing some £49,235, is only lOf, and the works accordingly, on which this heavy expenditure have been laid out, must l)e regarded as of but a tem])orary character. Other places along the coast have also suffered severely from the ravages of the sea. At South- wold for many years })ast a continual battle has been waged against the waves. The works have been very expensive, the outlay repre- senting, according to the report from which I have quoted, a sum equal to the entire rateable value of the borough, and here, as at Lowes- toft, it is a continuous expenditure. I gather from some notes kindly supplied me by Mr. Ernest Ixeed Cooper, the Town Clerk, that all through last year the sea was attacking the cliffs, and costly works were in progress. At centres like Lowestoft and Southwold the situation is bad, l)ut it is worse at })()ints along the coast where there is no iaq)ortant local authority to undertake protective works. There the sea is connnitting its ravages un- checked, and hundreds of acres of valuable land in the past few years have fallen a prey to the waves. The loss is one which cannot be regarded with equanimity in a small 105 country like England, where the increasing- pressure of the population makes it desirable that every incli of ground should be conserved. The (|uestion is whether in the circumstances the State should not intervene a,nd make coast protection a national charge. This is a matter upon which there are and will be wide differences of opinion. But the time may come when the responsibility will have to be undertaken. The nation, for example, could not stand quietly with arms folded while Southwold with its magnificent church shared the fate of Dunw ich. In some form or other, sooner or later, the Government will probably have to move, and in that event we might have a system of works which could be dove- tailed into an unemployed scheme. OPPORTUNITY FOE UNSKILLED LABOUR. Skilled labour, of course, would be re- quired at some stages of the operations. But above and beyond this there would be a great field for the employment of men of the class who fill the ranks of the unemployed. For example, foundations would have to be dug for the sea walls, concrete blocks would have to be made, piles would have to be driven for the groynes, and there would be other oper- ations which coiikl be carried tlirough ))y iiangs of unskilled men under })roper super- vision. The work, moreover, would be of such a character as to give employment in the winter time when the pinch of want is most felt. The system under which a scheme of sea protective works would be undertaken l)y the Government in association with unem})loyed relief measures would have to be carefully thought out. A method of procedure which may be suggested is this : after a careful pre- liminary survey by experts of the whole coast line, several points would be selected for |)ro- tective treatment, these, of course, being the localities most seriously menaced. Operations would then he started with a permanent staff sufficiently large to keep the work going with- out deterioration. When times of distress came batches of unemi)loyed would be drafted to the spot, and the sphere of action would be extended. On the ai)proach of better times the work would drop into its old groove, and [)ro- ceed in leisurely fashion until a new crisis arose. The cost of the works nn'glit be apportioned between the State and the locality benefitted. A special recou})mcnt rate, which would fall heaviest on the property most improved by the protective works, would, possibly, meet the necessities of the case. lo; THE PERMANENT STAFF OF THE '' B(3A1ID FOR THE UNEMPLOYED." I could indicate several other directions in which unemployed schemes could be worked under the conditions I have laid down ; Init I thiniv I have probably said enough to sliow that it is possible for the State to employ the workless without necessarily demoralising them, with a certainty of national gain and a fair prospect even of financial advantage. It remains for me, however, l)efore oncluding, to deal with the question of a permanent staff for the Board for the Unemployed, whose establishment is the main feature of the scheme I have outlined. 1 have already said that a skilled engineer with experienced organisers would be essential. These would be the directing executive of the organisation — the men upon whom the Board would have to largely rely foi* the due carrying out of the principles it laid down. They would all be picked men, capable of assuming responsibility and endowed with keen judgment. Neces- sarily they could do little without assistants. There wcnild bo required a select body of WT)rking men to act as foremen and super- visors and in other capacities. With the development of the scheme something further might be demanded. The schemes of im- 108 provement, whatever tlieir characler, could not be expected to stand periodical al^andon- nient, and it would therefore in all likelihood be necessary to retain the services of a body of men to act as a skeleton staff; the work would thus he kept going until the next period of unemployment came round. Such staffs mis^ht with advantage be drawn from the ranks of old soldiers or reservists. To these men the Government certainly owes a debt, and they would be admirably suited to the duties which they would be required to discharge. The general effect of such an arrangement could not fail to be good. Xot the least beneficial of its effects would be to popularise the army service. ]\Ien would unquestionably enlist much more freely if at the end of their service they could look for- ward to the prospect of an engagement on State work. CONCLUSION. Here for the present T leave the suliject. In putting it forward I make no pretensions to having sui)plied a patent remedy. I am too conscious of the tremendous difficulties in the way of any scheme to make any such claim. All I have sought to do is to bring to light and i)ut into regular form a few 109 ^suggestions which seem to me to be deserv- ing of serious consideration. These suggestions are not advanced with any expectation that tliey will be Hghtly adopted. Caution, I know, is above all things necessary in dealing with this diiticult and most complicated problem, and 1 am the last person to advocate any great " leap in the dark." But of the sf)undness of the main principle underlying my arguments — the principle, that is, of State intervention, limited by rigid safeguards —I am convinced. The evils of unemployment are too widespread and menacing to be dealt with longer on local lines. For the sake of our national prestige and our domestic well-being we must remove this canker which is OTawins; at our vitals. Any scheme that is adopted should be three- fold — ^for weaklings due provision should be made, for those who will work employment should be organised of a reproductive character, and for those who can but will not work a proper system of discipline devised. The outlay will necessarily be considerable, but it will probably not be in excess of the sums which are now annually squandered on local relief works which, when not positively mischievous in their results, are often of no permanent value to the community. If we take into account the saving in our Poor Law expenditure which will inevital)ly result from 110 the introduction of a comprehensive scheme for dealing with the unemployed, I am not sure that there will not be eventually a positive monetary gain on the transaction. Our outlay on Poor Relief at the present time is pro- digious, and it is growing at an alarming rate. In 1904 we spent £13,369,494 as compared with £8,4(J2,.")53 in 1884. The gravest feature of the returns to my mind is the large proportion of the total sum which goes for administration and other i)ur})oses outside actual relief. Of the former total £5,040,906 was what may be termed achninistrative expenditure, and of the latter £2,749,212. Thus the charges for pur- poses other than actual relief have nearly doubled in twenty years. The i)osition is a serious one, and a resolute effort should be made to alter it for the 1)etter. This can only be done by reducing the stream which feeds our workhous8S and casual wards. Our object must be not to pau[)erise misfortun(\ but to alleviate it l)y practical resources which strengthen the spirit of inde})endence and demonstrate the virtues of well-directed labour. Sooner or later this question will inevit- ably have to be taken u]) again and if I am successful in directing public thouglit info this new channel, my etfbrts will ha\e becni amply repai